Robben Island Rainbow Dreams: The Making of Democratic South Africa’s First National Heritage Institution 9781928246541

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ROBBEN ISLAND RAINBOW DREAMS

Published by BestRed, an imprint of HSRC Press Private Bag X9182, Cape Town, 8000, South Africa www.bestred.co.za First published 2021 ISBN (soft cover) 978-1-928246-29-9 © 2021 Individual authors for each of their chapters and Human Sciences Research Council. This publication was made possible through a grant received from the National Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences. This book is number 18 in the African Lives Series. The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the Human Sciences Research Council (the Council) and the National Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences (the Institute) or indicate that either the Council or the Institute endorses the views of the authors. In quoting from this publication, readers are advised to attribute the source of the information to the individual author concerned and not to either the Council or the Institute. The publishers have no responsibility for the continued existence or accuracy of URLs for external or thirdparty Internet websites referred to in this book and do not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Proofread by Karen Press Typeset by Firelight Studio Cover design by Riaan Wilmans Photographic design and layout by Ra-ees Saaiet Printed by [name of printer, city, country] Distributed in Africa by Blue Weaver Tel: +27 (021) 701 4477; Fax Local: (021) 701 7302; Fax International: 0927865242139 www.blueweaver.co.za Distributed in Europe and the United Kingdom by Eurospan Distribution Services (EDS) Tel: +44 (0) 17 6760 4972; Fax: +44 (0) 17 6760 1640 www.eurospanbookstore.com Distributed in North America by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. Tel: +1 303-444-6684; Fax: +1 303-444-0824; Email: [email protected] www.rienner.com No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission from the copyright owner. To copy any part of this publication, you may contact DALRO for information and copyright clearance. Tel: 086 12 DALRO (or 086 12 3256 from within South Africa); +27 (0)11 712-8000 Fax: +27 (0)11 403-9094 Postal address: P. O. Box 31627, Braamfontein, 2017, South Africa www.dalro.co.za Any unauthorised copying could lead to civil liability and/or criminal sanctions. Suggested citation: Ramoupi, Solani, Odendaal and Mpumlwana (2021) Robben Island Rainbow Dreams: The Making of Democratic South Africa’s First National Heritage Institution. Cape Town: BestRed

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‘… In every era the attempt must be made anew to wrest tradition away from conformism that is about to overpower it’ Walter Benjamin, ‘Theses on the philosophy of history’

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Contents Epigraph����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� iii Preface�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� ix Introduction������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ xi Acronyms�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� xix Editors’ note��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� xxi Prologue – André Odendaal������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 1

PART ONE: DRAFT ONE OF THE MAKING OF THE ROBBEN ISLAND MUSEUM 1. The liberation struggle as incubator for RIM André Odendaal�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 2. UWC’s Mayibuye Centre: The conceptual base for RIM André Odendaal�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 19 3. Lobbying and planning: A new South African museums and heritage sector, 1990–1994 André Odendaal�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 28 4. Defining the vision: ‘The triumph of the human spirit’ Opening address by Ahmed Kathrada at Esiqithini, The Robben Island exhibition, South African Museum, 26 May 1993����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 5. The mandate: Cabinet’s decision on the future of the island, 1994–1996 André Odendaal�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 43 6. Throwing open the prison doors, 1 January 1997 André Odendaal�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 49 7. Official launch of RIM by Nelson Mandela, 24 September 1997 Address by Nelson Mandela�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 62 8. Consolidation, commemoration, celebration: On the way to UNESCO World Heritage Site status, 1998–2000 André Odendaal�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 66 9. Putting in place building blocks for the future André Odendaal�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 78 10. A dirty tricks campaign unfolds, 2001 André Odendaal with Lynette Maart and Ashley Forbes������������������������������������������������� 90 11. The pressure on RIM intensifies André Odendaal�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 12. The rupture, July 2002 André Odendaal with Lynette Maart���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 102 13. Downward spiral of an institution and its vision André Odendaal������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 111 PART TWO: FOUNDATIONS FOR PERMANENCY 14. Narrative design and memory-making as healing modality: The ethos of early RIM education and public programming Deirdre Prins‑Solani������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 125

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ROBBEN ISLAND RAINBOW DREAMS 15. Creating a new generation of heritage and museum leaders: The inception of the Robben Island Training Programme Khwezi ka Mpumlwana and Gerard Corsane���������������������������������������������������������������� 135 16. From Mayibuye Centre to the UWC/Robben Island Mayibuye Archives Anthea Josias����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 150 17. Signature in the city: Building the Nelson Mandela Gateway Building Lucien le Grange����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 161 18. Preparing for South Africa’s first UNESCO World Heritage Site Juanita Pastor���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 167 19. Challenges in preventative conservation: Artefacts as a means of triggering memory and a process of healing Irene Mafune����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 177 20. Conservation management planning and Robben Island’s layered history Harriet Deacon�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 182 21. Conserving the island’s environment Shaun Davis������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 187 22. An ex‑political prisoner’s memories of living and working on Robben Island Lionel Davis������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 195 23. Building a new community on the island: The Robben Island Village Association Llewellyn Damon and Rabia Damon���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 201 24. Making the intangible tangible: The first tour guides and the social memory of Robben Island Vanessa Mitchell������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 209 25. Appeasing the ancestors: Art and culture as a way of giving meaning to RIM Ruth Carneson�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 214

PART THREE: EXHIBITIONS AND MEMORY‑MAKING PROCESS IN A SACRED SPACE 26. Memories of working in RIM’s first Exhibitions Unit, 1999–2008 Gaby Cheminais������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 219 27. Participation in progress: The story of Robben Island Museum’s Ex‑Political Prisoner reference groups Roger Meintjes, Nolubabalo Tongo‑Cetywayo, Phumlani Grant Shezi, Gaby Cheminais and Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi�������������������������������������������������������� 233 28. Research Unit experiences in memorialising and archiving Robben Island prisoner memories through oral history Noel Solani and Oupa Makhalemele����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 243 29. Journey to Sithebe village: In search of the first political prisoners in Robben Island Maximum Security Prison Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi, Nolubabalo Tongo‑Cetywayo and Phumlani Grant Shezi���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 250 30. Restoring dignity to the 12 Robben Island prisoners buried as paupers in Stikland Cemetery by the apartheid regime Nolubabalo Tongo‑Cetywayo and Madeleine Fullard��������������������������������������������������� 257 31. The making and demise of the Nelson Mandela Gateway exhibition, 2001–2010 Mavis Smallberg������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 269 vi

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 PART FOUR: VOICES AND DEBATES FROM WITHIN 32. The saint of the struggle: RIM and the debate about deconstructing the Mandela myth Noel Solani�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 283 33. Pan Africanist and Black Consciousness perspectives: Beneath the surface of the Robben Island Museum images Luvuyo Mthimkhulu Dondolo�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 300 34. The role of Robben Island Museum in the transformation of South Africa’s cultural landscape after apartheid Khwezi ka Mpumlwana and Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi�������������������������������������������� 309 35. See the seagulls fly: Twenty years on – a message to my daughter Ashley Forbes���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 325 PART FIVE: CURIOUS COINCIDENCES 36. Fast forward from RIM rupture to state capture André Odendaal������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 335 37. Mr K and the replica of his cell André Odendaal������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 353 Appendix������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 358 Endnotes�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 361 Select bibliography����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 387 About the contributors���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 399 Index�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 408

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 Preface

Preface In 2015, three former Robben Island Museum staff members decided that it was time to write about some of the lost ideas and energies present during the museum’s founding phase. They were Drs Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi and Noel Solani, both fresh from finishing PhDs on the island and South Africa’s heritage experiences, together with Khwezi ka Mpumlwana, the first African director of a national museum in South Africa who cut his teeth at the Mayibuye Centre and Robben Island Museum. In July 2015, Ramoupi had attended the launch, in Pretoria, of Freedom Park: A Place of Emancipation and Meaning. It narrated the establishment of that heritage site, a project driven by the second administration under President Thabo Mbeki. He was inspired to start thinking about a similar book for Robben Island Museum, the product of the first Mandela administration. In late 2015, the National Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences put out a call for proposals and Ramoupi started drafting a proposal for the book. But the catalyst behind this submission was Noel Solani: ‘We can do it,’ he said when Ramoupi called him about the idea. One of the requirements for funding was the availability of an institutional host. Vuyani Booi, deputy director of the National Heritage and Cultural Studies Archives at the University of Fort Hare and an alumnus of the Robben Island Training Programme, was only too willing, though the administration was later moved to the University of the Witwatersrand. In February 2016 the National Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences approved a generous grant for the book project. To get the project off the ground, a workshop was scheduled for 20 January 2017 at the University of the Western Cape. Appropriately, the venue on campus was the University of the Western Cape/Robben Island Museum Mayibuye Archives, the space from which the idea of Robben Island Museum had partly emanated during a distinct intellectual–political moment some 30 years earlier.

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 Introduction

Introduction The 1990s was the decade when a country freed and reinvented itself. After 342 years of colonialism and apartheid, the dispossessed and disenfranchised people of South Africa reclaimed their national sovereignty and established a democracy. One of the most progressive constitutions in the world guaranteed, for the first time, far-reaching equal rights for all of South Africa’s citizens. It marked one of the biggest turn-abouts in global politics in the twentieth century, designated far and wide as a ‘miracle’, albeit incorrectly so, because it had been fought for. The Nobel Prize-winning Irish poet Seamus Heaney, known for his strong support of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement, said this was a moment which gave meaning to the words of his famous poem: History says, don’t hope On this side of the grave, But then, once in a lifetime The longed-for tidal wave of justice can rise up, And hope and history rhyme.1

South Africa, he agreed, was ‘a magical moment in the twentieth century’.2 The making of Robben Island Museum (RIM), which forms the topic of this book, was an important part of this once-in-a-lifetime, once-in-generation process of national rebirth. The island, or eSiqithini as it is known in the Nguni languages, had by 1994 become an iconic – even sacred – space for South Africans, indelibly linked to the sacrifices thousands had made during the freedom struggle. Thus, when democracy arrived with the zig-zag queues that characterised the elections of April 1994, there was a clamour for this small grey smudge in Table Bay to be given a special status, and for people to have access to it. Robben Island Rainbow Dreams deals with the making of RIM, its first five years of operation, as well as various projects and ideas emanating from this founding phase. It covers mainly the period during which the first director, Professor André Odendaal, was operationally in charge of the island, from late 1996 to mid-2002, and activities that were started at this time. The book is structured in four parts. In Part One, André Odendaal provides a ‘draft one’ overview of the beginnings of RIM. The first three of his eleven chapters here shed light on the years of unofficial planning in the build-up to democracy, preceding its formation. This process was influenced by the ideas and goals of the liberation struggle and by the ex-political prisoners (EPPs) sent there, and taken

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forward concretely in a planning and conceptual sense by campus-based activist intellectuals at the Mayibuye Centre at the University of the Western Cape (UWC). Then came the actions of Nelson Mandela’s first democratic government and the breakneck speed at which the museum opened on 1 January 1997. Key inputs by Ahmed Kathrada and President Mandela that influenced the vision for RIM are woven in here. After this, several years of on-the-job, phased, work-in-progress planning ensued as the building blocks for a stable institution were being put in place one by one, before the ‘rupture’ of 2002, when RIM’s heady journey hit rocky ground. The founding director resigned as controversy attached itself to the institution. Explaining the circumstances that led to his departure, Odendaal, with contributions also from the deputy director, Lynette Maart, and the estates manager, Ashley Forbes, describes how this unsettled and changed the museum and its vision, and how the process uncannily reflected the contestations happening in the larger society. Indeed, he contends, the drama can be seen as a pilot case in South Africa’s subsequent slide into the ugly era of ‘state capture’ (Chapters 10–13, 36, 37). Following this contextual introduction, architect Lucien le Grange, National Prosecuting Authority Missing Persons Task Team (NPA MPTT) head Madeleine  Fullard, and 22 members of staff from the early years of RIM contribute chapters on their specific areas of expertise and involvement in Parts Two and Three. This allows the reader to drill into the work of various museum departments and the projects they initiated. Part Two (Chapters 14–25) kicks off these presentations with ‘big picture’ inputs on issues such as RIM’s achievement of United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) World Heritage Site status; the launch of its key education and museum training programmes; the creation of its own archives; the building of its own ‘signature’ on the mainland in the form of the new Nelson Mandela Gateway to Robben Island in the heart of Cape Town’s Victoria and Alfred (V&A) Waterfront; and the conservation policies with regard to the environment of the island, which thousands of years ago had been linked to the mainland. Part Two ends with reflections on how – via the community of employees living on the island, and through art and culture – the brand-new RIM experimented in engaging with the space and its past as a way of beginning to imagine new identities and futures for it. This leads the reader directly into Part Three (Chapters 26–31) on the exhibitions and projects of the heritage department, which had a key role to play in ‘memory-making’ in what we regarded as a sacred space. It was Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi and members of this department, managed by Juanita Pastor, who initiated the idea of this specific book out of a desire to see the story of the museum’s unique early experiments on the island recorded. Chapter 27, by the collective of Roger Meintjes, Nolubabalo

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Tongo-Cetywayo, Phumlani Shezi, Gaby Cheminais and Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi, and the other chapters in Part Three describe how the department, with passion and in carefully self-reflective ways, tried to show utmost respect to the space and to those who had been incarcerated there in the past by respectfully involving EPPs in the planning and construction of the historical narratives about the island’s past. This was part of RIM’s Robben Island Memories Project, formally launched after management’s plans were approved by the Political Prisoner Sub-Committee of the museum’s council in June 1999. The contributions of the exhibitions and research teams go together with a valuable photographic record of the political prisoner reference groups, involving 650 former freedom fighters who participated in the project. The stories about the journey to Sithebe village in search of the (forgotten) first political prisoners on the island, the search for those cadres who literally disappeared and were buried as paupers in Stikland without their families being informed, and the way in which the lonesome story of Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) president Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe’s stay on the island was curated underline the poignancy and profundity of the task that the heritage department and RIM had undertaken. In Part Four, embracing rather than shying away from complexity and controversy, three of the editors, together with Dr Luvuyo Mthimkulu Dondolo and Ashley  Forbes, reflect on different aspects of the RIM experience and how it was, and can be, viewed. This narrative hopefully has contemporary relevance, especially as it comes out at the time that RIM will be celebrating its 25th anniversary. Touching on events on the island now, the impact of the state capture era in South Africa and the immense moral authority of Ahmed Kathrada – soulmate to Walter Sisulu and Nelson Mandela – André Odendaal ends off the book in Part Five with reflections on some lessons to be learnt from the history of the museum and recent national developments. Robben Island Rainbow Dreams does not pretend to be a comprehensive or definitive history of RIM. It is limited in scope and is tentative in its claims. The editors and contributors see it as simply a first attempt to give an overview of the origins and founding of the museum, and in particular of the initiatives involved in setting it up and the early work of the heritage and education departments. Taking over and running this 475‑hectare (or five-and-a-half square kilometre) piece of land in the middle of Table Bay, which covers an area larger than the city centre of Cape Town, was a complex operation presenting a host of problems and contradictory challenges. Managing Murray’s Bay harbour, a fleet of old boats, the former political and common law prisons, various Second World War defence structures, a village with 80 houses, 35 kilometres of road, a lighthouse,

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an old carbon-belching power station and an unreliable water desalination plant was only the start. The challenges included the record-breaking speed at which an intricate project in a complex environment was started. This entailed quickly assembling and coordinating a complement of over 200 staff and contractors, and repurposing an island built for isolation to receive thousands of eager visitors, while subject to a range of overlapping laws and multiple authorities, including three government departments – the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology (DACST), Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism (DEAT) and Department of Public Works (PWD) – as well as UNESCO and other conservation bodies. Was there ever a national museum started in under 120 days before? The running start inevitably impacted heavily on the whole development trajectory of the new institution. Then there was a host of direct stakeholders who had to be engaged with, as a place long frozen in seclusion was transformed into a twenty-first-century World Heritage Site and public space – a world out there that wanted to be part of the action and the space. All the separate but inter-related aspects of island life and running RIM not touched on here need to be understood, researched and written about in future as well. The offerings by members of the early staff in this book will hopefully help in some way to anchor this further research and writing. We hope the subjects dealt with here will also themselves be explored in greater depth in future. *** When Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi, Noel Solani and Khwezi ka Mpumlwana decided in 2015 that the time was right to set down on paper some of the lost ideas and energies present during the museum’s founding phase, Noel and Khwezi recommended that Neo approach André  Odendaal to join the project. They felt that persuading him to do so was key, considering his centrality in the project, both as the founding director and in terms of institutional memory. The approach was also an olive branch of sorts to heal some of the many relationships between people who had worked closely together on the island that had been sorely fractured in the aftermath of a fallout at RIM. This ‘rupture’ of 2002 is described in Chapters 10 to 13. André had strong reservations about getting involved. Neo remembers it as the hardest meeting ‘for myself and Prof’. It was an intense, unavoidable discussion, but a necessary one, which ended in a reconciliatory manner. André agreed to bring his experiences into the editing of the book along with Neo, Noel and Khwezi.

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 Introduction

The contributors then met for the first time on 20  January 2017. The tensions of the past were once again touched upon, with Noel expressing regret at what had happened in 2002, wondering aloud about how ‘we could have got so side-tracked’, and André and Lynette Maart, the deputy director at the time, responding with a commitment to join in.3 The project could start with a relatively clean sheet and on the understanding that it was being undertaken as an endeavour of reconciliation. *** Robben Island Rainbow Dreams therefore not only emerged in a particular way, it also has a number of specific goals. The first is to enable heritage practitioners and activist-intellectuals who helped set up the first heritage institutions after democracy to convey something of what this meant to those involved and to contribute to the growing body of published work on the subject. Many of them who are outside of the current well-established, university-based heritage-focused projects have had little chance so far to write or publish on the change processes they were involved in, and sometimes they don’t recognise themselves in what others have written about their experiences and ideas. Secondly, at a time when RIM reaches its 25th anniversary, this book aims to leave behind some institutional memory about its origins. The institutional archives set up by the first director were seemingly thrown out. A roomful of material, ordered in proper archival manner in custom-designed shifting shelves, with a catalogue drawn up by former University of South Africa (UNISA) special collections archivist Annica van Gylswyk and Misiwe Madikane in 2001–2002, has simply disappeared since then. In other words, there are great chunks of material missing from the formal record of RIM’s 25 years of existence; and little coherent sense remains in-house of its founding and initial activities, events, programmes, policies and plans. Thirdly, by 2015 RIM, much like the country itself in the late years of the Jacob Zuma presidency, could be said to have lost its momentum and was stuck in a morale-sapping stasis. We hope this work serves as an encouragement to the institution, as it seeks to regain its sense of operational stability and special purpose as a place of integrity, hope, healing and delivery. The goals of the RIM founding project were transformational in a deep sense. Culture and heritage in our approach went beyond fixed institutional boundaries, be they ‘academic’ or ‘museum’, ‘culture’ or ‘politics’. For us it was about the multi-level engagements across these boundaries in order to help construct

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new templates for heritage in the new democracy. This involved questioning conservative orthodoxy, understanding complex, historically rooted power relations and contestations, stimulating new debates and new ways of working, engaging with critical ideas and new thinking on memory-making, shaping new discourses, creating social value, emphasising the importance of education, training and culture, and contributing to national development in a broad sense. It was not by coincidence that the first black museum director and cohort of managers in South Africa emerged from the Mayibuye Centre and RIM projects described below. Therefore, in line with contemporary decolonisation debates, this book also tries to give impetus in small ways to the recognition and growth of African intellectuals and leaders in South Africa by providing a platform and giving ‘voice’ and publishing opportunities to former staff at RIM, which they might otherwise not have had. Finally, we acknowledge the contributions of our colleagues in the formative years of RIM, as well as those of the wide range of academics, heritage workers, artists, EPPs, community groups and organisations, both at home and in many other countries, who provided support. EPPs represented a living legacy that we put at the centre of the project, and we are grateful for the hundreds who helped improve our understanding of the island and its past. It was a humanising experience to engage with them. In particular, we acknowledge at the outset the enormously important catalytic role played by South African icon Ahmed Kathrada in the founding of RIM. ‘Uncle Kathy’ helped shaped the vision of the museum, chaired the committee that decided on the future of Robben Island, headed the RIM Council for 10 years, was a global brand ambassador par excellence for RIM – personally taking more than 350 groups to the island as special guests – and generally went well beyond the duty required of him.4 We express particular appreciation also to the more than 650 former political prisoners who returned to the island to engage with the space – and their traumas – as part of 26 reference groups so that RIM could get the best possible sense of the meaning and extent of their experiences. Besides the state subsidy for the museum from 1996 onwards, the International Defence and Aid Fund (IDAF), the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), the governments of Norway and the Netherlands, Atlantic Philanthropies and those listed in Mayibuye Centre and RIM annual reports, and the donor boards at the Robben Island Gateway need to be acknowledged for making it possible to institutionalise the experiments in transformative thinking and practice that emerged at the Mayibuye Centre and RIM.

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The editors and contributors are grateful to Professor Sarah Mosoetsa and her team at the NIHSS for granting us the Catalyst Research Grant, and for providing us with an extension in the timeframe of our project. We are grateful to Sis  Nomthandazo Jaza at the University of Fort Hare, who was the project assistant, booking our travelling requests for our research initially, when the university was the institutional host of our book project; and to colleagues at the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits University), Misheck Ndoro and Jabulani Nkosi, for later agreeing to take over this institutional host role. Barbara Hogan generously gave us access to her and Ahmed Kathrada’s papers. Thanks also to the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation and the Nelson Mandela Foundation for allowing us to reproduce the speeches of these two icons in Chapters 4 and 7. Russell Martin, Adam Odendaal and Adriaan Basson kindly read and commented on early drafts of the work, and Raees-Saaiet did the design of the photo inserts. Willem de Klerk and Charl du Plessis offered valuable legal input. André wishes to thank Zohra Ebrahim, as well as Wendy Manuel, Felicia Siebritz, Nomonde Mbulawa, Zukiswa Hani, Ameena Smith and Shannon Copperfield, for their particular support during this journey of more than a decade. Our thanks to HSRC Press, especially Jeremy Wightman, Mthunzi Nxawe and Charlotte Imani (project manager for the third time of André’s work), for being enthusiastic, considerate publishers and partners. Most of the images used here come from the UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives and the RIM collection. Thank you to Dr Pascall Taruvinga from RIM for permission to use these, and to the photographers named in the photo credits. Llewellyn Damon, resident photographer on the island for many years, gave us special permission for the use of his images, and Lekgetho James Makola filmed and photographed the contributors’ workshop at UWC on 20 January 2017 that helped to get the book project off the ground. The photographers of some of the images are unknown despite our efforts to trace their names, and we would appreciate any information to ensure proper attribution in future. We dedicate Robben Island Rainbow Dreams to the thousands of freedom fighters who were incarcerated in the Robben Island Maximum Security Prison between 1961 and 1991; to all those countless individuals ‘othered’, dumped and discriminated against on the island’s shores by powerful establishments in the generations and centuries before; and to the young people of South Africa, who must know that freedom did not come for free. Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi, Noel Solani, André Odendaal and Khwezi ka Mpumlwana Johannesburg, Pretoria and Cape Town, 27 April 2021

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 Acronyms

Acronyms ACTAG AEPP ANC ANCYL APDUSA AZAPO BC BCM CAHAC CDRA CMMH CMP COSAS COSATU CREATE CUC DACST DEAT EPP EPPA EPPC ICMP IDAF MHLS MIC MKVA MP MPTT MUSA NEUM NGO NIHSS NORAD NPA NUM PAC PWD RDP RIM RIMSA RITP RIVA SACP SAHA SAHRA SAMA SANCCOB SANSCO SASO SIDA TRC UCT UDF UNESCO UNISA UWC V&A WESTAG WORCDAL

Arts and Culture Task Group Association of Ex-Political Prisoners (early 1990s to 1994) African National Congress African National Congress Youth League African People’s Democratic Union of Southern Africa Azanian People’s Organisation Black Consciousness Black Consciousness Movement Cape Areas Housing Action Committee Community Development Resource Agency Commission for Museums, Monuments and Heraldry Conservation Management Plan Congress of South African Students Congress of South African Trade Unions Commission for the Restructuring and Transformation of the Arts and Culture in South Africa Conservation and Use Committee Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism ex-political prisoner Ex-Political Prisoners’ Association (2003 to the present) Ex-Political Prisoners’ Committee (1995–2003) Integrated Conservation Management Plan International Defence and Aid Fund Mayibuye History and Literature Series Makana Investment Corporation Umkhonto we Sizwe Military Veterans Association Member of Parliament Missing Persons Task Team Museums for South Africa Non-European Unity Movement non-governmental organisation National Institute for the Humanities and Social Sciences Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation National Prosecuting Authority National Union of Mineworkers Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania Department of Public Works Reconstruction and Development Programme Robben Island Museum Robben Island Museum Staff Association Robben Island Training Programme Robben Island Village Association South African Communist Party South African Historical Association South African Heritage Resources Agency South African Museums Association Southern African Foundation for the Conservation of Coastal Birds South African National Students Congress South African Students’ Organisation Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency Truth and Reconciliation Commission University of Cape Town United Democratic Front United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organisation University of South Africa University of the Western Cape Victoria and Alfred (Waterfront) Western Cape Arts and Culture Task Group Working Committee for the Drafting of Archival Legislation

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 Editors’ note

Editors’ note There has been no attempt to standardise the voices here. This is very much a ‘history from the inside’ with all its attendant insights, challenges and flaws. The contents of all chapters  are individual  opinions and are not  necessarily shared by the contributors. Everyone speaks for themselves. Though this gives rise to certain inconsistencies, giving voice to the people who were there as actors/ participants resonates with the approaches that shaped the origin and practice of both the Mayibuye Centre and Robben Island Museum. In the process, we hope to help narrate the microcosm of change processes that happened in South Africa in the nineties, and to contribute to assessments about the broad transition to democracy itself. We wish to contribute to new postcolonial debates and perspectives about history and heritage, and the relationship between heritage institutions and society, as well as reflect on institution-building lessons and insights that can be useful for future heritage and intellectual planning, including at Robben Island Museum itself. We also hope that the offerings here will anchor and encourage further research and writing that can interrogate, add to and enhance the narratives and understandings that follow.

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 Prologue

Prologue André Odendaal

From the mountain in Cape Town, one can see Robben Island nestling in the bay beyond Danger Point, and, standing on the beach at Blaauwberg on a glass-still morning, one might even get the feeling of almost being able to reach across the few kilometres to touch it. Yet, for centuries it was impenetrable, cut off, as if surrounded by a see-through screen. There was a reason for this. For almost the entire span of 342 years of colonial conquest in South Africa, including the 46 years of formal apartheid, the island was a place of banishment, exile, imprisonment and pain. It became known for its institutional brutality, like other notorious prison islands – Gorée, Alcatraz, Devil’s Island and, in recent years, Guantanamo. The island’s notoriety grew from April 1961 onwards after it was hastily converted into a maximum security prison. Some 3,500 freedom fighters were rounded up and sent there in shackles because of their opposition to apartheid in the three decades before it stopped being used as a political prison in 1991. The duty of those who ran the maximum security prison was to isolate them and to break their morale. The prisoners – all black or so-called non-Europeans – were subjected to spartan conditions by warders who were all white. The warders were abusive and quick to punish. Steve Tshwete recalled that he was constantly reminded that he was a ‘kaffir’ and a dog.1 Indres Naidoo described in his book how a warder urinated in the face of Johnson Mlambo in full view of his fellows while he was buried up to his neck in the ground.2 The food matched the spartan conditions. It differentiated according to race in keeping with the logic of apartheid. While Indian and coloured prisoners received a quarter loaf of bread per day, Africans were given only porridge – for breakfast and supper. They were allowed to buy one loaf of bread once a year at Christmas time. Unlike their comrades, Africans had to make do with short pants and sandals – no shoes, socks, underpants, or long trousers, even in winter. Until 1973 the prisoners had to wash in cold water. They slept on a concrete floor with a thin mat and two blankets through the trying wet Cape winters, with Robben Island directly

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in the path of the north-west wind that heralds the onset of bad weather. They were allowed one letter of five hundred words every six months. Even though these letters had to be confined to family matters, they were often censored – until sometimes the letter paper looked like it had windows in it, with whole paragraphs excised by razor blade. Prisoners were permitted only one visit every six months. Newspapers were forbidden. Day in and day out, the prisoners were subjected to the hard labour of breaking rocks in the quarries.3 But the island was also a place of life, resilience, growth and imagination! Fast forward to April 1994 and the turn-about that few had anticipated. The African people won back their national sovereignty. For the first time, South Africa became a democracy guaranteeing all its citizens equal rights under the law. The first president was prisoner 4664/64, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela. After being confined for 27 years behind bars, he made the jump from prisoner to president in a short time, charming his country with his regal composure, deep humanity, universal values and counter-intuitive thinking. His party, the African National Congress (ANC), won an overwhelming mandate in the historic first elections. Ex-PAC political prisoner Mxolisi ‘Ace’ Mgxashe of The Argus reported in 1995 that more than half of elected ANC members of parliament (MPs) were ex-Robben Islanders, emphasising the importance of a place that came to be known as the ‘university of the struggle’.4 By this time, Robben Island and Mandela had become global symbols of freedom and human dignity. There was a clamour for a place that had always existed on the margins, out of sight, to be opened up to the public as soon as possible. For the majority of South Africans, it symbolically represented the turn-about – how people had turned a hell-hole into a place that – in Ahmed Kathrada’s words – represented ‘the triumph of the human spirit’ (see Chapter 4) and developed profound ideas of an inclusive humanity in opposition to the dehumanising cruelty and exclusions that lay at the core of the colonial and apartheid projects. The first democratic Cabinet decided to turn the notorious prison island into a place of memory, learning and healing through the establishment of a new Robben Island Museum (RIM). In this book, some of the staff involved in transforming Robben Island, from an infamous prison into a national museum and UNESCO World Heritage Site attempt to convey a sense of what this experience was like, and how they tried to implement the ‘rainbow dreams’ of that epochal period. It was our responsibility as the first RIM cohort to make real a new vision for the island.

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 Prologue

Working on eSiqithini during one of the most dramatic historical moments of the twentieth century – for the world, not just South Africa – was a profound experience which impacted deeply on all our lives. Driven by the ideals of the time, our goal was to turn a site with a history of indescribable pain into a place of hope for humanity; to open up this closed environment – also figuratively in the sense of opening closed minds; to turn it into a place of learning and education, healing and meaning, a place of universalism and inclusivity, which, again, reflected the museum’s vision of the triumph of the human spirit over adversity and bigotry. It was an immense privilege to be given the task of turning this most symbolic space of contradiction and meaning into a museum. At the time, we South Africans believed everything was possible. For those of us given the responsibility, ungadinwa nangomso (don’t get tired, even tomorrow) was the standard we applied. This was a date with destiny, not a job. Driven by the passions, energies, visions and (often conflicting) ideas of the time, a new ‘living’ museum and World Heritage Site soon took shape on the island. The first five years of setting up of the institution were filled with much hard work and many unforgettable moments. Two of these highlighted for us the energies of the time and the profound power of the space and the project we were involved with. The first was the opening day of the museum. The new government had had so many other priorities as it oversaw the beginning of a society-wide spring clean that it had been slow in addressing the issue of Robben Island’s future. Impatience was growing. A way had to be found to get the ball rolling. Therefore RIM, as we who worked there called it, was set up in record time, opening to the public on 1  January 1997, only 118 days after the Cabinet approved and announced plans for its establishment, and only 14 days after the first staff of the new institution had been appointed, not forgetting the ‘dead’ working days around Christmas lying in between. Following what felt like the most frenetic activity across water since Dunkirk, the first boats took visitors to the new RIM on 1 January 1997. This was the day after the formal closure of the prison that had become so notorious the world over. Has there been any other example of a national museum being established and launched in such short a time? The answer must surely be ‘no’. The opening of the new RIM was beautifully simple and symbolic. The representatives of the EPPs, chosen after a big reunion in 1985, were the special guests on the first boat at 9am on that New Year’s Day. The delegation was led by Ahmed Kathrada, Mandela’s companion in prison for 27 years. Those who first entered there chained were now coming back as free people to help

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us to reinvent the island. There were big hugs as they stepped ashore. Then the short walk up to the prison in a magnificent shared moment of solidarity and reclamation, which the newspapers pictured in colour with banner headlines the next day. The crowd came to a stop at the prison steps. I had been appointed interim administrator and had had the keys to the former maximum security prison in my pocket before handing these to Lizo ‘Bright’ Ngqungwana, a brave freedom fighter and ex-Islander. With the custodians of the legacy standing alongside, a young child was asked to help Lizo put the keys into the lock. This was because the EPPs often recalled that what they had missed most while ‘inside’ was the sound of children’s voices. They lamented that for 16 years, 20 years, some as long as 23 years, they had not been allowed to have physical contact with or hold in their arms a child, even their own. Children represent innocence and immortality, and this profound deprivation was being acknowledged. A noisy turn of the key. Then the loud clanging prison doors were thrown open. Buzzing voices and small bare feet pattered into the passages. A ballet of freedom. This was a throat-constricting moment of immense meaning for those present – and for democratic South Africa, taking one more small step forward after the violence of colonialism and apartheid. The newspaper headlines trumpeted, ‘Penal island now monument to freedom in SA’, ‘Setting the island free from brutal past’, ‘Island of shame to island of fame’, ‘Tears for Madiba as tourists relive prison hardships’ and ‘New island for a new South Africa’. One visitor, Mr Humphrey Matyeka, who had travelled from Johannesburg with his family to queue for the first boat, said, ‘This is where our freedom began.’5 After 300 years as a place of banishment and pain, the island entered a whole new phase of its history. This was history being lived, and militarist menace being translated into celebration and reflection. We were formally closing a chapter on centuries of pain and incarceration and censorship and control, and helping to reinvent a country and new identities. The people came to RIM in their thousands. The plan was to instil a sense of ‘pilgrimage’ in the experience, and the idea worked. The Dias and Susan Kruger, the boats that had formerly carried the prisoners, also carried the visitors. The experience we wanted them to have was of setting out afresh to a previously forbidden sacred place; to feel the destabilisation of the self on the unfamiliar journey across sometimes choppy water in the bay, followed by arrival and the power of the encounter and learning something new on this island of pain. Then, the return and the reconstruction of meaning and self against the background of

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 Prologue

this experience. Because South Africa is not a country with waterways, for a large proportion of the local visitors even boarding a boat was a first. People queued from early in the morning as they rushed with football-like fervour to get the limited tickets available to see the island. RIM employed former prisoners and former warders to work together, brought out groups of school children every week to engage with the island’s history, and invited creative and cultural groups, from artists and writers to sangomas and archbishops, to engage with the space and reflect on its many meanings and the messages the new museum should convey. On Heritage Day in September 1997, Madiba (Nelson Mandela) formally inaugurated the museum. For the event, artist-in-residence Jonathan de Vries composed a piece called Foghorn, recalling the booming, sad sound that prisoners heard when the winter mist descended on the island. It was played by a classical flautist from India using a flute made from dried island seaweed. The musicians were replicating the remarkable story of Vusi Nkumane, who built a saxophone from flotsam and jetsam picked up while he was doing forced labour on the island. He returned with his ‘Nkumanephone’ after the museum had opened and could still play it.6 These things truly represented the triumph of the human spirit for us. It was as if we were tasting real freedom, thinking forward beyond convention towards a humane future. Then on 1 December 1999, our new RIM was awarded World Heritage Site status by UNESCO – one of the first South African sites together with the Cradle of Humankind and the Greater St Lucia Wetlands Park, to achieve this. A month later, RIM hosted South Africa’s official national celebration to commemorate the arrival of the new millennium. These events underlined the national and global significance of the island and, by extension, of our still-infant institution. Getting the millennium celebrations to take place on the island did not come without contestation. In this post-Mandela period, the Mbeki presidency was seeking to create its own profile and it even tried in certain ways to separate itself from the overwhelming legacy of Madiba. Thabo Mbeki was not going to try to fill those big shoes, but created his own brand of leadership. However, thanks to the efforts of Ahmed Kathrada and others, the second president and his minister in the Presidency, Essop Pahad, softened and that iconic moment was awarded to RIM. This time, the event was on a grand scale, with many attending the official government-organised national celebration. It ended, however, with a ceremony of simplicity and profound meaning. A giant marquee was constructed on the far western side, next to the airfield on which an old Dakota aircraft had

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landed with the Rivonia trialists of 1964. It was impressive in scale, an ideal, low-impact facility for an island with limited capacity to host such big events. It was a grand evening, a night of intimacy, unspoilt by bad weather or the widely predicted Y2K meltdown, which was set to cross-wire computers throughout the newly digital world and plunge it into chaos. Some of the country’s top artists gave cultural meaning to the event as the new A-list of South Africans arrived on the island to share the unforgettable occasion with the president, members of Cabinet and Nelson Mandela. Among them were ‘Mama Afrika’ Miriam Makeba, Jonas Gwangwa, Sibongile Khumalo, Bheki Mseleku, Robbie Jansen, Jimmy Dludlu, Ray Phiri, Sello Maake ka Ncube and Motshidi Motshegwa. Manu Dibango (whose Soul Makossa record moved all party animals in Africa and elsewhere into a frenzy in the 1970s) was also on the programme to bid farewell to the old millennium.7 Close to midnight, the action moved to the prison. There, half an hour before midnight, as Mbeki and Mandela waited for a final briefing, they were sitting in the holding room where the former prisoners had been checked in at the start of their sentences. That moment provided a pulsingly tangible sense of how far South Africa had come in a short while. The corridors of the B  Section came hauntingly alive as dancers from the new African Footprint show, put together by music impresario Richard Loring, started their dazzling routines a few minutes before the clock struck 12. The gumboot dancing, an appeasement of the ancestors, was captivating to watch. With President Mbeki giving advice to the film crew on desirable angles, this was a first performance of a show that would travel to many countries. When African Footprint reached its thousandth performance a few years later in Johannesburg, having travelled to the West End in London and Broadway in New York as well as China and India, Richard Loring did not forget to send an invitation to those from RIM who had made it possible. The night of the new millennium and the show’s success represented for us at RIM both the beauty of the aesthetics of the rainbow nation, as well as its aims of ‘delivery’. Here was something special: a durable, internationally acclaimed production tapping deep into the creative talent of our country. The children who lived on the island held candles in the shape of the African continent in the B Section courtyard, and then at midnight Madiba lit a candle in his cell watched by a billion people the world over. The power of the ordinary, history with soul – people lighting candles instead of igniting cacophonous noise, while millions of pounds of fireworks went off around the world in celebrations from Sydney, Hong Kong, Paris and London to New York. The profundity of

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 Prologue

this simple moment in the cell made a deep impact – a flickering candle to mark the arrival of the next one thousand years and a reminder of the preciousness of human freedom. It was going to be the African century. For us, that candle in the cell, the children in the courtyard and the aesthetic beauty and breathtaking skills of the artists – at once African and universal – represented the ‘Rainbow Dreams’ that RIM was trying to make tangible at the time. A new millennium and a new mission for the island. A Robben Island which symbolised children, artists, creativity and a new imagination instead of harsh incarceration and pain, as South Africa healed and rebuilt itself! But could the dream continue in such a heady way? For both the country and RIM? Almost inevitably, the answer was ‘no’.

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PART ONE C

M

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CM

MY

DRAFT ONE ON THE MAKING OF THE ROBBEN ISLAND MUSEUM

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 The liberation struggle as incubator for RIM

1 The liberation struggle as incubator for RIM André Odendaal

Robben Island has a unique place in the history of South Africa. Oliver Tambo commented that ‘[t]he tragedy of Africa, in racial and political terms, [has been] concentrated in the southern tip of the continent – in South Africa, Namibia, and, in a special sense, Robben Island.’1  A place of incarceration and isolation for generations, the island nevertheless became a universal symbol of freedom and human dignity, its name synonymous with the liberation struggle during apartheid years. As one scholar has noted, ‘topologically and symbolically Robben Island represented the ultimate margin to which opponents of the system were banished’, but for the liberation movement it grew into ‘a central trope [or metaphorical expression] for [the] displacement of Nationalist Party dominance’ and the creation of a democratic and free South Africa.2 It was because of the liberation struggle that RIM came into existence in late 1996. The hardships people experienced there have briefly been touched upon in the prologue. The name it earned as apartheid’s ‘hell‑hole’, from the book title of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC)’s Moses Dlamini, was well deserved.3 The island became fixed in the popular imagination the world over as a place of institutional brutality reflecting a harsh system. For three centuries, it was a place of banning, ‘othering’, pain and marginalisation. The people sent there by those in power during the colonial years included women and men of the original Khoi and San peoples who fell out of favour with the Dutch, like Autshumato and Krotoa; the Muslim religious leaders from Indonesia banished to the Cape, among them Sheikh Abdurahman Mantura, who is buried at the kramat on the island, and who brought Islam to South Africa; lepers taken from their verandas during a time of harsh ignorance and held there against their

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will; nineteenth‑century anti‑colonial resistance heroes from the various African chiefdoms including Makana, Maqoma and Langalibalele; and, from April 1961, in the repressive wake of Sharpeville, it was a brutal home to those opposing apartheid. The physical and emotional pain that the modern political prisoners suffered needs to be remembered at the outset, not in order to romanticise and measure their suffering, but to remind South Africans of the enormity of the changes that happened in South Africa in 1994, the generosity displayed by the organisations of the oppressed in attempting to construct a united, inclusive nation rather than prioritising retribution, as at Nuremberg. Even though prison conditions improved from the middle of the 1970s, Robben Island continued to epitomise the harshness of apartheid and the systemic violence – forced removals, the Group Areas Act (No. 41 of 1950) and pass laws, inferior Bantu education – that the oppressed were subjected to in the broader ‘imprisoned society’. Eventually, the prison failed spectacularly in its purpose of demoralising people and breaking the spirit of resistance. The aims of the state were contested and eventually more or less completely subverted. To use a cliché, the prisoners of various political persuasions became apartheid’s jailers, not its prisoners. The rapid movement from Nelson Mandela’s release after 27 years in prison to his inauguration as the first democratically elected president of South Africa in a blaze of global celebration – with more than 100 world leaders present – institutionalised this turnabout. The genius of the South African struggle was that, despite the huge indignities visited on the oppressed, and the narrow racialised mindset of the power structure under which the majority of South Africans lived during apartheid, they still managed to assert their humanity and imagination of an inclusive future based on ubuntu, respect, inclusivity and universal values in powerful ways that ultimately changed the country. Many lives and families were destroyed by the Robben Island experience and some of those imprisoned there, like Theophilus Tlou Cholo, have reflected on this with uncommon and justified candour: ‘Most memories for me were painful and harsh.’4 Yet, somehow the testimonies of most political prisoners are that they came out fortified and strengthened. The key to survival was their political commitment and approach to incarceration, promoting collective solidarity and mutual support, and enabling them to dig deep into their own sense of humanity. New arrivals were made familiar with an informal code of conduct which required people to act at all times in ways which ‘advanced the cause of the struggle’.5 Mandela himself noted that ‘prison constitutes its own society even if inmates are coerced into membership’ and, therefore, to maintain their dignity

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 The liberation struggle as incubator for RIM

and beliefs, individually and organisationally, the prisoners set out to create their own ‘world within a world’. He observed further: The prison is above all punitive, it operates to break the human spirit, to exploit human weakness, undermine human strength, destroy initiative, individuality, negate intelligence and process an amorphous robot‑like mass. The great challenge is how to resist, not how to adjust, to keep intact the knowledge of society outside and live by its rules, for that is the only way to maintain the human and social within you … In the course of time we had to build our own social life and we modelled it in terms of the life we lived outside the prison walls. We encouraged, above all, study … In that constricted, deprived environment, we placed the highest value on sharing, sharing everything, every resource, material and intellectual, and on the whole we succeeded.6

This notion of maintaining the human and social within your very being is a profound philosophical point and an explanation for the resilience and visionary thinking that emerged on Robben Island and in the liberation struggle. The first prisoners sought to relieve their hardships and tap into their deepest yearnings and needs through culture – music, dance, art, learning, sport and play – and through this formed bonds of solidarity, teamwork and companionship in extremely trying circumstances. They rolled up socks to fashion footballs for silent mini cell games after lock up, for instance. They did ballroom dancing and performed dramatic pieces; the prisoners would ‘brush’ their hands together to show appreciation rather than clap, which would alert the warders to the forbidden pleasures under way. The prisoners in time set up their own committees – educational, political and recreational – and tried to organise and structure their own lives as far as possible. In due course, nearly ‘every activity’ in prison was run in this way, within and across organisational lines. Through hunger strikes and other actions, they won concessions. Eventually, the authorities came to realise unofficially that order in the prison was preserved not by the warders, but by the prisoners. Slowly, Robben Island changed from a punishment ‘hell‑hole’, where daily life was extreme, to a more normal prison environment. According to Ahmed Kathrada, this was made possible because the prisoners responded collectively rather than individually: the individual personality was submerged in a wider social unit, ‘a profoundly humbling but enormously rewarding experience’.7

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Sport was one of the greatest distractions for the prisoners, and a focus on the sports activities on the island gives one a good insight into both the level of organisation amongst the prisoners and the slow improvement of conditions there. ‘Of course, when we felt the aches and pains we began to wish for some form of recreation,’ Indres Naidoo recalled, ‘this propelled us into action and hence our campaign to have recreational activities.’8 At first the prison authorities would not entertain the idea of the political prisoners playing sport. After repeated requests, the first official games were allowed in 1967. This concession was conditional, enabling the warders to manipulate the situation. When the prisoners wrote a letter asking for permission to buy a packet of sweets to present as a prize, the reply came back, scratched across the page in red: ‘Nie goedgekeur nie’ (Not approved). But they persisted, and organised sport became an increasingly important feature of prison life. The prisoners started competitions and clubs, as well as a Co‑ordinating Recreation Committee (later the General Recreation Committee). Its aim was ‘to inculcate the spirit of sportsmanship and cooperation amongst the prisoners of Robben Island, negotiate with the prison authorities in a formal way and generally encourage and oversee sport on the island’.9 Steve Tshwete of the ANC became the committee’s first president (and also president of the Island Rugby Board and president of the Robben Island Amateur Athletic Association). The secretary was mathematician Sedick Isaacs, known for his administrative efficiency, who was aligned with the rival Non‑European Unity Movement (NEUM). Football was the most popular game. By 1972, 36 teams were participating in the league run by Makana Football Association, named after the legendary nineteenth‑century military leader imprisoned on Robben Island by the British and who drowned in cold waters trying to escape in 1820.10 The weekend sports contests were eagerly awaited and the political prisoners recounted that ‘whoever scored … on Saturday was the hero for the rest of the week’.11 The highlight of the sporting calendar was the annual summer games held over two weekends during the festive season. The games were modelled on the Olympics, with outdoor and indoor sports and an official opening with a parade of participating teams. Inmates made cardboard cameras and videos, and ‘recorded’ the action. The games culminated in a prize‑giving function and the awarding of diplomas and trophies made by artistic‑minded people in the prison workshops with the Olympic rings emblazoned on them.12 One political prisoner remembered that ‘[it] was an event enjoyed by all the inmates at a time when they wished to be back home with their family and friends’. Another said, ‘After our Summer Games I am sure we [could] show

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the Olympic guys a thing or two about being creative and organising.’13 The imagination of those who were confined soared far beyond the prison walls to the great spectacles in sport. Steve Tshwete, who became the first minister of sport in democratic South Africa, explained elegantly that sport was an important element in our ability to cope on the island. It helped to relieve anxieties about families and home, to ease the burden of prison life, to relieve tension with prison authorities, [it] kept us mentally alert and provided us with good poise to look into the future.14

According to him, ‘[s]port also served to promote non‑sectarianism and helped break down tensions between different political organisations’. At first the ANC and PAC put together teams on an organisational level, but ‘[t]his was very bad as it strained our relationships with each other’, so mixed teams were chosen, leading to a ‘considerably’ improved climate.15 Sport, together with the special efforts to promote education and study, as well as cultural activities like the regular music programme – relayed in later years through the prison announcement system to every cell after lock‑up – played a big role in creating a ‘world within a world’ in the notorious island prison. Education, both formal school and university courses and informal political education, was taken very seriously by the prisoners, as the archive they left behind shows. So seriously that Robben Island eventually became known as a ‘university’ of the struggle or Makana University. Within years of the prison being started, the prisoners had rooted out illiteracy within their ranks, with people taught to write, and speak in English, until they could communicate without any outside help with families and officials. Most prisoners were at about Junior Certificate level [Grade 10] when they arrived, according to  Govan  Mbeki.16 They were encouraged to complete their schooling via the Rapid Results College. Some left with several degrees to their names. Classes were held during work at the quarry, at lunch times and over weekends. Michael Dingake graphically described these: Our economic class was a very lively class. Even [the warder] Suitcase’s ‘Come on, come on!’ could never curb its animation. The ‘laymen’ in Economics stood and watched as we argued noisily over our supply‑and‑demand curves and drew them on the ground to demonstrate their elasticity. I wrote my Economics Course One papers in Pretoria at the time of my second interrogation and I was praised for my B symbol. Actually people who deserved praise were my

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classmates. The discussions we held at the quarry were very helpful. The lime quarry was even at the worst of times, a site for intellectual stimulation.17

For most of the political prisoners, political education was even more important than academic education. From the start, there were structured political discussions amongst the prisoners. Position papers were surreptitiously drawn up, circulated and discussed. Books and scraps of information from newspapers were painstakingly copied and hidden in information ‘banks’ for use by the different sections. Political education committees in the various sections and cells decided on content and drew up monthly research and lecture assignments for members. After newspapers and radio broadcasts were allowed in the 1970s, weekly news analysis meetings were held.18 By the late 1970s, and especially in the 1980s, ‘full‑blown’ courses of studies were devised; some of these were of such high standard that they were later published.19 One of the main reasons for the formalisation of political education at this time was the influx of many new inmates after 1976, the so‑called ‘klipgooier’ (stone thrower)  generation, who were strongly influenced by Black Consciousness (BC) and were often hostile to the ideas of the Congress movement. Some of the ANC veterans were ‘shocked’ by the new politics but others regarded BC as ‘the first stage of political awareness’, saying its youthful followers saw South Africa ‘as it is’, and the task was for the ANC to explain that their analysis had to go beyond superficial black/white explanations.20 Now, more than ever, political education on the island became a way of explaining organisational histories and policies, countering rival groups and recruiting new members. One of the features of the South African struggle in the early 1980s was that a large number of the ’76 generation who came to Robben Island as BC adherents left as Charterists, or supporters of the ANC’s non‑racial approach. Some – like ex‑Azanian People’s Organisation (AZAPO) president Curtis Nkondo, Patrick ‘Terror’ Lekota and Aubrey Mokoape – went on to assume leadership positions in the ANC and its aligned organisations. Developments on Robben Island, therefore, influenced the direction of the liberation struggle in South Africa in a major way, and consequently the contemporary history of our country. Activists imprisoned on the island ranged across the spectrum from the ANC and its allies in the South African Communist Party (SACP), United Democratic Front (UDF) and Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) through to the PAC, and BC organisations such as the South African Students’ Organisation (SASO) and AZAPO, as well as left groupings like the African People’s Democratic Union of Southern Africa (APDUSA) and the NUM, which

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co-operated with AZAPO under the umbrella of the National Forum in the 1980s, and a few supporters of the defunct Liberal Party. The political, educational, sporting and cultural activities mentioned here were welcome distractions and survival mechanisms for those incarcerated on the island. They not only enabled the prisoners, in multiple day‑to‑day interactions with the authorities, to resist and maintain themselves collectively, but helped them also from deep within to develop new ideas and strategies of struggle, including negotiations. The story of these people and organisations is also the story of the founders of democratic South Africa. The Robben Islanders showed what the human imagination is capable of, and emerged from these hard prison experiences with new sensibilities and African‑rooted ideals about politics and the unity of all of humanity. Mandela came to symbolise these notions, championing the idea of a united nation in harmony with the world – in which former oppressors and oppressed would join together to build a new nation upholding the dignity of all South Africans. Many of the leaders of the newly democratic South Africa gained important leadership and organisational experiences here, taking part in debates which fundamentally shaped the direction of the liberation struggle, and it was from another prison (but not the island) that the most famous Robben Islander of all initiated the process of negotiation that broke the historical impasse in South Africa and finally led to the democratic elections of 1994, when all South Africans were allowed to vote for the first time. The long patient queues twisting away into the dawn mist that marked that April day were a deep tribute to generations who had sacrificed immensely to make that seemingly unattainable moment possible. It should be remembered that the rainbow nation ideas first propounded by the likes of Desmond Tutu and Nelson Mandela to celebrate the unity and diversity of all South Africans, and much criticised today, came not from a passing whim, but were the product of decades of profound struggle. Given the importance of Robben Island to all the components of the liberation struggle, and its symbolism in resistance narratives as a university and nursery for leadership, there was a strong feeling within struggle ranks that when freedom arrived in South Africa the island should be preserved and run in a way that respected this liberation struggle history. Therefore, an understanding of how RIM came into being, and the vision that underpinned it, has to start with the understanding of these collective struggles of the oppressed in South Africa and the sacred status the island acquired in the nationalism narrative of how three centuries of colonialism and apartheid were brought to an end.

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It is important, too, to remember how Robben Island had, by the late 1980s, become internationally renowned. As the struggle intensified, one of the major demands from the various components of the liberation movement for any resolution of the South African impasse was for the release of Mandela and all other political prisoners. This call was taken up by the international anti‑apartheid movement which, together with the campaign for nuclear disarmament, became one of the biggest single‑issue campaigns in global politics in the second half of the twentieth century. The face of this deep‑reaching international anti‑apartheid campaign was Nelson Mandela, whose prison number – 466/64 – itself became a brand. The Free Mandela concert at Wembley Stadium in London on his 70th birthday in July 1988 attracted one of the biggest television audiences in history up to that stage. Wembley showed the success of this anti‑apartheid branding exercise. It also drew a huge line‑up of superstar musicians, underlining how the freedom struggle was reaching big new audiences through popular culture – and partly explaining why many Hollywood and musical celebrities who helped spread the message would subsequently be received with respect at RIM.21 In this context, Robben Island had by 1990 become a world‑renowned space to those supporting the overthrow of apartheid. This would guarantee the island a central place in the future narratives of national self‑determination in South Africa. From the broad struggle perspective, Robben Island needed to be turned into a sacred place of memory after freedom arrived. Leaders like famous ex‑political prisoner Govan Mbeki and liberation struggle hero Chris Hani started giving voice to this idea soon after the unbanning of organisations in February 1990.22

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 UWC’s Mayibuye Centre: The conceptual base for RIM

2 UWC’s Mayibuye Centre: The conceptual base for RIM André Odendaal

Emerging out of the broader impulses and ideas of the liberation struggle, there were also specific developments from the 1980s onwards at UWC that laid the basis for the imagining of a future RIM. The first concrete thinking and planning towards this goal were undertaken on that campus, located almost within sight of the island in the bay, with the Mayibuye Centre as an early locus of planning and lobbying. In the 1970s and 1980s, UWC was a hotbed of student struggles. This led to the university famously redefining itself as an ‘intellectual home of the democratic left’. Challenging the traditional roles played by South African universities, UWC started questioning the whole system of knowledge production in South Africa and changed its mission to primarily serve the ‘Third World communities’ of South Africa, seeking in the process to develop ‘an open and critical alignment  …  with the political movements and organisations committed to the struggle for liberation’. ‘The ideological orientation of a university – the social philosophy which it privileges – is often accepted quite unproblematically, as if it were naturally right’, said the new rector, Professor Jakes Gerwel, and UWC now aimed to break decisively with a colonially rooted university system that had traditionally privileged either Afrikaner nationalism or  liberal  capitalism.1 Gerwel, a product of the BC movement of the 1970s, was a key driver of the new direction. The campus became a laboratory for all types of alternative thinking and peoples’ education experiments as the struggle reached a high point in the mid‑1980s. It was the time of states of emergencies, class boycotts and street confrontations. The riot police in armoured Casspirs, clattering surveillance helicopters, solemn‑gowned university assemblies and marches, and protesting

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students fleeing from teargassing to run and hide under lecturers’ desks became part of everyday life on campus. Hence, the familiar call of ‘hek toe’ (to the gate), as students, often supported by their lecturers, clashed regularly with the apartheid authorities. In this volatile climate, academics were challenged to go beyond traditional academic and teaching approaches. They launched various initiatives that could find resonance with students and the communities they came from, while not shirking the questions of what constituted good, questioning scholarship. One of these was the People’s History Project launched in 1986 by the Department of History. The department was perhaps the first in the country to identify formally with and attempt to institutionalise at university level the demands of the mass‑based democratic movement for people’s education. Employing the language of resistance, it declared that the university could not be politically neutral, and that history had to be made meaningful for its students from the oppressed communities. The two thousand or more students in the department discussed the theory and methodology of people’s education before being sent into communities as barefoot historians to do research on the ‘hidden’ history of the oppressed, preferably in cooperation with local organisations. One thousand people from communities from as far afield as rural Worcester and Beaufort West attended the first annual People’s History Open Day organised in collaboration with the National Education Crisis Committee in 1987. The programme included banned films on struggles in South Africa and other countries, workshops for primary school children and teachers, exhibitions and stalls, performances by musicians like Basil ‘Manenberg’ Coetzee and the famous Ngcukana brothers, poetry readings, a play, and a session devoted to oral history. Among those interviewed were people who had been dispossessed of land, and family and friends of those killed or jailed for underground activities.2 UWC academics dynamically made the connection between academic history and the society‑in‑the‑making beyond the campus, and it was in this context that the idea of the Mayibuye Centre was mooted. The idea was planted in 1986 by Professor Gerwel and economist Professor Lieb Loots for the university to start a kind of ‘Holocaust museum’ dealing with apartheid and the freedom struggle in South Africa. At that time, there was no expectation that by 1990 organisations would be unbanned and exiles would be coming home. I was tasked by Professor Gerwel and a group of colleagues to pursue the museum idea. It turned into a career‑defining task spanning the next sixteen years. A two‑year sabbatical allowed me to visit universities, museums and heritage projects in Britain, the Netherlands, the USA, Sweden, Cuba and the Soviet Union, and to make contact

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 UWC’s Mayibuye Centre: The conceptual base for RIM

with members of banned and then still illegal exiled organisations. The visits to Cuba and the Soviet Union were undertaken with special travel documents organised by the liberation movements, as official South African passports were not recognised in most countries in the world. The upshot of this groundwork was a proposal in 1990 for a new Centre for History and Culture in South Africa at UWC and the relocation of the very significant International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa (IDAF) collection to UWC.3 The proposal was accepted and I was seconded from the Department of History to work full-time on the project. What became the Mayibuye Centre was formally launched in 1991, with me as director. UWC started giving meaning to its professed critical engagement with the liberation movements. One significant example of this was the way the ANC’s Constitution Committee, which played a seminal role in the making of South Africa’s Constitution, relocated from exile to UWC after the unbanning of organisations in 1990. Buoyed by the upsurge of resistance inside the country, Oliver Tambo had announced in his annual presidential address on the 74th birthday of the ANC on 8  January 1986 that 1986 would be the ‘Year of Umkhonto we Sizwe – the People’s Army’. The message was to make apartheid ungovernable. But unknown to the world, Tambo had also on that very day set up a secret Constitution Committee in Lusaka, giving it an ‘Ad Hoc unique exercise’ that had ‘no precedent in the history of the movement’.4 Knowing that all wars end at a negotiating table, and judging the balance of forces to be moving in favour of the liberation forces, he instructed his new think tank to start preparing a constitutional framework for a liberated, non‑racial, democratic South Africa, so that when that time came the movement would be prepared and holding the initiative. My manuscript for a forthcoming book, Dear Comrade President (which is the manner in which the Constitution Committee addressed their reports to Tambo) explains how several of its key members – Zola Skweyiya, Albie Sachs, Kader Asmal and Bridget Mabandla – became familiar faces on campus after the return of  the  exiles.5 The widely respected Professor Gerwel set up the new custom‑designed Community Law Centre in 1990 under Dullah Omar in order to allow the committee to proceed in a relatively seamless way in an academically supportive environment with its great task of helping to redefine a country. In addition, at its first meeting in Lusaka in 1986, the Constitution Committee recommended that the ANC leadership arrange for ‘a full demographic/political survey of South Africa to be undertaken as soon as possible’ so that the organisation could work out ‘what kind of electoral and governmental systems’

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would be best suited for the country in future.6 This led to two think tanks being set up surreptitiously via underground channels – the South African Studies Project (SASPRO) in Zimbabwe and a twin inside the country. Once again UWC provided the agency for this to happen. In June 1988, I accompanied Professor Gerwel to a meeting at the home of Aziz and Meg Pahad in London where Thabo Mbeki and other ANC figures were present. One of the issues discussed until late into the night was the urgent need for Gerwel to identify a trusted academic who could be the ‘internal’ coordinator of the new project. It was the age before cellphones or emails, but Mbeki wanted the person to fly out to Harare the next day. UWC historian Randolph Erentzen was quickly summoned and UWC became the national base for the new Centre for Development Studies (CDS). Its purpose was ‘to research the existing social, political and economic conditions in the country with a view to planning for a future South Africa’ – in effect the implementation of the Constitution Committee’s request in 1986, well before the unbannings.7 These are two of the many stories of how UWC as an academic institution connected with and significantly contributed to the struggle for freedom and democracy in South Africa in the 1980s and 1990s that still need to be fully documented and learnt from. At a time when the country was busy unshackling itself after three centuries of subjugation, the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa was launched as yet another transformational experiment on the UWC campus. Started in an empty room in the old library with some overflowing cardboard boxes of struggle material, Mayibuye itself, in turn, provided a conceptual base for the formation of democratic South Africa’s first national heritage institution, RIM, in late 1996. The centre collected a large multi‑media archive on apartheid, resistance and social life in South Africa in a very short time. This included an extensive collections of 60,000 photographs, several thousand hours of previously censored audio‑visual productions and raw footage, 2,000 oral history tapes and over 200 historical papers collections from individuals and organisations, as well as a valuable art collection which included the 100‑piece Albie Sachs collection of Mozambican art and the very valuable Art Against Apartheid exhibition. The latter was a United Nations‑sponsored exhibition created as a ‘museum in exile’ by the French artist Ernest Pignon‑Ernestin in 1983 to be given one day to ‘the first free and democratic government of South Africa’. Modelled on early art solidarity efforts in support of the struggles in Palestine and Chile during the Pinochet dictatorship that followed the coup against

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 UWC’s Mayibuye Centre: The conceptual base for RIM

and murder of President Salvador Allende, it was sent to South Africa after the 1994 transition.8 The collection was hung in Parliament under the direction of Gordon Metz in 1995 as a way of symbolically replacing the old apartheid iconography and then donated to the Mayibuye Centre, as the National Gallery was not yet regarded as sufficiently transformed to be given custody of such a significant struggle collection.9 The bulk of the Mayibuye Centre’s multi‑media collections came from the London‑based IDAF, the information nerve centre of the international anti‑apartheid movement during the apartheid years. When IDAF closed in 1991, the organisation donated its material to the centre after a visit to the country to determine the most appropriate base for  its  archives.10 However, often ignored in the centre’s foundational narratives was the intense community- and struggle‑based enterprise of materials collection and activity which Mayibuye also engaged in. Students and activists would arrive with plastic shopping bags of material they had secreted and could have been arrested for only a short while before. Mayibuye also received instant support from a wide variety of community, cultural and political groups. This took the form of donations ranging from the papers former Robben Island political prisoners brought off the island to the Kathrada, Tutu and Sachs collections as well as the archives of the National Women’s Coalition, the South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee (SANROC) and dozens of small organisations and individuals. As democracy approached, Mayibuye and similar projects such as the District Six Museum were regarded with a reverence that is difficult to convey today. Driven by a strong vision of transformation, the Mayibuye Centre initiated a wide range of programmes and activities which cut across traditional boundaries between ‘town and gown’ or, in other words, challenged the traditional monastic notion of a university separated from the world around it. They included exhibitions, community outreach initiatives, art projects, film weeks, workshops, conferences and the 80 books published in the Mayibuye History and Literature Series between 1991  and  1998.11 The series was launched by Pallo Jordan and Professor Njabulo Ndebele on 28  July 1992. With a view to the future, Robben Island narratives were given prominence in the publishing plans. Around 20 of the books in the series were biographies, collected writings or histories dealing with Robben Island.12 The centre’s multi‑media activities also extended to the production of a video documentary and what was reputed to be the first CD‑ROM with local content to be produced in  South  Africa.13 These activities and the public history experience of the 1980s and early 1990s gave rise to an awareness in the centre of the exciting opportunities to work in diverse,

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multi‑media, cross-disciplinary ways, and brought across to its leadership the massive impact that the technological revolution accompanying economic globalisation would have on traditional academic practices. As I wrote in the mid‑1990s, and it is so much more obvious now: Historians and other heritage workers are living in a totally different world today from only a few years ago and once again new responses (beyond the political ones …) are called for. We are experiencing rapid changes in society, the economy, the media and in ways of communicating. The accelerating move towards the information society has changed forever how people will produce knowledge and present and represent the past. The advent of internet and E‑mail, for example, clearly has major implications for the future of history, and with these changes we develop new practices, perceptions and mindsets. Ideas, like postmodernism, that have accompanied this e‑revolution similarly need to be grappled with too as we deal with new media and need to look selfconsciously at how we construct narratives etc. Collecting, conserving and working with multi‑media archives, and interacting with a wide array of audiences, crossing disciplines, and using media like art, film, CD‑ROM and book publishing as part of everyday experience, is perhaps still somewhat unconventional but for me it has become the lifeblood of critical practice. Working daily with fellow staff who aren’t historians, but photographers, poets, book editors, sculptors, designers, artists, librarians, educators, tour guides and archivists, opened new ways of ‘seeing’, new ways of working.14

In the magical year of the elections and the arrival of democracy in 1994, the centre – with its skeleton staff and motivated student assistants and volunteers – was responsible for 14 exhibitions, which travelled to 21 South African cities and towns, as well as abroad. A portfolio of work by Sandra Kriel in its collection, dealing with Ruth First, the Cradock Four and other political assassinations, was chosen to represent South Africa at the Venice Biennale. Through Albie Sachs, Mayibuye brought the renowned Mozambican artist Malangatana to paint a mural in the university library. This was part of a new mural trail that the centre developed on campus, which saw local artists Tyrone Apollis and Sophie Peters also make colourful interventions on  staid  walls.15 The centre’s exhibitions and workshops were part of an active process of analysing, debating and contesting historical representations in the public sphere (including monuments, museums, tourism, culture and the media) at a time of momentous flux and change.16 Given

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 UWC’s Mayibuye Centre: The conceptual base for RIM

the hunger for relevant history after the tight censorship under apartheid, the centre enjoyed a high public profile and its previously banned material featured routinely, almost ubiquitously, in the wide array of new television documentaries and history books that marked the advent of democracy. Revelations from the rapidly expanding archive made newspaper headlines and caused the same kind of interest as the opening of the Stasi files in Germany – like the escape plan to whisk Mandela off Robben Island by helicopter one New Year’s Eve while the warders were partying,17 and the revelations about the three volumes of official material on apartheid dirty tricks activities stolen from security police headquarters by Mac Maharaj’s underground intelligence unit, which he donated to the centre.18 Besides its engagement with culture and struggle history, the Mayibuye Centre became actively involved in driving change in museums and shaping new national heritage and cultural strategies for South Africa from 1990 onwards. The centre co‑hosted two national workshops on future heritage scenarios,19 and Gordon Metz and I became key members of the ANC’s new Commission for Museums, Monuments and Heraldry (later known as CREATE), which engaged the establishment South African Museums Association (SAMA) and successfully neutralised the Museums for South Africa (MUSA) policy initiative of the old government with interventions, inter alia at the Bloemfontein Conference (1991),20 the Culture and Development Conference (1992)21 and the SAMA Conference in East London  in  1994.22 After the advent of democracy, we both served on the Arts and Culture Task Group (ACTAG) appointed by the new minister to advise on principles, policies and frameworks for a democratic South Africa, helped write new heritage legislation, acted as the secretariat for the Future of Robben Island Committee, and also sometimes as advisers on heritage matters to Deputy Minister Mabandla and the President’s Office. Just as UWC helped to provide support for various think tanks of the government‑in‑waiting, this work by the Mayibuye Centre and its staff was a reflection of how the university contributed to the nation‑wide spring clean accompanying the arrival of democracy. Struggle‑linked intellectuals were moving from being radical oppositionists to academics beginning to fulfil the more mundane but necessary role of specialist advisers found in more stable societies. Even during the immediate transition to power, the Mayibuye Centre sought to maintain its intellectual integrity. During Mayibuye’s Celebrating Democracy Festival held in July 1994, I revealed in a paper based on a report smuggled off the island (now in the archives) that tensions had existed among the ANC leadership in the ‘high organ’ on Robben Island during the 1960s and early

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1970s, highlighted by political and personal differences between Nelson Mandela and Govan Mbeki, which at times reached ‘extreme tension and bitterness’. Mayibuye was underlining at the very moment of victory the need for openness and for examining what everyone knows: that there are complexities, tensions and contradictions in every social movement and set of human relationships. With the rigid censorship of the apartheid era now something of the past, and the victorious liberation movement no longer obliged to maintain the appearance of absolute unity in the face of repression, South Africa has entered a period when the history of the past few decades can (and, indeed, must) start being told in all its rich complexity.23

This input was a deliberate one, not appreciated by the centre’s respected fellow, Ahmed Kathrada, and others at the time, but it reflected the energy and openness of Mayibuye’s approach. I elaborated on the same theme at a preparatory conference prior to the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), when I made the point that ‘historians must assert the need for openness about the past and the public’s right to know’, saying that this included the history of the broad liberation movement, including alleged malpractices in the ranks, because ‘victorious nationalist struggles have a way of producing hagiography’.24 These critical inputs were ways of celebrating democracy in line with UWC’s definition of its engagement and vision as the ‘intellectual home of the democratic left’, and the work of the Mayibuye Centre reached its apogee with the establishment of RIM in late 1996. As we shall see below, I was appointed interim administrator and then first director of RIM; and, in terms of a partnership agreement with UWC, the centre itself was effectively absorbed into RIM, so that its collections could provide a ready‑made archive for the new national, showcase museum. With its exhibitions, debates, books, transformative approach and active ‘barefoot’ collecting, Mayibuye Centre was totally fresh as an academic and heritage project in South Africa in 1990. The timing of its launch and the scope of its networks in the liberation movement and grassroots social or community groups gave it a niche space at a key moment in South African history. Driven by liberatory visions and the seemingly unending volunteerist energies of the moment, the centre opened up new paths in public heritage and had a tremendous public impact. The whole experience reinforced the notion that

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 UWC’s Mayibuye Centre: The conceptual base for RIM

to be active beyond the ivory tower does not necessarily mean compromising academic integrity and critical approaches. On the contrary, as we argued then and still do now, it is essential to any radical or critical intellectual project. This was particularly so in South Africa in the early 1990s. The centre became an institutional base for what would today be called the ‘decolonisation’ project, at a time when the universities, museums, cultural institutions and scholarship were overwhelmingly and complacently dominated by colonially rooted, if no longer all openly apartheid‑supporting, white establishments and ideas. The Mayibuye Centre brought the notion of public history firmly into the intellectual life of UWC, and the vice‑rector noted in 1995 that it was now ‘probably the most public face of the university’.25 According to Professor Premesh Lalu, the Mayibuye Centre was the institutionalisation of Jakes Gerwel’s university of the democratic left idea, and it became ‘central to thinking about what atmosphere might exist at UWC’ at a time when the university was ‘reimagining itself as an institution that would give meaning and purpose to the idea of post‑apartheid South Africa’.26

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3 Lobbying and planning: A new South African museums and heritage sector, 1990–1994 André Odendaal

By the 1980s Robben Island had become a site of great importance for the liberation struggle, but the idea that it would become a monument of sorts to the freedom struggle was still far from guaranteed. One suggestion put before a commission on the future of the island set up by F.W. de Klerk’s government in the late 1980s came from hotel magnate Sol Kerzner, who had famously profited from apartheid by creating the bantustan‑subsidised Sun City resort. He lobbied for the island to be turned into a grand casino on a similar scale.1 As late as 1994, conservation officials were still mentioning the desirability of a five‑star hotel on the island, though in combination with  heritage  considerations.2 However, the changing balance of power after the unbannings in South Africa put an end to any possibilities of pre‑emptive action which would undermine the importance of the island’s liberation legacy. Following on the moves towards normalising political activity after 1990, the Mayibuye Centre started focusing directly on the future of the island as a core part of its mission, working closely with the ANC and other organisations. From the start, Robben Island had been the obvious site for the planned ‘Holocaust museum’ for apartheid. After February 1990, the liberation movements called for the speedy release of all political prisoners. This had for a long time been one of the conditions that would need to be met before negotiations could start. However, De Klerk and the regime manoeuvred for advantage in talks about talks, delaying the process. With the Mayibuye project under way it came naturally to us to think we should introduce the plans for Robben Island to the still‑serving prisoners there as well.

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I was able to go to the island as a prisoner visitor thanks to housemate Willie Hofmeyr, well known for his activism and weeks‑long hunger strike while in detention, who worked for Mallinicks, the law firm which provided extensive legal support to political prisoners. Going there I carried with me the first yellow cyclo‑styled brochure of what was then still provisionally known as the UWC Historical and Cultural Centre. Coming back, I was one of those asked to relay a message that the Islanders were going on a hunger strike in order to put pressure on the state to release all political prisoners. On my way out, I nicked a document off an official notice board with the idea that it should go into a museum one day, and also shared the boat trip back with various prisoners who had reached the end of their sentences. It was a memorable turn to starboard at the last bend in Cape Town harbour before reaching the disembarkation point, where a noisy demonstration of support and welcome was awaiting the jubilant EPPs. Later, some newly released Islanders came to my home in Woodstock and one left in a pair of my jeans that fitted him. Another preferred to stay in his prison clothes, using his time to look at artworks and feel the touch of beads from West Africa instead. Willie said one would hear a lot about him in future. The newly released prisoner’s name was Tokyo Sexwale. Such was the excitement of being an academic, activist and archives builder at that time. After this visit to the island, material started arriving, thanks especially to Tom Winslow and others at Cowley House, the transit centre for newly released prisoners before they departed for home, who acted as conduits passing on such material to Mayibuye. When these items started coming into the centre, we noticed that they were almost always in apple boxes. Kromco, Golden Delicious, Heidedal, Stallion, Cape … always apple boxes. This was how Mayibuye received a priceless collection of Robben Island material and why we dubbed it the Apple Box Archives.3 In another small but significant step for the project, Jakes Gerwel in his usual thoughtful way introduced Ahmed Kathrada to me in 1990. ‘Comrade Kathy’, ‘Mr K’ and later simply ‘Uncle Kathy’, as this much‑loved man was called, was happy to become the Mayibuye Centre’s first fellow. With this grand title and no benefits, he joined me and two student assistants, Peter Williams and Bertie Fritz, in making up Mayibuye’s early complement. I had the privilege of working closely with Ahmed Kathrada for more than a decade. Being close to him and getting to know him was one of the most profound learning experiences of my life. Not only was he one of the Rivonia trialists, the closest South Africans could get to the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama, but he was also a generous, modest and highly intelligent individual

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with a fine sense of humour and an unimpeachable principled approach to life. As someone who did not complete his schooling because of politics, he ended up with three university degrees in prison. He loved history and recounting stories, and his memoirs and letters from prison remain a testament to his values and contribution to South African society.4 He recounted to us the story of how the Rivonia trialists in B Section once read a piece on the 1960s struggles in which they identified 19  factual  errors.5 This was part of the reason why, after being released, he would make the telling of the Robben Island and struggle story his main task in the remaining 27 years of his life – roughly the same period he had spent in prison with Madiba and their comrades. During that time of partnership, it was as though I could tap and download – USB-like – living stories of the past when I was with him. Through him I also met remarkable people like his most loved friend and comrade, Walter Sisulu, as well as Eddie Daniels, Andimba Toivo ya Toivo, Khwedi Mkalipi and scores of others. He gave me a pass straight into the heart of the struggle experience, and he and the likes of Walter Sisulu and Archbishop Desmond Tutu came to personify for me the deep values and universal vision that made the struggle great. Kathy became an active ambassador for Mayibuye, not only donating 8,000 pages of his personal papers to its archives but also helping Mayibuye obtain an important ANC collection, which was stored in his famous Kholvad House flat in Johannesburg. This flat – number 13 – was the well‑known meeting place of struggle stalwarts like Chief Albert Luthuli, Z.K. Matthews, Mandela, Sisulu, Tambo and others in the 1950s, before the 1960 bannings of organisations.6 His family kept the flat for him through his decades of incarceration and he moved back in for a short while after his release. A large collection of official ANC records was deposited there by returning exiles from Lusaka and London. Alfred Nzo, secretary‑general of the ANC at the time, agreed in writing that these could be deposited at Mayibuye.7 In 1991, I had the exhilarating task of loading into a kombi the olive-green tin trunks in which the material was stored and driving them to Cape Town. Travelling on my own through the Karoo on that long thousand‑mile journey, I had a deep sense of how lucky I was to be observing history, producing history and participating in small ways in helping to make history during a momentous period. At the SAMA Western Cape conference in May 1991, I called for the first time, on behalf of the Mayibuye Centre, for Robben Island to become a future national museum. At a time when business people and government were planning to open it to the public, I warned, ‘Hands off Robben Island’, saying that ‘[it] is not for white business people or the Minister of Justice of the

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regime responsible for creating this monstrous prison’ to decide on its future, and concluded that ‘[r]ecognising the need for any decision to be representative and accountable should be the starting point, not an afterthought’.8 The centre co‑hosted two national workshops on future heritage scenarios,9 and Gordon Metz and I both played central roles in the work of the ANC’s Commission for Museums, Monuments and Heraldry (CMMH) formed by the newly returned ANC Department of Arts and Culture, based at Shell House in Johannesburg and headed by poet and Umkhonto we Sizwe (MKVA) underground commander Mongane ‘Wally’ Serote. Metz, a tireless cultural activist and project coordinator, had been in exile and in the Botswana underground with Serote, before joining IDAF in London and later returning with two exiled colleagues – the poet, editor and film‑maker Barry Feinberg and graphic designer Norman Kaplan – to join Mayibuye, as part of the relocation of the IDAF collections. When the CMMH underwent a name change and broadening of scope to become the Commission for the Restructuring and Transformation of the Arts and Culture in South Africa (CREATE), I was made chairperson. Then, CMMH/CREATE started coordinating new strategies for heritage in a future democracy, engaged the establishment SAMA and successfully neutralised official plans expressed in the MUSA policy initiative of the old government with interventions, inter alia at the Bloemfontein Conference (1991), Culture and Development Conference (1992) and the SAMA conferences in East London in 1994.10 On 3  March 1993, F.W. de Klerk’s last apartheid Cabinet decided that the Department of Correctional Services should vacate the island by the end of 1996. At the Culture and Development Conference three weeks later, from 25 April to 1 May 1993, the ANC put forward its ideas for ‘a culture of reconstruction’. It recognised inter alia the importance of transformed museums that are ‘cultural repositories that are first and foremost educational institutions forming part of the scientific and cultural structure of society’ and called for a fundamental transformation of the heritage sector and a moratorium on the apartheid government’s heritage planning, including ‘on the development of Robben Island until a representative forum is established that can decide on the future of the island’.11 After intense preparations, the Mayibuye Centre‑initiated Esiqithini exhibition with the South African Museum was launched in the Whale Well of the museum on 26  May 1993, bringing the Robben Island focus into existing national museums.12 Poet and critic Stephen Watson described it as ‘one of the most important cultural exhibitions yet to be held in this country’.13 Time magazine hosted it in its calendar of events around the world. The exhibition was

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opened by Ahmed Kathrada and his ‘triumph of human spirit’ observations in the speech would provide the departure point for the way RIM would project the maximum security prison experience in the future (see Chapter 4 for Kathrada’s full opening address). In the three years before the advent of democracy, the centre became recognised, in the words of Albie Sachs, as ‘a dignified house’, keeping safe and sound the ‘memorials of our years of struggle’.14 And at each stage of the process described above, Mayibuye lobbied for and received endorsement for the idea that Robben Island should become a major heritage project. April 1994 heralded the onset of a new phase in South African history. The liberation movement was now in government. A host of UWC‑based intellectuals went into government or occupied various support roles, most notably Jakes Gerwel, who became director general in the Office of the President under Nelson Mandela. Members of the Mayibuye Centre were now drawn into advising government on policy, participating in the preparations for the TRC, helping to draft new legislation and sitting on museum boards to help with the process of transformation. On 14  May 1994, a few days after Mandela’s presidential inauguration, I gave an address on the ‘The Historical Significance and Political Importance of Robben Island’ at a symposium on the island organised by the non‑governmental organisation (NGO), Peace Visions. It was hosted by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, and Walter Sisulu, Khwedi Mkalipi and a number of other EPPs were present. Peace Visions wished to establish a peace institute on Robben Island, and I called for an integrated development and management plan that included a museum and other heritage elements to be set up there as part of a broad cultural and educational initiative.15 I gave the keynote address at the SAMA annual conference in East London on 23 May on behalf of CREATE. It was titled ‘Give Life to Learning: The Way Ahead for Museums in a Democratic South Africa’, and spoke about new ways that were needed to bring fossilised apartheid institutions to life.16 Soon afterwards, I was among the 23 cultural figures (sifted out from over 300 nominations) from across the political spectrum appointed by the new minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology to ACTAG. Chaired by writer and literary activist Andries Walter Oliphant, ACTAG’s task was to advise on new principles, policies and frameworks for a democratic South Africa.17 Its work led to a White Paper and new legislation. As a member of the Working Group on Archives Legislation (WORCDAL), I was involved in writing new heritage legislation and I also served on the drafting committee responsible for the Archives Act of 1996. Mayibuye Centre colleague Gordon Metz and I were also roped in on occasions

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as advisers on heritage matters to Deputy Minister Brigitte Mabandla and President Mandela’s Office on heritage matters, for example the Legacy Projects, the initiative for a giant Freedom Monument led by the Krok brothers, Robben Island, and the proposed Mandela Museum at Qunu. Moreover, I was by now also serving on the boards of various national institutions and projects such as the Arts and Culture Trust of the President, the South African Museum, the South African Cultural History Museum and the District Six Museum Foundation. Gordon Metz was kept equally busy. Serving together with another UWC staff member, Lulamile Siyo, he was deputy chairperson of the 15‑member provincial version of ACTAG, the Western Cape Arts and Culture Task Group (WESTAG), and in this capacity participated in the ACTAG process. On behalf of the Mayibuye Centre, he oversaw the highly symbolic mounting of the United Nations‑sponsored ‘Art Against Apartheid’ exhibition for the opening of Parliament in 1996, which replaced the decades‑old images of apartheid prime ministers and severe‑looking old white men that had almost exclusively dominated the halls of power up till then.18 Metz worked closely with Deputy Minister Mabandla, Serote and the newly refashioned Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology (DACST) under new director general Roger Jardine, and he moved from Mayibuye to the department in 1996. Generally, the Mayibuye Centre was seen to be in the forefront of proactively transforming the museums sector in the early 1990s. Those who had always been excluded were starting to exercise power. It was a heady time to be involved. At a preparatory conference organised by Justice in Transition in relation to the establishment of a TRC for South Africa in 1994, we proposed that the TRC records in future be kept ‘in a museum on Robben Island’, citing as a precedent for such a move the impressive Museum of Resistance (against the Nazi occupation) in the Akershus Fortress in Oslo, Norway, which I was later invited to visit by the Norwegian government, one of the funders of the Mayibuye Centre. ‘By imprisoning the handiwork of an Orwellian system [on Robben Island],’ we argued, ‘you would be emphasising the symbolic and political importance of the commission and of the need to reveal past state misdeeds in a way that consolidates democracy in the new South Africa.’19 From 1995 onwards several developments occurred which gave a whole new momentum to the planning for a future Robben Island. Coinciding with the fifth anniversary of President Nelson Mandela’s release from prison, more than one thousand ‘graduates’ returned to the island for a reunion in February 1995 ‘to talk about old times and discuss the future of the island’.20 They were transported

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on the navy vessel SAS Outeniqua, and then brought ashore in smaller boats because it was too big to enter Murray’s Bay harbour. The emotion‑filled event was organised by Peace Visions, with government support. The Mayibuye Centre was one of several partners serving on the organising committee. The centre designed a distinctive conference banner, organised the symbolic rock‑breaking ceremony and isivivane (remembrance) stone memorial in the lime quarry, set up an exhibition, hosted a large number of prisoners on the UWC campus to see the centre’s archives on the final day, and produced a commemorative publication of the event, Robben Island: The Reunion.21 The reunion ended with a conference of ex‑political prisoners at the Cape Peninsula Technikon, which led to two important outcomes. Firstly, the idea of setting up a special state pensions scheme for EPPs was endorsed, eventually being activated several years later by the democratic state after much hard work, contestation and controversy. Secondly, a cross‑party Ex‑Political Prisoners Committee (EPPC) was elected with Ahmed Kathrada as chairperson. The rest of the committee read like a who’s who of ‘the new South Africa’: Terror Lekota, Jeff Radebe, Tokyo Sexwale, Dikgang Moseneke, Khwedi Mkalipi, Barbara Hogan, Aubrey Mokoape, Saki Macozoma, Soto Ndukwana, Ben Fani and Peter Paul Ngwenya. Subsequently, Fani and Ngwenya became secretary and treasurer. The new EPPC had no resources and was initially funded by South African Breweries where Ndukwana held an executive position. Kathrada, Ngwenya and Ndukwana were tasked with setting up a Makana Trust to act as a fundraising vehicle for EPPs. Kathrada had no commercial aspirations or financial self‑interest and was soon ‘removed’ as one of the three trustees. New Gauteng premier Tokyo Sexwale, on his way to becoming a billionaire, was added in his place and the trust was then run by a five‑person team consisting of himself, Ngwenya, Ndukwana and two of their assistants at work. Its goals were to • benefit South African ex‑political prisoners and their dependants in South Africa by improving their educational, social, health, economic and basic human needs and wellbeing. • support any organisation or association whose objectives are similar to those of the trust. • preserve, maintain and enhance the assets of the trust. • hold such other interests of all kinds as the trustees in their absolute and sole discretion may decide upon for the benefit of beneficiaries.22 The complex dynamics revolving around the EPPC, the special pensions fund process and the Makana Trust would impact significantly on EPP politics

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and also on future developments on Robben Island. The EPPs had enormous political credibility and clout. As already mentioned, Ace Mgxashe of The Argus reported during the reunion that more than half of the incoming ANC MPs in 1994 were ex‑Islanders.23 Their voice in the future development of Robben Island would be key. The setting up of this and other commercial vehicles by ex‑Islanders would also lead to them seeking commercial opportunities on the island. The Makana Trust, pursuing a direct commercial path, would later be criticised for not being accountable and not doing enough for EPPs. There were some who would later also criticise and challenge the line followed by the official EPPC, leading to different camps within EPP ranks. Finally, many EPPs were in dire financial straits and some would in future look to the island for employment and general relief. In April 1995, five national museums and the National Monuments Council came out in support of the Mayibuye Centre’s proposal for Robben Island to become a national monument, World Heritage Site and museum. This proposal was also adopted almost verbatim and unanimously endorsed at the national conference held by the government‑appointed advisory ACTAG in June 1994.24 The next step taken by the Mayibuye Centre to position itself with regard to potential future developments on Robben Island was to set up the non‑profit Robben Island Gateway Company, to negotiate on behalf of UWC with the V&A Waterfront Company for a site which could house its collections there and act, if needed, as a gateway of sorts to a future museum on the island. At the end of 1994, the two parties provisionally identified a site alongside the breakwater wall with clear views of both Robben Island and Table Mountain, close to where the Table Bay Hotel would later  be  built.25 This site would be used for a specially designed building to display Mayibuye’s unique collections on apartheid and the island. In the meantime, the Caltex Auditorium at the entrance to the Waterfront was made available for the centre to mount the relocated Esiqithini exhibition. This was opened during 1995 by Walter Sisulu, who said that ‘[j]ust as Robben Island helped shape our past and present, it should be “reactivated” in a way that contributes to future developments and debates in our society’.26 On 19 July 1995, the centre organised a performance of the classic Shakespeare‑inspired South African play The Island, by John Kani and Winston Ntshona (devised with Athol Fugard), at the Baxter Theatre to announce its Gateway plans. Archbishop Tutu was the main speaker and wowed the crowds, while Ahmed Kathrada spoke ‘modestly’ about his donation of letters to the centre and appealed ‘for more material on Robben Island’ to be deposited there.27

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In the next big step forward, the government announced on 2  August 1995 that a Future of Robben Island Committee under Kathrada’s leadership was being set up to invite public comment and report on the future utilisation and development of the island (see Chapter 5 for details of this). All roads were leading to Robben Island, and meanwhile – during the launch of the Esiqithini exhibition – this respected Rivonia trialist and head of the EPPC had already set out a vision for the way forward.

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 Defining the vision: ‘The triumph of the human spirit’

4 Defining the vision: ‘The triumph of the human spirit’ Opening address by Ahmed Kathrada at Esiqithini, The Robben Island exhibition, South African Museum, 26 May 1993

If I were to sum up in a sentence our years in prison, I would say: While we will not forget the brutality of apartheid we will not want Robben Island to be a monument of our hardship and suffering. We would want it to be a monument reflecting the triumph of the human spirit against the forces of evil; a triumph of freedom and human dignity over repression and humiliation; a triumph of wisdom and largeness of spirit against small minds and pettiness; a triumph of courage and determination over human frailty and weakness; a triumph of non‑racialism over bigotry and intolerance; a triumph of the new South Africa over the old.

We wish to thank the Mayibuye Centre and the South African Museum for inviting us to open this exhibition. In this period of rapid development in virtually every sphere of South African life the organisers are to be congratulated for having the foresight to get in on the ground floor to focus on what is undoubtedly a significant part of our history. The Mayibuye Centre has made a national input as a historical and cultural conservation project within a very short time, and we trust that it and other alternative projects will be fully recognised and supported in the coming democratic dispensation. The Museum is a long‑established institution which is also showing via this exhibition its commitment to change within the cultural sphere.

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We express the hope that the collaboration of these two institutions, the sharing of their skills and their efforts to develop common perspectives will grow and make an increasingly important contribution towards the preservation and perpetuation of the rich and diverse heritage of all the people of our country. Coming only a week after International Museums Day (which incidentally was also the 81st birthday of a famous Robben Island prisoner, Mr  Walter Sisulu), we further express the hope that this kind of collaboration will extend well beyond the borders of South Africa so that our country is fully integrated and made welcome once again in the world community of museum curators, archivists, librarians, researchers, etc. We are going through a momentous period in our history; the unfolding of the new South Africa is bound to make a profound impact on all spheres of life, and it is important that we adjust ourselves to meet the new realities. Exhibitions such as these are part and parcel of the transitions to democracy and non‑racialism. The ANC, as you are no doubt aware, is committed to the democratisation and restructuring of cultural institutions and to affirmative action, which is part of this process. We realise that these developments do give rise to a measure of anxiety and concern. But we wish to beseech cultural workers not to see them as posing threats, but to regard the process as presenting new challenges and opening new doors and new opportunities. By having this exhibition the Mayibuye Centre and the Museum have taken a major step towards meeting new challenges and showing what can be done. We therefore wish to extend thanks to the two institutions and the individuals who have put in so much effort to make this occasion possible. In particular we wish to single out the designer of the exhibition, Mr  John Kramer, and the coordinators, Dr Patricia Davison of the South African Museum and Dr André Odendaal of the Mayibuye Centre, for their contributions. We think it is fairly generally accepted that one of the main features of any plan for Robben Island will be a museum which, among other things, will accumulate, preserve and exhibit material relating to the prison. This, in our opinion, is how it should be. Looked at it objectively, there can be little doubt that Robben Island’s place in our history will be primarily based on its having been a prison for political prisoners and a place of banishment for political exiles. It is true that during its 400‑year history Robben Island has served various purposes. Already in 1591, because of disputes with the indigenous Khoikhoi people, foreign sailors used it as a place of refuge. It has been a source of food for passing ships, supplying penguin eggs, sheep, rabbits, seal oil, etc.

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It has served as an infirmary for lepers and mentally disturbed patients. It has supplied building material such as shale and lime, which was used for the Castle in Cape Town. It has served as a military base. It has been a sanctuary for flora and fauna. Seaweed from the Island has been used for the manufacture of fertiliser. These have no doubt contributed towards the rich and varied history of the Island. But it is for its history as a prison and a place of confinement that Robben Island will be mainly remembered. As early as 1525 a Portuguese ship is said to have left prisoners on the Island. In 1615 the English East India Company sent ten convicts there. Jan van Riebeeck banished the first political prisoner there. His name was Autshumato, or Harry the Strandloper, as the history books call him. His alleged crime was cattle theft. Under VOC rule there was a string of political and religious leaders from the East Indies who were banished to Robben Island. These included the princes of Macassar and Madura; and Muslim leaders such as Hadje Mattarm, whose Kramat, or shrine, still stands on the Island. During the years of the British occupation numerous political leaders were sent there, including the Khoikhoi leader David Stuurman; Chief Maqoma; Koranna leaders after the Koranna Wars; Chief Langalibalele and many others. In 1819 Makana was banished there for leading an attack on Grahamstown. He and his party drowned the following year while trying to escape. In 1961 Robben Island was reopened as a prison for black political prisoners. Among the very first prisoners to be sent there in 1962 were Nelson Mandela and George Peake, a member of the Cape Town City Council. Until 1991, when the last political prisoners left the Island, several thousand political prisoners had served their sentences there. Some died on the Island. A very strong emotional and political bond exists between the organisations of the oppressed people and the Island. An umbilical cord ties us former prisoners to it. We are therefore vitally interested in its future and expect to be fully involved in any plans pertaining to it. In this respect it was heartening to note that the organisers consulted fully with the Association of Ex‑Political Prisoners [AEPP] about this exhibition, and that on the recommendation of the Association an ex‑Robben Islander, Mr Afrika Hlapo, was employed to work on the project. It is not my intention to take you on a journey down memory lane. The story of 26 years plus cannot be condensed in the short time we have. But I am going to briefly recall some of the things that may interest you, and which may explain why we dare not forget the crimes of apartheid.

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We arrived on the Island on a miserable, cold, windy, rainy morning on Saturday, 13  June 1964. It did not take us hours to reinforce our belief in the justness of our struggle against the callousness, the brutality, the insensitivity, the racialism and inhumanity of the apartheid system. Apartheid had decreed not only differential treatment between black and white, but between the different black communities as well. Hence, while coloureds and Indians were given long trousers for the cold winter months, my colleagues – all of whom were my seniors in age – had to brave the cold in short pants. They got less sugar, less meat and less fish than us. We received about a quarter loaf of bread daily, they had to eat soft porridge for breakfast and supper. In the eyes of apartheid practitioners a major concession was made when they allowed African prisoners to purchase one loaf of bread a year, at Christmas time. When we were sent out to work at the lime quarry with picks and shovels we were told it would be for six months. We worked there for about thirteen or fourteen years. We cannot forget the first months when we came home from work with blistered and bloody hands, and sore muscles. We can talk about the dozen years and more of cold showers and sleeping on the cement floor with three blankets and a thin sisal mat. There is much more to recall; much more that we have found in ourselves to forgive. But we will never forget. The oppressed people of South Africa, and democracy‑loving people as a whole, will want in some way to remember and honour the experiences of the freedom fighters who passed through the doors of Robben Island. We in the Liberation Movement and ex‑prisoners may not as yet have finalised our ideas about what exactly we want done on Robben Island, but I believe we have a fairly good idea about what we do not want. We will strenuously oppose any plans by the state or by business interests that would amount to the desecration of the suffering and sacrifices of Robben Island prisoners. We will do all in our power to stop the type of blatant opportunism that would seek to capitalise on the popularity of our President, Mr Mandela, in order to attract tourists to vulgar commercial enterprises such as casinos, multi‑star hotels and night‑clubs. While we would welcome efforts of environmentalists and conservationists in the direction of the fauna and flora, and historic buildings and shipwrecks, I can foresee uneasiness about activities that might adversely detract from the main focus of the Island as a monument to political prisoners and the struggle for democracy in South Africa.

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 Defining the vision: ‘The triumph of the human spirit’

It has been suggested, Mr Chairman, that I give the audience a brief glimpse into my personal feelings about life in prison. Instead of having a retrospective look I thought it would be better to read extracts of a letter I had written from Pollsmoor Prison to a couple on their marriage. The feelings I express in it would apply equally to Robben Island, and to prisons in general. The stereotype image of a prison is one of forbidding high walls, a grim, cold atmosphere – prosaic, harsh, vulgar, violent; an atmosphere of desperate, unsmiling faces; angry, bitter and frustrated beings. Admittedly, a prison situation is tailor‑made for the projection of such an image. Every inmate, to a greater or lesser degree, is vulnerable to unwholesome influences. However, as in every situation which occasions a radical change of environment, the basic challenge that faces a person is one of adjustment. You have to approach the new environment in a positive state of mind. It is easy to succumb when faced with prospects of a lengthy and nightmarish existence; and consequently dwell on one’s miseries, hardships, the manifold deprivations and negative experiences. Someone has written about two prisoners looking out of their cell window – the one saw iron bars, while the other saw stars. How true! …  the very fact of being in prison means that one has to endure certain deprivations, the chief of which is the loss of one’s freedom. Having come to terms with unchangeables, you set about the task of making adjustments to the environment, and where possible, changing the environment to make the stay less intolerable. … the real picture of prison life. It is a picture of great warmth, fellowship, friendship, humour and laughter; of strong convictions, of a generosity of spirit, of compassion, solidarity and care. It is a picture of continuous learning, of getting to know and live with your fellow beings, their strengths as well as their idiosyncrasies; but more important, where one comes to know oneself, one’s weaknesses, inadequacies – and one’s potentials. Unbelievably, it is a very positive, confident, determined – yes, even a happy community. Looked at from this perspective, the prison situation offers some comparison with marriage. Both involve a radical break with the past and adjustment to the new environment … while retaining basic values, both situations require one to temper but not obliterate one’s individualism in the interest of the greater whole. To move away from a self‑centred lifestyle to one where the individual personality is largely submerged in a wider social unit is a profoundly humbling but enormously rewarding experience. How is this experience to be measured? …

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The general tendency is to measure imprisonment in terms of the number of years served. To my mind this is an inadequate and hopelessly unbalanced method. By reducing prison life to cold, impersonal statistics one is blotting out the deep, multidimensional experiences, feelings and interests of a vibrant community; there is a variety of means to portray one’s imprisonment without having to resort to years, months, days  …  which are almost meaningless fragmented units of time …

Mr Chairman, this ends the extract of my prison letter. I hope it gives you some insight into an approach to prison life. Earlier I had tried to give you a glimpse of the sort of discrimination, hardships and humiliation that we had experienced. If I were to sum up in a sentence our years in prison, I would say: While we will not forget the brutality of apartheid we will not want Robben Island to be a monument to our hardship and suffering. We would want it to be a monument reflecting the triumph of the human spirit against the forces of evil; a triumph of freedom and human dignity over repression and humiliation; a triumph of wisdom and largeness of spirit over small minds and pettiness; a triumph of courage and determination over human frailty and weakness; a triumph of non‑racialism over bigotry and intolerance; a triumph of the new South Africa over the old.

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 Cabinet’s decision on the future of the island

5 The mandate: Cabinet’s decision on the future of the island, 1994–1996 André Odendaal

Due to the complementary processes unfolding as South Africa moved towards the formal transition to democracy, Ahmed Kathrada’s words in the previous chapter would become concretised on Robben Island. Just over a year after democracy arrived, President Mandela’s new government took the first official steps to determine the future of the island. On 2 August 1995 Cabinet announced that the Future of Robben Island Committee under Kathrada, now special adviser in the Office of the President, was being set up to ‘invite proposals from the public for the future utilisation and development of Robben Island’ and to report and make recommendations to Cabinet. Appointed with Kathrada were the UWC historian Colin Bundy and advocates Nona Goso and Dikgang Moseneke; Moseneke had been one of the youngest political prisoners to be sent to the island. When he stepped down due to work pressure, he was replaced in May 1996 by fellow ex‑Islander Eddie Daniels. The Mayibuye Centre was asked to act as the secretariat for the committee. The establishment of the Future of Robben Island Committee flowed almost seamlessly from unfolding developments around the island, namely the build‑up of inter‑connected lobbying by the Mayibuye Centre and the ANC, the negotiations about a future heritage policy for South Africa, the setting up of a new Ministry of Arts and Culture with a bright young progressive director general after democracy, and the big reunion of ex‑political prisoners in February 1995. Kathrada, sitting in the President’s Office and having been elected chairperson of the EPPC, was now the pivotal person in the process to determine what would become of Robben Island in the future. In response to advertisements it sent out, the Future of Robben Island Committee received more than 170 written proposals from the public and also sat to receive verbal submissions. Most of the submissions were strongly in

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favour of the island being run as a place to commemorate its profound historical and political importance. The emphasis on heritage included rejection of any attempts to over‑commercialise the island. It was not going to become a noisy Sun City casino‑type playground. Some of the whacky ideas submitted ranged from the maverick (move Stonehenge to Robben Island) to the hardline (Robben Island should become a work farm for the recalcitrant). While private businesses sought a role in marketing, planning, the ferries, other transport and hospitality services, NGOs, religious groups and government departments focused more on educational, heritage, environmental and maritime projects. Among the big ideas were suggestions for an Open University, a Peace Centre and a Leadership and Dialogue Centre.1 The committee identified six guiding principles for the future. Besides promoting the island’s heritage and symbolism and the values of the new democracy, these included an integrated development approach that would be ‘economically viable and sustainable’; generating international involvement and visibility; allowing multi‑purpose usage which ‘gives access to the widest possible range of stakeholders, especially ex‑political prisoners’; and making sure it was ‘non‑sectarian and free of direct party political or government interference’. The committee finalised its recommendations for Cabinet just over a year later, on 21 August 1996. Ahmed Kathrada sent the 12‑page report to Professor Gerwel in his capacity as Cabinet secretary.2 He emphasised the need for speed in implementing the decisions as ‘there are only four months left before a new authority must be in place’. This was because the last apartheid Cabinet had decided in March 1993 that the Department of Correctional Services should vacate Robben Island by the end of 1996. When the last 21 political prisoners were taken off the island on 14 and 15  May 1991 and moved to Pollsmoor Prison (after some of them had gone on 15‑day hunger strikes to demand their release),3 the prison was temporarily used as an ordinary criminal prison. Now Correctional Services was busy preparing to leave the island by the end of December, without any cooperation happening between it and other government departments, despite the profound importance of the island’s history and the importance of preserving its legacy in the most sensitive and professional way possible. Come 1 January 1997, at this rate, anyone would be able to land and roam about on the island without control being exercised over the space. Given this urgency, the recommendations of the Future of Robben Island Committee were rapidly translated into Cabinet Memorandum Number 20 of 1996 under the supervision of Professor Gerwel. The memorandum was discussed first by the Cabinet Committee for Social and Administrative Affairs

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on 28 August, with the four members of the Future of Robben Island Committee invited and present. The Cabinet Committee endorsed the recommendations and DACST was identified as being the controlling department. With four months to go to D-Day, the government decided that given the impossible time frames, the development of the island would have to be phased. The urgent priority was for DACST, working together with the director general of the Department of State Expenditure (who reported to the Treasury Committee) and Cabinet, to budget for and find interim bridging finance to make possible the transfer of the island to DACST, and to cover the first few months of the new institution’s existence. On 4  September 1996, Cabinet promptly endorsed the recommendations. The minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, Lionel Mtshali, duly announced the new consolidated plan for the integrated development of Robben Island when its role as a prison finally came to an end on 31 December that year: •  Robben Island should be developed as a World Heritage Site, National Monument and National Museum, which can become a cultural and conservation showcase for the new South African democracy, while at the same time maximising the economic, tourism and educational potential of the island, and so encouraging that multi‑purpose usage. • The Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology should become the new controlling authority, taking over from the Department of Correctional services on 1 January 1997. • The Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, in terms of the Cultural Institutions Act (Act 29 of 1969) should name Robben Island a Declared Cultural Institution and appoint a governing Council and Director. •  With regard to the Museum functions mentioned above, Robben Island should be run as a site museum, where the total environment is conserved in an integrated way, in line with modern international conservation approaches, and that the ex‑political prison be converted into a Museum of the Freedom Struggle in South Africa. •  The Robben Island Museum should be conceptualised and built on three pillars: Robben Island as the core; administrative facilities and a complementary site on the mainland; and a national and international function, designed to promote international cooperation and to connect directly to broader transformation processes in South African society, for example by reinforcing and giving direction to the plethora of other legacy projects being proposed countrywide to deal with the struggle for and the establishment of democracy in South Africa.

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• In order to equip the new Robben Island museum in an expeditious and cost effective way, the minister should request the University of the Western Cape (UWC) to agree to the incorporation of the Mayibuye Centre and the non‑profit UWC‑initiated Robben Island Gateway Project in the new Robben Island institution. • After taking over the management of Robben Island on 1  January 1997, the new controlling authority should initiate a systematic and broadly participative planning process, facilitated by a suitably qualified agency, for the long‑term development and multi‑purpose use of Robben Island. • The special history of Robben Island [should] be taken into account during the planning and development process, amongst others via the inclusion of ex‑political prisoners and a representative from the President’s Office on the Council of the new Declared Cultural Institution, as well as through arrangements which can contribute to the socioeconomic upliftment of ex‑political prisoners. •  The new controlling authority should make special efforts to generate income independently of state funds, inter alia by establishing a Robben Island Trust, with President Mandela as patron‑in‑chief and a panel of distinguished South African and international trustees. • The redevelopment of Robben Island should be phased.4

This major announcement by the Mandela Cabinet that Robben Island would become a new national museum when the prison closed at the end of that year activated the long‑held vision of the liberation movement for Robben Island to become a special place of memory and heritage. It also crowned nine years of specific visioning and support work on the idea of a Robben Island museum, which had taken place via the Mayibuye Centre project at UWC. But there now remained only 118 days to set up the new institution and take over the island before its public opening on New Year’s Day 1997! Following Cabinet’s decision, DACST, the new line‑function ministry, which would be in charge, went about establishing the legal structure responsible for running Robben Island. It set up an inter‑departmental working group which met weekly from the time of the Cabinet announcement and involved the two departments then in charge – Correctional Services and Public Works – to plan the practical details of taking over the island, including ‘the transfer of functions, responsibilities and properties from one department to another’.5 DACST invited the Mayibuye Centre to join this group, another indication of the role it was seen to be playing in the change process in the cultural and heritage field during

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 Cabinet’s decision on the future of the island

the transition. By 19  September, the Treasury Committee had already agreed to approve ‘bridging finance’ for the task ahead. A figure of R7.5  million was eventually agreed on, with DACST also promising to add up to R4 million from its own savings and contingency funds. The department and the Mayibuye Centre then together drew up the provisional funding plan and structure for the new cultural institution. The young director general, Dr Roger Jardine, who had completed his master’s degree in physics in the USA and later became CEO of media giants Kagiso and Primedia, as well as chairperson of Rand Bank, gave the Robben Island issue his full attention. He was supported by his deputy, Themba Wakashe, legal adviser Carol Steinberg, Mike Rennie and Jacko van Zyl from the DACST finance office, and the experienced deputy director for Heritage in DACST, Tertius Baartman, the last three from the pre‑1994 era. Jardine tasked Gordon Metz to do the legwork in drafting the business plan, working with his team and with me. It went through various iterations as the inter‑departmental planning proceeded. Metz’s work for DACST resulted firstly in its request for his secondment from Mayibuye and later in his employment by the department. The business plan provided for a structure of about 230 staff and a budget of around R28  million for the launch operation during the remainder of the 1996/97 financial year, though less than that was forthcoming in  the  end.6 For the new institution to become operational right away, Correctional Services was requested to draft an inventory of all its property on the island and to transfer to the new museum items relevant to its new function, including furniture, equipment, vehicles, the ferries used for transport to the mainland, and the eland, bontebok and other game on the island. A process that should have taken three years had of necessity to be completed in three months. In the Government Gazette of 15  November 1996, Robben Island was formally declared a cultural institution under the Cultural Institutions Act (No. 29 of 1969). This new Robben Island museum (RIM) would be responsible for managing Robben Island and reporting to the department – and through it to the minister and Parliament. The Cultural Institutions Act stipulates that every declared cultural institution ‘shall be under the control, management and direction of a Council’ of not less than seven people. The department had the power under the Act to appoint such a council on or before 1  January 1997, but given the short time span and in keeping with the ethos of democracy and transparency, it chose instead to follow a longer public participation process, which involved calling for nominations through the media before appointing the council. Meanwhile, it was decided that

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an Interim Management Authority would run the RIM until a council could be put in place. On 18  November 1996, the last 92 common law prisoners (no longer segregated according to colour) were pictured being marched off the island, bringing to an end its centuries‑long history as a place of banishment, ‘including 32 years as the pre‑eminent apartheid prison’.7 At a ceremony on the island exactly a month later, on 18 December 1996, Minister Lionel Mtshali officially took over oversight of the historic space from Correctional Services on behalf of DACST. He announced my appointment as interim administrator; as the director of the Mayibuye Centre, I had for several years been an active part of the lobbying and planning for the heritage‑driven re‑purposing of the island. I was mandated to run the island on a temporary basis with two officials with extensive experience in finance and administration in the old state museums system until a new council could be appointed to take over that responsibility.8 The seconded staff were Tertius Baartman from DACST and Nico van Niekerk, head of Finance and Administration at the South African Museum. The new council was expected to be in place by March 1997. Meanwhile, the interim authority, due to formally take control of Robben Island under the auspices of the department on 1 January 1997, had ‘all the [oversight] rights and obligations and [could] exercise all the functions of a council’ while simultaneously also being operationally in day‑to‑day charge of RIM, as we would soon begin to call the museum.9 A gigantic challenge awaited the new team in the running of this 475‑hectare slab of rock and sand in the middle of Table Bay.

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 Throwing open the prison doors, 1 January 1997

6 Throwing open the prison doors, 1 January 1997 André Odendaal

Two days after Minister Mtshali’s announcement about the future of Robben Island, the first meeting of staff happened on 20 December 1996. If there were a dozen people in place, it was a lot. The decision the interim administration had to take was a big one. ‘Do we – indeed, can we – open the island to the public from New Year’s Day, only 12 days hence, with the Christmas public holidays in between?’ The answer was never in doubt. The principle of immediate public accessibility underpinned all the recent higher‑level decisions and planning. A period of frenetic activity followed. In record time, the administrator drew on the networks of the Mayibuye Centre, EPPs and MKVA commanders, Lizo Ngqungwana, Bongani Jonas, Joseph Ngoma and Ashley  Forbes, as well as tourism professionals Shareen Parker and Sheryl Ozinsky to get a team in place to run the first boats on New Year’s Day. Tertius Baartman and Nico van Niekerk, experienced administrators in state museums, and the former prison official Gerhard Brandt took responsibility for the logistical and administrative support needed. The initial product offered to visitors was a closely controlled tour for 300 people per day. It would be based around EPPs acting as chaperones and telling their personal narratives, and apprehensive ex‑warders keeping the existing ferry service and boats operative. As part of the rainbow dreams of the Mandela era, the DACST planning team, in consultation with the head of the EPPC sitting in the President’s Office, decided that the complex relationship could be used for good in emphasising the values of the new democracy and the metaphor of the ‘triumph of the human spirit over adversity’ and oppression which Ahmed Kathrada and

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Robben Island prisoners wished to emphasise at that time. We were tasked by DACST to persuade certain ex‑warders experienced in running the ferries, and island logistics, to join the new museum. It was the only way the demand for the island to be opened up to the public in such a short time could be met. Many of these warders were disbelieving that ‘the ANC’ were genuine about offering them a place in the new project. But those who accepted soon embarked on a whole new experiential adventure in nation building and identity formation. Travel to and from Robben Island was by boat, a mode of transport very few South Africans experience in the absence of big rivers and waterways in the country. RIM inherited a fleet of five vessels from the Department of Correctional Services. The Dias, Susan Kruger and Penguin initially ferried tourists, school and educational groups, staff and Robben Island residents between the mainland and the island. The Blouberg carried cargo and supplies to and from the island. The Proteus, which did not have an engine, was docked at the Murray’s Bay harbour. The journey of separation and incarceration for many political prisoners started with boarding a ferry at Jetty 1, Victoria and Alfred (V&A) Waterfront for the boat ride across the stretch of cold Atlantic Ocean water to Murray’s Bay, Robben Island. For many, this was their first journey at sea. The experience of travelling on the old ferries formerly used to convey prisoners was therefore an intrinsic and unique part of the new RIM experience. Our idea was to instil a sense of ‘pilgrimage’ in the experience. A place closed for centuries was being opened up. The swaying slow boats that had carried the prisoners would also carry the visitors. The experience we wanted visitors to have was that of setting out to a previously forbidden holy place; followed by the destabilisation of the self during the unfamiliar journey across the sometimes choppy waters of the bay; followed by arrival and the power of the encounter and learning something new on the island of pain; then, the return and the reconstruction of meaning and self against this background of the experience. Twelve days later, on a perfect New Year’s morning, the first boatload of visitors moored at the new RIM. The EPPC and a host of other EPPs from different organisations were on board as special guests.1 As described in the prologue, the prison doors were memorably thrown open that day, symbolically liberating the island from its centuries-old role as a place of incarceration and isolation. The newspapers celebrated the act of ‘Setting the island free from brutal past’ and converting the ‘Island of shame to island of fame’ to make it a ‘New island for a new South Africa’.2 The first visitors arrived before the systematic layout of desks, computers, fax machines, beds (for when people had to sleep over on the island) and other

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 Throwing open the prison doors, 1 January 1997

necessities of organised life were in place. This was so because the Department of Correctional Services had packed up and left without any detailed prior inter‑departmental coordination having taken place. Therefore, the plan was for the interim authority to secure the space, allow limited, controlled public access and from this base then to build the new institution, starting with a ‘broadly participative planning process for the long‑term development of Robben Island … from April [1997] onwards once a new governing Council and permanent Director and staff had been appointed’.3

FIRST STEPS Given Robben Island’s great meaning for South Africa and the world, it was with a sense of wonder, humility and heavy responsibility that the interim staff began the operations of the new museum that January. For the first month and a half, Robben Island operated on adrenalin. People on the mainland queued from four in the morning in an atmosphere reminiscent of a World Cup football match to get one of the 300 available seats each day. And the small island staff worked like Trojans to reach their target of looking after 8,000 visitors per month. Ex‑Robben Island prisoners and ex‑Robben Island warders worked hand in hand to realise a new vision for the future. Indeed, it was only by drawing on and merging the divergent experiences and knowledge of these ex‑Islanders, and offering tourists their personalised insights as tour hosts (as opposed to tour guides), that the museum was able to go ‘public’ at all in January 1997. The ex‑warders we had persuaded to stay on in the spirit of Mandela piloted the boats and the EPPs were the hosts. They were listened to in awe as they told the story of the place and their personal stories in an experience for the visitor that in its initial freshness fulfilled all the requirements of a ‘pilgrimage’. The core of this early complement of guides was provided by Lionel Davis, Patrick Matanjana, Houghton Soci, Elias Mzamo, Sindile Mnqgibisa, Muthe Mzukwa and Siphiwo ‘Speech’ Sobhuwa, who were from diverse political backgrounds representing three distinct streams of struggle. Numerous photographs and stories of them appeared in the newspapers during those first days. Judging by feedback from the tourists and press articles from all over the world,4 this was indeed the effect that the new chance to visit the island had on people. The press reported people breaking down in tears.5 The power of the space and the experience was initially overwhelming. Staff and management would sometimes just start crying on the job, or during a telling of their experience. Tens of Anglican bishops arrived to undertake a ‘holy pilgrimage of reconciliation and hope’ headed by former inmate Archbishop Njongonkulu

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Ndungane, who wished to see the island ‘cleansed through a ritual African ceremony’.6 A representative group of Western Cape sangomas followed for a similar weekend of cleansing rituals to appease the ancestors, which included the slaughter of goats and visits to the  sea  shore.7 The Muslim community came to make duas at the kramat, which dated back to the time of slavery, and a Native American spiritual healer made peace circles on the island. The TRC under Archbishop Desmond Tutu was among several groups who came to reflect on the meaning of history and change on the island. Robben Island had a potent symbolism in the late 1990s. Presidents, prime ministers and kings lined up for their turn to see ‘The Cell’ where the world’s most famous prisoner had been kept; the island became the place visitors and school children had to see for themselves. It became almost compulsory for international VIPs and world leaders to make the pilgrimage to the place where Mandela had been incarcerated. President Jerry Rawlings of Ghana was a trained fighter pilot and, dressed in cowboy boots, took the wheel of the ferry and opened the engines on the journey back to the mainland. United Nations (UN) Secretary General Kofi Annan, Fidel Castro from Cuba, Yasser Arafat from Palestine, Bill and Hilary Clinton and Al Gore from the United States, Vice President Hu Jintao of the People’s Republic of China (who became president in 2003), Yoweri Museveni of Uganda and Abdulsalami Ibrahim from Nigeria, the kings of Sweden and Norway, Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi (whose bodyguards refused to let him accept the pen we offered him to sign the visitors’ book) and Rwanda’s Paul Kagame all joined the cavalcade. Kagame was accompanied by a Rwandan delegation soon after the unspeakable horror of the 1994 genocide where close to one million people were slaughtered. It was humbling and heady at the same time to be managing the whole operation. And very hard work. Drama was never far away, starting with two jarring events in the first three weeks of RIM’s operations. The first was a boat invasion by some private tour operators, determined to bypass the new museum’s authority and unilaterally take a slice of the cake for their own pockets. On 31 December 1996, the new management was locked in talks for the whole day with waterfront ferry companies in an effort to stop their threat to ‘invade’ the next day. This materialised a few days later on 4 January. Several vessels entered Murray’s Bay harbour without authorisation and attempted to drop off visitors they had charged a fee to take to the island. However, the new RIM authority stared down the private sector operators seeking uncontrolled access and held the line. We flew Ahmed Kathrada over in haste by helicopter and viewed from

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 Throwing open the prison doors, 1 January 1997

high up the magnificence of mountain, bay and island as the boats turned tail. Despite a calculated media campaign by the ferry operators, going with their trespassing attempt, the point was made that future plans and decisions would come from RIM as the new authority running the island.8 The second incident was a shocking rape in the village, where incoming staff were beginning to occupy some of its 80 odd houses, only 12 days after opening day. RIM staff member Nombonisa Gasa, a prominent struggle activist, reported that she had been raped by a masked intruder while staying over in the main guest house. Sensation erupted. One newspaper reported that the perpetrator was a frogman who had emerged from the sea in his wetsuit, not an impossible prospect given the rife poaching of crayfish in the surrounding waters, which later led to a police patrol vessel being stationed on the island for a short while.9 Ironically, this traumatic event strengthened rather than weakened the new Robben Island authority and the message it hoped to communicate. By talking about her ordeal in public, Nomboniso helped the new museum to fulfil one of its earliest agreed aims: that Robben Island, drawing on the legacy of the past, should remain a platform for debate and learning in the future. Thirty women, including MPs and EPPs, visited the island to demand ‘strong and immediate’ government action. RIM convened a meeting of support for Nomboniso on the island. Future First Lady Zanele Mbeki was amongst those who came for a follow‑up event on International Women’s Day, where a banner on the platform declared, ‘You Strike This Rock, You Strike The Nation’, a variation of a popular women’s rights slogan going back to the famous women’s march on the Union Buildings in the 1950s.10 The incident provoked a national debate on violence against women and children. The upshot was that national police rape procedures were changed to be more sensitive to the needs of victims. From the start, RIM was a cultural institution emphasising that it was involved in broader issues and debates, not a rarefied space on the sidelines of life. Nomboniso, the granddaughter of struggle hero Mama Zihlangu, herself went on to become a courageous and articulate public commentator on land, gender and other public issues. After its spectacular start, RIM remained headline news throughout 1997. Almost immediately the island became the venue for a wide range of educational and community events. A string of visits by educational and cultural groups got under way. Parliamentary Portfolio Committee meetings, national gatherings of museum directors, transformation workshops and school open‑days in the prison became part of the everyday fare.

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CRITICAL DEBATE AND PROGRAMMES Projecting the living museum template and experience of the Mayibuye Centre onto a bigger more meaningful stage, RIM initiated a number of creative plans. At the core of these were educational programmes for school children, cultural activities including writers and artists in residence, joint projects with community groups, plans for exhibitions and a publishing series, cooperation with local universities, training programmes to fast-track a new generation of heritage workers, and linkages with relevant international institutions and programmes. Deirdre Prins‑Solani’s chapter on the RIM Education Department is a solid reflection of the new approaches and transformative goals that RIM actively pursued (see Chapter  14). This was part of a museum‑wide attempt to create a new model for museums, in a system that had been deeply racialised, heavily bureaucratised and was thoroughly stained with colonial and racist representations and stereotypes of South Africa’s past. Special attention was paid to bringing school children to Robben Island, starting at a rate of around 1,500 per month out of the total of 8,000 visitors. In order to ensure travel subsidies and a resource centre for schools in the future, the museum negotiated its first major private sector sponsorship of R3 million. From the start, the idea was to have a university as the museum’s institutional partner. Echoing the long‑standing example of the partnership between the establishment South African Museum and the University of Cape Town (UCT), RIM reached out to UWC, a natural partner with its student profile, transformative goals and existing links via the Mayibuye Centre. In the first year alone, the UWC German Department was contracted to run language courses for the tour guides and the UWC Environmental Education and Resources Unit was drawn into education and environmental assessment roles, and began to help with publishing calendars and brochures on the flora, fauna and birds of  Robben  Island.11 RIM also supported the UWC‑connected Genadendal Museum as a community heritage partner, provided research support to academics and set up a joint steering committee with UWC and UCT to run certified courses in the new R3,000,000 Robben Island Training Programme (RITP). During the course of RIM’s first five years, this flagship project aimed to train and fast‑track critically thinking new leadership in heritage. This was the first qualification awarded jointly by two universities in the ‘new South Africa’. As a result of the programme, students and heritage workers from every province in South Africa and at least ten countries on the continent came to live on the island for 18 weeks a year while taking their courses. The RITP was sustained for 20 years until 2017 in various forms. Over 300 people graduated from it,

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 Throwing open the prison doors, 1 January 1997

leaving with certified postgraduate diplomas in their pockets. Today, many of its graduates, and former RIM staff, occupy leading roles in the museums and heritage field in South Africa and further afield (for full details see Chapter 15). Early on, RIM also hosted a camp for vulnerable street children with Other Wise Media, UWC, the Human Movements Studio and Streets (an NGO), so that ‘they could return to their communities’.12 This was a far cry from some submissions to the Future of Robben Island Committee in 1995 suggesting that the island be set aside as a work colony for street children. An artists‑in‑residence programme, regarded as a key part of the vision of the museum, was initiated right away. Three houses were specially set aside early on for invited writers, poets, sculptors and musicians to work in. More than forty stayed for periods of two weeks to two months. Zayd Minty and Lueen Conning (Malika Ndlovu) were appointed to oversee these arts and culture activities. Soon a rich harvest of talent and work started emerging, helping in creative ways to reimagine and redefine the character of the island. This programme led to musical compositions, installations going up in the old visiting centre with its cubicles and glass windows to prevent physical contact between prisoners and their loved ones, and new art works and poems that were used in museum booklets, postcards, calendars and RIM’s attractive new Ilifa newsletter.13 Creating the museum as a space for new intellectual energy was central to our goals – and we embraced the space and opportunity presented to us. Living and working on the island after its opening was an opportunity of indescribable emotion and energy. The noted Chilean writer and Nobel Prize for Literature award winner Ariel Dorfman visited with André Brink, and the great African author and 1986 Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka, when he came, suggested the setting up of an African writers’ parliament on the island, an idea which immediately excited me. Moved by his experience of the B  Section, Dorfman enthusiastically proclaimed that the island should be a space which encouraged uninhibited intellectual freedom. If artists want to run down to the harbour naked waving their arms, they should be allowed to do so, he added. This was not going to happen, but the idea of critical engagement and thought lay at the heart of our mission. Robben Island also had its own fulltime resident artist: former prisoner and 1980s cultural activist Lionel Davis. Our neighbours, on the shoreline facing the city and the mountain in the distance, Lionel and his wife, Barbara Voss, lived a television‑free life of creativity. Widely loved and respected, ‘Uncle Lionel’ epitomised the character we wished to give the island. Humble, a teacher and learner, he could have made money from tips for taking foreign currency‑rich tourists through the prison, but he chose to work with school learners and

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artists where there was no such reward. As part of the creative programme, he brought across the Thupelo Art Collective of which he was  a  member.14 Their Siwela Ngaphesheya/Crossing the Waters programme produced lino‑prints on the island environment and history which served as the 1998 RIM calender, the first of several based on creative partnerships. After work we would host his fellow artists in Alpha One, the old officers’ mess (facing the mountain across the water but built by the bureaucrats without a window through which to view it), talking until late into the night. It was a giddy, precious time, sitting there stretched out on floors and couches talking about life, the struggle and change in a place that had been so regimented and oppressive only a short time before. It was as if we were tasting real freedom, thinking forward beyond convention towards a humane future. The creative activities and programmes for school and community groups were complemented by visits from a long list of globally recognised artists and celebrities – as long as that of the world leaders – who visited after RIM’s opening. It was moving to accompany Mr Kathrada and singer Stevie Wonder, the visually impaired global superstar, through the prison. His ‘feel’ for the space and the experiences struck us all. The Springbok rugby and Protea cricket teams, Arnold Schwarzenegger and the Special Olympics organisers, the world heavyweight boxing champion Evander Holyfield, the billionaires Harry Oppenheimer and George Soros … you name it … all roads led to Robben Island. The thick visitors’ book quickly started filling up. State visits to the island became one of RIM’s trademark offerings. The dignitaries were usually accompanied by President Mandela’s close comrade, Ahmed Kathrada. RIM became a must‑see destination, and the regular high‑profile visitors generated a great deal of front‑page publicity for the museum and underlined the sanctity of the island as a key symbol of the new democracy. Kathrada became the respected ‘face’ of the new museum. His active involvement with the island was one of the most visible ways in which EPPs were drawn into the new wave of activities on it. As chairperson of the EPPC, he also organised with influential fellow committee members, like Gauteng Premier, Tokyo Sexwale, a well-publicised dinner hosted by President Mandela, with UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, Hillary Clinton and world‑famous (but subsequently disgraced) comedian Bill Cosby as guests in April 1997. The EPPC-driven event was reported to have raised R5 million for the ex-prisoners’ organisation. Business people paid R250,000 to stay the night, have dinner and have a photo taken with Mandela in his  old  cell.15 It not only showed the power of the Mandela and Robben Island names and the financial possibilities

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for RIM, but also signalled some of the challenges facing the new museum leadership in relation to its statutory obligations. RIM’s authority, in insisting on certain bottom‑line rules, was in certain respects overridden by the influential EPPs and their corporate services contractors in the execution of the programme. Also, where was the money raised from the function to be allocated – to RIM or the EPPC? It was a setback for the new administration when the organisers kept the money for the latter, rather than paying it to RIM for use in the island’s development and EPP‑linked projects, thereby undermining Cabinet’s proposal for the formation of a fundraising Robben Island Trust under RIM with President Mandela as  a  patron.16 This event highlighted the challenges that lay ahead in managing EPP expectations and tussles over ‘dual ownership’, while at the same time asserting and putting in place proper heritage and conservation management processes, protocols and messaging.

PLANNING FOR A PERMANENT INSTITUTION After the first few hectic weeks, the focus at RIM shifted to organisational development and establishing the structures to create a strong new institution. A new interim management team, healthy in its diversity and unprecedented for South African museums, was set up along with various departments and training programmes. Up until 1990, it is safe to say, there had never been a black manager in well over a century of museums in South Africa (except in the ‘own‑affairs’ bantustans), and women were inevitably poorly represented. RIM’s first interim management team was relatively young, and seven out of the eleven managers were black, with four on the team being women. In terms of the general staff, most had never worked in a museum. The handsome Ilifa Labantu (Heritage of the People) newsletter was immediately started to promote internal communications and a clear organisational identity. Various intensive strategic planning workshops of the management team and staff representatives were held, facilitated by a professional agency, the Community Development Resource Agency (CDRA). This NGO specialised in process‑oriented organisational development and in its 31 years of existence it has worked with over 4,000 civil society organisations, social movements, government departments, donor agencies and higher learning institutions, becoming part of a strong network of development practitioners, policy‑makers and community leaders. A Robben Island Staff Association (RIMSA) aimed at formalising staff representation in accordance with healthy labour relations was soon set up, too. Communication channels and lines of responsibility were clarified as far as possible, given the interim nature of the administration. The staff numbers soon grew, to around

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one hundred, with about the same number of PWD officials and outside contract workers involved in the areas of infrastructure maintenance, security, ferries and services. Those staff and contractors living on the island formed the Robben Island Village Association (RIVA) in order to integrate our little community (see Chapters  22 and 23). Staff started sending their children to the Robben Island School. An actively non‑racial approach, prioritising fundamental transformation and embracing diversity, underpinned our work, planning and living together on Robben Island. Out of the RIM strategic planning sessions emerged a clear vision, mission and values document to inform planning and operations. These ideas were shaped in consultation with the broader staff and agreed to by them. The aim was that when the time came to hand RIM over to the council, the interim management team would be able to present to it a solid ‘Strategic Vision Document for the Phased Long‑Term Development of Robben Island’. The document was duly finalised in the second half of 1997. It represented years of thinking, going back to the key ideas and experiments of the Mayibuye Centre, the debates in the ANC’s museums commission and the broader ACTAG process, the submissions to the Future of Robben Island Committee, and the opinions of the formal EPPC and Cabinet, further developed and contextualised by RIM staff after the six months of practical experience the interim team had had in running the island in 1997.17 During this time, RIM engaged with hundreds of stakeholders, developing a real sense of the environment and rhythms of the island. The vision was therefore a refinement of the activist and critical intellectual ideas that had helped drive RIM’s formation. The official aim, in keeping with the spirit of the newly launched post‑liberation struggle democracy, was to ‘nurture creativity and innovation and contribute to socioeconomic development, the transformation of South African society and the enrichment of humanity’. Those soaring goals summed up the spirit of the times in South Africa. One of the four core commitments – besides maintaining the island’s symbolism and heritage, and keeping it sustainable – was to make RIM ‘a platform for critical debate and lifelong learning’.18 This was definitely meant to be a new kind of cultural institution for South Africa. Not just a museum, but a laboratory for transformation and new intellectual approaches. Minister Mtshali emphasised on behalf of Cabinet that Robben Island should be run as a ‘site museum’ where the ‘total environment is conserved’.19 During 1997 RIM made much progress in developing an integrated management system and approach for Robben Island. In February it started an Environmental Reference Group, and later a Historical Reference Group, to act as independent

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reference and sounding groups for all aspects of development on the island. The museum began to plan various baseline studies on the island, including an environment impact assessment and consulting engineers’ report on the island’s infrastructure, which could inform the museum’s future plans.20 Regular discussions took place with the business, tourism, educational and heritage sectors. Close links were developed with various government departments, particularly DACST and the PWD, which was responsible for services such as water, electricity, sewerage and roads, including the old coal power station and desalination plant. The director general of DACST, Roger Jardine, was a pleasure to work with and his drive was greatly missed when he left government service to take up leading positions in the private sector. Finally, there was the imperative to make special efforts to consult with and involve ex‑Robben Island prisoners. To start with, this happened primarily through Ahmed Kathrada and the EPPC elected at the 1995 reunion of a thousand EPPs, but from the beginning numerous contacts of different kinds were established with a wide range of EPPs by RIM. For RIM’s first full summer season in 1997/98, it was decided to raise the visitor number from 300 to 1,000 per day in order to cope with continuing urgent demand and take advantage of the summer influx of visitors. Sheryl Ozinsky, Shareen Parker, Tertius Baartman and others overseeing tour logistics felt we could lift our performance to reach this goal. RIM therefore took on forty temporary staff on three‑ to six‑month short‑term contracts. Most of the new employees were students and unemployed EPPs brought in as temporary tour guides. Some of them had been lobbying forcefully for employment by RIM, given the difficult circumstances many found themselves in. The staff numbers jumped from an initial 12 in December 1996 to 135 in December 1997. Of these three‑quarters were black and a quarter white, and there were twenty or so more men than women employed. The ratios at the management and supervisory level were ten males and seven women, eleven black and six white out of a total of seventeen. These figures were unheard of in South African museums at this stage, setting completely new standards.21 As the visitor numbers to Robben Island increased, it became evident that the museum’s small, aged ferry fleet, together with the cramped former prison facilities at Jetty 1 in the V&A Waterfront, where the boats docked, were in no way adequate for the needs of the premier heritage and tourist destination that RIM was rapidly becoming. A daily schedule of between six and twelve round trips lasting from thirty minutes up to nearly an hour per single crossing in rough seas was too taxing on the three old passenger ferries that had been used

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previously for two or three return trips per week when the island operated as a prison. It was felt that the most appropriate use for these vintage vessels was for them to undertake a limited number of educational tours and to act as back‑up vessels to properly designed passenger ferries, if these could be sourced in ways beneficial to the museum. RIM therefore started making plans to negotiate for a new embarkation point in the V&A Waterfront at the site of the old Docks Restaurant, where a new Nelson Mandela Gateway Building emerged as RIM’s mainland facility and presence (see Chapter  10), as well as to outsource the ferry service. The RIM interim management initially awarded a short‑term contract for the period December 1997 to 31 August 1998 to empowerment group Autshumato Ferry Services (Pty) Ltd, owned by former political prisoners. Autshumato used the contract as collateral for a sizeable loan to purchase two catamarans, named Makana and Autshumato after two of the well‑known early colonial political prisoners on the island. Each had a capacity to carry 180 passengers, nearly doubling the capacity per visit to the island, while increasing the comfort levels of visitors and also speeding up the journey. RIM’s stated intention was to facilitate black economic empowerment in the hub of the Cape Town economy through this contract, as the boat businesses in the V&A Waterfront were virtually 100 per cent white‑owned and managed.22 Autshumato’s two new elegant state‑of‑the‑art vessels were exquisitely branded with the beautiful new RIM logo chosen by a team under the guidance of the innovative marketeer Sheryl Ozinsky, working closely with me as administrator. Finalised only after over three hundred submissions had been scrutinised, it was designed by Sharon Upton of PSDP Pentagraph. The logo eschewed the predictable – the colours of the national flag, prison bars and Table Mountain – showing instead abstract human figures inspired by San rock art reaching up with arms outstretched. A background spill of powder blue, representing the universal colour of freedom and human rights and appropriate to the island’s marine context, gave the logo a timeless African and universal elegance. Versatile in its applications, it perfectly captured the brand identity RIM was trying to build (and, not surprisingly, it has remained the banner of the museum for all of its 25 years).23 The ferries made hundreds of crossings from early in the morning to late at night. And they were chock‑a‑block full. Even the extra boats run on some days could not satisfy the demand. The entire tour experience was improved. Ilifa reported how the front‑of‑house staff at the Waterfront, fresh from a customer‑care course, were efficient and friendly even under pressure; how the drivers looked confident in the new

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Mercedes buses brought in to complement the old prison vehicles, after a donation by Daimler‑Benz on the occasion of the visit by the German President Roman Herzog; and how the tour guides ‘created a definite impression with their new “mics”, two‑way radios and distinctive uniforms’ with their African guineafowl patterns. The introduction of the new ferries enabled RIM to up the number of visitors to the island to 100,000 in the first year of operations in 1997. In an overview in Ilifa, I wrote: ‘All in all, something big has happened on Robben Island this year. The positive effects, energy and, yes, delivery and productivity going with the recent changes in our country, have been very tangible here. And the unique environment has touched us all in special ways.’24 One of the major events that took place during this time was the official launch of the museum by President Mandela in a ceremony held in the dining hall of the former prison kitchen (see Chapter  7). It headlined the national celebrations on the newly proclaimed Heritage Day on 24  September 1997. Three years after the advent of national liberation and democracy, the country officially celebrated its first new national cultural institution.

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7 Official launch of RIM by Nelson Mandela, 24 September 1997 Address by Nelson Mandela

In seeking to ground our heritage in these ideals we are striking out in a new direction.

Few occasions could awaken such a mixture of emotions as today’s, or illuminate so sharply the changes of recent years. Fewer still could bring to such sharp focus the challenges ahead. It is a great joy for me that we can all come as free South Africans – with our friends – to Robben Island; and even more that we are gathered to celebrate our joint heritage as a nation, to acknowledge this heritage in the context of our commitment to Democracy, Tolerance and Human Rights. In affirming a joint heritage, in this place, we are reminded that our noble ideals were spurred on even more by their long denial, that today’s unity is a triumph over yesterday’s division and conflict. The memory of the political prisoners confined on this island and in other prisons, reminds us that these ideals must have concrete content if they are to have real meaning. They must bring secure protection under the law, access to justice, clean water, adequate health‑care and shelter. They must entrench the conditions in which one can participate in building our collective democratic future; speak one’s own language, have pride in one’s culture and one’s heritage. In seeking to ground our heritage in these ideals we are striking out in a new direction. During colonial and apartheid times, our museums and monuments reflected the experiences and political ideals of a minority to the exclusion of others.

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 Official launch of RIM by Nelson Mandela, 24 September 1997

Most people had little or no say in the depiction of their history in textbooks, libraries, or research institutions. The demeaning portrayal of black people in particular – that is African, Indian and coloured people – is painful to recall. Of our museums, all but a handful – three per cent – represented the kind of heritage which glorified mainly white and colonial history. And even the small glimpse of black history in the others was largely fixed in the grip of racist and other stereotypes. Unfortunately we have to acknowledge that the redressing of this situation has barely begun. Having excluded and marginalised most of our people, is it surprising that our museums and national monuments are often seen as alien spaces? How many have gone to see one of our monuments? In other countries such places throng with citizens. Our cultural institutions cannot stand apart from our Constitution and our Bill of Rights. Within the context of our fight for a democratic South Africa and the entrenchment of human rights, can we afford exhibitions in our museums depicting any of our people as lesser human beings, sometimes in natural history museums usually reserved for the depiction of animals? Can we continue to tolerate our ancestors being shown as people locked in time? Such degrading forms of representation inhibit our children’s appreciation of the value and strength of our democracy, of tolerance and of human rights. They demean the victims and warp the minds of the perpetrators. Through the apartheid years, people responded to the denial and distortion of their heritage with their own affirmation – as indeed Afrikaners had done in an earlier period. They celebrated their heritage outside of the country’s museums and monuments: in song and in ceremony; in festivals and carnivals; in the selling of their own wares and in buying items associated with their heritage; by working the history of their communities into everyday artefacts, as the women of Hlabisa weave their stories into beer baskets. With democracy, we have the opportunity to ensure that our institutions reflect history in a way that respects the heritage of all our citizens. Government has taken up the challenge. Our museums and the heritage sector as a whole are being restructured. Community consultation, effective use of limited resources, and accessibility are our guiding principles as we seek to redress the imbalances. The recently established Legacy Project will promote a fuller representation of our nation’s heritage, through new monuments and heritage sites. This will ensure that we have national monuments that live in our people’s hearts.

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When our museums and monuments preserve the whole of our diverse heritage, when they are inviting to the public and interact with the changes all around them, then they will strengthen our attachment to human rights, mutual respect and democracy, and help prevent these ever again being violated. Robben Island is a vital part of South Africa’s collective heritage. eSiqithini – the Island, a place of pain and banishment for centuries and now of triumph – presents us with the rich challenge of heritage. Its future has been the subject of intense and wide‑ranging debate. How do we look at the histories of different people who lived here, through various ages: lepers, prisoners, jailers all together; leaders of resistance not only from South Africa but from as far afield as Namibia and the Indonesian Archipelago? How do we give expression to these diverse histories as a collective heritage? How do we reflect the fact that the people of South Africa as a whole, together with the international community, turned one of the world’s most notorious symbols of racist oppression into a world‑wide icon of the universality of human rights; of hope, peace and reconciliation? How do we represent the tradition of intense political and academic education that the Island has come to symbolise? These and many other important issues are canvassed in the 200 or more submissions received on the future of the Island, and they will be given full consideration. I am confident that we will together find a way to combine the many dimensions of the Island, and that we will do so in a manner that recognises above all its pre‑eminent character as a symbol of the victory of the human spirit over political oppression; and of reconciliation over enforced division. In this way we will help strengthen the ethos of heritage as a binding force, rather than a divisive one; as a force for truth rather than an artificial construct to satisfy all and sundry. When Cabinet decided that Robben Island should be developed as a national monument and national museum, it set in motion its redevelopment as a cultural and conservation showcase for South Africa’s democracy which will also maximise its educational potential. In the short time since January this year, when the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology took over responsibility for the Island, great progress has been made in this direction. We thank Professor André Odendaal and the interim administration for their sterling work, and we are certain that their experience and expertise will continue to stand us in good stead.

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 Official launch of RIM by Nelson Mandela, 24 September 1997

Today, a second phase of the Island’s redevelopment begins. We wish the new Council well in the challenging task with which they have been entrusted. This ceremony confirms for us that the struggle for human dignity and freedom – throughout the world, and in particular in South Africa – is an ongoing one. It challenges us to ensure that future generations of South Africans can claim the heritage of a nation that has eradicated the legacy of grinding poverty that our generation inherited for most of its people; the heritage of a nation that has deracialised all spheres of social life and secured the dignity of all its diverse communities. Let us recommit ourselves to the ideals in our Constitution, ideals which were shaped in the struggles here on Robben Island and in the greater prison that was apartheid South Africa. May this monument and the museum strengthen our resolve that never again shall this land see the oppression of one by another; nor the suppression of any community’s heritage. In conclusion, it now gives me great pleasure to formally open the new Robben Island Museum, the first major new heritage institutions of democratic South Africa. I thank you!1

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8 Consolidation, commemoration, celebration: On the way to UNESCO World Heritage Site status, 1998–2000 André Odendaal

On the same day that President Nelson Mandela officially launched the new RIM, Minister Mtshali announced the names of members of the first RIM Council whose duty it would now be to oversee the running of the island. The eighteen new council members included eight EPPs. They were the expected chairperson Ahmed Kathrada, the extremely bright and well‑connected Saki Macozoma, celebrated MKVA woman combatant Thandi Modise, PAC veteran Khwedi Mkalipi, Mahlubandile Maqungo from East London, Barbara Hogan, the only white woman sentenced for treason under apartheid, the MP and poet Benedict Martins and Brigadier General James April, a quiet, intellectual freedom fighter who had survived the 1968 Luthuli Detachment’s Hwange (Wankie) Campaign. Ten professionals complemented the EPP core. Among them were the three heritage practitioners Dr  Gabeba Abrahams, Vincent Kolbe and Laura Robinson; academics of the stature of Dr Teboho Moja, Dr Mandlakayise Matyumza, Professor Carolyn Hamilton and Professor Colin Bundy, the Vice Chancellor of Wits University; and finally three people with commercial and legal skills to make sure the operational team counted the beans properly and dotted their i’s and crossed their t’s. They were Coca‑Cola marketing executive Vukani Magubane, who had grown up in exile, accountant Hilmi Daniels and Legal Resources Centre lawyer Henk Smith.1 On the day the first RIM Council was announced to take over from the Interim Management Authority on 27  September 1997, I wrote, ‘Hopefully we have laid the foundations for an institution which will become a dynamic cultural showcase for South Africa and a case study for innovation into the 21st century.’

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 On the way to UNESCO World Heritage Site status

The council’s appointment was the ‘final beginning’ of RIM.2 The museum had now entered phase two of its development. There was a pressing need for the new council, already six months overdue, to meet as soon as possible to deal with staff and other issues that we had had to leave hanging in the air pending its appointment. However, it took several more months before the council had its first working meeting, further holding up the crucial issue of finalising the staffing structure for RIM by nearly a year, until June/July 1998. DACST called the first meeting to induct and brief the new council in Pretoria on 4  December 1997.3 But members were too caught up in preparations for the ANC’s 50th national conference in Mafikeng from 16 to 20  December and the general elections due in 1998 to prioritise meetings and operational matters until the second meeting on the island on 17–18  January 1998. This was a long time past the original date of April 1997 planned by DACST for an appointed council to take over from the interim administration – and by then the impacts of the unexplained implementation delays were already being felt inside the institution. One of the immediate problems arising from the delays related to staff rumblings in the summer of 1997/98. In order to push up its daily visitor numbers from 300 to 1,000 to meet the demand in its first full summer season, RIM had taken on 35 temporary staff on three‑ to six‑month short‑term contracts. As described in Chapter 6, most of the new employees were students and unemployed EPPs brought in as temporary tour guides. Some of them had been lobbying forcefully for employment by RIM given the difficult circumstances many EPPs in the country were facing. Amidst understandable anxiety over work prospects pending the appointment of a new council, the new staff soon started making strong demands on the museum and resorted to tactics and actions that disrespected institutional authority, conflating their perceived rights as freedom fighters who had served time in this space with their status as RIM staff who had to operate within RIM’s parameters as a national cultural institution. Using ‘resistance’ tactics, some of them were involved in illegal office break‑ins to search for compromising material and started threatening work stoppages and industrial action. This led to RIM’s first EPP‑led work stoppage early in January 1998.4 Those involved sought job guarantees, which the interim administration could not give until the incoming council had decided on policy and strategic directions for the future. Having made good progress in establishing itself, the perception in some quarters was that RIM should be in a position to start compensating EPPs – outside of its formal mandate – to make up for some of the dysfunctionalities and lack of opportunity in the wider society.

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COUNCIL APPROVES THE RIM MISSION AND VISION Against this background, the new RIM Council headed by Ahmed Kathrada finally had its first working meeting from 17 to 18  January 1998. It now had to set policy, approve an organisational structure, appoint permanent staff and finalise a master plan for the long‑term development of the island and the new museum. The new council expressed appreciation for the work of the interim administration and began to engage with various proposals that we had prepared for it in order to smooth the transition. To start with, the council adopted the mission and vision statement worked out by the interim administration in its planning processes. Ideas long discussed now became formal policy: Robben Island Museum, operating as a site or living museum, aims to develop the island as a national and international heritage and conservation project for the new millennium. In managing its resources and activities, the RIM strives to maintain the unique symbolism of the island, nurtures creativity and innovation, contributes to socioeconomic development, the transformation of South African society and the enrichment of humanity. In implementing its vision, RIM constantly focuses on the following core essences: • Maintaining the political and universal symbolism of Robben Island • Conserving and managing the natural and cultural heritage and resources of Robben Island • Promoting the RIM as a platform for critical debate and lifelong learning • Managing the RIM in a manner which promotes economic sustainability and development.5

These critical goals and perspectives, shaped in the context of dramatic political change and new debates, provided a radical template for museums at the time.

A YEAR OF INTENSE INSTITUTION BUILDING The next step was for the council to approve the permanent RIM structures and appoint permanent staff. The process dominated the first six months of the institution’s life in 1998. After close collaboration between project manager Lynette Maart and council members such as Barbara Hogan, the organisational structure worked out and budgeted for by the interim administration in tandem with DACST

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 On the way to UNESCO World Heritage Site status

in 1996 was refined, tweaked and approved by the RIM Council. It also okayed the human resources (HR) manual drawn up by Maart and external professionals in consultation with the interim staff and RIMSA, the provisional staff association. On the question of appointments, the council resolved that the interim managers and short‑term contracted staff should re‑apply for their positions, which would be advertised. The remainder of the staffing complement, however, would be appointed following the formal grading of each job and individual appraisals by external professionals of each staff member involved. The council set up an HR sub‑committee to oversee the permanent appointments that would need to be made by 1 July 1998.6 On 9 June 1998, the staff got the finality they had waited so long for. At a meeting in the so‑called ‘Governor’s residence’, Ahmed Kathrada, Ben Martins and Barbara Hogan announced the names of the permanent management team and the decisions taken by the council and its HR sub‑committee regarding staff appointments. The new management consisted of ten people, chosen from more than one thousand applications and over sixty interviews of shortlisted candidates. The core of the interim administration team was retained. After acting as interim administrator for 15 months, I was appointed as the first director of RIM. My deputies were Lynette Maart, who had led the organisational development process, and ex‑Robben Islander Denmark Tungwana (formerly with the Catholic Justice and Peace Commission and the Cape Town 2004 Olympic Bid Company) who had been responsible for protocol matters in the later part of the interim period. Four of the other seven managers were re‑appointed. They were the academically well‑qualified Juanita Pastor (Heritage), with masters’ degrees in Archaeology and Museum Studies; Khwezi ka Mpumlwana (Education), a UWC and Mayibuye Centre alumnus with a deep activist background; Nico van Niekerk, long‑serving finance and administration manager of the South African Museum, who had been seconded to Robben Island by DACST to help set up the interim administration in late 1996; and Ashley  Forbes (Estates).7 This shy former MKVA commander from the coloured areas of Cape Town had done a three‑year diploma in business management in Singapore after being released from prison. He was still in the habit of smoking his cigarette by hiding it in the cup of his hand or behind his back whenever he met someone older or in a higher position in the organisation. He had become accustomed to doing so in the camps in Angola, where he learned that a burning tip could give your position away to the enemy.

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One of the three short‑listed candidates for the position of deputy director of protocol, marketing and finance in 1998 was the well‑respected Lieutenant Colonel Lizo ‘Bright’ Ngqungwana, who had strong leadership qualities and had invested a lot of time in assisting the interim administration. He was interested in joining RIM, but unfortunately died tragically in a car accident in the month that the interviews were being conducted.8 Forbes and Tungwana were two of four EPPs appointed to the management committee. The others were the new tours manager, Ben Fani, the BC‑aligned secretary of the EPPC, who had matriculated while imprisoned on the island in 1986 and later went on to work in government as an assistant director in finance; and the journalist Rafiq Rohan, former news editor of the Sowetan newspaper, who became the marketing and communications manager. Fani and Rohan replaced Shareen Parker and Sylvana Dantu, cutting down the number of women managers from four out of nine to two. Tertius Baartman, the other DACST secondee from 1996, who had made a valuable contribution in the early logistics management, also did not make the new team. It was a difficult thing for me to convey to Shareen and Sylvana the news that they had not made it after their 18 months of hard work in helping to set up the museum. They subsequently went into business together and did well. Neither Rafiq, who moved on to another media post, nor Ben, nor new HR manager Andile Budaza – recruited from the National Parks Board – stayed long. They were subsequently replaced by Debra Barnes, Shoni Kangala and Ngcane Madikizela‑Renene. When I met with Juanita and Khwezi to inform them of their appointments, I set them a challenge – to work towards becoming the first black museum directors in South Africa. It took the latter less than five years to achieve this distinction, when he was appointed head of the new Nelson Mandela National Museum in Mthatha, at which point Deirdre Prins (later Prins‑Solani) replaced him after an internal promotion. Thus, in line with our transformative vision, by 2002 five of the ten members of the RIM management team were women. Meanwhile, the appointment of the RIM staff below management level proceeded in a structured way in 1998. Ninety‑nine per cent of those who had entered the system passed their appraisals. Fifty people received ‘unconditional’ offers of employment. Ten were given conditional offers, which required them to further build their competence and capacity. Fourteen other staff members were given one‑year contracts because the council was considering outsourcing non‑museum services like the ferries, shops, catering and accommodation, which the museum did not have the resources, capacity or competence to manage well. The intention, should this happen, was for RIM to get these staff jobs in the partner companies. After 18 months of uncertainty and working in an

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unconventional way under the most challenging of circumstances RIM finally had a permanent staff component. There remained between 40 and 60 posts to be advertised in future to bring RIM up to its envisaged full operating capacity.9 With permanent staff now in place, the temporary staff association (RIMSA) morphed into a branch of the National Education, Health and Allied Workers’ Union (NEHAWU) and a recognition agreement was signed between it and RIM. This was encouraged by the museum leadership. Ilifa Labantu reported that Ahmed Kathrada, ‘Comrade Kathrada’, had mentioned at the June meeting with the new staff that ‘RIM needs a strong trade union, one which represents everybody and urged staff to attend to this matter’.10 While this consolidation was taking place, RIM’s management was reminded that the logistics of running the island were complex, akin to those of a mini‑municipality. In June 1998, during the worst Cape storms in a decade, the boats could not run for a week, seriously disrupting operations as well as tours. Monthly tourist figures dropped to 40 per cent of the normal. While these winter disruptions were expected, their severity was not. One morning, Albert Hess, a surprised intern on the Robben Island Training Programme, out on an early morning run, came across the Han Cheng 2, a Taiwanese fishing vessel with 170 tonnes of tuna on board that had run aground on the stormy north‑west side of the island. In typical seize‑the‑opportunity fashion, the children in the primary school were gifted a field‑trip by the museum to follow the drama, which once again put Robben Island on prime‑time television news.11 Behind the institution’s very public growth – the tours, famous visitors, the lauded EPPs and the often dramatic news – there were many other areas of activity related to running the island and, moreover, a great deal of thinking and planning was required on numerous fronts.

OUTSOURCING THE FERRY SERVICE AND ADDRESSING EX‑POLITICAL PRISONER DYNAMICS The first big strategic decision for the new council on the services RIM provided related to the ferry operation. RIM had inherited four old boats from the Prisons Department, together with a number of the prison warders who ran them. Without this combination the museum could never have opened with the speed that it did in January 1997, but the vessels were decades‑old, prone to breakdown and unsuited for the new purpose of a formal ferry service dealing with increasing volumes of visitors to the new museum. With heritage and education defined as the core functions of the museum, and following the example of the PWD which ran the water plant and power station and maintained the village and island infrastructure for RIM, the new RIM Council decided that certain services

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such as the ferry operation, cleaning, security, the operation of the curio shops and hospitality management should be earmarked for outsourcing as support functions which RIM at this early stage did not have the capacity to run, and as business ventures in need of capital. Sensitive to the opposition to privatisation, the museum leadership emphasised that this was a carefully planned strategy: Outsourcing is not privatisation, or the selling off of RIM assets. It’s delegating a function or section of the museum’s services to an organisation which has the capacity to deliver a more efficient and effective service. We will maintain strict control over these outsource[d operations] and ensure that decent wages are paid, that empowerment continues and that the historical integrity of RIM is preserved.12

After the initial short‑term contract with Autshumato Ferry Services (Pty) Ltd in 1997 – the company owned by a group of ex‑political prisoners – had come to an end, RIM advertised for a long‑term ferry partner in 1998 and the new partner was confirmed in that position under a seven‑year agreement.13 The new ferry contract unquestionably increased the quality of RIM’s offering to visitors and the decision reinforced a core goal of running the island, namely to give EPPs a meaningful involvement in RIM’s activities. By mid‑1998 eight EPPs were members of the RIM Council, four had been appointed to the RIM management, and there were around twenty others on the lower levels of the staff complement. As discussed above, in the summer of 1997 there had been an influx of EPPs demanding jobs on Robben Island, some of whom were prepared to engage in questionable actions to secure their demands. Now, the appointment of the new ferry partner introduced us to a new dynamic – high-profile EPPs with an aggressively commercial approach, accompanied by often opportunistic, politically laden demands, being part of RIM’s operations. We were keen to ensure affirmative action, redress and solidifying the stake of EPPs through the new staff structure and ferry partnership, but this raised the level of complexity involved in ensuring that the museum or management were not compromised in the process. While Autshumato understandably marketed itself as a company representing EPPs, its members were in fact contracted and generated income as individuals in the private sector. The money would be going to the handful of owners, not a pool of EPPs. We took special care to negotiate a watertight contract which would first and foremost benefit the museum, retaining one of the top shipping lawyers in Cape Town from the respected legal firm Mallinicks, which

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had also built up a reputation in the apartheid era for defending people charged with political offences and giving support to those incarcerated on Robben Island. Autshumato was a sign of the times. The company’s representatives unforgettably walked into their first meeting with RIM proudly declaring themselves to be members of the ‘patriotic bourgeoisie’. This was the new term that a confident, highly connected stratum of post‑liberation political power brokers – unapologetically out to make money and take over the commanding heights of an economy dominated for generations by white monopoly capital – gave itself. In this context, the non‑profit Makana Trust, the vehicle set up by the official EPPC after the big reunion on the island in February 1995, also started to set its commercial sights on Robben Island as an income‑generating possibility for EPPs, using the in‑vogue language and approaches of the late 1990s. Indeed, it had applied for the RIM ferry contract, with the Carrier Marine Group as 49 per cent shareholders, but the RIM assessment team, including outside professionals, had reservations about aspects of their bid and the plans to muscle in ahead of Autshumato were  not  successful.14 After ‘an extended’ meeting of EPPs in Benoni in August 1998, the EPPC set up the Makana Investment Corporation (MIC) as a commercial vehicle. Its purpose was to ‘enable ex‑political prisoners to participate as a group in the commercial activities of the New Democratic South Africa’. The Makana Trust (51 per cent) was the majority shareholder, but the rest of the company was owned by two EPPs, Soto Ndukwana and Peter‑Paul Ngwenya (33 per cent), while the remaining 16 per cent shareholding was held by Ngwenya on behalf of ‘the financiers who provided the funds to get the operation off the ground’. The MIC started investing in various businesses, including radio, telecoms, shipping and insurance, and set its sights on Robben Island as well. It had started a joint venture with the ‘rationale of setting up a helicopter service to Robben island for dignitaries and those visitors that could afford such a trip’. Makana Trust members were to complain of a lack of support from the EPP-dominated RIM Council and RIM management and argued that ‘ex‑political prisoner support is needed to persuade the powers that be to grant us landing rights on Robben Island’.15 The explicit demands from ex‑Islander commercial interests would lead to serious pressure on RIM, whose clearly defined statutory task as a national cultural institution was to work within defined parameters, upholding good governance and conservation management standards, including, for example noise control and not allowing unfettered access to the island. ***

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In December 1998, RIM could report that it had hosted some 188,000 paying visitors in that year with takings of around R14  million in ticket sales. In two short years, the museum had firmly established its new identity as an out‑of‑bounds ex‑prison turned into a major heritage project and tourist destination. During the apartheid years, Robben Island was deliberately blocked out of tourist brochures, showing how censorship became internalised under apartheid; this was usually through the seemingly incidental strategic placing of adverts over that part of Table Bay. Now, a short while later, the new promotional video of the national tourism body SATOUR, selling South Africa to the world, opened with an aerial view of the island, and RIM’s logo was there as one of the ‘Big Six’ in the Western Cape tourism brochures. A big symposium on the island in October 1998 attended by 85 tourist industry representatives drove home the message.16 Taking a high‑ranking tourism delegation across Table Bay one day, we were escorted by a playful pod of dolphins, frolicking alongside with their exquisite manoeuvres and speed. In the tourist shops, glossy images taken by Gerald Hoberman and other artists showed the island and how it connected to the city, Table Mountain and Cape Point in magnificent new aerial detail not seen before. Together with the EPP involvement and the educational projects and artists at work on the island, new ways of ‘seeing’ Robben Island and its past – very different from the colonial and prison narratives – began emerging. After the adrenalin‑charged start of 1997, the institution‑building process in 1998 demanded much patient nose-to-the-grindstone administrative effort and discipline, which continued into 1999 as the museum consolidated its financial systems, integrated management approaches, oversaw various specialist ‘baseline studies’ and started drafting long‑term development plans for the future, including the upgrading of the physical infrastructure. By 1999 RIM, together with its partners and professional teams, had completed over 20 reports on the island and its management needs by specialists in government departments (like Sea Fisheries), the local universities and the private sector. They ranged from assessments of the groundwater capacity of the island, to its terrestrial vertebrates and archaeology, alternatives to the incineration of solid waste, the rehabilitation of the airfield, and the island’s tourism potential and  carrying  capacity.17 Out of this preparatory work emerged RIM’s Development Framework for Robben Island in 1997, an integrated management plan and the Robben Island Nomination File for UNESCO World Heritage Site status. This file was compiled in the course of 1998 and – after a visit by an international evaluating team in early 1999 – with RIM Council member Laura Robinson playing a leading role, together with Juanita  Pastor and the DEAT’s Makgolo Makgolo

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and Dr  Tanya  Abrahamse, the final dossier was compiled in tandem with the advisory International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) and submitted to UNESCO’s World Heritage Committee in  July  1999.18 The result was a more settled and confident RIM, which was beginning to understand its environment. Those involved in creating the major new national institution saw it as ‘our contribution to the tough process of transformation, democratisation and delivery in South Africa’.19 We felt that RIM’s foundations had been laid and that we were now starting to build the walls and roof of the new house.

THE MEMORIES PROJECT KICKS OFF Another step forward in systematising RIM’s operations and relationships with EPPs was the council’s approval in mid‑1999 of the Robben Island Memories Project, aimed at putting in place systematic plans for preserving the Robben Island prison experiences and legacy for the future. Following discussions at the November 1998 and February 1999 council meetings, a council Ex‑Prisoner Liaison Sub‑Committee was formed. Involving all eight EPPs on the council, the sub‑committee on 8  June 1999 approved the Memories Project, emanating from the seven‑year plan developed by management. This involved setting up databases and archives and interviewing and engaging with EPPs in a wide range of activities. It became a flagship programme of the museum. Among a range of EPP‑related initiatives, RIM had by then already initiated an exhibition process relying on prisoner narratives, conducted 120 oral interviews and started a joint project with Namibian prisoners. But council now gave management a formal mandate. It could proceed to explore and record systematically the experiences of EPPs across the board – not only those Robben Islanders who were not as well known as the famous front‑of‑mind B  Section leaders, but (as the council decided) also the women and men who had been incarcerated in other prisons in South Africa.20 In November 1999, four new exhibitions and tour options were unveiled in the former maximum security prison. The new offerings allowed for visitor choice and movement in the prison, enabling visitors to go beyond the B Section tour, which had until then been the only place open to the public due to a concern to protect the fabric of the prison until proper conservation measures were in place. In addition to the prison tours, visitors could for the first time now also visit the kramat or Muslim shrine, and use a new boardwalk and hide next to the harbour for penguin‑viewing tours. The first of the prison options was the ‘Cell Stories’ exhibition in A Section, a powerful minimalist exhibition developed by a team led by Roger Meintjes and

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Ashwell Adriaan, using small personal items and photographs of EPPs, whose significance was explained in their own voices and broadcast over the old prison speaker system. ‘The old intercom speaker into each cell has been transformed into a history‑telling device’, the curators explained. This Orwellian symbol of ‘big brother’ control was converted into a vehicle for EPP voices and their struggle songs. Gauta Mokgoro donated the stainless steel shaver he had used for over three decades, ‘up to now’, since it was issued to him on arrival on the island in 1965: ‘Basically it reminds me of my youth. It reminds me of the period I spent on Robben Island with my comrades.’ Ntoyakhe Charliman donated a colourful belt made from fishing nets washed up on the island: ‘the leather part is made from old shoes and the copper part was made at the blacksmith’; Antonio du Preez gave a discussion document on the topic of ‘The Interim Government and the Constituent Assembly’, used in political education discussions that ‘would possibly last two months since everyone would have their viewpoint on certain things’. And so on. Marcus Solomon contributed chess pieces cut from cement‑bag paper and used on a ‘board’ drawn with soap on the concrete floor of the prison; Billy Nair, his prison card, which ‘is your identity’ in prison; Thami Mkhwanazi, a stapler, ‘a very important instrument because I was using my cell as a newsroom’; Sazi Veldtman, his shoes with ‘the fur of a rabbit inside, so they were very warm’, made for him by a comrade to alleviate his arthritis in the cold winters; Jacob Sikundla, a handmade kolgos (tuck) box to store ‘toothpaste, soap, tobacco, everything’; through to Daniel Thomas’s Christmas card with its nice words – ‘To my husband with love’ – which he found had no meaning for him: ‘I want to tell you the truth. At that time I used to forget what my house and my wife looked like … When she sent this, I felt nothing.’21 ‘Cell Stories’ became the topic of a subsequent RIM calendar, just as the work from the Siwela Ngaphesheya printmaking project in the first year of RIM had morphed into the contents of its beautiful 1998 calendar and postcards, and the collaboration with UWC’s Environmental Education and Resources Unit into brochures and the 1999 calendar of Elbe Joubert paintings on the indigenous wild flowers of the island. The still very young museum was in the process of finding its own unique identity and signature, drawing on imagination from within.22 Backing up the poignant ‘Cell Stories’ was the ‘Smuggled Cameras’ exhibition in D  Section – where Namibian prisoners were usually kept – and the Living Legacy Tour in F  Section. The first‑mentioned consisted of 19 weather‑resistant aluminium boards with enlargements of photographs taken by prisoners themselves during their time on the island. The latter two made

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provision for visitors ‘to engage at length’ with EPPs about their experiences, while they introduced carefully collected artefacts such as clothing, picks, shovels, wheelbarrows and toilet buckets, which were part of the daily prison routine.23 The Footsteps of Mandela Tour in B Section, an adaptation of the only tour offered up until then, capped off the new visitor experience. These new exhibitions and tours were planned according to strict conservation principles and with the sensitivities and sensibilities of EPPs uppermost in mind.

WORLD HERITAGE SITE STATUS AND ‘THE LAST AFRICAN SUNSET OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY’ The completion of the significant new prison exhibitions and tour options in November 1999 was followed by two other stand‑out moments in the development of the museum, underscoring its growing optimism. On 1 December 1999, Robben Island was officially listed as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO’s World Heritage Bureau at its meeting in Marrakesh, Morocco.24 Started as a work‑in‑progress living heritage site with controlled public access, this listing showed that the planning and base of RIM as a permanent heritage institution was being set in concrete, tightening up the future ways in which the island would need to be run. RIM was growing towards maturity, dealing with a complex environment and contradictory pressures in as well‑managed a way as possible. On the last day of that month, RIM hosted South Africa’s official national celebration to commemorate the arrival of the new millennium (see the Prologue). Getting the millennium celebrations to take place on the island did not come without a hard fight, and the beautiful simplicity of the old man (Mandela) lighting a candle in his cell, watched by a billion people throughout the world, was a majestic moment for us running the island. The unusual nature of the occasion was underlined by the report in Ilifa Labantu that Robben Island was ‘one of only three sites where African continental celebrations of the advent of the Third Millenium will take place’, the others being the pyramids at Giza and the slave island of Gorée. Ilifa reported with enthusiasm that ‘[f]rom the last African sunset of the twentieth century, through to the momentous midnight hour, Robben Island will shine bright and clear, all over the world, as it has never done before’.25 There was also a certain intimacy to the occasion with VIPs wandering in and out of staff members’ houses, looking for small comforts which they took for granted on the mainland but which were not available here. At daybreak on the first day of the new millennium, I started my tasks by making scrambled eggs for some of the visitors most in need, including a minister with a bit of a hangover.

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9 Putting in place building blocks for the future André Odendaal

The final month of the twentieth century placed RIM firmly in the spotlight as a national and international cultural institution of note. In three short years we had completely repositioned the island and set up a flagship institution for the new democracy. We were proud of what had been achieved, but as the calendar page turned over to the 2000s, several more long‑term building blocks needed to be put in place to grow RIM into a more mature institution. The first was the incorporation of the Mayibuye Centre into RIM to provide the museum with a ready‑made archive. Secondly, RIM was planning to create a new purpose‑built building in the V&A Waterfront in Cape Town to serve as a base for tours, and as a signature on the mainland of the island and its history. Thirdly, the island infrastructure needed to be upgraded in a sensitive way that did not compromise its historical integrity. This involved giving attention to the roads, water and sewerage infrastructure of the island in tandem with the PWD. Fourth, linked to this, was the need for long‑term policies and maintenance plans for the maximum security prison and the houses in the village. In the latter case, this meant looking also at creating facilities for visiting school children and programmes in the old criminal (as opposed to political) prison, and working with external partners to consider creating overnight accommodation and new visitor options for the thousands coming to the island. Finally, moving beyond the short‑term planning whereby EPPs provided personal testimonies ‘live’ as tour hosts, how was RIM planning to research, interpret and display the prison history experience in future? The museum had drawn up a seven‑year management plan by 1998 and these were amongst the priorities.1

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Another idea was to build a special once‑off millennium structure on the island to represent the new layer of its multi‑layered history. The purpose was to create something distinctive, which could at the same time enhance the educational, symbolic and hosting capacity on an island where the decades‑old infrastructure was not geared to welcome people but to shut them up.

CAPACITATING RIM WITH READY‑MADE ARCHIVES AND COLLECTIONS: THE INCORPORATION OF MAYIBUYE CENTRE A key part of the vision to make RIM a cutting‑edge new project was to equip the museum in an expeditious and cost‑effective way with collections and resources and capacity via the incorporation of the Mayibuye Centre at UWC into the fledgling institution.2 This had been one of the recommendations by Cabinet in 1996, and in its planning that October/ November, the DACST task team had made provision for 18 posts in the Collections Unit when drawing up the budget and structure for the new RIM, making provision for the Mayibuye Centre staff to move with the archives to RIM.3 Pending the formal incorporation of Mayibuye, however, only six positions were filled on a temporary basis initially. In 1998, the RIM Council established a sub‑committee, consisting of Ahmed Kathrada (chair), Ben Martins, Professor Carolyn Hamilton and myself, to negotiate with UWC regarding the implementation of the Cabinet recommendations. The RIM/UWC Joint Working Group was constituted and reached broad agreement early in 1999. The finalised draft agreement was referred back to the respective institutions for approval. In mid‑1999 the UWC Council and other relevant UWC structures formally endorsed the ‘Memorandum of Agreement between RIM and the UWC in respect of the UWC/Robben Island Mayibuye Archives’. The draft agreement was also ratified by the Executive and Finance Committees of the RIM Council at a joint meeting on 14 August 1999 on the understanding that the RIM Management Committee would present a detailed three‑year budget endorsed by an external evaluator and submit a plan for managing the new UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives as part of RIM.4 Following the submission of the desired plans the joint Executive and Finance Committees of Council met in Cape Town on 20 November 1999 and formally endorsed the agreement, as well as the three‑year budget and management plan for the newly named, RIM‑managed archives. At its meeting a week later on 27 November, the full RIM Council similarly endorsed the UWC/RIM agreement. Kathrada and Cecil Abrahams, the UWC rector, finally signed the document on 1 April 2000.5 The Mayibuye Centre went out of existence and the UWC/Robben

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Island Mayibuye Archives was officially incorporated into RIM. Deputy President Jacob Zuma, accompanied by Arts and Culture Minister Ben Ngubane, formally launched the new rebranded unit of RIM at UWC on 13 June 2001 – on the eve of the 25th anniversary of the Soweto uprisings – and an attractive new brochure for visitors was launched at the same time.6 Through the strategic long‑term partnership with UWC, RIM would have a university as a sister institution and the archive would enable staff and students at UWC to use RIM facilities and feedback in multidisciplinary ways in return. As part of this agreement, provision was made for the RIM director to become an honorary professor at UWC and the head of Heritage Research to be recognised as a Fellow in the Department of History. The ongoing Robben Island Training Programme – held in cooperation with UWC and UCT, which would provide training and diploma opportunities for 300 students and heritage workers – was a good example of the innovation and mutual benefits that could come from such cooperation  with  universities (see Chapter 15).7 The establishment of the UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives also brought to an end long delays in implementing planning that both UWC and RIM had been slow to act on, with resultant uncertainty amongst staff and the inevitable impacts on operational efficiency. The goal from the start was to provide the new RIM with a ready‑made archive for its multi‑media programmes and to ensure state funding for the long‑term protection of a national resource, which had been set up through activist energy and NGO funding. Through this agreement, the RIM leadership was also attempting to give content to the goal of making RIM a learning institution and hothouse for critical thinking, research and action (see Chapter 16).

THE ROBBEN ISLAND MEMORIES PROJECT AND THE DEBATE ABOUT THE ‘MANDELARISATION’ OF RIM From day one, respecting and preserving the legacy of the EPPs lay at the heart of RIM’s plans and operations. RIM’s staff were intuitively tuned to ‘living out’ this sense of respect. It was moving and unforgettable to welcome ex‑Islanders back. Every person had a different story to tell and different emotions to relate about coming back. We soaked this all up, like for example the leadership of the PAC staying over for a weekend in the guest houses; the PAC president, Reverend Stanley Mogoba, was so generous about my efforts to welcome maAfrika in isiXhosa that he replied with thanks  in  Afrikaans.8 These contacts were full of feeling and learnings for RIM staff. After the appointment of members of the

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Exhibitions Unit in 1998 and the approval of the Robben Island Memories Project by a cautious council packed with EPPs in mid‑1999, this core work of the museum took off in a systematic way. As part of the Memories Project’s plan of research, exhibitions and publications, the Research Unit’s life interviews grew to 300 within a few years (see Chapter 28). The Robben Island Memories series of books on ex‑Islanders and the prison experience was begun in 2000. It was designed to take over, in a new space, from the successful 94‑book MHLS, which started in 1991 and ended in 1999 with the incorporation of the Mayibuye Centre into RIM. This resulted in five publications being produced in the familiar collaborative way on a shoestring budget by 2002. Reflections in Prison, edited by Mac Maharaj and published by Zebra Press, with RIM, in 2001, was successfully marketed by Zebra, generating much publicity, including more than one million sixteen‑page supplements in thirteen national newspapers on ‘The Great Debate’ pertaining to ‘unity, diversity and race’ in South Africa. Fitting in with the thinking and debates RIM wished to be a platform for, two dozen writers, journalists, academics, politicians and analysts, ranging from Joe Thloloe and Mathatha Tsedu to Antjie Krog, Njabulo Ndebele, Mandla Langa, Rehana Rossouw and Hugh Lewin, to Xolela Mangcu, Pallo Jordan, Frene Ginwala, Joel Netshitenzhe and Barney Pityana, analysed excerpts from the Robben Island prison writings to test them against the realities at the onset of a new century.9 But the showpiece parts of the Robben Island Memories Project were the recorded memories and exhibitions that flowed out of RIM’s engagement with EPPs. RIM systematically welcomed back various groups of EPPs between 2001 and 2006 so that they could reflect on and talk about their experiences in specific spaces of the prison.10 In that time, RIM brought around 650 EPPs, organised into 26 reference groups varying in size between 6 and 37 people, to the island to help with the long‑term exhibition development process. As the chapters in Part Three of this book show, each of these three‑day reference group events was carefully thought through and deeply respectful of the experiences and opinions of the individuals who had been imprisoned on the island. They sought to balance factors such as ‘historical period and political affiliation’ and explored many still under‑researched prison sites and prisoner experiences. The groups were organised around prison sites and structures (B Section, G Section, F Section, E Section, D Section, Ou Tronk, Sink Tronk, Hospital, Kitchen, A  Section, Visitor Centre and Censor Office, Gardens); forced labour groups known as spans, the Afrikaans word for ‘teams’ (Padspan, Bamboespan, Draadspan, Matspan, Bouspan, Wasspan, Stone Quarryspan,

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Landbouspan, Lime Quarryspan); trades (Bougroep); and national identity (Namibians) (see details in Chapter 27). The result was several hundred hours of rare footage and recordings on prisoner experiences. As the Exhibitions team observe in Chapter  27, ‘the collective memories of the different groups constitute a nuanced multi‑voice resource which can guide museum development over the long term’ as well as ‘inform healing and closure work with families of prisoners’. This collaborative process with EPPs established by the Exhibitions Unit was an example of the deep thinking in the museum about how to create new generation plans and projects which were deeply respectful of the island’s history and the people who had been forced to live here. Sensitivities and internal RIM tensions over approaches, interpretation and who to involve on a priority basis in the Robben Island Memories Project came to the fore as the project progressed. As a later chapter shows, some felt that the ‘“Mandelarisation” of Robben Island was embraced rather than challenged by RIM management’, and that this meant that many poor EPPs were being marginalised and their voices consequently being drowned out by the ‘rainbow nation’ and ‘triumph of the human spirit over adversity’ narratives (see Chapter 26). This was a critique which was understandable and merited debate, but could not be left unchallenged, as it gave rise to simplified binary explanations of the views and approaches of the museum leadership among certain critics. Stripped of the radical essence and nuances it had had in the run‑up to 1994, and turned into a platitudinous idea for differing reasons by left critics as well as conservative opportunists eager to commodify the phrase without embracing its essence, the notion of a ‘rainbow nation’ became unfashionable in the post‑Mandela years. It was superseded by the ‘African Renaissance’ narrative, the new fashion‑statement during the Mbeki years, and for some, the ‘rainbow nation’ did not fit easily with notions of permanent class conflict that underlay Marxist analysis. Some of the criticism did not sufficiently take into account the contradictions and complexities with which RIM had to work, or the plans for the progressive deepening of research on the prison past, or the space it sought to provide for different voices and interpretations. The Mandelarisation critique, as well as the understandable concern that all voices from Robben Island should be heard, was also linked to broader ideological, power and party contestations within EPP ranks, which spilled over into the museum, particularly from 2001 onwards when the Robben Island Memories Project commenced (see Chapter  32 for an elaboration of these intellectual contestations at the time). Besides contestation in debates within

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the ANC alliance, the PAC and the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) supporters felt their perspectives were being ignored (see Chapter 33). Though dominated by the broad positions of the ANC now in government, the departure point of RIM’s council and management team from the beginning in setting up the Heritage, Tours and Education departments was to validate the experiences of all prisoners, including those not on Robben Island, and all tendencies. The idea of critical approaches, non‑sectarianism and RIM as a process‑in‑development was adopted, and put into the museum’s ‘Guideline on RIM’s policy towards ex‑political prisoners’.11 For a start, the EPP guides represented various ideological tendencies – ANC, PAC, BC, SACP and Unity Movement – and were free to put across their own perspectives. And Ben Fani with an AZAPO affiliation was appointed to the important position of tours manager when the first permanent appointments were made in 1998. Even if vocal PAC and BC supporters (electorally humiliated with less than two per cent of the 1994 vote) quite rightly had reason to want to see more of their history represented – and sooner rather than later – it was not an either/or matter for RIM. It was about creating different spaces, platforms, times and opportunities for a plethora of conversations and events to happen, catering to different levels of engagement, ranging from heads of state and the state‑run millennium celebrations to museum professionals, from academic debates and training programmes through to school learners and community groups and discussions and projects revolving around people marginalised by power, where different voices could be heard. This was so from the start, although the expectations could not be met immediately. As the museum increased its capacity and reach – building ‘the walls and roof of the new house’ on the foundations that had been laid in a short time – that was the direction in which it was increasingly able to go. The louder of these contestations, while predictable and even necessary, complicated my work as the director whose task it was to mediate the numerous, often contradictory, inputs, claims, interpretations and messages about the EPP experience of and within RIM. There were many cases where nuanced mediation was necessary. For example, the first site artists working in the prison found themselves in conflict with the Heritage Department, as Prins‑Solani and Pastor point out in Chapters  14 and 18. Uncomfortable relations also existed between staff and the contracted external heritage partners.12 Furthermore, EPP guides told different personal stories based on their ideological and political perspectives. While personalised individual narratives were encouraged as part of the initial experiences, when the personal morphed into specific ideological

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competition amongst guides, it raised interpretation and policy challenges for the museum. Among the EPPs, there were those also who did not wish the museum to broaden its tour offerings lest this threaten their centrality in the visitor experience – and by extension negatively affect their future work prospects, as they saw it – or even to become involved in the issue of the volume of tips in foreign currency that some actively solicited from eager tourists; this at one stage became a serious operational concern after a number of report‑backs from visitors. Smoothing over these interactions between staff and departments and between staff and outsiders, trying to avoid differences becoming fixed and creating disjunctures, was not easy to manage. It is also not generally known that I resisted efforts by the iconic Ahmed Kathrada and the council to intervene in certain operational matters. During the planning for the Mandela Gateway exhibition, for example, the chairperson pushed for a replica of a B Section cell to be constructed and displayed in the new building. As director, I felt a creative solution to this request could be found and hoped that, while respectfully trying to hold the boundaries between operations and oversight, I could still persuade the team to creatively accommodate his wishes, even in a discreet, abstract way. They stuck to their position though. I thought this inflexibility short‑sighted, but still needed to back the team’s right to creative autonomy. This caused stress and frustration, particularly as Mr K had fundraised hard and successfully in the USA to cover a major part of the costs of the Gateway Building. He was displeased, and only eventually got his wish outside of RIM when American curators several years later produced a successful international exhibition to celebrate his life, with a replica of his cell in it.13 Khwezi ka Mpumlwana and Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi suggest in Chapter 34 that while this intellectual openness at RIM in the early years was a good thing, the creative process perhaps gave people in the organisation too much latitude.14 Vigorous internal debate is a good thing, but an unfortunate outcome of the way this particular debate on ‘the voice’ in the museum played itself out led to fissures and a misalignment of sorts within RIM, and the consequent tendency towards silo approaches over exhibition planning, which is mentioned in some of the chapters below. Inadequate management coordination and communication, from myself as well, no doubt contributed to this dissonance. But a section of the Heritage Department set out to openly challenge RIM’s authority, and adopted for themselves the monicker of the ‘ungovernables’,15 perhaps seeing themselves as fighting a battle on behalf of the ‘real’ voices of the EPPs. One  of  the outcomes of this was that the eight reference groups RIM brought to the island

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between mid‑2001 and mid‑2002 were to some extent drawn into and ‘used’ in internal museum contestations. From the perspective of the council and the operational leadership of the first heritage institution of the new democracy, established not even three years into a hard-fought-for freedom, it made perfect sense to highlight initially the link between the new RIM project and the new president, Nelson Mandela. He had become an unmatchable global icon and brand by that time, sitting alongside Gandhi and Martin Luther King in history. This was particularly valid in the first years after the operation was launched under great (indeed, abnormal) time and planning pressures and constraints. To provide some perspective, the just‑opened Holocaust Museum in Washington had taken six years and US$200  million to build; RIM opened to the public after only three months of preparation by the responsible state department and a budget of less than US$2  million at today’s exchange rates. RIM started off on a limited operational base and had to build itself on the fly as a work‑in‑progress institution from scratch. The Mandela name created an instant positive association between the icon and the island, as the obligatory visit by numerous heads of state attested. His stature in the struggle was simply unmatched and, as the queues that first January further showed, there was an impatient demand from visitors to see his cell. Moreover, the name of Mandela was linked to the highest human values – justice, service, sacrifice, fairness, equality, humility, generosity, tolerance, forgiveness, reconciliation and a belief in human dignity – and those coming into contact with RIM would be reminded of the need to protect these values as South Africans sought to rebuild and heal their country after the traumas of colonialism and apartheid. And RIM was, by extension, paying homage to the entire EPP experience and to all of the freedom fighters with their diverse views and backgrounds who had shared the jail experience. Management was not unaware of the need to engage critically and keep some distance from orthodox state and political narratives, and from the outset this was the goal. It was never a matter of one or the other, but rather of creating the opportunity for a range of debates, representations and narratives in various spaces as RIM grew. The Mandela of the 1990s not only symbolised the essential unity of humankind, and of all South Africans, and the need to work for a peaceful, inclusive, caring world, but was also at the time a towering unifying figure across racial, class, gender, ideological and faith divides in Cape Town, South Africa and the world. Warmly hosting a Castro or a Clinton at RIM came naturally. In current heated debates about Mandela’s role, it has become common for

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a younger generation to belittle the contribution of his generation and the adulation he received during a spectacular historical moment. However, I would argue, it is important not to forget that it was as a revolutionary that Mandela fought against apartheid and as a revolutionary that he sought to unite, reconstruct and heal South Africa at the time of democracy. A recent book by Busani Ngcaweni and Sabelo J.  Ndlovu‑Gatsheni titled Nelson R.  Mandela: Decolonial Ethics of Liberation and Servant Leadership, published by Africa World Press, contends that his efforts to focus on national unity in the 1990s were not due to wishy‑washy rainbowism, but ‘the extension of a decolonial notion of Ubuntu’, which went beyond copycat reactions to western modernism (war and Nuremburg‑like retribution) to develop a new African paradigm of humanism where ‘many worlds fit harmoniously’.16 In the first biography of Mandela by an African scholar, Xolela Mangcu, too, locates Mandela’s leadership style in an African context by looking at his rural Transkei upbringing in the court of the Thembu regent and the influence that lived, African experiences, and specifically the Thembu encounter with colonialism, had on his leadership style.17 In my opinion, these are perspectives that need to be explored further in a more nuanced context, beyond current mechanistic offerings and slogans of hero or sell‑out to intertwined white and capitalist power structures. Far from being a teddy‑bear platitude, the rainbow nation idea of attaining freedom and building a united country in a time of great danger, through a combination of mass pressure and nuanced diplomacy, was part of a radical agenda for change at a time when the oppressed claimed back their national sovereignty in 1994. As the acclaimed African scholar Mahmood Mamdani has noted, ‘to believe apartheid could simply give way to social equality was to ignore the critical tensions of the South African moment’. The vision of a non‑racial South Africa articulated by the signing of the new Constitution in December 1996 – the same month in which RIM opened – was a ‘truly radical move’, he adds, when a new political order was created to encapsulate the political meaning of an inclusive South Africa that had always underpinned the struggles against apartheid.18

FIFTH ANNIVERSARY OPENING OF THE NELSON MANDELA GATEWAY In December 2001, RIM celebrated its fifth anniversary by symbolically receiving its one millionth visitor and opening the purpose‑built Nelson Mandela Gateway Museum in a key position in Cape Town’s V&A Waterfront. This signature building gave RIM a prime position in one of the most successful tourism and commercial sites in South Africa and significantly improved the quality of RIM educational experiences and visits to the island. It also consolidated the

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RIM operations on the mainland. This was a highly significant moment for the museum. Although not grand in scale, we had created a new facility from scratch for visitors and inscribed on the physical and commercial face of Cape Town a signature of what the island and the new democracy represented. The new building was designed by Lucien le Grange of Lucien le Grange Architects and Urban Planners, and earned him a project award from the South African Institute of Architects. Lucien, a trustee of the District Six Museum, was a progressive individual with a Unity Movement background, who approached the task with the utmost sensitivity and seriousness. The new facility covered three levels totalling 2,200 square metres. It was structured around a large courtyard (bringing to mind conceptually the maximum security prison on the island) and included an entrance foyer, a ticket sales and reception area, a shop, a restaurant, a 150‑seat auditorium, boardrooms and an exhibition space. From an architectural point of view, the building represented light in contrast to the darkness associated with the island and its history; openness and transparency in contrast to the isolation and blacking out of information that surrounded the island during the prison period; and a transitional space in which to start the educational, spiritual and emotional journey to the island (see Chapter 17). Thanks to the influence of ex‑Islander Saki Macozoma and Gloria Serobe of the shareholder Transnet Pension Fund, the V&A Waterfront Company for the first time allowed a tenant in the Waterfront to design and construct its own building. The cost of the building was nearly R44  million. RIM raised R36 million of the total from the private sector and funders, thus providing the country with a new national asset at a minimal cost to the state. No museum in South Africa was able to raise that kind of money at the time. Half of it came from the pull of the Mandela name. Guided by his USA activist friends Sharon Gelman and Mary Tiseo, Ahmed Kathrada connected to corporates and donors in the USA via the network of Hollywood and other celebrities he had hosted on the island, and drew unashamedly on his pull with Madiba to get him involved as well. He also reminded South African corporates about the special time they had had on the island with him. My personal fundraising highlight was a visit by a prospective funder, who asked me on a drive around the island’s gravel roads what our vision for the island was, and told me after my animated explanation that they would contribute several million rands. In addition to the money raised by RIM, Uncle Kathy and Madiba, we calculated that the rental agreement in one of the most expensive retail spaces in South Africa that we had negotiated with the V&A Company would save RIM and the state perhaps as much as R100 million in leasing discounts during its lifespan of 40 years. RIM saw this

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project as an example of the benefits of public private partnerships, ‘which [were] now a key part of government’s policy’.19 It was a complex, demanding process requiring the best legal and financial advice. RIM’s economic impact was starting to show. Not only was the museum ‘helping to redefine old notions of museums, heritage and tourism’, it was also ‘showing that culture has an economic value that is only now starting to be recognised’.20 Economists estimated that for every dollar spent at the Smithsonian Museums in Washington, an additional US$16 was pumped into the local economy. By this measurement, RIM’s one million visitors up to that point, the R44‑million Gateway Building in the prime V&A Waterfront, the estimated one thousand job opportunities RIM had created, its significant impact on the local boating industry via the new ferry contract, as well as the 120 aspirant heritage workers who had already gained postgraduate qualifications at local universities through the RITP, all pointed to RIM’s growing and potential economic impact. The new Nelson Mandela Gateway to Robben Island was officially opened on 1  December 2001 by the former president himself at an event attended by 1,500 guests ranging from EPPs and Cabinet members down. Cheryl Carolus, a struggle figure from the United Democratic Front days of the 1980s in Cape Town and now the new CEO of the national tourism body Satour, was the director of ceremonies, and the guests were entertained by the powerful Sylvia Mdunyelwa (Mama Kaap), jazz guitarist Jimmy Dludlu and others.21 The date 1  December 2001 not only marked a new mainland presence for RIM, it was also the commemoration of the emancipation of the slaves in 1834, as well as the recently designated World AIDS Day. In his opening speech at the launch, Mandela said, ‘This Gateway has been named after one individual, but that must not obscure the fact that we are celebrating the collective achievement of a great struggle to be free.’ He reminded those present that ‘the quest for freedom is neverending’. Mandela acknowledged that perhaps the ‘harsh aspects and negative impacts’ have in retrospect been downplayed. He said, ‘The island was very tough. People suffered terrible deprivations and abuse. We must not forget that. At the same time, however, we are right to stress the positive. We in South Africa took the road people did not expect or predict. Our country was saved from the bloodbath that was so widely predicted.’ He appealed to all to alleviate ‘the plight of [the] poor and defenceless, for as long as most of humanity feels the pain of poverty we all remain prisoners’.22 It was like music to hear his clear stand on AIDS and human rights at the time, and to know we had made small inputs to the speech. Just over a week later, RIM celebrated International Human Rights Day at the new Gateway,

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proud of our country’s progressiveness. I remember the strength of these feelings at that time, Mr Kathrada and I reminding a lawyers’ delegation from the USA that despite Western complacency about being protectors of human rights, the new trend of ‘rendition’, Guantanamo, Mugabe’s Zimbabwe and Israel’s actions in Palestine were examples of where they were being trampled on internationally. As director, I felt that the young institution had reached its fifth birthday in good health, despite its emergency C‑section birth and having had to get onto its feet and run almost immediately. As the previous chapters show, after the closure of the prison, RIM had in an outrageously short period of time managed to open the island to the public and then start to build the institution. It was playing a defining role in the museums and public spheres through innovative approaches, wholly new museum staff demographics, training via the RITP (in tandem with the local universities) of a new generation of heritage practitioners and leaders, and the introduction of diverse kinds of programmes and events. The opening of the Gateway, the conferring of World Heritage Site status on the island, the millennium celebrations, the incorporation of the Mayibuye Archives, the big infrastructure upgrade on the island, the launch of the three‑pronged Memories Project and the millionth visitor that summer of 2001 were all signs of the progress RIM had made in the first five short years. Visits by dozens of world leaders and celebrities, and events such as the invitation from the Nobel awards committee for me to attend the Nobel Prize ceremonies in Norway, together with the heads of some select world museums, helped to position RIM globally as well.23 The approach in the new RIM was to be open, self‑critical and unapologetically transformative, contributing to new heritage practices. With EPPs at the heart of the project from the start, both management and staff fed off the energy of the times, and approached the uniqueness and immensity of the responsibility we had been given to create a young team with a real sense of shared purpose and bonding. But, despite the nice words and the undoubted achievements of RIM’s first five years, a crisis was brewing beneath the surface by the time Nelson Mandela opened the Gateway in December 2001. Toxic politics and divisions, with EPPs at the centre of the drama, were about to envelop the institution.

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10 A dirty tricks campaign unfolds, 2001 André Odendaal with Lynette Maart and Ashley Forbes

While driving through Soweto on 1  November 2001 for the launch of the 2003 Cricket World Cup campaign, I received a phone call on my cellphone. It was from Denmark Tungwana, one of our two deputy directors, also a former political prisoner. He informed me that someone had been caught in the Finance Department offices the previous evening. The truth – he later informed me sheepishly – was that he himself had commissioned an ‘investigation’ and prompted what amounted to a ‘covert raid’ by two private investigators posing as Toyota representatives. Worse still, one of the people he had roped in to do the job was a white apartheid‑era security operative working under the name of Forensic Integrated Solutions. On that night, after hours, the estate manager Ashley Forbes found ‘two unknown men’ rummaging in the office of finance manager Nico van Niekerk with ‘about forty blue arch lever files spread out on the ground’. In Van Niekerk’s words, ‘I got six cops and a rubber duck and went over to the island to see what was going on in my office. It was the forensic guys. They were going through my files, copying things.’1 The office raid reminded me of break‑ins and ‘dirty tricks’ tactics that had occurred during the second influx of EPPs in the summer season of 1997/98, and seemed to be one of the increasingly murky things happening on the island. The contretemps came at a very inconvenient time. The relationship between RIM and its ferry provider, Autshumato Ferries (Pty) Ltd, trading as Autshumato Marine, was rapidly deteriorating, and the deadline to launch a far-from-finally-constructed or paid-for Nelson Mandela Gateway in the V&A Waterfront was only 30 days away. RIM could not cope with an internal management crisis at that moment. I therefore met with the three managers, expressed my appreciation to Forbes and Van Niekerk

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for their actions and conveyed in clear terms to Tungwana and another manager who had been part of the deception, though feigning innocence, that that kind of unethical behaviour was not acceptable and that they should abide by corporate governance protocols. Forbes drafted a detailed report, which clearly revealed the unethical nature of the night-time activities and Tungwana and his accomplice wrote letters of apology conceding this.2 Meanwhile I checked on the issues raised, namely the procurement of service providers for vehicles and other services by the Finance Department, to ensure that there had been no mismanagement. Having done this, I was satisfied that there was no obvious corruption in the relatively small area which Van Niekerk, as the responsible manager, had had the authority to deal with on his own – a conclusion supported by later findings. Meanwhile, our ferry ‘partners’ appeared to have launched a concerted ‘regime‑change’ campaign against the RIM leadership, which by late 2001 was gathering momentum. Autshumato Marine, a private company owned by a small group of EPPs, but sometimes giving the impression it represented them as a body, sought to change – mid‑term – a seven‑year ferry contract so that it could be more financially beneficial to them, at the cost of the museum. What I did not know at the time was that their private commercial agenda would soon see them using powerful political networks to destabilise the museum’s leadership under the convenient guise that this was a struggle on behalf of EPPs in general. The signed contract had clearly defined mutual obligations, but Autshumato Marine began to openly bypass management and I was convinced it leveraged its political connections on various fronts in an effort to get its way. Following the initial one‑year ferry contract entered into with Autshumato Marine in 1998, RIM had appointed the company as its ferry partner for the next seven years from 1999 to 2006 after an open procurement process. There were two major differences between the first and second contracts. The percentage‑based income model used in the first contract was replaced in the second with a fixed-cost taxi fare payable to Autshumato Marine. The duration of the contract changed from less than one year to seven years. The contract length gave Autshumato Marine the opportunity to pay off the principal debt on the vessels, attend to the operations and generate a reasonable profit. Besides the agreement on paying visitors, the contracts made provision for a certain number of RIM staff, service providers, and school and concession tours to be carried for free. In addition, the long‑term RIM contract gave Autshumato Marine, as a black‑managed and black‑owned boat company, a level of permanence in the most prestigious retail space in South Africa – the V&A Waterfront – and the opportunity to widen its trading opportunities when the RIM contract ended.

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The second ferry contract ran smoothly until 2001. The beginning of the difficulties with Autshumato Marine came when it had to withdraw its ferries from service at short notice due to mechanical problems. RIM management provided the Susan Kruger as a back‑up vessel at an agreed fee in accordance with the agreement. The operator had an ‘unqualified’ obligation to provide back‑up boats, either its own or ones hired by it. However, Autshumato Marine failed to pay the museum the outstanding fees, eventually totalling around R2 million, for the Susan Kruger. At one stage it also unilaterally decided to renege on its back‑up boat obligation. RIM was obliged to call in private commercial vehicles such as the Sea Princess to provide support. Small transgressions progressively escalated into difficulties when Autshumato Marine failed to adhere to the ferry schedule agreed to in the contract and refused to carry concession school groups and staff free of charge, as stipulated there. Disadvantaged school groups were turned away from the Autshumato and Makana ferries, despite having booked well in advance and some having travelled long distances for a once‑in‑a‑lifetime experience. There were also days when staff members were left stranded on the mainland or the island because Autshumato Marine refused to allow them on board. And it stopped docking the ferries on Robben Island overnight, as had been the practice. In letters to RIM, Autshumato Marine alleged that RIM management was responsible for killing its business. As director of RIM, I felt that I had a legal duty to report all of these issues to the council, which I did in a series of reports between March and July of 2002.3 The tentacles of the campaign against RIM’s management by Autshumato Marine eventually reached into the party political arena, Parliament, Cabinet, the intelligence agencies and the media on the one hand, and RIM’s council, staff and management on the other. Exacerbating the situation were EPP factional politics that fed into internal RIM dynamics, severely destabilising the institution in the long term. At the same time as the campaign against the RIM leadership by the EPP partners was unfolding, there also appeared to be a ‘dirty tricks’ strategy located in the netherworld of liberation movement and state intrigues. We had become used to strange occurrences on Robben Island in the time since we had opened the museum, but a ‘dirty tricks’ operation on steroids was now busy unfolding. It involved South African National Defence Force generals, MPs, Cabinet ministers, at least one shady intelligence operative that we were aware of, illegal activities, carefully planned disinformation, the use of embedded journalists and various staged dramas.

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The chief conspirators, it soon became clear to me, were Vincent James, Autshumato Marine’s managing director and point person with RIM in coordinating the ferry operation, and his colleague Jama Matakata, the Autshumato Marine HR head. At the time, several people claimed that Matakata was a national intelligence operative, but I never saw any evidence that confirmed this allegation. Initially, deputy director Lynette Maart, together with estates manager Ashley Forbes who was responsible for managing the contract with the ferry company, were Autshumato’s main targets. Ashley was a quietly spoken ex‑MKVA commander. His position as an EPP and his reluctance to openly go toe‑to‑toe with his comrades shielded him somewhat from the flak. He had his own personal reasons for keeping his head down at the time, which he later confided to me, and chose to focus on his day‑to‑day duties and stay out of any controversy.4 Lynette Maart, more senior than Ashley, but a woman in a very masculine space, was unfairly targeted as the main villain. She played an important role at senior management level in keeping RIM’s widely differing operational responsibilities and departments strategically connected. As the campaign intensified and management held the line, I became increasingly drawn into the whirlpool for defending her integrity as a senior manager – and that of the contract. A letter on 11 December 2001 from Vincent James to Ashley Forbes illustrated the deteriorating relationship very well. Responding to a request by the latter that Autshumato Marine abide by the terms of the contract relating to one fairly small matter, his one-sentence retort was, ‘I suggest you go to SAMSA [the South African Maritime Safety Authority] and whatever else – even to the courts to address your questions … We will continue doing what we are doing.’5 The seven‑year contract had been painstakingly put together with some of the best lawyers in Cape Town to make sure the interests of the museum were tightly protected. The key clauses were that the ‘vessels shall operate  …  7 (seven) days a week on a shuttle basis’ in accordance with a clear schedule, drawn up by RIM in consultation with the operator. According to the contract, RIM, ‘shall remain solely responsible for the schedule’ and ‘[i]t is a material term of this agreement that there should be no interruptions to this ferry service’.6 The role of the museum and rules of engagement were very clear. There could be no doubt about RIM’s overall authority over the island and the ferry operations. It was a simple issue really; we were not prepared to abdicate RIM’s authority or dilute its income for others to make extra profits from the museum, irrespective of who they were. Nor could we compromise on the clause in the contract which allowed RIM to bring school groups – one of the museum’s main target markets – to the island in affordable

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ways. Autshumato Marine unilaterally started changing schedules and rules, and eventually deliberately broke the terms of the contract, for example by refusing to ferry staff to and from work as required by it.7 RIM threatened ‘to consider our right to terminate’ if this breach continued.8 By the end of January 2002 letters were flying backwards and forwards between the two almost daily. Of course, as director of RIM, I had an obligation to report all of this to the council, which I did. But as I explain below, nothing could have prepared me for how the dispute would play itself out. In January 2002, three safes with R33,000 in them mysteriously disappeared overnight from the new Gateway Building in what investigators suspected was an ‘inside’ job. Long before this, Lynette Maart’s home had also been burgled. A garage door was broken down and her laptop was stolen, though other valuables remained untouched. It felt as if a whole network of actors and actions, whether connected or not, were working together to achieve ‘regime change’. In a sworn affidavit she later deposed to the Mowbray police station in order to cover her back as the push against her mounted, Lynette recorded what Vincent James had told her about the campaign against the RIM leadership in a meeting at the Nelson Mandela Gateway he had asked for. ‘Mr. James,’ she said, ‘claimed that he was the “mastermind” of the campaign executed by a small team.’9 The affidavit, drawn up a week or so after the meeting, is worth quoting in detail because it captures well the climate and ugly politics and pressure we as museum leaders had to operate under at the time. The meeting started with James showing Lynette a computer‑generated note she had written, which she believed could only have come from either the stolen laptop or from RIM’s computer network. According to Lynette, James told her that he had ‘been involved in a four to five month “orchestrated campaign” [his words] to collect information on the people (management and council) of the Robben Island Museum’. He said, ‘I thought forcefully’ that ‘you must know that you are being targeted. That is why I am having this meeting with you. There is only one person standing by you. The rest have betrayed you.’ James told her that ‘he was acting in the interest and on behalf of ex‑political prisoner[s] who he thought should manage and run the island’. Here is a detailed extract from Lynette’s affidavit: He [James] now had enough information on everybody, including the [RIM] councillors. He said that he had the full backgrounds on everybody. He said that during this time he did not attend to his other business engagements and he have [sic] missed several important meetings to exclusively focus his attention

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on the investigation and campaign. He thought he had completed this exercise now and that they now needed to act on the information. He said that they collected information by bugging telephones, tapping meeting rooms and offices and searching RIM’s computer network for information. They bugged André Odendaal’s house and heard several conversations to cabinet ministers. Mr.  James said that in these telephone conversations with cabinet ministers, Mr. Kathrada ‘sold André down the toilet’. Mr. James alleged that Mr. Kathrada gave André Odendaal a different version to that given to the cabinet ministers. When I challenged him on how he could possibly know all this, Mr.  James said that all the telephones were bugged. At one stage he added that the bugging devices have since been removed as the investigatory phase of the campaign has been completed. Mr. James said that no one would be able to trace his contact and telephone communication with ‘the small group of operatives’ as none of the calls were made from his cell phone.

As proof of the buggings, James told Maart that ‘he knew that I spoke to a lawyer, immediately after Autshumato Marine gave notice last Thursday that it was cancelling the staff ferry’. He also claimed to have obtained information from a former manager of the museum who had ‘for the past two months’ been making photocopies of large amounts of paperwork stored in a garage for him. He said that he had collected ‘tons of information on everybody’. According to Maart, James alleged further that he has been working with a small group of ‘operatives’ including Jama [Matakata], his trusted friend and comrade who work[ed] with him as HR manager at the Autshumato Ferries. He reminded me that he (Vincent James) and Jama have been in Umkhonto we Sizwe together and have executed various missions including killing people. I did not know what to make of this, but I felt that he was threatening me personally. I said that I am religious and that his threats cannot hurt me. He said that the ‘campaign carriers’ [his words] have leaked selected pieces of information to the media. They have good connections in the media. He claimed that they have played the media well and fed them information on a piece meal basis …

Coming to the end of her affidavit, Lynette Maart explained that ‘James stated categorically [that] the appointment of a new director would not only be [a RIM] council decision. He will make sure that he and those who are helping him have a say in who is appointed as the director of the Robben Island Museum …’ Moreover:

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With regards to Mr.  Kathrada, Mr.  James claimed that he had a lot of information on him. He attended a meeting the previous day with ex‑political prisoners in which they presented Kathrada with issues and information. The information on Kathrada ‘whether or not he was a Rivonia trialist’ will ‘discredit and hurt’ him. He will now present the information (tapes, transcriptions and other documents) he has to the secretary general of the ANC. He said that the information on Mr. Kathrada would sink him (Kathrada) and the secretary general [Kgalema Motlanthe] would deal with him …

Maart’s response to James’s threats was that she would do what she had to do ‘in accordance with my principles and beliefs’. Her conscience was clear, ‘as I knew that I am not guilty of corruption or wrongdoing’.10 Most of the claims made by Vincent James at the meeting were most likely just empty threats and hyperbole, but Autshumato Marine was clearly leveraging its EPP credentials to undermine the management of this national state institution and force André and Lynette aside, using unethical and devious means.

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11 The pressure on RIM intensifies André Odendaal

These dramas continued well into the new year of 2002 and occurred at a time when the museum, still a vulnerable young institution, was under particularly heavy work pressure, trying to put in place long‑term plans to consolidate itself. The completion of the R43‑million Gateway Centre in the V&A Waterfront fell way behind schedule after a wet winter, with the eventual handover to RIM happening just two days before the official opening by President Mandela on 1  December 2001. The launch was successful, but we were scrambling to find and finalise the large amount of funding required to pay for the building, as well as trying to get exhibition plans for the Gateway completed in time. In mid‑November 2001, the management committee had to take the decision to delay the exhibition’s launch until April 2002 because it was impossible to put up the displays while the building was still incomplete. The museum’s annual report gave a sense of the pressure leadership was feeling: ‘During the financial year under review, a great deal of RIM’s organisational energy and resources was invested in the design, construction, opening and funding’ of the new building.1 At the same time, RIM was overseeing the final phase of the comprehensive R19‑million infrastructure upgrade of the primary and secondary roads, sewerage infrastructure and water supply on the island by the PWD. The upgrade was set back when one of the contractors went bankrupt and another contractor, Murray and Roberts, had to be brought in to complete the job. Thus, the attractive new road that would soon create a neat ribbon around the island looked good but came with management stress. The winter storms in September destroyed part of the harbour wall, and RIM had to get professional reports and lobby government to allocate R43 million of capital expenditure to fix this. In addition, the EPP reference group visits, part of the core Robben Island Memories Project in the museum’s newly conceptualised five‑year development plan, commenced in mid‑2001. RIM hosted around ten three‑day‑long weekend visits by groups of ex‑Islanders from

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mid‑2001 to June 2002, and a further sixteen would follow in the next few years (see Chapter 27). It was not possible for me as director to be an active participant in these and in other projects like the Robben Island Roadshow, in which I had a direct intellectual interest, given the Gateway and other pressures. The busiest summer season yet – with a new high of 80,000 visitors that December and January – and changes at management level compounded the difficulties around this time. One of my most trusted managers, the politically well‑grounded Khwezi ka Mpumlwana, a product of Mayibuye Centre and a balancing force on the island, had departed, having recently been appointed as head of the Nelson Mandela Museum in Mthatha. He became the first African director of a national museum in South Africa (a previously identified target in his career trajectory). Also, frustrated by the inability of departmental managers and myself to get satisfactory cash‑flow and financial reports in this challenging period, I instituted disciplinary action against the finance manager and asked for his resignation. Two other managers went on maternity leave, one of whom was Heritage Department manager Juanita  Pastor. She had key responsibilities – the Gateway Project, Exhibitions Unit and reference groups – and with hindsight her absence at that time was keenly felt, contributing to a growing communication gap between management and the Exhibitions team. The slow and ineffective decision‑making processes of both the council and the DACST further complicated matters. For a second time, the DACST was tardy in its oversight of the transition to a new council. The second RIM Council appointed by the department held its first meet‑and‑greet meeting with the management in January 2002 and its first proper business meeting on 16 March 2002. This was nine months after the council had last formally met in June 2001. This meant this body as a cohesive oversight unit was largely missing in action for a long period, and its composition was then changed at a crucial moment. Some of its new members, coming in relatively cold, soon became assertive and active in shaping events in certain directions. Things were happening on multiple fronts. My strong bond of trust with Ahmed Kathrada was coming under pressure too. As council chairperson and director, we felt the increasing weight of the broader developments, as well as areas of poor performance inside RIM. Ours had been a productive, life‑defining relationship for me, filled with purpose, quiet humour, unbounded learning, but we also quietly butted heads sometimes as I fought to maintain my own identity as comrade, friend and professional. For example, he sulked a little when, as part of Mayibuye Centre’s 1994 Celebrating Democracy Festival, I publicised the differences in the ANC’s high organ on Robben Island during the prison years – we started to talk also about the non‑heroic sides of the struggle. Already

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unhappy about not getting the cell replica included in the Gateway exhibition, he also wanted the EPP tour guides to rote learn a scripted narrative. I, on the other hand, want to protect the idea of allowing multiple voices to be heard, even though I understood his frustration with the uneven quality and sometimes plain mediocrity of the presentations. Imposing a single, seamless narrative from on high would have gone against what the whole project stood for. As Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie has more recently warned in ‘The Danger of a Single Story’, ‘[o]ur lives, our cultures, are composed of many overlapping stories’, and ‘if we hear only a single story about another person or country, we risk a critical misunderstanding’.2 My job of respectfully trying to hold the boundaries between operations and oversight on the island was becoming more and more difficult. The situation was also becoming such that if someone at RIM had a complaint, big or small, they could go to a councillor or a Cabinet minister, and I or the managers would have to give account, rather than the matter being channelled through a more disciplined line function process within the institution. At meetings, ‘Mr K’ (as Ahmed Kathrada was often affectionately called by his partner Barbara Hogan and others close to him) would often have a handwritten list of complaints he had picked up in front of him and the agenda would be shifted aside in order for us to first respond to them one by one. ‘The guy in the shop said this’ or ‘an ex‑prisoner said that’. The randomness of these kinds of discussions was a problem. We at management level were not trying to be defensively bureaucratic, but felt such issues should be dealt with in a more structured way in this complex operation. Some individuals insisted on things that did not fit with the conceptual plans of the RIM Exhibitions team. I had to hold the line by reminding people of the need to respect operational responsibilities and roles. Council members would also, on occasion, block management initiatives which they felt fell outside a priority focus on EPPs. As director, I had envisaged a publications component as a key part of creating a dynamic institution, but council did not show an appetite for the Robben Island Memories Series, and this was later cut after only five books had been published.3 Plans for a special millennium project, the artists‑in‑residence programme, RIM’s participation in certain conferences, and Wole Soyinka’s idea of Robben Island becoming the seat of an African writers’ parliament were among plans that shared the same fate. I felt increasingly held back in running the island operationally. It was becoming more and more difficult to take decisive action in a timely way. The project seemed to be closing in on itself, threatening to become an adjunct of EPP politics rather than the visionary national and global cultural and educational project initially planned for. Having been given the immense privilege and responsibility of setting up and leading RIM in the first

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place, it came to a point where I felt I was juggling balls in the air rather than moving things forward. The work was taxing, draining and beginning to stretch me too far. But I felt it was my responsibility to see through a complex management task until the institution was more settled. A high-performance sports psychologist, who was adviser to several national and Olympic teams, could only shake his head at the way we were having to manage the island, but our discussion gave me some comfort that I was not unmindful of the leadership challenges involved. On 30 January 2002, Autshumato Marine unilaterally withdrew its vessels from scheduled trips in breach of its agreement with RIM. Ashley  Forbes and Lynette Maart met with Vincent James in an attempt to stop the unilateral action. When this was unsuccessful, RIM gave notice to Autshumato Marine that if ‘the vessels were not immediately reinstated, RIM would be obliged to consider exercising its right of cancellation of the contract’.4 On 2  February, Autshumato Marine chairperson Sfiso Buthelezi and I were brought into the discussions. RIM explained that it was willing to discuss issues of mutual concern, but not if Autshumato Marine continued with unilateral disruptions of the service which lay at the heart of the museum’s operations. These meant the cancellations of trips for visitors at short notice with resultant passenger dissatisfaction and administrative complications, including loss of income, refund complications, having to use back‑up boats with less capacity for the scheduled bookings, passengers being unable to reschedule their plans, and RIM suffering general reputational damage. Buthelezi agreed to reinstate unilaterally cancelled boat trips, but now escalated discussions to the second RIM Council, which had met for the first time a fortnight earlier, rather than dealing further with the operational heads. He clearly had a hotline to this body and our surprise was compounded when one of the board members of Autshumato Investments, Colonel Sibusiso Mbongwa, a Johannesburg‑based ‘asset protection and risk management’ executive at Portnet, was appointed to the new council.5 So here was the politically well‑connected RIM contractor and supplier circumventing management and referring operational issues to a higher body that included one of its own board members. How did the department ever appoint Colonel Mbongwa in the first place, given this apparent conflict of interest? The crisis was growing. In March, after Autshumato Marine again failed to provide vessels for certain tours, I asked the RIM Council with earnestness to back the management team in its dealings with these operational issues: Besides the RIM management being placed in an invidious position by Autshumato’s refusal to deal with them and its insistence on dealing only with Council, Council’s attention is drawn to the central role that the ferry service

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plays in the operation of the Robben Island Museum. Management accordingly respectfully submits that Council should redirect Mr Buthelezi’s queries back to management and should at the same time make it clear to Autshumato Marine that Council will not tolerate any breaches of the service contract.6

The RIM Council agreed to give management the mandate to resolve the disputed issues with Autshumato Marine, but the council’s tendency to become involved in micro‑management and listen to outside voices intensified. As EPPs exerted pressure on RIM, the museum’s focus was becoming more and more centred on EPP concerns and politics, and I felt that councillors and others were starting to operate around instead of through me as director. Indeed, EPP politics were about to envelop us. As director, I had energetically faced various crises head‑on in the past, but this time I felt wrung-out. The five‑and‑a‑half years of effort it had taken to establish and delicately balance the vulnerable new institution had perhaps depleted my reserves more than I realised. Meanwhile, a full‑scale political campaign was taking off along with pressure being put on management at other levels. On 6  March 2002, a so-called RIM Committee of Ex‑Prisoners and Workers demanded that Lynette Maart ‘be removed or expelled immediatedly from RIM before the image and meaning of Robben Island Museum is destroyed’.7 They claimed that they had approached the director and chair of council ‘in vain’. Four days later a body calling itself ‘Ex‑Political Prisoners, Western Cape’ and describing itself as a ‘representative’ body asked for a meeting with the RIM Council. RIM and Autshumato were prominent in the names given for this prisoners’ grouping and the signatory had also signed the RIM demand letter of 6 March.8 On 9 May the campaign took its next step. Vusumzi Mcongo, writing as the coordinator of ‘Concerned staff and Robben Island political prisoners’ (but with his surname typed Mcwango and a signature that looked markedly different from others he attached to his letters at this time) now demanded the ‘immediate suspension of all senior management and a full investigation into the affairs of the museum’.9 The reason, he explained, was the access he and others had gained to the material from the shady night‑time raid at the finance department offices in October, instituted by Denmark Tungwana, which we had already checked but which he purported showed ‘gross financial and other abuses on Robben Island’. The letter was copied to RIM councillors and staff, as well as to Deputy President Jacob Zuma, four ministers and the secretaries general of the ANC, PAC and AZAPO amongst others. If ever there was any doubt about it, this was no normal museum job.

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12 The rupture, July 2002 André Odendaal with Lynette Maart

In this context of mounting pressure, I received a missed call on 13  May at 14h57 from someone we can for now call Mr X. He asked me to phone back as the matter ‘is very much important’ and had ‘serious implications for a person of your calibre and national security’.1 I immediately phoned three people, the chair and vice chair of council as well as my cricket colleague Advocate Percy Sonn, who held a high position as regional director of the elite crime-busting Scorpions unit, while Mr X persisted with calls, notifying me that there was an explosive 15-page memorandum which he had been asked to distribute to the media. On the advice of the council leadership, I wrote to him on 17 May requesting him to send us the memorandum so that we could understand the allegations in it. Phoning back the same day, Mr X said, ‘I can’t divulge the contents’ which came from ‘real reliable sources’ and he was disappointed I had reported the matter. ‘I thought it was a secret’. ‘From an intelligence point of view’, he informed me, ‘when you discuss with the “fence”’ or source it was done directly and one on one. ‘Usually, nationally, as far as I work, I meet individually, then I disappear and you decide …’. He said, ‘Even if I go to my sources, I go alone’. Mr X asked for a meeting. He lived on the East Rand and didn’t have a car, he said. As I was due to travel to Johannesburg, we agreed to meet at the airport (then not yet named after Oliver Tambo).2 He suggested we meet in a family restaurant there. ‘Don’t worry about looking for me,’ he said, ‘I will see you before you see me. That is what I am trained to do.’ ‘Mr  X’ was the same person I had come across in the staff canteen overnighting on the island a few months earlier. Dressed all in black, with a rolled‑up balaclava on his head, he was playing the part. He pulled out a plastic file by way of introduction. In it were various military‑style insignia and credentials. No ID of a formal position. Here was a ‘spook’ trying to spook me. His advice was that I should resign. If not, he warned, ‘This is how events

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will roll out on the island.’ There would be damaging leaks to the newspapers, followed by protest action and the intervention of EPPs. Management would fall, he assured me. This kind of operation was not new to him and from his experience people could get killed in situations like these. Robben Island was no ordinary museum. There had been bizarre happenings on the island: from the much publicised rape of Nomboniso Gasa within twelve days of opening to the death of an employee in the pool, a helicopter accidentally dropping a brand-new bus into the sea while transporting it to the island for the Hillary Clinton visit, frogmen caught smuggling crayfish, the Treasure oil spill of 2001, boats becoming shipwrecked on the island, threats to sink the ferries by Khoikhoi activists demanding to reclaim the island (which we reported because of the possible threat to life), and various other strange cases of theft and fraud, which were all dealt with one by one. There had even been similar break‑ins and ‘dirty tricks’ tactics during the second influx of EPPs in the summer season of 1997–98, which had also involved the secret copying of museum documents, the distribution of deliberate disinformation, half‑truths and claims of misdemeanours by management. But my meeting with Mr  X and the related experiences of the deputy director, Lynette Maart, with Vincent James were on a whole other level. Mr X appeared to be right about at least one thing. Exposés about corruption on the island duly started appearing in the press. A journalist in one of the Cape Town newspapers, I was told, was out to prove corruption at RIM. The journalist’s name duly appeared alongside virtually unfiltered information from the conspirators on the island. The disinformation and false narrative grew that I, as director, had stopped Denmark Tungwana, my deputy, from pursuing a forensic audit. The facts, as I have explained, were that Denmark had improperly ‘authorised’ a night-time raid on a colleague’s office and had apologised in writing for this – and that I had both acted on this, as well as followed up on the allegations about financial irregularities in the ‘report’ he had ‘commissioned’.3 The only thing forensic about the Forensic Commercial Solutions report, the chair of council later informed a minister, was the name in the title.4 The media soundbite, however, was that there was evidence of ‘wide-scale mismanagement, irregularities and corruption’ at RIM. Subsequent reports by both the Department of Arts and Culture and Price Waterhouse Coopers showed that these allegations were unsubstantiated and wildly overblown, but by then the damage had been done. RIM also received an unqualified audit from the auditor-general’s office in its report to Parliament for the period to the end of March 2002.5 The minister, the department and others now wanted to know what was happening.6 On 7 June, Ahmed Kathrada and his deputy, Ben Martins, met with

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the ‘Concerned Group of Ex‑Prisoners’. There were five of them, Tungwana, James, Mcongo, another RIM staff member, B. Nguqu, and Vejay Ramlakan, also an EPP and director of Autshumato Marine.7 Personally, I mistrusted Martins by this time, having accidentally come across him meeting with Tungwana and Matakata at the Waterfront at the time of these events. I was surprised, later, too, when I conveyed details of the meeting with Mr X at the Johannesburg airport, and Martins remained poker-faced and did not react. Ahmed Kathrada, replying to the minister, expressed surprise that Mcongo had written on behalf of concerned staff, but that there was only one other staff member with him. Despite Kathrada’s assurances that all allegations would be looked into, and despite the fact that there was still no proof of any management impropriety, the manufacturing, bureaucratising and ‘fixing’ of a ‘crisis’ was under way. On 12 June the RIM Council met to discuss the allegations. On the day before the council meeting, after three meetings between RIM management members and Autshumato had failed to break the logjam, Autshumato also made a last‑minute intervention, submitting a memorandum demanding that RIM raise the price for visitors. The council gave its support to the beleaguered management and decided that Autshumato should first make a complete disclosure of its finances and a proposal for the way forward before it would consider a renegotiation of the contract. Furthermore, the council instructed Autshumato to fulfil its contractual obligations – that is, ensure a back‑up boat was in place, as well as making the outstanding payments to RIM for the use of the Susan Kruger for this purpose so far. Meanwhile, the council resolved, ‘the contract between the Autshumato and the RIM remained in force  …  Council [would] determine the extent to which the contract could be re‑negotiated’ once it had seen the requested financial details from Autshumato.8 These, of course, did not come until a year later. And then, when RIM commissioned a professional report on the company’s audited statements, it revealed two facts. Firstly, Autshumato Marine’s income from RIM had shown a steady year‑by-year increase amounting overall to 36 per cent growth in a 3‑year period, with an annual operating profit varying from 32 to 56 per cent, comfortably above direct operating costs. Secondly, however, the report concluded that the way Autshumato Marine was managed was not a healthy one. Instead of the required effort at cash retention and cash control for a business of its type in its early stage of development, its management showed no evidence of these ‘behaviour patterns’ continuously withdrawing funds for excessive indirect expenses, ranging from directors’ emoluments to ballooning admin costs and travelling expenses – particularly in 2002. The company’s annual turnover

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from RIM grew from R3,501  million in 1998 and R8,011  million in 1999 to R10,975 million in the year of the rupture, 2002.9 At this stage, the annual report shows RIM was collecting just over R19 million from ‘ticket sales’, out of which this ferry service had to be funded. As Kathrada later explained to a minister, while RIM was attempting to keep ticket prices already beyond the means of many South Africans affordable, the EPPs wanted to increase them from R50 to R200 and let RIM keep only this R50.10 Far from RIM being hostile to this company of EPPs, the patriotic bourgeoise wanted it all. However, the facts were incidental. The agitation continued. Now the call was for both Lynette Maart and myself to be suspended. The disinformation claiming there was corruption at RIM and RIM’s purported hostility to EPP interests was repeated as fact in the press, to politicians, the council and staff. Sections of RIM’s staff, including some EPPs, the NEHAWU leadership and some members of management and the Heritage Department, were won over by the linked moves of Autshumato, Tungwana and Mcongo, and they took sides. It was a lonely time after all the hard work, the tremendous sense of camaraderie and friendship I had felt among colleagues, and the magic of opening the prison island and launching the new museum. The slow‑building crisis came to a head early in July 2002. On 6  July Mcongo informed Kathrada that ‘all ex‑prisoners’ would be invited to a meeting on the 8th to ‘decide on the cause [sic] of action that must be pursued’. He said on behalf of what was now called the ‘Concerned Committee on Robben Island’ that ‘[w]e have long informed the Robben Island Council who has to date done nothing. It is now up to us to stop such practices and start operating the Island as true custodians’.11 On 8  July, the ‘Concerned Group’ issued two statements. They insisted that the deputy director (always mentioned first for some reason) and the director be suspended. Moreover, ‘[we] will also appoint ex‑prisoners to the investigation [by forensic auditors] that must follow so that no cover ups are allowed’. If the suspensions were not carried out there would be mass actions and ‘the Autshumato ferries will be informed not to move the boat’.12 In a memo to the council, expressing ‘our feelings to the country, government and the world at large’, Mcongo wrote: ‘We endeavour to clean the place by uprooting corruption and ensure [sic] that this beautiful piece of land which was once our home, is saved from elements that are unethically benefitting and still continue to undermine the national significance of this heritage site.’13 What these ‘unethical benefits’ might have been, was never revealed. Kathrada and deputy chair Ben Martins reiterated on behalf of council to both Mcongo

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and the minister that the information presented to them and ‘the evidentiary status thereof’ provided no grounds for suspensions. ‘In fact, the names of the two officials are not even named in the report.’14 The reality though was that they were bending to the pressure. When Kathy, Barbara and Martins had a meeting on the night of 8 July in Kathy’s flat, I waited nearby for a chance to speak with them, but they broke at 8.30pm without deeming it necessary to call me in or hear my views. Regarding the planned media conference and occupation of the cells on the island by the EPPs, Kathy informed me that they were not sure how to proceed. I recorded in shorthand: ‘It is my choice to come or not,’ say BH and BM, but ‘AMK felt it would not be fair [to me] with media present.’15 Next day was a ‘no-boat’ day due to the bad weather so the planned action was held in abeyance. I met with Kathy and Martins and Henk Smith, and offered them my resignation. Kathy said, ‘Even if I have been critical we support you and recognise the good job you have done.’16 But the situation had gone too far. I had given my absolute all for over five-anda-half years. I was not going to fight to try to keep the job, or try to win people over at all costs. The space for playing a constructive role was quickly shrinking. On Wednesday, 10 July, I took the early morning staff boat out to the island. Vuvu Mayongo greeted with a ‘Molo tata’. Then I walked on my own from the harbour along the gravel road by the sea to the offices. Blaauwberg was a haze in the distance and the water lapped onto the sliver of beach behind the breakwater wall. Filled with awareness of the great meaning of this space, I sat down to draft a resignation statement which would allow RIM to move on. A breathless junior colleague came in to warn me that some EPPs were occupying the cells in the former prison. I could not help smiling, thanked her and told her not to worry. A little later a senior member of the HR staff came in to ‘report’ that she was going to investigate what was happening, but I knew she was on the inside of the agitation. The EPPs declared a ‘hunger strike’ and the press was invited to witness the scenes. Vincent James had written to Ashley Forbes requesting him ‘to stop your tour operations’, although he also assured him, with what I thought was a hint of menace, that ‘your [RIM’s] boats will not be damaged’, but Forbes ignored James.17 The Cape Times reported that ‘tour groups looked surprised to find people locked up in what they thought was an empty museum, and the corridor was filled with the sound of clicking cameras as tourists snapped the former prisoners standing behind bars or lying on their blankets on the cell floors’.18 The spokesperson for the reported 13 cell occupiers was the Autshumato

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manager Jama Matakata, a supposed EPP, who just happened to be an employee of a RIM service provider with a direct private financial interest in the issue. He was creating new rules of behaviour. Then there was Dr  Vejanand ‘Vejay’ Ramlakan – a general in the armed forces of democratic South Africa as well as an Autshumato private sector director, acting as one of the leaders of a sit‑in at a national cultural institution over an issue in which he was financially directly conflicted! Imagine a general at the Pentagon or Tiananmen Square taking part in a sit‑in at the nearby Smithsonian Museums or the Forbidden City! This wilful by‑passing of constitutional norms and conflict‑of‑interest protocols by politically connected people would become a new norm in the decade to come, as South Africa slid into what became known as the state capture era. In many ways, the Robben Island campaign was helping to draft a blueprint for what was to come: ‘comrades’ posturing as defenders of values, in order to get rich or accumulate power according to new rules they were busy creating as they went along. Besides Matakata and Ramlakan, there was at least one other Autshumato employee involved, together with Mcongo, a handful of RIM staff, and two or three other non‑staff members. All it took was a dozen or so people to rock the dream. Meanwhile, I was trying to finalise my parting statement, which I wanted to be a considered response that could function as a contribution rather than as something knee‑jerk and stuck in the emotion of the moment. At 4.30pm I took the staff boat back to the mainland. Richard, a comrade I respected, who would normally have shared a word or two, only half‑greeted me and sat awkwardly nearby. I recognised among the fellow passengers Oracene Williams, mother of the famous tennis‑playing sisters, Serena and Venus, with her distinctive hairstyle. She was there to explore the possibility of a proposed exhibition match for the two stars on the island. Normally, a high‑profile visitor like her would have been introduced to me immediately on arriving. Ahmed Kathrada reported to the minister that day that ‘the rest of the Robben Island staff, including some EPPs, have remained on duty today, and tours have been continuing’. Confirming that ‘we have no grounds to suspend the two officials’, he said council had two difficult options facing them, both of which could be ‘highly emotive and can lead to undesirable consequences’. Firstly, the RIM staff involved were ‘effectively on an illegal strike, and have thus opened themselves up to disciplinary action’. Secondly, the 13 could be allowed to continue with their action but this would also not solve the problem.19 However, council was about to get a way out of its dilemma.

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Having called a management committee meeting for the next morning, I visited Kathy and Barbara Hogan at their flat in Queen Victoria Street that evening to confirm my resignation. This was their nest, conveniently situated near Parliament, which they had purchased in 1994 when democracy arrived and they had to relocate to Cape Town. I had visited them many times in happier days. It was a tender moment for all three of us. Next morning, my day started with an early morning interview with the Cape Argus, which I had arranged with senior journalist Joseph Aranes. Then I went to say my farewells and offer best wishes to a mute management (some of whom had swung Tungwana’s way) in a boardroom that still looked as fresh as it had on day one at the Mandela Gateway we had just built, before going downstairs to address a packed press conference in the brand-new auditorium. It was my son Adam’s eighth birthday. Just as I started talking, my wife Zohra walked in with our two‑month‑old laatlammetjie, Nadia. At that moment, I needed nothing more. My statement explained all from my side. It had been ‘a great honour to head the first official heritage institution of our new democracy’. ‘Rather than fall on my sword,’ I would ‘retreat with respect from a space of great meaning for our country.’ Moreover, I ‘absolutely refute[d] any allegation of corruption on my part’, but sadly I had decided to resign because it was important that RIM put the crisis behind it and make a fresh start: The island is synonymous with the dignity of Madiba and one of the great liberation struggles in history. It is much bigger than myself, or blame and threat politics. I cannot even think of setting myself up against ex‑Robben Islanders in this space.20

As my role could ‘no longer be effective or constructive’, I did not wish to hang on to power regardless, especially at a national institution as significant as RIM. Public accountability was important. However, as I stepped down, I tried to raise the broader implications for RIM and other institutions: I do not seek to avoid, but pose more strongly, the question: How do we strike the balance between building the effective new institutions that deliver for democratic South Africa (where differences are dealt with in procedural ways and those appointed to lead are enabled to do so) and being ‘democratic’, but often sitting in unproductive and unprogressive contestations about rules and authority?21

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I also stressed that ‘I remain fully committed to making a contribution, in a more modest context, to the rebuilding of our country – and with a heightened sense of the need to keep working towards healing, new identities and an empowering democracy, which leads to the elimination of poverty and indignity’. That was it. Time to go. I said thanks and offered my best wishes to those who ‘remain behind as the island goes into the next phase of its history’. By midday the streetlamp posters of the Argus were up. ‘Robben Island boss quits’, they announced.22 That evening it was the headline story on the national television news. The ‘I retreat with respect’ part of the statement came out well, and there were shots of some people dancing in celebration. I watched the drama unfolding on the screen as if from a distance. It was a raw moment, but somehow, through this ritual humiliation unfolding on prime‑time TV, I felt strangely cleansed. ‘Deal with ego issues and look at positives’, I jotted down. These included shedding a load of negative energy I had had to hold for a long time, and what had become a ‘22 hrs a day, never‑completing‑the‑pile work’.23 Almost immediately I rearranged my study and set out to write The Story of an African Game, in which I found my voice as a writer for the first time.24 In the end it turned out to be a fairly simple decision. I had looked at myself in the mirror. I had worked harder than at any time in my life. My conscience was clear. I had also refused to bend the knee to a mix of threats and sweet talk by bullies, and was proud of having built, together with others, a new institution for democratic South Africa. *** Kathy called the next afternoon at four to say goodnight. They had been meeting through the night and he said, ‘I am going to bed now.’ Hundreds of people, including some valued Cabinet ministers and other big names, reached out to me after my departure. Council member and veteran Islander Khwedi Mkalipi phoned to say, ‘André, you are an African’, which I took as high praise from this PAC leader and friend. ‘I hope so, Comrade Khwedi,’ I laughed, appreciating the respect he was wanting to convey. Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane, another former Robben Islander, whom I had only met once before, was one of the many who contacted me saying he was sorry and sad at the ‘melodramatic’ cell lock up: ‘I don’t believe a word of it … It’s power‑crazy people doing these things … Just know you are in our prayers.’25

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Several other messages like this came through to me. Reading them all again after many years, I am overwhelmed by these most positive of testimonials for my work as RIM’s first director. Perhaps the most treasured of the gestures of affirmation came a few weeks after my departure, when Hamilton Budaza knocked at my door at home. He is a soft‑spoken artist from Khayelitsha who graduated from the Mayibuye Centre’s community art project in the early 1990s to become the curator of its art collection. Hamilton carefully took a wrapped artwork out of his bag. ‘This is for you, Prof.’ It was one of his linocuts. He had titled it ‘Amapheka Players’ or ‘The Marbles Players’. A young boy is kneeling, marbles in hand, taking careful aim. The shadow of one of the onlookers falls across his line of vision. ‘Prof’, Hamilton said in his quiet way, ‘this is just to say thank you for all you have done; don’t get distracted from continuing with your good work by those who try to throw shadows across your path.’ Today, the ‘Amapheka Players’, solidly framed in black, still hangs on the wall near my front door, a constant reminder of the human empathy and good that exist in our world.

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13 Downward spiral of an institution and its vision André Odendaal

Farce became reality on Robben Island after the banal campaign to replace the management in 2001 and 2002 and the travesty of a staged ‘hunger strike’ in the hallowed former prison, which made a mockery of the ‘triumph of the human spirit’ vision of the museum. It also largely disabled it. The nature of the institution changed fundamentally. In a major departure from professional norms, the RIM Council in July 2002 appointed from within its ranks a member of parliament and the head of security of a political party as joint interim acting CEOs of the flagship national cultural institution and UNESCO World Heritage Site. They were the high‑ranking ANC members Ben Martins and Paul Langa, both presumably now earning double pay cheques. One of Langa’s first inputs as a council member in January 2002, when I had still been around, had been to suggest that the EPP tour guides should be given the doubled‑up responsibility of acting as both security guards and tour hosts. The newly appointed interim authority was initially envisaged to last for three months but, as before, decisions were slow to be made, and the interim authority continued for 46 months until Langa was formally appointed the new director of RIM in April 2005, with Denmark Tungwana as his chief  operating  officer.1 After the scheduled expiry of the council’s terms in 2004, the minister extended its term seven more times by three months. Then after the second council finally left office in 2006, there was no council for about 15 months.2 Both the Cape Times and Die Burger newspapers picked up in editorials on my warning on resigning in July 2002 about the challenges and dangers that lay ahead in building effective institutions in the new democracy under the kind of pressures the museum had experienced. The Times’s piece concluded that ‘[i]t would be tragic were Robben Island to become a symbol of battles being fought

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post‑1994 rather than what it is – a living monument to the incredible courage of the people who were central to the liberation of this country.’3 But this is what it became. My resignation as director did not bring calm. The attacks on Lynette Maart continued and the fog of nastiness that had enveloped management was soon redirected at a new, unlikely target: Ahmed Kathrada himself. When the crisis broke, the struggle icon’s inclination was to turn to the party that he loved for the solution. He had spent 27 years in jail and he was totally committed to EPP concerns. Moreover, accountability to the ANC was part of his DNA; he believed the comrades would be able to sort things out internally. Among those he most trusted to do this were his close comrade, Secretary General Kgalema Motlanthe, and Paul Langa, who was duly elected onto the council in January 2002. He saw Langa as someone who could be both a sounding board for EPP opinions and someone who could assert control over wayward Robben Islanders working on the island. Autshumato’s demands for the core RIM ferry service to operate on its terms showed no signs of abating after my departure. Despite his efforts to solve things internally, Kathrada and the joint directors – all EPPs – held the line drawn by me and my team when council realised, albeit a bit late, that Autshumato Marine needed to be stood up to. Meanwhile, Vincent James emerged as ‘chair’ of a new EPP body, called the Ex‑Political Prisoners’ Council (Western Cape), in August 2002. It had twelve members and the executive of five included Jama Matakata (deputy chair) and RIM Finance Department staff member Bafo Nguqu (treasurer), both of whom had also been involved in the Robben Island events. The abovementioned grouping complained that the new management was as unhelpful as the old and, as James predicted to Maart, it set its sights on Kathrada and those selected by their peers to represent EPP interests through the EPPC and the Makana Trust at the big 1995 Robben Island reunion. In a meeting with the EPPC, the disaffected group ‘indicated to the comrades [including Minister Jeff Radebe and Tokyo Sexwale] that they did not represent us and had “failed us miserably”’.4 It set out to broaden its base in anticipation of a national EPP meeting where a new organisation could be started. It ‘assembled a team of volunteers to go and brief comrades in Durban about developments’, followed by a similar mission to Port Elizabeth. This led to the formation of the Ex‑Political Prisoners’ Coastal Council.5 Several meetings held with the EPPC came to nought in terms of finding  common  purpose.6 Eventually this led to the formation of what became known as the Ex‑Political Prisoners Association (EPPA) in Bloemfontein in 2003, which is still in existence today (see Chapter 36).

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In September 2002 and again in February 2003, James continued with his unrestrained claims and attacks on RIM and Kathrada, whom he accused of not caring about EPP concerns. As James had threatened in his conversation with Lynette Maart, he and his comrades ‘reported’ Kathrada to the ANC secretary general, and at emotional meetings in the Eastern Cape and elsewhere Kathrada was openly accused by the Coastal Council of stealing money that should have been used for bread and butter for the many impoverished EPPs. The hurly burly details of these contestations await their own historians, but the slander – he was accused of stealing hundreds of millions of rands – and the increasing intricacies of EPP politics and oversight were not what the elder man needed at his age and after his lifetime of sacrifice. Kathrada, on behalf of a council with ten EPPs on it, in turn ‘questioned who those attacking the island represented’.7 He continued faithfully in the role he liked to play as brand ambassador for RIM, accompanying several hundred groups of visitors to the island, besides his work as chairperson of the council, until he stepped down from the role in September 2006. The book, Triumph of the Human Spirit: Ahmed Kathrada and Robben Island, is a record of his guided tours in which school, pensioner and community groups were high on his list of priorities, alongside the many heads of state and Hollywood celebrities he took to the island in his well‑reported diplomatic capacity.8 Trevor Oosterwyk, writing in the Cape Times, correctly identified the core issue as being ‘the claim that the museum should be run by EPPs rather than museum professionals’. Added to this was a new dynamic. Some of the 15 workers facing dismissal after disciplinary hearings claimed that ‘there is a faction that is looking to put the governance of the island in African hands, hence only coloured and white people are being victimised’.9 This analysis rhymed with the actions and statements of the Coastal Council. One of the eight aims the group articulated in August 2002 was to ‘pursue the issue of the suspension of L.  Maart and other corrupt individuals operating in the Robben Island environment’. They also complained about ‘the employment and deployment of minorities (who are 99 per cent reactionaries)’  at  RIM.10 Fiercely determined to protect her integrity and professional standing, Lynette Maart, who had chosen not to resign as deputy director when I did in July 2002, remained in the firing line. After the detractors failed in their first attempt to have her removed from her position, a second wave of accusations was launched against her in February 2003. As the campaign flowed over into another new year, she was again hung out to dry by her colleagues. Fellow deputy director Denmark Tungwana and HR manager

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Ngcane Madikizela‑Renene laid a charge that she and a host of other staff, all men, including past prison personnel, were accessing child pornography on computers at work. They brought in an external disciplinary committee chairperson who recommended her dismissal. Again Maart fought the attempt to dismiss her, pointing out the highly flawed process, and won her case. When the matter reached council, her dismissal was rejected. Her lawyer pointed out that the Regulation of Interception of Communications Act (No. 70 of 2002), in any case, made illegal the ‘entrapment’ efforts against her.11 Maart endured a great deal of pain at RIM. After establishing her innocence, she eventually decided to resign at the end of 2003. She wrote in her letter of resignation to Martins and Langa that though they had stabilised the organisation and were now holding the boundaries on certain contract issues: I am not sure where RIM as an organisation is heading … [and] the lack of a chief executive officer [after 17 months] is not making the situation easier. I am genuinely concerned about the break‑down in accountability, resulting in alternative decision‑making structures and managers and staff getting away with whatever.12

As she saw it, RIM was taking on several new layers of unaccountable hierarchy and the way of communication was increasingly through instructions from the top. The main operational issues were no longer being dealt with at management level and the conversation about identity and values in the organisation was no longer happening. Maart said she was resigning after much ‘personal soul searching and introspection’ because as a professional senior manager I take my work seriously and am orientated towards outcomes taking the needs of people into account and have continued to deliver under difficult circumstances. I have been subjected to emotional indifference, trumped up charges, abuse and exclusion in the past two years. I am not able to cope with any further surprises. The many labels that have been attached to me over time at RIM have become restricting and limiting. As a woman, I am tired of nursing fragile egos and having to justify myself. Work took a serious toll on my psychological health, general wellbeing and my relationship with my son and family. I do not wish for any person in the new democratic South Africa to experience such pain now or in the future.13

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Lynette had gone through a traumatising time and felt that at this stage in her life, she now needed ‘a work environment that is positive, creative and energizing, has a vision, where there is honest and open communication, clear lines of accountability and [one] that can accommodate the many skills that I have to offer as a senior manager, leader and as a black woman’.14 She had decided that she needed to start 2004 with a clean slate. Even before the poisonous campaign against her, Lynette shared with me her opinion that part of the problem at RIM was a certain dysfunction arising from a strain of toxic masculinity. Her gendered interpretation of what she called ‘the shadow side of RIM’ and the persisting patterns of behaviour she identified merited serious reflection. Besides drawing a line in the sand over commercial opportunism, Maart had no doubt that the fact that she was a woman was part of the reason she was so strongly targeted by the Autshumato‑driven campaign. It was galling that colleagues of hers who represented themselves as upholders of women’s rights had remained quiet during the pornography witchhunt and participated in slander suggesting that she was having an affair with the director at the height of the campaign against her. Maart grew up in the working‑class areas of Elsies River and Nooitgedacht, and was involved in local social justice action through the then Bantu Presbyterian Church. She was a product of the activism of the 1980s where gender equality was a key principle. She served on the UWC student representative council and was active in the struggles of local civic and residents’ groups, under the banner of the Cape Areas Housing Action Committee (CAHAC). She later became its general secretary, and through CAHAC became involved in the UDF and mobilised people for its launch and campaigns. After leaving RIM, she went back to organisational development work in the not‑for‑profit sector and worked voluntarily for St George’s Crypt Memory and Witness Centre at St  George’s Cathedral as a  project  manager.15 She was head‑hunted in 2013 to become the national director of the Black Sash, well known for its work on human and socioeconomic rights with a current emphasis on social security and protection for the most vulnerable. Maart, who has consistently shown herself to be an ethical and service‑oriented leader, therefore, ended up back in the social justice milieu she had grown up in. For 20 years she drove the same small blue Toyota car she had bought when she was first appointed as deputy director in 1998. ***

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In hindsight, it is now generally accepted by those in the know that the rupture of 2001–02 and my departure as director fundamentally altered the whole trajectory of RIM and inaugurated a pattern of institutional instability which has continued to affect the museum right up until the present. The rapidly established museum and World Heritage Site, driven by an ambitious, multifaceted vision revolving around core heritage and education programmes, was effectively put under narrow ‘political’ control. Top‑down leadership, tours as purely tourism, bureaucratised approaches to protocol, unnecessary levels of deference to the state and EPP control moved more to the fore. RIM’s status as an autonomous state institution with its own ‘voice’ diminished, while political control by EPPs and ‘the party’ was deepened. Led by an EPP cohort, RIM to a large extent lost its internal dynamism both as a state institution and a visionary project encouraging broader debate and enquiry. The thinking and ‘soul’ aspect of RIM’s intellectual work, key to a confident broader institutional self‑identity involving research and archives, publishing, exhibitions, international cooperation and engagement with academic networks, was geared down. Various innovative programmes and plans slowly ground to a halt and the whole direction of the institution changed. As part of RIM’s initial focus on becoming a learning institution, it had awarded around 20 bursaries annually from 1998 onwards for staff to ‘pursue further studies at a tertiary institution’ in line ‘with our skills development plan and targets’. The capacity‑building staff training budgets in 2001 and 2002 topped R700,000 per annum. Fifty per cent of this was dedicated to the heritage and tours area where interpretation and the key interface with the public happened. Staff started registering for, and passing, technical courses and bachelor’s, master’s and doctoral degrees.16 Among those who benefitted from the focus were contributors to this book such as Drs Noel Solani, Anthea Josias and Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi. Moreover, by the end of 2004 over three hundred heritage practitioners had graduated with postgraduate diplomas from the innovative RITP. However, RIM support for the programme was gradually diluted and it was, thereafter, driven primarily by UWC under a new name, the African Programme in Museum and Heritage Studies.17 RIM’s internal capacity‑building focus around heritage was weakened. A further serious consequences of the rupture was the hollowing out over time of the exhibitions and research capacity of the museum, although the established Heritage Department and staff for a time continued with projects initiated under the seven‑year plan of 1998. The EPP reference groups continued to be a centre point of the museum’s activity for some time, with the first ten group

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visits between June 2001 and June 2002 being followed up by sixteen more in the four years from then until they ended in 2006. The Heritage Unit also did some valuable work, such as tracing and recording the first political prisoners to be sent to the island (see Chapter 29), carefully studying and reinterpreting the Sobukwe House site on the island (Chapter  26) and similarly helping to locate and identify the Islanders buried as paupers in Stikland Cemetery during their imprisonment (Chapter  30). But the internal research and interpretation drive faded and the department was gradually thinned out until the heritage function, so crucial to the ethos and identity of an institution, was outsourced. The outcome is that, today, the bulk of the intellectual and ‘soul’ aspects of RIM has been outsourced to external agencies that produce the heritage interpretations and work on commission from museum managers. Similarly, as Deirdre Prins‑Solani explains in Chapter  14, the Education Department’s Robben Island Roadshow schools outreach project was ‘abruptly shut down by the museum’s senior management after seven years’. And ‘[n]o opportunity was presented for a revisioning or reimagining of the programme, in spite of extensive monitoring and evaluation and the existence of allocated foreign funding’. In 2002, shortly before my departure as director, I gave keynote addresses at both the SAMA annual conference in Durban and the biennial conference of the South African Historical Association  in  Johannesburg.18 They dealt with heritage transformation and ‘The restructuring of historical studies in Southern Africa’. Post 2002, RIM slowly abdicated the lead role it had played in change in the heritage sector (see Chapters  2 and 33), and the search for internal academic talent and thought leadership trickled away as a leadership approach of narrow managerialism took over. Dr Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi specifically felt the need as one of the editors of this book to express here his viewpoint that RIM’s research programmes effectively ended with the rupture, and that the museum subsequently closed its doors to qualified alumni like him and others wishing to remain involved as staff members or advisers. In general, the overall integrated management of the island, key to the development of a comprehensive and functional Integrated Conservation Management Plan (ICMP) as required by UNESCO, was similarly negatively impacted upon. Everything from conservation obligations to staff morale and planning for the future was affected in significant ways. The linkage with UWC, meant to provide specialist academic input into RIM, dried up and the Mayibuye Archives slowly became what researchers have described as an ‘entombed’ archive, important but under‑utilised intellectually

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and educationally. Managing the archives largely became a holding operation for a juniorised RIM staff. With few projects being generated, it became a depressed site.19 By 2010 RIM and UWC were also at loggerheads over issues relating to the management of the joint archive, and disagreements have persisted to the present, though these are currently being worked on by both parties. The collection remains priceless, and researchers remain struck by the richness of the material collected at Mayibuye in the 1990s. There was a twist, too, to the story of the substantial ANC collection from Lusaka and London at the UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives, which I had collected from Ahmed Kathrada’s flat in Kholvad House in the early 1990s with the written permission of ANC Secretary General  Alfred  Nzo.20 It was removed from the UWC campus by the ANC in the early 2000s, with the approval of RIM. For over a decade, Mayibuye staff had spent a great deal of effort sorting, cataloguing and managing these archives, even recruiting the knowledgeable Dutch anti‑apartheid movement archivist, Kier Schuringa, as a volunteer to do this job. Mayibuye was left without even copies.21 During this same period, the RIM institutional archive – carefully built up by me between 1997 and 2002, with its own dedicated space and shelving, and sorted and catalogued by former UNISA librarian Annica van Gylswyk (an activist deported from South Africa during the apartheid years) and Misiwe Madikane – went missing, either thrown out or lost through neglect. This means that RIM today has little record or institutional memory of its founding years. The attractive RIM newsletter, Ilifa la Labantu, similarly ceased publication. The production of publicity material such as calendars, postcards and brochures for general tours and on art exhibitions, wildlife, birds and the environment ground to a halt. Even ten years after the rupture, old publicity material from the 1990s was being rehashed with little fresh imagination, though the focus of the institution had shifted. The Robben Island Memories Project publications also ended in 2002 after five books. The last in the series, published that year in cooperation with Lidove Noviny Publishing House in Prague, was Fallen Walls: Voices from the cells that held Mandela and Havel, a comparative study of EPP experiences in Czechoslovakia and South Africa, for which Václav Havel wrote the foreword. On the broader operational side, RIM’s relationship with the ferry company continued to be strained after 2002. After intervention from on high and as I explain later on, Autshumato never did pay RIM the several million rands owed for the use of the back‑up boats. Confronted with the apparent naked self‑interest and politicking in party and state networks displayed by Autshumato and its

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allies, the RIM Council decided to look for alternative options. As the contract neared its end in 2006, Autshumato Marine tried to protect its commercial interests. But given what must have been its traumatic experiences around the ferry contract, the council decided to insource the ferry operation rather than continue with the arrangement. This decision was in line with an independent study that pointed out the risks and dangers to the museum of the ferry operation being held ransom by a third party.22 Meanwhile, the dramas surrounding the ferries between 2001 and 2006 had the knock‑on effect of disrupting RIM’s five‑year Management and Development Plan for 1998–2003. This development plan consisted of ten areas, a few of which were identified for ‘in‑depth work’ every year as RIM slowly grew.23 For example, following the record 300,000 visitors to the island in 2001, the museum planned to increase its offerings to visitors, amongst others by creating discreet overnight opportunities sensitive to the space and done in accordance with carefully prepared integrated management plans with various hospitality groups, as well as providing conferencing opportunities and self‑guided tours around the prison precinct and island.24 But these were now simply shelved. One significant exception was the later renovation of the old Medium B prison, for criminal rather than for political prisoners, into a multi-purpose Learning Centre, so that, from 2005, it could host school and community groups coming to the island for sleepovers and events. After calling a national architectural competition where the submissions where judged by a professional panel at UCT, and announcing a winner, RIM also canned the idea of a symbolic once‑off millennium structure on the island to represent the latest phase of its history and create space for educational and conferencing facilities (in support of the new visitors plans). But this was understandable: the promised financing from the state via the Millennium Trust, which had collapsed, failed to materialise.25 The RIM budget had more than doubled to R48 million after five years, and for 2002/03 RIM also succeeded in persuading DACST to make additional funding of R51  million in capital expenditure available, mainly for the upgrade of the harbour’s breakwater wall.26 Just before the rupture in mid‑2002, I reported that ‘The museum is engaging various stakeholders including the Development Bank of South Africa to assist with the development of a 10 to 15‑year development framework to guide the second phase of the island’s development’ from 2004’.27 The other partners included the Public‑Private Partnership Unit of the National Treasury and conservation architects. These long‑term perspectives were also disrupted

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by the dramas of 2002. The focus shifted inwards into managing immediate internal instabilities instead. In preparation for once again running its own operation from 2006 onwards, RIM obtained funds from the DACST to purchase two new vessels. RIM management went to Australia in search of two 150-seater state‑of‑the‑art vessels. But the RIM leadership decided instead to purchase a locally manufactured high‑speed catamaran with a 270‑passenger carrying capacity, at a cost of R27  million. The new vessel, named Sikhululekile, (meaning ‘we are free’) was launched in February 2008. However, it soon became evident that this larger boat was not suitable for operating a year‑round service in the choppy Table Bay waters. On top of this there were numerous snags with the new vessel which periodically put it out of action.28 Both of RIM’s old boats had to be used and maintained. The Diaz and Susan Kruger, each carrying 134 passengers, continued to ferry passengers to and from Robben Island. This was an unsatisfactory arrangement for RIM going into the second decade of operations, and the disastrous on‑going ferry narrative once again led to media controversy and ridicule being heaped on RIM.29 As part of the direct fallout of the ferry dramas and shambolic annual financial reporting in 2007/08, Langa, Tungwana and the chief financial officer, Nash Masekwameng, were suspended for ‘mismanagement’ in July 2008. More about this in Chapter 36. Newspaper headlines projected a perennially bleak vision of the institution. It seemed the museum had lost its momentum completely.30 After the departure of Langa and his colleagues, council and the DACST resorted once again to temporary caretaker options, leading to three more years of uncertainty on the leadership level of the museum before a new director was appointed. Firstly, the head of the Iziko Museums, H.C. Bredekamp, was asked to take on the dual role of interim RIM director. Then Seelan Naidoo, a turnaround specialist who had worked in the arts sector in Johannesburg, was appointed to ‘comprehensively restructure’ RIM. In line with Minister Pallo Jordan’s June 2008 budget speech announcement that a comprehensive restructuring of the museum was planned, Naidoo came in with a firm mandate and a firm plan to change things around.31 For a while the signs were good. The financial management capacity was improved, a new ticketing system was installed ‘to achieve control over sales revenue’, leases were reviewed and renewed, the asset register was upgraded and made audit‑ready, supply chain management processes ‘were aligned with Treasury regulations to improve control over expenditure’, conservation and maintenance projects were fast‑tracked, and tourism capacity was overhauled with the refurbishment of the boats and the purchase of six

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new buses, leading to substantial visitor and revenue increases.32 In a short time Naidoo turned a big operational deficit into a healthy surplus. But, Naidoo felt that he did not have the necessary support from the RIM Council chairperson Naledi Tsiki, another former Islander. The third RIM Council under Tsiki, containing seven other EPPs of a younger generation, had come into office at the end of 2007, a 14-month wait since its predecessor body’s term had expired in September 2006.33 As a result of what newspapers called ‘the leadership struggle’ around Tsiki, Naidoo and the entire RIM Council resigned in May 2009. The museum was left rudderless. It was now sitting without a council, a permanent CEO or a permanent CFO. The 2008/9 RIM Annual report stated Tsiki had paid himself a large non-approved monthly stipend and received several hundred thousand rands for ‘meetings not considered official business’. He denied wrongdoing and said the release of this information in parliament was a sign of a ‘political campaign’ against him.34 The fourth RIM Council now took over. Former Robben Islander and architect Luyanda Mphahlwa became a council member and by then ‘the Council was the CEO’, he explained to the author, an inevitable outcome of the kind of micro‑managed, top‑down leadership and control that had become imposed on RIM. It was only in November 2010, after a hiatus of more than two further years with two interim heads, that Dr  Sibongiseni Mkhize, a historian and CEO of the Market Theatre in Johannesburg took over as the third officially appointed director of RIM. When he was offered a second term at the end of his five‑year contract in October 2015, Mkhize politely turned down the offer, deterred by the choppy waters in which leadership needed to be exercised on the island. Today he successfully heads the State Theatre in Pretoria. In a reader’s report for the publisher of this manuscript, Dr Mkhize said eight years after the 2002 rupture, ‘the agents of destabilisation, both internal and external, were still active and using the same script’, adding that this story ‘brought back memories of my own painful experiences as I tried to steer the entity in the right direction and place it on a path of good corporate governance’. While Mkhize still believes in the museum’s vision of ‘the triumph of the human spirit in the face of adversity’, he says his experiences and later developments showed that RIM has instead become ‘a site of bitter contestation between rival formations’, and ‘those fights, driven by commercial and political interests, have done nothing but to plunge the entity on a downward spiral and perpetual organisational paralysis’. According to Mkhize, the Department of Arts and Culture bears a great deal of responsibility for this dysfunction: ‘council

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appointments and “interventions” during crises leaves a lot to be desired’ and, he says, the Department’s role ‘in consistently and deliberately destabilising its own cultural institutions still needs to be unpacked’.35 Mava Dada, a serving council member and chartered accountant from the Eastern Cape, followed Mkhize to become the fourth RIM CEO in 2017 – after yet another leadership vacuum of over a year arising from a slow decision-making process. After a first round of advertising and interviewing for the position, council felt that there were no sufficiently qualified candidates. Dada, having been made acting CEO, applied in the second round of advertising and was appointed. Despite regular unqualified audits, his tenure was difficult, beset by the cyclical problems that had became part of the RIM environment: EPP allegations, claims of corruption, strikes, enquiries and negative media attention. At the time this book went to press, he too was facing investigation after complaints by the EPPA and a commission set up by the minister (see Chapter 36 for details). Each of the four different eras of RIM’s history and leadership needs its own book, but there is no gainsaying the fact that the museum went into a downward spiral after the rupture of mid‑2002. It became a different kind of institution, and it lost the dynamic, transformative vision it had articulated at the onset of democracy. RIM became saddled with lingering, well‑publicised internal difficulties, its development hostage to complex (mainly ANC) EPP politics and slow‑acting processes of outside decision‑making and political interference. In one of the over a hundred messages of support I received after resigning as director, Judge Ronnie Pillay from Port Elizabeth – steeped in the struggle  – summed matters up in not very judge‑like but nevertheless prescient language: ‘Sorry you were set up like that. It’s happening all over. Absolute kak.’36 The behaviour, tactics and pressures on display in the RIM saga of 2001 and 2002 comprised in a real sense a pilot study for the factionalism and state capture that increasingly came to characterise South African political life during the Mbeki and Zuma presidencies from the early 2000s onwards, and which again reared their heads during the time of the Covid‑19 pandemic under the current Ramaphosa administration (see Chapters  36 and 37). The limping museum became a precursor of naked political interference and service delivery failures that have today turned several state‑owned enterprises into shells of dysfunctionality.

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PART TWO FOUNDATIONS FOR PERMANENCY

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 The ethos of early RIM education and public programming

14 Narrative design and memory-making as healing modality: The ethos of early RIM education and public programming Deirdre Prins‑Solani

Robben Island Museum (RIM) was established as the first legacy project under the auspices of the newly inaugurated democratic government’s Ministry of Arts and Culture. The legacy projects were created to develop a new narrative to counter the narrow, brutal and racist cultural and heritage narratives of the apartheid state. The Robben Island heritage site, which has a lengthy history of occupation, largely under duress, banishment and imprisonment under colonial and apartheid rule, became a symbol of a nation freed from centuries of oppression. The creation of the museum, overlapping with the formulation of a new constitution, a new education system, the TRC hearings and an overhaul of all state institutions, lent itself to becoming a pathmaker in approaching heritage education, not simply as information‑sharing and knowledge‑making experiences, but as pivotal to the healing of a nation deeply wounded and divided through centuries of oppression. The historical evolution of museums across the world and within Africa provides an interesting context in which to trace the development of Robben Island as a place of healing and restorative justice. Globally, budget constraints had led to shrinking allocations to arts and culture, and museums in particular, forcing cultural institutions to rethink their purpose, values, ethos and approaches. Within the African context, a plethora of innovative practices emerged: in Nigeria, the Lagos National Museum incorporated a scintillating arts and culture programme; in Nairobi the National Museum of Kenya opened its space to emergent artists and storytellers; in Botswana the Zebra Outreach

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programme developed a travelling museum collection; in Mali the first Women’s Museum was set up and a programme was set up for lending artefacts to the museum as collateral for the loan of agricultural implements. In turn, museum theory evolved to include the notions of audience development, participatory museums and inclusive museums, and so on; and museum professional training curricula were transformed. In South Africa, the Arts and Culture Task Group (ACTAG), which explored arts and culture after the end of apartheid, also prompted a shift in the notion of museums as ‘spaces of wonder’ and apartheid propaganda to ‘spaces for learning and dialogue’. The creation of the Future of Robben Island Committee under the leadership of Ahmed Kathrada set a precedent for other large‑scale consultative processes within the cultural sector of South Africa. This served as both backdrop and context for the development of the Robben Island Museum with its sometimes unwieldy and lengthy processes of consultation, ranging from reference groups to collaborative programming and consultation meetings. Through all of this, it became certain that, with all the new‑found hope, renewed energy and belief in the place of culture in building a new nation, a new approach to museum education and public programming would emerge in South Africa. This chapter will seek to explore the ways in which the heritage education programmes1 of RIM evolved by considering the intersections between education, narrative design and memory-making as forms of healing. Using examples of programmes initiated and implemented in the early years, extracts from academic papers and presentations, restoration plans for the Robben Island Museum Multi‑Purpose Learning Centre, educational programming and the development of the Integrated Conservation Management Plan (ICMP) in keeping with UNESCO World Heritage operational guidelines, this chapter will map the theories and practices which emerged from a budding, dynamic and largely experiential heritage institution.2 Education and public programmes at RIM were initially confined to school tours on a request basis only. Tour operations, bringing daily tourists and visitors to the island, received priority and greater attention. Gradually, the larger impetus from within a transforming national education system, which focused on lifelong learning and an understanding of the value of history, culture and heritage within a changing nation, from decades of colonial and apartheid rule to a democracy, transformed the museum’s schools programme from a reactive, visitor‑driven experience of two‑and‑a‑half hours to far deeper and meaningful engagements with learners of all ages.

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In spite of National Education Policy Initiative recommendations, history, possibly because of its perceived bias and prejudice in the past, was removed as a subject from the curriculum. Together with dynamic colleagues and leadership within the teaching fraternity, RIM played a role in securing the place not only of history, but of culture and heritage within the changes proposed. This was driven by the belief that ‘you cannot know where you are headed if you do not know where you come from’ or ‘a people who have forgotten who they are become aimless’. This resurgence in the value of history and culture within the schooling system not only accelerated demand for school visits to the island, but also catapulted the museum’s educational work into a deeper dimension. A series of consultative workshops were initiated by the museum’s Education and Public Programmes Department between historians, history teachers, activists, educators, access activists and established NGOs, which ranged from theatre education groups to alternative education spaces. These workshops included immersion programmes and site‑specific discussions, broader historical discussions, the educational values of Robben Island and methodological issues. In addition, through collaboration with the Research Unit of the museum, a conversation with ex‑political prisoners during one‑on‑one interviews included questions about what key messages need to be addressed with younger generations. Among the tangible outputs of these workshops were a year‑long Robben Island newspaper series inserted into the South African Democratic Teachers’ Union newspaper, which had national distribution to schools; sustained theme‑based educational tours on the island equipped with educator–learner tour materials and guidelines; and a ten‑part television series about the emergence of democracy in South Africa through a collaboration between the museum’s Education Department and the SABC, which was screened nationally. Another key programme was the partnership for a postgraduate‑level heritage management studies course. This programme became known as the Robben Island Training Programme (RITP), with the universities of Cape Town and Western Cape as partners. It later evolved into the African Programme in Museum and Heritage Studies. At the heart of its theoretical approach was critical heritage studies and new approaches in participatory heritage management. In this chapter we reflect on three sustained programming interventions. The first was the creation of the annual Robben Island Spring School, the second the Robben Island Roadshow, and the third the Visiting Scholars Programme. This chapter also reflects on the intersection between built heritage, memory and narrative through the restoration and conversion of the medium security prison complex on the island into a multi‑purpose learning centre.

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THE ANNUAL ROBBEN ISLAND SPRING SCHOOL The first programming intervention, the annual Spring School, was a seven‑day event hosted and project‑managed by the museum’s Education Department in collaboration with other departments, relevant institutions, the national Department of Education in South Africa and its equivalent in Namibia, and provincial education authorities. Through a theme‑based approach, learners who were carefully and collaboratively selected from each of the nine South African provinces and Namibia participated in exploring the various layers of Robben Island’s history. Some of the themes which emerged over the years were isivivane solwazi (memorialising knowledge), sports as a unifier and arts as a peace‑builder. With the help of a diverse set of facilitators drawn from within the museum, learners were exposed to the ways in which culture and heritage tangibly intersect with their lives and well being. Over the years, dynamic and exciting facilitators, such as Jitsvinger and Jonas Gwanga, political prisoners such as Thandi Modise, Lionel Davis, Sedick Isaacs and Elias Mzamo, and a cross‑section of highly skilled and knowledgeable RIM Education, Research, Archives, Exhibitions and Tours department staff helped awaken a passion for heritage conservation and the making and safeguarding of memory. This work of active memory-making has been discussed in the book The Art of Memory Making.3 It resonates with the theoretical work of post‑Holocaust and post‑genocide studies, which acknowledge that the generations subsequent to a trauma bear scars of the trauma and that the memory of it exists as a ghost in their present. The work of a museum, specifically through its educational programmes, should serve as ‘memory‑maker’, so that closure, healing and future dreaming work can take place. This is relevant not only for the victims of trauma, but for the perpetrators as well. Siyaphola ngokutunukwa – one has to cut and bleed the wound in order to make it heal. As the programme engaged learners over a sustained period of time through residency on the island, the emotional and psychological support needed by learners was provided by the constant presence of staff. In addition, two educators from each of the schools and institutions were represented so as to provide ongoing support after the event.4 Memory-making as a process is not simply based on the sharing of a story or of historical facts. It requires a careful experiential approach which brings together confluent paths of present circumstances (awakening within participants ways of ‘seeing’ their world beyond the obvious) by means of interactive and participatory methods such as drama, creative writing and self‑driven research, which have an affective outcome that is as important as a knowledge outcome. Crucial for breathing life and dynamism into the activities was collaboration

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within the museum and with organisations steeped in years of experience in innovative and creative approaches  to  learning.5 While grounded in sound pedagogical theory, the approach of the museum’s Education Department was not purely didactic. Critical thinking and debate were encouraged through the work, so that application and transference of knowledge and skills and attitudinal changes could happen. The programme eventually evolved into the Next Generations Project, by which past participants graduated into becoming caregivers, co‑facilitators and co‑creators of future Spring School activities. Some of these graduates went on to initiate locally based heritage activities or clubs in their areas. Aside from the issue of resourcing and funding, this annual activity and the need to maintain buy‑in and commitment from within the museum fraternity, particularly its leadership, over the years, there were a number of other pedagogical or content challenges. The wave of nationalism and pride in an emerging nation has the potential for silencing diverse narratives and experiences, particularly when they are conflictual. While the Spring School team6 was always cognisant of this, it is not clear how well the underlying narrative of ‘triumph’ stemmed the flow of anger, grief and frustration, which is inevitable in a healing process, and how sustained the impact or effect of the educational intervention was. An independent study conducted by an external evaluator appointed by Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD) and one by a colleague from the Museum of Auschwitz‑Birkenau revealed some positive outcomes.7

THE ROBBEN ISLAND ROADSHOW The second programming intervention was the Robben Island Roadshow. This emerged organically from one of the Spring School activities, which produced a travelling exhibition made from apple boxes.8 The theme for that Spring School was uncovering and exposing the many layers that compose a museum. Acquiring museological research skills, creating a storyboard, designing an exhibition, and programming around it formed the content of the seven‑day workshop. Schools, which participated in the initial activity, developed supporting materials for the exhibition and hosted the exhibition for a short period, to which other schools in their area were invited. An extensive evaluation was conducted by the outreach officer who accompanied the exhibition on its journey. Schools embraced the exhibition and hosted other schools with great generosity. Some of the feedback from the evaluation indicated that there was a need to ‘professionalise’ the exhibition as the materials were not hardy enough, expand it to include collections, and, after some travelling, include a mobile reference

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library of materials related to the themes of the exhibition. While the exhibition was warmly received as a static and individual‑led, unguided learning tool, young learners indicated that they would prefer to have an interactive process as a part of it. To this end, New Africa Theatre was invited to partner with Robben Island Museum in brainstorming and eventually developing the script of a play called Robben Island and the Apple Box. The play wove the contemporary narrative of human rights and responsibility by traversing the many layers of Robben Island’s history. It reflected on the continuity of struggle, resistance, identity, human rights and responsibility. The play was initially performed by new graduates of the New Africa Theatre Association and grew to draw in performers from the provinces which partnered with the museum. The impact of this programme over a period of seven years was enormous. It grew to become a sustained programme in local areas. Collaborations developed with Library Services, Arts and Culture, and Education at provincial and district levels. Performers were housed in the homes of ex‑political prisoners. Time was allocated for political prisoners to share their stories and have an exchange with audiences as a part of the performance. Performances took place in libraries and school halls, under trees and at pension payout queues. Among the outputs of this programme were a published script, a professionally performed and filmed DVD of the production, and a miniature apple box which contained images from the island. The collaboration with local performing arts groups was a deliberate effort to integrate and demonstrate the relationships between the various performing arts and their value in didactic settings. It exposed young learners to the joys of theatre and storytelling, with active role‑modelling by young black performers, technical staff and professional directors who were highly skilled and dedicated. By formally employing young graduates, the museum contributed concretely to job creation within what in later years would become known as the ‘creative economy’. The ability to address life issues of job creation and kindling hope and imagination are key threads in a healing process. Healing as a purely ‘talking’ modality or occupation has no place in a society where self‑respect, self‑love and dignity have been brutalised in psychological, physical, emotional and spiritual forms over generations.9 Sadly, this programme was abruptly shut down by the museum’s senior management in the 2000s after seven years. No opportunity was presented for a revisioning or reimagining of the programme, in spite of extensive monitoring and evaluation and the existence of allocated foreign funding. At a time when other national institutions10 modelled their active outreach on RIM initiatives, a vital programme was stopped.

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The values which emerged in the design and execution of the programme included the process of deep listening and co‑creation between audiences and communities and a national institution. Deep listening requires patience in identifying key partners who have community‑based credibility and sustained impact. Finally, and most importantly, the process is as important as the outcome. Listening as a healing modality forms an essential part of a responsive and effective programme. The museum’s Education Department team members, in cooperation with the museum’s Research team and institutional partners, were outstanding in doing just that.

THE VISITING SCHOLARS PROGRAMME The third programming intervention began in 2006, with the initiation of the Visiting Scholars Programme (VSP). Aimed at deepening narratives around the layers of Robben Island heritage, supporting the exemplary work of the Research Unit, developing a public programme with content, and supporting the larger adult education programme of the museum,11 the VSP attracted public intellectuals and academics alike. Ms Anwei Skinses Law, the inaugural visiting scholar, followed the powerful and deeply moving conference on stigma, held on the island in 2005.12 She was tasked to ‘mine’ archival records of the period when Robben Island served as a settlement for people affected by leprosy for names and stories. It is worth reflecting on some of the first‑person voices which emerged in the ‘mining’ exercise. The parallels with the more contemporary and well‑known stories of imprisonment need no elucidation.

The language of resistance ‘I once saw the doctor with a stick in the … ward. He was going to beat a [man] named Keviet, but Keviet took the stick out of the doctor’s hands. The doctor then obtained another stick, and on his return to the ward, the whole room rose, and there was a general uproar.’ – John Strike, overseer under Dr Birtwhistle, 1852 ‘I, together with Klaas, Piet van der Os and Andries Boesac, took the large boat when anchored in Murray’s Bay some day in the last year. My object was to proceed to Cape Town to complain of ill‑treatment which I had received.’ – Kieviet Speelman ‘I helped to take the island boat from Murray’s Bay, with Kieviet, Boesac and Klaas. I did so from ill‑treatment by the doctor, who struck me twice with a sjambok, which he carries in his pocket … I was then placed in the black hole.’ – Piet van der Os, person with leprosy on Robben Island, 1852

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The language of freedom ‘We have no freedom to ourselves … If I want to go and see a friend who might be sick, I have to wait until a certain time appointed, and if he is seriously ill I have to first go and see the attendant … Our visitors when they come here are not allowed any freedom.’ – Andries Geswint, who was a 35‑year‑old father of two when he was admitted to Robben Island in 1898, in testimony given in 1918. ‘We have no freedom on the island. We are only allowed to go a certain distance, and when our visitors come we only have them in the compound and they are not allowed to go further. We are locked up inside the gates, and our visitors cannot go a little way with us. We have to say, “No, we have only a certain distance in which we are allowed to move.”’ – Rachel Carstens, a person with leprosy residing on Robben Island in the 1900s. Colonisation and apartheid repeatedly practised erasure and self‑alienation through the stripping of identities and their replacement with meaningless and ‘easier‑on‑the‑tongue’ names. This included the re‑naming of people enslaved (January, February, March), the anglicisation of names (for example, Precious, Gift, Joy) and the allocation of numbers instead of names (for example, Prisoner 466/64). Nothing quite illustrates the almost seamless and unproblematised way in which colonial and apartheid language permeates the present as much as the narrative related to peoples affected by Hansen’s disease, or leprosy, on the island. ‘To many of us worse than the very disease is the prejudice that comes along with it. Many of us stopped being called Francisco, Joe, Maria, and we started being called leprosy patients, lepers and recently Hansenites … I believe that our greatest challenge is to make sure that millions of people who have lost their identities will go back to being called by their own names.’13 Timelines have a habit of reducing and obscuring the continuity of life and spirit. In history-making, this is exacerbated by the need to simplify and separate fact from ‘fiction’ but in so doing one loses the value of story and the ways in which the story transcends time and place. One of the challenges which RIM faces in ‘naming as healing’ is the overpowering nature of present politics and memory of the South African narrative within a national agenda.14 Whereas stories of resistance and resilience could give rise to a deeper sense of continuity of identity and place across generations, and of complexity in contradictions and change, it has become expedient to erase or silence or footnote that which is ‘unrecovered’. Names disappear and become obscured by a category (or, by default, ‘absence’ in the archive). The very physical landscape of the Robben Island site, with layer atop layer, bricks re‑used, structures and ruins claimed for new and different purposes across decades, defies the overwhelming prison narrative as the

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foregrounded one. When I served as a tour guide, many interruptions of the tour narrative occurred as a result of some layer revealing itself and calling attention to a different time and epoch. In building a narrative or multiple narratives for the island’s past into present and future, we need to address themes which have been articulated in the museum’s Integrated Conservation Management Plan. This would give some opportunity for naming, and thus healing, to take place.

THE MAKING OF THE MULTI‑PURPOSE LEARNING CENTRE This fourth dimension, which speaks to narrative and healing, addresses the built fabric and its interpretation. The allocation of a dedicated space for educational and artistic activities on the island presented an exciting challenge to the museum. The restoration and re‑purposing of the Multi‑Purpose Learning Centre gave rise to innovative ways of thinking about the use of historical spaces within a contemporary context. Once again, the process of developing the space became pivotal to the character and nuances of place. It was decided that while the footprint of the prison would remain visible from entrance to exit and with clear references in each space, the space needed to be transformed into a liveable and breathable one. It was agreed at the outset that there would be a number of key functions within the space: classroom and workshop spaces, lecture hall, library, art studio, meditation garden, courtyard serving as an outdoor theatre space, accommodation, and a large catering‑sized kitchen with attached dining hall. Once the design for the shell of the building was approved by the Conservation Committee, work began on the reimagining of the interior spaces. The interior architect selected to collaborate with the museum displayed an in‑depth knowledge of and respect for sense of place. He also brought on board young designers studying under him to create key aspects of the space. This aspect of combining, very consciously, a developmental trajectory parallel to the design process was encouraging and provided an opportunity for the museum to contribute tangibly to the intersection between heritage and the creative industries. The young designers underwent an intensive residency programme, attended lectures about the various layers of Robben Island’s legacy, and conducted their own individual archival research and interviews. This residency on the island complemented the drawing and design classes which they undertook in a learnership15 accredited by the South African Qualifications Authority. The restoration and re‑use process embraced the principle of ‘conservation through appropriate use’. While there was a level of comfort and security provided, at no stage in the space were visitors to be allowed to ignore the fabric

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of the place and the fact that it had served as a prison before. When preparing the walls of what had been a large sleeping area or hall during the prison period, workers uncovered a mural. This was delicately cleaned and covered with UV‑filtering glass and highlighted with special wall lighting. In what is now the new library, the mural forms part of the artwork featured in this space. This ‘nod’ to the past while re‑purposing the space was a hugely successful experiment in ensuring compliance with the UNESCO World Heritage operational guidelines and making sure that spaces do not deteriorate because of non‑use. Similarly, it serves as an example of how the fabric of a building can speak the stories of those who used the space in the past through the imprint of their murals, graffiti and other signifiers. However, as the prisoners who were held in this part of the prison were murderers and rapists and not political activists, transforming a place from what once housed a negative energy required some deep and careful thought.16 Attempts by the Research Unit to interview past prisoners were not successful and as a result there was no opportunity to infuse the narratives of common law prisoners into the space. The insertion of a green space into what was essentially a concrete block with high walls went some way towards speaking to the humanity of those held inside.

CONCLUSION The three programmes and one conservation‑through‑use intervention explored in this chapter reveal the multiple ways in which narrative, interpretation and education can contribute to processes of remembering and healing. They illustrate the ‘how to’ involved in learning as well as the concrete approaches to restoring dignity and pride through naming. The chapter also demonstrates how creative interpretation can become a vehicle for sustainable change in the lives of present generations. The combination of dialogue between the museum and its various audiences and an organic approach to planning has led to dynamic and exciting educational interventions. At the same time partnerships within the museum and across various sectors, such as media and communications, theatre and crafts, have enhanced and strengthened the implementation of the educational programmes.

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 The inception of the Robben Island Training Programme

15 Creating a new generation of heritage and museum leaders: The inception of the Robben Island Training Programme Khwezi ka Mpumlwana and Gerard Corsane

The 1994 democratic breakthrough and the establishment of Robben Island Museum (RIM) were very important contributions to the transformation of the South African heritage sector. Saleem Badat, writing about the necessity of the transformation of higher education noted: ‘In South Africa, social inequalities were embedded and reflected in all spheres of social [and economic] life, as a product of the systematic exclusion of blacks and women under colonialism and apartheid.’1 As in higher education, the heritage and museums sectors were no exceptions to this fact. Already by the 1950s, the ANC, among the many organisations that led the struggle for a free South Africa, had developed comprehensive and accessible policy positions that related to cultural transformation. Its policies in relation to culture and education were based on the Freedom Charter, especially the clause that states that ‘the doors of learning and culture shall be opened to all’. Several decades later, the mass struggles of the 1980s brought the point across as well. Central to the struggles of groups like the Congress of South African Students (COSAS), tertiary education formations and the trade unions was the fight for an accessible, quality, decolonised, transformed education and training system.

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The ANC Green Book of 1979, an inspiration for Congress movement organising in the 1980s, clearly illustrated the need for planning and implementing instruments of people’s power when it stated that the seizure of power by the people must be understood not only by us but also by the masses as the beginning of the process in which the instruments of state will be used to progressively destroy the heritage of all forms of national and social inequality. To postpone advocacy of this perspective until the first stage of democratic power has been achieved is to risk dominance within our revolution by purely nationalist forces which may see themselves as replacing the white exploiters at the time of the people’s victory.2

After the ANC gained a big majority of the votes in the first democratic elections in 1994 on the back of its legacy of struggle and its lead role in negotiations, it proposed the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) as a key transformative programme. The RDP had six pillars, including human resource development in all areas of human endeavour, especially the strategic ones. The transformation of the human resources base was regarded as key in order to ensure adequate skills and knowledge to build the new society, greater representation of people and employment equity. At the dawn of democracy, the official heritage sector in South Africa was mainly the preserve of the white community. Virtually all significant professional careers in the museums and heritage sector were held by South Africans of European descent. Where Africans were allowed to play a role, it was limited. This state of affairs was a by‑product of how museums and heritage had evolved in South Africa. Their role and purpose were to serve the system and they were shaped by public policy and legislation, like the Mines and Works Amendment Act (No. 25 of 1926), the Bantu Education Act (No. 47 of 1953) and the Extension of University Education Act (No. 45 of 1959). (ironically aimed at restricting and segregating university access). By 1994 the oppressed groups were seriously lacking in significant skills as a direct consequence of state policy. Major skills audits and headcount studies conducted by PricewaterhouseCoopers and Khensani Consulting at the request of the new DACST pointed out the skills imbalances in the sector. The Job Reservation Act and segregated education were directly responsible for this. However, a similar skills audit looking at employment equity reports of different national institutions today would show a very different picture to that of the early 1990s, and it is not an exaggeration to say that RIM contributed in a central way to the sectoral turnabout that has occurred since

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democracy. It has been a leader in the transformation of the museum and heritage sector in this country. Two examples that underlined the point were the pathbreaking RITP, discussed in this chapter, and RIM’s radical reversal of past museum staff demographics. After its first year of operation in 1997, roughly three quarters of its staff was black and a quarter white, including 10 out of 17 management-level posts. The ratios of women to men at the different levels were also unusually equitable for that time. Below we discuss the ways in which RIM’s RITP both emerged from, and helped stimulate, efforts to set up national training and human resource development vehicles in the heritage and museum sectors.

JOURNEY TO THE ROBBEN ISLAND TRAINING PROGRAMME The first coordinator of the RITP, and a key figure in its conceptualisation and launch, was Gerard Corsane. After completing his master’s degree in Museum Studies at Leicester University in England, and influenced by his mentor at the Albany Museums History Division, David Owen, Corsane had become involved in various SAMA committees in the early 1990s, including being coopted as the non‑elected chairperson of the SAMA Training Committee. He also worked with different communities and stakeholder groups previously unrepresented in the museum, such as Eyethu Imbali (isiXhosa for ‘Our History’), a community‑based oral history collaborative founded by Nomathansanqa ‘Thami’ and Ezra Tisani in the Eastern Cape. This networking encouraged him to adopt more people‑focused over object‑based approaches to museum work, and promoting active collecting as part of a much broader set of documentation processes with developed methodologies, influenced by Swedish approaches to cultural documentation.3 It challenged him to think about and take museum work outside of museum buildings and to different culturally diverse groups.4 He also became interested in the possibilities of adopting some of the thinking and practices of the ecomuseum ideal in South Africa, and presented a paper on this at the 1993 SAMA conference.5 Ecomuseology encourages cooperative and inclusive stakeholder research, documentation, communication and interpretation activities beyond the four walls of a traditional museum. Ecomuseology allows for more holistic approaches to integrated nature–culture and intangible–tangible heritage stewardship, allowing for ‘in‑reach’ where people can reach in to do participatory work with museums and heritage organisations.6 This ecomuseology approach naturally provided an attractive alternative in South Africa. (In fact, Gerard Corsane has shown that during

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its early history, the RIM and World Heritage Site reflected elements of the 21 identified ecomuseum characteristics, indicators and principles.)7 This chapter draws extensively on the lived experience and memory of Gerard Corsane, in conversation with Khwezi kaMpumlwana, about getting the training programme started and the early years of its operation within RIM’s education department. Corsane traces the direct origins of the RITP back to the 1994 SAMA conference held in East London in the same month, May 1994, that the first parliament of democratic South Africa met. In the keynote address on behalf of CREATE at the conference, its chairperson, Professor André Odendaal, gave a talk titled ‘Give Life to Learning: The Way Ahead for Museums in a Democratic South Africa’.8 CREATE critiqued the ideas in the official MUSA report prepared by the establishment museums and the last apartheid government on the road ahead for museums. CREATE noted inter alia that ‘[t]here is  …  no reference in the MUSA document for staff development programmes as part of an affirmative action strategy and how these should be funded’, adding that ‘a skills development programme to create African museologists is a necessity’.9 ‘This was one element that did shock me,’ Corsane recalled. ‘It was my call to action and the spark of my “Rainbow Dream”. Feeling such a strong call and vision emerging, I went and spoke to André at the end of the session and he then introduced me to Gordon Metz who was with him.’ Several progressive young museologists, such as Graham Dominy, Denver Webb, Aron Mazel and Andrew Hall, with whom Gerard had been working in SAMA, were members of CREATE and he ‘answered this call’ by becoming more involved in the work of SAMA. He canvassed to be a council member and was elected and given the special portfolio of training in 1995. This put him on a course that would end at Robben Island. At the end of August 1995, the new SAMA Council met in a three‑day forum at the Willem Prinsloo Agricultural Museum near Pretoria for a strategic planning exercise, where training was identified as a priority issue. Corsane was given a mandate to initiate a consultation process that should be as wide and inclusive as possible. Four main objectives were agreed upon: 1. to identify the training needs of all staff working in the sector, along with possible future needs of people wishing to start a career in the sector – most especially those entering through affirmative‑action avenues; 2. to identify suitable training providers, including existing formal programmes and non‑formal and in‑service training possibilities; 3.  to engage with providers to co‑evaluate existing and proposed formal courses and informal training opportunities; and

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4. to discuss with providers how to secure funding to maintain existing and support proposed training opportunities. To achieve these objectives, Corsane was required to hold core representative workshops in each of the old SAMA regions; run a questionnaire survey on training needs; and meet with established and potential training providers. The SAMA Council decided that while the survey data results would be important, the primary outcome should be that ‘any recommendations coming out of the information gathering process should be developed into a separate draft discussion document, outlining a concise national strategy for heritage training’.10 Between mid‑September and early November 1995, Corsane tackled the travelling component of the project, facilitating 15 core representative workshops, each with between 20 and 30 heritage, museum or gallery workers representing different areas and levels of work. These 15 gatherings were held in different cities and towns around the country, and he also met with existing and potential training providers in each place. Altogether he distributed 2,030 questionnaires, with 1,252 returned. In December 1995, Neela Dullabh of the Albany Museum started the exhausting process of coding the questionnaire responses and inputting the data from the survey.11 Corsane compiled a draft strategy from the recommendations and comments from the workshops and the discussions with the various training providers. He was assisted in the draft‑writing process by fellow SAMA councillors Liz Briggs, Graham Dominy and Kobus Basson, the latter of whom had expertise in HR management. Their draft ‘National Strategy for Heritage Training’ document was taken to the 1996 SAMA conference held in Kimberley from 22–25 April and circulated. From the feedback, they prepared a final ‘National Training Strategy for the Heritage Sector’ document. In a related development early in 1996, Professor Amareswar Galla from the University of Canberra in Australia ran a set of three workshops and symposia for SAMA and museum professionals, which eventually led, after further SAMA national and provincial discussions, to a new SAMA document titled ‘Shifting the Paradigm: Corporate Plan of the South African Museum’. The section on ‘Key Result Area 5: Professional Development and Training’ in this document supported the ‘National Training Strategy’ ideas mentioned above. Both of these documents were included in the SAMA Reports 1997 handbook that pulled together all the key documents developed during the council’s 1995–97 term of office.12 Meanwhile, after discussion with many stakeholders through the official ACTAG process, which the Mayibuye Centre leadership had been fully involved

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in, government presented the White Paper known as ‘All our Legacies and All of our Futures’.13

GETTING THE RITP STARTED All the hard work seemed to be going nowhere. Despite the extensive work and planning by SAMA and Gerard Corsane, SAMA’s proposed National Heritage Training Institute was stillborn. The plans were never formally recognised and launched. Gerard, who had resigned from the Albany Museum and moved to Cape Town to promote the idea, now linked up with the Mayibuye Centre and its projects and was soon involved in the preparatory work to set up RIM. During May 1996, he helped Mayibuye research and mount an exhibition at the Robben Island Information Centre in the Caltex Auditorium in the V&A Waterfront in Cape Town. In October and November of the same year, he and another researcher undertook a documentation project for the Mayibuye Centre and DACST, which included listing and photographing all the furniture, items and materials in key buildings on Robben Island, and videoing the contents of two wardens’ houses. One of these was the residence of senior prison official Gerhard Brandt and his wife Avril, who later stayed on to become RIM staff members. ‘At a time when I had started losing hope that the proposed NHTI would be realised’, Corsane said, he worked closely with Gordon Metz. Seeing an opportunity for the proposal, Metz, with the support of Odendaal, submitted the ‘Training Strategy’ document to DACST for its attention, suggesting that the plan become a project of the new museum. It would be funded by international funders with the approval of DACST.14 SIDA, the Mayibuye Centre’s main backer, approved a grant of three  million Swedish kroner for three years. A significant proportion of this amount was dedicated to a bursary scheme for twenty, full, fast‑track, affirmative‑action bursaries, which covered a student’s course fees, travel, and board and lodging on Robben Island. Applicants or their institutions needed only to cover the registration fee, as it was deemed important for students to show some form of commitment as well. The new programme, fitting perfectly with RIM’s lifelong learning and critical debate goals, was located in the RIM Education Department, whose activities are discussed in Chapter  14. A condition was that the RITP did not use RIM finances for its core operations (although in the end RIM had to help cover the 1998 costs until payment finally arrived very late that year). Corsane describes as awe‑inspiring the energy, commitment, focus, enthusiasm, critical engagement

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and knowledge that the Education Department team members brought to the programme at the time. As a result of the experience he had acquired in the processes of facilitating the drafting of SAMA’s ‘National Training Strategy for the Heritage Sector’, and the part he had played in drafting the RITP business plan, Gerard Corsane was appointed as the programme’s first coordinator in mid‑1997. In selecting the level at which to start offering training programmes, it was decided that the RITP should develop modules at a postgraduate level. The aim was to provide ‘fast‑track’ affirmative action training, pitched at a level that would help prospective participants progress to middle‑ and top‑management positions within the sector. In order to ensure recognition for the qualification, it became important to work towards certification from an academic institution. RIM, through Corsane, promoted the idea that those passing the course should receive a postgraduate diploma in Museum and Heritage Studies, endorsed by a university. RIM thus initiated a process of negotiations with the UWC and UCT to find a partner institution that would certify the RITP. The formal academic accreditation and link with the universities – particularly UWC – fitted in perfectly with the plans by the RIM interim administrator and first director, Professor André Odendaal, to make RIM a learning institution in line with UWC’s critical intellectual engagement approach (see Chapter  2 on the university’s aim to become the ‘intellectual home of the democratic left’) and Robben Island’s legacy as a university of the struggle. And so it came to pass as a result of fortuitous circumstances. Soon after he had moved to Cape Town in 1996, Corsane had been invited to be a guest presenter on the postgraduate diploma in Museum Management, launched that year by UCT.15 The invitation came from Andrew Steyn, the diploma convenor, following a suggestion by the overall coordinator, Professor Martin Hall, who had met Gerard at the SAMA conference in Kimberley at the end of April. During its second year, due to a very low uptake, the future sustainability of this UCT diploma came into question; it looked as if it would have to be put on hold. This opened up a new possibility. Gerard had had the idea of approaching UCT to see if there was any possibility of using their postgraduate diploma in Museum Management as a shell that could be populated with new fresh modules. The idea was discussed with Odendaal, Gordon Metz and Khwezi ka Mpumlwana one afternoon at the Mayibuye Centre on campus. The team decided to first approach academics in the Department of History at UWC before any engagement with UCT was initiated. It was arranged for Gerard to meet with the UWC colleagues to

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introduce the idea of the diploma. The response at the meeting was that the diploma might be possible, but that it would take a long time for approval from the minister of education to be forthcoming. Usually, any proposals for new university qualifications needed to be reviewed and agreed to first by the Advisory Committee of Universities and Technikons (which was at the point of being phased out). The minister would then be advised to accept or reject the proposals for new courses accordingly. The UWC teams agreed that Gerard could tentatively approach UCT with the idea. He obtained their approval to use the UCT diploma as a shell. Meanwhile, Professor Martin Legassick, chair of the UWC Department of History, soon received a very positive reply from the minister, Professor Sibusiso Bengu, who gave the green light for the proposed new diploma to start as a certified part of a three‑way partnership from the beginning of 1998. RIM and the RITP, therefore, acted as catalysts for what turned out to be the first qualification with joint certification by two universities in the new South Africa. RIM staff and academics from UWC and UCT set up an interim steering committee and embarked on a series of meetings to discuss the substance of the new arrangement. A rather complicated process of negotiations evolved, which at times exasperated the RIM team. One key area of contestation was whether the new diploma course should primarily have a vocational or theoretical academic focus. From the RIM and RITP perspective, the overall goal of the diploma programme was to train a cadre of new museum professionals with a progressive perspective on heritage. These new heritage cadres would also need to fill gaps where there were very few black museum and heritage professionals within the sector. To achieve this, it was the intention of the RITP that the programme recruit not only graduate students, but more importantly also previously disadvantaged and marginalised people who had worked for years in museums and heritage projects without formal qualifications or degrees, including those in the traditional menial roles reserved for black South Africans. No matter how skilled, their options had been a range of subsidiary portfolios: research assistant, laboratory assistant, conservation assistant, exhibition assistant, education assistant, tour guide, front desk assistant. In the end, it was agreed that the programme would be open to ‘graduates of all disciplines, or to non‑graduates who have at least one year of meaningful practical experience or who are currently employed in the museum and heritage sector’, but all applicants were required to submit a set written assignment as part of their application.

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The diploma was pioneering, therefore, for both its joint certification and for being more accessible than most other postgraduate diplomas – open to people on the basis of ‘relevant experience’ or being currently employed, even if they did not have a degree. As such, the RITP partially achieved the outcome that was central to the proposal for the establishment of a NHTI which would encourage the development of partnership networks for providers of heritage training. Once the RITP was up and running, RIM began to network also with other institutions – both in South Africa and abroad – in an attempt to extend the network around the core model that had been established. In accordance with the proposal document accepted by the two universities and RIM management, a convening committee replaced the interim steering committee in the last quarter of 1997. The convening committee had twelve members consisting of three representatives from each of the partner institutions and three members who represented the broader heritage sector. The RIM representatives were new education manager Khwezi ka Mpumlwana, heritage manager Juanita  Pastor and RITP coordinator Gerard Corsane. Dr  Leslie Witz and Dr  Ciraj Rassool were key members from UWC’s History Department. Professor Nigel Worden from the Department of Historical Studies was the main UCT link. The three sector representatives were Sandi Prosalendis of the District Six Museum, Makgolo Makgolo of the Sub‑Directorate of Cultural Resource Management, DEAT (who was also involved in the World Heritage Site proposal for RIM), and Lesley Freedman Townsend of the National Monuments Council, with Melanie Attwell of the Urban Conservation Unit of the Cape Town City Council as an alternate. Other specialists joined the committee when appropriate – for example, Professor Pippa Skotnes from the Michaelis School of Fine Art at UCT, who had an interest in curatorial studies, and Professor David Bunn from UWC whose focus was on new ways of looking at environmental and landscape histories. With regard to the mechanics of administering the diploma and working out how the fees would be split, the two universities agreed to take it in turn to register the students. Each university advertised the diploma through its normal channels, and Gerard Corsane and Leslie Witz co‑wrote the text for a promotional pamphlet.16 The convening committee developed a diploma curriculum with a wide range of electives so participants could build the qualification that best suited their particular needs. Participants in the course had to complete in one academic year the compulsory core course, ‘Issues in Museum and Heritage Studies’, which included a practical assignment and two full electives from courses which were

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specially offered for the diploma. Some of the diploma electives offered by UWC and UCT were also options within their honours programmes. The offerings from the universities included ‘Public History and Tourism’, ‘Curatorship’, ‘In the Nature of Things’, ‘Visual History’, ‘Cape Slavery and Heritage’, ‘The Politics and Ethics of Collecting’ and ‘Cultural Policy’. The four electives offered by the RITP were ‘Heritage Management and Collections Management’, ‘Researching and Interpreting Heritage Resources’, ‘Communicating with the Public: Presenting Heritage through Different Media’ and ‘Management in Heritage Institutions and Agencies’. Apart from the compulsory core course, students could take the four RITP electives or two RITP and one university electives, or two university electives. Students who received RITP bursaries were encouraged, but not required, to take the four RITP electives. The first RITP course took place in 1998. The year consisted of two semesters, with the first scheduled from early March to mid‑May and the second from early September to November. Each provided for a nine‑week contact period. During their ten weeks’ absence from the island, the students were expected to write two major essays and complete two assignments. The core course of the curriculum took place on Fridays, mainly at the UWC campus. It covered a wide range of issues in heritage studies, but with a strong emphasis on ‘theoretical issues relating to the politics of representing heritage both in the past and present’. The learning strategies of the programme included lectures, seminars, debates, workshops, group work, case studies, visits to museums and sites, and practical work and projects. Assessment was ongoing throughout the year and included written work and oral presentations. Although Gerard Corsane facilitated all the sessions of the RITP electives, an impressive list of more than thirty practitioners and professionals from museums, universities, heritage institutions, government departments and civil society bodies came in to give inputs. The RITP elective students also had sessions with international visitors to the island including, for example, Professor Simeon Nedkov from the Museum Studies programme at Sofia University in Bulgaria and Professor Vinoš Sofka, who was the UNESCO Chair on Museology and World Heritage at Masaryk University in Brno, Czech Republic. The external examiners for the diploma course in 1998 and 1999 were Professor Carolyn Hamilton of the Graduate School for the Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of the Witwatersrand, Dr Aaron Mazel, director of the South African Cultural History Museum and Professor Jeremy Sylvester of the University of Namibia.17 Enrolment‑wise, the diploma could accommodate up to forty students per year and, as already mentioned, the SIDA grant provided for twenty full

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RITP bursaries per year for the first three years. The bursary scheme was actively promoted through the museums and heritage network in each of the provinces of South Africa. Direct applicants were also informed of the scheme. Before being considered for the bursary scheme, an applicant had to have been accepted onto the course. There was a bursary selection committee, and as they were affirmative‑action bursaries a set of criteria was in place with a scoring matrix with elements related to cultural background, geographical distribution, perceived ability (from the written assignment accompanying the application), prior or current museum or heritage experience, gender and financial need. For the first course, 250 expressions of interest were received, 80 people submitted applications, 48 were chosen by the selection committee, with 40 finally registering for the diploma. This was exciting, as it was the exact target number specified in the original business plan. Twenty‑three applicants who registered mainly for RITP modules were awarded full or partial financial assistance packages. Together with residents, artists and EPPs, the students became a lively feature of island life, their activities regularly covered in Ilifa Labantu.18 The participants lived in rooms in Block C at the Robben Island village, close to the catering venue, the ex‑warders’ mess. The public telephone booth was a very important lifeline to their networks and relationships on the mainland. Each annual intake soon formed a micro‑community within the Robben Island community with their own rituals and plans, some going on to form lifelong friendships. Lebo Chuene and Misiwe Madikane were nicknamed the RITP ‘twins’ and remain close friends even today. Other students were given nicknames, as when Sephai Mnqolo named one of the participants ‘Waikiki’. Each nickname came with a story. The late struggle veteran President Mohapi was called ‘Sunthing’ (because of his pronunciation of the word something), or just simply ‘Pres’. Gerard acquired two nicknames, and recalls the reasons: The RITP participants and myself were sitting in the mess one evening, after a day of intensive learning workshops focused on issues of cultural representation and ‘polyvocality’ – the need for different voices and interpretations to come through museum exhibitions and heritage programmes. After sharing a meal, we watched a TV episode from the British sitcom Mind Your Language. In this series, Mr  Brown teaches English as a foreign language in a London adult education college to a class of mature immigrant students from different countries and cultures. We were in fits of laughter even though the show depicted overt and offensive cultural stereotyping. Following the day’s

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RITP sessions, the irony of finding this show so hilarious did not escape us. I immediately acquired the nickname ‘Professori’, as Giovanni, a student in the show, called Mr  Brown. Viewing this series became a weekly get‑together and was built into the curriculum. ‘Professori’ stuck, but I was also assigned the nickname ‘Doc2’ by others on the island, the reason being that I was often mistaken for the Robben Island medical officer, Frikkie Nel. One day when laughing about this, Khwezi jokingly turned the stereotyping tables on me saying, ‘all you whites look the same’. These two anecdotes are examples of my acceptance into the Robben Island ‘family’ and my being part of the island’s ‘Rainbow Dreams’.

A number of the participants went on to play strategic roles in the heritage sector. For example, Monwabisi Kobese is head of Museums and Heritage of the Eastern Cape, having been involved in many transformative activities. The second intake of the programme included Bonke Thyulu, who became the third CEO of Nelson Mandela Museum. Charismatic student Sephai Mngqolo, who had been a lab assistant in the Kimberley Museum, went on to fill a top position at the McGregor Museum. Bongani Mgijima, a founder of Lwandle Migrant Labour Museum, whose blood has heritage colours,19 entered the programme and went back to Lwandle before being appointed director of the Albany Museum and later the Stellenbosch Museum, while clocking up an impressive track record of change initiatives. Namesake Bongani Dlamini became prominent in tourism in Swaziland. Bennet Kangumu Kangumu went on to become an academic and academic administrator in Namibia. Similarly, Luvuyo Dondolo (a contributor to this book) eventually completed his PhD and is today the director and head of the Centre for Transdisciplinary Studies at the University of Fort Hare. After graduating from the programme, Lufuno Mulaudzi became president of the Public Service Association and worked for the National Archives. Eastern Cape Museums and Heritage, led by Dr Denver Webb, a member of CREATE and part of the transformation lobby within SAMA, took a long‑term view of the human resource aspect of heritage, sending many members of his provincial team on the 18‑week annual programme on the island. In the first two years of the course, the RITP accepted participants from eight provinces in South Africa and ten African countries: Congo, Ghana, Kenya, Mauritius, Malawi, Namibia, Nigeria, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe. RIM was energised by this influx of students and by the participation of its own staff in the programme – six in the first year, the diploma opportunity becoming an important incentive within the institution.

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In 1999, RIM ‘bought’ hours from the South African Cultural History Museum so that Ramzie Abrahams could join the RITP team part‑time as course coordinator. He went on to become the second RITP coordinator in 2000 after Gerard Corsane left to take up a position at the University of Leicester in England. The SIDA funding for the postgraduate diploma in Museum and Heritage Studies experiment ended after six years, at the end of 2002. With the help of Rockefeller Foundation funding from 2003 to 2007, the programme morphed into the follow‑up African Programme in Museum and Heritage Studies coordinated by UWC. Olusegun Morakinyo’s doctoral dissertation, ‘A Historical and Conceptual Analysis of the African Programme in Museum and Heritage Studies (APMHS), 1997–2009’, deals in detail with the APMHS period.20 The RITP continued until 2017 in a reduced form. First UCT and then RIM withdrew from the partnership started in 1997. It was a pioneering and innovative programme that contributed a new  crop of over 300 heritage professionals with a special  combination of conceptual, technical and research abilities. Many of them went on to become movers and shakers in the changing South African and Southern African heritage sector, particularly in the heritage of resistance and liberation.  The last RITP intake was in 2017 after RIM’s withdrawal from the partnership with UWC, UCT having pulled out earlier. Most of the modules continue to be presented as part of UWC’s History Department curriculum at honour’s level and as feeders to the master’s and doctoral programmes.21 From its very inception, the RITP sought to fulfil a particular set of niche needs within a cultural and heritage sector undergoing transformation, thus helping to produce new heritage thought‑leaders, and brokering and fostering an important set of partnerships between training providers, universities and heritage institutions.22

THE ONGOING NEED FOR TRAINING AND HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT Central to the ‘National Strategy for Heritage Training’ report and the idea of establishing a NHTI was the aim of creating a mechanism to help foster the development of a network of training institutions. This network was meant to include universities and technikons in South Africa and in other parts of Africa (especially in the countries of the Southern African Development Community [SADC] region), as well as those based in other parts of the world. For example, in 1998 RIM prepared, together with UNISA, Wits University and others, a proposal for the Association of African Universities outlining the establishment of a Southern African Tertiary Heritage Training Network, with the RITP playing a leading role. Unfortunately, the proposal was not accepted. At that time, RIM

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hosted a seminar with the BildMuseet, the Fine Art School and the new combined Department of Culture and Media Studies, both based at Umeå University in Sweden, to discuss a possible partnership programme. These contacts and networking were part of the spirit of the times.23 In 1999, the still hopeful RITP  coordinator  wrote: ‘Although funding is not yet available for the establishment of the National Heritage Training Institute (NHTI), the RITP has continued to provide a practical anchor for the proposed NHTI by starting the processes, and performing the roles, as outlined in the “National Strategy for Heritage Training”.’24 But it was not to be. Twenty years on, there is no longer a sector skills development plan and sight has been lost of the recommendations of the abovementioned report. There is still no NHTI. The standards generation and quality assurance work of the Sector Education and Training Authority for the heritage sector is in need of a serious revamp. The current reality is that the South African cultural heritage sector’s human resource and skills development agenda is sub‑optimal. The vocational and technical side of heritage work in the country is in a dire state. The skills infrastructure system has not been leveraged as fully as it could have been in the heritage sector. It is not too late, in our view, if different relevant stakeholders see the value of taking coordinated actions. Organisations like the different universities, the National Heritage Council, SAMA and the South African Heritage Resources Agency (SAHRA) have a vested interest in the quality of the programmes that emerge. If cultural diversity is as important to a society as biological diversity, then a more systematic skills agenda is due. The national human resource agenda is not complete if it does not give society the expertise to harness this cultural diversity for a better present and future. Xolelwa Kashe‑Katiya, in a review of the DACST’s human resource development strategy, has noted that the need to build capacity and human resources in the heritage sector has long been a cause for concern. While various attempts have been made to do this over the last decade, few have succeeded, or effected meaningful change. It is possible to write a different future by starting soon to change how heritage expertise is developed in South Africa.25

RIM introduced new ways of museum thinking and work and provided the space for many initiatives that entrenched the values of a democratic, non‑racial, non‑sexist South Africa. The museum made a distinct break from the many

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ways in which museums of the past had internalised and asserted the baasskap of apartheid, directly and indirectly, as a paper written by Aaron Mazel at the time highlighted.26 One of the biggest arguments against transformation, diversity, inclusivity and redress was that there was a skills deficit. The RIM recruitment processes, their adaptive reuse of skills and a significant internal skills development programme, supplemented by the RITP, did what they could in the circumstances that prevailed at the time to make heritage training and capacity building internal to the vision of the institution. This is a model that could be adapted to the transformation efforts of other institutions. This RIM approach set an example for a future where heritage training and capacity building could be viewed as part of mainstream actions in an ongoing transformation journey. The diversity of the RITP participants in terms of age, geographic spread, and economic and professional background was very important in helping to create a diverse, inclusive, transforming heritage sector. The RITP recognised the importance of professional bodies like SAMA and the work they had done, but was very wary at the time of the risk of continued gatekeeping by established interests when it came to selection of participants, determination of content, selection of providers and evaluation of programmes and similar issues. The recognition of prior learning when awarding the RITP bursaries was part of ensuring that the heritage sector did not lose experienced people simply because they had previously obtained no certificate recognising their skills. Many of the RITP graduates have progressed in the museum and heritage sector. As the heritage sector continues its transformation journey in South Africa and Africa, human resource development and skills training remain fundamentally important. South Africa’s competitiveness in any sector during the period of the Fourth Industrial Revolution will depend ultimately on the capacity, competence and agility of its people. Skills and human resource development are an integral part of building this competitiveness. Is now not the time to resurrect the idea of a South African NHTI?

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16 From Mayibuye Centre to the UWC/ Robben Island Mayibuye Archives Anthea Josias

In this chapter, I offer a mix of personal reflections and perspectives on the processes that led to the formation of the UWC/RMI Mayibuye Archives. I also discuss some of the implications of Mayibuye Centre’s incorporation into RIM, within a consideration of the broader context of archives in South Africa. Historically, formal archives in South Africa have served various eras of colonial and apartheid rule, going as far back as the 1600s when the Dutch East India Company began to keep records of people living at the Cape. The first archival law in South Africa was passed in 1922, and subsequent laws were passed in 1953 and 1962. Through these practices and laws, archives were effectively positioned as administrative wings of the colonial and apartheid governments. Thus archives were mostly accountable to the government institutions and departments which they were set up to serve administratively. Within a short period of time in the 1990s, the context, discourse and practices of archives shifted radically. To begin with, the political transition helped to create different archival possibilities in which previously hidden documents, recordings and untold stories saw the light of day and came to be recognised and validated as archives. A new archives law was published in 1996. The National Archives and Records Service of South Africa Act (No.  43 of 1996) , together with the National Heritage Resources Act (No. 25 of 1999), was geared towards broader representivity and greater diversity of archival records and collecting mandates. In particular, the new archival law contained a commitment to prioritising the collection of non‑government records or ‘non‑public records’, and the National Heritage Resources Act made some provision for private archives to be considered part of the ‘national estate’.

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 From Mayibuye Centre to the UWC/Robben Island Mayibuye Archives

In addition to new policy and management frameworks mainly for government‑run archives, there was concerted activity in developing independent archives from the early to mid‑1990s. Inasmuch as government institutions were compelled to deal with what apartheid legacies had left behind, the processes of assembling more representative archival resources had become the domain of non‑governmental projects and organisations that were committed to democracy building and historical redress. In many ways, these were the beginnings of an independent archives movement, which in a short period of time, in various contexts and despite several shortcomings and challenges, was able to demonstrate alternative archival energies and cultures. The UWC-based Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture was a product of these times. The organisation also made an important and early contribution to reshaping the practices and discourses of archives and museums. Within the first five years of the Mayibuye Centre’s establishment, supported by international donors such as SIDA and the Royal Netherlands Embassy, the centre proudly delivered on a series of programme‑based interventions. As documented in annual reports between 1991 and 2000, as well as in reports to funders, public events such as the 1996 conference ‘Future of the Past: The Production of History in a Changing South Africa’, the 1995 conference ‘Reunion of Ex‑Political Prisoners’, the 1994 Esiqithini exhibition, the travelling exhibition titled ‘Margins to Mainstream: Lost South African Photographers’ in 1994–96 and the MKVA Veterans conference were all momentous contributions in building a new landscape of collective memory, public history and archives in South Africa. The ‘Future of the Past’ conference was organised jointly with the Institute for Historical Research and the Department of History at UWC. Participants came from as far afield as Angola, Swaziland, Kenya, South Korea, India and Australia, and the conference was described as a pivotal event ‘in the history of history writing in South Africa’.1 Another focus of the centre’s programmes in the first five years was on creative endeavours, including exhibitions, which either drew from the centre’s vast archives or further expanded the archival resources. Exhibition activity alone saw the installation of small and large exhibitions in venues ranging from the UWC student centre and library auditorium foyer to the South African National Gallery, the South African Museum, the V&A Waterfront, the Queenstown Museum, the Grahamstown National Arts Festival, UCT, and Newspaper House in Cape Town. In its formative years, the centre also produced its own publishing imprint, beginning with the republishing of fifty previously banned IDAF publications and followed by a far‑reaching list of new publications, which included poetry, autobiography, and popular and academic

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texts, such as Sandile Dikeni’s Guava Juice, The Island: A History of Robben Island 1488–1990 by Harriet  Deacon, From Cape to Cape Against Apartheid: Norwegian Support for Democracy in South Africa by Inger Heldal and Freedom in Our Lifetime by Archie Sibeko and Joyce Leeson. Building upon the extensive collections of interviews, sound and audio productions received from IDAF in the early 1990s, the centre also initiated an oral history programme. In the early years, the focus of this programme was on interviewing political exiles. Struggle stalwart Wolfie Kodesh conducted hundreds of interviews with formerly exiled ANC leaders and members on a voluntary basis. The focus of the programme was later broadened to include anti‑apartheid activists who were based inside South Africa. These processes validated oral histories as formal archival records. They also offered participants what Richard Werbner has termed ‘a right of recountability’, the right for a participant’s memory and experiences to be known and acknowledged in the public sphere.2 Like the archival papers, documents and photographs that were being assembled provided new foundations for knowledge production. They laid the basis for challenging the old apartheid‑inspired ‘epistemic infrastructures’,3 which had previously become deeply embedded within the South African educational system. Beyond this, the centre’s archives were used in hundreds of local and international book publications, current affairs programmes, and documentary and film productions. It is impossible within a chapter of this nature to capture the full range of outcomes, let alone examine where the impact of these interventions was most felt. However, it is clear from Mayibuye Centre reports of this period that all of these endeavours showed engagement with and involved participation by different community constituencies – former political prisoners, former political exiles, academic communities, learners and educators, artists, photographers, filmmakers and anti‑apartheid activists from different eras. The expectations associated with ‘making history’ and ‘making new archives’ in the Mayibuye Centre also made for a much more complex and sometimes uncomfortable picture. This new project had entered a largely dysfunctional sector in the early 1990s in the sense that there were no mechanisms within the colonial and apartheid structures of archives, museums and heritage to support an emerging archive of this nature. The centre’s staff managed, with limited financial resources, physical archival facilities and staff capacity, to take on such huge archiving tasks. It was, quite simply, an extraordinary effort that rendered both remarkable outcomes and dire failures. Unfortunately, many scholars and archivists looking from the outside tended to focus on the failures.

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 From Mayibuye Centre to the UWC/Robben Island Mayibuye Archives

The Mayibuye Centre, as with other independent initiatives that emerged at the same time, depended largely on international philanthropy to fund its archives and heritage interventions, and to sustain these efforts until 2000 when it became part of the RIM. By 1997, when discussions on future possibilities for the Mayibuye Centre were beginning to gain ground, it was noted that the centre’s growth projections and funding applications had been premised on getting national recognition as a heritage project.4 According to a discussion document tabled within various UWC structures, if the [Mayibuye] Centre does not become part of the new RIM, the outlook is bleak. Outside funder support will drop significantly in future. Staff insecurity will grow. Retrenchments rather than more staff will probably result. The Centre will have to shrink its current programmes and operations to reflect campus budgets and realities. Long‑term planning for the Centre will be virtually impossible. Ad hoc funding and crisis management will be the order of the day.5

Continued support by the centre’s major funders was uncertain. In 1999, SIDA, a core funding source for the Mayibuye Centre in the preceding eight years, convened a symposium of all its funded projects in South Africa. The meeting looked at the on‑the‑ground conditions of many of these projects, and the need for longer‑term sustainability plans was noted and discussed.6 This state of affairs mirrored the realities of other independent archive initiatives within the sector. Despite different organisational circumstances, the experiences of other independent projects were similar. At the University of Fort Hare, the ANC archives were formally opened in 1996, and the National Heritage and Cultural Studies Centre was launched in 1998 to house the liberation movement archives, including the archives of the PAC, AZAPO and the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania.7 The University of the Witwatersrand‑based South African History Archive (SAHA), which in 1992 became an independent project of the Wits Historical Papers Archive, went through a comparable transition at the end of the 1990s in pursuit of a more sustainable future, which resulted in a complete restructuring of the organisation and its programmes. The District Six Museum, another active participant in the independent archives and heritage environment, pursued a more modest but effective approach through prioritising the development of a community sound archive, which was embedded within the processes of making a community museum.8 The point I wish to make here is that the

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different independent institutions and projects that led the charge in terms of archives transformation, and that provided a social justice orientation to archives in their everyday practice, were all grappling with serious questions about their longer‑term sustainability at around the same time. There was no one‑fix solution, and all of these projects ultimately pursued different paths to address their sustainability issues. After a ten‑year operation, in which there was increasing uncertainty over the centre’s long‑term financial outlook and sustainability, the Mayibuye Centre was formally disbanded and became the UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives. The terms of a formal agreement between UWC and RIM, which took effect on 1 April 2000, transferred management oversight to RIM. The agreement between the university and the museum stipulated that the Mayibuye collections would remain the physical property of UWC and would continue to be housed on the UWC campus, but they would be made available to RIM on a 99‑year loan basis for use in the museum’s exhibition, education and interpretative programmes.9 There were many sentiments and viewpoints that favoured the incorporation. There were not many arguments presented against it. It made sense for the Mayibuye Centre to join an institution in which history was being made, enlivened, formally validated and acknowledged. Given the leading involvement of André Odendaal and other Mayibuye Centre staff in the early deliberations between 1995 and 1996, through the Future of Robben Island Committee and DACST, on what should become of Robben Island, a collaborative relationship already seemed imminent. To add to this, a series of Robben Island events were organised by the Mayibuye Centre, or else the Mayibuye Centre played an instrumental role in them. These events included the handover of the Apple Box Archives and Robben Island General Recreational Committee Archive to the Mayibuye Centre when the last prisoners left the island; the May 1993 Esiqithini exhibition held in conjunction with the South African Museum and opened by Ahmed Kathrada; the publishing of Barbara Hutton’s Robben Island: Symbol of Resistance with SACHED Books in 1994; the organising of the 1995 ‘Reunion of Ex‑Political Prisoners’ conference on Robben Island in which more than a thousand former prisoners passed through the Mayibuye Centre;10 the start of the Robben Island Gateway Company in the V&A Waterfront in 1995; and the launch of the book and video production Voices from Robben Island in conjunction with Jürgen Schadeberg in 1996.11 Many former prisoners had by this time also deposited archival collections and historical artefacts with the Mayibuye Centre. All of these initiatives solidified the Mayibuye Centre’s future relationship with RIM.

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 From Mayibuye Centre to the UWC/Robben Island Mayibuye Archives

By means of the Mayibuye Centre’s incorporation, the dream that one of the country’s most valuable and comprehensive resources in the struggle against apartheid could be set on a path towards a more sustainable future finally seemed realisable. There was evidence of this in some of the early projects undertaken by the Mayibuye Archives with the backing of RIM. The digitisation of the Radio Freedom Audio Archive was one such project. When told about it, the response of Ahmed Kathrada was: ‘You guys are making history.’ While RIM was resourced enough to prioritise the Mayibuye collections as ‘national assets’, there were also difficult aspects of the Mayibuye transition. There were new institutional pressures, some of which were shaped by the priorities of the new parent body. These difficulties stemmed from the change from being a mostly independent NGO with a particular vision of its contribution to South Africa and the world, to a more rigid organisational structure under the management of the museum and the oversight of DACST. Moreover, the agreement between RIM and UWC had particular sustainability implications for the archival collections, but not for other aspects of the Mayibuye Centre’s work. While exhibitions and other focused outreach work previously implemented by the Mayibuye Centre came to a halt, the centre’s publishing and productions division was integrated into the RIM Department of Marketing and Publications – with resulting asymmetries in expectations around publishing goals and objectives, which led to the ultimate dissolution of the publishing and productions programme within the first year of the Mayibuye Centre’s incorporation. A snapshot of the Mayibuye Centre Archives at the time of its incorporation into the museum showed the following: • The Historical Papers Archive had, as a result of a sudden flood of new deposits,12 overflowed into the basements and attics of the UWC campus, as well as into more secure storage areas at the Centre for the Book in Cape Town and the National Archives and Records Service, also in Cape Town. Among its many notable acquisitions were the archives of former Robben Island prisoners Ahmed Kathrada, Eddie Daniels and Indres Naidoo, and the archives of the General Recreational Committee of Robben Island Prisoners. There were also important collections that offered a deep reading of the liberation struggle and South Africa’s transitionary context, such as the South African Committee for Higher Education (SACHED), the National Education Crisis Committee (NECC), the Women’s National Coalition, and several international anti‑apartheid organisations. •  The centre’s extensive audio-visual resources of film, video, sound and oral history collections had been brought under full physical and

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intellectual control, through a project that was conceptualised, planned, implemented and funded under the auspices of the Open Society Foundation through the efforts of Canadian archivist and former IDAF activist Joan Fairweather.13 The IDAF film and video collections had also been supplemented with extensive collections of archival footage of the anti‑apartheid struggle from the ARD German television network and the Afravision News Collective. •  The centre had begun discussions with the Johannesburg‑based Radio Freedom Institute of Broadcast Journalism about transferring its historical collection of ANC Radio Freedom broadcasts from open reel to digital format – in one of the centre’s first formal digitisation projects. •  Photographic images from the centre’s photographic archive were being disseminated on a large scale in new books and publications in varying formats. • Archival content had been repackaged through a series of portable exhibitions and was being disseminated on a large scale to learners, educators and different kinds of visitors. •  The late struggle activist and Mayibuye Centre patron, Wolfie Kodesh, had bequeathed his entire collection of books and struggle documentation to the centre. • There were tours for schools as well as tours catering for an academic tourist market, on an almost daily basis. In terms of its placement within the Robben Island organisational structure, the Mayibuye Archives was relegated from being an independent institution to becoming the Collections Management Unit, situated within the Heritage Department of RIM, alongside the museum’s Research Unit, Environmental Unit and Exhibitions Unit. All of these units, as with other museum departments, separately and jointly, played a crucial role in developing Robben Island as a site museum, with satellites in the V&A Waterfront and at UWC. It became one of the responsibilities of the Heritage Department to design exhibitions and interpretative programmes that would ensure a meaningful visitor experience – thus managing the content and narratives that visitors would be exposed to on Robben Island, as well as in the Nelson Mandela Gateway to Robben Island. In terms of the newly integrated Mayibuye Archives, this meant a change in priorities to align with the institutional priorities of a new parent institution and the designated mandate of the first national museum in a democratic South Africa. Thus the flip side, or perhaps unintended consequence, of all of

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 From Mayibuye Centre to the UWC/Robben Island Mayibuye Archives

the exciting developments around the Mayibuye Centre’s incorporation was that the liberation struggle archive and documentation project of the Mayibuye Centre took strain. In a report on the 2007 conference ‘Archives at the Crossroads’, under the heading ‘Valorised heritage, neglected archive’, it was observed that ‘heritage is commonly regarded as the public face or point of presentation of past inheritances, while archive is regarded as the safe storehouse’. In the same report, it was further noted that ‘heritage and tourism agendas’ intersect in organisations such as RIM, but that ‘the matter of the archive is not coterminous with the promotion of heritage’.14 Capturing some of the differences between archives and heritage, this same report referred to the ‘archive as an open source for diverse explorations of the past, and heritage as a form of presentation of the past already organized into a story’.15 This is an issue that needs some reflection in the context of RIM. There were ways in which RIM exemplified the subtle tensions between archival practice and discourse, on the one hand, and heritage practice and discourse, on the other hand. There were also ways in which it exemplified the best of what it might mean to combine these archives and heritage interests. With regard to the Mayibuye Archives, it seems that not enough thought had been given to the distinct roles of being a museum archive, being an archive located within a museum, and being a liberation struggle archive with broader national significance in South Africa and the world. In reality, there were aspects of the new UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives that fulfilled all of these roles. A critical problem was to establish priorities. Some commentators have written about the particular challenges that have faced liberation struggle archives in South Africa,16 and an entire conference, convened by the National Heritage Council, was dedicated to this theme in 2012.17 Summing up the value of these liberation collections, the historian Vladimir Shubin noted that his deep ‘acquaintance’ with four collections at the Mayibuye Centre Archives over a period of three years helped him ‘to find answers to many difficult questions about modern South African history’, and enabled a more complex view of what was previously known of key periods and events in the South African liberation struggle.18 At the same time, Shubin noted some urgent priorities for liberation struggle archives: As time passes there will be fewer and fewer participants or scholars  …  who can actually attribute documents (many of them bear neither title nor signature) … or who can read the handwriting of the deceased leaders and activists. Even more enormous is the task of studying the documents and of putting them in

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a proper historical context. The documents contain many personal details, not to mention unchecked information and even rumours about both living and deceased persons. Thus, another problem … is to develop a proper protocol for the Archive – establishing rules which would be favourable to researchers, on the one hand, but prevent the abuse of information, on the other.19

While many historical archives deal with similar issues, this is a particular reality that liberation struggle archives in South Africa need to address, along with establishing ethical practices for managing these  archives and making them accessible. It is also seldom that one finds museum staff talking about ‘access to collections’. Whereas archives and libraries have ‘users’ of collections, museums have ‘visitors’. Similarly, museums maintain ‘collection management systems’ that are primarily available for internal staff in their task of creating the exhibitions and interpretative programmes that visitors engage with. Museum collection description is also typically done at an item level. Museums have typically been ‘designed to mediate and interpret collections via curators and exhibitions’.20 Archives, on the other hand, tend to place more emphasis on giving external researchers access to all relevant primary source content that has been curated in a different way, through archival finding aids, access systems, outreach projects and sometimes digital platforms. Furthermore, it is not feasible to catalogue and describe archival collections at an item level, and a different set of documentation standards is appropriate, based in large part on the provenance and ‘values that infused the creation’ of that archive.21 After Mayibuye’s incorporation into RIM, these differences were illuminated. Others in different contexts have also argued that the convergences of libraries, archives and museums should be endorsed cautiously because of the enormous pressure that archives face from their parent institutions, and have noted that convergence of these collections is much easier in the digital realm than it is physically.22 In particular, it is important to note that a mix of documents, photographs, posters, and audio and video recordings was carefully chosen from the archives to be exhibited in the Nelson Mandela Gateway to Robben Island. Despite the fact that the Gateway exhibition catered to a different, mainly tourist audience, the exhibition also succeeded in contextualising the experiences of those who were incarcerated on Robben Island within South Africa’s liberation history. This space provided an opportunity for the museum’s curators to be innovative in terms of the linkages between the Robben Island site and recent histories of South Africa as evidenced in the archival collections on display. In this respect,

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 From Mayibuye Centre to the UWC/Robben Island Mayibuye Archives

those who would never have engaged with the archival collections were given the opportunity to do so before boarding the boat to Robben Island. It is also true that, historically, museums have not often made their collections accessible to the general public, outside their exhibitions, educational programmes and interpretative frameworks.23 Therefore, another important aspect of the merger between RIM and the Mayibuye Archives was the extent to which the archives enabled access to Robben Island‑related and other material culture collections, and the easy cross‑referencing of these artefacts with historical documents, photographs and sometimes interviews available in the archives. From a collections management perspective, it was possible to add deep context and value to the material culture collections by making the links with the primary source material available in the archives, and this potential still looms large in the Web 2.0 and Web 3.0 age of linked data. The archival collections were also enriched through the work of researchers in the Research and Exhibitions units, as evidenced in priority projects such as the Robben Island Memories Project and reference groups with former prisoners, even though issues around public access to some of these recordings remain unresolved. The RIM Education Department, with its focus on young people, learners and educators, also ensured the uptake of the archival collections into engaging and lively school programmes. The archives staff worked across a range of collection sub‑units: a Historical Papers Archive, Photographic Library and Archive, Film and Video Library and Archive, Oral History and Sound Archive, Poster and Visual Art collections, Artefact and Material Culture collections, Resource Centre/Library on Robben Island primarily for students in museum and heritage studies, and an Institutional Archive linked to the administration of RIM. Each of these sub‑units presented its own challenges and possibilities. It is not within the scope of this chapter to present the unique needs and potentials of each of these entities. But it is worth emphasising that they can each be addressed from many different perspectives – access, use and audience; relationships with donors and copyright holders; adherence to archival and museum standards; and ethics and copyright challenges, to name a few. In combination, in the period after Mayibuye Centre became a unit of RIM, the archival and museum collections needed to be managed in a way that would create meaningful access to different kinds of users and visitors, respect the wishes of and acknowledge donors, take full account of a minefield of ethical and legal copyright issues, comply with a new legislative context for managing collections on Robben Island and at the Mayibuye Archives, preserve the collections for

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the future, take advantage of innovations in digital technologies, and develop new cohorts of archival professionals. Considering the brief account of archival history at the beginning of this chapter, building the archive was actually about building a project unprecedented in South Africa’s archival history. In many respects it was about meeting the many opportunities and challenges presented by the sectoral and broader transitions, as well as putting an infrastructure in place to ensure continuity. These were formidable tasks, which were not only dependent on technical processes and standards, but also required a deep social, cultural, historical and political understanding of the values that informed the making of the collections and the respective management challenges.

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 Building the Nelson Mandela Gateway Building

17 Signature in the city: Building the Nelson Mandela Gateway Building Lucien le Grange

The making of the Nelson Mandela Gateway Building in 2001 served a crucial role in the early years of establishing RIM as an institution. As an expression of material culture in those important first years of democracy in South Africa, it did many things. It was a substantial act of symbolic and cultural value – in a very real way it demonstrated ‘the triumph of the human spirit over adversity’, as well as helping to make visible, and indeed tangible, a long‑neglected history. In assuming a physical presence within the Cape Town harbour it publicly made evident that link between the island and the mainland, between history and the present.1 By creating a tangible link with Robben Island on the mainland, the centuries‑old hidden connection between the two was made visible. As is now common knowledge, Robben Island had been used as a place of banishment and incarceration from the mid‑1600s. Very early on the Dutch East India Company banished imprisoned Khoi and San leaders and slaves to do hard labour in the island’s quarries. Later, during the time of British rule, the island was to become a place of isolation when it accommodated a leper colony and a mental asylum. After the Second World War, it came to be used first as a prison for common law criminals and later gained international notoriety when it was specifically used to incarcerate political prisoners. During all this time, the link between island and mainland was always furtive. And even in more recent times when the island was used exclusively as a prison for political prisoners, this connection was generally obscured. Somehow the point of embarkation to the island was subsumed within the operations of a working harbour. And in the then prevailing scenario, Robben Island remained a mirage in the mist that sometimes envelopes Table Bay.

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Understood in these terms, the implementation of the Gateway Project made the connection between island and mainland visible, and with it, neglected parts of our history were recovered. With the building of the Gateway facility, this linkage between island and mainland became more than just manifest; it inspired a sense that the recording of history itself could be corrected and made publicly known. It was in the development of this ‘new’ interpretation, especially after the 1994 elections, that the early work of RIM would play a crucial part. Our relationship with RIM started a while before the design work on the Gateway/Ferry Terminal building was embarked upon. In about 1997, together with Nicolas Baumann of Revel Fox & Partners, we had the opportunity to prepare a Conservation Management Plan (CMP) for the island itself. This important study was to later assist in the preparation and submission of a UNESCO World Heritage Site application, a submission which met with success. Working with Juanita Pastor and Shaun Davis on this CMP, we were able to gain a better understanding of the history and material fabric of the island. It was an understanding that would stand us in good stead when we were later to design the Gateway facility itself – with it we were able to develop valuable conceptual ideas that would influence the design of the building. The site and its context obviously played an important role in the design of the building. Political prisoners, like all those others banished to the island before them, were typically transported there in a clandestine manner. As mentioned above, from the mid‑1900s, before the development of the V&A Waterfront, prisoners were shipped from an unprepossessing old harbour building at Quay/Jetty 1. With the launching of the idea of a new ferry terminal/Gateway facility after 1994, a new and more visible site was sought. After much negotiation with the V&A Waterfront Company involving the director, management and council members such as Saki Macozoma, a new site was found in the then emerging Clock Tower Precinct. It was a site limited in area, in the locality of where ‘Bertie’s Landing’ once stood, a popular restaurant named after a sailor, Bertie Reed, and much bargaining followed to have it extended. Sited between the water’s edge (on the north and east sides) and the Clock Tower square in this new precinct, the Gateway Building was eventually able to occupy a prominently visible location in the Waterfront. First and foremost, the brief from our client, RIM, called for a dignified building from which visitors could depart by ferry to Robben Island. In serving as an embarkation point – a threshold between land and sea – they required that the facility had to include limited exhibition spaces which would ‘prepare’ visitors for this pilgrimage to the island. In addition, it had to make it possible for those who could not visit the island to be able to view aspects of its history on the mainland.

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 Building the Nelson Mandela Gateway Building

The design thus had to strike a balance between being a transportation terminal and an exhibition space. In designing the building, we were mindful of the fact that Robben Island itself was and is the museum – the place that now symbolises hope, peace and reconciliation. In addition to the exhibition spaces, restaurant and auditorium, the new building also had to accommodate offices and a boardroom for the RIM administrative staff. The deliberate construction of the Nelson Mandela Gateway Building was also considered to now make this act of departure to Robben Island more visible. In doing so, it was also considered that while the building had to be spacious internally it should not seem overbearingly large outside; and that while it should appear dignified, it should not be intimidating and pompous in its appearance. During 1999/2000, with regular presentations to the RIM Working Group and the V&A Committee as well as to the larger RIM Council, aspects of the brief were refined. During that time the design was awarded a ‘Project Award’ by the Cape Institute for Architects. Equally important for the development of the design was the regular exchange of ideas with a committed and enthusiastic RIM project team made up of André Odendaal, Juanita Pastor, Lynette Maart, Shaun Davis, Roger Meintjes, Deborah Barnes, Denmark Tungwana and others. Drawing on their experience and their knowledge of the Mayibuye Centre archive collection, we were as designers able to engage in a constructive dialogue with them throughout the design process. With this there developed an unusual sense of camaraderie amongst these committed people and ourselves, an association which was rare and which in the end made the experience so much richer for us as architects. The design of the building was initially informed by the brief, the specific programmatic needs of the client, the site and its surrounding context. Associated with the early stages of the design was the importance of appreciating and incorporating a ‘sense of history’ when developing ideas for the Gateway Building. Indeed, for us the contemporary practice of architecture had always required of us an exchange with history. This was also so because of our practice’s involvement at that time in a number of other projects of historic relevance, such as the restoration of historic buildings at Genadendal and other Moravian Mission settlements, as well as the urban design and architectural design work in the reconstruction of District Six.2 This appreciation of the value of history was entertained not necessarily to replicate historical architectural styles of the past, but to view contemporary architectural practice as part of a continuum. In developing initial conceptual ideas, we were also mindful of the fact that it was Robben Island itself – its place and history, which then symbolised hope, peace and reconciliation – that was the real museum. In this sense the Gateway

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Building was deliberately conceived of to be a modest, quiet ‘pause space’, which would prepare visitors before their journey to the island. In addition, the design was also influenced by other interrelated themes and metaphors, including • the building as a transitionary space: a space between land and sea, allowing movement of people into and through the building, and as a place of memory preparing visitors for the visit to the island; • the building as an ‘island’: as a signature building for RIM on the mainland, as a freestanding element in the commercial ‘Disneyworld’ environment of the V&A Waterfront context in which it is sited, and as a way of distinguishing the building from the typical Victorian and postmodern architecture that is dominant in the area; • the building as a ‘vessel’: as a reference to the boats that transported prisoners to the island, as a container of information and as an allusion to its maritime context and its more detailed ‘nautical’ design; and •  the building as a place of contrasts: of heaviness and lightness, of openness and closedness, of light and dark spaces and of the warmth and coldness of materials. Where appropriate, these themes were selectively employed in the planning, choice of materials and detailed design of the building. The dominant materials used in the construction of the building were slate, concrete, steel and glass. The use of slate made direct reference to the slate‑clad prison on Robben Island built by the prisoners in the 1960s. The extensive use of glass allowed the building to have a lightness and transparency that permits views of the harbour, the city, Signal Hill and Table Mountain. It also obviously allowed for views into parts of building. The layered transparency of the eastern and northern facades that uses fritted glass fins to control direct sun penetration enhanced the building’s image to serve as a foil – particularly a foil that stood in contrast to the existing historic Victorian Clock Tower building. The physical scale of the Gateway Building and the lightness of the materials used in the rendition of its facades also made it stand out in contrast to the heavy monoliths that make up the rest of the Clock Tower Precinct. In that immediate context, it has – like an island – acquired a freestanding quality (see pictorial insert 5, p. 1). In detail, the plan of the Gateway Building is ordered around the triple‑storeyed exhibition courtyard, which serves as the ‘heart’ of the building; the heart into which, and from which, a system of circulation (of ramps, gantries and stairs) occurs (see pictorial insert 5, p. 2). It is a space that is bounded to the south and north by the more intimate exhibition rooms – a sequence of spaces that moves

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 Building the Nelson Mandela Gateway Building

from the more public to the quieter contemplative spaces. Associated with this sequence of spaces is the interplay between openness and closedness, between darkness (of the smaller spaces) and lightness (of the central exhibition court). The movement of visitors from one exhibition area to another here also occurs via top‑lit staircases and over slightly precarious lightweight bridges made of glass and steel from which the central exhibition courtyard can be viewed. This is an important feature associated with movement through the building, which includes the deliberate creation of a sense of unease, as a result of how the gangways and ramps were constructed. From the lightweight bridges views to the jetty and ferries can be enjoyed as well as views back into the internal central exhibition area. To the north, the courtyard is bounded by the two‑level museum restaurant from which views to the harbour, the ferries and the exhibition courtyard are made possible. From the upper level of the restaurant, there is a visual link across the water to the former prisoner departure point at Jetty/Quay 1. The lower level of the restaurant is one of the few eating places in the V&A Waterfront that has immediate and direct contact with the water of the harbour. In a sense, the challenge for us was to find ways in which to address the interests of serious visitors without the experience becoming too commercial. In addition we sought to create, as far as was possible, a workable terminus space that could match the demand of hundreds of visitors moving through it, and yet at the same time project a symbolic ‘solemn’ sense of the island. Throughout the building we carefully chose the use of materials that could resonate with the ‘prison architecture’ and life on the island. For example, there are some wall surfaces, as in the foyer and the lower‑level service areas, that are clad in charcoal‑grey slate of the same character as Robben Island slate. In other instances, as along the staircases that form the north and south edges of the courtyard, steel grid screens (see pictorial insert  5, p.  2 bottom right) echo the fencing between the prison buildings and the rest of the island.3 The rooflights above these staircases also perform the role of ‘light‑wells’, permitting a softer light quality as it is filtered through the white-painted steel grid panels to wash into the courtyard area. This exhibition courtyard – inside the building – also has, in terms of the walled surfaces, the steel fencing screens and the surrounding ‘lookout’ vantage points, a visual association with the exercise yard of the maximum security prison on the island. Within the Gateway Building, the courtyard is a source of visual stimulation, a central space from which, and into which, different views can be enjoyed. However, it is also a source of everchanging light, from the sun‑dappled reflection off the water entering from the harbour via the east glazed wall in the morning,

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to the diffused neutral light that is permitted entry all day via the rooflights. It is also through these glazed surfaces that the building is lit up at night and can serve that symbolic notion of the facility being a ‘beacon of light’. In contrast to this openness and within the given cramped site conditions, two levels of office space and boardrooms had to be accommodated to the south, adjoining the parking garage area of the main Clock Tower buildings. In addition, service areas (for toilets, kitchen and storerooms) were positioned in the basement area, adjoining the greater precinct parking accommodation. Given the inward‑focusing nature of the auditorium, this raked seating area was also accommodated in the lower level of the building. In conclusion, it is comforting to note that over the past 18 years of its existence, the Gateway Building has remained resilient. The buildings that architects design are always under their scrutiny, and like their own children they remain with them forever. From our observation, the Gateway Building has retained its dignified presence within the Clock Tower Precinct of the Waterfront. Despite the surrounding pressures of an ever‑growing commercialism and the carefree spirit of harbourside leisure that is associated with the Waterfront, the facility has been able to hold on to its own more serious function. Despite the regular onslaught of seagulls and cormorants that leave their marks on the glassed facades, the building stands strong! While there have been instances in these past years, such as during the FIFA World Cup in August 2010, where the unsympathetic occupation of parts of the Clock Tower square dominated and obscured the Gateway Building, the facility has been able to endure such intrusions. And yes, the building itself has had some minor problems. It is inevitable that over the years of occupation certain shortcomings have become evident, as occurs with most buildings. Difficulties such as perceived limited space, inadequate access for the disabled and ongoing minor maintenance problems have manifested themselves. However, within the broader scope of things, these issues remain transitory. What has prevailed is the strong symbolic value of the facility, despite being sited within the shopping mall environment of the Waterfront. What has triumphed are the strong initial ideas and concepts that were developed, despite various challenges. They are certainly ideas and concepts that should, with the correct leadership, hold the project intact for the foreseeable future. With this, its ongoing existence will hopefully continue to serve as a discernible form of commemoration of the generations of South Africans who were banished to the island.

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 Preparing for South Africa’s first UNESCO World Heritage Site

18 Preparing for South Africa’s first UNESCO World Heritage Site Juanita Pastor

South Africa had been excluded from the United Nations and its agencies like UNESCO for decades because of the apartheid system. Therefore, although UNESCO’s World Heritage Convention had been passed in 1972, the country only became a signatory to the Convention in 1997, when South Africa was permitted to participate again in global political agreements at the UN after the end of the racist regime in 1994. The transition to democracy brought an entirely new framework of cooperation between the new democratic South Africa and other governments into existence. Scandinavian countries, which had been prominent in supporting the global anti‑apartheid movement, were willing to continue their support through official programmes with the new government. During the post‑1994 formalisation of bilateral agreements between Norway and South Africa, international environmental cooperation was high on the agenda. Norway specifically offered to support and fund the listing of Robben Island as the new democracy’s first UNESCO World Heritage Site. As part of the process of ratification of the World Heritage Convention, South Africa was required to introduce applicable enabling legislation. Thus, as part of a broad new suite of laws aimed at enabling a transformed governmental system after 1994, the new government turned its attention to drafting appropriate legislation that would implement the values and principles enshrined in the new South African Constitution – first the National Environmental Management Act (NEMA, No.  107 of 1998) and then the World Heritage Convention Act and the National Heritage Resources Act (No. 25 of 1999). The mandate to prepare the application for World Heritage Site status was given to the DEAT, while the Nordic World Heritage Office offered technical and administrative support to

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the officials. After several iterations of the Robben Island nomination dossier and application submitted to the UNESCO World Heritage Office starting from early 1996, the island was finally accepted onto the World Heritage List in December 1999. The recognition of Robben Island as a World Heritage Site was based on its outstanding universal significance because of its compliance with two of the ten criteria, namely criteria iii) and vi): iii) [It] bears a unique or at least exceptional testimony to a cultural tradition or to a civilization which is living or which has disappeared; and vi) [It is] directly or tangibly associated with the events or living traditions, with ideas, or with beliefs, with artistic and literary works of outstanding universal significance.1

The fact that Robben Island was ratified under criterion vi) emphasised the global acknowledgement of and respect for the peaceful negotiation process to end political imprisonment in South Africa and the triumph of the liberation struggle against apartheid. There was also another reason for the support for the listing of South African World Heritage Sites; Robben Island’s listing, because of its political significance, served as a catalyst for a new strategic initiative within UNESCO to address the unequal representation of World Heritage Sites across the globe. The World Heritage Convention of 1972 had since its ratification predominantly focused on declaring heritage sites in Europe, thus promoting the biased perception that Western culture was the most deserving and worthy of being awarded global significance status.2 The problem was that the World Heritage List reflected historical patterns of global colonialism and, moreover, a ‘too exclusively monumentalist vision had taken root in the development of knowledge and reflection’3 within the scientific community. Some World Heritage experts stressed the significant imbalances in its list, namely ‘that the African and Oceanic cultural heritages, in particular, were seriously under‑represented  …  in spite of their archaeological, technical, architectural and spiritual wealth’.4 Given that Africa had less than five per cent of cultural properties on the World Heritage List, the under‑representation was obvious. Therefore, the World Heritage Committee in November 1994, at a historic meeting in Nara, Japan, had adopted a new global strategy to improve the representation of African and Oceanic heritage on the World Heritage List.

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Since the Nara conference, a specific objective had been pursued by interest groups (including the marginalised former colonial countries in Africa) within UNESCO to seek a more equitable global balance in the distribution of World Heritage Sites. This new inclusionary approach also required the development of new perspectives for approaches to definitions of culture. This was expressed in the Nara Document on Authenticity, which was drafted and adopted at the conference organised by UNESCO. It was agreed here that broader understandings of diversity and heritage would be accepted by the World Heritage Convention and that a new set of internationally applicable conservation principles needed to be defined: In a world that is increasingly subject to the forces of globalization and homogenization, and in a world in which the search for cultural identity is sometimes pursued through aggressive nationalism and the suppression of the cultures of minorities, the essential contribution made by the consideration of authenticity in conservation practice is to clarify and illuminate the collective memory of humanity.5

This changing context supported the declaration of Robben Island as a World Heritage Site. It joined other African sites such as Gorée Island in Senegal, Historic Cairo, Thebes and Abu Mena in Egypt, the Rock‑Hewn Churches of Ethiopia, Great Zimbabwe, Stone Town Zanzibar and the natural wonders of the Victoria Falls/Mosi‑Oa‑Tunya, Kilimanjaro and the Serengeti.

SOUTH AFRICAN PREPARATIONS Berndt van Droste, director of the World Heritage Centre at UNESCO, visited Robben Island in March 1996 to assess its viability as a cultural site of universal significance. This was before the RIM had been established. The first application for Robben Island’s future management, presented in 1996/1997, was based on a study of buildings on the island conducted as part of a survey by the National Monuments Council in 1993. With its emphasis on historic buildings on the island, this study did not include a broader definition of cultural heritage resources in an African context. This led to delays in the nomination of the site. Amendments to the application proposal, which included new legislation, the establishment of a managing authority in the form of RIM, and the initiation of numerous baseline studies aimed at establishing the island’s environmental status, were necessary before the final application was in an acceptable form for submission to the World Heritage Committee.

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A special project was formulated by the DEAT to develop a dossier for Robben Island as South Africa’s first nomination. The requirements were rigorous and, as South Africa had no prior experience of drafting such a dossier, the bilateral funding agreement between the Norwegian and South African governments allowed the latter to draw on the expertise of the Nordic World Heritage Office. Thus, while the Norwegians advised on the required procedures, the DEAT administered the funding and put in place the relevant reporting structures to enable Robben Island’s nomination to the World Heritage List. As part of the process of ratifying the World Heritage Convention, South Africa had to put forward a list of potential sites which it considered for global significance status. Robben Island, because of its political significance and its connection to now free EPP, was put forward as the first site on the South African list of potential World Heritage Sites. The NEMA of 1998 was the first of two new applicable laws promulgated. Among its goals was the need ‘to promote co‑operative governance and ensure that the rights of people are upheld’, while also recognising ‘the necessity of economic development’.6 Following a specified process of democratic consultation, which involved the consultative participation of many new stakeholders previously excluded from environmental planning, the new NEMA required that cultural and natural resources be redefined and managed in the context of a new democratic dispensation. Under apartheid, a strong colonial bias had focused on monumentalisation, but now the intangible heritage emphasised in African traditions and thinking was being acknowledged. Next came the new World Heritage Convention Act, which was passed in 1999. It incorporated the requirements of the World Heritage Convention into South African law and made provision for the protection and sustainable development of sites; stipulated procedures and processes for identifying and managing sites; and committed the country to fulfilling the reporting obligations demanded by UNESCO.

RIM’S NEW ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT PLAN Meanwhile, Robben Island had closed its doors as a prison and Cabinet had decided in September 1996 that ‘Robben Island should be developed as a World Heritage Site, National Monument and National Museum which can become a cultural and conservation showcase for the new South African democracy’.7 Robben Island was formally handed over to the DACST by the Department of Correctional Services. As we have seen in Chapters  5, 6 and 7, an interim management authority was established to manage the island as a museum and

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open it to the public, with a provisional management structure or management plan in place. The outcome of all this work was a new dossier, compiled in the course of 1998 and early 1999, and presented to the World Heritage Committee in July 1999 and the World Heritage Bureau in December 1999. In December 1999 the island was declared a cultural World Heritage Site, together with the natural World Heritage Site of St Lucia/Isimangaliso Wetlands Park and the Cradle of Humankind in Sterkfontein.8 After this, the challenge was to develop an officially recognised environmental management plan within five years, at the end of which a UNESCO Monitoring Mission would evaluate Robben Island’s progress in maintaining its status on the World Heritage List. RIM, as the new management authority mandated to manage the World Heritage Site, was required to comply with the terms of the NEMA and the World Heritage Convention Act. As a process towards complying with these laws, RIM started with the drafting of an environmental management plan, which involved a transparent and accountable public participation process. Until Robben Island was declared a National Heritage Site, RIM was required to submit all requests to alter the buildings on the site to the National Monuments Council/SAHRA. The National Monuments Act (No. 28 of 1969) was also in the process of being replaced by the National Heritage Resources Act using NORAD funding. RIM had published a request for expressions of interest by a multidisciplinary research team to conduct baseline studies on the definition and condition of both the cultural and natural resources existing on Robben Island in 1998. It was planned that RIM’s first preliminary state of the environment report would emerge from the compilation and collation of the different baseline studies. These included a study of all the identifiable flora and fauna, a tourism carrying capacity study, a geo‑hydrological study, a safety and facilities management study, a cultural conservation study of existing buildings, an archaeological phase one study, a disaster risk management plan, and a study of applicable laws and regulations. From these baseline studies, a draft environmental management plan emerged, which was included in the Robben Island Nomination File: World Heritage Status in 1999. Because the previous national monuments survey had been found to be inadequate in terms of its definitions of monuments for World Heritage standard guidelines, the baseline study for conservation of buildings and the archaeological survey was conducted. It constituted a capacity‑building process for RIM, with specifically appointed professional conservation architect consultants and a consultative group consisting of representatives from the City of Cape Town

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and SAHRA. Because the field was a new one in South Africa, all representatives in the team went through a training process in conservation management planning standards conducted by consultants from English Heritage. This capacity‑building strategy was devised as an alternative to appointing foreign consultants to develop the conservation plan. The objective of the training was to align new South African conservation practices with globally acceptable conservation management practices. Following this once‑off capacity-building process, a multidisciplinary project aimed at developing a Robben Island Use and Conservation Plan, which would provide a detailed standard for the management of the Island site, was pursued by the appointed South African project team.

MANAGING THE IMPACT OF DEVELOPMENT ACTIVITIES At the same time as the Robben Island Environmental Management Plan was being drawn up, in November 1998 a call was published for tenders to implement some of the proposals received by the Future of Robben Island Committee, involving contracts for a ferry, security, cleaning, hospitality management and outsourced exhibitions. The challenge for the new permanent management authority of RIM was to ensure the appropriate internal capacity of the new organisational structure of the museum, while at the same time managing the outsourced components of the specialist baseline studies, as well as the new facilities management project. RIM was started with six departments in 1997. These were Education, Heritage, Tours, Estates Management, Finance and Marketing. The Heritage Department was tasked with developing the environmental management plan, while also implementing the more traditional functions of the museum, which included the management of collections, research and exhibitions. As the skills of RIM staff in the formal museum and heritage sector were variable, it was decided as a matter of principle in the Heritage Department – and in line with the contemporary philosophy of the ‘new museum’ as a learning institution and social catalyst – that both the exhibitions‑outsourced project and the contracted use and conservation plan would be used as capacity‑building programmes for the museum staff and new heritage professionals. RIM’s, and specifically the Heritage Department’s, basic approach to the management of the museum site was that the Environmental Management Plan for Robben Island World Heritage Site, as required by the principles outlined in the framework of the NEMA and the World Heritage Convention Act, was to be developed in consultation with interested and affected communities. This

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was meant to ensure that sufficient transparent consultation with relevant communities was undertaken while developing the future plans for the site. In legislative terms, the Environmental Management Plan would be developed, presented to the museum management and council, and – once officially accepted as an organisational document – publicised for comment by interested and affected communities and parties for the required period of time in order to field possible objections to future developments. Consultation with reference groups of interested and affected parties which represented those communities that had an interest in the historical memorialisation of the island site was therefore a key component in the development of the narrative of the heritage site. Because the maximum security prison had been identified by the RIM Council as a priority for development and conservation since the conversion of the island prison site into a tourist destination, the prison site’s memorialisation became the priority in the conservation planning process. The idea of convening reference groups to help heritage conservation researchers to record the historical development of the prison was developed as a twin strategy of exhibition development and conservation management. As the tours programme had been set up so suddenly in January 1997, without time for detailed planning in the transition from the prison era to the island being opened to the public as a living museum and memorial, with EPPs now at the heart of narrating the story, it was imperative that a new narrative be developed, which showcased the deep memories and knowledge of EPPs to support the development of a better‑planned museum visitor experience. An example of activities which had a potentially negative impact on the conservation of the heritage site was the launch of Robben Island as a national museum on Heritage Day 1997. A group of artists in residence had been chosen to create art installations for the official launch. Unfortunately, the artists’ plan for their individual art installations had to be considered as a development activity, which could potentially have a negative impact on the conservation status of the physical condition of the prison building. For example, track lighting to provide artist‑standard lighting for some art installations would have required the removal of fluorescent light fittings of the prison, thus compromising the aesthetic of the prison period. Several artists were also enthusiastic about removing pieces of the existing prison architecture to create new pieces of art for reinstallation as art sculptures. This presented a problem for conservationists who were serious about the memorialisation of the prison landscape in a historically authentic manner, one which could follow a preservation or restoration aesthetic according to conservation management guidelines. Contestation between artists

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and conservationists resulted in the planning for the Heritage Day launch of the museum developing into the first expression of conflicting voices over the ‘appropriate’ memorialisation of the prison landscape, which required a heritage management intervention strategy. This presented an opportunity to develop the first guidelines for the development of responsible conservation management practices and standards of the heritage site. This was the beginning of the ‘Cell Stories’ project, the first exhibition of a conservation‑led memorialisation project in the maximum security prison. The exhibition was planned to include the participation of EPPs, through the recording of their memories, as the first consultative reference group for the environmental management process of the prison heritage conservation. The activity of memory‑making as a museum concept also reflected the contemporary museum methodology of popularising and democratising the objectives of the traditional museum. In other words, the memories of ordinary people and communities were being recognised as important to society in the museum, as opposed to the paradigm of the authoritarian narrative of museums in the past. It would also develop conservation‑based guidelines for exhibition development activities in the prison, which would respect the preserved materiality of the existing prison building. The first attempts to contact EPPs through a professional communications company and through parliamentary channels failed. It was therefore decided to proceed with a more intensive interviewing process by a research team, which personally went out to visit and talk to EPPs themselves and collect their memories. The first research team consisted of an EPP representative, a research historian and an exhibition developer, and became the first research team to collect a more rank‑and‑file collection of prison memories. Until then, published memories of Robben Island EPPs had reflected mostly those of the leaders of dominant political parties. Because the memorialisation of the prison was the priority, the problems that arose from developing an exhibition (with objects) at the same time as recording and collecting memories had to be considered exhaustively. This method of memory collection was based on a methodology of memory collection at a museum in Glasgow, called the People’s Collection. The objective was to create a museum collection that reflected a ‘people’s museum’ ethos, which aimed to respect, honour and acknowledge the memories of ordinary people, in this case the lesser known political prisoners who had been imprisoned on Robben Island. The legal aspects of borrowing objects from EPPs and the questions of intellectual property rights involved in story‑collecting had also to be considered carefully.

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Simultaneously, development projects for the maximum security prison, planned by the PWD as routine building maintenance work, had to be managed by taking the conservation management requirements of the prison as a building with heritage status into account. Conflict developed between the imperatives of routine maintenance and conservation requirements. In these fledgling attempts at memorialisation, it became clear that memory‑making on Robben Island necessarily involved mediating the contestation between potentially conflicting voices, and that the heritage development process was itself a reflection of political contestation at an ideologically discursive level. Contestation for political power and territory at a detailed micro‑management level would become an embedded, inevitable and unavoidable aspect of the process of developing the museum narrative, much more explicit than in any other museum institution at the time. Running concurrently with these prison conservation processes was the development of RIM’s collections management policy, which was a critical aspect of establishing the museum as an institution. The objective of this policy development process was to define the nature and boundaries of the RIM collection based on the existing collection, and to develop a vision for future planning and funding purposes. The Mayibuye Archives Unit of the museum was tasked with developing the definition of the movable object collection (which included documented memories) – as opposed to the immovable objects (that is, the heritage buildings) collection – and a framework for various management guidelines for the documentation, conservation and responsible management of the various collections, classified by medium, contained in the collection. The collection management policy was planned to be integrated, eventually – alongside the natural environmental management plan and the use and conservation plan, which detailed the conservation and management requirements for the immovable components of heritage on the heritage site – into the broader integrated management plan for RIM. This set of guidelines, which was a legal requirement, was supposed to be the official policy framework to support the specialist work of the museum and World Heritage Site in the future.

CONCLUSION The significance of the development of this suite of policy guidelines for the museum as a national institution and international heritage site was that it took place at the same time as a broader legal national framework for the new democracy was being put in place, in the form of the new Constitution of South Africa. Other transformative and groundbreaking pieces of legislation, such as

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the new Labour Relations Act (No.  66 of 1995) and the Employment Equity Act (No. 55 of 1998) also informed the values and principles espoused in these RIM and World Heritage Site policies. All heritage projects implemented by the museum component of the island site at the time became pilot case studies for the testing of the broader national policy and management implementation process. The lessons from the pilot case studies were regarded as lessons for integration into the policy and management plan, and were intended therefore to provide a standard for improvement. The first cycle of policy guidelines was complete and ready for presentation to the RIM Council in February 2001. This was presented in combination with a new visitor management plan for the first exhibition project for the maximum security prison and the prison landscape, including the Blue Stone Quarry, reflecting the museum’s developing vision and priorities for the foreseeable future.

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19 Challenges in preventative conservation: Artefacts as a means of triggering memory and a process of healing Irene Mafune

Having grown up in Limpopo Province, a far distance away from Cape Town, I took it as a great honour to receive an invitation in June 1999 to become a preventive conservationist at RIM. While for many South Africans the name Robben Island evokes pain, heartache and a symbolic environment of victory over adversity, to me it was just a distant, isolated piece of land with not much meaning. In short, my first journey to this significant place was motivated by nothing else than a quest by a young professional to start building her career. With no prior understanding or deep knowledge of politics, my encounter with Robben Island and all that it stood for was accidental – or perhaps part of destiny, to prepare me to become the active citizen I am today. The experience played a significant part in shaping my understanding of and participation in current socioeconomic and political discourse. A preventive conservationist is a person whose role involves actions taken to prevent or delay the deterioration of cultural heritage. The primary goal of the conservationist is to identify and reduce potential risks to heritage by thoughtful control of their surroundings. Like preventive medicine, preventive conservation of monuments and sites involves three classes of action: 1. primary prevention to avoid the cause of unwanted effects; 2. secondary prevention to allow an early detection of symptoms of unwanted effects; and 3. tertiary prevention to avoid the further spread of the unwanted effect or the generation of new unwanted (side‑)effects.

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As newly appointed preventive conservationists in an institution whose vision and mission were conceptualised in 1997 and formalised by council in 1998, we were expected to ensure that everything representing the island’s oppressive and authoritative past was conserved. Thus individual and collective memories, artefacts and all prison infrastructures were to be conserved for generations to come. As Robben Island is also known for its rich flora and fauna, conservation was to cover both the natural and cultural heritage of the island. However, our focus was on the cultural aspects of movable heritage or artefacts. The question one had to ask was: what constitutes an artefact in a place like Robben Island? Robben Island’s case was a unique one. In a typical museum, artefacts are objects that date back hundreds of years in time: the first modern museum, the Ashmolean, was established in 1677 and the British Museum, which is the oldest public museum, was established in 1753. On the island, however, we were dealing with diverse materials, some of which were modern and which in a normal museum environment would not have been declared historical or qualified to be categorised as an artefact. We were faced with items such as files, books, clothing, prison kitchen utensils, mattresses, furniture, personally crafted wooden artworks and letters. My academic background as an archaeologist did not prepare me for the magnitude of the work I had signed up for when I took over the preventative conservation position at RIM. I had no practical experience, let alone ability to comprehend the various responsibilities I was entrusted with. Years later, as I look back, I am astonished at the confidence the interim management had in me. Preservation of Robben Island’s memory, both natural and cultural history, was not just a project of national importance, but of global significance. Being offered an opportunity to be part of the team was, therefore, an unimaginable privilege. After being declared a national cultural institution and World Heritage Site, Robben Island became subject to binding conservation rules which govern activities in all declared heritage sites, whether local, provincial, national or global. As people entrusted with the conservation of the island’s historical fabric, we were bound to comply with and be guided by such rules. We also had to develop our own interim conservation guidelines which would enable us to define what constituted artefacts from a Robben Island perspective, relating to collections, categorisation and storage, and methodologies. In the case of Robben Island, as mentioned earlier, our collections were unique. Our collection methods were designed to be aligned with the island’s different layers of historical use.

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As the majority of political prisoners were relatively quickly released from prison in 1990 and 1991, ahead of the completion of their sentences as a result of the unbannings, amnesties and agreements in the negotiations process, and since the Department of Correctional Services left the island in haste in 1996, without detailed prior planning with its successor, DACST, the incoming museum staff found many ‘artefacts’ left scattered all over the island. Materials such as prison mats, kitchen utensils and pots were left in the prison cells and cafeteria (mess). RIM also received from former political prisoners personal materials such as letters, some prison clothing, artworks and pieces of rock from the lime quarry that they had taken with them at the time of their release, items which held sentimental value for them and their families. The declaration of Robben Island as a World Heritage Site came with certain conditions, one of which was that management should develop and implement an ICMP. The plan was meant to provide guidance on conservation of both the tangible and intangible heritage, ongoing improvement in the interpretation of the island’s historical past, and visitor management. Historians, researchers, conservation specialists, educationists and exhibition specialists were appointed to work with the management team to construct the island’s historical narrative. By means of research, the team was tasked with tracing former political prisoners scattered through the country, the last of whom left the island in January 1991. It had to establish contact, conduct interviews and collect any personal materials that could be used to reconstruct their lives and times on the island. This gave rise to the reference groups, discussed elsewhere in this book (see Chapter  27). Former prisoners were grouped according to the roles they used to play while imprisoned, and their stories were to play a significant role in identifying materials or artefacts collected on the island and some recovered within the prison facilities. The project not only started knitting together collective and individual memories; it further allowed many former prisoners to face the reality of the brutalities they had gone through and to begin a process of healing. It was also disconcerting to find that some of the former political prisoners were found to be living below the poverty line, sick, some so brutalised by the scourge of poverty and hopelessness that consuming alcohol became their way of coping with the realities of the world they now had to live in. Integration into society for some became too difficult. For them, revisiting the island was, therefore, a painful reminder, but of the present, since for them nothing much had changed, socially and economically. In our quest to stitch together the past, thus recreating the lives and times of prisoners in the cells, we had to visit other prisons within the Western Cape, such

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as Pollsmoor, Goodwood and Victor Verster, where prisoners were held prior to coming to the island or, in some instances, just before their formal release. The former prisoners’ encounter with these material cultures played a significant role in stimulating supressed memory. The conservation of artefacts on the island was a most challenging job. Unlike a typical museum, which is built with infrastructure conducive to accommodating and supporting the conservation of various types of material culture, RIM took over and had to retain Robben Island as is, without introducing many foreign structures, which in many instances are requirements in a ‘normal’ museum. Materials require a specialised environment or storage facility which ensures that there is long‑term preservation. This meant a unique conservation approach had to be adopted. The decision to take some of the fragile materials such as paintings, censored and non‑censored letters, and books to the UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives at UWC was a wise one, an act of preventive conservation to avert further damage to artefacts from exposure to Robben Island’s harsh weather conditions, which compounded dangers posed by rust, dampness and other adverse conditions. Another of the challenges encountered was that former political prisoners in positions of authority on the council or elsewhere had little understanding of the conservation principles and laws which govern activities in a declared World Heritage Site, and conflict was bound to happen. Interference took its toll on us as professionals. Politicians would not hesitate to make controversial plans like insisting on hosting events such as music festivals on what we viewed as a fragile heritage fabric. Some demanded to be granted unlimited access to the storerooms where sensitive artefacts were stored, further exposing these material cultures to the danger of being damaged and lost. This also threatened the global status of Robben Island as a World Heritage Site. The reluctance and, in some cases, objection by other former prisoners to having their personal belongings collected or exhibited without being compensated financially were also challenges. So too was the curiosity of tourists, who wanted a touch‑and‑feel experience. As a preventive conservationist, one had to ensure that all artefacts on display for exhibition purposes could not be reached. Security had to be increased around all exhibition areas to prevent attempts by visitors to touch and even steal the artefacts. These kinds of experiences caused us concern about maintaining the integrity of the island as both a proclaimed World Heritage Site and a world‑famous tourism destination. A report compiled jointly by a monitoring mission of the World Conservation Union, the International Centre for the Study of the

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Preservation and Restoration of Cultural Property, and the International Council of Monuments and Sites in the mid‑2000s warned RIM’s management and the relevant government departments about the management challenges that needed to be addressed to avoid jeopardising the island’s World Heritage Site status.1 On a personal level, my experience of Robben Island could be described as a bittersweet one. The Robben Island narrative continues to shape public, political and social discourse in South Africa today, and is a reminder that we were indeed privileged to be part of such a unique project. As one looks back, it is clear that the role we collectively played in restitching a history that could have been destroyed will allow future generations to understand and appreciate the personal sacrifices many South Africans made for freedom and democracy. The role of Robben Island has never been as relevant as it is today, at a time when so many seem to ignore or fail to understand where we come from as a nation. The island is a symbol of hope, of victory over oppressive policies and racial division, a triumph of the human spirit over many adversities. Our wish is to see Robben Island continuing to be a place of memory and healing, a pillar of hope to those who remain oppressed and held down, and a source of reference for those still fighting for a democratic, peaceful and progressive future.

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20 Conservation management planning and Robben Island’s layered history Harriet Deacon

In the early 2000s, working at RIM, a highly symbolic and powerful historical space, was both challenging and exciting. A diverse and talented group of people including former political prisoners and activists brought a fresh vision to museum work. In the research unit, we were tasked to document and interpret the experiences of those who struggled, thrived, triumphed and endured on the island, and the traces they had left in documents, memories and places. Others in this volume have written on the research activities undertaken in the museum. In this chapter I draw on existing work and my own experiences at RIM between 1999 and 2004 to reflect on a few of the challenges and opportunities relating to conservation management and the island’s ‘layered history’.

THE LAYERED HISTORY OF ROBBEN ISLAND When Robben Island was opened to visitors in January 1997, there was initially a relative lack of emphasis on conservation planning. The institution had been given a mere 120 days by Cabinet to prepare for visitors after the announcement of the new museum, and all attention was focused on operational issues. The decision to open up the island so quickly could be ascribed to a focus on tourism rather than conservation,1 but giving the public access was also a symbolic act and political priority since the Island had been hidden and forbidden for so long. Considerable work was required before the first plans could be drafted in the early 2000s.2 Robben Island became a national museum and heritage site (then called a ‘national monument’) in 1996, and a World Heritage Site in December 1999. Like most of the other heritage sites, monuments, memorials and museums put forward as foundation myths of post‑apartheid South Africa after 1994,3

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Robben Island’s significance was primarily interpreted through its role in the anti‑apartheid struggle. It was both a site of political imprisonment and a crucible for the negotiated transition to democracy in 1994.4 The island had, however, also been a place of banishment and a prison as early as the seventeenth century,5 a hospital, leprosarium and mental asylum in the nineteenth century,6 and a radar station and naval training centre during the mid‑twentieth century.7 In fact, the National Party government probably chose Robben Island as the site for a key political prison in the late 1950s precisely because of its historical use as a ‘hell‑hole’,8 a place of banishment and disease. Robben Island’s long‑term history as a bastion of colonial rule thus, paradoxically, lay behind its resurrection as a more positive symbol of transition and renewal in the ‘new’ South Africa.9 RIM thus had to manage a World Heritage Site layered with multiple histories, while it focused its interpretative work on the narrative of the post‑1960 period. Interconnections between the layers were recognised: considerable sensitivity, for example, was shown by Nelson Mandela to the importance of the longer‑term history of the island as a leprosarium in his speech at the opening ceremony of the Robben Island Gateway (see Chapter 7). Some political prisoners also explicitly identified themselves with Eastern Cape leaders who were imprisoned there in the nineteenth century. At the same time, there were dissonances, silences and tensions between the different histories of the place. This was clearly evident for visitors in juxtaposing the prison tour with the tour of the village, which, like the unofficial warders’ tour from the early to mid‑1990s, took in both the Sobukwe House as well as the Church of the Good Shepherd (for the leprosarium), and the old asylum buildings and Second World War guns as well as the warders’ houses and pub. To many visitors, the pre‑1960 history of the island was rather unconnected to the more recent story of political imprisonment, or a bit of light relief, like the penguins. It also posed challenges for managing and interpreting the site. There was not always continuity between the supposedly ‘universal’ symbolism of the site as a ‘triumph of the human spirit over adversity’, other forms of heritage significance linked to its history and heritage conservation.10 Conservation management planning assists with the management of heritage resources by identifying and suggesting ways of maintaining their significance. Such a plan was required both by the South African National Heritage Resources Act of 1999 and for all World Heritage Sites.11 When Robben Island was opened to visitors in January 1997, there was initially a relative lack of emphasis on conservation planning – all attention was focused on operational issues. The decision to open up the island so quickly could be ascribed to a focus on tourism

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rather than conservation.12 Considerable work was required before the first plans could be drafted in the early 2000s.13 The planning process built on a survey of the built environment of the island conducted by Patricia Riley for the National Monuments Council in 1992,14 and on baseline surveys of the island from 1998.15 Further conservation management plans were drafted for the periods 2007–2012 and 2013–2018. While the former plan identified the political imprisonment landscape as the priority landscape for interpretation of the site, the latter attempted a more holistic narrative based on all the diverse heritage layers on the island.16 Continuities in the layered history of the island can be highlighted by examining the series of maps, ranging from 1654 to the present day, which informed the conservation management planning process from 1998.17 The maps showed, for example, the geographical continuities between the siting of the Dutch colonial prison and the apartheid prison at the northern end of the island. Maps and an annotated panorama of 1777 show a settlement at the bay consisting of the Posthouder’s huis (Postholder’s house) flanked by long low buildings for the ‘bannediten’ (convicts) on the left and utility buildings such as a smithy on the right. The soldiers were accommodated in a line of small houses and vegetable gardens to the north of this, and the slave gardens were situated further away.18 The Dutch prison was located in the same part of the island as the huts of the political prisoners of the nineteenth century and the apartheid prison. The same quarries had been worked for centuries by prisoners to build their own prisons. The maps helped to explain continuities over time not only in the hardships of imprisonment, the historical links between the Dutch colonial period and apartheid, or symbolic associations acquired by different parts of the island, but also in the practical considerations driving some of the layering of historical fabric. The siting of the prisons near Murray’s Bay, for example, was influenced by the benefits of proximity to the landing place or jetty. The map series also tells other stories, including the history of scientific advances in map‑making, demonstrating the shift from realistic depictions of grass and hills focused on the coastline and the dangerous rocks to more detailed and more symbolic representations of hills and buildings represented from above, and finally to the introduction of aerial photography and the first contour map of the island in 1933. The series highlights the nature of maps as a narrative representation, necessarily limited by the map‑maker’s access to information, purpose and viewpoint. For example, periods of conflict both increased map‑making activity and produced more accurate maps, but also

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limited contemporary access for security reasons. Thus, in the period between 1780 and 1806, when Dutch, French and British interests focused on control over the Cape, there are much more detailed maps of Robben Island than before, showing rocks, soundings, landing places and hills, buildings, quarries, gardens, wells and paths. During the Second World War, access to maps was limited, as was political prisoners’ access to knowledge about the space beyond the prison and work locations in the post‑1960 period. Partly for this reason, interviews with former warders and other residents of the village were essential to develop an understanding of the site for conservation management purposes in the 1960–1991 period. These interviews provided practical information about the buildings, alongside the memories of former political prisoners who had worked in the village. Conservation management at RIM initially focused mainly on tangible heritage and associated prisoner memories. There was increasing acknowledgement of the importance of intangible heritage such as knowledge and practices associated with those sites, including the rituals associated with prison timetables such as bell-ringing.19 In the absence of oral histories for the layered history of the site, sources like maps and official documents could tell us relatively little, however.  The experience of people who lived on Robben Island in the past – the daily lives and self‑care practices, sounds and smells in the asylum and leprosarium, and the routines of the Dutch and British colonial prisons – had to be reimagined on fragments of the historical record. Presenting an exhibition on the experiences of people with leprosy in the Church of the Good Shepherd, and collaborating with leprosy activists in the present, led to a greater sensitivity towards the naming and representation of this group, historically called ‘lepers’, in the museum. Considering the maintenance and restoration of the guest house in the village raised interesting questions about the relative significance of changes made to bathrooms for celebrity visits by people like Hillary Clinton in the 1990s, work done by political prisoners for the Pik ’n Wyn bar named after Pik Botha20 in the 1980s, and the ‘original’ nineteenth‑century fabric. At Robben Island, it was often the topmost layers that were most relevant to the overarching narrative of the site, but the links and frictions between the layers gave the interpretation depth and texture. Equally, the story of political prisoner experiences was not homogeneous. The museum thus developed a conservative response to changes in fabric, following the example of the Australian Burra Charter, which advocated interpreting the different layers rather than trying to strip some away to reveal the ‘true’ significance.21 The main lesson

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of the conservation management process is that while an overall symbolic interpretation is an essential part of identifying the significance of a site such as Robben Island, managing its significance depends on looking at multiple sources and interpretations of the site. In fact, contestation over meaning remains an important index of Robben Island’s value as a heritage site.22

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21 Conserving the island’s environment Shaun Davis

Robben Island World Heritage Site is recognised as a place of outstanding universal value. It is acknowledged for its great political symbolism as a place of selfless struggle and as signifying the triumph of the human spirit over great adversity. With a multifaceted history going back 10,000 years, the landscape of the island is dotted with rich layers and places of memory, very closely linked to both the Western Cape and the broader South Africa. Quarries were mined on the island to provide stone for buildings on the island and in Cape Town. The kramat on the island is reflective of Islam both on the island and in the Western Cape. Graves on the island, both known and unknown, which dot the landscape, symbolise periods of discrimination and banishment. The mental asylum facilities and the memories of people who were isolated on the island because of leprosy are a stark reminder of how society treated its infirm. Numerous churches on Robben Island remind us that religious bodies throughout the ages have cared for not just the sick, the abandoned and prisoners, but also for the spiritual well-being of the warders. The aforementioned places and spaces form a small portion of the memories that have been recorded since the museum was established. Robben Island is also known for its rich biodiversity, and this made it attractive to early seafarers as well as colonists. Its colonies of penguins, and originally seals, are of equal biological importance. It is also home to many rare bird species. A 1995 census recorded 70 springbok, 200 steenbok, 35 European fallow deer, 26 bontebok and 3 eland, together with the ostriches, the rare chukka and other partridges, pheasants, peacocks and the overpopulation of hares and feral cats, which posed a management headache.1 Robben Island has attracted many visitors, becoming one of the most visited sites in South Africa. In order for a place to be declared a World Heritage Site, it needs to be recognised as a site of outstanding universal value. Robben Island

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was declared a World Heritage Site based on two of the required criteria, namely that it ‘bears a unique or at least exceptional testimony to a cultural tradition or to a civilisation which is living or which has disappeared’ and it is ‘directly or tangibly associated with the events or living traditions, with ideas, or with beliefs, with artistic and literary works of outstanding universal significance’.2 Since its designation as a World Heritage Site in 1999, Robben Island has been faced with a variety of conservation challenges that could potentially impact negatively on its outstanding universal value. As part of the process to address the requirements of the World Heritage Committee, a series of baseline studies was commissioned that would inform the island’s first environmental management plan. The studies included, among others, a fauna and flora assessment, an assessment of the carrying capacity of the island, and a cultural conservation study of the existing buildings and sites on Robben Island.

INFRASTRUCTURE IMPROVEMENTS TO ACCOMMODATE INCREASED TOURISM It was, however, the need to accommodate visitors that initially dictated the interventions on the island. When the museum brought the first visitors to the island, there was limited understanding as to how this would impact on the outstanding universal value of the museum as required by the World Heritage Convention. The Estates and Services Department, in conjunction with the PWD, commenced by planning to upgrade the road infrastructure, the harbour, water supply and sewerage system to respond to the increased influx of visitors. With the decommissioning of Robben Island as a political prison, no money had been spent to maintain the infrastructure. Given the nature of its new use, it was necessary to improve the harbour area, and this entailed strengthening the main breakwater of Murray’s Bay harbour. Just more than a thousand ten‑tonne dolos units were manufactured on the mainland and transported for placement on the wall. Six concrete boxes, which would form the T‑jetty onto Murray’s Bay’s main quay, were also constructed on the mainland, floated individually and then put in place. Two units were also placed at the end of the main breakwater to reduce strong inflow from the ocean, and filled in order for them to sink onto the seabed. Most of the concrete work was done on the mainland to ensure minimal disruption to the operation of the museum. Workers also had to be transported on a daily basis to and from the island.

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The roads were also in a state of disrepair and needed to be upgraded to cope with the increased traffic from visitors. The main road from Murray’s Bay harbour to the village was surfaced with blue stone and bitumen, while the perimeter and the island’s internal roads, outside the village, were finished with a lighter shade of stone. This was done so that in time the roads would blend with the limestone colour of the surrounding sand. During the operation of the island as a prison, sewage was directly pumped out into the ocean. In terms of meeting minimum environmental standards, a main interceptor sewer line was constructed, with a macerator and a 500‑metre‑long outfall line. This was to ensure that the sewage was broken up and placed where the current could take it out to sea. Water for use in the maximum security prison was sourced from boreholes on the island. Because of over‑pumping of water from underground, seawater had flowed into the resource, which made it unusable for human consumption. Potable water on the island was supplied by the museum’s cargo vessel, the Blouberg, twice a week. To address the potable water shortage, a desalination plant was established on the island capable of generating 500,000 litres of potable water a day. The operation of the desalination plant necessitated the upgrading of the generation capacity of the island’s power plant. Power on the island was supplied by a number of diesel electric motors which required large volumes of diesel. The diesel was also transported on the Blouberg. The sudden influx of a large volume of visitors who all wanted to see Nelson Mandela’s cell on Robben Island caused huge challenges for the management of the museum. One of the first tasks that I had to direct was creating another ‘entrance/exit’ from the B‑Section prison to ensure a better flow of visitors through the space. After confirming with management that consultation with different stakeholders had taken place, I started the process to secure a contractor. When the first noise of the construction activities started, I was approached by the EPP guides in my office. During this engagement they shared with me that they had not been adequately consulted about this. As a compromise the contractor was required to work at night, as tours were still happening during the day. On completion of the project, as a sign of protest, the EPP guides refused to accompany visitors through the exit that had been created to facilitate a uni‑directional flow of tourists. This was to show their disapproval of the process that had been followed to create this doorway.

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REHABILITATION OF CULTURALLY SIGNIFICANT PLACES AND SPACES The use and conservation plan adopted by the museum underpinned our approach to all future interventions on Robben Island. This conservation policy sought to protect both the intangible (memories) and tangible (for  example, buildings, plant features, landscapes) significance of the island. It was challenging, though, to protect the intangible significance of the island and therefore it became important to limit interventions and changes to the island’s cultural and natural fabric that could impact on it negatively. To protect the fragile environment of Robben Island, a visitor management plan and an interpretation plan were developed. The visitor management plan aimed to guide movement through the space and the interpretation plan aimed to articulate the value and significance of the site, related objects, and tangible and intangible heritage resources for both internal and external audiences.3 This was to ensure that the intangible values of the site would be protected and enhanced. Given the problems experienced with previous interventions, a Conservation and Use Committee (CUC) was set up for the museum. The committee comprised members from the island’s departments of Education, Tourism, Estates and Services, and Heritage, including managers. Representatives from SAHRA were also invited to be part of the committee. This was to ensure that all of the key stakeholders were part of the process and could report back and bring comments from their respective constituencies. The debates in the CUC were robust, with different viewpoints often being expressed and discussed. Consensus was not always reached, but the end result was generally aligned with the conservation principles. The first ICMP concluded that all of the layers of the museum’s history were important, but that the recent political imprisonment period would be foregrounded. This period forms one layer of the history of Robben Island. On the island, it is identified with buildings, quarries, sportsfields, gardens and walkways linking the various elements. The maximum security prison, the Ou Tronk (old jail), the Sobukwe Complex, the Lime Quarry, Bluestone Quarry and Landbou (agriculture) all form part of this layer. Because we were entrusted with conveying the story of Robben Island, it was important that our message was informed by the people who had spent time on the island over the years. To this end, our research section commenced a process of recording the voices of those individuals and their families. This was known as the Robben Island Memories Project, and the information recorded was also added to our site register database, which identified all spaces and places on Robben Island throughout its history.

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Thorough research and consultation underpinned our rehabilitation plans for the built environment and the sites of the political imprisonment period. Groups of EPPs were brought back to Robben Island, where we could record their memories of the space. Interviews were also conducted with former warders to get a complete picture. The maximum security prison was the first space that was rehabilitated following the adoption of the new approach to conservation. In consultation with SAHRA, and after its approval had been received, different sections of the prison were rehabilitated to reflect the political imprisonment period. The most controversial intervention was brought about by the need to make the maximum security prison accessible for physically challenged individuals, as required by changes in legislation. If one considers that the prison was a hostile environment for its inmates, the change in the use of the space demanded that we rethink how we encouraged accessibility. Again, a very inclusive and consultative process was followed, engaging with our key stakeholders before any intervention happened. The outcome was the decision to build huge ramps which, if necessary, could be removed and the space returned to its original state. The Sobukwe Complex was another controversial site in the sense that it represented a space that could be linked to different uses during the political imprisonment period. It is so named after Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe, the founding president of the PAC. He was transferred to Robben Island in May 1963 after having served his three‑year sentence at Pretoria Central Prison for the pass law protests that resulted in the Sharpeville massacre. Again, consultation with different stakeholders (including the Sobukwe family) was key to reaching a compromise about how to represent the different historical layers of the space – occupied successively by Sobukwe, by coloured warders and by dog handlers with their dogs. In consultation, a decision was made to rebuild one space in the building in which Sobukwe stayed – the space where he stayed with his children when they visited – to reflect that period. Although internal walls had to be demolished in the process, there were still signs to indicate that the space had been put to other uses afterwards. Images (archival footage) and sound (played back through speakers) were further employed to reflect the different uses of the space over time. Because it was decided to highlight the political imprisonment period, the other buildings on Robben Island began to deteriorate quite rapidly owing not only to the harsh environment, but also to a lack of ongoing maintenance.

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MAINTENANCE OF OTHER BUILDINGS ON ROBBEN ISLAND One of the challenges we encountered was that if a building was not in use, it would quickly fall into disrepair as very little attention and resources were spent on it. To this end we embarked on a scheme to make use of as many buildings as we could, by developing them as places where conferences could be held or as overnight accommodation for visitors. Having identified such buildings, we used existing fittings and furnishings in them in an attempt to highlight the history and use of these spaces as well as the broader contextual history. To assist with the maintenance of the buildings on Robben Island, the council also embarked on a process to identify a potential partner that could offer overnight accommodation on the island and, in doing so, assist in meeting our objectives of maintaining the built environment. Although a preferred bidder was identified, after numerous engagements in which I was involved the company did not seem to consider the significance of Robben Island as important as its brand. This led to the council abandoning the venture. Apart from maintaining and conserving the built environment, we were also required to conserve the natural environment of the island.

MANAGING THE BIODIVERSITY OF ROBBEN ISLAND MUSEUM The conservation management plan also recognises the importance of the natural environment in the layered history of the island. Former prisoners involved in Landbou, who grew vegetables in a hydroponics facility, recalled collecting guineafowl eggs that would be smuggled to the kitchen to supplement the protein intake of the prisoners. When the Bamboes Span (Seaweed team) collected seaweed they would also try to gather abalone. Because they had never encountered abalone before, they did not know how to prepare it. These two examples show that even under adverse conditions the island’s natural resources were important. The natural environment found on Robben Island is the product of its proximity to the mainland as well as its long history of occupation. Avifauna populations on Robben Island have been well documented by the Avian Demography Unit (UCT) and Oceans and Coasts (Department of Environmental Affairs). These studies collectively have recorded 164 bird species on Robben Island. Several threatened marine and coastal species breed here, and this has led to Robben Island being identified as an Important Bird Area.4 When RIM started, Robben Island was home to the fourth‑largest breeding colony of African penguins in the world. The population at one stage stood at 17,000, many times higher than the famous Boulders Beach viewing point near

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Simonstown.5 During the mid‑2000s, the colony increased so much that it started nesting in and outside most abandoned buildings. This started to put buildings at risk as penguins were burrowing under the foundations of these buildings to create nesting sites. Even though their guano can be beneficial to plants, their activities have led to damage of the built fabric on the island. Today, the population has become much depleted. In July 2001, the 143,731‑tonne MV Treasure sank 4 kilometres off the island with a load of 130,000 tonnes of iron ore and 1,300 tonnes of fuel oil, releasing an oil slick 7 kilometres long by 5 kilometres wide and causing the world’s biggest ever coastal bird crisis. Twenty‑one thousand penguins were evacuated off the island in a gigantic operation that cost R50 million and impacted significantly on RIM operations, including the cancellation of tours. Nineteen thousand oil‑drenched penguins were treated by the Southern African Foundation for the Conservation of Coastal Birds (SANCCOB) and the International Fund for Animal Welfare on the mainland (and many were later moved to Port Elizabeth), with 1,963 of them dying.6 Subsequently, changes in fish movements and stocks have also contributed to the decline in numbers. One of the penguin survivors, called Peter, was fitted with a R20,000 satellite tracking device and had the nation enthralled as he embarked on a well‑reported 800‑kilometre journey back home to the island. His daily progress captured on maps by the newspapers, Peter was reported to be close to the island after 18 days, and an official welcoming party was waiting for him, before contact was lost at the last moment either through battery malfunction or an accident. Cartoon stories about Peter were published, bringing a welcome increase in awareness about environmental conservation. European rabbits were introduced to the island during the mid‑1600s; cats in the late 1800s; European fallow deer from the 1960s. Each of these species has had a big impact on the landscape. Their impact on the island environment can be seen and felt: the holes and tunnels seen at the limestone quarry (rabbits), the reduced breeding of endangered birds and small reptiles due to predation (cats), and the reduction in available food for other antelope species caused by the large numbers of fallow deer. It was especially during the period when the island was used as a leper hospital that a large number of trees were introduced to the island. Today, few remnants from this period remain other than a large number of graves. Bluegum trees were also planted to camouflage the Second World War fortifications on the island. Exotic vegetation grows much faster than indigenous vegetation and is more flammable. In order to protect the built environment from the

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threat of fire, it was important that appropriate management practices were implemented and maintained. In the past there was a lack of support from management for the conservation of the natural environment. This was often based on listening to outside voices or not considering that Robben Island is an atypical conservation area. This led to one of my darkest moments in the mid‑2000s when animals started dying owing to lack of food. The other moment was when a decision was made to cull rabbits using a method that rendered their meat inedible. This happened at a time when people in Cape Town could have benefitted from rabbit meat. The museum’s core function was to ensure that the island’s outstanding universal value was protected. In view of the specialised skills required to manage the natural environment, it was important that the museum maintain and strengthen its relationship with organisations that could assist with these skills, such as the National Parks Board, Cape Nature, SANCCOB, the Avian Demography Unit (UCT) and Oceans and Coasts (Department of Environmental Affairs). Management of the natural environment should be left to the professionals so that the visitor experience can be enhanced. If it is managed properly, the museum could diversify its offering to visitors. It is well documented that the natural environment of Robben Island has played an important role in the use of the space throughout its layered history. The cultural cannot be divorced from the natural elements found on the island. In order to reflect the different historical landscapes of the island, it was important that both elements be managed in such a way that the natural environment complements the cultural environment. This will enhance visitors’ experience. In order to do justice to the Robben Island story, it is important to note that the narrative occurs within a particular space that contains both natural and cultural elements, which are integrally linked to each other. This has been the case since the earliest recorded history of Robben Island. In view of the harsh climatic conditions, it is critical that programmes should be put in place to ensure regular and ongoing assessment and maintenance of the built environment. Any new intervention should first assess how best to protect and maintain the current facilities that exist on the island. RIM is responsible for ensuring that we honour the memories of those who endured countless hardships on the island, and that the message of the triumph of humankind in the face of adversity is echoed loudly to all who visit. Can we in all honesty answer positively that we are honouring the memory of those who have entrusted us to tell their story?

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 An ex‑political prisoner’s memories

22 An ex‑political prisoner’s memories of living and working on Robben Island Lionel Davis

In 1997, I was one of the first former political prisoners to start working as a tour guide for the RIM. I knew nothing about tour guiding and initially got much of my information about the history and heritage of Robben Island from former Correctional Services personnel also working as guides. Unfortunately, much of the information gathered from them did not concur with the recorded history of the island. There was an urgent rush to usher in tourists from all over the world and little time given for fact-finding. We were a motley bunch of recruits: former political prisoners, former prison guards, the politically aware, those with little knowledge of what had gone before, and young people just out of school. Working along with the new tours manager, Shareen Parker, we had to learn through trial and error, but we persevered. That first day at work was chaotic. Tourist companies chartered boats and tried to land on the island without permission, claiming that the new democratic dispensation gave them every right to be there with their clientele. The RIM administration had to physically restrain them from venturing further after landing. The press and other media, of course, had a field day capturing the drama! There I stood, completely shocked at the confrontations. Tour operators and chartered boat personnel were all scrambling to get to the main entrance of the island. Above this entrance was a sign painted in large letters, which ironically read ‘WELCOME TO ROBBEN ISLAND’. On that day, my first day of work, I had no tourists to guide; I was simply an onlooker. Shortly after this incident, I was doing my duties in the former maximum security prison when a couple boldly moved away from a group of tourists being ushered into prison

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precincts. I called out to them, ‘Hello there, you are not allowed to walk around here unaccompanied by a prison guide.’ The woman, now irate, replied, ‘Wat sê djy! Die man ken die tronk hy was a gevangene hie!’ (What are you talking about? This man knows the prison; he was imprisoned here!) It was then that I recognised an old prison inmate, Percy Benjamin, who had been a common law prisoner in the early 1960s. Without permission he was about to conduct his own private tour to show his girlfriend the layout of his former ‘home’. ‘Nee dame, ek ken vir Percy, unfortunately mag julle nie hie rondstap sonne a guide nie.’ (Sorry, lady, I know Percy; unfortunately you are not allowed to walk around without a guide.) Percy, a big burly tough guy, did not take offence. He acknowledged me and joined the rest of the tourists. It was also the first time I saw this ‘WELCOME’ sign at the entrance to Robben Island. I did not remember it from my years of imprisonment (1964– 1971). In 1993, I was working for Peace Visions, an NGO whose objective was to bring South African youth from different walks of life together through non‑sexist and non‑racist educational interactive games, art and cultural activities. In those euphoric days, there was an eagerness on the part of most South Africans to heed Mandela’s call to build a new South Africa, to reconcile our differences and break down the barriers that had divided us for hundreds of years! For these young people, I conducted art sessions and also spoke about my experience as a political prisoner. My second trip to revisit Robben Island was in 1994, with a Dutch film crew making a fictional film about a young person visiting the prison where his ‘grandfather’ had been incarcerated. In that same year, I attended a symposium in which some former Robben Island prisoners, government officials and invited guests like Desmond and Leah Tutu spoke about the island’s future. At the time of the opening of RIM in 1997, there was still much tension between the former Correctional Services personnel and the rest of the museum staff. The harbour master, all the boat skippers and the resident motor mechanic were all part of the old guard. The security chief was a former senior prison guard and the finance manager had been transferred from his job working for the old apartheid‑establishment South African Museum to oversee the finances of this new venture. Even some of the office administration staff, generally family of the skippers, came from the old prison service. The former Correctional Services personnel were now assuming certain responsibilities in RIM affairs under a new management, but did not want to let go. They controlled the vehicles and conducted themselves as if it was their right to be in charge. A number of them lived on the island with their families,

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but some remained aloof from the ‘invaders’. Although they were working for the Mandela government in the new South Africa, some of them looked down upon the black staff. This created much animosity and there were many confrontations. As a matter of courtesy, and with a mindset that said we must live together, I would go out of my way to befriend the island staff, but quite often was given the cold shoulder by both black and, more pointedly, white staff. However, politely greeting the white staff with a ‘Goeie môre! Hoe gaan dit?’ (Good morning! How are you?) would most of the time be answered with a welcoming reply. Not every former prison guard had a chip on his shoulder. I remember occasions when a family resident on the island stomped past me, ignoring my greetings when I passed them on the mainland. I then made up my mind that I would continue greeting the ‘difficult ones’ regardless of the rebuffs until I had broken down their hostility. It worked! Very soon some acknowledged me. We chatted and laughed and they felt relaxed in my company. I applied this strategy wherever I went on the island. In no time at all, I was the chap whom everyone knew – Uncle Lionel with the big laugh and the ability to get people to relax! In this way, I contributed to much healthier relationships between RIM staff. A person who had shaped my thinking about positive human interaction was the American author, academic and lecturer Leo Buscaglia, whose writings inspired me. A course he taught at university was called Love A1.1 Not only did he talk about learning to love each other, but he demonstrated this in his daily interactions with people, disregarding the usual conventions that prevent people from reaching out to others. As a RIM employee, I was allowed to live on the island with my family, but a senior official from the old guard tried to block my application, and failed. During my first year working for the museum, I was mostly commuting between Robben Island and my home in Kalk Bay on the False Bay coastline, until December 1997 when my wife Barbara and son Leon joined me to live on Robben Island. On the island there was a primary school that had been all white when I started working there. Gradually, more and more black staff members enrolled their kids while white parents withdrew theirs and sent them to schools on the mainland. After a few years, the whole school was almost entirely black. My son, who is now a young adult, schooled there from 1998 to 2001 (grades 4 to 7). When he started high school on the mainland, he left at 6.45am and returned by boat in the late afternoon. Of course, there were times when, because of bad weather, the boats could not cross to the mainland. A siren would send a loud signal across the island to indicate that no boats were running that day. These no‑boat days were a delight for island residents, children and staff. No school! No work!

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Mandela’s call to all South Africans to reconcile our differences, to get rid of colour prejudice and break down the barriers that had kept us apart for so many decades resonated with me. We cannot build a new South Africa with bitterness and hatred. Yet, for some of us amongst the newly established population on Robben Island this was a daily challenge, and seldom achievable. The demons of the past, namely race prejudice and distrust, were still haunting us. As a result, tensions rose between the old guard made up of white Afrikaner ex‑prison personnel and the young black workers who now felt entitled to tell them ‘to piss off’. The newly established RIM was in a hurry to get the museum up and running. Also, the new Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) legislation dictated employment criteria that favoured young, educated black people for some senior positions. One of these was a young feisty female law student appointed in a temporary role as finance officer. This fashionably dressed, short little lady, balancing on her high stilettos, did not like it that two young ex‑prison guards appointed as security officers had the responsibility of securing the day’s takings from the hundreds of tourists that flocked to the island on any given day. Once, I overheard her boldly trying to stare down two tall, arrogant‑looking young men: ‘Who gave you authority to keep the takings unsecured overnight? You are being grossly negligent, and it must be reported. Monies have to be checked and locked up securely overnight.’ Wow! Never had any black person spoken to them with such disrespect! Livid with anger, their faces distorted with rage, one spat back, ‘Who the hell do you think you are? I don’t like you, and you’d better get out of my face!’ How this confrontation ended, I do not know, but not long after, some of the white employees left the island. It was a sad departure as a few were born on the island, their families having lived there for long periods and strongly identifying the island as their home. A few of the ex‑prison personnel, influenced by Mandela, did not relish being transferred in 1997 to other jails, and again having to work with hardened criminals. They resigned from the prison service and stayed on to work for the museum. Some, unfortunately, still assumed authority and found it difficult to take orders from senior black staff. An exception was ex‑prison guard Christo Brand who came to work for RIM in 1997. In the last few years before Mandela was transferred to Pollsmoor Prison in 1982, Mandela had befriended him. He was prepared to break prison rules to do Mandela many favours. Christo was well respected not only by Mandela but by other former political inmates. Not only did Mandela help Christo’s son with his education, but he gave Christo a job in

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Parliament when he left the prison service. Today, after running two of the island shops, he has retired. Before Mandela’s death, he encouraged Christo to write a book on the special relationship the two had, titled, Doing Life with Mandela: My Prisoner, My Friend, and even helped him to get the book published.2 Christo now travels to different parts of the world promoting his book. One of the most unsavoury ex‑prison guards was a mechanic in charge of all RIM vehicle repairs on the island. Not only was he uncouth and unkempt, but he regularly reeked of alcohol. He lived a few doors away from us. On weekends, he had the nasty habit, in his drunken state, of playing his music for the whole world to hear, and often deliberately played and sang the crudest derogatory songs about Mandela. He was a disgrace to our community, and it took a long time before he was kicked off the island. Now, in 1997, we did not have a common enemy to fight but as residents and workers on the island, we had to guard against being abused by management. This was not going to be an easy task. Not only did we face the problems of culture and colour differences, but we also had to put up with unpleasant living conditions. Here we had a group of people that had long lived and worked under a regimented Correctional Services command where senior personnel barked out orders, and the rank and file had to follow. Some of us newcomers to the island came from community organisations where we had learnt to stand up for our rights and to challenge jackboot authority. How could we then bring about forms of togetherness with those working and living on the island? Fortunately, I found a like‑minded person in Avril Brandt, who had had the audacity to challenge senior officers and their spouses who assumed superiority over the lower-ranked pre‑1997 prison guards. The wife of a former senior officer, Gerhard Brandt, who was now in charge of security for RIM, she and I took the initiative to start a little civic organisation called the Robben Island Village Association (RIVA). Our intention was to organise events and activities that would bring the villagers together after working hours, to contest undemocratic decisions made by RIM management and to protect and defend our rights as residents – a not‑so‑easy task, we soon discovered. In early 1998, we had our first attempt at a general meeting of RIVA. Many residents came, more out of curiosity than serious commitment it seemed. At this meeting, we accepted suggestions from the floor: karaokes, discos, dances, bringand-braais, gymnasium, table tennis, Christmas parties, island clean‑ups and much more! That was the first and the last time we had such a big attendance. This did not discourage us. We organised dances and karaokes, with many people invited from the mainland. Robben Island resident families, mothers,

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fathers and children, joined in cleaning up the beach and scouring every corner of the island, filling up black plastic bags with rubbish. Thereafter we prepared braai wors (sausage) and rolls for the hungry. A special monthly boat trip to the V&A Waterfront, the landing point for Robben Island boats and an upmarket shopping complex, was organised by us. On those special evenings, we, the residents, indulged in window shopping, watching movies and eating out. With the money made from our functions, we bought a pool table, table tennis board and bats, gym equipment and even financed Christmas parties for the children. For the residents, all of this activity was inviting and exciting, and they swarmed to our free‑for‑all events, with much to eat, even to take home. However, except for a small number, the residents remained reluctant to attend RIVA meetings. The only time we saw them was when a privilege previously enjoyed was abruptly taken away, and RIVA was called on to fight for its reinstatement. Nevertheless, we continued stoically holding meetings, planning activities and challenging management. After serving as chairperson for a few years, I finally gave up but continued supporting the organisation. This reluctance to support RIVA unfortunately worked against the Islanders. Gradually, over time, the privileges we enjoyed were taken away and RIVA sank beneath the waves.

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 The Robben Island Village Association

23 Building a new community on the island: The Robben Island Village Association Llewellyn Damon and Rabia Damon

The Robben Island Village Association (RIVA) was formed in 1998 to strive towards the creation of a lively and happy social environment on the island. One of the founder members and the unchallenged chairperson and unofficial ‘Mayor’ of the island was EPP, Lionel Davis, fondly referred to as Uncle Lionel. Activities included bring-and-braais, karaoke evenings, discos, holiday programmes for the village children, soccer matches and pool tournaments. On 12 June 1998, RIVA held a fancy-dress disco at the John Craig Hall. According to Uncle Lionel, the disco was a rave and well supported but did not make as much money as the previous function, as it had to compete with a televised Bafana Bafana match. But, he said, ‘Bafana Bafana lost, and we won, because everyone at the jol (party) had a mal (crazy) time.’ Prizes were given for the best costume. Many of the supporters included RIM workers, workers from the PWD, Metro cleaners, and JC Caterers and some mainland people. Lionel thanked the RIM management for supporting RIVA’s attempts to make the island a more pleasant place for everyone living and working on it.1 RIVA remained a steady presence on the island, and when it held its annual general meeting in February 2000, Uncle Lionel was re‑elected as chairperson, Llewellyn Damon as his deputy, Frikkie Nel as treasurer, Rabia Damon as secretary, and Eugene Mokgoasi, Esther Henderson and Johnny Links from the PWD were made the additional members. The RIVA committee was determined to bring the villagers together through the organisation of a number of social activities, the first being a fundraising dance.

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RIVA organised school holiday programmes to keep the village children occupied. Organisations we approached included Molo Songololo, Sporting Chance and the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk (NGK). We worked closely with Frikkie and Charle Nel and their twin daughters Merle and Ester, and arranged for the NGK group to come out to the island to work with the island children during the school holidays. On another occasion, RIVA organised an evening boat trip for the Islanders to watch the Dunhill fireworks at the V&A Waterfront at a cost of only R5. All the Islanders enjoyed themselves. It was a special evening, as the residents very seldom got to spend an evening on the mainland as there were no late-evening boats. Our little community of just over a hundred on the island was a constant source of fascination for newspapers and visitors, as the Fair Lady article by Garth King (himself later part of the RIM Media Department) referred to below illustrates.2 On 20  March 2007, RIVA held its annual general meeting at the guest house, which was followed by a farewell party for Lionel, Barbara Voss and long‑standing soul of the party, Nungu ‘Percy’ Nungu, as well as some PWD colleagues who were all leaving the island. Supper was served and the Islanders were asked to bring snacks for the function. Llewellyn remembers: ‘When I started working on Robben Island, I had no idea that it would have such a huge impact on my life. Being a tour guide was meant to be temporary until I could return to my trade, which was electrical. I, however, saw the importance of working on the island and the impact we had on people and the impact the people I would meet over the years would have on me. ‘We had to sleep over for three nights while undergoing training when we first arrived on the island. At first, I had this distrust of white people and saw them as hostile. During this transitionary period from prison to museum, a few of the former Correctional Services staff remained on the island as they had agreed to work for RIM. ‘Those three nights I don’t remember leaving my room in the evenings in D  Block, the singles quarters, because I felt like an intruder and because of my distrust of them. Little did I know that years later we would grow close to many of them. ‘I saw RIVA’s role as to build a spirit of community, to build bridges between the different race groups, break down barriers created by the apartheid system and create a sense of belonging, and work towards building the rainbow nation where we could see ourselves as one people and not a multiracial society. Robben

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Island was the place where we could achieve this, but only if there was a willingness and acceptance to change. ‘Quite soon, I found that many of those white colleagues whom I didn’t trust and saw as the instruments of the apartheid system were the ones who were more forthcoming to build those bridges of unity. ‘We lived in a nameless road, which was named Lovers Lane by some residents. Lovers Lane, however, was somewhere else on the island. In the beginning, we were the only ones who were not white in the four houses on that road. It reminded me of the Group Areas Act of the late 1980s. Johan and Christene van Reenen, Frikkie and Charle Nel invited us, my wife Rabia and me, for a braai one evening, which was the first time we were invited by white people. Oom Jan Moolman who was a wealth of information always wanted me to go over to chat, which I sadly never made time for. ‘When Sanel, the eldest daughter of Louise and Chris Roelofse, got married, I was asked to take the photographs at her wedding, which to me was more a privilege than anything else as she grew up in front of me. ‘Another interesting story is that of Koos Albert van Wyk, who had his mother’s surname and his coloured grandfather’s first name. His stepfather’s surname was Modise, and his biological father’s was Mojalefa, and both of them were Tswana. Oom Das Basson was a former warder and skipper. When we arrived on the island, Oom Das was one of the most disliked people as he was always grumpy and didn’t seem to like us very much. Later, Oom Das softened and he became one of the most liked people on the island. Koos and Oom Das became very close friends. When Aunty Enid was looking for Oom Das, the first place she would search was at Koos’s home. When Oom Das left the island when he retired, he donated a lot of his furniture to Koos. ‘In my opinion, we did to a large extent achieve our goal of breaking down those barriers and building those bridges. ‘When I moved to the island in May 1997 as a resident, I quickly learnt to adapt to island life and its challenges. That June/July I saw the worst storm ever and for days the ferries couldn’t come or go, with the result that the village shop, which was stocked very well at all times, ran out of a lot of supplies; a lesson I learnt was that in winter you stock up and plan well. ‘It was during these “no‑boat” days, as we called them, that we would have meetings with a few of the Islanders to plan activities or partake in some activities. ‘Playing pool at the clubhouse was one of my favourite activities. We had a pool club and would invite a team to the island every second week (if  I  remember correctly) to compete against us. We also had a tournament

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running once a week and on a few occasions we had the director, Professor André Odendaal, and Ashley Forbes, the estates manager, participating as well. They unfortunately didn’t see the balls very well and therefore didn’t get very far during these competitions. ‘My good friend Nungu Nungu, better known as Percy, didn’t like to play against me although I saw him as one of the toughest and truly formidable opponents. He was a clean shooter of the ball and could clear the table if given the opportunity. My strategy, therefore, was to not give him that opportunity and always keep him under pressure and from getting a clear shot. I don’t know if competing against him was a good idea, as his stress levels would appear to rise when we stepped up to the table to play; he would be sweating buckets. Nungu was crowned champion in one of our competitions and his prize was a beautiful two‑piece cue. ‘I moved to the island at a time when I was going to obtain my black belt in karate, so regular exercise was very important. I would give karate classes to the kids, and self-defence classes combined with physical exercises to the adults. The classes started off with quite a few, but that number gradually faded. Today I think I was maybe a bit too tough on some. There were a few regulars like Uncle Lionel and Bukiwe Sofute. One day I asked Uncle Lionel his age, after which I ended up being quite upset with him. My impression was that he was much younger, and here I was pushing him so hard with the exercises. What if something had happened to him and I was to blame? ‘I did, however, get my share of exercise punishment as well, from Dicky who used to work for the caterer, Mr Ernstzen. One evening I had calamari and chips at the mess. Dicky was the one who served me. We chatted about exercise and I discovered he was a boxer. We agreed to meet later after his shift to train together. That was the toughest workout I ever had, and Dicky would remind me often that it was because of the calamari and chips that I had. Dicky suggested we train again, but I made up some excuse every time. ‘Later on, the Robben Island primary school arranged karate classes for the school children conducted by Sensei Lincoln. We also had a soccer club – mostly members from the security company. Hardien was their senior and many times was automatically also the captain and coach of the Robben Island soccer club. Teams would also come to compete against us every second Sunday. We were a good team and defeated many of the clubs that came to play against us. Sometimes, I wondered if they didn’t lose deliberately in order for us to invite them again.

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‘Some residents, however, were not keen on soccer at all and preferred rugby. Sharief Khan was one of them. He had connection with the Scotsche’s Kloof Rugby Club. Khan insisted we must play against them. As soccer players, a few of us were worried about this plan, but in the end we agreed. We were going to take on one of the top teams at the time. The Sunday of our match against Scotsche’s Kloof Rugby Club arrived and I was up early to go and meet them, with Khan, on their arrival at Murray’s Bay harbour. When we arrived at the clubhouse there was only one member of the Robben Island soccer club team present, Tolga Watson. None of our other members pitched. At the 9am kick‑off time, we ended up knocking on doors around the village in search of our team members, who had all mysteriously disappeared. It was clear that rugby on the island was not going to happen.’ Rabia continues the story: ‘I started working for Robben Island on 31 December 1996 and I remember being very resentful and distrustful of the white Correctional Services staff that was working there. This resentment came from me being a student activist and seeing the Correctional Services staff as the enemy, as they were part of the apartheid state. ‘I remember that for months I really only interacted with and spoke to the new Robben Island staff and only greeted the Correctional Services people. It was us against them. When I think back to that time I wish that I had not been so anti‑change, as I believe they were more open to change and Robben Island would have been a much better place to live and work then if we had met each other halfway. ‘This resentment and distrust started lessening though when I moved to Robben Island later in 1997, and started getting to know the Correctional Services staff that had agreed to move over into RIM’s employment. I got to know some of them, especially the ones that worked at Jetty 1, like Wentzel and De Kock, as we used to embark and disembark there every day, and they often helped me on and off the boat. I was actually a bit sad when they left. ‘Relations between us, the former Correctional Services staff and Robben Island staff, improved as we started working closely together and getting to know each other. Living on the island also helped improve relations; I was beginning to be seen as an Islander and not an outsider. ‘I began talking to and interacting with some of the former Correctional Services staff such as Frikkie and Charle Nel, Johan van Reenen, Anne‑Marie Moolman, Louise Roelofse, Karen Lloyd, amongst others. I must say that Anne‑Marie, Louise and Karen were some of the best administrators I have ever

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come across and I learnt a lot from them. I got on well with Anne‑Marie and Karen, and less so with Louise as she was often moody. My perception of her changed over the years though, as we got to know one another and I found that she loved flowers, and whenever we had flowers left behind from an event, I would drop them off at her house. ‘On a few occasions of “no‑boat” days when we had catering arranged for a group that had to cancel, we would invite the Islanders to come and enjoy the food. I was quite sad when other former Correctional Services staff like Slappies Lourens and his family left the island. I had got to know his wife, Susan, who was the head of Metro cleaners, the cleaning company, and worked well with her. Her daughter Marelize, or Sissy as we called her, was a sweet girl, and her sons, Heinrich and Karel, loved the island. We often saw them fishing; they were always near the water. In a story in Fair Lady magazine, Garth King, driving with Gerhard Brandt to find a favourite fishing spot after hours, noted how Gerhard reacted when he found Karel had beaten him to it in a car which used to be a Triumph, but was now ‘a rusty and picturesque Robben Island wreck held together by ropes’. ‘Bliksem! Ou Slappies se seun is op my plek’ – and he had already bagged three two‑kilogram fish. But it didn’t taken Gerhard long to find his own spot: Gerhard casts deep into the gully nearby. He offers me a beer, cracks one himself, takes a big sluk, selects a cigarette from his Gunston 30 box, lights up and inhales deeply. Sweet old time relaxation after a hard day’s work in the new South Africa.3

‘This story gives some insight into what it was like in that transition time. The Lourens family and others loved the island and island life, and it was sad that they eventually had to leave all that behind as the unlicensed, unregulated cars and the old ways gradually gave way to new rhythms. ‘As I was now more open to change, I joined RIVA and started to organise events to get the residents together for braais, karaoke evenings, sport events, etc. Being the events organiser made organising these events easier, and RIM management approved these events as they wanted to improve race relations and a sense of community on the island. ‘When I was pregnant with my first son, Raaiq, in 2001, I remember being fearful of taking some of the boats to and from the island. I would take the first boat to the mainland and would wait for the last boat from the mainland to the island, as I trusted the older Correctional Services skippers like Oom Jan and

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 The Robben Island Village Association

Oom Das more than the newcomers, and I knew that my baby and I were in safe hands with them at the wheel of the Susan Kruger and the Dias. I will always remember Oom Jan fondly as the skipper of the Susan Kruger. He loved that boat and took such pride in his work as a skipper. ‘When Oom Jan retired in 2013, he had spent half a century working on the island. He told the Sunday Times that “Robben Island was my whole entire life”. He started as a trainee in the prison service in 1963 when he was 18. Oom Jan remembered Nelson Mandela and other Rivonia trialists, as well as PAC founder Robert Sobukwe.4 In 2000, he was interviewed in detail by Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi and Phumlani Grant Shezi from the Heritage Department about these experiences. At first, given that this was the Truth Commission period, it took two months before he agreed to do the interview. The end results were seven filmed tapes of valuable information detailing his personal knowledge in different spheres of the prison period.5 ‘I remember taking the Dias back to the island one day in June 2007 after attending a course on the mainland. The sea was the roughest I have ever experienced. There were only a few Islanders on the boat. The sea was so rough that water entered the cabin area where we were seated. It was the first time I saw Frikkie Nel being nervous on the boat. Vusumzi Mcongo was so nervous he was for once not even talking – and there were few things that could keep Vusumzi quiet. Oom Das was the skipper that night; we all agreed that if there was one skipper who knew the water and would get us safely to the island it was him, and he did. I remember thanking him for getting us safely home. ‘At the beginning it was easier to get to know the children of the former Correctional Services staff, as they did not have all the baggage that their parents had. I remember them coming to the RIVA functions and enjoying being part of the activities. They also participated in events and were around when the celebrities visited the island. I watched a lot of them grow up in front of me. They were always polite and friendly. I believe that they influenced their parents to change. ‘I remember being invited to a braai at the Nels’ house. Christine and Johan van Renen were there and we had a really nice time. It was good to start interacting socially and breaking down barriers. ‘Over the years I got to know and grew close to many of the former Correctional Services staff like Trevor Lloyd, who was also one of the best skippers that Robben Island ever had. I remember asking Trevor once when it was the most dangerous to be on a boat, and he said when it was misty, as it made visibility very poor. I was mindful after that to avoid being on the boat

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when it was very misty. Trevor knew what he was talking about. He showed how good a skipper he was in the drama of September 2017, when he managed to anchor the Madiba 1 alongside a distressed Thandi in very rough seas and the crew was able to get all the passengers from the Thandi safely onto his vessel. Few skippers would have been able to do this. All the years I knew him, Trevor was always polite and friendly and would always greet me. When his ex‑wife Karen Lloyd informed me years later of his passing, I was very sad. I informed many of the former RIM staff of his funeral and was very happy that many attended, including the former director, Professor André Odendaal. We all made the time to honour Trevor and to bid him farewell.’

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 The first tour guides and the social memory of Robben Island

24 Making the intangible tangible: The first tour guides and the social memory of Robben Island Vanessa Mitchell

RIM, in its infancy in 1997, procured the services of a variety of individuals to assist with the interim administration of the museum. I recall and trace here the training and development of the tour guides as part of the interim structure of RIM. To contextualise the story, I was one of the first group of eight general tour guides employed at RIM from January 1997. I had the privilege of engaging and working with the first prison tour guides (former political prisoners) who were employed at the same time, and 23 years later I am still at RIM, hopefully with some useful first‑hand knowledge of the progression of the museum since its inception. Museums are often described as spaces that collect, interpret and store artefacts, objects and artworks. This may hold true, but the opening of RIM as the first major post‑apartheid heritage site signalled a reimagining of museums in an African context. Among the other notable heritage sites in South Africa that were part of ‘the rapid overhaul of museum collections, [and] the commissioning of new memorials and monuments …’ were the District Six Museum that opened in 1994, the Lwandle Migrant Labour Museum that opened in 2000 and the Hector Pieterson Museum that opened in 2003.1 RIM was destined to be a catalyst to demystify the Western concept of museums as classical and staid old buildings where artefacts and objects are displayed in glass cages; where there has to be silence as visitors engage with the exhibitions and gorge themselves on the information displayed, trying to remember each and every fact. Ivan Karp and Corinne Kratz coined the term ‘the interrogative museum’, which they say, ‘is a further addition to this quiver of concepts for thinking about the changing

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nature of museum and heritage institutions and how they work’.2 While RIM adopted some of the elements of the conservative museum, it also presented itself as a ‘living museum’3 through its approach of sharing the personal experiences and stories of former prisoners in an authentic and easily accessible manner. The social memory of Robben Island consists of a narrative derived from its different layers of history. The intangible significance of the island requires the use of oral histories and personal recollections, memories and testimonies. These testimonies inform the understanding of the island in order to interpret and conserve the physical elements that are linked to those memories. During a tour of RIM, visitors always enquire about the political imprisonment period between 1960 and 1991. These questions can only be answered authentically by former political prisoners. Since its inception, RIM has engaged the services of former political prisoners to narrate the history of political imprisonment to its visitors by sharing their personal testimonies. Leslie Witz states that ‘it is the experience of the political prisoners from the 1960s that has been the major ingredient of its (RIM) imaging’.4 This is a unique, authentic and compelling experience and one that is treasured by many who have been guided by a former prisoner. The aim is to tell a human story that celebrates the resilience of the human spirit over hardship. This resilience gives hope to all humanity. Particular attention was paid to how the physical space (the maximum security prison), the man‑made structures and the artefacts communicate to provide a myriad of experiences and opportunities for visitors so that the journey to the island could serve as a cathartic experience in the wake of apartheid’s demise. As Ahmed Kathrada stated in his oft‑quoted address (see Chapter 4), ‘[w]hile we will not forget the brutality of apartheid  …  [w]e would want it to be a monument reflecting the triumph of the human spirit against the forces of evil; a triumph of freedom and human dignity over repression and humiliation’.5 My first encounter with a former political prisoner was when I disembarked from the Diaz on 6 January 1997, on my way to an interview (as a general tour guide). As we disembarked, we were greeted by Lionel Davis with his booming voice, infectious laughter and black hat. Uncle Lionel, as he is affectionately known, Patrick Matanjana, aka Small Bones, Houghton Soci, Tata Elias Mzamo and Tata Sindile Mnqgibisa were the other former prisoners who formed the core of prison guides between 1997 and 2000. These stalwarts and fountains of knowledge were the sources of information that shaped the narrative of the prison tour. However, I concur with Uncle Lionel, as he describes in Chapter 22 and in the book, Awakenings: The Art of Lionel Davis,6 that we knew nothing about tour guiding and we hastened to get our historical facts correct in the

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 The first tour guides and the social memory of Robben Island

rush to guide the scores of visitors around the island. I am very privileged to have had the opportunity to sit at the feet of these former political prisoners and listen to their stories. It is useful to note that the current RIM maximum security prison A‑section exhibition is littered with fascinating stories. This exhibition provides an insight into the memories and experiences of ‘lesser’-known political prisoners. Some of the stories include that of Tata Mngqibisa describing how they started education in prison and used cement paper bags as their books. The story of how Sedick Isaacs made a master key to open the prison is there for all to see. While a visit to this section is a must, you will need more than an hour to take in all the stories. The phenomenon of former political prisoners returning to their place of incarceration to work, let alone live on the island, still fascinates me and many others who have visited the island. Uncle Lionel Davis, with whom I had the privilege to work later in the RIM Public Heritage Education Department as well, lived on the island with his family for ten years from 1997 to 2007. During my many conversations with Uncle Lionel (which he may not remember), I often asked him why he had returned to the island to work and opted to live there as well. He always spoke about how he had to learn to live with people, in prison, who were different to him and that his seven years in prison had taught him very valuable lessons. I always enjoyed accompanying Uncle Lionel on his prison tours. He relished sharing his experiences and he always emphasised the positive lessons he had learnt from his imprisonment and encouraged his audience to learn from him and treat each other with respect. To further substantiate the value of former prisoners as tour guides, it is common knowledge that their educational background was nurtured while they were in prison, where they engaged in political and formal education. This political education was divided into three categories, namely history of South Africa, political economy and radical social science, which informs one on the history and theory of social development. The Robben Island prisoners’ educational programme also included newspaper reading and periodic news analysis based on the application of scientific theory they learnt from political education.7 The Tours Department, under the guidance of the first tours manager, Shareen Parker, was responsible for managing and training the tour guides. As mentioned, the complement of guides was divided into general guides and prison guides, the former responsible for the tour around the island and the latter for the tour inside the prison. In January 1997, the general tour guides were Avril Brand, Wayne Cook, Llewellyn Damon, Nozuko Dlulane, Nomvuzo Mayongo, Lucas Mothlale, Toyer Smith, Sobantu Stofile, and me. Later Ferial

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Parker and Muzelle April joined the ranks. Lebo Makheta was responsible for making the announcements on the public address system when visitors disembarked from the boats. As mentioned before, those of us who were employed at the inception of the museum had no experience of tour guiding and we hastily had to learn the history of Robben Island. As new tour guides, our first encounter with this history was an engagement with Avril Brand, the wife of the last commanding officer on the island. Avril Brand was a tour guide on Robben Island during the period when it was a prison. She had researched the history of the island and was our tutor. The first few weeks as a new guide consisted of boarding a bus with either Avril or Wayne and listening to their accounts of the history of the island, crawling under bushes to uncover the sandbags stacked there during the Second World War period, walking through the graveyards to get a sense of who was buried there, going to the library to find information on the island and, most importantly, listening to the stories of former political prisoners as part of the prison narrative. In order to learn the history of the island quickly, there would be two guides on a bus and we would alternate relating the story. In this way we were able to assist each other if we got stuck. We soon got to know the island’s history and were confident enough to go solo. Tours manager Shareen Parker introduced us to the world of tour guiding and taught us the intricacies of the job. Both prison and general guides went through a rigorous training programme and a tour guiding curriculum which consisted of the following modules: • tour guiding principles; • tourism, heritage and the environment; • the political and cultural history of Robben Island and the linkages to the mainland; and • Robben Island and the natural and built environment. Each day all RIM staff boarded the 7.30am boat from Jetty 1 to the island. All the tour guides would walk from the harbour to the prison for a training session before the first boat carrying visitors arrived at 10am. Each day a different guide was given an opportunity to share information about the history of the island or any other contemporary issues. Guides were expected to know the history of South Africa and place it in the context of world history, and be conversant with contemporary debates and how they fitted into the context of Robben Island and South Africa in general. During those early days, general guides would accompany prison guides on the prison tour to ensure that all visitors were accounted for, but also to learn about the history of political

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imprisonment. Each time we general guides brought a group to the prison, we arranged to accompany a different prison guide so that we could get another perspective on the experience of political imprisonment. We also had our fair share of escorting famous people. I had the privilege of fetching Madiba at the helipad on 24 September 1997 when he officially launched RIM. In 1998 and 1999, RIM introduced walking and cycling tours. By this time, we had mastered some of the history of the island. Some guides had their favourite sites to narrate. Nozuko Dlulane refused to do walking tours because she was afraid of the ostriches. Llewellyn Damon, Lucas Mothlale and I enjoyed the walks. My most memorable walk was the six hours with the Irish Muscular Dystrophy Organisation when they set out to cover a certain number of kilometres in order to raise money for their organisation. Llewellyn Damon was the expert on the Second World War, and all those interested in this period of the history of the island were directed to him. Toyer Smith and I also did many cycling tours, our most memorable one being as guides during a warm-up cycle for the Cape Epic cycle tour. The journey towards the shaping of a RIM tour guide (especially a prison guide) has historical significance and deep consequences for the future of RIM. The use of former political prisoners as tour guides has a lifespan, and through natural processes RIM will not have former political prisoners in perpetuity. The challenge that RIM faces is the conservation of the social memory of former political prisoners as guides on the island. Social memory of political imprisonment refers to tangible heritage converted into an intangible heritage. The question at play is the conservation of the legacy of political imprisonment and how best it can be conserved and passed on from one generation to the next. Any overlooking of the intangible heritage relating to experiences of families, next of kin of EPPs or veterans and how it should be conserved and managed would be at a huge cost. There are former political prisoners who are still alive and their loved ones, family members and siblings are present to provide other narratives of political imprisonment; this is a ready‑made component that can enrich the narrative of RIM. For instance, the treatment of the family by the security apparatus of the apartheid state does attest to the fact that they, too, were imprisoned, albeit in a larger societal prison compared to the one to which EPPs were confined. The EPPs’ visitors or family members have a lot to offer by revealing the hidden side of the narrative. At different meetings on the matter held with RIM-employed EPPs, they suggested that an EPP reunion could be used as a platform that could contribute to the final decisions on how to proceed.

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25 Appeasing the ancestors: Art and culture as a way of giving meaning to RIM Ruth Carneson

On the first day of spring, the day after Princess Diana dies in a car accident, I stand in line at Jetty 1 at the V&A Waterfront, waiting to take the first boat to Robben Island. At 7.30 on this early spring morning, the weather is cold, and I feel apprehensive about going to stay on Robben Island by myself.1 I have been invited to stay on the island as an artist in residence. I don’t know what to expect; I am scared to sleep alone in a strange house and am relieved when I am told I will be sharing a house with another woman artist. Recently, there has been a rape on the island, and I have heard many stories of ghosts on the island. The security guard writes my name down on a board before he lets me through onto the boat. I travel on the Susan Kruger, the old boat that was used to transport the prisoners to the island (named after the wife of the Minister of Justice who said Steve Biko’s death ‘left him cold’).2 The sea stretches endlessly before me and Cape Town recedes into the distance. As I sit and watch the sea all around me, the boat ride takes on a dreamlike mythical quality. I watch the shimmering patterns on the water and the sea birds diving to catch fish. We are lucky that the weather is good today and the sea is calm. The boat rolls over the waves like a stately old lady, and after three quarters of an hour we arrive at Murray’s Bay harbour. I get a lift in a bakkie and drive under an arch with the words ‘We Serve With Pride’ written on top. We pass the bleak prison before I am dropped off at the ex‑warder’s house where I am going to stay. Zoulfa, my fellow artist, greets me warmly and makes me a cup of tea. I sit and drink my tea on the backdoor step and watch the yellow weaver birds fly in and out of the yard. I listen to the quietness all around me with

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only the sound of the waves and the sea in the distance. It is so quiet I can hear the wings of birds flapping as they fly overhead. I have a profound sense that I have finally arrived at the place where I am meant to be as I sit on the doorstep drinking my tea. On the island I have uninterrupted time and space to draw and paint, think and dream. My mind happily expands into the space. I push beyond my limitations, exploring colours and shapes and textures. Undoing and redoing, pushing the boundaries beyond the safe images I usually draw and paint. One image flows into another. Surprising images appear – faces, plants, snakes and people dancing pour out onto the page and I produce drawing after drawing. My energy is intense and focused as I dance on the page, the colours vibrant and glowing. For the first two weeks I don’t visit the prison, instead I go for long walks and explore the island. I am tired of prisons and oppression and suffering. The island is carpeted in spring flowers, arum lilies and daisies. Everywhere I look rabbits hop and play by the side of the road. I see fallow deer, springbok, eland, bontebok and small klipspringers. Tortoises cross my path and I see birds I have never seen before. The beauty of the island is breathtaking. In the morning, I wake up early so I can watch the sun rise and in the evening I watch the clouds catch fire as the red ball of the sun disappears into the sea. I feel safe here. Pam comes to stay, and at night I sit around the fire in the backyard under the stars with my fellow artists, Zena, Anele, Yabo and Zoulfa, eating vegetables cooked on the fire, talking and singing late into the night. This is an island of many layered memories. By day the men who were imprisoned on the island tell their stories over and over again to coachloads of tourists, at night they sit and drink away their memories. Their stories are what bring in the money to the island. All day long, the tourists come and go, waving from the buses, but when it is stormy there are no boats and the island shuts down and becomes even quieter than usual. On no‑boat days the bar stays open all day and the shop runs out of food. I make salad out of sour grass and seaweed. On nights when the island is shrouded in mist you cannot see across to the mainland and the foghorn blows low and mournfully all night long. For many years the island has been a place of suffering, a hell‑hole (as the title of former PAC prisoner Moses Dlamini’s book put it),3 a prison, a place of banishment, a place where lunatics and lepers were dumped along with unruly slaves and political prisoners. But now the prison has closed down and the island has become a museum. In 1997 there is a feeling of openness on the island, of reclaiming the space and history.

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After I have been on the island for two weeks I join the tourists for an official tour. We are taken into the prison cells. It is cold inside, the sunlight does not penetrate the thick prison walls. I think of the black prisoners who were issued with only shorts and sandals to wear during the long, cold winter months. The tour guide, an EPP, tells us of the cruelty and the torture of political prisoners, he tells us of family visits that were few and far between. He was a young man when he arrived at Robben Island and was only released 13 years later, after his youth was gone. He tells us of the letters he received from his family and how they were severely censored, sometimes whole pages of family news had been cut out. I think back to all the friends I knew as a child who disappeared onto Robben Island. We go to see Mandela’s cell and I go inside the cell. The rest of the tour continues into the courtyard but I stay behind, my heart heavy as I kneel down on the cold stone floor and feel the rough prison‑issue blanket rolled up in the corner. I think of all the years my dad, Fred Carneson, spent locked up inside a tiny cell. I stay in the cell until my emotions have calmed down and my tears have stopped. I go back outside, into the sunlight. A concert has been planned for the island. A new public holiday has been declared – Heritage Day – and Mandela will be coming to the island. The musicians are staying with us, in the artists’ houses. Our job is to feed them while they are busy rehearsing for the concert. I am woken up in the night by sounds of drumming coming from next door. Half-asleep and half-dressed in my nightie I go next door to see what is happening. My feet can’t keep still and I dance the whole night long. The next day I sit in the prison hall and listen to the musicians practise. They blow through trumpets made out of seaweed as children run up and down the prison hall, playing and laughing. The doors of the prison have been flung wide open. The island needs to be cleansed of its long and painful history. A hundred sangomas come over on the boat to cleanse the island of the pain and suffering of centuries and to lift the heavy energy that lies trapped here. The sangomas come dressed in traditional clothes – beads and skins. They bring sheep and goats and chickens to slaughter. From Friday night until Sunday afternoon the sangomas dance and drum and sing and pray without sleeping. The cleansing ritual continues for two nights and two days without stopping. After three months on the island my time as an artist in residence draws to a close. My time on the island has been a golden time, a gift. I am sad to leave but I am determined to be back soon.

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PART THREE C

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EXHIBITIONS AND MEMORY‑MAKING PROCESS IN A SACRED SPACE

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26 Memories of working in RIM’s first Exhibitions Unit, 1999–2008 Gaby Cheminais

In memory of Dini Sobukwe who taught me to edit

In 1997, Robben Island, a site of colonial and apartheid incarceration, transmuted to post‑liberation national museum. In 1999, having worked in RIM’s Media Department for a year, I joined the Heritage Department’s newly opened Exhibitions Unit. A unique crew, our unit’s common thread was activism rather than museum development. A number of us had entered the seminal Museum and Heritage Studies postgraduate programme pioneered by RIM, and the history departments at UCT and UWC. We joined young museum practitioners from across Africa, engaged in rigorous critique while immersed in the fundamentals of research, conservation management and curatorship. As consultants in 1998, the unit’s manager Roger Meintjes and co‑worker Ashwell Adriaan had curated the first exhibition of this post‑liberation heritage site. ‘Cell Stories’ was our benchmark – in ethos, process and aesthetics. It utilised the visceral, tangible fabric of the maximum security prison, embedding living memories of EPPs within it. The use of voice – audio recordings of interviews and struggle songs – was particularly effective. The unit was committed to acknowledging the agency of the diverse political prisoner community. Site‑based interviews drove our work in its first decade. This research tool aimed to democratise EPP agency within the prison precinct. At the time, the Heritage Department’s Research Unit was small and focused on discrete projects. Faced with a site of key historical and cultural significance, and alive to the knowledge that thousands of black men who fought for

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liberation had been incarcerated here, we had little information to adequately interpret site‑based EPP experiences and convey these to visitors. Given the huge role attributed to Nelson Mandela within the South African liberation narrative at the time, visitors’ prior knowledge of (and therefore interest in) Robben Island was focused on Mandela. This ‘Mandelarisation’ of Robben Island was accommodated rather than challenged by the RIM management. Engaged in the complex logistics of staffing and running a must‑see post‑liberation tourist destination, in an island context previously managed within the strict confines of the apartheid prison services, democratisation of EPPs’ ‘voices’ was not their most pressing consideration. And this key constituency was disgruntled at their marginalisation from the development of the island, despite their powerful and unique status as key stakeholders in an international living heritage project. Their frustrations were exacerbated by their circumstances, with many living in poverty, their contribution and sacrifices unacknowledged, as the newly liberated South Africa was feted internationally as the ‘rainbow nation’ and their former prison marketed as the ‘triumph of the human spirit over adversity’. One of the unit’s earliest initiatives was to explore the political prison records in the Correctional Services (CS) Archive at Pretoria Central Prison (later moved to the National Archive).1 We accessed extensive documentation related to prison life, including visual material. Much of this material was the official record – the voice of the apartheid authorities.2 While the archive provided valuable material, drawing political prisoners into the task of site interpretation was essential. The first miniproject, on RIM Council’s request, was to gather the names of political prisoners who had been held in the single‑cell B Section. A floor plan of B Section was circulated amongst the B  Section prisoners. The project proved successful, with EPPs clearly eager to participate in the site interpretation (see pictorial insert 6, p. 1, top). In those early years, the Exhibitions Unit held the prison key, and unit members would lock and unlock the prison and oversee nightly cleaning. In the process, we developed a working relationship with the EPPs who guided visitors through the prison. Unit members developed an intimate understanding of the prison, its tangible spaces and intangible memories. Given our ‘responsibilities’, a number of us lived on the island. Discussions in the Residents’ Bar, shooting the breeze with colleagues, both ex‑warders and ex‑prisoners who lived in the village, proved invaluable in interpreting the complex experiences and relationships that comprised the political imprisonment cultural landscape. By 2000, the Exhibitions Unit was a coherent team and had gathered a fair body of archival material and knowledge of heritage conservation and

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interpretation. Meintjes led the unit through a strategic planning process. The planning process divided the unit staff into teams: a mainland exhibition development, an island development and a technical team.

THE NEW ISLAND INTERPRETATION STRATEGY Nolubabalo Tongo-Cetywayo, Phumlani Grant Shezi and I comprised the island development team, tasked with developing a new visitor experience (aka interpretation strategy) for the island. Given the scope of work, members of the Heritage Department’s Research and Environment units joined our planning team. Despite RIM’s distinctly separate departmental operations, we motivated for the inclusion of the Tours and Education departments and selected staff joined us (see pictorial insert 6, p.1, middle). Over a period of four months in late 2000 and early 2001, we worked intensively, producing a document that synthesised a concept for presentation to the RIM Council. Visitor surveys, internal and conducted by University of Toronto students, were taken into account, as were recommendations of a KPMG Tourism Spatial Framework Report from April 2000, commissioned by RIM. The KPMG report identified weaknesses in the RIM visitor experience. It noted that the visitor experience was ‘a series of disjointed and isolated elements … no sense of place, time and position is imprinted in the visitor’s mind  …  visitors gain partial disjointed impressions and are not adequately orientated’.3 Giving further depth to RIM’s founding concept of the island visit as an act of pilgrimage, Juanita Pastor, the Heritage Department manager, evolved a vision of pilgrimage as a conservation and interpretation strategy, integrating site significance with visitor respect for (and thus conservation of) the island. The new prison precinct interpretation plan was hinged on this concept. Spatially, the plan motivated for the Nelson Mandela Gateway Building in Cape Town harbour as a preparation space, the boat journeys to and from the island as opportunities for reflection, and positioned the prison precinct as the confrontational heart of the Robben Island visitor experience. The guided prison tour remained unchanged as part of a standard package, and various guided and unguided options were conceptualised (see pictorial insert 6, pp. 1 and 2). Located within a vision of inclusivity, multiple voices and layered histories, the proposal motivated for a visitor experience in which the island’s painful past could contribute to the development of a global human rights culture. It  challenged RIM to develop an integrated, sustainable, African approach to

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museum and heritage site development in which visual display, orality and living history are fully integrated with conservation practice.4 The proposal also motivated for the personal and collective memories of political imprisonment to be used as a means to provide coherent and meaningful insight into political incarceration within an environment of dialogue and engagement.5 This required site‑specific, memory‑based information, which we did not have.6 This was brought into sharp focus during our planning team’s exploration of the prison precinct. We searched with EPP and RIM tour guide Tata Sindile Mngqibisa for the notorious 1960s Landbou site. Here warders had forced political prisoners to engage in fruitless, unproductive hard labour and subjected them to extreme brutalisation and humiliation. While the narrative of prisoners buried to the neck and being urinated upon by warders was an international signifier of apartheid brutality, the site was elusive, 40 years later.7 The unit deliberated over this lack of site‑specific knowledge. The potential of a large‑scale research project – later known as the EPP Reference Group Project – was motivated for and subsequently included as an underpinning requirement for implementation of a ‘new visitor experience’: EPP reference groups as a vehicle for research, site development, commemoration and memorialisation.8 The proposal for a new visitor experience was never implemented. Much of its value remains intimate – it provided the opportunity for a team of young heritage workers to collaborate, deepen their understanding of the island and grapple with the conceptual rigours of site interpretation and conservation. However, the most significant outcome of the 2001 proposal was the implementation of its research aspect, the large‑scale EPP Reference Group Project, for which RIM provided substantive organisational and financial support. It was to span a period of five years during which RIM hosted twenty-six reference groups and six hundred and fifty EPPs visited the island.

THE EPP REFERENCE GROUP PROJECT: AN ACT OF MEMORIALISATION The reference group process is discussed in detail in Chapter 27. Some memories of its inception are noted here. For the Exhibitions Unit, the opportunity to acknowledge the agency of the many, not just those in the leadership of the ANC, was a significant propellant for what would prove to be a daunting task. Despite the challenges we faced in holding the process on course – gruelling schedules, heartbreaking testimonies, and the unit’s class, race, gender and ideological conflicts – this commitment was the glue that held the process together.

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The unit’s island team evolved the basic concept – to bring groups of political prisoners to the island to discuss their memories of a particular site. To hone the concept, a number of EPPs were invited to key sites such as the Blue Stone Quarry, which faced severe conservation challenges. Their insights and advice helped to shape the reference group plans (see pictorial insert 6, p. 2, bottom). A survey form was developed, to be distributed widely amongst EPPs. We broke up the maximum security prison precinct into sites. Shezi suggested the inclusion of spans (workgroups) that had operated across the island. A toll‑free number was set up to ensure that all EPPs had access to RIM staff (see pictorial insert 6, p. 3, top left). The next step was to distribute the form. Shezi and Tongo, with the assistance of various organisations, especially the government’s Special Pensions Unit, visited each province to distribute the forms to EPPs. As they criss‑crossed the country, to the excitement of those of us on the island, the completed forms began to arrive, via fax, at the heritage office. Clearly, there was huge interest and support for the project amongst the EPP communities (see pictorial insert 6, p. 3, top right). On Shezi and Tongo’s return, we laid out all the completed forms and grouped them. This process continued as more and more surveys were faxed to the office. EPPs working on the island contributed, and much discussion and recollection took place over the forms. We arranged the groups to ensure a mix of generations and political affiliation. We had debated the inclusion of political affiliation on the survey form, but given our desire to strip the reference group process of party partisanship, and acknowledging flux in affiliation subsequent to incarceration, we decided against this. Nonetheless, respondents’ political affiliations were known amongst EPPs around the table and taken into account. The aim was for each group to generate a depth of discussion/memory around a particular site/span. As the plans evolved, the Research Unit released Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi and Oupa Makhalemele to work with our unit. Their primary task was to take detailed notes, process‑observe and assess progress. Much debate was held about the task of facilitation. The success of the process rested on our team’s ability to create a relationship of trust between the EPP RGs and the RIM staff. Ultimately, we agreed that an EPP should facilitate the discussions. Shezi stepped up to the task. Months later, EPP Geneva Morake joined the team as reference group facilitator, enabling Shezi to pursue his desire to video the process as part of the unit’s technical team. The EPPs were to overnight on the island. Given the complexity of the project, other RIM departments were brought onto a coordinating committee. This group

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met to plan and evaluate prior to and after each reference group meeting over the many years of project implementation. After the first reference group, the Padspan, had met, it was apparent that the island visit was a charged emotional experience. The Trauma Centre was approached to provide counselling support. But this initiative fell away as people turned to comrades for support rather than utilise the support offered. The power of the reference groups lay in their ability to trigger memory through dialogue and reminiscences. These were not life‑history interviews. Personal histories prior to arrival on the island were dealt with briefly. The material generated recalled the processes and practices of the prison, infusing space and fabric with meaning, symbolism, trauma and, significantly, humour, love and comradeship. While there were exceptions, secrets were not revealed, prisoner‑on‑prisoner emotional and physical violence was generally not discussed, nor was the intensity of political rivalry. The EPP reference groups in a process of memory‑making and storytelling, constructed the narrative of their experiences in prison that each collective wanted ‘outsiders’ to remember (see pictorial insert 6, p. 3, bottom). The Exhibitions Unit coordinated the Reference Group Project from 2001 to 2004, after which project coordination was taken over by the Research Unit. By that time, its processes and practices were well established.

CONSERVING AND INTERPRETING THE MAXIMUM SECURITY PRISON PRECINCT While gathering crucial site‑based information through the reference group process, the unit continued to advocate and plan for the implementation of the new visitor experience plan. During this period, our unit participated in the CUC, which oversaw conservation work on the island. Informed by international conservation policy,9 the new visitor experience plan proposed an integrated strategy for conservation and interpretation – the physical site together with its memories and associations constituting the significance RIM sought to conserve and communicate to visitors. Living memory was the intangible glue tying meaning to place. This understanding underpinned our participation on the CUC. By the end of 2001, interpretative boards marked sites on the proposed lime and stone quarry walking tours (see pictorial insert 6, p. 4, top). At Murray’s Bay harbour, a sequence of large‑scale images of the arrival of the earliest maximum security prisoners was erected.10 Within the prison, exhibits were planned for B Section and the four general (H  Block) sections. The prison tour was conducted over 45 minutes and comprised a short B Section visit, a brief self‑guided tour of the A Section ‘Cell

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Stories’ exhibition and then the delivery of the guide’s narrative in a general section. The EPP guides narrated their personal stories. Into this, they wove the RIM meta‑narrative of ‘triumph over adversity’: the hardships of the early prisoners, the struggles to improve conditions over time, the influx and impact of new groups, and solidarity and political education within the broader South African struggle for liberation. It was a lot to cover in 45 minutes. As the prison visit was a guided experience, collaboration with the Tours Department was a prerequisite. But with no changes to the boat schedule forthcoming, no changes to the tour structure were possible. So our plans for exhibits in the prison were met with considerable resistance from guides. In response, our strategy was to develop site installations as a ‘backdrop’ to complement the guide’s narrative rather than an additional, self‑guided experience. This agreed, in late 2001, in a fortnight‑long ‘cell‑reconstruction’ process, EPP representatives visited the island to assist the unit to conceptualise and design these prison installations. Lists of artefacts were generated and key items reproduced (see pictorial insert  6, pp.  4  and  5). As RIM had inherited a site stripped of ‘artefacts’, prisons across South Africa were approached for access to their ‘redundant’ stores and dumping areas. Replicas were identified – bunks, hospital and kitchen equipment, and unique, prisoner‑made ‘washing machines’ – and shipped to the island (see pictorial insert 6, p. 5, top left). Two of the searches remain vivid. The first was at Pollsmoor Prison’s maximum security single‑cell section, where the passage walls were lurid with painted images of birds on red enamel. In a single cell, an inmate tending a baby bird, wore a historic 1960s prison jacket (as worn by Mandela photographed in conversation with Walter Sisulu in the iconic B Section courtyard photo). When we explained why RIM needed the jacket, he took it off immediately, donating it. The other was a visit with EPP Benjamin Ntoele to Barberton Prison in Mpumalanga in search of sisal sleeping mats, a crucial element in communicating the early imprisonment experience of Robben Island as a ‘hell-hole’.11 Prisoners slept on these mats until the mid‑1970s, when their battles with the authorities resulted in beds being provided. Ntoele had been imprisoned on Robben Island as a PAC youth from 1963 to 1973. In 1979 he was sentenced to a second ten‑year term. He had participated in the Landbou reference group and the Cell Reconstruction Group. Ntoele’s commitment to the interpretation project and his patience with my ignorance touched me deeply. When the storeroom at Barberton Prison was opened, piles of the sisal mats were revealed. They were shipped to the island.12

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As the collection of replicas gathered momentum, preparations for substantive conservation work on the prison had begun within the CUC. RIM had inherited a run‑down prison, used in its final days to incarcerate common law prisoners. And a lack of regular maintenance had led to the rapid deterioration of the prison fabric. Major intervention was required to avoid further deterioration. International best practice, and RIM’s conservation policies, supported a minimal intervention, conserve ‘as is’ approach. And from an ‘interpretation’ perspective, the peeling paint, prisoner graffiti and lurid murals of the common law period created a ‘stereotype’ of incarceration that spoke to visitors (erroneously) of the horrors of apartheid’s political imprisonment. But EPPs, aware of the pristine state in which their spans had maintained the prison, were appalled at this deterioration, insisting that the prison should be returned to its former state. This relationship with the fabric of the prison was complex; it had incarcerated and brutalised but it also held powerful memories of political, intellectual and emotional resilience, solidarity and comradeship. And the prison had changed over time. While generally not structural – involving for example paint colour, toilet doors, lockers, study desks – the changes, driven by prisoner struggles for better conditions, had significance and meaning. Each decade of prisoners wanted to see the prison conserved as they remembered it. It was agreed that the existing common law prison layer should be hidden. Conservation work would aim to narrate the layered history and character of a general section over time. All interventions were reversible. The reference groups and Cell Reconstruction Group memory work provided the information to embed the prison’s physical conservation with memories and meanings. Within the CUC, the Heritage Department was able to integrate these memories into the architects’ conservation plans. Section by section the conservation work became more than a technical exercise to stabilise and maintain the fabric of the space, as memory was integrated from the outset, through non‑structural and reversible interventions. The process was demanding and contested, requiring – as do all interpretation processes – subjective decision‑making. Ultimately, despite the extensive preparatory work, including Morake’s Garden Recreation Project, the general sections of the maximum security prison would not see the layered‑history installations during our time on the island. And so it was at the last prison site designated for conservation, the Sobukwe site – referred to as the Sobukwe Complex due to its cluster of Second World

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War buildings within a fenced enclosure – that the concept outlined in the unit’s 2001 plan was explored, where visual display, orality and living history would be fully integrated with conservation practice, with all the contradictions and contestations that inevitably follow such an approach.13

CONSERVING AND INTERPRETING THE SOBUKWE SITE The PAC political prisoners regarded the Sobukwe site as a shrine. Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, the hugely charismatic leader of the PAC, was held there, in solitary confinement, without charge, between 1963 and 1967. PAC EPPs recalled saluting their leader as they passed by the site in their spans en route to the stone quarry or the seashore, this despite the draconian consequences. The prison authorities regarded Sobukwe as the exception, his registration recorded in the prison register in red pen, their official documents noting him as their only political prisoner; all other political prisoners were regarded, in the 1960s, as criminals and were incarcerated with common law prisoners. Sobukwe was the only political prisoner held geographically separate from his comrades, in isolation, without charge and indefinitely. In 1969 Sobukwe was released from Robben Island prison, under banning orders, and banished to Kimberley. The site in which he had been held was later converted into the prison’s dog unit. Many people felt that this had been a deliberate act on the part of the authorities to depoliticise the site and to insult Sobukwe, who had a significant following throughout South Africa. The site was controversial. In mid‑2001, Meintjes allocated the leading of its interpretation to me. While not anticipating controversy, I was determined that the Exhibitions Unit would apply world heritage standards and policies and ensure that Sobukwe’s agency was commemorated on the site. The process of site research, conservation and interpretation spanned seven years, and I cannot do justice to the efforts of all involved here, so a few key strategies will be highlighted. While history and common sense indicated that the site’s significance lay in Sobukwe’s incarceration, conservation practice (and interpretation) required the historical record. The first step was to compile a site register of the layered history of the site. This site register would then enable the museum to determine site significance, which would in turn determine conservation and interpretation strategy. With minimal site‑based information, a team was established to conduct archival research and oral history interviews. The interviews were site‑based, with people who had engaged with Sobukwe on the island. Sobukwe’s son

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and daughter, Dinilesizwe Sobukwe and Miliswa Sobukwe‑Whyte, his friend Benjamin Pogrund, and RIM skipper Jan Moolman who, as a young warder had guarded Sobukwe, were amongst those interviewed. Trawling backwards and forward into the layered history of the site, Second World War veterans, PAC EPPs, the dog unit’s ex‑warders, common law prisoners and a group of 1976 youth, who had been particular targets of the dog unit’s brutality in prison, were interviewed (see pictorial insert 6, pp. 5 and 6). Archival research revealed press photos of Sobukwe at the site, Second World War site plans and multiple documents. Records indicating the removal of black warders from Robben Island, shortly before Sobukwe’s arrival in 1963, set up a trail to one of the buildings alongside the Sobukwe site. It had been used as a segregated school for the children of ‘coloured’ warders. Amongst those removed was Mr  Rosant, the last school principal. He had died, but we were able to locate his children. They had attended the small school run by their father. We interviewed the siblings as a family group. The opportunity to commemorate their father and recall what for them had been a happy period of their lives was an emotional experience. The experience of interviewing the Sobukwe and Rosant children at the site crystallised an interpretative strategy for the old schoolhouse, both autobiographical and intergenerational: an island interpretation space for children. Once sufficient material had been gathered, the site register was compiled. RIM could now assess its significance. That this significance lay in Sobukwe’s incarceration was uncontested. And as the site would be the last in the prison precinct to be conserved, and work was still under way at the main prison, we now had time to draft a CMP and an interpretation plan, prior to the conservation of the site. At this point controversy around the site reached a peak. During the site’s ‘dog unit’ period a number of additional kennels with external runs had been constructed there. But limited changes had been made to the building in which Sobukwe had been held, T156, used as the dog unit office. However, this was not the case for a second, significant building on the site.14 After years of petitioning government authorities, shortly before Sobukwe’s release, Mrs Sobukwe and their four children were allowed three extended visits to the site. During this time the family was locked inside the fenced site, the children sleeping separately from their parents in building T160. This structure, redolent of the brutalisation of apartheid and its devastating impact on black families, had subsequently been compartmentalised into dog kennels, each with an external fenced dog‑run extension.

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History (backed up by the site research) indicated that the site’s key significance lay in Sobukwe’s historical presence here. But the site’s overwhelming visual impact was that of a prison dog unit. Our team argued that to communicate the site’s significance and its layered history, T160’s internal kennel walls and external runs had to be demolished. However, our proposal to remove built fabric went against the island’s minimal intervention policy and was met with scepticism during an initial SAHRA visit to inspect the island’s conservation work. Resistance then took on political dimensions, with some EPPs arguing that the dog unit symbolised their brutalisation by prison authorities and therefore no fabric should be removed. This, despite the existence of a number of other dog kennels that would remain intact on the site. Numerous meetings were held and specialists consulted. In an April 2004 workshop, a decision was taken. The exteriors of all buildings would be conserved as is, but the interiors of those used by Sobukwe would be conserved to the period of his incarceration. So, in T160, the building in which the Sobukwe children had slept, the exterior dog runs would remain but the interior kennel walls would be removed and conserved as Sobukwe’s children recalled the space: two large rooms, one in which they slept and one in which they played. With this decision taken, we completed the Sobukwe site’s CMP. It was accepted by SAHRA and the conservation of the site went ahead. As with the maximum security prison, the architects had integrated access and health and safety requirements into their plans. These additions were debated at length within the CUC, as they created a new, twenty‑first‑century layer within the prison landscape. All efforts were made to ensure minimum intervention while clearly defining this new layer. Nevertheless, the health and safety requirements further contributed to the erosion of a sense of place and the museumification of Robben Island. That new interventions should consider interpretative implications was demonstrated when guides reported a bold structure erected at the back of the site. Rumours flew around the island of a memorial to Sobukwe or a grave discovered on the site (due to its close proximity to one of the many island graveyards). Despite our specifications for a glass sheet over the dog unit’s sunken flea and tick dip, a bulky, shiny stainless steel safety railing had been erected around the dip. The railing held interpretative potential to memorialise a dog dip. It was removed. The site’s integrated conservation and interpretation plans were driven by memories of the site, with particular input from Sobukwe’s son, Dinilesizwe Sobukwe. The plans dovetailed in production and intent – to create a symbolic memorial environment that aimed for austerity. The conservation work on the

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interior spaces and the audio material generated during site visits provided the backbone for this approach. Sobukwe was a prolific letter writer; this was his primary means of communication with family and friends. His voice resides in his correspondence. So letters and replicas of key objects sourced with the assistance of Dini Sobukwe created a reflective and symbolic space that spoke of his isolation, self‑discipline and resilience (see pictorial insert 6, pp. 6 and 7). Primary sources such as Drum magazine articles provided context for Sobukwe’s incarceration and political and personal life. With the exception of photos of the Sobukwe children, all the photographs were site‑based. Text interventions (captions) were kept to a minimum. Visitors could explore the site, generating their own interpretations and meanings through the materials provided and the site itself (see pictorial insert 6, p. 7). In selected kennels, images of the prison dogs and artefacts donated by ex‑warders, together with audio narratives by warders and EPPs, provided a nuanced context for the use of dogs during political imprisonment. The austerity imposed on the fenced site was complemented by an interpretative centre in the old schoolhouse, set outside the fenced perimeter of the Sobukwe complex of buildings. Despite daily school visits to the island, there were no interpreted spaces specifically designed for young people. Emotively, the use of the schoolhouse as the youth space resonated with its 1960s history as a segregated apartheid school for coloured children. From the outset, our interpretation team had included staff from the Education Department. Heritage educators Nomzamo Damoyi, Vuvu Mayongo and Sandra Daniels conducted school tours and had some flexibility in the content and structure of their tours. As a collective, we now focused our energies on the interpretative centre’s development. We were later joined by Mavis Smallberg, the unit’s exhibitions facilitator. Her studies in interpretative theory brought valuable learnings. We imagined a creative, collaborative space with designated areas for individual exploration and group participation. A computer game, based on the morabaraba game played by the Sobukwe children,15 was commissioned and the Education Department produced an animation dealing with the history of the site, from a child’s perspective. It was narrated by Sandra Daniels, she too the child of an ex‑political prisoner, Lionel Davis. To further conserve the memories of the layered history of the site, we drew on experiences from the ‘Cell Stories’ and ‘Jetty One’ exhibitions. Each of the six small rooms in the schoolhouse would house an ‘autobiographical’ installation.

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 Memories of working in RIM’s first Exhibitions Unit, 1999–2008

Collectively, they formed a kaleidoscope of meanings, each facet contributing to the meaning of the whole. In a series of site visits, the Sobukwe family, the Rosant family, EPPs from the 1960s and 1970s, and ex‑warders, all of whom had a direct relationship with the site, were invited to spend a weekend on the island with their children or grandchildren. The elders shared their memories and experiences of the site with their young ones, translating these memories into a design plan for their ‘room’ in the old school building (see pictorial insert 6, p. 8). For many EPPs, it had been hard to share their experiences of prison. For some, this visit assisted in breaking the barriers of silence and pain. The Sobukwe site’s intergenerational site interviews opened new avenues for communication between parents and children, ensuring that the stories of one generation would pass on to the next. However, by early 2008, after years of preparatory work, the installation of the Sobukwe site exhibits was not on the RIM agenda due to financial constraints. After ten years of work on the island, I moved to the Eastern Cape. A year later I went back to the island for three months to oversee the installation of the Sobukwe site exhibitions. It is not my intention to explore the politics of curatorship or critique the success or failure of the work. Despite the years of preparation, weaknesses in the installation were apparent. But it was done.

ON REFLECTION The Sobukwe site was a key node of the 2001 ‘Conceptual plan: Prison precinct visitor experience’. A visit to the site was designed as part of the Limestone Quarry Walking Tour and as a stand‑alone visitor option. The new visitor experience plan was never implemented. RIM still offers the single tour comprising a 45‑minute guided prison tour and a 45‑minute bus tour. The bus stops briefly outside the Sobukwe site, but visitors are not allowed to disembark. So, despite the huge investment of resources in the conservation and interpretation of the site, visitors do not have an option to visit it. They cannot reflect on Sobukwe’s contribution to our liberation and the ongoing power of his voice, in the space of his incarceration. There are some who regard this marginalisation as a political act, a deliberate negation of history, memory and voice. While this may be true, Sobukwe’s marginalisation in the island visitor experience bleeds into and mirrors the marginalisation of hundreds of other political prisoners whose contributions and voices are silenced by the absence of a dynamic interpretative vision for Robben Island, one that draws on the vast repository of memory collected during the

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reference group process, a multitude of site interviews and the political prisoner life‑history interviews that comprise the Memories Project. I, like many other South Africans, had anticipated a radical transformation of all state institutions after 1990. This did not occur. However RIM, as a newly created state museum, held the potential to lead the way within the heritage sector. This did not occur. In structure and practice, RIM followed colonial patterns of museumification. Embedded in the terrain of post‑liberation socioeconomic ‘development’, South Africa’s heritage and history are either viewed as an economic ‘saviour’, subjugated to the dictates of the tourism industry, or as a means to secure ‘social cohesion’. In both instances, our liberation history is cherry‑picked, stripped of its complexity and commodified. And none of us who work within this terrain are blameless. Yet, knowledge of our complex past is key to a critique of the present and our struggles for a different future. The island stands as a microcosm of South Africa’s history, a unique source of history and living memory, it retains its power. Aluta continua!

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 Robben Island Museum’s Ex‑Political Prisoner reference groups

27 Participation in progress: The story of Robben Island Museum’s Ex‑Political Prisoner reference groups Roger Meintjes, Nolubabalo Tongo‑Cetywayo, Phumlani Grant Shezi, Gaby Cheminais and Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi

Reference groups were one of a number of participatory processes designed by RIM’s Heritage Department to involve EPPs in the conservation and interpretation of the island. The groups were site‑based multilingual gatherings for collaborative memory work focused on the apartheid layer of the island’s history, involving former prisoners from different historical periods and from different political organisations. They enabled the museum to elicit and conserve images, processes, experiences and meanings associated with the various sites and structures making up the prison precinct. Together, the collective memories of the different groups now constitute a nuanced multi‑voice resource, which can guide museum development over the long term, inform healing and closure work with families of prisoners who passed away on the island, and enable individual EPPs to pass on their experiences in new ways back home. The reference group concept was sketched out by members of the Heritage Department’s Exhibitions Unit, some of whom were themselves EPPs, and further developed with members of the broader EPP community. The process revealed how authentic participatory approaches can be collaboratively designed through ongoing dialogue with key stakeholders, but also that the success of such initiatives is strongly reliant on a relationship of trust and mutual benefit, which can be difficult to achieve. The RIM reference group team organised 26 different groups between 2001 and 2006. Each group gathering was held on the island over a three‑day period

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– Thursday afternoon through to Sunday afternoon – using a standard format. This included an official welcome and discussion about the programme and the use agreement form, site‑based collaborative memory work sessions related to the focus of the group, time off to reconnect with old comrades, the recording of a short video message, election of group representatives, signing of an interim use agreement, presentation of gifts and farewells. A total of around six hundred and fifty EPPs participated in the process, with group sizes ranging between six and thirty-seven members. Groups were organised around prison sites and structures (B  Section, G  Section, F  Section, E  Section, D  Section, Outronk, Zinktronk, hospital, kitchen, A Section, visitor centre and censor office, gardens); forced labour groups known as spans, the Afrikaans word for ‘teams’ (Padspan, Bamboespan, Draadspan, Matspan, Bouspan, Wasspan, Stone Quarryspan, Landbouspan, Lime Quarryspan); trades (Bougroep); and national identity (Namibians). The list of group topics was developed by the Exhibitions Unit in consultation with EPPs (internal and external to the museum). EPPs who wanted to participate in the reference group process were asked to choose two topics from the list to enable unit members to balance groups according to historical period and political affiliation. The reference group team generally tried to keep group numbers under thirty, to enable meaningful participation by all. In cases where the number of interested EPPs was significantly higher, two groups were created and run on different dates: for example, Stone Quarryspan 1 (2002) and Stone Quarryspan 2 (2003). Participants always shared a common experience of a site, structure, form of forced labour, and so on, but these experiences often varied according to their period of incarceration. This commonality and difference helped to drive group remembering – building on each other’s narratives – and discussion during the sessions. The site‑based memory work was trialled and refined with individuals and small groups prior to the start of the process, and developed from one group to the next.

GROUP REMEMBERING AND DISCUSSION Group remembering and discussion sessions were facilitated by an EPP from the Exhibitions Unit. The facilitators modelled their approach on underground political classes run in the prison, known as mrhabulo or mrhabulo seminars. The approach was pioneered by Grant Shezi, and later adopted by Geneva Morake when he took over the facilitator role to allow Shezi to pursue his interest in camera work. Both EPP facilitators had participated in mrhabulo as young prisoners in the Robben Island political prison. Mrhabulo is the Nguni word for ‘sip’ or ‘taste’ on a friendly basis, especially something which is regarded as taboo

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 Robben Island Museum’s Ex‑Political Prisoner reference groups

(forbidden). The seminars were Marxism‑Leninism classes run by members of the Communist Party. They were started by the ANC in the 1960s, and opened to members of all liberation movements in the late 1970s. This practice was stopped in the early 1980s after a number of political prisoners resigned their membership of other organisations and joined the ANC – because the communists were also members of the ANC. From then on, each organisation continued with its own mrhabulo. The mrhabulo format was adopted for the reference groups because they were gatherings of EPPs from different political organisations, and it enabled the facilitator to choose a topic for collective participation. For example, when the facilitator introduced the concept of ‘sport in the prison’, it took the form of mrhabulo. EPP facilitators used their intimate knowledge of the prison to guide and develop discussions. The remembering and discussion sessions were run at the site, structure or area chosen for the reference group. EPP participants were encouraged to speak in their mother tongue when making contributions. South Africa has eleven official languages, and all South African reference groups reflected this linguistic diversity. Switching between languages was spontaneous and ongoing throughout all groups. Facilitators understood all the languages, except the Nama spoken by the Namibian EPPs. In this case, other Namibian EPP participants offered simultaneous translation. EPP participants in other groups also offered to translate when there was a need. Chairs were placed in a circle or semicircle and the facilitator joined participants in the formation to guide discussions (see pictorial insert 7, p.  1,  top). Facilitators aimed to help groups build a nuanced record of the site, structure, span, and so on, reflecting different personal and political perspectives and periods of incarceration. The mrhabulo format was often extended by the reference group team members to promote inclusion. For example, for the E Section reference group, team members displayed objects from the museum’s collections – which had previously belonged to the political prisoners’ Sport and Recreation Committee – and invited participants to choose an item and talk about it. Participants looked at the items laid out on tables (see pictorial insert 7, p. 3, top), chose one, and returned to the mrhabulo to offer their contribution (see pictorial insert 7, p. 3, bottom). Each EPP participant was also asked to choose a place or object of significance in E  Section, and describe the significance it held for them. The mrhabulo moved from place to place over the course of an afternoon, following individual memories, until each EPP had had his turn to narrate his part of the collective story. Other EPPs listened to their comrades, and regularly followed up with questions and related contributions. EPP participants also actively shaped

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the mrhabulo through their own impromptu interventions, such as holding a moment of silence in the Stone Quarry to remember comrades who had passed away (see pictorial insert 7, p. 1, bottom); ‘detouring’ off the gravel road they had built and maintained, to demonstrate how they used proximity to the coastline to supplement their diet with grilled shellfish called imbaza (see pictorial insert  7, p. 7, bottom); and picking the umhlonyane medicinal plant at the Landbou hard labour site to show how they compensated for inadequate healthcare in the prison (see pictorial insert 7, p. 6, bottom).

RECONSTRUCTING PROCESSES FROM MEMORY Geneva Morake, an EPP who developed artistic skills on the island, and Gaby  Cheminais, an artist‑activist with a background in grassroots political media (both members of the RIM reference group team), designed activities which enabled EPP participants to work with mental images as well. They were supported by Lionel Davis, an EPP and artist working in the museum’s Tours Department. Some of their activities were designed around structures which had been destroyed by the prison authorities. An example of this form of collaborative reconstruction work was developed for the Draadspan (wire team) reference group. It included a visit to the site of the old wire tunnel, which ran between the maximum security prison and the stone quarry, to look for remnants of the structure (see pictorial insert  7, p.  2,  top), followed by a drawing and discussion session in which each participant drew the tunnel as they remembered it, and explained their drawing for others in the group (see pictorial insert 7, p. 2, bottom). Davis, who is well known for his drawing and teaching work), facilitated the drawing session.1 Another example was designed for the Zinktronk (Corrugated Iron Prison) reference group. The Zinktronk was used to incarcerate prisoners while they were building the maximum security prison with stone from the Stone Quarry. It was transformed into a library after the completion of the maximum security prison, and then destroyed. A large marquee tent was erected adjacent to the site of the destroyed structure for the reference group sessions. The thirty EPPs who participated in the group were broken up into four smaller groups, and asked to collaboratively draw the prison as they remembered it. Each small group gathered around a sheet of paper and worked up their version (see pictorial insert  7, p.  5,  top). One EPP usually assumed responsibility for the drawing, while the others discussed details and offered instructions. After all the small groups had completed their drawings, they taped them onto a temporary wall created inside the tent for the purpose and explained their representations to the others. Two EPPs

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then assumed responsibility for combining the four drawings into a shared large‑scale representation, including details of objects in and around the structure. The synthesising process – what was moved, what was included, what was excluded, what was enlarged, what was reduced – helped generate further discussion (see pictorial insert 7, p. 5, bottom). Participants were then asked to choose a place or object of significance represented in the large drawing and describe its significance for others. They stood at the drawing to narrate their contribution and used the representation to illustrate points they were making. Comrades listened, and followed up with questions and related contributions. Afterwards, the team and group worked together to mark out the structure on the site with barrier tape. This temporary intervention was documented visually. Morake and Cheminais also designed activities around existing structures and spaces to elicit and conserve processes. An example of this form of collaborative memory work was the construction activity developed for the Bouspan (building team) reference group – the EPPs forced to build the maximum security prison. Davis made a pair of wire gauze goggles, such as prisoners used to make to protect their eyes from stone chips; tools were accessed from the museum’s Collections Unit; and the Estates Department helped source appropriate building materials and identify island stone that could be used in a demonstration. Morake, who facilitated, explained that the team wanted the group to build a small construction model to demonstrate how the maximum security prison was built. EPP participants took over the process from there, splitting up into smaller task‑related groups, and coordinating efforts towards a common goal. They often fell back into roles held during the original construction process. One small group went to the lime quarry to quarry the lime, another collaboratively mixed up the daka (cement mix) while singing work songs from the period, one pair dressed the stone for the facade, the bricklayer built a wall fragment (see pictorial insert  7, p.  3,  top), and then they set the dressed stone into one side of the wall fragment with the daka to show how the facade was created. Participants described what they were doing while they were working, and Morake followed up with questions relating to actions and narrative. Others added to the narrative when they felt something was missing. Tata Solomon Mabuza, who had worked on the facade pointing – the cement ridges running between the stone slabs covering the outer walls of the prison – created his own tool for this, and gave a demonstration on an area that had been damaged by the elements (see pictorial insert 7, p. 4, bottom). Other reconstructions of processes included the knaplyn technique used for crushing stone, by the first Stone Quarry reference group (see  pictorial insert  7, p.  6,  top), and the planting of a tree of remembrance in

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the gardens of the prison during the meeting of the Gardens reference group (see pictorial insert  7, p.  7,  top). PWD gardeners responsible for the upkeep of the prison gardens were invited to attend the latter group’s sessions.

DOCUMENTATION All activities were thoroughly documented by the unit’s technical team. The team comprised three people filming with video cameras (one of whom was always an external specialist), two people photographing with stills cameras, and two people recording sound. Unit members received training for these roles. The photographers also took a posed group photograph at a spot chosen by EPP participants. The first twenty-four photos were reproduced in two calendars with participants’ names, and mailed to members of these groups. The initiative helped to expand the reunion aspect of the reference group gatherings across groups. (For more photographs of these reference groups, see pictorial insert 8, pp. 9 and 10.). The video material from each group is currently being edited into 120‑minute‑long DVDs. Each DVD focuses on one of the reference group topics (for example, G Section, Zinktronk, Padspan, Namibians). Team members view all the tapes of a group together, extract themes guided by questions from a facilitator, and group themes together to form a storyline. Each group’s DVD opens with brief personal introductions, and then outlines the content generated through the collaborative site‑based memory work. Moments of reuniting, in many cases for the first time since release, daily routines, anecdotes, personal reflections, lessons learnt from prison and the group’s video message are also included. IsiZulu, isiXhosa, Sesotho and Afrikaans narratives are translated into English and subtitled. The emphasis is on EPP experiences and stories narrated in their own words. The editing is being done with the support of an external service provider, who will also clean the sound, log the tapes and save material to external drives for conservation purposes. The museum will mail a copy of the completed DVD to all EPPs who participated in the group. In cases where participants have passed away, the DVD will be given to their spouse or children. Sixteen of the group DVDs have been completed to date, and the team is currently working on the remaining ten.

OUTCOMES The reference group process helped build a nuanced multi‑voice repository of intangible heritage associated with the various sites and structures making up the prison precinct. It was generated through a unique form of inclusive collaborative memory work grounded in this intangible heritage. The resource has enabled the

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museum to pursue its aims of truth, reconciliation, peace, transformation and nation building, and has informed conservation and interpretation work.2 Four examples demonstrate how it is being used within the museum and the EPP community, and point to possible uses in the future. Firstly, various RIM departments have used the reference group DVDs to further develop their narratives. This use shows how the resource can sustain oral practices in the museum in the future. The museum uses oral narratives to communicate most of its intangible heritage, and currently relies extensively on EPPs’ first‑hand accounts. This living heritage, while powerful and authentic, is not sustainable over the long term. A number of EPP guides have passed away in recent years, and others are nearing retirement or have retired. The reference group DVD collection, which will conserve the memories and experiences of over five hundred EPPs from all over South Africa and Namibia, can help act as a bridge between EPP generations and those which follow them. The museum is currently developing plans in this regard. Secondly, the EPP ‘voice’ from the reference groups has played an important role in debates around conservation work. For example, many EPP participants disagreed strongly with RIM’s conservation plan, which advocated a minimal intervention approach. They expressed dissatisfaction with the state of the maximum security prison, particularly the murals painted by common law prisoners in the period between the closure of the political prison and the launch of the museum. They explained how they had been forced to keep the prison in immaculate condition, and how the new, colourful and in some cases almost playful environments fundamentally misrepresented their incarceration experiences. They argued repeatedly for the return of the austere look and feel of the political prison period, especially that of the 1960s and 1970s. The museum eventually found a middle ground by covering the murals and ‘restoring’ cells to reflect conditions in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. EPP participants also played an important role in the development of the plan for the restoration and conservation of the Stone Quarry wall. The solution was worked out with (often competing) contributions from environmentalists, engineers, heritage managers, SAHRA, and EPPs through the two Stone Quarryspan reference groups. EPP contributions helped the museum to make informed interventions on the site, especially with regard to authenticity, integrity and cultural significance.3 Thirdly, discussions around deaths in prison among the Outronk, Stone Quarryspan, Zinktronk, Bamboespan and Bougroep reference groups have informed an important line of healing and closure work with the families of those who have passed away. They have also helped to restore dignity to those

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political prisoners whose souls were still lingering within the walls of the prison cells. Many families have struggled for more than forty years to find out what happened to loved ones who did not return. Some of these families made applications to the TRC, but due to limited time and the specific mandate of the TRC, not all were investigated. The reference groups helped provide context for the deaths of these political prisoners – which was missing from prison files and records – and helped to identify EPPs who were incarcerated with them at the time. The museum organised a pilgrimage to the island for family members, and invited the EPP participants from the reference groups to provide context for the deaths. The museum has also worked with the Missing Persons Task Team of the National Prosecuting Authority to locate most of the pauper graves in which the dead were buried, and erected a monument in their honour in the Stikland Cemetery in Cape Town. There are also plans to name schools, public halls and streets after them in their home villages and towns, so that their names are not forgotten. Nolubabalo Tongo‑Cetywayo, who developed and led this line of memory work, provides an account in this book together with Madeleine Fullard (see Chapter 30). Finally, the completed reference group DVDs have enabled EPPs to share their experiences in new ways back home. Many have phoned the museum after receiving their copy to express their deep gratitude. They have explained how they will treasure the DVD for current and future generations. Tata Madalambane from the Stone Quarryspan reference group told how he was asked by a teacher in his village to play the DVD in school for the learners and talk about Robben Island prison. Through this process, the museum was able to share Robben Island experiences with other communities. Such activities could be actively promoted and supported by the museum in the future.

REFLECTIONS ON TRUST AND MUTUAL BENEFIT The welcome sessions – always the first ‘official’ contact between EPP participants of a reference group and the RIM reference group team – were generally characterised by an atmosphere of suspicion and frustration. Many EPPs had questions about investment initiatives set up in their names by other EPPs (outside the formal structure of the museum) and their relationship to the museum. Others were concerned about the appropriation and monetisation of their memories, and wanted to know how the museum would prevent researchers benefitting from their stories once told. Some wanted to know about proceeds from ticket sales, and drew attention to the dire socioeconomic plight of many old comrades, especially those too frail to work. Shezi, who chaired these

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sessions, helped to bring the two parties together and to build an environment of trust. He understood the points of view of EPPs in a deep way, having spent time in prison with many of them and having gone through hard times himself after his release. He also believed passionately in the democratisation of the Robben Island narrative, seeing his role in the museum as one of assisting the community of EPPs to write the history of imprisonment. His empathy with the views and predicaments of EPPs, and his drive to leave no stone unturned in the collection of significant information about the prison experience, helped convince EPP participants of the credibility of the reference group initiative. It would have been extremely difficult for someone who was not an EPP to perform this role. The trust built in these opening sessions was an essential condition for the collaborative memory work which followed. The use of the recorded material was a burning issue in every group. EPPs wanted to know how they would benefit from sharing their stories with the museum, noting that the museum brought in tourists on a daily basis to see the prison and listen to the story of political imprisonment – over eight million visitors in the first twenty years.4 They repeatedly raised the issues of the welfare of the aged and unemployed, and financial aid for their children. In an attempt to seek a solution to the use of the recorded material, the museum management and EPPs attending the first reference group drafted an interim use agreement which confirmed the protection of the recorded material and the internal use of the material in museum programmes.5 In the agreement, museum use is strictly limited to the development of exhibitions and tours, the development of education programmes and the conservation of prison sites through memory. Both parties also agreed that two elected representatives of each reference group would come together at the end of the process to define an agreement which would address issues raised by the groups. These issues include the use of the material by external parties and a benefit scheme for EPPs funded through profits generated by products developed with the reference groups’ material (for example, a bursary scheme for EPPs’ children and a medical scheme). Over ten years have passed since the last reference group session was run on Robben Island in 2006, and no final meeting has been held. The interim use agreements, which allow the museum to use the recorded materials in its programmes, still stand, and there is no final agreement binding both parties to a mutually beneficial arrangement. It is likely that RIM’s real use of the reference groups’ recorded material will occur in years to come, when there are no longer EPP tour guides and education officers in the museum. At that point, staff will be able to tap into the rich legacy

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left behind by the twenty-six EPP reference groups and forge new and inclusive multi‑voice narratives of political imprisonment rooted in the oral traditions of the African continent. There will be fifty-two hours of carefully edited and translated stories of political imprisonment relating to all the key sites and structures making up the prison precinct. The investments of over five hundred EPPs will thus inform the next chapter of the museum’s development.

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28 Research Unit experiences in memorialising and archiving Robben Island prisoner memories through oral history Noel Solani and Oupa Makhalemele

The Heritage, Education and Tours departments of RIM were regarded as core departments in the formative years of the making of the museum. From 1997 to 2002, the Heritage Department was responsible for knowledge production in the form of research, some of which was converted into displays. The Education and Tours departments transmitted this knowledge through various programmes. In this chapter, we aim to discuss three aspects of the work directly related to the Research Unit. Firstly, the kind of knowledge that was produced throughout the prison period and that is now stored in the archives. This exercise will assist us in determining the story that the prison records narrate about Robben Island Prison. Secondly, we aim to examine the oral narratives that we collected from former political prisoners when the island was closed as a prison and became a museum. Thirdly, we touch on the complexities of conserving this memory, of establishing databases and of creating a new archive. RIM reflected some of the tensions that existed in South Africa in the first phase after the establishment of democracy. Its staff complement came from different political persuasions and held different political perspectives, in a space that was itself fraught with politics. We approached our work conscious of these facts, conducting archival research where possible, but focusing mainly on oral history research. The focus on oral methodology was necessitated by the awareness that the available archival material was a

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product of the prison system, with all the power relations that came with it. Oral research methodology, at least initially, gave hope to the thousands of South African political prisoners that their stories and experiences would not be forgotten. RIM was to be their monument, where their experiences of political imprisonment would be represented and memorialised. In the winter of 1998, in an attempt to collect artefacts and record memories of imprisonment, the museum’s Research and Exhibitions units travelled to at least three provinces to pilot the collection of oral narratives and any memorabilia that individuals might have from their time as prisoners. The oral history project was also influenced by the desire to fully comprehend and understand the whole life of each prisoner, not only his political beliefs and prison experiences. To achieve this, open‑ended questionnaires were drawn up. The questions focused on birth and early life, family, conditions at home, social and economic conditions, education, influences and prison experience. In each respect, the questions went into detail in a desire to understand the human condition in its totality. We should mention that some of these questions were also influenced by the many autobiographies already produced by political prisoners themselves, two of which we found particularly useful, namely Indres Naidoo’s Island in Chains1 and Natoo Babenia’s Memoirs of a Saboteur.2 In collecting former prisoner memories, we were faced by a variety of challenges. The first was the geographical spread of former prisoners within the Republic of South Africa. With sufficient budget for travelling and accommodation, this problem could be overcome by maximising the use of our time in each geographical area. The second challenge was the lack of a database of former political prisoners. We sought the help of former political prisoners who identified people who had been in the same trial with them or had shared the same cells, though problems arose when people had relocated. Often, we turned to leaders of political organisations who might know where individual members could be found. What also helped us was the existence of EPPs’ organisations. In East London, for example, such an organisation facilitated our stay and contact with potential interviewees. In Sibasa, contact with one political prisoner opened doors for us to interview many other political prisoners in Limpopo Province. In other provinces, similar contacts were established either with political prisoner organisations or directly with the offices of political organisations. In some interviews, language at times became a limitation, especially with those who were comfortable speaking vernacular languages. The interviews

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themselves were very informative and clarified why people had risked their lives and become activists. The last issue, which has not yet been resolved through formal agreements because of many ethical considerations, was whether to pay political prisoners for their interviews, especially as some of them were unemployed and valued any assistance. This issue was constantly debated within the museum community at different times. In the end, and up to 2002, we resolved not to pay any person for agreeing to be interviewed. In Limpopo, our contact was an EPP called Mbewu, who was keen to assist us. With our recorders and video cameras, we were soon ready to collect stories which we would share with the rest of the world through museum exhibitions, and which students could quarry to write theses and academic papers. We soon learnt that to achieve these noble aims, we had to deal with questions that we had not thought through. In communities that were deeply organised, we had to meet with the executive committees of former political prisoners and explain our objectives. While we were allowed to continue with the interviews, some alarm bells were rung about problems that we might face in future. We were ill‑prepared and did not fully appreciate where the former political prisoners came from and their position in society post‑1994. But we also learned positive things. In Limpopo, we learned from the interviews about the organisational tactics of activists. We learned about the relationship between the struggles of the working class, youth and those of the immediate communities in which they were situated. One veteran, who was part of the Wankie Campaign and was arrested in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), told us stories of that campaign, of their arrest and torture. Most important for him was how O.R. Tambo called him to order when he suggested that civilians could also become targets if they supported the system of apartheid. In this way, he sought to illustrate that if the ANC had had no organisational discipline, it could easily have disintegrated in exile. In Pretoria, we met many PAC activists who were concerned with the marginalisation of the PAC in the museum’s narrative of the Robben Island Prison. They saw the new museum as promoting the story of Nelson Mandela and that of the ANC. They emphasised that the PAC was the first group of political prisoners to be sent to Robben Island and ANC prisoners followed them. There was a stage when PAC prisoners were in the majority. However, they also pointed to the cooperation which developed between political prisoners as they campaigned for the improvement of their material conditions in prison. The development of sport in the prison resulted in better cooperation

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and understanding when sports committees and clubs were established. Dikgang Moseneke shared with us the story of how, as the youngest prisoner at the time, he was assisted by other prisoners with his educational ambitions. In the Eastern Cape, the political prisoners’ community was highly organised, especially in the former Border region, which included East London, King William’s Town, Alice and Queenstown. After we had introduced ourselves, we interviewed the committee as a group and they shared their stories. Afterwards, we made appointments with individuals and interviewed them separately. One of the interesting stories came from those who were incarcerated on Robben Island twice, the first time in the 1960s and the second time in the late 1970s and early 1980s. These former political prisoners could clearly identify changes in the prison conditions over time. Also of interest was the EPPs’ reluctance to speak about their individual experiences, rather than those as a group. One had to push them hard to focus on themselves first and then on the group later. The number of interviews conducted by the Research Unit was close to 300. The database I have puts them at 210 but I have noticed that there are many people who were interviewed who are not reflected on the database. The interviews were conducted intensively between October 1997 and June 2000. After that, the interviewing became more ad hoc. In all the interviews, there were common denominators which all political prisoners shared, irrespective of the period when they were in prison. The first was resistance and sacrifice. The second was the relationship between prisoners and authorities. Prison authorities cast themselves in the fashion Foucault has described in his seminal work, Discipline and Punish, as taking ‘responsibility [for] all aspects of the individual, his physical training, his aptitude to work, his everyday conduct, his moral attitude and state of mind’.3 For example, prisoners were not allowed to switch off lights in the cells: this was a punishable offence. As Foucault says, such a rule ‘accustoms the convict to regard the law as [a] sacred precept whose violations bring just and legitimate harm’.4 Prisoners adopted various forms of resistance, the most effective being hunger strikes, as a way of improving their prison conditions and asserting control over their lives. Andrew Masondo narrated a story about prisoners who started a campaign to demand their unconditional release from prison: The National Party had no business in locking us up, particularly John Vorster. This was because we were fighting for our rights. We took up arms because we had no choice. Our organisations were banned, whereas people like Van den Bergh and Vorster were released before they finished their sentences [during

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the Second World War] when they were arrested for treason and had a right to vote, and we had none of those.5

One of the things that political prisoners fought for was the right to study. The right to education was also promoted during political education classes, which were conducted clandestinely within the prison community. Many political prisoners shared the sentiments of Masondo, who argued that commitment to education by the prisoners could not be equalled anywhere else in South Africa: At Robben Island, education was taken seriously. It was one of the tools that exercised prisoners’ minds and increased their educational knowledge. Also it was one of the tools that liberated those who could not read and write. Before I was transferred to isolation section, I noticed something that was very strange to me. There were chaps I worked with outside, whom I thought were better educated. A chap could speak fluent English and address people in English. Then one day in prison, you find this chap comes to you and say, Mfundisi (teacher), can you write me a letter? Then you ask, why should I write it for you? Then your comrade tells you, no, I did not go to school, I can’t write. I did not believe it, until I ultimately realised it was true. That is when I saw it necessary to teach people how to read and write.6

Both basic education and higher education were valued. There are many stories told of how political prisoners came to prison with basic levels of education, and by the time they left, some had graduated with two degrees. Besides education, sport played a prominent role in the lives of prisoners. Of interest to us was the story of Kader Hassim of the Unity Movement, who believed that he was one of the best chess players on the island. ‘In one year, I was pitched against Andrew Masondo. He just demolished me and totally demoralised me. After that, I never played chess again. I let my team down and was totally demoralised. But I continued to play table tennis, tennis and bridge.’ At times, there were differences between the generations of prisoners. Those that arrived in the early 1960s and served long‑term sentences were at times challenged by new arrivals, especially the generation that entered in the mid‑1970s. The BC leader Strini Moodley remembered an incident that took place shortly after he had arrived in prison: One of the highlights of B Section was to watch a movie. Normally on Saturday morning the movie would come. This one Saturday, the movie did not come. Of

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course we soon discovered that some of the older generation was so accustomed to the routine. If it were slightly altered, their blood pressure would shoot up. When Harding [head of the prison] was called, he said he was punishing us because some of us do not put our lights off at night when we sleep. That is why the movie was withdrawn. This resulted in a major uproar with organisations holding their own meetings. The major question was, what was to be done with this? We in the BCM just said, we are putting the lights off, finish.7

These anecdotes clearly show how power had to be constantly negotiated between the prisoners and the authorities and between the prisoners themselves.8

Research management At RIM, the Research Unit started with only a research assistant. Capacity was increased when Harriet Deacon was appointed manager. Her experience greatly improved the output of the unit. Soon after she joined, she recruited a researcher and a research assistant. Slowly, policies and procedures were developed and standards followed which brought about an increasing professionalisation of the unit. In the early days, for instance, there were no written contracts between the institution and interviewees – what we later called a release form – but only a recorded verbal contract, which stated that the interviewee agreed that the interview would be used for exhibitions by RIM, for academic purposes and not for profit. As a result, follow‑ups with the interviewees had to be made later so that official contracts could be signed between them and the institution. In addition, the interview tapes needed to be properly accessioned, and an appropriate storage place found. In the beginning, all the tapes were kept in the researchers’ cabinets and were at risk of being lost. Some of the issues relating to space and to professionalisation were resolved when the Mayibuye Centre was incorporated into RIM. The merger brought with it experienced staff members in all fields of library science and archives. All these issues indicate some of the challenges facing an institution that was still in the making and had to develop its own practices and culture. One of the positive developments was the ability of the institution to recruit young black professionals; and under the directorship of André Odendaal the museum became a site of training for them. With hindsight, the Research Unit could have been established differently, perhaps as a separate entity and directly linked to the Mayibuye Archives. This would have allowed for proper management of the research output by archive

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specialists. Instead, the Research Unit was not used to benefit the whole of RIM, including other departments within the institution, but its research output was seen as serving only the Exhibitions Unit. When these shortcomings were brought to the attention of management, the institution agreed that the Research Unit should deposit its material with the RIM/Mayibuye Archives. Maurice Halbwachs argues that ‘no memory is possible outside the frameworks used by people living in society to determine and retrieve their recollections’.9 Our memories about RIM may or may not converge depending on where we were situated. However, there is one thing that cannot be denied about those early days of the institution: the museum director, André Odendaal, ensured that the environment at the museum was educational. He insisted that we carry forward the tradition of Robben Island as a university or place of learning. As a result, many programmes were set up to ensure that the spirit of a university prevailed. Mrhabulo seminars were part of that contribution. Individual academic development was also encouraged and people were given space to study and also encouraged to take up opportunities in exchange programmes. Most of those recruited were black and young intellectuals and the environment allowed for their growth. It was within this environment that we sought to conserve and preserve the memory of Robben Island. May the memory of triumph against adversity continue in all the work that we do and in the work of RIM in its third decade of existence.

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29 Journey to Sithebe village: In search of the first political prisoners in Robben Island Maximum Security Prison Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi, Nolubabalo Tongo‑Cetywayo and Phumlani Grant Shezi

This chapter focuses on the journey that a three‑person team from the Heritage Department of RIM took to the Eastern Cape in November 2001 in search of those described as the ‘first political prisoners’ to be imprisoned in Robben Island Maximum Security Prison in 1962. Our curiosity about these men was sparked by a well‑known photograph which has been mounted at Murray’s Bay harbour in Robben Island. This is the first visual image that anyone visiting Robben Island sees when getting off the ferry at the island’s harbour, and it shows a group of black men marching from boats moored at the harbour to the old prison to start their terms of imprisonment. According to an ex‑warder who had presented the photo to the Exhibitions Unit, these men were the first prisoners to be sent to Robben Island in the early 1960s, but whether they were political or common law prisoners, he was not sure. Our brief was to try and locate the living members of what had been described as ‘the Stellenbosch group’, the first political prisoners to serve sentences on the island, and to discover if they could identify the people in the photograph. They were members of the PAC from Stellenbosch, charged with possession of illegal PAC material. The research team consisted of cameraman Phumlani Grant Shezi and Nolubabalo Tongo-Cetywayo of the Exhibitions Unit, and Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi of the Research Unit. Together we travelled to the Eastern Cape, armed with three sets of enlarged copies of the famous photo.

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PRELIMINARY RESEARCH This research trip was the only way to learn the identity of the men in the photograph. There was not very much information in the archives that could help us. When we were preparing to write this chapter, we searched the body of transcripts of RIM interviews with EPPs to find references to this group. We found only an excerpt from the interview with Philemon Tefu, a PAC political prisoner from Mamelodi in Pretoria, who referred to a Stellenbosch group ‘that was serving something like 18 months or two years. So, they were released in 1963, because they were sentenced in 1962’.1 We also reviewed the many memoirs of EPPs and found very little mention of this group. In his memoirs, Robben Island to Wall Street (2009), Gaby Magomola, who was incarcerated in the island prison in December 1963, makes mention of some of the political prisoners who could have been part of the Stellenbosch group: ‘While there were a few medically trained inmates  …  [o]n the other side of the spectrum, there were the ordinary people: factory workers, peasants from the deep rural areas, particularly the Eastern and Western Cape – Paarl, a stronghold of Poqo and the extreme wing of the PAC.’2 In his autobiography, Long Walk to Freedom, Mandela writes: ‘From the moment I arrived [on Robben Island] … [s]ome of the PAC men were already on the Island, and … [i]n 1962, on my first stay on the Island, the PAC had greatly outnumbered the ANC. In 1967 the numbers were reversed.’3

MEETING THE EX‑POLITICAL PRISONERS Our research team was stationed in Umthatha, where we stayed in a hotel for a week. From here, we organised our meetings and interviews in Umtata and surrounding villages, such as Engcobo and Sithebe, where the group of EPPs lived. Says Grant: ‘We were welcomed by people of the rural areas and we were not treated as people coming from the suburbs. The Bob Marley cassettes that were played by Neo in the car rejuvenated our minds and spirit. The music enabled us to probe revolutionary questions about the EPPs’ plight and their decision to join the struggle. One of the songs I recall has the line, “emancipate yourself from mental slavery”; that song kept our morale alive.’ Nolu Tongo‑Cetywayo recalls: ‘Our research trip would not have been a success without the unlimited assistance from Tata Komsana, who was our contact person in Engcobo. Tata Komsana informed all the EPPs who were held on the island in 1962 about the forthcoming research visit. He was able to organise some ex‑political prisoners to be present in one venue. Where others

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were in remote areas, he would alert those to the visits by the researchers. Herbert Komsana was the one who drove us from one village to another. He played a crucial role.’ For Neo, his feelings about the Eastern Cape research trip remain mixed. ‘On the one hand, it was a reminder that so many ordinary human beings – from diverse backgrounds and classes – came out and fought against imposed colonial rule and the apartheid regime. And for their activism, they ended up in the most brutal of apartheid prisons at the time in South Africa, Robben Island. On the other hand, visiting these now elderly men – mostly sick – in their villages in the beautiful rolling green hills of the Eastern Cape opened our eyes to the fact that freedom did not bring the fruits of liberation to all who fought. And that was, for our team, the saddest feeling of all that we took away.’

POST‑FIELDWORK: REVIEWING THE INTERVIEWS The following year, in July 2002, Ramoupi spent two weeks viewing the footage and recordings of the filmed interviews on thirty-three tapes. Using his fieldwork notebooks, Ramoupi took notes as he watched the footage. The purpose was to write a report of the fieldwork trip to share with the entire Heritage Department staff, some of whom, especially those in the Exhibitions and Tours units, would be able to use the information and images for their work.

SEQUENCE OF THE INTERVIEWS Bhunga building in Umtata Our very first interview took place in the Bhunga building in Umthatha, now the home of the Nelson Mandela Museum. At this historic building, we interviewed three EPPs: Thamsanqa Komsana, Mhleli Mpondwana and Zilindile Mtsali. We interviewed them together because they were arrested, charged and sentenced together. This interview provided a context and foundation for all the other interviews that we were to conduct. Komsana, Mpondwana and Mtsali were members of what became known on Robben Island as the ‘Stellenbosch group’. They came to work in the Stellenbosch area on the farm called Rustenburg, about five kilometres from the town of Stellenbosch. Their employer was Peter Barlow, who was remembered by his workers as ‘very problematic’. All the members of this Stellenbosch group mentioned that the 1960 march from Langa to Cape Town, which was organised by the PAC and led by Philip Kgosana, was their reason for joining the PAC.

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Komsana explained: ‘I joined in 1961 with these comrades – Zilindile Mtsali and Mhleli Mpondwana. [Mahlubi] Tolibhati was our branch leader. I was vice‑chairman myself. Mtsali was in the executive committee, and Mpondwana was a leader of the Task Force.’ As workers in Rustenburg, they were paid £6 6d per month. ‘It is not enough that money they [we]re paying us. I gave 25 cents payment for joining umbuthu [the organisation]. I went to a location in Stellenbosch to organise, others went to Paarl, and came back to report our recruitment. We continued to organise for umbuthu wa ma‑Afrika [the African organisation]. When we joined, it was by signing our names. We believed it would not fail.’ According to Sithembele Ngotshane and Mkhulu Ngalo (interviewed separately), their meetings were held on and off the farm premises: ‘We had meetings in the farms at nights about Poqo. We were taking trucks to meetings, away from the farms.’ James Komsana added: ‘Making sure that we are not seen. But we were caught one afternoon. White people found us, some of us sleeping because we worked very early in the mornings. We were in our house, some were not sleeping, they were seated.’ According to Majuba Michael Bhungani, ‘I was sleeping after lunch when amabhunu afika [whites arrived]. They searched the house and, in the ceiling, found our documents of umbuthu. They were 15 or 16 with trucks. And I said I did not know these umbuthu documents. They asked me how long I have been working here, and I told them two years. They took me to the police station, they asked me a lot of questions. Then entered two policemen wearing soldiers’ boots. I refused again about the documents. They kicked me with these boots; my mouth was full of blood [he showed us the scars on his head].’ Sithembele Ngotshane, whose interview took place towards the end of our meeting, remembered the day of their arrest as 26  April 1962. This corresponds with what both Mhleli Mpondwana and Thamsanqa Komsana had given as the date of their arrest. After their arrest, they were taken to a prison in Stellenbosch, where, according to Zilindile Mtsali and Thamsanqa Komsana, they stayed for six months. Majuba Bhungani thought they stayed for ‘two or three months before sentencing … We, the 1962 group, were said not to be people. They said we want to kill the white people because we want iLizwe [land]; and charged for wanting to kill white people and overthrow government.’ It was said we were going to kill the owner of the farm. Then sentenced for murder and for being a member of a banned organisation. We wanted our land back – iZwe Lethu [Our land]!’ Majuba Bhungani said that the prosecution had depicted him as ‘a criminal in this land who wants to organise people and instil in them bad faith. That’s what they said in court’.

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Stellenbosch and Bellville prisons The Stellenbosch group were sentenced in August 1962. Three of them got eighteen months, while others received three and five years. Nyawozakhe Gqosha was one of those given a five‑year sentence. According to Zilindile Mtsali, there were eleven of them when they were arrested. They were transported to Bellville prison where ‘we found [Warder] Theron’, ‘a German’. ‘And they called us ‘Stellenbosch’ whenever they call each one of us’. The conditions in both prisons, Stellenbosch and Bellville, were brutal. Several of them still carried scars from their time in those two prisons. Nyawozakhe Gqosha showed us his hand and told us, ‘You see my hand is deformed from my Stellenbosch prison time. I cannot use it to this day.’ Majuba Bhungani, who was also in Stellenbosch prison with Gqosha, told us, ‘They burnt my hair with fire so that it does not grow again. It does not grow anymore.’

ARRIVING ON ROBBEN ISLAND While still at Bellville and working in the kwari (quarry), Mpondwana said, ‘They told us they are taking us to where Makana died. They took us to the docks and [we] were surrounded by amajoni [soldiers]. We went straight into a boat written Diaz; it was 12  October 1962.’ In two separate interviews, Sithembele Ngotshane and Thamsanqa Komsana also said it was in October when they left for Robben Island. Komsana also mentioned that it was the ‘Diaz boat [that] took us’ to Robben Island. As one can imagine, after all these decades, their story of travelling to Robben Island has different versions. Sithembele said that when they ‘arrived at the Docks, we got into a boat. We thought we are killed here. We thought we will not return’. There, at the harbour, Tata Mkhulu Ngalo said, ‘We were put on top [the top deck] of the boat. It was my first time on the boat. Everybody was vomiting. We were not chained.’ But Sithembele, who was younger than Ngalo, explained to us, ‘Tata Ngalo had forgotten. We were chained in both hands and legs.’ Others, now very old, like Nyawozakhe Gqosha, could not remember how they got onto the boat – whether they went on top or underneath. And when asked the name of the boat, he responded that he couldn’t remember because ‘I have no schooling’. A similar response was given by Louis: ‘I cannot remember the name of the boat, I did not go to school, I do not know. I cannot remember our number. We were not mixed in that boat. We were alone in that boat to Robben Island.’ When they described the prison clothing, there was agreement about what they were wearing when they arrived. According to Majuba Bhungani, ‘We were dressed in jail clothes. Short pants and short shirts. And we were

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not wearing anything on our heads. We were 20 when we arrived.’ And when Shezi asked Bhungani whether they were alone when they got off the boat, he responded: ‘We were 20, others were the workers from Robben Island, who were prisoners.’ This picture was simplified by another prisoner who said, ‘When we got onto the boat at the docks in Cape Town, you find the criminals who went there to load food onto the Robben Island boat. When we enter the boat, they are on top deck, we are told to go down underneath. You see in this picture they are wearing hats, those at the back. We, in the front, are not, that’s how we differ.’ James Komsana, brother of Thamsanqa Komsana, also mentioned that ‘when we arrive we were wearing jackets and pants of prison. Both were khakis.’ Out of all the Stellenbosch group, only James Komsana mentioned to us that they had their photos taken: ‘As we get on the boat and off the boat we are photographed … I do not remember seeing the Navy people wearing white.’ When they arrived at the harbour on Robben Island, Thamsanqa Komsana said, ‘I saw a lot of warders. There was confusion when we got there. They beat us.’ After interviewing the group about their time on the island, we showed them the photographs we had brought (see pictorial insert 1, p. 1 and insert 8, p. 1). Of this group, four could not make comments on the pictures because of their poor eyesight. These were James Komsana, who was bedridden when we interviewed him; Nyawozakhe Gqosha, who seemed to be the second-oldest in the group, and who said, ‘I cannot see because of my eyes – amnyama [they are dark]’; Regarding the photographs, Bhungani had this to say: ‘I have seen them, people of the sea – sailors [Navy personnel wearing white uniforms] – when we were going to work at that place where there’s something calling – ekhalayo (noisy). But I did not see them when we arrived.’ Grant Shezi asked him, ‘Anyone you remember?’ and his response was, ‘Alfred Mhlahlela [who’s fourth in the line] is the one that I said died here [in his village]. They came after us. The group that followed us. Within a short time of our arrival, they came.’ Regarding Picture 3 in insert 8, p. 1, Mlulase Coni thought the first prisoner in front – the large one – resembled Thamsanqa Komsana’s brother, James. Thamsanqa was present and agreed: ‘It is right. He is my elder brother, it’s him.’ At that moment, Shezi intervened with a question: ‘You said you were 21, but the number in the picture seems to be more. Why?’ Mlulase Coni responded: When we got off the boat it’s all of us [combined]. We [were] more than 21, our number. That’s why.’ It was in the interview with Thamsanqa Komsana, Mtsali and Mpondwana that the question of the number of members of the group became a challenge

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for them. They had, after all, been recounting events that took place almost 40 years previously. On Thursday morning, 15  August 2002, a meeting with Shezi, Tongo, Roger Meintjes and Ramoupi was held in the Exhibitions Unit of the Heritage Department on Robben Island. The purpose was to consolidate the report of the Eastern Cape research trip. The meeting was chaired by Meintjes. The meeting agreed, firstly, that the Stellenbosch group really were the first political prisoners to arrive at Robben Island Maximum Security Prison, in 1962. Secondly, the Stellenbosch group was not amongst those in the photographs mounted at Murray’s Bay harbour. It was clear that it was difficult to associate them with the pictures. These pictures might be of any group of prisoners – criminal or political, or even a mix of both. It is not surprising that the prisoners we interviewed did not recognise the pictures when we exhibited them during our interviews because, after all, that’s how all prisoners – both criminal and political – arrived on the island. While we acknowledge that we cannot as yet identify those in these pictures, we believe that they serve a significant purpose: they provide an image of a general and common experience among prisoners on their arrival on Robben Island in the early 1960s, which is essential information for understanding the history of the island. Another purpose which the photos served, although unintended, was that the first group of political prisoners on Robben Island, who had not been previously interviewed, now had an opportunity to make their voices and their histories heard. This was a significant development and, although more research is still needed, the outlines of their story can be told here for the first time.

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30 Restoring dignity to the 12 Robben Island prisoners buried as paupers in Stikland Cemetery by the apartheid regime Nolubabalo Tongo‑Cetywayo and Madeleine Fullard

The well‑chronicled personal pain and indignities that opponents of apartheid suffered in the maximum security prison on Robben Island in the 1960s has passed into the folkore of South Africa, but it could not have been better illustrated than by the 12 Robben Islanders who died there and were buried as paupers at Stikland Cemetery in Bellville between 1963 and 1968 without the presence (and knowledge in some cases) of their families. People simply disappeared, discarded by the system, together with thousands of other poor and unwanted souls from Cape Town and the Cape Flats, the dumping grounds for the 60,000 people forcibly removed from their homes under the Group Areas Act. Some of the family members and loved ones of these prisoners died years after the events still not knowing what had happened to their fathers, sons, brothers, comrades or friends in what amounted to a desecration of African traditions and basic human dignity. As a place also of living heritage, RIM sought to assist the families of the 12 in their search for the graves of their loved ones whose bodies were so unceremoniously dumped. The inspiration for the groundbreaking project was a personal search carried out by Thembela Mvalwana and his family to find the grave of their grandfather, Zincwasile Mvalwana. RIM’s partners in the project were the National Prosecuting Authority’s Missing Persons Task Team (NPA MPTT), with assistance coming also from the City of Cape Town Parks and Cemeteries, the SAHRA, EPPs, RIM staff and the Department of Sports,

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Recreation, Arts and Culture (Eastern Cape). The main objective behind the initiative was to help families to find the remains of the fallen comrades and to restore dignity to them by conducting respectful burials, thus helping the families themselves find peace and bring closure to this painful chapter of their lives. The NPA’s MPTT was experienced in this kind of work, but the search turned into a task much more complicated than envisaged. The MPTT was established in terms of the recommendations of the TRC, namely to trace the fate and whereabouts of those who had disappeared in political circumstances between 1960 and 1994, and to recover their remains where possible. This included instances where the fate of the person was known but their remains were missing. The team included forensic anthropologists, archaeologists and investigators, and drew upon the methodologies developed by the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team who have worked since 1984 to recover the remains of those killed and disappeared during the military dictatorship in Argentina. In 2007, the MPTT began receiving requests for help from some families of Robben Island political prisoners who had died while serving their sentences in the 1960s. Over the following year, MPTT personnel and other forensic anthropologists and researchers based in Cape Town began tracing their possible burial sites. The MPTT determined that it was likely that the deceased prisoners had been buried as paupers in local municipal cemeteries and began searching the records of Cape Town cemeteries. A partnership with RIM to trace the graves began, and RIM was able to develop a complete list of 12 political prisoners who had died in the period from 1963 to 1968 and establish family contacts. This was done through interviews with former prisoners and consultation of records. In 2008, one family member recalled engaging with the racially segregated Stikland Cemetery in Bellville in the 1960s. This led forensic anthropologist Thabang Manyaapelo and historian Nicky Rousseau, both of whom were working with the MPTT, to search the Stikland Cemetery records and find the first few names. Nolubabalo Tongo‑Cetywayo from RIM thereafter established that all 12 deceased political prisoners had been buried there as paupers. There was enormous excitement at this discovery and RIM worked hard to inform all the families. The cemetery books were organised and well‑kept, neatly written in blue fountain pen. Each of the political prisoners was allocated a grave number. They were among several thousand African and coloured people who were buried as paupers, three to a grave, in a large sandy field at the back of the cemetery. These impoverished deaths and anonymous burials offered their own tragic

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story alongside those of the Robben Island political prisoners. They included many hundreds of deceased babies, with some graves containing multiple babies packed into a single coffin. The scale of these deaths and burials depicted the broader social and economic cost of apartheid. The meticulous nature of the cemetery records and the grave number allocated to each prisoner initially seemed to offer the hope that their remains could be found. The records even indicated their position in the shared grave: bottom, middle or top. The MPTT obtained an exhumation order for the 12 deceased prisoners specifying the grave numbers to be exhumed. In June 2009, RIM organised a pilgrimage for the families of the deceased prisoners, bringing them to Cape Town to visit Robben Island and the prison itself, as well as to Stikland Cemetery. The families were able to see the cells where the political prisoners had been imprisoned as well as where they had ultimately been buried after their deaths. The MPTT discussed the proposed plan of action with them in terms of documentary research and the stages of excavation and verification that would be required. The central difficulty was that the pauper field contained no markings to indicate grave numbers or any other indicators that could help to identify the graves. Worse, there was no map with grave numbers at all. The MPTT began a protracted search through the RIM Council and archival records to see if any map of the cemetery could be located. A few rudimentary maps were located but none contained any grave numbers. The cemetery staff who worked there in the 1960s and 1970s and who might have had knowledge of the layout were all themselves deceased. Meanwhile, the MPTT searched the prison files of the deceased prisoners for information on the cause of death, as well as any physical details that might assist in the identification of their remains, such as height and age. As was the case with all prisoners, their files also contained a form (an ‘SAP 78’) that detailed their physical characteristics in crass diagrams reflecting deep apartheid thinking. On arrival in prison, the prisoner would be subjected to a physical assessment regarding inter alia the shape of their nose and mouth, their hair (‘peppercorn, frizzed out’), their complexion (‘yellow, brown, pitch black’), their eyes, build, as well as any tattoos or scars. For exhumation and identification purposes, the MPTT’s forensic anthropologists looked for any notes of physical features that would still be evident on skeletonised remains such as dental descriptions and other features such as injuries to limbs. From these records, the MPTT was able to assemble a basic physical profile of age, height and some dental features (such as particular absent teeth) for many of the deceased.

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In the absence of a map for the field of pauper graves, the MPTT decided to do test excavations of the perimeter graves and other selected sites and assemble biological profiles of those buried there, in an attempt to physically match them to the cemetery records and thus reconstruct the grave numbers and rows. Five excavations were conducted at different sites, each seeking to establish a link to the cemetery records. Several map hypotheses based on the available information and the surrounding grave numbering systems were developed but all were unsuccessful. There was a lack of correlation between the cemetery records and what was found in the earth itself. One numbered metal tag was found in a grave but did not link to any cemetery records. The current cemetery staff had tried to pace out possible grave locations and one of these, which should have contained two of the Robben Island prisoners, was excavated. The remains in that grave and those in neighbouring graves excavated thereafter did not match the profiles of the prisoners. It proved impossible to match the remains to the records and to establish grave numbers. The physical conditions of the pauper field also made the work extremely difficult and risky. The sandy soil was unstable, causing the walls of the graves to continuously collapse during excavations, and the water table level was high, filling the graves with water. The MPTT also located old government aerial photographs that included the cemetery in order to track the development of the pauper section. However, those found were taken at a very high altitude and were of poor quality, and so did not assist in any meaningful way. While there was no doubt the Robben Island prisoners were buried in that cemetery field, there was no way to locate their graves. With several thousand individuals buried there, it was impossible to locate just the 12 buried amongst them. In addition, the 12 being sought had died of natural causes and would not have distinguishing traumatic injuries visible on their remains. They were also mostly over the age of 40 and thus matched the older age profile of most of those buried in the field. Further, new burials were now taking place on top of the old graves, rendering many of them inaccessible. The scale of the numbers involved made any idea of DNA sampling impossible. In addition, many of the surviving family members were not immediate relatives, which would make DNA matching more complex. The MPTT reluctantly had to admit defeat. Unless a map with grave numbers was found, there was no way to identify their graves. This was a painful end to a long journey that had begun together with the families with a great deal

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of hope. Sharing the MPTT’s excavation conclusions and recommendations with the gathered and expectant family members was very difficult, and the disappointment was devastating. Nevertheless, the site where the prisoners had been buried had been located beyond doubt, and this was in itself a success. Attention then turned to the long‑term commemoration of the site, driven by RIM. This was achieved in 2013 when a commemorative structure was built upon the sandy pauper field at the back of Stikland Cemetery, and unveiled in a ceremony together with the families. This is a place that the families can visit, a form of collective tombstone on the place of their burial, and also serves as a public reminder of their fate. On the memorial are 12 names. They are: Matinise Marthiens Batyi, Sipho Khalipha, Lameki Kula, Mountain Langben, Solomon Makisi, Reuben Maliwa, Frank Mani, Charlie Mkele, Mlungisi Mqalu, Zincwasile Zanewasile Mvalwana, John Poni and Jimmy Simon. In this chapter, we add another layer to this process of acknowledgement and respect by writing into the history books the names of these 12 South Africans who died unrecognised during the struggle for freedom, with the aim of providing new memories of them via recollections by their families, friends and fellow political prisoners. The memories of those who shared the journey with RIM and the NPA–RIM team were recorded by RIM and here – as part of restoring an identity to the Islanders – we share what loved ones and comrades had to say about them. The names are listed in the order of their passing, together with the grave numbers at Stikland Cemetery and, if they were buried in a common grave, where they lay, namely whether at the bottom, centre or on top. Jimmy Simon (Prison number 10/63) Died on 11  February 1963. Buried on 15  February 1963. Grave no.  7452A (bottom) Jimmy Simon’s brother Siyeta Simon (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1963–66) remembers: ‘I was sentenced to Robben Island (April 1963–66) three months after Jimmy was sentenced. When I came to Robben Island prison, I found that my brother died during his arrival, and I never got answers from prison warders until today. My mother died crying in vain for her son’s human remains. At some stage I put a notice to the editor of the [Eastern Province] Herald newspaper so that Ama Afrika can hear about this. Mzwandile was only a year old when his father passed away on Robben Island.’

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Timothy Jantjie (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1963–83) recollects: ‘We were arrested on the 22 November 1962 and charged with sabotage on 18  January 1963, sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment. On 23  January 1963, we were leg-chained and put on the truck to Robben Island Prison. The prison conditions were extremely harsh on the island those early days, and on our arrival we were taken to the old jail. We had to prepare the site for the construction of the maximum security prison as the space looked like the forest then. As part of the prison hard labour, we were forced to dig and pull the trees bare-handed and load it to the truck. As an ex‑TB [tuberculosis] man, Jimmy was exposed to the same inhuman conditions without medication. Eighteen days after his arrival on Robben Island, Jimmy sadly passed away at the old jail. On 11 February 1963, I saw Jimmy through the opposite cell, vomiting blood in the toilet bucket put next to the door. Another comrade pulled Jimmy from the scene to his sisal mat and he reported that Jimmy died thereafter. When I was released in 1983 after serving the 20 years in prison, I went to his home, requesting to see the grave and I was told that his body never reached home.’ Mountain Langben (Prison number 297/64) Died on 21 July 1964. Buried on 30 July 1964. Grave no. 6959C (bottom) Timothy Jantjie (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1963–83) remembers: ‘I grew up hearing grandmother saying that …“my son was taken by police to Nongqongqo Prison in East London. Later on the police brought him back and he was handcuffed and leg ironed … and the police said … I must look at him for the last time  …  because he will never return home.” My grandmother never asked anything, fearing that she will be arrested as well. When I asked my grandmother what had she done afterwards, she said, “I didn’t do anything because I didn’t know where to go  …” For many years we stayed without knowing what happened to Tata Langben.’ Monde Mkunqwana (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1964–78) was present when his comrade died: ‘In 1964, I witnessed the death of Mountain Langben  …  he was standing behind this cell (G section, C section then). In June 1964, it was extremely cold on the island … there was snow. Langben suffered from cancer of the oesophagus. He was unable to eat stamp mealies (inkobe), which was the standard food for African political prisoners. In that morning  …  as sick and malnourished as he was … they [common law prisoners instructed by the warder] dragged him from his sisal mat  …  put him under cold shower. After doing that Benjamin Thiza [a common law prisoner] chased him around the section [probably for exercise].

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Before he died  …  he looked at us and lifted his hand [a salute used by PAC politicians]  …  then he fell on his face and that is how he died. These were the conditions we endured whilst being incarcerated on the island and they need to be correctly recorded and told to the visitors.’ Sipho Khalipha (Prison number 426/64) Died on 21 July 1964. Buried on 30 July 1964. Grave no. 6959C (centre) Two‑term political prisoner James Wongama Ngqondela (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1965–73 and 1984–91) testified that ‘Sipho was buried in the same grave with Mountain Langben in 1964. Khalipha was extremely sick … all sick prisoners were kept in zink jail hospital. There was no difference between patients and non‑patients because  …  patients were treated very badly by the warders. It was mainly being exposed to the brutal conditions that made our comrades to die in prison … Food was horrible. The cold conditions … and the exposure to the cold breeze whilst working in the stone quarry contributed to the deaths in prison. We did not have underwear  …  we were wearing short pants and short-sleeve canvas tops … it was just extremely cold on the island.’ His sister Nomalungelo Khalipha remembers: ‘Our mother died crying for her son because he was taken from his home by the police. We only got a letter from Robben Island informing us that Sipho passed away in July 1964, and we got that letter in August. I don’t know if I must cry or be happy today because our parents died in pain because they wanted to get the remains of their son. As I was searching for the whereabouts of my brother’s grave for many years … I kept on saying that … am I also going to die without knowing what happened to Sipho’s body?’ Zincwasile Zanewasile Mvalwana (Prison number 271/64) Died on 30 July 1964. Buried on 13 August 1964. Grave no. 6961A (top) His son Mtshongwana Mvalwana recalls: ‘[A] small dirty piece of paper was delivered by the Special Branch to my family, indicating that my father passed away  …  We don’t know exactly what happened to my father  …  people who knew about him passed away long time ago. Those people never revealed any information to me because they didn’t want to hurt me, and that worried me for many years.’ Solomon Phetla (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1963–75) remembers:

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‘I started working at the prison hospital section in 1967 until 1975 when I was released from prison. Common law prisoners were the ones working in the hospital with the medical warders before my time. I have witnessed many political prisoners who died in prison under horrific conditions, for example Simon Brander. I was selected because I knew [a] bit of Afrikaans. I was working under Van den Berg who was extremely harsh towards patients. Together with the late Phokanuka, we compiled information about the conditions of the hospital section, and we hid it in a secret place. Unfortunately, it was discovered by the prison warders and destroyed. We were punished for a year without going to the general section. As a political prisoner I sometimes smuggled medication for our comrades.’ Frank Mani (Prison number 55/65) Died on 1 July 1965. Buried on 21 July 1965. Grave no. 6893B (bottom) Sydwell Totoyi Mani says: ‘In 1963 my father was arrested and sentenced to eight years in 1964. The family was devastated by the letter from Robben Island, indicating that Frank passed away; the letter was sent to his sister. We tried for many years searching for the whereabouts of his grave, in vain.’ James Nqgondela (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1965–73 and 1984–91) recalls: ‘I remember Tata Mani (Majeke – clan name)  …  I saw him in that hospital … sleeping flat on the ground although there were beds in the hospital, no one cared about him. Two notorious common law prisoners, namely Thiza and Lucas, were the ones working in that hospital assisting Nel. For them … even when the political prisoner can’t move or being extremely sick … at 5am, they forced all of them to wake up to do the cleaning, irrespective of their sick conditions.’ Matinise Marthiens Batyi (Prison number 127/63) Died in 1965. Buried on 4 October 1965. Grave no. 6970B (top) Zenzile Batyi remembers: ‘Shumi was my younger brother  …  I have been looking for Shumi’s human remains for many years. I remember the last time I saw him  …  He said, “Brother … I am going now … I have joined Poqo … we are going to fight the boers … even if I have to die … I am not turning back.’ I never heard from him since then. After a while we received a telegram from Robben Island indicating that he passed away. When I requested more information about his body … the boer told me that … hy sal Kaap toe gaan … ek sal jou vang (if you go to Cape Town you will be arrested as well).

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Action Makatesi (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1963–81) recalls: ‘I was arrested in 1962 and sentenced in 1963 together with Shumi (Marthiens) Batyi. We were arrested in Paarl because we were involved in PAC activities. When we arrived on Robben Island, Shumi got sick. Due to poor medication, treatment, diet and general prison conditions, Shumi died in 1965. He died from cancer. He died at zink section.’ Mlungisi Mqalu (also known as Madala Mnqala) (Prison number 869/64) Died on 16 July 1966. Buried on 29 July 1966. Grave no. 7304A (top) Mntolose Dyantyi (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1963–75) remembers: ‘We were arrested together with Mlungisi in 1963 and sentenced the same year. The prison conditions on Robben Island were extremely harsh during those days  …  and in 1966 Mlungisi died. Mlungisi’s mother died crying for the whereabouts of her son … She was also saying, is she going to die without knowing what happened to her son? The mystery about his case … when I asked the warders about what happened to his body … I was told that his body was sent home  …  only to find out upon my release in 1975 that the warders were lying. None of the family members knew about his death or the place of burial. Mlungisi died from asthma. John Poni (Prison number 81/65) Died in 1966. Buried on 30 September 1966. Grave no. 7404B (bottom) Dokazi Poni narrates the following about her uncle: ‘The elders within Poni’s family didn’t know that John was imprisoned on the island. The family thought that John disappeared during the apartheid period. I never saw John, but I grew up listening to my uncle’s remarks saying, what happened to his brother (John), is he going to die not knowing what happened to his brother? My uncle ultimately died and that is how I got to know that there was my uncle called John Poni.’ Moyisile Tyutyu (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1965–70 and 1984–91) recalls: ‘I met John Poni in various ANC meetings in Kwa Zakhele. We were arrested and sentenced to nine years together in December 1964. We were all transported to Robben Island in January 1965. When we arrived on the island, there were many people who were sick with no adequate care. Poni died from TB at zink section hospital.’

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Reuben Maliwa (Prison number 34/66) Died on 4 January 1967. Buried on 19 January 1967. Grave no. 7446B (bottom) Khululekile Maliwa, his niece, says: ‘Reuben was an orphan at a young age and was taken to one of the uncles, unfortunately the uncle died as well, and he was left with the uncle’s wife called Nosayini. He grew up like any other boys and he went to the circumcision school and thereafter got married. Unfortunately their baby passed away. Reuben got political influences whilst working at Port Elizabeth. When Reuben passed away, his wife sold the house and returned home. Reuben’s only sister also passed away and the house was closed forever.’ Victor Nkabinde (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1963–82) narrates: ‘I worked at the hospital section from 1974 until 1983 when I was released. I am touched by being on Robben Island today, because those were like my brothers. As prisoners who were working in the hospital section, on many occasions we would put our lives in danger by smuggling medication to some sick comrades. It will be highly appreciated if a memorial with the names of those who died in prison in particular can be erected. Those are our struggle heroes.’ Solomon Makisi (Prison number 85/65) Died [unknown date] 1968. Buried on 12 July 1968. Grave no. 7058C (bottom) Nowakhe Gwetana recalls: ‘I was young when my father was arrested in Kwa Zakhele. At some stage, my father was arrested and kept for a while in Rooihel (red hell), a prison in Bloemfontein. I was indirectly operating underground because I remember being asked by my father to hide letters in my back[yard] and to drop them in Uitenhage. I remember one time  …  I was beaten up by the boers because I pretended to be an elderly woman. The boers hit me because they wanted some information about my father. When my father was sentenced, we all had to look for jobs because my father was the breadwinner. As the family, we were never informed about the death of our father.’ Charlie Mkele (Prison number 58/65) Died [unknown date] 1968. Buried on 1 August 1968. Grave no. 7061C (top) Gladwell Mkele, brother of Charlie Mkele: ‘Before I talk about Charlie Mkele, let me talk about Kanana, his elder brother, because he was also on Robben Island. Kanana used to say … he is going to the night school  …  only to find out that he will be attending political meetings. He would ask me to help carrying the books to the night school and later I saw that

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they were about the ANC. One evening boers raided our home, asking, “Waar is Kanana  …  Wie is jy  …?” (Where is Kanana?  …  Who are you?) I said, “Ek is Kanana se broer … jy moet weet … môre sal kom hiersô … en ons loop saam met jou” (I am Kanana’s brother; remember, tomorrow will come  …  and we will be there, at your side). Eventually Kanana was arrested, and later to hear that he was sent to Robben Island. Sopinki [Charlie] was also wanted by the boers for many times, eventually he was arrested and sentenced to Robben Island. Kanana served his entire sentence, when he came home … he asked if Sopinki has returned home already … we said no … because they were together on the island. Mysteriously, he didn’t know about the death of his brother, since then he never talked about Robben Island Prison. He [Kanana] passed away few years ago and was always crying for the whereabouts of his brother. As family, we had already forgotten about Sopinki.’ Moyisile Tyutyu (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1965–70 and 1984–91) narrated: ‘There were three kinds of sickness which were common amongst prisoners on the island; it was TB, high blood pressure and asthma. I witness[ed] the sickness and ultimately the death of my co‑accused (Makisi, Poni and Mkele). During those years the prison hospital was under Dr Neil Fourie but I remember this and the conditions were extremely inhumane. Patients were sometimes beaten up by common law prisoners who worked at the hospital, and the medication system was poor, as a result many people died. Poni died from TB at zink section hospital. Lameki Kula (Prison number 126/63) Died on 18 August 1968. Buried on 26 August 1968. Grave no. 6978A (centre) Nowakhe Sigiba narrates: ‘I used to visit my brother on Robben Island when he was a prisoner. My brother was a tall, dignified person and he was a very stubborn man. I am a sick person now; I developed high blood pressure at a young age due to his imprisonment. When my brother was arrested, the whole family starved because he was a breadwinner. My heart became sore when Tata Ncapayi was talking about our suffering in searching for the grave of my brother … What I want to know is that  …  what must we do in order to get the human remains of my brother?’ Sedick Isaacs (Robben Island Maximum Security Prison 1964–77) remembers: ‘One night in C‑3 [now known as G‑3], Mac got sick, he shivered and had fits  …  some of us screamed for the warders’ help through the windows. The warder came and said he can’t unlock the cell gate. The key is in the safe and

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only the chief warder can open the cell. We tried our best to comfort Lameki, but ultimately the chief warder arrived and they came armed with guns and dogs. They told us to stand against the wall … only Lameki was lying on the ground in front. The warder dragged Lameki’s body outside the cell to the corridor. We thought Lameki finally got help and that was the relief to us … After some time, something made me to look out there … I found that they left him there for some time, in other words there was no hurry for them … I am sure that Lameki might have died there. We never had a chance to mourn for Mac because we didn’t know what happened to him.’

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 The making and demise of the Nelson Mandela Gateway exhibition

31 The making and demise of the Nelson Mandela Gateway exhibition, 2001–2010 Mavis Smallberg

One of the best periods of my life was the time I spent writing during the RIM artist‑in‑residence programme in 1997. To be able to live, write and experience the island so soon after the end of its era as a political prison was a gift. So I was overjoyed to land the job as exhibitions facilitator in the Exhibitions Unit of the Robben Island Heritage Resources and Environmental Management Department (Heritage Department) that started on 1  March 2000. The unit coordinator, Roger Meintjes, plunged into preparatory research and planning for a 2001 mainland exhibition to be developed jointly with consultants. In 1999 consultants had created a B Section exhibition in the maximum security prison, which was removed because of EPP complaints. Our goal was to arrive at a solid exhibition concept that included prisoner input. While Roger Meintjes and Gaby  Cheminais had art degrees, the rest of the Exhibitions Unit staff members lacked experience. Two were EPPs and five others had tertiary education. I was an ex‑teacher with experience in community‑based programmes and had just completed the coursework for a master’s degree in history. We all were united in our task of revealing the hidden histories of the prison for EPPs, their families, members of the public and ourselves. With guidance from the Heritage Department manager, Juanita  Pastor, we founded the core exhibitions and museum exhibitions teams. The former included representatives from the other three Heritage Department units: Research, Environment and Mayibuye Collections. The latter included representatives from other museum departments (Education, Tours, Estates and Marketing). Both teams included EPP staff members. The core exhibitions team shared, tested and

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discussed conceptual ideas with the broader museum exhibitions team, engaged with the V&A Waterfront exhibition consultants, and reported outcomes to the plenary. This strategy generated valuable ideas and opportunities for engagement with the exhibition development process and garnered general staff support. Roger managed the exhibition project, which had been planned with Juanita  Pastor, who steered the conceptual development, provided mentorship and reported to the museum management. Zwelibanzi Shiceka, Ronny Nyuka and I, as project leader, were the members of the core exhibitions team, with consultant Tina Smith. Gaby Cheminais joined in on a part‑time basis. With Nolubabalo Tonga-Cetywayo and Grant Shezi, Gaby was then working with EPP reference groups on the interpretation of the prison. Consultant Fuad Adams trained all the unit members in audio‑visual skills, although Lebohang Sekholomi, Bukiwe Sofute and Grant Shezi were considered as the main candidates for the fledgling audio‑visual unit. Our managers were visionaries. Their envisioning document based on our research and debates provided an outline of the entire Waterfront exhibition. It included visitor experiences on the ferry to the island (Stage 1), in the maximum security prison, on the bus journey through the village and at various sites (Stage 2), and on the return journey to the mainland (Stage 3). The envisioning document was ready on 8  December 2000, with a proposed exhibition launch scheduled for October 2001. Robben Island became a World Heritage Site in 1999 and as such, its primary objectives were to conserve, maintain and interpret its outstanding universal values or significance for the benefit of national, local and worldwide audiences. Owing to Juanita’s input, World Heritage Site requirements were uppermost during the planning of the Waterfront exhibition. We would strive to create a spirit of ‘pilgrimage’ by means of various exhibition experiences that prepared visitors for the journey to the island, their separation from the mainland, and their return to it. The use of multiple voices was included in the concept. This referred to perceptions of Robben Island through time and the recovery of indigenous voices who had resisted oppression during precolonial, colonial and apartheid times. Exhibitions were to be held on three floors of the Nelson Mandela Gateway Building. The foyer on the plaza or ground level would be an informational space that would reveal Robben Island’s identity as the third South African World Heritage Site and a leading tourist destination. The plaza space that led off from the foyer would function as a space of memorialisation. The quay level would consist of a courtyard and a cellular space similar to the one in the foyer

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above. Courtyard information would be thematic and contextual, and relate to the history of the island. The quay‑level cellular space would express the pain of separation from loved ones as experienced both by family and friends on the mainland and by those on the island, whether slaves, patients, prisoners or workers. The third‑floor circuit, consisting of transitional walkways, ramps and an external balcony, would link the three exhibition spaces to each other. A selection from the Mayibuye Centre Collection would focus on South African history with particular reference to Robben Island. It would be a contextual, informational space with inventive displays that would encourage physical interaction  with  exhibits. The exhibition was developed along the lines of the table on the next page. The entire exhibition aimed to provide an understanding of Robben Island’s historical layers, from the so‑called voyages of discovery, banishment, imprisonment and slavery during the period of Dutch settlement. Enforced hospitalisation for the poor, mentally ill and leprosy patients was added under subsequent British rule, while political imprisonment was the main focus of the island’s twentieth‑century history. The exhibition would reveal how men and women, black and white, from various strata of society within and outside the country, unrelentingly resisted oppression. This would enable EPP guides to confine their narratives to personal resistance against apartheid imprisonment, as opposed to the public resistance already encountered in the mainland exhibition. Personal stories about clandestine learning in the limestone and bluestone quarries and major strikes against hard labour in the quarries, for example, would enrich visitor experiences of the island. In addition, the intangible heritage value of Robben Island, abbreviated to the ‘triumph of the human spirit over adversity’, which sealed its status as a World Heritage Site in 1999, would be emphasised. We knew that the uncovering of this heritage would be contested in various ways. Contestation is embedded in the notion of heritage itself, since ‘heritage belongs to those who have inherited it and it is the inheritor who decides whether that heritage exists at all or what its value is. These heritage values are determined in the present and are continuously recreated due to changing demands or needs that determine the nature of heritage at a particular time’.1 Inevitably, disagreements arose between the Robben Island exhibitions team and the heritage consultants from the newly established heritage development consultancy Heritage Agency, led by Gordon Metz, who were engaged to work on the project.

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Exhibition template Level

Primary thematic identity of space

Subtext

Characteristics of space

Third‑floor circuit (via longest route)

Accessing the past from the present through activity

Broad context of SA history as it pertains to Robben Island (Research bases: RIM Collection & Mayibuye Archive)

Social and interactive

Robben Island as: 1) a premier tourist destination 2) one of SA’s three World Heritage Sites

Informative

Entry level 1. Foyer (choice of 3 routes to boat)

Information about sea conditions, length of journey, departure and arrival times, etc. 2. Cellular space (via longer route to boat)

Identity (who we are)

Marginalisation of indigenous people in SA and the world

A hybrid that combines the notion of a museum with that of a library, archive and internet

Threshold space between V&A Waterfront and RIM Link between museum shop, restaurant, ticket sales & auditorium Experiential Transitional space

Forging a new South African identity Quay level 1. Courtyard

Journey into the past

History & context of Robben Island

Experiential/emotive (waiting room)

2. Cellular space

Journey into the past

Separation of people from the mainland and loved ones

Experiential and emotive Darkness Final point of departure for island

Gordon Metz had worked for the Mayibuye Centre and the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, and had, with Jo‑Anne Duggan, just established the Heritage Agency. He was a staff member of the Mayibuye Centre when Esiqithini: The Robben Island Exhibition was presented in the South African Museum in 1993 and later at the Caltex Auditorium in the Waterfront. The success of that exhibition probably underlay the Mayibuye Centre’s vision of

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building an apartheid museum at the Waterfront that would become a gateway to the Robben Island ferry terminal. Perhaps the Heritage Agency expected to play a bigger role in conceptualising and developing the Waterfront exhibition, but, whatever the reason, tensions developed between the Robben Island exhibitions team and the Heritage Agency. One point of disagreement was over the charging of an entrance fee. We felt that as a national museum in democratic South Africa, our duty was to educate the public about the hidden histories and heritage embedded in the stories of EPPs and the remarkable Mayibuye collections, and hence exhibition entrance fees should not be charged. Engagement with the exhibition narratives and installations would sufficiently motivate visitors to buy ferry tickets to visit Robben Island. The Heritage Agency, with the agreement of some on the RIM Council, on the other hand, wished to levy a fee on visitors to the exhibition. A complicating factor was that since the building was originally designed as a ferry terminal with office space and some areas of display, it placed museum artefacts at risk. The entrance fee for visitors did not happen, but in 2001 the RIM Council did stipulate that the exhibition should include Robben Island prison artefacts. Other than focusing solely on political imprisonment, the exhibition would also incorporate the histories of mainland EPPs and detainees, men and women, black and white, and become a prime site for memorialising apartheid political imprisonment and detention in South Africa. Internally, our debates revolved around museum exhibition issues linked to the naming of the new exhibition building, artefact conservation and the inclusion of colonial history. A few staff members were concerned about RIM’s decision to name the building the Nelson Mandela Gateway Ferry Terminal to Robben Island. Mandela himself had always emphasised the importance of the collective above his own individual contribution towards democracy in South Africa. The value of the collective was foremost in the minds of the majority of EPPs whom the Heritage Department had interviewed, and to some the naming of the building after Nelson Mandala seemed like subscribing to traditional history notions that only honour the ‘great man’. The emerging academic notion of ‘Mandelarisation’ emphasised this idea and undermined our attempts to include the heritage of all Robben Island stakeholders. The Mayibuye Collections Unit also had grave misgivings about artefact conservation in the Gateway. Sunlight pouring in through large windows at the Gateway would subject posters and photographs to possible fading and resulting deterioration. To address the problem, Roger Meintjes exhibited prison artefacts in large, desk‑height cabinets mounted on wheels, with different‑sized drawers

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covered with UV‑resistant glass built into every side of these ‘trolley archives’. Conservation issues were hard to resolve. In the end, artist Paul Grendon was commissioned to create replicas of paper artefacts for display inside the drawers, and these were scheduled for rotation every three months. There was also disagreement about the placement or absence of the theme of colonial resistance within the courtyard exhibition. The inclusion of Khoikhoi history was of particular concern to the museum’s core exhibitions team. Local filmmaker Sharief Cullis was asked to create a relevant video. However, increasing visitor numbers meant that the courtyard began to function also as a place where passengers lined up for the boats, making it unsuited to the inclusion of an exhibit. I wrote to the interior architect that like most people in the RIM Exhibitions Unit, I do not have practical experience in museum exhibition making … I’ve learned that it is not the type of learning, nurturing or empowering exhibition‑making space that I thought it would be. It’s about who owns the knowledge, it’s about power, about curatorship, about buildings and spaces and decisions about content, it is about technology, about selection and who makes the choices, it’s about design and visual training, it’s about money and politics and who needs to scratch whose back and, sometimes, it’s just about who can talk the loudest. In between all of this lies the history waiting to be voiced and interpreted in multiple ways. But now we must decide what aspect of history needs to be emphasised, colonial or apartheid history. It’s about the interpretation of Council’s brief and who feels more comfortable about exhibiting what, about whether touch screens can adequately house colonial history in a visually effective way and whether courtyard design issues should have preference over the movement of people or acquiesce to past voices.

Indeed, the making of the Gateway exhibition was a sharp learning curve and it inspired me to write a poem, which drew parallels between the banishment of Xhosa and Korana chiefs to Robben Island and their proposed absence from the history of Robben Island that was being traced in the exhibition. The absence of the history of indigenous resistance and subsequent Robben Island banishment was a classic case of heritage being affected by changing needs of the present. In reality, the dispute arose because of the building’s architectural constraints and its use as a museum. We battled with the architect because the building was not wheelchair‑friendly; there were stairs on the ramp, and complicated passages throughout the building played havoc with proposed

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visitor routes. In all fairness, by the time we met with the architect, Lucien le Grange, in 2001, the building design was already approved and the building itself was in the process of being constructed. It was too late to make any major changes, especially since the building had already won an award. We forged ahead with the council’s brief to include mainland imprisonment and detention. Robben Island EPP reference groups were in the process of creating group audio‑visual messages particular to their experiences of prison life in communal prison cells and sites of hard labour. We approached a core group of seven EPPs and detainees to test the development of an apartheid imprisonment/detainee message for the exhibition. The outcomes of resulting workshops were a video message concept, identification of possible participants and agreed‑upon guidelines. The museum would select the final participants based on representation across the rural‑urban divide, age, gender, and political party lines. The final product would be about six minutes long and would be shown daily as a welcoming orientation when visitors stepped out of the foyer into the plaza cellular space. We used external workshop facilitators. The 40 participants, who ranged from 12 to 80 years in age, were grouped in a long line facing the cameras and each camera focused on a specific grouping while recording the message. Moving images from the different cameras were projected against the long wall inside the foyer cellular space, where they were aligned and seamlessly played back as one image. While contestation was a major factor in the making of the Gateway exhibition, it did not have a negative impact on our interpretation outcomes. Heritage interpretation has been defined as a communication process that aims to reveal meanings rather than merely providing factual information. First‑hand experiences in a cultural or natural environment with objects, artefacts, landscapes or sites, for example, assist visitors to create their own meanings about the heritage content provided. The Exhibitions Unit combined the creative power of many people who were involved in making the exhibition, such as IT technologists, interior architects, carpenters, artists, archivists and writers. These disciplines enable visitors to access information in various ways and, by providing opportunities to make new meanings, contribute to the art of good interpretation. Generally, museum staff members were not consciously aware of interpretation principles. Nonetheless, the exhibition was made memorable through our passion, dedication and detailed planning. As one scholar writes: ‘I have heard some superb interpretation … and have found by interrogation that the interpreter was aware of no principles, but was merely following his inspiration.’2

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The video installation in the plaza cellular space, titled ‘Political Prisoner and Detainee Message’, was inspirational. It was a vibrant, poignant, state‑of‑the‑art interpretative presentation. You step through the weighty entrance doors into complete darkness. You hear the sound of heavy footsteps, clanging chains and the loud bang of a metal door being shut. Life‑size images of thirty-six EPPs and detainees are projected all along the twelve‑metre wall; an eighty‑year‑old woman, wearing a beige coat which she never removes, sits upright on her chair; there is a man in a wheelchair somewhere along the line; a twelve‑year‑old boy stands next to his mother; and you are four metres away from all of them. From different areas of the space, the voices of men, women and the boy call out the names of the prisons where, in different parts of South Africa, they were incarcerated. Two of them had been on death row. Then the voice of Andile MaAfrika starts the narrative, ‘Robben Island bears testimony to a people  …’, followed by each person adding to the imprisonment/detention narrative, which is punctuated by poetry and freedom songs and which ends after about four minutes. There is enough time for visitors to move through the space and emerge into the light‑filled little foyer on the other side before the presentation restarts. Exhibition interpretation places visitors at the centre of exhibition planning. The first principle is to provoke or grab visitors’ attention, whether by audio, visual or the written word. The exhibition topic should appeal or relate to the everyday lives of visitors, and the main concept is revealed in ways that do not only rely on the factual information provided. All exhibits should address the whole by relating to other exhibits in the story flow and thus contribute towards the main exhibition theme. The unity of the message is achieved through the use of music, visuals, design and so on to support the main theme. The inclusion of specific exhibition learning objectives targets visitors’ thoughts, emotions and behaviour. Exhibition developers identify and create strategies that encourage remembering or learning, emotional responses (for example, surprise, sadness) and visitor participation. These learning objectives (think, feel, do) are key to effective, meaningful visitor communication. The following description of the visitor experience at the Gateway reveals the learning objectives and interpretation principles (identified in brackets) used in the installation. The dark, unknown space grabbed visitors’ attention as soon as they stepped through the doors (provoke). The non‑verbal prison sounds (provoke and emotive learning objectives), accompanied by first‑person individual narratives, poems and songs (relate and message unity), were moving and educative, and aroused empathy (emotive learning objectives). The life‑size projected images of

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the participants created the impression of having real people in the space. I even saw people walk towards the wall to touch the images (relate). The message content referred to the human condition: it was about adversity endured and overcome through tenacity. Most visitors found this admirable and could even relate aspects of it to their own lives in the past or in the present (relate and emotive learning objectives). The darkness became a tool of intimacy as visitors became immersed in the experience (relate). The political imprisonment and detention theme was clearly illustrated through poetry, song and the spoken word (address the whole, that is, theme and cognitive learning objective). There was no preachy factual information being recited, and it interested most visitors, whether South African or not. They related to, recognised and understood the message (provoke, relate, reveal and cognitive learning objectives). The placement of exhibition panels at the exit that gave information about the video participants and relevant information was a good interpretation strategy because it enhanced the element of surprise at the beginning of the visitor experience (emotive learning objective) and provided visitors with a choice about whether to engage with the text or savour their experience as they walked down into the courtyard (cognitive learning objective). The response of a tour guide who regularly brought Swedish visitors to the Gateway exhibition confirmed the emotional impact of the video presentation. The video mural was in disrepair for a lengthy period, but news of it had spread within a certain Swedish community. The guide was embarrassed because Swedish tourists generally expected to see it and were disappointed when they could not (emotive learning objective). Video presentations of this scale were not common in Cape Town (or Swedish) museums in 2001, so its novelty was an additional attraction (provoke emotive learning objective). Although the video presentation ticked all the correct boxes, other aspects linked to its interpretation were less successful. The sturdy entrance doors located between the lift and the stairs leading down to the courtyard confused visitors. Many of them did not notice the signage above the entrance doors because they mistook the doors for an entrance to museum offices. Others were so fixated on boarding the ferry that they did not even notice the entrance into the video mural space. Despite advice to the contrary, information and ticket sales personnel habitually informed visitors that they should arrive at the ferry terminal 15 minutes before departure times. This gave insufficient time to experience the ‘Political Prisoner and Detainee Message’ installation or other exhibitions prior to their journey. Visitors were also not informed that they had to exit

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from the space at its opposite end. Invariably, when they entered the space by themselves, they turned back to leave through the entrance doors again. This clogged up the entrance, especially for visitors coming into the foyer and moving directly towards the ferry. As a result, the exhibition text at the exit was missed. Eventually, Exhibitions Unit members began to guide visitors into the video mural space, but they could not do so indefinitely. Apart from the ‘Political Prisoner and Detainee Message’ video mural, other exhibits and installations in the Gateway exhibition no longer exist on site. Only the courtyard contains 30 panels initially sourced from the Esiqithini exhibition, which provide a chronological history of the island over the centuries. Robben Island’s past and present identity is established through three large photographs placed alongside one another. First is a black‑and‑white photograph taken during the 1960s with the island just visible against the horizon. Second is a colour photograph dating from 1991 when the Dias, carrying newly released political prisoners, arrived at Jetty 1. Last is a colour photograph of the island taken from the air with the maximum security prison clearly visible. In the courtyard exhibition, two trolley archives held prison labour objects and documents associated with secret educational and sporting activities. Two touchscreen installations revealed the five-hundred‑year‑old history of Robben Island. It was organised into ten historical layers, starting with apartheid and moving backwards to 1488. Each layer was titled and contained four or five stories, each accompanied by one image and a short narrative text. Visitor choice was central to the touchscreen design that provided engagement with historical layers and images of choice. I was given freedom to choose content and images and write the text, with the final approval of Harriet Deacon, the Research Unit coordinator. This was an example of the Heritage Department’s enlightened leadership, trust and mentorship, which enabled me to contribute towards the exhibition practically and emotionally. It left a lasting impact. A sound installation was mounted in the separation space just off the courtyard. Families talked about their loved ones’ separation from the mainland or their own lack of access to them. Visitors could listen to these stories while they waited to board the ferry. But the convoluted route into the separation space next to the courtyard at quay level resulted in many visitors missing the audio installation there altogether. After exploring courtyard installations, visitors needed to walk to the exit at the back of the courtyard in order to gain entrance to the separation space next door. However, once in the courtyard, visitors could see the ocean, the docked ferry through the glass doors straight ahead, and the final security checkpoint to the

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right. It probably made little sense for them to walk backwards when there was a clear invitation to board the ferry right in front of them. Brochures addressed this problem but, owing to reasons described below, the brochures were never reprinted after the first two batches had been handed out. The mammoth task of displaying artefacts on the third‑floor circuit was achieved through the combined effort of the Mayibuye Centre’s staff members, the Audio‑Visual Unit, and consultant Emile Maurice under the watchful eyes of heritage management. There were multiple touchscreen installations, exhibition panels, posters, photographs and sound installations from Radio Freedom, among others. One example was the IDAF video catalogue, which listed 11 video categories under which a total of 52 videos of varying lengths could be viewed. Visitors could choose what to view depending on the time available. The third floor was really a hybrid exhibition space with undertones of a museum, a library and an archive where visitors could quietly engage with computer‑based installations. Marcos Corrales, the interior architect, informed his design with South African sensibilities of community, equality and democracy. One example was the round table in the video room that allowed six people to watch simultaneously any of the IDAF videos without disturbing one another. Most touchscreen installations provided freedom of choice, and visitors could adjust and physically move exhibits to their liking. The posters were attached to pulleys mounted against the windows on the north side. They helped to shut out some of the light, while the pulleys provided access to the posters for wheelchair users and those small of stature. The apartheid resistance artefacts (such as posters, books, objects and sound installations) came from NGOs linked to youth, women and child advocacy, churches, various political organisations in South Africa, and anti‑apartheid movements in countries like Angola, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Tanzania, Kenya, Holland, Germany and Britain. A novel idea was the videotaped interviews or ‘talking captions’ with those who were directly involved in cultural or political resistance. In his talking caption, EPP and Robben Island tour guide Lionel Davis provided insight into the role of hundreds of grassroots NGOs which received training from the Community Arts Project to print resistance posters during the 1980s. Maria Rottman told her story about how a German anti‑apartheid organisation created a huge Mr  Apartheid puppet which was paraded through the streets of her town. Tim Jenkin explained how he had constructed keys to escape with two others from Pretoria Central Prison. However, the demise of the permanent Gateway exhibition that oriented visitors for journeys to Robben Island was imminent. It started with the

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resignations of the Heritage Department and Exhibitions Unit managers, followed by that of the museum director soon afterwards. Betweeen 2004 and 2010, RIM had four different directors. This led to loss of institutional memory, work continuity and staff morale, as well as budgetary constraints. A huge disadvantage was the absence of a Heritage Department staff member who could talk knowledgeably about the value of the exhibition during managerial meetings. Added to this was the fact that the exhibition relied heavily on computer‑based installations which required highly specialised and expensive maintenance and repairs. During periods of sporadic and dwindling budgets, these matters became unimportant. Rough winter seas also often prevented staff from working on the island, all of which contributed towards a need for more staff office space in the Gateway. Eventually, the problematic separation space became the HR office. Next, the video room with its 52  IDAF videos became the Exhibitions Unit office where, ironically, I was relocated. Except for the ‘Political Prisoner and Detainee Message’ video mural message, the entire Gateway exhibition had been dismantled to make way for temporary exhibitions by 2010. In conclusion, I would argue that despite drawbacks linked to the building and resultant visitor management issues, the Nelson Mandela Gateway exhibition was unique. For example, the exhibition brochure was translated into Braille and the entire ‘Separation Space’ installation translated into sign language. It enabled museum learning at various levels through innovative interpretation strategies and visitor choice. Possibly of most significance is that the making of the exhibition itself was a catalyst that inspired heritage staff members to pursue further museum and heritage studies or studies in related fields such as history, audio‑visual production and built environment conservation. A fitting legacy of the inter‑departmental exhibitions team and the inspirational leadership and staff members of the Heritage Resources and Environmental Management Department 2000–2004.

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PART FOUR C

M

Y

VOICES AND DEBATES FROM WITHIN

CM

MY

CY

MY

K

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 RIM and the debate about deconstructing the Mandela myth

32 The saint of the struggle: RIM and the debate about deconstructing the Mandela myth Noel Solani

Many historians and social scientists argue that historical narratives serve to fulfil psychological and social needs rather than scientific demands. This was true of the liberation struggle in South Africa. In an attempt to bolster the morale of the people, heroes were created and many myths told but they were always told within the paradigm of relative truthfulness. In the post‑apartheid era in particular, there have been many attempts to reconstruct the heroes of the struggle. This hero creation is sometimes meant to bolster a particular political philosophy. One of the probably most pervasive heroic narratives in the post‑apartheid era is that surrounding Nelson Mandela. This chapter, an adaptation of an article first published in Kronos: Journal of Cape History, by UWC in 2000,1 is an attempt to re-examine the euphoria around Mandela that was created and maintained by the media and at RIM and elsewhere in the early years of democracy. It provides an analysis of Nelson Mandela and how he had been positioned and represented in a wide range of spheres – auto/biographical, media, museums, and so on – when I first wrote this piece. It is about the making and unsettling of the Mandela myth. The first step is to analyse the political life of Rolihlahla Nelson Mandela congruent to his social life. In doing that, I wish to dispel the ‘myth’ of Saint Mandela that is created by the mass media and that is perpetuated at RIM. I will also show how those opposed to Mandela and the ANC misrepresent him personally and the ANC as an organisation to the point of falsifying the past. The concept of myth carries various meanings. According to Aho, ‘mythology legitimizes a certain idea  …  [or] practice, and this in turn confirms as it were,

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the validity of the mythology’.2 Thompson defined political myths as ‘tales about the past to legitimise or discredit a regime  …  Myths express and codify belief; it safeguards and enforces morality and suggest that myths are universal’.3 Thompson argues further that myths are about the ways in which meaning is mobilised in particular contexts.4 Because myths cannot be simply described as lies or truths, but must be seen as stories with particular significance, particularly in the context of this chapter which looks at the representations of Mandela as a ‘saint’ and how that myth was created. I argue that the creation of Mandela as a struggle hero is presented as a fulfilment of a historic mission. This is in line with those who believe that historical narratives fulfil psychological and social needs rather than scientific demands, a point made earlier. This was true of the South African liberation struggle: heroes were created and many myths told, but they were told within the paradigm of relative truthfulness. After the banning of the liberation movements, the political environment in South Africa changed. In the process of creating heroes of their cause and in attempts to bolster their philosophies as the most correct ones, various types of historical truths emerged, truths that are hard to support with any documentation, except that produced by the group of narrators themselves. It is in this light that I will attempt to look at alternative representations of Mandela by those who attempt to challenge the Mandela myth. I will also explore how those who seek to challenge this myth, often do so without providing evidence for their opinions, except conspiracy theories. I also wish to state that this chapter is not an objective study of Mandela’s life but is an exploration of the different images that are associated with his life. I do this by tracing how these images were created and continue to be constructed. However, I caution that, when examining the image of Mandela, we need to use tested historical methods.

CONSTRUCTING THE MANDELA MYTHOLOGY The formation of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) in 1948 and the adoption of the ANCYL Programme of Action heralded a new phase of struggle against apartheid. In the formation of the ANCYL, Mandela was elected the general secretary of the organisation. With the position came new responsibilities on a national level. The 1948 Programme of Action culminated in the Defiance Campaign against unjust laws in 1952. During the Defiance Campaign, Mandela was elected national volunteer-in-chief. As chief volunteer, he was a spokesperson of the campaign. This made him popular with the media as he dealt with them on a regular basis.

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 RIM and the debate about deconstructing the Mandela myth

As his popularity grew, people wanted to know who Mandela was. This attracted personal attention to the leader as people sought to understand why he was risking his life and leading people to jail. The Defiance Campaign that started in Port Elizabeth, led by Raymond Mhlaba, saw hundreds of volunteers being imprisoned. This resulted in leaders of the campaign being banned to the magisterial districts in which they resided. Mandela and Walter Sisulu, then the ANC secretary general, were restricted to the magisterial district of Johannesburg. After that the struggle intensified and led to the adoption of the Freedom Charter at the Congress of the People in June 1955 at Kliptown in Johannesburg. In 1956, 156 people were charged with treason in South Africa. They came from all corners of the country. Prominent among them was Chief Albert Luthuli, the ANC president and later Nobel Peace Prize winner.5 The 156 people included the cream of the Congress Alliance, men and women such as Walter Sisulu, Robert Resha, Oliver Tambo, Nelson Mandela, Z.K. Matthews, Lionel Bernstein, Piet Beyleveld, Sonia Bunting, Reverend James Calata, Yusuf Dadoo, Ruth First, Archie Gumede, Bertha Gxowa, Alfred Hutchinson, Helen Joseph, Ahmed Kathrada, Moses Kotane, Alex La Guma, Arthur Letele, Chief Luthuli, Vuyisile Mini, Wilton Mkwayi, Ida Mntwana, Billy Nair, Lilian Ngoyi, Duma Nokwe, George Pike and many others. The Treason Trial lasted for four years, with all the accused acquitted. Immediately after the acquittal, Nelson Mandela went underground and slipped out of the country to solicit support for the armed struggle. Shortly after his return, he was captured near Howick and sentenced to five years’ imprisonment for leaving the country without valid documents. Whilst underground, Mandela became the man most wanted by the state authorities. It was also during this period that he became an important media figure. The South African media dubbed him the ‘black pimpernel’ and, after his five-year sentence in 1963, the first Release Mandela Committee was launched to agitate for his release. It was led by Ahmed Kathrada, who later became Nelson Mandela’s co‑accused in the Rivonia Trial. The Rivonia Trial followed the capture of the Umkhonto we Sizwe (MKVA) High Command members at Liliesleaf Farm. They included Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Raymond Mhlaba, Rusty Bernstein and Dennis Goldberg. Elias Motsoaledi and Andrew Mlangeni were later captured in their homes. By this time, Mandela was already serving a five‑year sentence at Robben Island Maximum Security Prison. Because his diary was found at Rivonia during the raid, he was recalled from Robben Island to come and stand trial as accused number one.6 This trial was widely publicised throughout the world with accused number one receiving a great deal of media focus.

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All the accused, except Rusty Berstein who was discharged, were sentenced to life imprisonment in 1964. It was after this year that the Mandela legend began to emerge very strongly. His speech at the Rivonia Trial was widely publicised and booklets on it were published. Subsequently, his speeches were collected in a volume titled The Struggle Is My Life. The first biography of Nelson Mandela was written by Mary Benson, titled Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress.7 In this book, Benson represents Mandela as part of the oppressed masses and one of the leaders of the ANC. She makes no attempt to separate Mandela the person from the struggling masses he leads. However, while Benson is conscious of the role played by Nelson Mandela within the liberation struggle, she somehow overlooks the weaknesses of both Mandela and the ANC during this period. In Benson, we begin to see the construction of Mandela as a ‘saint’. In the period through to the early 1970s, there was a lull and depression in mass political activity, broken by the outbreak of trade union strikes at Dunlop in Durban in 1973 which spread to other factories. The Soweto uprisings and the emergence of the BCM were other examples of rising resistance. Then, in the 1980s, there was a revival of mass struggles and mass demonstrations. This was a decade in which the mass struggles intensified and reached a peak. It was during this period that Fatima Meer’s authorised biography of Mandela, Higher Than Hope, was published.8 This book added to a mass of literature that sought to monumentalise Mandela, much of which was not easily available in South Africa because of repression and censorship. The timing of the book’s publication was significant; it was aimed at influencing the thinking of the struggling youth of South Africa in the 1980s. The Mandela narrative was to serve to educate the youth about earlier struggles that had been waged by the Congress Alliance. It also invoked Mandela as the leader who was leading the South African struggle from behind bars. The UDF, formed in 1983, elected Mandela as one of its patrons. The UDF was launched to oppose the Tri‑Cameral Parliament under P.W. Botha. In 1985, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) elected Mandela as one of its presidents. Books like Higher Than Hope had a great influence on the making of the Mandela legend and influenced civil society attitudes. Similar to other contemporary publications about Mandela, Fatima Meer’s book made no attempt to examine Nelson Mandela as an ordinary human being, a son, brother, cousin and father with human weaknesses. In creating Mandela as a political ‘saint’, Meer, a sociologist, overlooked Mandela’s strengths and weaknesses on a social level. The book, for example, fails to examine Mandela’s divorce from Evelyn, his

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first wife, outside the political arena. It is to this micro‑level of Mandela’s life that I will turn at a later stage. However, the Mandela myth was not only built and enhanced by the media, authors and later the UDF and its affiliates. The construction of this image was also championed and sustained by the ANC in exile, which began to celebrate his birthday in an organised fashion every year. These birthdays were meant to keep in memory and popularise the continued incarceration of Nelson Mandela and his comrades. By doing so, the ANC contributed to perpetuating the Mandela myth, albeit for different reasons. However, I do not imply that the celebrations themselves automatically perpetuated the myth. It was the manner in which those celebrations were organised, and for what purpose. The ANC understood and viewed Mandela as part of the collective that abides by the decisions of the organisation. It was with this understanding that he was chosen to be the symbol of all those who were incarcerated by the apartheid government. The ANC’s understanding of Mandela is illustrated by Kathrada’s comment that ‘Mdala has compassion, is calm, diplomatic, passionately devoted to justice and a fair player  …  once an idea has been discussed and adopted, Mdala executes it with passion’.9 Mac Maharaj stated it slightly differently when he said, ‘the identification of the masses with Nelson Mandela is the identification that goes beyond the person of Mandela and sees him as the first commander of Umkhonto … Nelson Mandela the individual cannot be separated from Umkhonto and the ANC, he is above all, a product of the ANC … [as] an organisation, a team, a collective’.10 Oliver Tambo, the leader of the ANC in exile, his friend and former law firm partner, described him as ‘a symbol of self‑sacrificing leadership the struggle has thrown up and the people need  …  an outstanding individual who knows that he derives his strength from the great masses of the people who make up the freedom struggle in our country’.11 This showed how Mandela was viewed at a macro‑level within and outside the organisation different periods.

MANDELA THE SOCIAL BEING In his final year at the University of Fort Hare, Mandela and others were expelled by the university for leading an anti‑SRC campaign, which was forced upon them by the narrow university authorities. On his expulsion, like all parents in those days among amaXhosa in Thembuland, Mandela’s guardian arranged a wedding for him, without consulting him.12 He could not face his guardian and inform him that he was not yet prepared for such a step. He and Justice, the son of his guardian, the regent of the abaThembu crown, decided to run away to Johannesburg. This running away from his responsibilities at a familial level

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in terms of Thembu tradition is an indication of his first failure. It should be remembered that during this period, it was normal practice for parents to choose wives and husbands for their children. In fact, it was the responsibility of parents to do so when they observed that the young person had reached the right age to get married. Equally, it was not seen as a sign of rebellion to explain to your parents that you were not yet ready to commit yourself to marriage. Above all, Mandela, as a person chosen from an early age to be the future Thembu king’s chief guardian, was expected to lead by example. In this instance, he fell short of rising to the situation by running away from home. I noted earlier that Meer fails to locate Mandela at the micro level, that is, in relation to his family. Her book does not see it as important to examine the failure of Nelson Mandela’s marriage to Evelyn Mandela (née Mase), his first wife. When Meer alludes to the first marriage, she quickly points out the role of the struggle as the mediating factor for the collapse of the marriage. Meer has lost a chance to educate the youth on how one’s commitment to a particular cause may lead to family fragility. Mandela, as a liberation hero, was a good case to study of the problems experienced by leaders and their families at a micro level. Such a perspective would have enhanced our understanding of their commitment and the sacrifices they were prepared to make. On another level, it would have taught us that leaders are humans who can make ordinary mistakes and that all of us can learn from those mistakes. Furthermore, it would have served to teach us that contradictions may exist between the public figure that seeks justice and passionately fights for it and the private person who has to deal with everyday problems that confront all families, irrespective of their political affiliation and status in society.

NELSON MANDELA THE POLITICIAN One may argue that Mandela started his political career at Mqhekezweni, where he listened to elders debating and arguing about the laws of the Thembu. This humble beginning instilled in him a sense of justice. When he registered at university, he participated in student politics. As a student he took on several responsibilities in student struggles. As already stated, it was as a result of his student activism that he was expelled from the University of Fort Hare. However, it was in Johannesburg that he broadened and sharpened his political outlook. He met Walter Sisulu, who encouraged him to complete his legal studies. At the same time, Sisulu recruited him to join the ANC. His serious participation in ANC activities led him to be elected to several leadership positions. In 1955, he was elected volunteer-in-chief of the Defiance Campaign.

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When the National Party banned the ANC in 1960, the ANC was confronted with a decision: either to submit to the banning or continue with the struggle under the same banner. The ANC leadership chose to continue with the struggle. They organised strikes, stay‑aways and protest meetings from hiding. In 1962, Mandela left the country and visited independent African states to mobilise support for the ANC and military support for MKVA. Because of his activities, the state listed him as enemy number one. It was at this time that the media dubbed him the ‘black pimpernel’. However, these forms of representation changed over time. In the 1980s, as the struggle intensified and demands for his release grew, he was seen as the embodiment of the leadership of the people and the aspirations of the oppressed. The second Release Mandela Committee was formed, demanding his release and those of all other political prisoners. The broad‑based struggles led by the UDF, COSATU, student organisations such as COSAS in high schools and the South African National Students Congress (SANSCO) and National Union of South African Students (NUSAS), and other progressive formations eventually forced the regime to start releasing political prisoners in the late 1980s and, eventually, all of them after the unbanning of political organisations in 1990. As part of the release of political prisoners, Nelson Mandela was released on Sunday, 11  February 1990. His first public address in three decades took place at the Grand Parade in Cape Town, where he addressed a very large crowd. He struck a chord with the youth when he restated his commitment to the armed struggle as one of the pillars to overthrow the apartheid regime. That statement received conflicting responses. Among the township youth, it was hailed as a progressive statement that showed leadership’s commitment to the total eradication of apartheid. On the other side, the right‑wing conservative press viewed it as a revolutionary statement of an unrepentant ‘terrorist’. Differently from the conservative media, the liberal press questioned Mandela’s commitment to the peaceful resolution of the country’s problems, given, it maintained, that the apartheid state was preparing a conducive climate for negotiations. However, this image of Mandela did not last long. Soon after negotiations started, Mandela was suddenly hailed as a great reconciler and forgiver by the liberal press. It was at this time that the press invoked notions of Mandela as a ‘saint’. The start of negotiations removed the perceptions and propaganda created by the National Party ideologues and intellectuals that the ANC and its alliance partners were terrorists and barbarians that had to be kept out of society. The apartheid government’s swart gevaar (black danger) and rooi gevaar (red danger) propaganda had been used to justify the continuing imprisonment of

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Nelson Mandela and his comrades. The ‘black danger’ was used as a scare tactic by the Nationalists, a threat that once those imprisoned for political reasons were released they would spread a message of race hate and that there would be perpetual conflict between black and white. The ‘red danger’ was based on the premise that communists were atheist and anti‑Christianity, and once released those who were imprisoned would propagandise for the persecution of Christians. For many of those participating in the whites‑only elections who voted the National Party back into power, these scare tactics were enough to convince them that the imprisoned leaders and the liberation movements were dangerous revolutionaries with sinister objectives. However, as many began to understand the objective of the liberation struggle in South Africa, this view changed and Mandela became the only hope that could avert race conflict and unite South Africans, both black and white. Furthermore, his spirit of forgiveness after serving a long prison term increased their trust in him. Many had believed that because Mandela and other political prisoners were kept for such a long time in prison, they would come out very angry and seeking vengeance. This spirit of forgiveness adopted by former political prisoners, irrespective of time spent in prison, was a response to the ANC call to create a conducive climate for negotiations. The majority of the people of South Africa responded positively to this call. This was evident when the Mass Democratic Movement structures, at a Conference for a Democratic Future held at the University of Witwatersrand from 15–18  December 1989, aligned themselves with the Harare Declaration. The resolutions adopted in the Harare declaration united the ANC in exile and the Mass Democratic Structures inside the country, and aligned to the ANC, on a programme which required them to rise above all their ‘petty issues’ to meet the challenges of the time. Nelson Mandela, of course, called on by the organisation to champion this vision, rose to the occasion and led by example in preaching reconciliation and forgiveness.

NELSON MANDELA AT A MICRO AND MACRO LEVEL In assessing Mandela as forgiver, does a closer look at him on a micro level (family) reveal the great reconciler and forgiver? Or does it reveal an ordinary father prepared to part ways with those who hurt him? When his second wife, Nomzamo Winnie Mandela, was accused of infidelity with Dali Mpofu, her lawyer at the time, did Mandela react with the same spirit of forgiveness as he had done towards his former oppressor and enemies? Did he show the same commitment that he had shown to the Nationalists to reconcile and resolve

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whatever problems might have existed between him and his wife? Do the same attributes of a unifier apply equally when he had to unite those closest to him? When he announced his separation from Winnie, in a televised press conference, seated next to him were Oliver Tambo, long‑serving president of the ANC, and Walter Sisulu, a stalwart of the struggle and fellow prisoner at Robben Island and Pollsmoor prisons. Visibly heartbroken before the television crews, he explained to the nation why he had to take such a step. While any family matter is private and should be treated as such, the Mandela marriage was a public affair and a representative of the nation; Winnie was called the ‘mother of the nation’. When Winnie continued with the struggle after her husband was imprisoned, she was seen by the youth as an example of how partners should behave and not give in to the enemy at whatever cost. Because of that, the Mandela marriage could not be treated and viewed solely as a private matter between husband and wife. If seen from this perspective, the question needs to be restated: why did Mandela not forgive Winnie when she had shown remorse and publicly requested him to discuss the matter and resolve it through family channels? We again need to ask whether Mandela could forgive at a macro level when at the micro level he was not able to reconcile with his wife, to whom he had declared unswerving love in one of the letters he wrote when he was in prison: The true significance of marriage is not only in the mutual love which unites the parties concerned  …  but also faithful support which the parties guarantee … Yet there have been moments when that love and happiness, that trust and hope had turned into pure agony, when conscience and a sense of guilt have ravaged every part of my being, when I wondered whether any kind of commitment can ever be any sufficient excuse [for] abandoning a young and inexperienced woman without her pillar of support in time of need.13

To answer an earlier question, whether Mandela could forgive at a macro level, the answer could be found in the attitude the ANC adopted after being unbanned. As earlier alluded to, the ANC saw the necessity of taking a different route to reduce confrontation. Being confident that if negotiations succeeded they would govern the country, their aim was to prepare a conducive climate for peaceful governance. Furthermore, it was the fulfilment of the ANC’s long‑standing expression that apartheid was the enemy of the people, and not any racial group. Thus Mandela had no reason to be angry at any person or racial group, since the ideas he stood for were being vindicated and as the leader of the ANC he was charged with transforming the country. This was

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already put in a clear perspective by fellow Robben Islander Fikile Bam in the 1980s. Commenting on Mandela’s continuous imprisonment, Bam stated that ‘the longer Mandela is kept in prison, the more he becomes the focus for things we all hope for, he and the African National Congress were never afraid to go the negotiating table’.14 Therefore, consistent with his belief in collective decision‑making, any true leader of the ANC would have reacted in the same fashion as Mandela. The continuous tendency by the media to separate Mandela from the organisation he led defeats the very notion of the concept organisation. Also, the tendency to represent Mandela as a reconciler and the ANC as anti‑reconciliation can be seen as a strategy to separate him from the organisation of which he was a member. The point I am making here is that any analysis of Mandela, when it comes to state and political issues, has to be seen within the collective leadership tradition of the ANC. In that way, some myths that surround him will be deconstructed.

DECONSTRUCTING THE MANDELA MYTH We have already discussed how the Mandela mythology has been constructed in different periods and for different reasons. However, while Mandela proved himself a dedicated member and leader of his organisation, he also had differences with some. In deconstructing the myth of the unifier, I have already questioned Mandela’s stance in relation to his family. Here I want to look at some anecdotes about his life while he was in prison. In the early 1970s, there were signs that the National Party would give ‘independence’ to bantustans. This fact was realised in October 1976 when the Transkei received its pseudo ‘independence’ under Kaiser Matanzima. In the early 1970s, the ANC and its aligned structures engaged in debates on how the movement should react to this issue. For a short period, the debate divided the ANC into two camps. One group wanted total isolation of ‘independent states’ and their leaders. Others were of the view that they could be used to advance the struggle for liberation. Andrew Masondo, a former applied mathematics lecturer at the University of Fort Hare who served 12 years in Robben Island Prison, had this to say about this debate: The African National Congress at Robben Island showed its resilience. Once we had a very serious problem. As part of our political education, we were discussing what should happen, should our people be involved in bantustans or not, that discussion split us into two groups. It became so serious that the top chaps could not work together. We had made a mistake of discussing a tactic as

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if we are discussing a principle. We had to settle the animosity that had come out … but you see, we had people who were very, very strong on this, comrade Mbeki [Govan] and Madiba [Mandela]. We had to remove them from the High Command and it took us six years to settle the matter particularly between Oom Gov [Govan Mbeki] and Madiba.15

While Masondo’s statement shows the strength of the ANC in settling differences collectively, it simultaneously shows the human weaknesses in both Nelson Mandela and Govan Mbeki, who had the potential to cause dysfunction within the organisation. The challenge here was how the organisation should resolve problems that faced it as a unit, leaving it more united and the image of its leaders untarnished. This also exposes the myth of the grand narrative about former Robben Island inmates who lived in harmony with each other all the time. While many popular representations exist about the life and times of Mandela before his imprisonment, during his imprisonment, and after his release, there are also some lesser known representations about him. One of them is about the three PAC veterans who served time at Robben Island Prison between 1964/65 and 1970 – one originally from Melody near Pretoria and two from Bloemfontein – and who were banished by the apartheid state to live in QwaQwa after their release. They held the opinion that Mandela never spent any significant time at Robben Island Prison. QwaQwa, a poverty‑stricken corner of the then Orange Free State and meant to be a supposed ‘homeland’ for the Basotho of South Africa, was among the bantustans created by the National Party government. It seems to have been National Party policy to banish former political inmates to remote parts of the ‘homelands’ after they had completed their sentences. The Basotho were banished to QwaQwa, the amaXhosa to the Transkei and Ciskei, the amaZulu to Zululand and Batswana to Bophuthatswana, and so on. So people were sent to these regions according to their ethnic backgrounds. This was the regime’s attempt to isolate them from where they could have influence, at their original homes and towns where they were arrested and seen as leaders. This strategy by the regime was aimed at both reducing actions of resistance against apartheid and creating fear amongst activists that being sent to Robben Island Prison might also mean dying there, without ever being able to return home. Ntate Mofokeng, who spent less than five years at Robben Island Prison (and who still lives in the former QwaQwa), believes that Mandela spent only a very short time at Robben Island Prison and that he was transferred early on to Victor Verster Prison, where he spent his years in luxury. In his view, the fact that Mandela

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spent 18 years at Robben Island Prison is merely propaganda by the ANC and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the USA. As Mofokeng states it: You know the White Settler Press, controlled by the CIA and the American Intelligence have fed a lie that, that man, Mandela spent eighteen years at Robben Island … he did not even spend more than three years and was taken to live in luxury at Victor Verster and never suffered a bit as they say.16

When we asked how we could verify this notion, he stated, ‘Remember, Mandela is a Chief of the Thembu, and related to Matanzima who accepted Transkei independence … Matanzima might have organised for him to be transferred to a less physically demanding place  …  anyway you also know that this is where he was released.’17 This perspective advances an argument that while the ANC portrayed itself as a revolutionary organisation opposed to bantustans and the apartheid state, this was merely a strategy to confuse the masses. In this conspiracy theory, the ANC succeeded in perpetuating the lie because of assistance from imperialist countries, especially the USA. The reason why Mandela and the ANC became so famous and popular is because of the imperialist press. The problem with this statement is that it still needs to be revealed how the ANC could dupe so many people inside the country for the more than three decades of its exile. Furthermore, how it could fool the whole world and keep the lie afloat for so many years also needs to be explained. The Mofokeng group sought to challenge the alliance between the ANC and the SACP. They argued that the SACP was controlled and dominated by whites who had close contact with the imperialist countries. This alliance caused the ANC to compromise on the land question when they adopted the Freedom Charter in 1955 at Kliptown. ‘By selling the rights of the sons of the soil, the ANC won itself friends in the imperialist world,’18 they argued. The three further cemented their opinion when they argued that this became evident when the ANC went into exile. The ANC received support from imperialists of different shades that other liberation movements did not get. Therefore, according to this conspiracy theory, it should not have come as a surprise when the ANC entered into negotiations that started with the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) and ended with the multiparty talks after the collapse of CODESA. The significance of this narrative is not in its validity but in the ways in which it questions notions of storytelling by those that claim to have been eyewitnesses. Does the fact that a person has lived through a certain period, or witnessed certain events, mean that they can become an authority on those events? The

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story of these PAC stalwarts challenges oral historians’ use of oral evidence: to what extent can we rely on our informants, and what checks and balances do we have to validate the information we collect? For instance, how will RIM deal with the story told by the Mofokeng group? In developing RIM narratives, would such a story be considered or would it just be ignored?

PERPETUATING THE MANDELA MYTH: THE ROBBEN ISLAND MUSEUM When RIM was opened in January 1997, it also contributed to the perpetuation of the Mandela myth. In the media and in adverts, it was sold as the place where Mandela had spent 18 years of his imprisonment. Henceforth, tourists who came to RIM were better informed about Nelson Mandela than about other prisoners who had spent equally significant time in Robben Island Maximum Security Prison. One typical media enhancement of the Mandela myth is this Cape Times headline: ‘Tears for Madiba as tourist relishes prison hardships’.19 Thus the Robben Island Prison became synonymous with Mandela. Visitors who came to the prison wanted to see the Mandela cell. In the isolation courtyard of what is known as B Section, in addition to the Mandela cell highlight, tourists are informed about the place where Mandela’s biography, Long Walk to Freedom, was hidden. Added to that, it would seem the courtyard is dedicated to Nelson Mandela, as there is a photograph of Mandela talking to Walter Sisulu. In this section, information about Mandela is narrated in detail and other prisoners who were also in the section are only occasionally mentioned. A stronger impression of him as a unifier is given. For example, Patrick Matanjana, who spent 20 years at Robben Island Prison for leaving the country without a valid passport and undergoing military training in a foreign country, would usually say in his narrative, ‘[w]henever we had problems, Mandela was always there to help us, always ready to do that kind of thing. Mind you, he did not only help people from the ANC, but also from other political organisations’.20 Before they reached the B Section courtyard, tourists would have noticed a photograph of Nelson Mandela, Justice Mpanza and Toivo Ja Toivo in the prison passage towards B  Section. The photograph depicts the three holding spades in the lime quarry. The photograph is interesting in its own right: how and by whose permission was it taken, given the fact that prison regulations prohibited the photographing of prisoners without their consent? Why did the curators choose this photograph? Had it to do with the image of the leader figure? All visitors at RIM are taken on a bus tour around the island. The significant sites at which the tour guides narrate their stories are the leper grave site, the Church of the Good Shepherd, the John Craig Hall, and some other sites from

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earlier periods. The most significant site for the modern political prison period outside of the maximum security prison is the Sobukwe site. Robert Sobukwe was the leader of the PAC from 1958, when the PAC was launched, up to its banning in 1960. In 1960 he was sentenced to two years’ imprisonment; when he completed his sentence, Parliament passed legislation that granted the state the power to detain a person indefinitely if it felt that that person was a threat to the stability of the state. This legislation came to be known as the Sobukwe clause, since he was the first person to be impacted by it. So, when Sobukwe completed his sentence, he was sent to Robben Island in 1963, where he remained until 1968. The other two significant sites are the stone quarry and lime quarry, where the majority of political prisoners worked. While Nelson Mandela never worked at the stone quarry, at one stage some of the tour guides insisted on calling it the ‘Mandela quarry’. Their pretext for doing so was that he gave advice to those who worked in the stone quarry. All the prisoners who were incarcerated in B Section, where Mandela was also held, were isolated from other prisoners, and worked in the lime quarry. However, the advice that came from the lime quarry or B Section was collective advice, given by the respective leaders of their organisations to their members. People who worked in the lime quarry were only those in the isolation section regarded as leaders of their organisations. This recognition was given by both the political prisoners and the prison authorities. When the bus came closer to the lime quarry, the tour guides continued to put emphasis on the Mandela name. From personal observations I made at the time, the story would go something like ‘this is the quarry where our president, Nelson Mandela, and others used to work  …  he used to guide struggles at the stone quarry from this place, hence the stone quarry was called the Madiba quarry’. Then the narrative went further along similar lines: ‘As you are looking at this space, you can feel the glimmer of the lime, it had an effect on prisoners’ eyes, that is why our president’s [Nelson Mandela’s] eyes had to be operated on.’ The emphasis was on Mandela much more than on others, thus making the island synonymous with him. The tourists are not taken to the stone quarry, where the majority of prisoners worked during the 1960s. The stone that built the present maximum security prison was mined and crafted in the stone quarry. In order to mine the stone, prisoners did not use modern machinery, but utilised picks, hammers, spades, ropes and wheelbarrows to fulfil their tasks. In the stone quarry is where many struggles for better food, better clothing and even better wheelbarrows took place. These struggles that started in the stone quarry spread to the prison

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complex. It was unfortunate that the museum did not use the stone quarry, since it had great potential to reveal the stories of suffering, pain, resistance and hope as prisoners fought and encouraged each other. In all these struggles, an impression was given that Mandela could solve all problems. The fact that Mandela also had problems of his own was not mentioned. The human side of Mandela was ignored. For instance, when his mother passed on, he was devastated and relied on the support of others like Walter Sisulu to gain strength. Again, when his son died in a car accident, he was dependent on the support of fellow inmates, as any other bereaved person would have been. In doing that, the narratives ignore the human solidarity between prisoners. This is contrary to how Mandela wrote of himself in his autobiography, Long Walk to Freedom, and of the support he needed and got from comrades, friends and family. For the museum to accomplish its vision of becoming a showcase of the ‘new South African democracy’,21 it needs to revisit its narratives. In developing a multifaceted narrative that is collective but at the same time recognises the role of the individual, the museum would be able to educate the public about the richness of South African history. In that way, it would greatly contribute to the project of nation building by being a ‘powerful reminder to future generations not to repeat the tragedies of the past and … henceforth pay tribute to people’s courage in the face of prejudice and racism’.22 For the museum to fully accomplish that goal, it has to, ‘honestly present the more shameful events of the past. If its interpretation is to be for social good, then it must alert us of the future through the past’.23 For the museum to also expose what is conceived as politically uncomfortable will bring significance to what is otherwise painful. Narratives told will bring meaning and healing, as that is possible when ‘survivors bring to historical memory their own quest for meaning’.24 This will enhance the general public’s understanding of the conditions in South African jails. It will further increase our knowledge of what happened behind those prison doors and why things happened in the way they did. If conflict took place in prison, we need to identify why it took place. This must not only be done for the sake of history, but to dispel myths of harmonious living and ‘saint‑like’ life among prisoners. There is some evidence from the Robben Island Memories Project interviews that at Robben Island Prison, the years ‘between 1977 to 1980 were fraught with tension, distrust, name calling, some physical fights and agitation. And, it revealed itself in perceptions that the prison authorities were on one side or another’.25 This period was just after the arrival of the 1976 generation, who were mostly school children. The BCM took it for granted that because these young people

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were arrested as the result of the aftermath of the 1976 student uprising, they were naturally their members. Thus, they did not see any need to recruit them. At the same time, the PAC took it for granted that the BCM was their natural ally since their philosophies were similar in many respects and, therefore, there was no need to synthesise the differences that existed. They reasoned that when the BCM evolved in the revolutionary struggle, they would come to the same conclusion as the PAC as to how the struggle could be taken forward. But, at the same time, the ANC saw potential among the youth and took it as their responsibility to educate them about prior struggles. They devised political lectures that taught the history of the ANC from its formation until it was banned in 1960. This resulted in conflict, as the BCM lost members to the ANC and the PAC. Realising that it would lose its support base, it started to recruit from the new arrivals. Former comrades accused and standing trial together found themselves in different camps as they joined or aligned themselves with different political organisations inside prison. Such disclosures were at one stage consciously or unconsciously censored in the stories that were told to tourists at RIM. The manner in which conflict was reduced or eliminated could teach tolerance and serve as a lesson among the new generation. To RIM’s credit, there were various attempts at RIM to meet this vision. There were also efforts to downplay the Mandela myth at RIM, as the museum expanded its capacity. The construction of the ‘Cell Stories’ exhibition in 1999 was one prominent example.26 This exhibition was based on oral history interviews that were collected from former Robben Island political prisoners. The oral data was collected in the form of life histories. The informants were asked to narrate their life histories from birth to the present, that is, their family background, community life and participation, and involvement in politics. They were further asked to narrate how they had been arrested and why. Lastly, they narrated their lives in prison and after imprisonment. Extracts from these interviews were used in ‘Cell Stories’. Some of the displays explained the artefacts that were donated by former prisoners to the museum. In other cells, prisoners talked about certain striking events in their lives. As Rassool summarised, ‘Cell Stories’ was a step ‘signifying the implicit acknowledgement of the need for debate and contestation over the historical meaning of political imprisonment for South Africa’s public history’.27 However, additional exhibitions about Mandela continue to be mounted at the museum. On 22  February 2000, an exhibition by the renowned Zapiro was opened, titled ‘Mandela in Cartoons’. While this exhibition was not the initiative of RIM staff, it illustrated how the Mandela name had been monumentalised in the public sphere in South Africa. In an

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attempt to build a nation, we had found a hero that most South Africans were prepared to associate with. This chapter has attempted to re‑examine the euphoria around Mandela that was created and maintained by the press, RIM and others in the early years of democracy. It has looked at contested representations of Mandela and the different images that were created of him, and how they are understood in different quarters. The construction of these images began in the 1960s. In the 1980s, the Mandela image was enhanced as he became internationally popular, because of campaigns for his release, biographies written about him and pamphlets distributed about him. I have argued that while there are many representations of Mandela, most have been perpetuating the myth of Mandela as ‘saint’. Some of those who challenged the grand narrative came out with diametrically opposed myths. The Mofokeng group, for instance, went to the extent of falsifying Mandela’s past. Furthermore, I have looked at the successes that Mandela had and argued that those success stories could also be attributed to the collective leadership found in the ANC. I have shown this by examining Nelson Mandela from two vantage points, at what I termed the micro and macro levels. Towards the end of this chapter, examples were given of how the Mandela myth was perpetuated in public spaces, and at RIM in particular. However, in this regard, I wish to highlight that from 1998/99, there were attempts at RIM to minimise the focus on Nelson Mandela. The ‘Cell Stories’ exhibition was one example where unknown prisoner experiences were displayed; it marked the formal beginning of the Robben Island Memories Project and the process of 26 EPP reference group visits between 2001 and 2006, which mined in-depth, on-site the knowledge of 650 ‘Islanders’ of all political persuasions.

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33 Pan Africanist and Black Consciousness perspectives: Beneath the surface of the Robben Island Museum images Luvuyo Mthimkhulu Dondolo

This chapter brings alive a hidden but vital aspect of the history of Robben Island. Esiqithini (the island), as it is commonly known by isiXhosa speakers, has many layers of human history, which date back to the colonial era. The chapter focuses on the island’s life as a political prison and examines the images of that period presented by RIM in the first 20 years of its existence. I argue that the museum advances a monolithic and hegemonic master narrative of the past that privileges Nelson Mandela and the ANC political prisoners, all as part of Mandela mythology. In the process, it downplays the experiences of PAC and BC prisoners on the island. This privileging is part of the Mandelarisation of the South African liberation struggle, which elevates the man himself to an almost messianic status in the struggle against apartheid and as the ‘father’ of the ‘new’ nation and symbol of democracy. Through its marginalisation of PAC and BC perspectives and experiences, the museum tags them as incidental historical facts. The PAC and BC viewpoints are not just excluded in the museum narrative; they are also omitted from the nation’s past and from the history of black political organisations. This editing out of the nation’s past, like the official craft of curating the nation in the present, is a sign of the victor at work: the victor’s script and narrative have become dominant and exclusive in post‑apartheid South African society. This can be seen in the way RIM presents the past. Historically, in South Africa, the national election victory of one party over the poor performance of others has been a step towards controlling the national

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identity and heritage landscapes. The ANC, in continuing with the trend after the 1994 general elections, produces a historiography and post‑apartheid complexes that mainly have its signature, with the loser being reduced to mere footnotes. This signature, as also witnessed in the RIM images in the first two decades of its existence, falsifies the past and creates an omission in the country’s historical knowledge of the liberation struggle. The currently peddled account by the curators and editors of the past (winners) has to do with the victor–loser complex and consolidation of the power and politics of transition. It is important to recall that in 1960 both the ANC and the PAC were banned by the apartheid regime, and both sent missions and cadres overseas and to other African countries to continue the struggle from exile. Both were viewed as authoritative voices of the oppressed in South Africa by international bodies like the UN and the Organisation of African Unity. Indeed, within Africa, the PAC in the 1960s often found readier welcome from African independence movements and newly independent African states because of its strongly anti‑colonial position. The exclusion of the PAC and BC members’ experiences from the master narrative of the museum distorts the history of the struggle against apartheid. This has more to do with the present than with the past. The understanding of the South African struggle by these international role‑players challenges the Mandela mythology and the monolithic historical master narrative of the past playing out in the present, including in the RIM images. This interpretation framework of the ANC of the past generates gaps and paints an incomplete picture of the country’s liberation struggle. RIM has been branded based on Mandela’s public persona (as a symbol of democracy and the ‘father’ of the nation); it mirrors his philosophy and is marketed as a tourist attraction site, thereby forming part of destination culture in Cape Town. The presentation of Robben Island, as discussed in this study, is trapped in the discourse of Mandela mythology and the craft of curating the nation by the state post‑1994, with its monolithic historical master narrative.

IN THE SHADOW OF MANDELA MYTHOLOGY The RIM tourist gazes as presented in this chapter are very much contested and political. The term tourist gaze is employed in reference to the tourist experiences, knowledge and images constructed for tourists from guidebooks, magazines, itineraries, DVDs screened on the ferry from the mainland to the island, and the tour guides’ narrative. ‘Places are created or developed with the aim of providing tourist experiences. Places are chosen to be gazed upon because there is an

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anticipation of pleasures, either on a different scale or involving different senses from those customarily encountered.’1 Prior to the opening of the Nelson Mandela Gateway at the V&A Waterfront, the RIM tour package began on the ferry from the Waterfront to Robben Island, as the visitors encountered and were introduced to images of RIM in the boat. These images were encountered by watching a video (DVD) that showed the personal experiences of some former political prisoners as they were released from eSiqithini. The tour included a tour of the prisons, a bus trip around the island, and a visit to the village, the renowned lime quarry and the ‘Sobukwe House’. The latter is where Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe was incarcerated in solitary confinement. This small house is isolated from the prison complex, as he was secluded from other prisoners. The existing structure is not the original one as it was constructed later. The original house was a small ‘bungalow’, a wooden structure. Visitors would then return to the harbour. At the harbour, there is a gift shop that sells various items related to the liberation struggle in general and Robben Island in particular. I embarked on several guided tours at different periods – in 1999, 2001, 2003, 2008 and 2009; and on each trip there was no significant improvement in the descriptions of the island. With the opening of the Nelson Mandela Getaway to Robben Island in 2002 at the Waterfront, the images of RIM commence at this site, with exhibitions that show the South African resistance history. The tourist images of RIM are directed to the features of landscape, its natural environment, historical and political human experiences. Visuals like photographs and postcards make these tourist experiences last forever. They form a particular system of knowledge that is important to visitors for comprehension of this historic site. On arrival, the tour guide at the harbour receives the visitors; it is a short bus ride or walk to the nearby prison building where the political prisoners were received on their arrival (the prison reception area). The tale of the tourist gazes of the site then begins. On the way, the guide mentions the Moturu Kramat in passing. Over decades, this sacred site has become a site of pilgrimage for Muslims from all over the world visiting Robben Island Museum. Built to commemorate the Muslim religious leader Sayed Abdurahman Moturu, this landmark is linked to the history of Cape slavery and the resultant absence of religious and educational freedom for slaves. The entrance to the reception area in the prison starts the prison tour. The tourists then walk through to the cells where the prisoners were housed, through to the highlight and most notable part of the images – the famous Nelson Mandela Cell Number Five in Block B – where they are allowed to go inside and

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personify Mandela’s daily experience. Part of the tour is a visit to the general prison sections that were used by the apartheid regime as a prison for both political prisoners and convicted criminals at one stage. In this place, prisoners interacted and some were politicised and joined the liberation movement/s. Then, the visitor is taken to the lime quarry. On the way to the lime quarry some tour guides visit the ‘Sobukwe House’, while others mention it in passing. The fourth important ingredient is a trip by bus around the island. Some tour guides, who are former political prisoners on Robben Island, construct narratives of the island that include narrating personal experiences. The reconciliation and nation‑building project, which dominated the post‑1994 political landscape, was also observed in the RIM gazes. This discourse was best witnessed between Mandela and Christo Brand, the white Robben Island prison warden who policed Mandela while he was imprisoned. That personal friendship had caused Brand to see Mandela like a father. This fitted well with the reconciliation and nation‑building enterprise promoted by the latter. The images of RIM demonstrate the Mandela mythology, which is also experienced in other public culture initiatives. Although tourists do visit other sites and they are sometimes mentioned in passing, the main focus is Mandela’s narrative. RIM needs to depict the past and influences of Nelson Mandela within the broader historical and political contexts that are more inclusive. While some staff members of RIM are aware of the Mandela mythology on the island and how it gives rise to certain visitor impressions, a contextual analysis of the RIM descriptions to date illustrates several inconsistencies. These are as a result of four factors: Firstly, the nationwide monolithic and hegemonic historical storyline. In post‑apartheid South Africa, the past is narrated by the victor and the voice of the loser is suppressed. The construction of the post‑1994 memorial landscapes, including the images of cultural institutions such as RIM, is framed by the monolithic and hegemonic historical account, the reconciliation and nation‑building project, and the Mandela mythology. This interpretation model of the past, which is state-driven, has its own sociology, pedagogy and complexities. Secondly, the craft of curating the nation by the ANC‑led government, which has to do with the victor–loser complex. This leads to disharmony and the marginalisation of the undesirable historical specificities that are deemed not to fit the present touted tale of South African liberation history, thereby ostracising the PAC, Sobukwe and BC accounts. This historiography, which nationalises history and historicises the nation in a narrow sense, has become an operational framework for many cultural institutions and historic sites such as

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RIM. Museumification and heritagisation of the past in the present is a complex undertaking with its own dialectics and is closely connected to the present heritage management discourse, memorialisation machinery and the hierarchy of knowledge production and representation, both in public culture and in the state education system. Thirdly, the museum’s exclusive interpretation framework of the past. Its knowledge production in the form of tourist gazes, exhibitions and educational material and programmes has been based on power relations and a focus on the ‘powerful’ within the ANC. The ANC text is used to legitimise itself regardless of other social and political capitals belonging to other, less celebrated organisations and individuals. Lastly, the museum tour guides’ political allegiance. The visitors’ experiences of the island are mainly determined by the tour guides’ political loyalties. The ANC‑aligned guide is most likely to give an account that narrates the past from an ANC perspective. For those who are former Islanders, this is complemented by their personal experience. For them, the focus is on Mandela’s cell, ANC EPPs and the lime quarry. Only in passing may a mention be made of the ‘Sobukwe House’, but most do not visit it. This theatrical drama mirrors the national marathon of memorialisation and the heritage management discourse that is epitomised by the monolithic historical master account and the Mandela mythology. The tourist experience constructed by the ANC former political prisoners reminds us of Thomas Sankara’s tribute, ‘you cannot kill ideas’, to Che Guevara on 8 October 1987.2 The RIM Mandela mythology cannot kill the Pan-Africanist and BC ideas, and the PAC and BCM experiences. Historical specificities do not prodigiously disappear in the minds of people, even when suppressed and silenced through an ‘official’ rewriting of the past and its inscription on memorial complexes and in cultural institutions such as RIM. If the tour guide is a former PAC political prisoner, he tends to focus more on PAC‑related EPPs’ experiences. These include the ‘Sobukwe House’ and the Sobukwe account, the early 1960s PAC group of prisoners who built the maximum security prison on the island, Johnson Mlambo, who served a 20‑year sentence on the island, Dikgang Moseneke, and Jafta Masemola, the only political prisoner imprisoned for 28 years on the island, amongst others – contrary to the ANC‑aligned script with its focus on Mandela. For example, the Sowetan newspaper explained in an article by Kingdom Mabuza, titled ‘PAC wants Masemola to be honoured’, that ‘[t]he PAC stalwart was the first person under apartheid to be sentenced to life imprisonment on Robben Island. In 1963 he [Masemola] and 14 other PAC activists were charged with conspiracy

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to commit sabotage  …  Masemola was the longest serving political prisoner in modern history’.3 On 3  May 1963, the day that marked the end of Sobukwe’s three‑year sentence, the General Law Amendment Act (No.  37 of 1963) was passed. The Act included Clause  4, dubbed the ‘Sobukwe Clause’, which permitted the minister of justice to prolong Sobukwe’s detention every year. As a result of that, Sobukwe was moved to Robben Island, where he remained for an additional six years. The Sobukwe Clause was reviewed each time it was about to expire, until he was finally released in 1969 and banished to Galeshewe in Kimberley under strict restrictions. This PAC‑oriented tourist encounter presents an alternative marker text, narrating the political prisoners’ experiences as observed from the excluded and unwelcomed historical specificities. This alternative viewpoint presents an integral part of content analysis and the hierarchy of knowledge production. It is the tour guides from the ‘smaller’ political organisations like the Unity Movement who are most likely to give a ‘balanced’ tourist experience. One of them was Lionel Davis. The framing of the tour guides’ tales we listened to demonstrates that tourism is commercially driven, ideologically underpinned and has a potential to falsify or reconstruct history in a particular way, as observed in the RIM images. The alternative narratives of the RIM images, as presented through the former PAC prisoners and ‘smaller’ political organisations’ prisoners, produce a cognitive dissonance and disapproval of the dominant Mandela mythology and the monolithic and hegemonic historical master narrative. The messages that RIM has been presenting in the first twenty years of its existence are one-dimensional, exclusive, the tale of the victor and of one ‘great man’. The historical misrepresentation observed in the first twenty years of RIM’s existence indicates that a historical account can hinder rather than build the ‘imagined communities’,4 or positively contribute to social justice, social cohesion, nation building and reconciliation. In this environment, the past is a weapon of incomplete and fallacious historiography and a possible pitfall for national consciousness. The dominant tale of the RIM gazes shows the use of the past as a weapon to mislead the visitors, younger generations and society as a whole. What they encounter forms what the guides deem to be the past, which may not be an actual and true reflection of it. History presented through museumification and heritagisation of the past on the island is important both at individual and societal levels. Therefore, it needs to be presented in an inclusive and apolitical model.

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It is in this milieu that James Loewen reasoned that ‘[t]here is a reciprocal relationship between justice in the present and history of the past’.5 The former PAC and BCM political prisoners did not get justice under the apartheid state machinery, and this continues under the new political dispensation underpinned by democratic values. In the present, the lack of historical justice lies in the marginalisation of the Africanist tale and the continued imprisonment of members of Africanist organisations. The mediation of the past should not depend on the tour guide’s framing, but should rather be based on a broader institutional interpretation framework, underpinned by layers of history with key epochs in its evolution. The witnessed phenomenon on the island signifies a continuing injustice in the present. This injustice has to do with the party politics, the consolidation of power, Mandela mythology and RIM moving in the shadow of the post‑apartheid heritage and memorialisation discourse. In the first two decades of the existence of RIM, its images have been without meaningful and significant improvements. Through the alternative gazes of the museum, this study argues that guides can create their own tourist experience interpretation model that counters the dominant master narrative. To date, the RIM narratives have not presented the PAC and BCM material experiences comprehensively in the history of Robben Island. Through the Africanist and Black Consciousness lenses, the RIM narratives are trans‑politically oriented with the focus being on both the ‘great man’ and ‘ordinary’ activists. These perspectives are currently being revised as more of its interpretations surface. As more documents and oral testimonies become available, they lead to more stimulating dialogue about the past. The ‘new’ perspectives are not ‘acceptable’ because they are ‘new’. Rather, they present a different understanding of the past, which has been institutionally and systematically excluded and tagged as undesirable by the dominant group due to the politics of consolidation of power and an ANC‑aligned interpretation framework. The island has its symbolic meaning because of the intangible value associated with the site. It is a commemorative site and its importance emanates from its symbolic value and historical significance. It has complex meanings and layers of history that must all be included for a comprehensive visitor experience.

Hierarchy of representation and inclusion In post‑apartheid South Africa, the BCM and its icon, Steve Biko, are a buffer between the ANC and the PAC, and between Sobukwe and Mandela. The authors and curators of the nation’s past from the ANC perspective accommodate the BCM and Biko, while expunging the PAC and Sobukwe. In some cases, Biko

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is used as a buffer even when there is no historical connection to a particular (heritage) site. This hierarchy of representation and inclusion is palpable in the RIM images. The backdrop banners that marked the opening of RIM by President Mandela on South Africa’s Heritage Day, 24  September 1997, are a testimony to this tendency. The photograph (in this book’s pictorial insert 3) of Mandela speaking on that day illustrates this assertion: Biko’s picture is inserted between those of a young Mandela and Sobukwe. It demonstrates the use of Biko (and the BCM) as a buffer, accommodated by the ruling ANC’s craft of curating the national machinery and Mandela mythology. The president addressed the audience and declared the museum as officially opened. In his speech, sentiments of reconciliation, the unity of a ‘new’ nation and nation building texts were evident: We are gathered to celebrate our joint heritage as a nation, to acknowledge this heritage in the context of our commitment to democracy, tolerance and human rights. In affirming a joint heritage, in this place, we are reminded that our noble ideals were spurred on even more by their long denial, that today’s unity is a triumph over yesterday’s division and conflict … Robben Island is a vital part of South Africa’s collective heritage … it is one of the world’s most notorious symbols of racist oppression that has turned into a world‑wide icon of the universality of human rights; of hope, peace and reconciliation.6

He continued: We will do so in a manner that recognises above all its pre‑eminent character as a symbol of the victory of the human spirit over political oppression and of reconciliation over enforced division. In this way we will help strengthen the ethos of heritage as a binding force, rather than a divisive one, as a force for truth rather than an artificial construct to satisfy all and sundry.7

Conclusion The concept of Pan‑Africanism has a long history, with its key actors contributing to the African cause in different historical periods. This African consciousness Pan‑Africanised the African struggle against colonialism and apartheid and that of the African diaspora. Though the Pan-Africanist and BC perspectives are some of the key markers in the history of the liberation struggle in South Africa, they are the least celebrated and recognised in the RIM images.

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In the first twenty years, the RIM images have been based on Mandela mythology and the craft of curating the nation by the state. This phenomenon has to do with power, control and authority. The RIM images are contested, political and to do with the post‑apartheid systematic and institutional fashion of curating the nation. The national consciousness produced by the images of the island is based on a narrow historical narrative and Mandela euphoria. The pitfalls of this unsustainable national consciousness obliterate the unwanted historical facts. The politics and dialectics of inclusion, knowledge production and representation, as discussed in this chapter, show that RIM is a contested site, as its challenged images are a reflection of power relations and authority. Its organising structure and interpretation framework mirror a power‑charged set of exchanges of push and pull factors. Further, it depicts heritage as a social construct, with aspects of intangible heritage, and demonstrates that all heritages have intangible components, while showcasing history as a contestation of interpretations and perspectives in the present. The inconsistencies and tensions of the RIM images exhibit the view that museums are not neutral spaces of collection. RIM management has pushed for a certain historical narrative and it creates an interpretation framework for tour guides who mediate and interpret the past. The power relations, production and control of knowledge at RIM is a study of its own. Africanist perspectives and experiences of the island as ascribed to its cultural landscapes provide an alternative text of the site. Through this alternative narrative, the PAC and the BCM are not footnotes to the ANC and Mandela. Rather, they are accounts of their own that diversify the significance and history of the site. Thus, the island becomes a space of convergence of different perspectives and experiences that nationalise the past while historicising the nation. This alternative interpretation framework, which is beneath the surface, moves the images of the museum beyond the shadow of the Mandela mythology, and the craft of curating the nation in the present. The phenomenon of marginalising and suppressing the unsolicited historical specificities of the PAC and BCM on RIM tourist images is not just political. Rather, it is to do with evidence genocide, the shaping of the populace’s mind, mythology and historical misrepresentation of the past.

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34 The role of Robben Island Museum in the transformation of South Africa’s cultural landscape after apartheid Khwezi ka Mpumlwana and Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi

The emergence between 2014 and 2017 of the decolonisation hashtag movements in South Africa with the call for the removal of colonial statues and colonial symbols brought into sharp focus the remaining ubiquity of such symbols in the country and, at the same time, the progress that has been made in transforming the heritage landscape and creating a new inclusive national heritage. It is both ironic and instructive that a key target of that activism was the statue of Cecil John Rhodes – #RhodesMustFall – given his role in the racist imperial destruction of African culture in the colonisation of Africa. As Cheikh Anta Diop warned, imperial colonisation had at its centre the destruction of African culture, a point reinforced by the following, and now (in)famous, statement in the British Parliament in 1835: I do not think that we would ever conquer this country, unless we break the backbone of this nation, which is her spiritual and cultural heritage and therefore I propose we replace her old and ancient education system, her culture … so that they lose their self‑esteem, and their native culture and they will become what we want them, a truly dominated nation.1

In line with this, South Africa’s cultural landscape by the 1990s reflected the political, economic, military, epistemological, symbolic, spiritual and other forms of domination of the land and its people by an apartheid system that

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was not only calculated to benefit the minority at the expense of the majority, but also intended to assert the minority as culturally superior and the majority as inferior. Thus, notwithstanding its iconoclastic and youthful tendencies, the #Rhodes Must Fall movement created an opportunity to reopen and revisit the discussion, debates and contestations of heritage transformation in the immediate post‑apartheid democratic dispensation. This chapter reflects on the foundation that RIM provided for, and the significant catalytic role it played in, the broader effort to transform the country’s cultural and symbolic landscapes in post‑1994 South Africa, via transforming the notorious Robben Island Prison into the Robben Island Museum and UNESCO World Heritage Site. It also attempts to show some of the specific ways and circumstance in which RIM did this. Critical observations are made about the broader transformative process, including concerns expressed from within the racialised establishment about the risks posed to the ‘proper’ conservation of South African heritage in the change efforts, veiled often in the language of protecting the technical integrity of pre‑1994 practices of cultural heritage landscape management. This tendency was reflected also in dated academic discourses, with their simplified assumptions about the emerging field of heritage and heritage studies. Although literature dealing with some of the contestations and notions of cultural landscape, cultural capital, transformation, culture and society have to be engaged with, we had the privilege of drawing on memories of the diverse engagements that took place at the time. Even if many of these were not documented, they remain vivid – some cordial, others leading to confrontational scenes in conferences of professional associations and in public consultations and formal meetings. Participating in the island’s reconfiguration from a hated prison to an inspirational cultural conservation showcase of democratic South Africa, to make it a platform for learning and debate, a global memorial and humanity’s tribute to the triumph of the human spirit over adversity was a most enduring, treasured experience. Writing as people who had the exceptional privilege to be early stewards of that conversion from prison to global symbol of the triumph of the human spirit, our experience and observations show us that the contribution of RIM towards transformation of the South African heritage and cultural landscape – understood as the symbols, languages, images, place names, look and feel, memorabilia and hierarchies of importance attached to things by society – went far beyond the merely symbolic. This reflective analysis is divided into three sections, beginning with a brief discussion of the oppressive apartheid heritage landscape, followed by analysis of

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the specific transformative intervention features of Robben Island, and concluding with discussion of the theoretical questions engendered by the interventions. For a start, as we commuted between the island and a mainland whose cultural and symbolic landscape we experienced and engaged with daily, our lived experience included the reality that in spite of being a newly free, united people, the symbols and cultural assets around us carried in the main, on a daily basis, the messages of the pre‑1994 period. Some of the literature on South African heritage to date conveys some of this, but almost never the feeling of living in a hostile cultural landscape. It is perhaps only those who have lived in occupied societies, or read about occupation, who could come close to this appreciation. If one agrees that colonialism and apartheid in the South African context placed a very significant reliance on culture as a tool for domination and for cohesion of the minority over the majority, one could reasonably expect an equally thorough effort at undoing the effects of centuries of keeping South Africa’s diverse people apart and hostile to each other – in this case by bringing them together and at peace with each other. It is with fond memory that we recall the palpable excitement we felt as the then Mayibuye team who were present when news broke in September 1996 that Cabinet had approved a proposal for Robben Island to become the first heritage site established by the democratic government. This was the result of the recommendations by the Future of Robben Island Committee that was chaired by the minister in the Presidency and personal adviser to Nelson Mandela, Ahmed Kathrada. This excitement also derived from a realisation that ‘it is finally happening’. In her doctoral thesis, Fran Buntman2 demonstrates the approach that was adopted by the committee, which culminated in Robben Island Prison becoming a museum and heritage site. I (Khwezi) also recall the incredible energy, and almost impossible requirement to open such a huge initiative, in the physical, historical and political sense, in the short space of time given to us between December 1996 and 1  January 1997. Telephone lines were readied, motor vehicles were brought to Robben Island and a diverse team of people with unique contributions to make were assembled, many of them EPPs. The spirit of ’n boer maak ’n plan’ (there is always a way around any problem) and the ‘can do’ approach of South Africans could not have been better revealed or exposed or publicised in the cultural heritage landscape than then. The executive team was very diverse, not just in cultural backgrounds but also in professional backgrounds, ages and, possibly, ideological orientations. The consensus was that this initiative must be a success, must become a showcase produced by and for South Africa’s democracy, and that it must contribute to

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transformation. It was clear that the majority of the team assembled had a full appreciation of the weight and significance of the historic task that had been put before them.

THE PRE‑RIM SOUTH AFRICAN CULTURAL HERITAGE LANDSCAPE To contextualise the special place RIM has in an understanding of the design of the ‘cultural and social capital’ of democratic South Africa, a brief synopsis of the state of South Africa’s cultural landscape prior to the democratic dispensation is necessary. What were the main features of the cultural landscape that prevailed prior to the time RIM was established, and what were the transformation problems? We touch below on four areas: human resources, or the people involved; the dominant content and perspective of the collecting, messaging and presentation in museums; their stakeholder and audience orientation; and the way they responded to transformation debates. Starting with the human resource situation, black South Africans featured only as low‑level, unqualified staff in apartheid heritage institutions. Staffing patterns show that they were systematically excluded from the leadership, management and curatorship of museums and heritage sites. As Dr Bongani Ndlovu (2007) stated: In a country where the African majority made up more than 80% of the population, there were 0% of African as the heads and management teams of national museums. As a rule, during apartheid Africans tended to be employed in the cleaning, general assistant, sweeper types of roles – ‘servitude’ – consistent with H.F. Verwoerd’s Bantu Education Act (No. 47 of 1953).3

The following quote summarises the main thrust of the act: ‘There is no place for [the African] in the European community above the level of certain forms of labour. It is of no avail for him to receive a training which has as its aim, absorption in the European community.’4

In keeping with unjust ‘job reservation’ laws, the closest non‑menial role for Africans tended to be as local-language guides for primary school groups. This was confirmed in Gerard Corsane’s study on behalf of SAMA, which revealed in empirical detail the state of the profession.5 An appreciation of the education and training environment helps capture the extent of inequality and the marginalisation of Africans in the old heritage sector. In keeping with its broad policies of denial of access to education and training for Africans, paths

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to employment in the museum and gallery were frequently through incidental specialisation in areas like paleontology, entomology, archaeology, fine art, ceramics, botany and zoology, and not through a museum and heritage studies qualification, especially for Africans. These were offered mainly at postgraduate level, mainly in segregated universities, which required waiver application and approval by the minister of ‘white’ education. Regulations restricting access to the universities that offered the specialisations that allowed people to practise in the museums, galleries and heritage sector were an insurmountable problem for black South Africans. Since universities were strictly segregated in South Africa, an African wanting to enter a ‘white university’ had to apply for permission to the minister of education and culture – and accept that they would not reside in a white residence, and commute in ways that were often hostile to them. Therefore, Africans and the cause of demographic diversity faced objective and subjective barriers to entry into the heritage sector. Those few souls who managed to enter it experienced substantial barriers to progression. Like Lewis Matiyela, a UCT graduate, who in the apartheid years lived for a long time with the likelihood of either joblessness or the expectation that he practise in the bantustans if he wished to enter the field. The scale and depth of museum or gallery work here was, of course, extremely limited and shallow. This was on top of all the other economic pressures and social hostility Africans faced in even finding manual work in one area or the other. Another significant marker of the pre‑RIM heritage landscape, specifically in the case of museums, was that while ‘cultural history’ museums depicted Greek, Roman and British civilisations, African people appeared in natural history museums as part of ‘nature’ without ‘culture’. The most popular example of this depiction, which had a major impact on the 1990s debate on heritage transformation, was the issue of the diorama at the South African Museum in Cape Town. Indigenous people were displayed in a place reserved for nature, that is, animals. The narrative denigrated the African majority and glorified the heritage of the white minority. In his opening address at the official opening of RIM (see Chapter  7), Nelson Mandela denounced this situation and called for radical transformation: During colonial and apartheid times, our museums and monuments reflected the experiences and political ideals of a minority to the exclusion of others … Most people had little or nothing to say in the depiction of their history in textbooks, libraries, or research institutions. The demeaning portrayal of black people in particular – that is African, Indian and Coloured people – is painful to recall … Of our museums, all but a handful – three per cent – represented the

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kind of heritage, which glorified mainly white and colonial history. And even the small glimpse of black history in the others was largely fixed in the grip of racist and other stereotypes … Within the context of our fight … [c]an we continue to tolerate our ancestors being shown as people locked in time?6

RIM’s association with transformation could be linked to a range of very clear and similar mandates, including the preamble of democratic South Africa’s Constitution, signed in the same month that we started working at RIM in December 1996. It unambiguously set out to recognise the injustices of the past, to honour those who suffered for justice and freedom, respect those who have worked to develop the country, believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it … heal the divisions of the past, establish a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights, lay foundations for a democratic open society [with] a government based on the will of the people …7

The nature of the RIM institution and its mission, adopting as its lodestar Ahmed Kathrada’s often-used quote about the ‘triumph of the human spirit’ (see Chapter 4) in search of ‘wisdom and largeness of spirit against small minds and pettiness’ as well as the goal of the ‘triumph of courage and determination over human frailty and weakness’, fitted perfectly authentically and closely within these liberatory impulses and ideas. When it came to stakeholder and audience orientation, the cultural heritage space faced the same distortion of offerings as other public services, always in favour of the world views of the minority. The bantustans, where Africans of different ‘tribes’ or ethnicities supposedly belonged, had small ethnographic displays purporting to educate visitors about the habits, costume and food of that particular ethnic group. None of the townships – Mitchells Plain, Soweto, GaRankuwa, Langa, Mdantsane, Seshego – had state‑funded museums, archives or galleries. Museums and institutions of public culture were generally inaccessible to the African majority. They were located in white areas and the mediums of communication were English and Afrikaans. The messaging and promotional work of these museums was not aimed at a diverse society, but tailored to serve a minority audience. As an outcome of apartheid, this inequality in the cultural heritage landscape was reflected in all spheres of South African society. We as South Africans who grew up under apartheid could bear testimony on a personal level to this

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historical injustice. Cultural heritage was no exception. Resource investments in culture and benefits from participation in cultural activities were fully aligned with the minority patterns of privilege and power. With these concerns in mind, we reflect on the debates around transformation that dominated at the time RIM was formed. What did we mean by transformation? Like heritage and its past, we see it as a dissonant concept. Transformation meant (and still means) different things to the African majority and the white minority. This ensured that it was a contested notion in situations where there was inequality and power contestation. As we found out through experience and insight, heritage transformation was no exception. Despite its iconic place in the African liberation struggle, the arrival of RIM on the scene was not met with universal applause in the South African heritage sector. It is worth recounting some of the views expressed to our faces and at conferences. The arguments and charges against the RIM newcomer and its flagbearers included the following: • The country does not have enough money. The money for RIM could be better spent on some other public services, instead of on establishing a ‘political’ museum – as if the existing museums were not political museums. • This is not a museum – where are the collections, where are the curators? What a waste of money – this money should have been given to one of the experienced museums to curate a ‘proper exhibition’. • A new museum is not necessary; the same results could be achieved if one of the other [apartheid] national museums were paid to mount an exhibition, with a special grant to ‘add on’ ‘African’ to their established displays. • Transformation ideas are bad for professionalism because ‘it takes a very long time to develop a curator’. Therefore, fast‑tracking the emergence of new curators [blacks] is a risk – we were supposed to believe and accept that 348 years was not enough time to create layers of African or diverse curators. •  The museum is either playing the race card or is biased towards ANC political narratives – almost a sense that this kind of memorial violated the spirit of ‘forgive and forget’ – which some people had decided was the meaning of the negotiated transition and reconciliation. • The establishment of a museum of this kind amounts to political interference in culture – thus taking away the ‘independence of culture’. • Transformation represents the replacement of Broederbond 8 hegemony with an equally dangerous new hegemony. However, critically for us, the authors, emanating from the oppressed majority, the transformation of heritage (and the broader society) was about ending

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minority exclusivity and control of ‘voice’, as well as introducing equity, redress and inclusivity on qualitatively better terms than in the past. It was not, and is not about, a new majoritarian exclusivity by design.

RIM AS CATALYST FOR TRANSFORMATION OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN HERITAGE LANDSCAPE RIM’s coming into being had a massive impact on South Africa’s skewed cultural heritage landscape and debates about it, opening a new and important chapter in the making of cultural heritage. Since the skewed cultural heritage of South Africa was no accident, rather part of the infrastructure of how a minority came to dominate a majority for so long, RIM and the change in the cultural landscape were, as could be expected, also part of the infrastructure of reconciliation and how a diverse people could live together. If colonial and apartheid hegemony had so many culturally pervasive features, what then was democratic South Africa going to do to create or reveal a culture of a democratic, diverse, uniting nation? The answer was to start with the Constitution of democratic South Africa, which had been shaped in the struggle: ‘We the people of South Africa, recognise the injustices of the past, honour those who sacrificed for freedom  …  [and are] united in our diversity.’ RIM is an embodiment of this ideal, in our view. RIM came into being in a type of South Africa dominated by colonial and apartheid symbols and institutions. The museum was the first step in a systemic turnaround, being followed by ten other major legacy projects – the Nelson Mandela Museum, Freedom Park, the Luthuli Museum, the Sarah Baartman Memorial, Constitution Hill, the Sharpeville Memorial, the Samora Machel Memorial, and others. These institutions were aimed at promoting the new ethos of the new state. Part of the strategy was that these new entities had to draw their funding from allocations that were previously available for cultural heritage, as they were competing with other state priorities such as the building of houses, infrastructural development in townships, roads and the electrification of homes. This was in addition to the building of schools, within an inherited state that was nearly bankrupt. RIM, in particular, was also encouraged by the government to make opportunities available for the employment of former political prisoners and ex‑warders, to demonstrate the reconciliation project of Nelson Mandela. When all else has been said and done, there is no taking away from the fact that RIM’s contribution to transformation was multifaceted. The most significant aspect of its many‑sidedness was conceptual; the story of the making of a democratic South Africa through organised political struggle and sacrifice is not

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only a legitimate part of the national cultural landscape but also a central one. In addition, RIM created a new category of South African heritage, the one we now call ‘liberation heritage’. In our view, this contribution was critical at the time, realising that this story could easily have been buried as an add‑on to temporary exhibitions in some museums – dwarfed by vases of some ‘civilisation’ outside of those in Africa. Cultural heritage in pre‑RIM times was a subject for experts, rich patrons, secret societies and government departments. RIM changed this with the introduction of public participation on a massive scale. And that is the second most fundamental change that RIM brought into play. The third supreme contribution that RIM can be credited with in transforming the cultural landscape was the introduction and mainstreaming of participatory approaches to heritage management and use. The Future of Robben Island Committee process was a participatory one. Diverse stakeholders and individuals made submissions on what should be the future of the island that were as varied as their interests and backgrounds. Some wanted it to become a casino, others wanted a prison, a museum, a special institute of leadership development, while some others wanted it to become a pristine nature reserve. From these, a synergistic plan for the multilevel integrated development of the island emerged. Fourth, RIM shattered the image of cultural institutions as exclusive places for only highly cultured connoisseurs. Robben Island introduced a type of cultural institution that is ‘a people’s institution’ in so many senses of the word. The images from the first day of the museum’s opening to the public convey jubilant, triumphant scenes of prisoners and their children, and a number of other diverse people, walking through the open gates of the island, from Murray’s Bay harbour to the former maximum security prison, without any fear. One of the iconic images from that opening day is that of the late Lizo ‘Bright’ Ngqungwana with his daughter on his shoulders. The museum’s newsletter was known as Ilifa Labantu. To the best of our recollection the development of that name was a participatory process as well. This was a sharp departure from the type of publications other museums generally had or contributed to at the time. The setting‑up process of the Exhibitions, Education and Research units involved a relatively new and participatory approach. Another example of a participatory process was the production of the RIM logo. Different interested people submitted entries proposing what the future logo should or could be. A selection process combined with a graphic design process resulted in a logo that captures the four core essences of RIM, abstract figures rising triumphantly as symbolic foundations for the future.

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Politically, RIM functioned in close proximity to state and other power without abusing it, to the best of our knowledge. This was an important ethical contribution to transformation, making it the fifth aspect of change that RIM brought into the heritage landscape. The chairperson of the RIM Council was the parliamentary counsellor to President Nelson Mandela himself – a friend, colleague in the office and also a B  Section comrade – yet RIM was respectful about its demands and about jumping queues in which a multitude of stakeholders waited. RIM staff could access any of the Robben Island veterans, or any of the management or board for that matter at any time of the year – on the RIM ferry to and from the island – without fear of ruffling feathers. The culture did not disallow this level of interactions, even when they were in the line of duty. One contested area was the debate about the notion of Robben Island as a platform for critical debate and lifelong learning. Critical debate meant having mrhabulo sessions where veterans and scholars could critically explore different perspectives. An unforgettable controversy was the session about whether heroes are ‘real’, and whether they arise naturally or are socially constructed through mass communication of their heroic deeds. A colleague’s contribution was interpreted as saying that one of the accomplished leaders of the struggle had a mythology surrounding him, or was a myth (see Chapter  32). This incident landed the entire notion of critical debate in trouble and was used to reiterate the call for ‘a script’ for all RIM messaging, highlighting the fact that the implementation of lifelong learning involved a struggle between having just a script and outcomes‑based learning. There were very powerful voices which directed that ‘a script’ be written for use by all who stand in front of school groups and visitors. In hindsight we believe that these instructions were triggered by a combination of narrative mishaps, profound foresight about a time when survivors of the island would no longer be there, a deep concern with historical accuracy, a duty to insulate the narrative from all sorts of whims, mitigation of petty party political posturing, and realisation that nobody in the team would have had exposure to all the epochs of the island. At the time, we believed that this was in stark contrast to the duty to provide a platform for multiple voices, multiple interpretations, and outcomes‑based learning, which we took to be democratic. We were concerned about differentiating testimony from a commercial tour narrative and from a structured learning experience, and the director supported this perspective. This educational work was transformative in the above senses, and in the ways in which it experimented with intergenerational learning and outcomes‑based learning, at a time when many museums appeared to be in a

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point‑and‑tell mode. The methodology at the museum consciously sought to enable learners and educators to perceive the story of the island through the lenses of different learning areas. At the time, outcomes‑based education was not only new in South Africa, it was also a terrain of struggle in all kinds of ways. The platforms for this engagement included educator workshops, spring and winter schools (supervised student camps), international, domestic and continental partnerships and Robben Island on the Move outreach programmes. These featured the travelling Apple Box Archive, a radio programme, a comic book, various worksheets and the programme of isivivane solwazi, which symbolises the idea of people bringing diverse knowledge and putting it in front of everyone to see and share, the way pilgrims put stones in a pile, as in the example found at the RIM limestone quarry. RIM’s first administration attempted to incorporate the values of ubuntu without petty bureaucratic red tape. Their approach to accountability and consultation sought to avoid indecisiveness and delays. Nobody’s rank defined their humanity; human dignity defined everybody, or at least that was the understood message from the top. This was an antithesis of the space that had been run on the basis of uniformed and ranked hierarchy for so many years. This corporate culture was therefore transformative. The founding director always made the point that we were not running a Micky Mouse project or a prison. The context indicated a determination to build an institution that was professional, efficient and effective, yet kind and humanely responsive, where administrative controls made sense and were not kept for the sake of tradition or continuity with the prison tradition. Those of us who came from the struggle tradition were fully aware and careful of the pernicious and pervasive effect of administrative dictatorships on organisational cultures. Many EPPs were acutely aware of the manner in which authorities enforce senseless rules in an attempt to persuade citizens that they don’t matter and to make them believe that they don’t have power over their destiny or any other area of life. RIM stood for the celebration of people’s power. None of us believed that bureaucratic red tape equals professionalism, or cutting of red tape means cutting of controls. So a new culture had to be navigated into place where there was celebration of people’s power, professionalism, accountability and service delivery. Some of us believe that it was in this spirit – even when people’s power appeared to have been ‘captured’ – that André Odendaal responded with the words, ‘I cannot even think of setting myself up against ex‑Robben Islanders in this space’ and he therefore decided to ‘retreat with respect from a space, of great meaning for our country’ (see Chapter 13). At the time, there had not yet emerged a dialogue

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about the limitations and capturability of people’s power methods. If there had been, it remains a matter of opinion what could have happened.

ANALYSIS OF RIM’S SIGNIFICANCE IN TRANSFORMING MUSEUMS AND CULTURAL HERITAGE LANDSCAPES For a long time, South African museums and official heritage sites were either irrelevant or inaccessible to the majority. They were not built to serve the majority, nor did they depict symbols or memories of significance to the majority for many years. At the time of RIM’s establishment, very few museums and official heritage sites operated in the areas where the majority live or communicate. Audience development work does not seem to have been in place or directed at the majority. RIM changed this situation around, demonstrating that there can be official museums and heritage sites that speak to the hearts and minds of the majority, inspiring many museum and heritage initiatives. In a country with built‑in systemic exclusions, where huge poverty and unemployment were inherited in 1994, it could not be sustainable for museums after the advent of democracy to continue with their old audience bases. The pattern of irrelevance to the majority had to be broken. A focused commitment to access saw RIM start a robust audience development programme. Within no time, RIM topped domestic visitor numbers in terms of diversity, with visitors from all over the country. These goals were fully aligned with the vision of the Constitution. A significant sore point in this audience relationship was always the cost of getting to the island, sustainability and access. Diverse measures to ensure access were put in place. Targeted groups were given concessions linked to a quota system. School group concessions were at some point part of the operating budget for the RIM Education Department, and they were subsequently built into the ferry contract, which provided for discounted and free tours for schools. In terms of socioeconomic issues, the first operating day – 1 January 1997 – saw physical confrontations between those who wanted automatic access to the opportunity of transporting visitors to the island, and those who wanted this to be subjected to a process that increases, diversifies and democratises participation, taking into account also EPPs’ interests. RIM also developed one of the more robust merchandise and memorabilia programmes for public museums in South Africa. Another direct area of socioeconomic beneficiation was the way in which the museum determined that the dead space near the Clock Tower Precinct must become an area that is full of life. The rest is history, as the change in the look and feel and escalation of values of the precinct speaks for itself and exceeds the

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expectations of any visionary who was sitting at that table when the different options for the precinct were developed. Capacity building was one of RIM’s key transformation objectives. RIM was not content to just observe that the human resources landscape of the heritage sector was skewed against the majority. The museum put in place measures to facilitate capacity building. Its recruitment policies and its flagship RITP, with its postgraduate diploma offered in conjunction with UCT and UWC, were the first of their kind, blending the academic, critical and technical, and being cutting edge and bold at the same time. The RITP was meant to offer more than the diploma; its modules were aligned with the unit standards approach of the new national qualifications framework, and it was planned in such a manner as to enable multiple entry and exit points. The design of the programme was informed by the reality in South African cultural institutions at the time, where training time was seen often as an inconvenience; some people had to take unpaid leave or resign to be able to participate in the programme. Half a dozen of the staff of the young RIM went on to get their PhDs. Systematic capacity building for the heritage sector is still not where it should be, and it should remain a national priority for South Africa in addressing the injustices of the past. Notwithstanding all of South Africa’s complex realities, RIM’s first management team and general staff cohort by and large reflected the country’s diversity in age, cultural background and professional attainment. RIM offered a powerful opportunity for EPPs and ex‑warders to work together in a conservation showcase of the reconciling republic. Our wry thought at the time, that we trusted ‘these guys’ to ferry ‘us’ across to the island every day though many of ‘us’ could not even swim, remains with us. With the passage of time and getting to know each other, the suspicion melted totally. RIM’s education programming boldly asserted the policy of Robben Island on the Move, complete with the Apple Box travelling exhibition, cartoon, radio programme and outreach to the far-flung corners of the country. Education Department colleagues, ably coordinated by the energetic Deirdre Prins (now Prins‑Solani), were very clear that the island must no longer be an island, that it must be multivocal, must have participation, must reach out and receive. In addition, there was the daily schools programme, which involved a huge fiscal struggle because of resource issues, boat prices and other factors. For some time, the subsidy for learners had to be budgeted for internally. In addition to the daily school visits, there were educator workshops to ensure that the island offered assistance to teachers and so influenced what happened in school classrooms, too. The goal of these workshops was for them to become

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an educational force multiplier with amplified impact. The island in its museum phase soon featured in school exams, the first being an English comprehension exam. In addition to the educator workshops and daily visits, there were school camps, the most popular of which was the Spring School. All kinds of hilarious, exciting, challenging and intriguing experiences can be recounted from these camps: the academic content, the diverse backgrounds of the participants and later ambassadors, the sometimes hair‑raising boat crossings, being marooned on the island because of the weather, or the adventures experienced and lessons learnt in the making of a June 16 video. A number of chapters could be written on the lessons from the different youth camps and spring schools. The resource mobilisation efforts to ensure that young people of diverse economic and social backgrounds had access to this experience culminated in the adaptive reuse of the medium security prison with external grant money to become a main campus for the island’s youth camps. RIM programming took the idea of the island as a platform for lifelong learning and debate very seriously. In a debate within the debate, there had been discussion (and instruction) about the difference between ‘critical debate’ and ‘debate’. We can leave it there, save to say that this debate resulted in a re‑enactment of the mrhabulo sessions (later discontinued), and conferences with a global perspectives like the ‘Conference on the Legacies of Authoritarianism’ where brutalities of authoritarianism in different regions of the world were laid bare side-by-side with the determination displayed by progressive militants globally; the ‘Conference on Nordic Solidarity with Southern Africa’; the conference and TV programme on ‘Lessons of Leadership from Robben Island’. These brought together perspectives from the different elements of South African and international struggles. All this was happening after 30 years of extreme censorship and repression in which the story of exactly how the struggle was executed, what the guiding ideas were, who the banned and illegalised role‑players were, had been stifled. So these were important glimpses into the values, personalities, ideas and processes that shaped the vision of a democratic South Africa. It is possible that some of these will remain reference points for a long time. RIM programming took the idea of becoming a conservation showcase of democratic South Africa seriously, too. A wide range of baseline studies was undertaken in preparation for submission of the apex cultural heritage proposal for World Heritage Site listing. People went to great lengths to ensure that the island environment was respected. The message was to not remove anything, to not use any of the resources other than as meant – attractive as the temptation

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may have been. Conservation became a standard mantra in a community that many would have had us believe was alien to conservation. Interesting non‑debates at the time were the false comparison of prison with penguin. The integrated approach adopted, long before the development of an Integrated Conservation and Management Plan, ensured that the majority of RIM people had a full understanding of the interdependence of everything on the island. The conservation idea went beyond animals and objects, into the space of conserving ideas, memories and practices. It included the innovative model of ‘Cell Stories’, where EPPs would have mini reunions and use these to re‑narrate the experiences of particular spaces and honour the memory of those who were in that particular cell on public programmes. One of the cries of the ‘transformationists’ was the need for content that told the hidden stories, that did away with unfounded negative stereotypes of the majority, taking up the duty to complement the values outlined in the struggle and the Constitution. One of the regular complaints against RIM as a site museum was its lack of collections of objects on display inside cases and dioramas or other such discredited technologies of heritage. It was challenging to convince visitors that buildings, cemeteries, quarries and memories are part of the collection and display. When the time to introduce objects came, a very innovative and transformative approach was developed. Unusual, forward‑looking, technologically advanced methods and approaches were used. These were blended with a powerful people‑driven approach that was faithful to multiple voices and intergenerational learning. This was achieved through an elaborate interaction of participatory research, and reunions of the occupants of different cells and different prison workgroups across generations. For people who had been locked away, persons whose voices and messages were banned for so many years, this was one significant aspect of equity and redress in the cultural heritage landscape. The survivors gained a platform where their voice could be heard and amplified. The voice of the traditional curator was subsumed into the voice of the prison survivors and their memories. RIM moved in interesting ways into the space of discourse-making and engagement, sometimes with interesting outcomes and comebacks. Its international conferences were not afraid to tackle issues that remain central to this day, such as value‑based leadership, lessons of global solidarity and legacies of authoritarianism, to mention just a few. Given the high level of apartheid‑sanctioned poverty and underdevelopment inherited by the democratic South African government, in a world that was starting to believe that the humanities, along with history, arts and culture, were optional luxuries for the elites who could afford to pay for them, we contend

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that RIM helped add vigour to the heritage sector that was vulnerable in various ways.  Heritage and public history also helped save the discipline of history within the new curriculum, given its overt legitimisation of apartheid through racist historiography in the past. More importantly, RIM represented a new type of South African heritage, glued together by values and by ideas of freedom, human dignity, non‑racialism, solidarity and sacrifice, as Mandela’s statement at the launch indicated. This contribution of RIM allows us to appreciate the immense innovation of RIM in the conceptualisation of African heritage; prior to the introduction of the kind of heritage RIM represented, there was an obsession with equating African cultural heritage with ethnic affiliation. RIM introduced and projected an African heritage derived from the liberation struggle. It became a secular national shrine, a portfolio of evidence, legitimising the democratic dispensation, and the values and extreme suffering and sacrifices of many generations of oppressed people. It is also one of RIM’s contributions to the transformation of the heritage landscape that there is indeed a heritage that is common to all South Africans beyond the hurdles of language, region, ethnic affiliation, or any of the usual long‑accepted barriers. When Khwezi ka Mpumlwana was offered the post of first fulltime CEO of Nelson Mandela National Museum, he delayed accepting and was reported to Mr  Ahmed Kathrada, from whom he received an intense talking-to, and an ultimatum. He went on to fill that position for 11 years. Many other alumni of RIM similarly play diverse roles in different corners of South Africa’s heritage landscape today.

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 See the seagulls fly: Twenty years on – a message to my daughter

35 See the seagulls fly: Twenty years on – a message to my daughter Ashley Forbes

We are twenty years on now and at a dead end, recycling the same worn‑out mantras and the same tired and ineffective political leaders. The poverty of our leadership was brought home to me when my eighteen‑year‑old daughter – born in 2002 during the time we lived on the island as part of RIM – after watching the proceedings of the Zondo Commission,1 proclaimed the current ANC leaders to be ‘wolves in sheep’s clothing’. They have pretended to work for us all this time while working only for themselves, and dishonestly so, she said. Getting ready to vote for the first time in national elections in 2024, she asked me why, after all the stealing and corruption, people still returned the ANC to power. I wanted to give her a good answer but all I came up with were excuses  –  not enough for my daughter and her generation. What happened to us? I felt the painful sting of betrayal as I thought about a response. For the past 26 years, the majority of people in South Africa have entrusted the ruling ANC government with their lives. They placed their trust in those leaders who followed Tata Madiba, believing they would walk in his footsteps and embrace his leadership qualities of honesty, integrity and selfless commitment. People cast their vote for the current ANC leadership, hopeful that they would remain true to the values espoused in the Freedom Charter. They entrusted their vote to the ANC in gratitude for those who fought so valiantly for freedom and democracy. But even before 1994, during the negotiated settlement, those who sensed a challenge to their power and hegemony set about spending billions to coopt the

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respected leaders of organisations like the ANC, the trade unions, Umkhonto we Sizwe and the SACP. These trusted leaders became instant millionaires and soon, overcome by personal greed, worked only in their own self-interest and that of the elite few who had bought their allegiance. While many were initially happy that black people were succeeding in business and were becoming rich, we hoped that they would share this wealth and use this newfound economic power to develop an economic system that was inclusive of all. But it is apparent that in pursuing their own economic success they ceased to fight to secure prosperity for all South Africans, especially those who had placed them in power. We know from our own history that those who rule, especially if challenged, use any means necessary to hold on to power. This trait manifests itself irrespective of life view or political ideology. The apartheid regime did not rule by brute force alone but used an arsenal of tactics to stay in power. It deployed covert intelligence units recruited from within the ranks of the liberation movement to pose as activists and to infiltrate progressive organisations such as the ANC. These spies and  agents provocateurs  gathered information, sowed dissent from within and passed on essential information that would result in arrests, disappearances and assassinations of ANC cadres. The apartheid government used leaders from institutions that people respected and loved to disseminate falsehoods and lies. Leading priests quoted from scriptures to prove that it was God who created white people as the superior race. Scientists published research papers to show that African people were intellectually deficient. Learned economists warned about the ‘rooi gevaar’  and peddled the idea that economic equality was an unattainable myth promoted by communists bent on taking over the world. Teachers taught a false history about the superior achievements of European civilisations, without even a hint of the contributions of Africans to science, technology and the arts. They used the power of popular media to reinforce their racist ideology and sustain their economic privilege. Back then we were bold in our rejection of false ideology, rigorous in unmasking the traitors among us and courageous in our pursuit of truth and justice. Since 1994, the new government under ANC leadership has done well to remove racial and gender discriminatory legislation from our statutes. It framed a Constitution and a bold Bill of Rights grounded in the values of human dignity, the achievement of equality, and the advancement of our human rights and freedoms.

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Nobody could have anticipated that some of our beloved leaders would be seduced into betraying their loyal constituents, defer so callously our dreams of an equitable and fair future, or switch their allegiance to serving only their own interests and those of the few. Little has been done by our leaders to address the gross social and economic inequality that exists in our country. Instead, they steal and pillage state resources intended to lift the poor out of poverty. The Covid‑19 pandemic is ruining our already weak economy, tail‑ending a slide into recession that began in 2019. The wealthiest one per cent is arguably the only sector in our economy that, since 1994, has grown exponentially and yet it receives the most government support during the pandemic. We see the unjustifiable ballooning of the public administration and the treacherous collusion between officials of the state and the private sector. The market share of the middle classes has shrunk to 20 per cent while the majority of working‑class people slip further and further into abject poverty. We are doomed to economic failure if the state fails to intervene decisively to regulate big business and contain their unethical and uncompetitive business practices. We need to protect our established and emerging farmers against the stifling impact of the big retailers. The mining sector cannot continue to export our mineral wealth without stringent policies that enforce beneficiation and environmental compliance. We need an economic plan that supports the informal sector and small‑ and medium‑sized enterprises, and unlocks their potential to create jobs. No economy can reach its full potential if the majority of the population is excluded and left behind. The Zondo Commission reveals the full scale of cunning and deceit. The most damning revelation is the treacherous alliance between corrupt public servants and the commercial sector. We see clear proof that policy and institutional reforms necessary to improve governance are undermined by collusion between powerful firms and state officials in order to extract substantial private gain. To mitigate these high risks, South Africa requires an aggressive criminal prosecution strategy and a well‑resourced Department of Justice to act against high‑level economic crimes; to remove the culpable from their positions and punish them without fear or favour. Come 2024, we cannot continue to vote like fools. We must see through these lies and false promises. We have to subject our present leaders to fresh scrutiny and admit to their acts of betrayal. We must

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become more discerning in our judgement and more circumspect when voting leaders into power. We must learn to separate truth from lies and realise that corrupt and treacherous acts can no longer be overlooked in order to show gratitude for good deeds of the past. We need a fresh cohort selected from within our own communities, schools, universities, places of work, religious, cultural and sporting institutions, which demonstrate through their actions that they know what it means to truly serve. We must identify those among us who demonstrate a passionate, selfless commitment to serve, and shift our attention to develop a new pipeline of political leaders and public officials. We must mark those who can be trusted to remain true to those who choose them – who will not be seduced by power or greed. We must nurture and support those whose moral and ethical actions earn our respect, and we should encourage them to step forward and lead. To my dear daughter, I have only a few words of advice: Realise that your most powerful weapon against this flagrant abuse of power remains your right to vote – to cast your ballot for those who place the interest of the working men and women of our country first, and uphold those progressive values that I know you hold dear. During this time, when death seems everywhere (as do suffering and despair), there are lessons from the years I was imprisoned in Robben Island Maximum Security Prison, before you were born and we lived and worked on the island. I recently visited an old comrade, a respected activist who feels isolated and severely depressed, grieving the loss of family and close friends who, due to Covid‑19, have recently died, and like many I know is driven to despair, even to the point of questioning their self‑worth and the relevance of their efforts to effect real change. The pandemic demands that we behave in ways contrary to the deeply embedded social aspects of our nature. Close personal interaction is severely constrained and limits are placed on our being together in groups. The pandemic impinges – for compelling public reasons certainly – on every facet of how we live. It restricts those social rituals so vital to our communal wellbeing: how we work, learn, travel, socialise and recreate, bury our dead, mourn, grieve and celebrate. Jokes are only really affirmed as funny when physically present friends respond with spontaneous laughter. There is nothing like a hug to show and feel love. How one misses those face‑to‑face encounters and the powerful, soothing social cues to remind us that we belong. Compulsory isolation is frightening, whether in prison or at home. It removes choice, makes us feel helpless, unappreciated,

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angry and unloved. Worse, we step into darker places and question who we are and why we exist at all. Restricted living conditions under Covid‑19 are not as grave as a maximum security prison like Robben Island, though some aspects may be. A public health lockdown protects and saves lives while a prison punishes, breaks the spirit and destroys. But both are designed to isolate and confine, to keep those inside separate and apart. On the island, prisoners were locked into sections, separated according to generation or groups as may have evolved over time. During a public health emergency such as this, prison lessons are instructive, to show just how much individual survival depends on preserving and strengthening collective bonds. Prisoners on the island knew that each one’s survival depended on finding ingenious ways to stay connected and in touch. Prison duties were executed with diligence because each activity presented an opportunity to seize control. Whether it was cleaning cells and courtyards, distributing meals, repairing and issuing prison clothes, running the tuck shop, maintaining the garden, cutting hair, dumping refuse, cleaning the kramat or maintaining the water boiler, these were all opportunities to connect with one another, share information, affirm, encourage or console. Prisoners tasked to distribute meals from various sections would clandestinely disseminate information as they went. If someone received important information from a visiting relative, it was written on tiny pieces of paper, smuggled in with the prison food, communicated in the garden the next day and whispered while cleaning, digging or cutting hair. If a new arrival was struggling with prison life, the ‘timers’ would devise a plan to find a match with a more experienced prisoner who would make contact somehow in the course of daily tasks to console, boost morale, strengthen and show care. The greatest Robben Island lesson of all is that prisoners were there for a just cause, deeply invested in a future for all, not just for themselves, their families or a privileged few. As are the healthcare workers of today, those who risk their lives and the lives of their children for a humanitarian cause. As are millions of ordinary workers who run the gauntlet each day to keep the wheels of industry turning, from 9 to 5, Mondays to Fridays, day in and day out. Considered essential to our needs during Covid‑19, but previously regarded as menial and hence low‑paid, they still showed how capable they were of the most altruistic of acts. They are the best among us, choosing others over their own. The worst are the corrupt and avaricious few, who could have used their power and privilege to benefit all but chose instead to act in their own interests and those of kith and kin, taking from and not giving to the most vulnerable and in need.

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The liberation movement entered into negotiations to avert a revolutionary seizure of power, choosing instead a peaceful path that was meant to restore political and economic justice to all South Africans, especially those previously excluded. Instead, the movement struck up relations with the captains of industry and continued to defend their interests at the expense of the poor. The rich benefit the most from our democracy and nothing has been done to decolonise our economy. Corruption is rife in most institutions and manifests especially through patronage and the monetisation of relationships inside the ANC. Loyal and ethical members have been violently purged from within the ranks, sidelining and alienating many more. Covid‑19 and the personal protective equipment (PPE) corruption saga exposes the great divide between the unethical leadership and ordinary members on the streets, who have been abandoned to greed. Covid‑19 may have isolated us from each other but corruption has alienated us from the values and principles that our organisations were meant to uphold. We must all take responsibility for the current state of affairs. We entrusted our leaders with the responsibility to represent our interests and we often chose to look the other way or even worse, defend our comrades when they deviated from the path. Our greatest downfall is our blind loyalty and failure to hold our public officials to account. We have abandoned the poor, the street committees, community organisations and trade unions that give expression to the real aspirations of our people. We now face the daunting task of starting over, building back our organisations, stronger, better and from the ground up. This pandemic has taught us much about ourselves; about our common humanity, how interconnected and interdependent we all are. We know our future is shared and will be destroyed unless we work collaboratively in the interest of all. This holds especially true if we are to succeed in overcoming the global challenges of our time; most immediately, the equitable and timeous distribution of Covid‑19 vaccines when they arrive to all across the world, building more resilient, affordable and effective healthcare systems and mitigating the impact of the climate crisis. We may feel as though the world has closed in on us, and it has. But if we take the time to reflect, we may well see the opportunities that lie ahead. But let’s not snap back into old ways. Let’s confront the harsh realities of our changing world and take this time to consolidate, adapt and emerge renewed. Revolutionary change starts with the little things that ordinary people do. Sometimes we may not even grasp the power of our collective action, which often may start as tiny

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ripples but turn into tsunamis of change. Let us be creative in our strategies to stay connected, act together, find ways to be productive again and acknowledge the sterling efforts of every person, black and white, who sacrificed to free us all. Let us harness new forms of communication to stay in touch and breathe fresh life into our community action networks, our grassroots organisations and social justice movements, while keeping safe. No lockdown or loadshedding should ever stop us from reaching out. Let’s act to make public policy and legislation that is truly transformative and in the interest of all. We must steady our economy for fundamental change and become active citizens in our country, change the current trajectory so that we can create prosperity and wealth for all. Let us reach out across all divides, to find common purpose to organise, live and work together. Our sacrifices must surely not be in vain. Our blood, sweat and tears have brought us to this point. We may have hit a bump in the road, but we have always been stronger together. Whether an activist from a generation before or a fresh, young agent of change, let’s harness our collective power to change course, decolonise our economy and elect bold, courageous, ethical leaders who will act in the interests of all. It is every ANC and MKVA member’s responsibility to clean up this mess by taking our power back. Whenever my mom visited me on the island, she always asked in her gentle way, ‘Do you get a chance to see the seagulls fly?’ That I was able to say ‘yes’ made her seem at peace and satisfied. I thought that, to her, seagulls in unconstrained full flight symbolised freedom, something that I had lost. She hoped the sight would lift me up and make my spirit soar. But on reflection, there may be another meaning. Seagulls, of necessity, fly in flocks, never solo. They depend on strength in numbers to survive, more streamlined and effective together than alone against predators or threats. As my gentle and wise mom encouraged me then, let us draw on and use our collective power and strength, like those seagulls in the sky.2

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PART FIVE C

CURIOUS COINCIDENCES

M

Y

CM

MY

CY

MY

K

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 Fast forward from RIM rupture to state capture

36 Fast forward from RIM rupture to state capture André Odendaal

This book chronicles the making of RIM as the first national heritage institution of democratic South Africa from the mid-1990s to the early 2000s. Coinciding with the 25th anniversary of the museum, it is meant as a first draft in helping to contribute to the current poorly developed institutional memory of RIM. Born amidst new hope, optimism and the most unusual circumstances at the dawn of freedom in 1996, the new museum had, after five years, begun to emerge as a distinct feature of the heritage and cultural landscape in a country in transition. UNESCO World Heritage Site status, transporting one million visitors to the island, building the Nelson Mandela Gateway Building in the V&A Waterfront, hosting South Africa’s national millennium celebrations, acquiring the valuable UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives, launching the RITP in tandem with local universities to prepare future heritage leaders, and initiating the Robben Island Memories Project as well as various innovative arts and educational plans had helped create a platform for RIM’s future growth – all important steps forward. But, as we saw in Chapters 10 to 13, the rupture of 2002 mocked RIM’s vision and fundamentally impacted on the institution. It ushered in a period of organisational instability and changed the whole direction and character of the museum. A state institution was effectively paralysed by toxic politics and intrigues, inter alia the actions of a group of EPPs with a private commercial interest intent on changing a management that refused to do their bidding (of renegotiating in mid‑term a signed seven‑year agreement so that the boat operators could derive more income from the ferries, and the museum less). Shady office break‑ins, home burglaries, telephone tapping, the improper use of information from stolen computers, the bypassing of institutional processes

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through appeals to ‘higher authorities’, parallel decision‑making structures, the suspected involvement of at least one ‘intelligence operative’, disinformation planted in the media, threats to life and pressure on key officials to leave – ‘resign or else’ – all became part of supposedly ‘high road’ politics to save the island from corruption and mismanagement. Truth and lies, good intentions and behaviour, and tactics and pressure that were either questionable, blatantly unethical or sometimes illegal became mixed up, to the detriment of the institution. Politically connected people, who appeared to identify as proud members of a new patriotic bourgeoisie, came to the fore, conflating their commercial interests as business owners with the very real needs of former political prisoners, many of whom were in dire financial straits, but whose problems a sympathetic RIM was not mandated (or resourced) to address. By 2010, these kinds of unsavoury institutional interventions had become commonplace in the country, as a whole range of connected politicians and businesspeople one after the other intervened in state or semi‑state institutions for their own private gain and factional interests, trading on their political credibility and networks and subsequently miring in controversy, taking over or bringing to their knees a host of such institutions. A new term was added to the national lexicon to describe this process: state capture. The institutional dominoes fell one after another, including mega entities such as the Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa (PRASA), Transnet, Petro SA, the state arms supplier Denel, the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) and, most infamously, the South African Revenue Service (SARS) and Eskom. Arrogance, disregard for constitutional process, mismanagement and looting on a grand scale occurred, all seemingly part of an orchestrated agenda stretching up to or down from the President’s Office and involving rogue security and intelligence operations. In a decade, an estimated one trillion rands was sucked out of state coffers by a predatory elite, at the expense of a citizenry in need. Particularly after the rise of ex‑Islander Jacob Zuma as president, people prominent in party and government became part of a huge, brazen network of white-collar impropriety or criminal activity, working closely with corrupt private sector enablers, often located in banks and blue chip companies. As detailed in a dozen or more books and in several subsequent state commissions of enquiry, ‘state capture’ became the catchword to define an entire presidency and pattern of political and elite mismanagement in South Africa.1

RIM AND STATE CAPTURE FOOTPRINTS The nature of the 2001–02 campaign against the RIM leadership and the changes that followed had many of the shadowy features of the broader trend that later

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established itself. And, remarkably, some of those involved in the Robben Island events ended up a decade later embroiled in the national shame of unseemly state capture‑related activities alongside Jacob Zuma. In 2002, Zuma was the deputy president of South Africa and he was well aware of the behind‑the‑scenes manoeuvres playing themselves out at RIM. Zuma regularly brought his family on trips to the island, and in June 2001 he officially opened the new UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives in his capacity as deputy president. He was also copied in on one of the letters sent by those agitating for the removal of RIM’s senior management at the height of the 2002 ructions on the island.2 Further, Jacob Zuma was close to Sfiso Buthelezi, the Autshumato Marine chairperson, a key opponent of RIM in the events that unfolded on the island, Buthelezi having been Zuma’s adviser from 1994 to 1999 while he was the member of the Executive Council (MEC) for Economic Affairs in KwaZulu‑Natal Province.3 In December 2001, as the crisis was reaching boiling point and Autshumato Marine was seeking to assert its independence from RIM control, Zuma went out to the island on the Tigresse, the catamaran owned by Autshumato, instead of using the official museum ferry. As I recall, he was accompanied that day by one of the Shaikh brothers. The next month, in a move that I suspect was connected to this kind of networking, one of the board members of Autshumato Investments and a shareholder in the ferries, Colonel Sibusiso Mbangwa, was appointed to the governing RIM Council. The way in which someone with a close involvement in the holding company of a key RIM service provider (with a direct financial interest in the museum at a time when it was in an adversarial relationship with management) could become a member of the museum council was a textbook example of the kind of broad conflict‑of‑interest absurdities that happened under state capture.4 Zuma’s behind‑the‑scenes importance in the Robben Island ferry debates and how these were conducted was well illustrated in mid‑2003, when he chaired a meeting between the two parties in an attempt to resolve the ongoing tensions between them. After a full year of unresolved contestations and legal to‑ing and fro‑ing after my departure, the ANC called the two parties to a meeting at Luthuli House in Johannesburg. While Autshumato flew false flags, accusing RIM of wanting to undermine its business, RIM was asking that it repay several million rands owed to the museum in terms of their contract. Autshumato’s non‑payment for back‑up boats was the main issue to be resolved. In Buthelezi’s words, ‘the ANC kindly agreed to assist’.5 Secretary general Kgalema Motlanthe convened the meeting at the party’s headquarters on 6  June 2003. As recorded in the official documents, present were Jacob Zuma in the chair, the ANC chairperson Mosiua Lekota, Motlanthe and his deputy as secretary general, Sankie Mthembi-

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Mahanyele. Ahmed Kathrada, was accompanied by joint directors Ben Martins and Paul Langa and, surprisingly, Colonel Mbangwa, who was both a RIM Council member and had a direct stake in Autshumatu Ferries (Pty)  Ltd. Sfiso Buthelezi and Kaobitsa ‘Bushy’ Maape represented Autshumato.6 The meeting report noted that also present were Peter‑Paul Ngwenya and Soto Ndukwana of Makana Investments (Pty) Ltd, one of the commercial arms of Makana Trust, set up by the EPPC elected in 1995, ‘who also had disputes they wished to have resolved with RIM’. Their subsidiary, NAC Makana Aviation, had been pushing for helicopter and fixed‑wing landing rights to bring tourists to the island.7 By this time Makana Investments also owned 70 per cent of Autshumato Ferries. These were two of a host of businesses Makana had become involved in, at the time. The others were the radio stations P4 in Durban and Cape Town (100% ownership); Khaya FM (25%) and Gabz FM in Botswana (49%); the insurance company Zimisele (30%); the Sebenza freight and shipping venture (55%); and Northam Platinum (5%). MIC also had a 2% share in MTN’s M-Cell and a 4% stake in the Mvelaphanda empire, which helped former Robben Islander Tokyo Sexwale rise to billionaire status. How the Makana ownership and business model worked, and how much from these investments would filter down to the army of poor EPP veterans, was the crux of the contestations happening at EPP level.8 The June 2003 meeting was part of an attempt by the ANC to consolidate messy EPP politics on and off Robben Island, following the RIM rupture and the ugly spats between the Coastal Council, the Makana Trust and the EPPC in the preceding 12 months. And the intra‑EPP tussles during and after the anti‑RIM campaigns headed by Vincent James and his colleagues also led to the formation of the new national Ex‑Political Prisoners’ Association (EPPA) in 2003. The EPPA that year effectively replaced the EPPC (which itself had in 1995 replaced the first Association of EPPs or AEPP headed by Naledi Tsiki) as the official voice of EPPs. Makana’s investment in the island ferries, and the attendance of James and his comrades at the launch of Makana NAC soon after the Coastal Council was started, were signs of the interlinked actions and opportunities on the business level. The chairperson, Jacob Zuma, I was told by one of those present, had a basic message: ‘Ex-political prisoners do not fight each other.’ Now, as chair of the meeting, he noted, in the words of an affidavit by Buthelezi, that there were ‘numerous issues that the parties needed to deal with and resolve’. Zuma said that further discussions were necessary but in the meantime the formal arbitration process should be ‘terminated’ and ‘both parties [should] withdraw their claims and settle their costs’.9 In reality, this would later come to mean more expenses for RIM and a debt write‑off for Autshumato. Kathrada was reluctant to stop the arbitration process, fearing inter alia that it

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would be in breach of the Public Finance Management Act (No. 1 of 1999). Despite follow‑up meetings at Luthuli House on 22 and 31  July, legal hostilities between the two parties resumed; but in the end JZ’s way prevailed. The RIM Council was effectively instructed to withdraw its case. The museum, therefore, forfeited around R2 million owed to it by Autshumato. In a classic state capture scenario, political cronies benefitted privately and directly, while the institution (and the state) had to bear losses amounting to millions. Going along with these ANC contacts and the Autshumato shenanigans on Robben Island, Ahmed Kathrada explained that ‘members of the same group’ involved on the island made him the main target in their criticism of the dormant EPPC formed in 1995, accusing him publicly of stealing ‘hundreds of millions of rand’ in a slanderous campaign. His fellow high‑ranking committee members, including Cabinet ministers and premiers, ‘were left unscathed’. ‘The motivations of the instigators’ was clear, Kathrada said: having ‘final say’ over the RIM Council and administration in order to become the beneficiaries of the ‘alleged millions of rand’. Kathrada was disillusioned by this grasping behaviour of the comrades in business and the response of the ANC while all this was happening; ‘there was deafening silence from the ANC … no statement, no letter expressing concern, no request for an explanation’, he noted.10 Criticising Autshumato for its bad-faith actions and not reining in its CEO, RIM’s Council noted bluntly in the arbitration processes at the time that James’s behaviour was often ‘abusive, threatening and unpredictable’ and ‘runs the gamut of industrial sabotage, intimidation, extortion and slander’.11 RIM estates manager and fellow EPP, Ashley Forbes, also came under tremendous pressure at this time. Reminding him that the 51st national conference of the ANC in Stellenbosch had re-iterated its support for BEE as ‘cornerstone’ policy, Sfiso Buthelezi (copying in Jama Matakata) accused him in early 2003 of ‘reactionary and counter-revolutionary’ actions which made him wonder what happened to ‘your once militant position on the plight of black people in the country’, adding that ‘I have no doubt in my mind that your strategy and those of the dark forces behind you is aimed at bringing the company to its knees’.12 The result of this wild conflation of EPP commercial and political demands was the virtual implosion of a prized national institution. As the ANC increasingly ignored the constitutionally entrenched divisions between state and party, allowing connected members of the new ruling class to use their political associations to influence the trajectory of state institutions for factional purposes or their direct personal benefit. Some of the names of people involved in the campaign against the RIM leadership around 2002 re‑emerged among those publicly involved in some way or another in the ‘Guptagate’ and

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other public scandals of the Zuma years, all of their denials of wrongdoing notwithstanding. Among those were Autshumato Marine chairperson Sfiso Buthelezi, his company colleagues Jama Matakata and Vejay Ramlakan – two of the cell occupiers – as well as Ben Martins and Paul Langa, the high‑ranking party officials who took over as joint directors of the museum (see Chapters 10–13). After the ructions on Robben Island, Sfiso Buthelezi made his way steadily upwards in party, state and business. He subsequently spent ten years on the board of the state‑owned PRASA, ending up as its chairperson for the six years between 2008 and 2014.13 Here his path once again intersected with that of erstwhile RIM Council member and acting director Ben Martins, whom I had always suspected of being an important link on council with the destabilisers in 2002. Martins now happened to be the responsible minister. Martins was elevated to important portfolios in Cabinet by Jacob Zuma after the latter’s rise to the Presidency. He proceeded to make his way up the hierarchy in key portfolios that would become embroiled in allegations of state capture, being appointed deputy minister of public enterprises in 2010, minister of transport in 2012 and minister of energy affairs in 2013.14 In analysing the infamous R51‑billion tender case where PRASA bought hundreds of train locomotives unsuited for the South African rail network, the book Shadow State: The Politics of State Capture specifically points out that ‘[i]t is instructive that the pressures on [CEO Lucky] Montana to favour the Gupta‑led consortium started in September 2012, only three months after Zuma appointed Martins as transport minister and two months after PRASA issued the train tender.’15 Thus, ironically, Martins (a key RIM Council member in 2002 and now minister) and Buthelezi (the Aushumato Marine ferry chairperson in 2002 and now PRASA board chairperson) held leadership roles in respect of this key parastatal at the time of some of its greatest scandals. Martins claimed to have been ‘introduced to the Gupta family’ by Montana, but the latter ‘countered that it had been Martins who had introduced him to the Gupta family’.16 In 2017 a senior Eskom official reported before Parliament that Martins was present at a meeting where the Gupta network had ‘attempted to interfere in Eskom affairs’. According to reports, Martins denied being at such a meeting ‘but [said that he] would have to consult his diary to say where he had been on the day’.17 In 2019, Martins was put under scrutiny and called on to testify by the Zondo Commission investigating state capture. Its conclusions were not yet finalised at the time this book went to print. A 2015 report on PRASA during the chairmanship of Buthelezi by Public Protector Thuli Madonsela found ‘a state owned company in the tight grip

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of deep‑set corruption’ and recommended a review of all major contracts.18 According to media reports, Treasury affirmed this position in 2017, when it noted that ‘crippling mismanagement and criminality in PRASA reached systemic proportions in the years Buthelezi presided over PRASA’ and recommended that he be ‘criminally charged’.19 Madonsela spoke of a state-owned enterprise which had become ‘derailed’. Accusations were made that companies that Buthelezi and his brother were involved with had benefitted to the tune of more than R150 million from it, although Buthelezi denied any allegations of wrongdoing.20 This did not stop Zuma appointing Buthelezi as deputy minister of finance and chairperson of the huge PIC in March 2017. The PIC controls the pension funds of state employees and was the biggest investor in the economy, managing R1.87 trillion in assets. One director testified before a commission of enquiry that under Buthelezi and Minister Malusi Gigaba, ‘[t]here was an embargo on the holding of board meetings and literally everything came to a standstill.’21 The CEO underlined that the appointment of the pair ‘ushered in an era of instability at the PIC’ and said it was clearly ‘meant to capture the corporation’.22 Meanwhile, Paul Langa, the first co‑interim acting director with Martins and then director of RIM for six years, from July 2002 to July 2008, resigned after being suspended for gross negligence and mismanagement.23 With his seeming ability to conflate state, party and business matters already apparent when he arrived at RIM, he was for many years CEO of the company Zonkizizwe Security Services, which was ‘widely regarded as one of the party’s informal security arms’.24 Working in a joint venture with another company, it secured a ‘lucrative contract’ with South African Airways in 2003.25 From media reports, it would appear that Langa continued in these dual leadership positions throughout his tenure at RIM. After his departure, newspapers reported in 2012 that a Hawks unit had raided a Zonkizizwe property to confiscate an arms cache belonging to the assassinated underworld kingpin Cyril Beeka, with whom Zonkizizwe had had dealings.26 (Beeka was amongst those who applied for the security contract at Robben Island at one stage, RIM colleagues informed me.) In 2012, the Sowetan also claimed that Langa and Zonkizizwe, which it said was responsible for the security of top ANC people when they were at Luthuli House, including Jacob Zuma, had not paid its security guards for several months despite the money having come through from the ANC.27 Thereafter, the pattern of reporting about Langa and his companies remained consistent. In 2013, according to media reports, Langa was allegedly involved in a ‘scandal in which South African military involvement in the Central African Republic was exposed as a front for ANC‑linked deals’.28 In 2016, Zonkizizwe Investments, which he also headed, was connected to a

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R50‑million failed ‘black ops’ project during the local government elections.29 In 2018, Noseweek alleged that Zonkizizwe Investments was trying to get a 10 per cent finder’s fee on R250 million in ‘one of the dodgiest deals undertaken by the corrupt VBS’ bank, which collapsed after the looting of the savings of the rural poor in Limpopo Province.30 Bantu Holomisa, leader of the United Democratic Movement (UDM), also implicated the company in a questionable R350‑million deal before the Zondo Commission.31 In 2019, the Sunday Standard in Gaborone in Botswana alleged that Langa was a ‘struggle veteran and ANC funding mule’ who was implicated in the controversy around South African businesswoman Brigitte Radebe’s alleged (but strongly denied) support for a candidate opposing the incumbent prime minister of Botswana in party elections.32 Members of Autshumato’s inner circle were also accused of unethical conduct in subsequent years. Jama Matakata ended up in a senior position at corruption‑ridden PRASA during the time Buthelezi was its chair, and was suspended as head of security in 2017.33 Autshumato director Vejay Ramlakan, who unbelievably took part in a sit‑in at another state institution as part of an attempted putsch instituted by a company of which he was a director, while serving as a South African National Defence Force general, later wrote a book about his time as Nelson Mandela’s military doctor. It was withdrawn from the shops by his publishers in 2017 after an outcry that he had made public, in an unethical way, material about his confidential doctor–patient relationship with the deceased icon.34 There was still more to come. But meanwhile, in a supreme twist of irony, during the traumatic developments of this period, Ahmed Kathrada and Lynette Maart were involved in two high‑profile moves to oppose the Zuma state‑capture tsunami, putting them once again on opposing sides to erstwhile adversaries (and some comrades) in the Robben Island disputes of the early 2000s.

AHMED KATHRADA AND THE FIGHTBACK Ahmed Kathrada stepped down as chairperson of the RIM Council in late 2006, feeling battered and disrespected (like many veterans from what they openly began to refer to as the ‘old ANC’). He now put his energies into establishing the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation. Formed in 2008 under the energetic operational leadership of Shan Balton, the foundation’s goal was to promote non‑racialism and deepen the legacy of his generation, via community service work amongst the youth, a focus on struggle history and support for the goals of the Freedom Charter and the Constitution of democratic South Africa.35 In March 2016, with claims of corruption against Jacob Zuma and his family becoming endemic, Kathrada broke with the conventions of the party and his

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own position of ‘not speaking out publicly about any differences I may harbour against my leaders and my organisation, the ANC’,36 the party which he had spent his life fighting for. He wrote an open letter publicly criticising Zuma and calling on him to step down as president. Kathrada wrote in his capacity as ‘just a rank‑and‑file member of my ANC branch’ and said he was aware that his celebrated struggle credentials ‘[do] not automatically bestow on me the right to address this letter to the president’. But it was the duty of the president to ‘at all times unite this country behind a vision and programme that seeks to make tomorrow a better day than today for all South Africans’ and the position ‘requires respect … that must be earned’. The Nkandla and Gupta scandals, and the rulings of the Constitutional Court that ‘the president failed to uphold, defend and respect the constitution as the supreme law’, now compelled him to act. He said, the country needed ‘to find its way out of a path that it never imagined it would be on, but one that it must move out of soon’. Therefore, ‘[t]oday, I appeal to our president to submit to the will of the people and resign’.37 Kathrada was joined in his appeal by his partner, Barbara Hogan, herself an EPP, who had been a key member of the RIM Council between 1997 and 2004 and later a government minister. She called on comrades to ‘bombard Luthuli House with the message that Zuma must go’, as he was economically sabotaging the country.38 The timing and source of this criticism from one of the struggle’s icons helped give momentum to a growing national cross‑party movement to ‘Save South Africa’. The tide of popular opposition to state capture swelled. People involved in the network of EPPs who had been part of the campaign against RIM management re‑emerged to criticise Kathrada, notably Mpho Masemola, the spokesperson of the EPPA, who together with Kebby Maphatsoe of the MKVA, Bathabile Dlamini, and the maverick Carl Niehaus (incidentally, a member of the third RIM Council appointed in 2007) were among the most prominent cheerleaders of Jacob Zuma, declaring that the actions of Kathrada and other critics were those of ‘very bitter so‑and‑so’s’ and ‘wannabe’ leaders. Though ‘declaring themselves as self‑appointed leaders of the people’, they had no constituency and ‘cannot fool us and the people of South Africa’.39 Masemola also warned the South African Council of Churches to keep its hands off Jacob Zuma and accused former president Thabo Mbeki of having created the Gupta power base. Mbeki denied knowing the Guptas and only responded, he said, because ‘[o]ur honest and sustained attempts to avoid the gutter were nonetheless severely tested and strained by an ENCA news report which featured one Mr. Mpho Masemola, a representative of the Ex‑Political Prisoners Association’.

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Mbeki said, ‘Mr. Masemola takes the public into confidence about discussions between the Ex‑Political Prisoners Association and President Jacob Zuma last week [but  …] deploys innuendo in order to socialise accountability for an individual’s ethical judgement.’40 In March 2017, following Kathrada’s stand against Zuma, the Black Sash, under the leadership of Lynette Maart, joined forces with the lobby group Freedom Under Law to take to court the former minister of social development, Bathabile Dlamini, and the South African Social Services Agency (SASSA), over the constitutionally unlawful Cash Paymaster Services (CPS) contract. Dlamini was one of Zuma’s closest allies in the state capture period. The Black Sash claimed that CPS had exploited 17  million social grant beneficiaries because its parent company, Net1 Financial Services, and its other subsidiaries had used their confidential data to tie South Africa’s most vulnerable people into airtime, electricity, funeral cover and high‑interest loan deals through ‘unlawful, fraudulent and immoral debit orders and USSD platform deductions from grants.41 The Black Sash described this behaviour as ‘a worst case scenario of the inherent risk of outsourcing a state function to the private sector’. To protect the aged and poor from this abuse, the organisation launched the Hands Off Our Grants (HOOG) campaign. In March 2017, the Black Sash and Freedom Under Law won the case before the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court, following a Section 38 Inquiry, found Dlamini responsible for the social grant payment crisis in 2017. She had been ‘reckless and grossly negligent’ and was held personally liable for 20 per cent of the costs of the legal case. The court further ordered that the NPA should investigate Dlamini for perjury. The case was one of the decisive ones in stopping the state capture corruption train and led to reform of the social grants system. No one deserved this success more than Lynette Maart, after she had stood with such fortitude and consistency for ethical and service‑oriented leadership during and after the grotesque campaign against her by the so‑called protectors of the island’s legacy. Though subjected to hurt and humiliation, she emerged as an example of what real leadership in society means, particularly the kind of servant leadership required during this chapter of South African history. Ahmed Kathrada died in March 2017 and his funeral became another key rallying point in the national fightback against state capture. In the notable absence of President Zuma, a line‑up of struggle stalwarts repeated Kathrada’s call for him to step down. Former president Kgalema Motlanthe reread

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Kathrada’s letter from 354 days before. In a brutal self‑critique of what had become of the ANC, Motlanthe declared that Comrade Kathy took exception to the current culture of sordid feeding frenzy, moral corruption, societal depravity, political dissolution as well as the post‑colonial culture of grossness and sleaze that would put to shame even some of the vilest political orders known to human history.42

It was a powerful moment, when in the presence of the remaining two living Rivonia trialists, Andrew Mlangeni and Denis Goldberg, and the likes of Winnie Madikizela Mandela, the call went out from inside the ANC for it to save itself from the corruption into which it had sunk. In the absence of the unwelcome president, the government delegation was led by Vice‑President Ramaphosa. It was a zero protocol affair, with chairs reserved on a first‑come first‑served basis. No one except the official mourning party of Barbara Hogan surrounded by MadikizelaMandela, Graça Machel and former presidents Mbeki and Motlanthe was specifically catered for. As the mourners moved from the tent to the burial ground in Heroes Acre, one could feel a palpable sense of the ‘moment’ in the crowd. As part of President Zuma’s failed attempt to capture the Treasury in 2017 and early 2018, Sfiso Buthelezi was parachuted into Parliament to become an MP, seemingly so that Zuma could appoint him as deputy minister of finance in place of Nhlanhla Nene, who was a close ally of the incumbent minister, Pravin Gordhan, and was seen to be obstructing the state‑capture forces. Zuma planned the reshuffle for the end of March, but the heightened feelings generated by the Kathrada funeral reportedly led him to delay the move by a few weeks. Buthelezi’s appointment in April 2017 (followed later by the sacking of Gordhan himself) helped precipitate the final downfall of Zuma, whose attempt to directly take over the Treasury by replacing competent ministers with compliant ones led to public outrage and international capital flight.43 The calls deepened for Zuma to step down. In February 2018, only ten months after the Kathrada funeral, the once seemingly omnipotent Jacob Zuma was forced to stand down as president. He was replaced by Cyril Ramaphosa, who also happened to have been the first chairperson of the Ahmed Kathrada Foundation. The new president promptly brought Buthelezi’s short‑lived tenure as one of those with the keys to the coffers of the land to an abrupt end when he moved him sideways to agriculture, forestry and fisheries.44 Zuma was at last called to account before the Zondo Commission in 2019. Among those protesting Zuma’s victimhood in the usual rousing populist

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rhetoric on this occasion was Mpho Masemola, representing the EPPA, appearing theatrically on stage together with Kebby Maphatsoe and Carl Niehaus of the MKVA, which (the Zondo Commission later heard) had been receiving unaccounted-for funds, along with the president, from the Secret Service Agency. Remarkably, therefore, a number of the dramatis personae involved in the rupture of 2002 on Robben Island emerged again during the dramas of the state capture era in the 2010s, and not surprisingly they lined up in ways consistent with their earlier behaviour and alignments.

MR X AND THE 2018–2020 REPLAY OF 2002 Another connection relates to the EPPA which, as Chapter  13 shows, can be said to have emerged out of the campaign on Robben Island in 2002, and which later became closely identified with Zuma and the state capture forces. The EPPA’s deputy secretary general and sometime spokesperson in 2017 was Mpho Masemola. Masemola was, in fact, the Mr X referred to in Chapter 12, with whom I had had that bizarre meeting at the airport in Johannesburg in June 2002, when he warned me that the ‘rupture’ was about to happen and that I should resign as RIM director. It was he who had conveyed to me that a campaign against the museum leadership was imminent and that I had better get out for my own good. Immediately after my resignation, Masemola’s call was the 23rd of the many I noted down. He left a voice message: ‘I wanted to speak to you about that issue on TV. It was very much a dirty one, and it is getting worse. Urgent. Asseblief, Prof.’ I did not phone back but he called again soon afterwards: ‘I regret they [matters] are at this stage … I had a strategy and you and I should have sat down, before it went to the media  …  I wasn’t against you. I was trying to stabilise the thing  …  This is my job. I should have counter [acted – my handwritten notes of the call are not clear]. They said I couldn’t. A big campaign is coming. This issue is going to be blown out of proportion. I still have documents of which I was told to go to media … I am holding something very [dangerous] here with me.’45 I had informed the executive of the RIM Council about the meeting with Masemola before it happened,46 and told Ahmed Kathrada, Barbara Hogan and Ben Martins about the encounter at the airport afterwards, before my resignation. Mr K looked at the latter for a response, but Martins kept a poker face, clearly not wanting to know more or to respond. I spoke to the chairperson after a long council meeting the day after my resignation. He mentioned that ‘I put it to people and the decision was to ignore him’.47 I came across Mpho Masemola again after my resignation. He popped up next to me, almost like a long‑lost friend, at the funeral of Walter Sisulu, as I walked with

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the thousands from Orlando Stadium to the Westpark Cemetery, and cheerily said, ‘Hello comrade, I told you what would happen, didn’t I?’ For some reason I never bothered to find out more about him. Was it that I just decided to quickly move on with my life? Was it denial? I’m not sure. But during the writing of this chapter, I thought to Google the name to see who Mr X really was – and to my shock, I discovered he was involved in a virtual replay of the dramas of 2002. Almost defying belief, the 2002 RIM rupture scenario was replaying itself again some 16 years later. The third RIM director, Dr  Sibongiseni Mkhize, appointed in 2010, recalls that Masemola and Vejay Ramlakan re-entered the Robben Island space during his time. His observation was that the then Council chairperson, ‘himself allowed ex-political prisoners, Masemola and Ramlakan, to interfere with RIM strategic and operational matters’: ‘From the onset he made it clear to me that we had to start cultivating a close relationship with the EPPs, hence the return of Masemola and Ramlakan, including the proposal of a reunion which was going to cost the museum R50 million.’48 In December 2018, Masemola emerged at the forefront of vocal calls to remove the RIM leadership. Once more the declaration of lofty principles was used to interfere in headline‑grabbing but shady ways in the affairs of the institution, and once more the museum entered into a three‑year leadership crisis as a result. Mr X was, indeed, reading from almost exactly the same script as that used in the RIM dramas during our time. And the 2018–2020 scenario uncannily replayed key features of the 2001–2003 turmoil at RIM: • Financial self‑interest wrapped up with representing the masses: He slammed RIM as secretary of the EPPA for not looking after EPPs and providing them with proper socioeconomic opportunities. But soon thereafter RIM’s spokesperson revealed that Masemola had been involved in trying to obtain a guarantee letter on behalf of a private company that wanted to win a ferry tender from the museum. RIM felt that issuing it would have flouted tender regulations.49 • Crying wolf: After failing in his ferry contract machinations Masemola’s wolf cry this time was ‘corruption, nepotism and poor governance’.50 •  Destabilising the institution’s leadership: Masemola demanded an investigation by the minister, the suspension of the CEO and the dissolution of the RIM Council.51 •  Threatening (identical) drastic action: Masemola announced at a press conference that if the call for an investigation was not implemented, the EPPs could not stand by idly and would embark on a hunger strike on the island if their demands were not met.52

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• Mobilising support by playing on the hope of gain: He demanded that the EPPs working on the island should be paid more than normal tour guides and, indeed, that their descendants should in future be given positions at the museum. Nameless EPP staff members were quoted in newspaper reports about problems and the need for intervention at RIM.53 (One staff member, prominent in 2002, apparently refused to leave the island living quarters after reaching retirement age in early 2019.) •  Manufacturing smoke and mirrors: For the agitation to succeed, the purported crisis then needed to be ‘fixed’ or bureaucratised. This time, in 2019, it was Minister of Sports, Arts and Culture Nathi Mthethwa who – even if unintentionally – enabled this to happen. Without any warning to council or his department, according to sources close to the RIM Council at the time, he announced a formal investigation costing R1  million into the claims of mismanagement and corruption at RIM. This, according to a council member, after it had taken great trouble in the five years of its term to ensure accountability through corporate governance procedures.54 • The occurrence of mysterious disruptions: As in 2002, strange things started happening. One of the RIM ferries was reported damaged in a suspected sabotage attack, leading to the cancellation of certain services.55 This coincided with a wage strike by the RIM NEHAWU branch, for which Masemola announced EPPA support.56 The RIM Council did respond – as in 2002, defending the integrity of the institution – but RIM once again became bogged down in issues which detracted from strategic and operational priorities, and resulted in reputational damage and internal dissonance. Regardless of the facts or the outcome, the effect of this modus operandi has been to becalm the institution and leave the leadership treading water, unsure of how to go forward. Ferries and EPP issues once again led to instability at the institution, at a time when it was desperately seeking to settle itself. Rather than a resort to disciplined criticism and oversight, strange things started happening again on Robben Island and a level of public drama and suspicion resurfaced – and the institution keeps limping along as a result. Masemola and others took out and again followed the by now dog‑eared 2002 handbook for destabilisation. For the boat company to be able to import a ferry, it needed a letter of guarantee from RIM. The threats came after RIM said it could not issue such a guarantee.

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The new attack on RIM in 2018 emerged at a time when the Zuma faction, though under pressure after the rise of Ramaphosa, nevertheless remained powerful in a party where the balance of power was still very even. This time around, in response to the attacks by Masemola and the EPPA from 2018 onwards, the RIM Council defended management more openly, saying the EPPs had ‘distorted the way the museum was managed and governed’ and that Masemola had omitted the context of his complaints, namely that he had attempted to get a letter of guarantee from RIM outside of its procurement process for him and his business partner to import a new boat for the next phase of RIM’s ferry process. The chairperson, Sibusiso Buthelezi (also an EPP, but no relation to Sfiso Buthelezi) explained, that EPPs needed to understand that the museum had broader functions than restricting itself to EPP concerns alone. The RIM Council decided to come out openly against Masemola, by announcing plans to institute court action against him for defamation.57 But in 2019 the minister appointed a new council, with only two members of the old one retained. The new chairperson, Bernadette Muthien, almost immediately launched an investigation into the CEO. After an internal revolt by fellow council members, as well as a row with the minister, Muthien was dismissed by the minister in late 2019. Masemola called for the new board to be dismissed as well and a commission led by Kgalema Motlanthe and Dikgang Moseneke to be appointed.58 High‑sounding corporate governance talk masked a recipe for creating organisational chaos at a national cultural institution. Minister Mthethwa now appointed Advocate Michael Masutha – Zuma’s justice minister, whom Ramaphosa had sacked from Cabinet – to replace Muthien, but he too resigned shortly afterwards after a disagreement with Mthethwa. Khensani Maluleke became the third council chair within a year, adding to the endemic instability of the institution. In the public discourse, the public sees only simplistic claims, perennial flare‑ups and controversy. Underneath, complex dynamics operate, posing ever‑present threats. As in the past, fact and fiction are mixed up, while sections of the current EPPA in questionable ways seek contracts, jobs and EPP control of RIM, in contradiction to its formal legal status as a national cultural institution. According to Masemola, [p]eople who have contributed to our democracy are not reaping any benefits for surviving and sharing their stories. The liberators of this country are without medical aid, bursaries for their dependants or even funeral schemes for

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dignified burials. Some of us are dying poor … Nobody can share our historical narrative except us who have been there.59

At the time of writing, he was also demanding that the increase in the price of ferry tickets go straight to the EPPA and EPPs, instead of to the museum.60 Ever the opportunistic populist, Masemola managed to accuse the museum of both the ‘Mandelarisation’ of Robben Island as well as not doing justice to Tata Mandela’s legacy.61 On the first score, he said for RIM it was all about profiting from the island, and visitors going only to B  Section and not the other sections where displays about the unsung prisoners lie unseen. This echoed similar Mandelarisation claims in the early 2000s, partly grounded in ideological contestations within struggle forces which rippled into RIM; and, as discussed above, lost in this story is the irony that it was actually RIM EPP tour guides themselves who blocked tours from going further than the big‑name B  Section, as they felt this might affect their central roles (and possible future job prospects) in interacting with tourists. In March 2020, after the conclusion of its investigation into RIM, the department announced that the bulk of the allegations raised by the EPPA were found (through an independent investigation) to be devoid of facts and/or could not be substantiated by evidence. The investigation revealed that only 4 out of the 19 allegations were found to be worth pursuing further and institute disciplinary processes. Further, the statements made by EPPA relating to ‘white monopoly capital’, Dockyard mafia, people stealing at RIM for the past 10 years, exclusion of Ex Political Prisoners, etc. are all speculative and are not substantiated by evidence.62

Giving various examples to rebut the charges, the department added that ‘it is also not true that the EPPA has been excluded from the activities of RIM’. However, RIM’s troubles were far from over. Despite having been repudiated by the RIM Council, his own EPPA chairperson and the Department of Sport, Arts and Culture, Masemola’s open agitation was continuing when this book went to press, now including the alleged failure of the museum to invite him and the EPPA to a lecture on Robert Sobukwe (where the family was amongst those represented).63 Council, with its three chairs in a year, opened a new investigation in 2020, with newspaper reports indicating this time there was evidence of

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mismanagement. Regardless of the results of the latest episodes in the cycles of contestation and disruption on the island, there is no gainsaying the fact that as it’s 25th anniversary approaches, RIM has been reduced to a bruised, limping institution. Then RIM’s operations were hit by the devastating Covid‑19 restrictions. Having been unable to operate normally for more than a year, the museum in April 2021 sent out letters to staff giving them the option of taking a severance package or having their salaries reduced by half. A spokesperson for RIM explained that, ‘The prolonged economic onslaught of Covid-19 has pushed the organisation into crisis mode financially’.64 In summary, it can be said that the intra‑EPP contestations and challenges which washed over Robben Island in 2002 rippled on for nearly 20 years. The particular symptoms of sickness that displayed themselves on Robben Island also subsequently transmuted into a national plague. Long before Covid‑19 arrived, state capture had made South Africa sick. The endemic ‘ungovernability’ of RIM, too, continued. Is there a way out of this long‑standing malaise? Having learnt from hard experience, the RIM Council in 2003 suggested remedies to Jacob Zuma and the ANC leadership that still seem valid today: There must be agreement that ex‑political prisoners do not ‘own’ RIM and that the council must be allowed to perform its delegated functions without threats and intimidation from anyone, including ex‑political prisoners. Companies consisting of ex‑political prisoners do not have an automatic right to be treated any differently than any other company that also enjoys the rights and entitlements afforded them by the policies of BEE and of Preferential Procurement. The name and legacy of Robben Island must be guarded by all ex‑political prisoners and not destroyed by vindictive and malicious public campaigns aimed at undermining the good name and reputation of RIM. Associations of ex‑political prisoners cannot be used as springboards to launch attacks on RIM, its staff and the council; nor can they be used as pressure‑groups to lobby for government contracts. Senior politicians must be careful not to find themselves unwittingly used to pressurise. A company providing services to RIM must be held to its contract (and vice versa, of course). Decisive political action must be taken to discipline those forces that are behaving in a grossly out of order way … The plight of impoverished ex‑political prisoners cannot be laid at the door of RIM. Government must assume that responsibility, in the same way that it is seeing to the needs of MKVA soldiers employed by the State. RIM must more clearly define its relationship with ex‑political prisoners.65

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The most recent RIM dramas have led to another cycle of introspection and paralysis at the museum. In a complex operational environment, which requires particular change management skills and strategic multifaceted responses, one of the biggest problems in the making of the institution was the slow decision‑making on the side of government departments and the council, and the fact that these went together with parallel conversations outside of the museum. Multiple authorities and EPP exceptionalism have made this a project like no other in South African museums. As with the RIM rupture of 2002, key questions regarding RIM’s future remain: where do the minister, department and RIM Council go in relation to the museum and the ferries? And how do they separate truth from fiction, governance integrity from manipulation, and institutional best interest from undue private and political demands? And with all the complicities and connected politics of the state capture era, how does this national cultural institution retain its constitutionally derived identity as a heritage space to promote EPP participation and help to do justice to the island’s legacy as a ‘university of the struggle’, being as supportive as possible towards EPPs – many still in dire straights – without succumbing to extortion or improper favouritism?

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 Mr K and the replica of his cell

37 Mr K and the replica of his cell André Odendaal

The stand‑out personality in the making of RIM was Ahmed Kathrada. After spending 27 years in jail with Nelson Mandela and his fellow Rivonia trialists, he spent the remaining 27 years of his life passionately involved in or concerned with the island. Kathrada died on 28 March 2017, aged eighty-nine, after more than seven decades of struggle for the betterment of humanity. Remarkably, in the last years of his life, he continued with a punishing schedule, participating in 2016 in around 150 public events organised by the foundation that bore his name. The programme at his funeral – another moment of resistance, which marked a political turning point – listed some of the achievements of this humble man.1 Among them the Freedom of the City awards of Johannesburg, Cape Town and London, several honorary doctorates and the ANC’s highest award, the Isitwalandwe or Seaparankwe award (or, ‘the one who wears the plumes of a rare bird’), reserved for only the select few. But one particular line caught my eye. For there, listed on the page, appeared ‘Appointed as Fellow, Mayibuye Centre, University of the Western Cape, 1991’. It was something of a shock to me to think that Kathy counted amongst his life’s accomplishments this moment when, sitting in an empty room at UWC with boxes of unsorted archives around us, together with student assistant Peter Williams, he accepted the offer to become a patron of sorts for our new project to collect material relating to the liberation struggle. And, in another ironic twist to our RIM relationship, the tenacious ‘Mr  K’ (as his partner and closest friends often called him) did get his way after his frustration with us for not putting in that replica of a B Section cell he so wanted to see in the new Nelson Mandela Gateway Building in 2002. I was very pleased that he did finally get his replica cell – albeit not at RIM, but in an exhibition to celebrate his eightieth birthday in the US. Michigan State University museologists discreetly added a cell to the exhibition originally curated by Razia Saleh and the

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Mandela Foundation, then given as a gift to the Kathdrada Foundation, before it travelled in that country. The concept worked excellently as a simplified way of bringing across the deprivations and sacrifices suffered by prisoners on the island. I was there to observe when the exhibition opened in Lexington, Kentucky, when that university honoured him with one of his numerous honorary doctorates. The thought of a giant like Mandela and the other founders of democratic South Africa being confined to a cold, eight-by-seven-foot stone shoe-box for two decades clearly made an impression on visitors unschooled in the details of the struggle. The importance to Kathy of that eight-by-seven-foot cell on the island became apparent again at the time of his death. He was buried in Heroes Acre, Westpark Cemetery, in Johannesburg and around him were the elevated marble memorials to great names. But his final resting place is poignantly unlike the surrounding memorials; it has a plain, low‑lying, three‑brick‑high border, built to the exact dimensions of his Robben Island cell. Simple indigenous plants give the plain brick life and colour. I wept at the appropriate simplicity and modesty with which a life lived to promote inclusivity, fairness, dignity, democracy, and respect for the poor and dispossessed in an imperfect world has been memorialised. And at how the universal truths that resulted from this approach underpinned the vision of RIM, which he largely helped fashion at its inception (see Chapter 4). The simple replica of his island cell in Heroes Acre today, and the example of the servant leader who loyally gave more than 70 years of his life to the struggle for freedom in South Africa – before becoming a rebel again at 88 during the state capture years – stand as powerful monuments to the power of the ‘rainbow dreams’ that underpinned liberation, democracy and the founding of RIM. They were not wishy‑washy dreams deserving of new-generation ridicule, but ideas rooted in the hard reality of African struggles, lives and sensibilities. And they were liberatory in content. It is up to us who follow him to accept collective responsibility for the shortcomings and failures of the museum and the country, and to put them back on the path from which they were derailed, so that the words ‘freedom’ and ‘democracy’ can have real meaning for the majority of people left behind in a country today filled with the wreckage of history, poverty and mismanagement. All of us. As Gaby Cheminais notes in Chapter  26, South Africans ‘anticipated a radical transformation of all state institutions after 1990’, but this did not happen and ‘none of us who work within this terrain are blameless’.

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A frail Kathrada indicated the way again at Mandela’s funeral in December 2013, when he gave the tribute to his dear comrade. He handed over the baton with words that speak clearly to RIM and South Africa’s current condition: It is up to the present and next generations to take up the cudgels … It is up to them, through service, to deepen our democracy, entrench and defend our Constitution, eradicate poverty, eliminate inequality, fight corruption, and serve always with compassion, respect, integrity and tolerance. Above all, they must build our nation and break down the barriers that divide us.2

Such soft words. Such strong truths. Spoken in such a simple way. Leadership, humility and the message of a transcending unity! Those were also the qualities that helped South Africa arrive at a democracy that the world thought impossible in 1994. And these words are perhaps even more appropriate than his ubiquitous ‘triumph of the human spirit’ quote in the context of today – an appropriate vision and value statement for RIM and South Africans in the 2020s as we strategise and look ahead. What Kathy asks us here is to live and implement simple but difficult goals that are radical and transformative. What I read him saying is that to be a disciplined revolutionary today, one has to be a humble, decent person, who speaks in positive ways, is open to debate and differences, works hard, delivers, stays accountable and keeps one’s focus on the values that matter, including entrenching and defending ‘our Constitution’. The toughness and discipline of a soldier for freedom are still required, but this time the battle has to be won by being effective in the ‘soft’ ways of delivery, by checking one’s behaviour and actions, and by being universal in terms of values and a sense of justice. Far from resorting to a fuzzy moralism stuck in a ‘rainbow’ past, Kathrada at 85 remained grounded in a struggle, rooted in basic values, which seeks to free those in society imprisoned by poverty, violence and prejudice, with the ultimate goal of uplifting the human condition globally. South Africa has come a long way in the past few decades, but we are far from being the country we envisaged creating then. Kathrada’s message invites us to reconnect to values and to struggle dreams again. The key challenge remains to reverse the fact that African people remain largely excluded from the socioeconomic mainstream in South Africa. From Pan-Africanists, BC followers, nationalists, liberals, humanists and people of faith to social democrats, democratic socialists, and Marxists, communists and trade unionists committed to constitutionalism though informed by notions of class struggle, as well as

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modern anti‑globalisation campaigners and radical social movement activists, a wide spectrum of democrats are able to fit his basic approach into their political frames of reference. Leadership and unity guided by clear values are what is required. Kathy remained constant and unbending, even as his body became frailer. From this simple approach came his strength and ongoing moral authority. It took uncommon sacrifice and courage to remain steadfast to the ideals he upheld. And we need to remind ourselves how profound the impact of Robben Island and the South African struggle has been. Marwan Bargouthi, a Palestinian Kathrada, whose cause was close to his heart, says in Triumph of the Human Spirit (2017) that the island ‘reminded us for so long of the worst humankind is capable of. Now it reminds us of the best’. And he adds, ‘we have placed our footsteps in yours’.3 The rupture of 2002 significantly damaged RIM and set back its growth, just as factionalism and overt political party interference compromised many state or semi‑state institutions during and subsequent to the state capture years. The extent of this problem was highlighted by the late Auditor General Kimi Makwethu, who again and again had to report that fewer than 30 of the 270 or so municipalities in South Africa have consistently been able to provide clean audits. This is a shockingly high indicator of corporate governance non‑compliance and operational underperformance in the South African civil service. As Professor William Gumede of the School of Governance at Wits University – a consistent critic of state and party corruption over the years – has noted, ‘[w]ithout fixing broken governance, an equitable and peaceful society is not possible’.4 The key issue I raised when I stepped down as RIM director remains: How do we strike the balance between building the effective new Institutions that deliver for democratic South Africa (where differences are dealt with in procedural ways and those appointed to lead are enabled to do so) and being ‘democratic’, but often sitting in unproductive and unprogressive contestations about rules and authority?5

RIM seems permanently ensnared in unprogressive contestations and factionalism within the top echelons of South African politics. Government, the ruling party and the relevant oversight bodies need to recognise and protect RIM’s constitutionally determined status as a national cultural institution. If the museum is to have any real future, it has to be able to pursue its original legal mandate as an institution enjoying a degree of institutional autonomy, without constant

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political intervention and interruptions and trumpeted demands from outside. And that means not accommodating the destructive behaviours and interventions that have been a feature of RIM’s history. These intra‑party issues are, indeed, what led to state capture and the widespread institutional dysfunctionality that we see today in the first place – and they have fuelled massive corruption. Can this happen? It has to if South Africa is to become a society that delivers to its people. In my resignation letter 20 years ago, I wrote that I hoped to keep contributing to the task of reconstruction by ‘working towards healing, new identities and an empowering democracy, which leads to the elimination of poverty and indignity’. This applies even more urgently today, and is surely the broad vision that thousands of ex‑Islanders and those in the broader liberation struggle fought for so valiantly. The case of RIM has proved the validity of the saying that it takes a generation to build an institution and five minutes to break it down. And South Africa has learned the hard way in the past decade that once the damage has been done, it takes more than a few organograms and some fresh faces to rebuild what has been broken. Opposing undue interference in institutions does not mean being elitist, technicist or bureaucratic, and uncaring about broader social agendas. On the contrary, the modern museum needs to be a dynamic space which in its own way deepens transformation, debate and understandings of ‘representation’ and issues of voice and power at the heart of culture and everyday life. The unfulfilled mission of RIM invites us to go back to the 1990s dreams, this time acknowledging the changed context where a new generation of imaginations, ideas, actions, loyalties and languages must be engaged with. We hope, on this occasion of its 25th anniversary, that by the time RIM celebrates its 50th anniversary, it will be a cultural and heritage beacon for a democratic and vital South Africa. This poses a huge challenge, but one worth taking on. Its successful outcome would be the best possible tribute to democracy and the museum’s founding ideas.

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Appendix List of staff at the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa, University of the Western Cape, 1991–2000 (incorporated into Robben Island Museum in 2000 as the UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives) Jackie Abrahams, student assistant, 1991–92 Vincent Booys, student assistant, 1994 Charl Bredenkamp, bookkeeper, 1994–96 Hamilton Budaza, trainee: art, 1994; arts curator, 1995; art and exhibition officer, 1998–2000; RIM, 2000–2021 Brian Bunting, research fellow, 1991–93 Mouravia Dingana, secretary, 1994 Joan Fairweather, visiting fellow: film archivist (Canada), 1997–98 Barry Feinberg, administrative personnel, 1991–93, coordinator: book and film production, 1995–97; acting director, 1998–2000; RIM, 2000–2001 Pauline Frans, student assistant, 1991 Bertie Fritz, archivist, 1991–95; photographs and audio‑visual orders, 1995 Lavona George, marketing and distribution, 1997–2000 Graham Goddard, trainee photographer, 1994–97; photographer and audio‑visual officer, 1998–2000; RIM, 2000–2021 Brent Harries, researcher, 1995 Africa Hlapo, research assistant, 1993 Bathini Hugo, student assistant, 1991 Simone Ingerveld, researcher, 1995 Shanaaz Isaacs, trainee: books/archives, 1994–95 Suleiman Isaacs, student assistant, 1991–92; special assistant: photographic section, 1993 Rowena Joemat, trainee archivist, 1996 Anthea Josias, student assistant, 1991–93; audio‑visual librarian, 1995; coordinator: collections and computerisation, 1991–98; manager: archival collections, 1999–2000; RIM 2000– Norman Kaplan, administrative personnel, 1991–93; graphic design and film library, 1994 Ahmed Kathrada, research fellow, 1991–93; chairperson of RIM Council, 1997–2006 Solly (Solomon) Kgasi, student assistant, 1993–94 Wolfie Kodesh, volunteer: oral history field worker, 1993

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 Appendix

Professor Charles ‘Chuck’ Korr, University of Missouri (St Louis, USA) visiting fellow, 1993 Zwelethemba Kostile, student assistant, 1995–97; trainee archivist, 1998 Tango Lamani, student assistant, 1993 Rikkie Laugesen, intern (Denmark), 1996 Dr Peter Limb, visiting fellow (Australia), 1995 Dumisani Luphungela, student assistant, 1995 Misiwe Madikane, assistant archivist, 1999–2000; RIM 2000–2002 Lucy Magana, student assistant, 1997 Lucky Makamba, student assistant, 1995–96; trainee archivist, 1997; archivist, 1998 Wendy Manuel, secretary, 1991–97; administrative secretary, 1998–2000 Zabelo Mbita, trainee archivist, 1998; archivist, 1999–2001 Gordon Metz, administrative personnel, 1991–93; coordinator: film video and photography, 1995; coordinator: special projects, 1996 Rachidi Molapo, oral history administrator, 1994–95; coordinator: oral history, 1996 Khwezi ka Mpumlwana, trainee archivist, 1996; RIM, 1997–2000 Sylvia Msutwana, student assistant, 1991 Zolile Mvunelo, RIM‑appointed archivist, 1999–2000; RIM 1997–2007 Moses Mwewa, bookkeeper, 1999–2000 Tembile Ndabeni, student assistant, 1991 Simangele Ndimande, student assistant, 1995–96 Eglin Ngema, student assistant, 1994–95 Mlamli Ngudle, student assistant: archives, 1999–2000; RIM 2000– Agnes Nkoma‑Darch, internship (via Cape Technikon), 1996 Tholakele Nzuza, student assistant, 1993; trainee: books and archives, 1995 Professor André Odendaal, coordinator, 1991–92; professor and director, 1993–98; RIM, 1996 Leahlaba Phayane, trainee archivist, 1996; assistant archivist, 1997; archivist, 1998–2000; RIM, 2000– Elizabeth Ramasodi, student assistant, 1994 Dr Karel Roskam, visiting fellow (Netherlands), 1993–96 Luanda Rwexana, receptionist 1997–2000; RIM, 2000– Samir Satchu, visiting scholar (United Kingdom), 1995 Kier Schuringa, visiting fellow (Netherlands), 1993–95 Felicia Siebritz, administrator, 1994–95; coordinator: administration, 1996 Tembisa Siyo, trainee archivist, 1994

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Petra Smimanis, internship (Sweden), 1996 Mark Snyders, librarian, 1996 Babalwa Solwandle, bookshop assistant, 1997–2000; RIM, 2002–2021 Faried Stemmet, oral history field worker, 1991–93 Sophia Strandvik, internship (Sweden), 1996 Professor Les Switzer, Fulbright visiting fellow (USA), 1994 Mthobeli Tengimfene, oral history field worker, 1991–93 Lily van der Berg, volunteer (Netherlands), 1995 Esther van Driel, student assistant, 1996; trainee archivist, 1997; archivist, 1998–2000; RIM, 2000–2021 Annica van Gijlswyk, visiting archivist (Sweden), 1997 Carol van Wyk, student assistant, 1997; RIM‑appointed archivist, 1999–2000; RIM 2000– Sazi Veldtman, oral history field worker, 1991–93 Marike Victor, RIM‑appointed archivist, 1999–2000; RIM, 2000–2021 Peter Williams, student assistant, 1991 Richard Whiteing, RIM‑appointed resource coordinator, 1999–2000, RIM 2000– Nonkululeko Woko, archivist 1996–97, senior archivist, 1998 Dr Dorothy Woodson, Fulbright visiting fellow (USA), 1994–96 Simphiwe Yako, RIM‑appointed archivist, 1999–2000; RIM, 2000–

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Notes to pages xi–13

Endnotes Epigraph W. Benjamin, ‘Theses on the philosophy of history’, quoted in J. Saunders, Apartheid’s Friends: The rise and fall of South Africa’s secret service (John Murray, London, 2006).

Introduction 1. S. Heaney, The Cure at Troy: A version of Sophocles’ Philoctetes (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 1990). 2. S. Johnson, ‘SA is a place where hope, history rhyme’, Cape Times, 4 October 2002. 3. See, for example, Noel Solani’s introduction (videoed) to the NIHSS-Robben Island book project workshop, UWC library, 20 January 2017. 4. See Z. Vadi (ed.), Triumph of the Human Spirit: Ahmed Kathrada and Robben Island (Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, Johannesburg, 2015) for details.

Notes to Prologue 1.

A. Odendaal, ‘The historical significance and political importance of Robben Island’, Paper presented at a symposium organised by Peace Visions, Robben Island, 14 May 1994. 2. I. Naidoo, Island in Chains: Ten years on Robben Island (Penguin Books, Johannesburg, 1982), p. 88; Odendaal, ‘The historical significance and political importance of Robben Island’. 3. Naidoo, Island in Chains, pp. 65–66. 4. A. Mgxashe, ‘Back to the island’, The Argus, 10 February 1995. 5. ‘New year tourist wave hits historic jail’, Cape Times, 2 January 1997. 6. For the story of the Nkumanephone, see UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives: Ashwell Adriaan interview with Vusi Nkumane, 16 August 1999 and N.L.L Ramoupi, ‘“Izingoma zo Mzabalazo Esiqithini!” Role of songs in the African liberation struggle of South Africa, 1960–1991: A culture history of Robben Island’ (PhD dissertation, Howard University, Washington D.C, 2013), pp. 218–219. 7. M. Mgxashe, ‘Celebs Sentenced to Party, Party, Party’, IOL News, 31 December 1999, https:// www.iol.co.za/news/celebs-sentenced-to-party-party-party-24498, accessed 30 January 2021.

Notes to Chapter 1, The liberation struggle as incubator for RIM 1.

Quoted in J.K. Coetzee, Plain Tales From Robben Island (Van Schaiks, Pretoria, 2000), first page, with background image of Robben Island. 2. Quoted in A. Odendaal, ‘The historical significance and political importance of Robben Island’, Paper presented at a symposium organised by Peace Visions, Robben Island, 14 May 1994. 3. M. Dlamini, Hell-Hole Robben Island: Reminiscences of a political prisoner in South Africa (Africa World Press, Trenton, 1984). 4. Z. Vadi (ed.), Triumph of the Human Spirit: Ahmed Kathrada and Robben Island (Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, Johannesburg, 2015), p. 23. 5. A. Odendaal, ‘Robben Island – Bridgehead for Democracy’, Paper presented to Mayibuye Centre Winter School, Celebrating Democracy Festival, UWC, 15 July 1994. 6. B. Hutton, Robben Island: Symbol of resistance, MHLS no. 55 (Mayibuye Books, UWC in conjunction with SACHED Books, Johannesburg, 1994). 7. Ahmed Kathrada, ‘Opening address at the Esiqithini exhibition, South African Museum’, 26 May 1993, published in H. Deacon et al., Esiqithini: The Robben Island exhibition, MHLS no. 66 (South African Museum and Mayibuye Books, Cape Town, 1996); D. Moseneke, My Own Liberator: A memoir (Picador Africa, Johannesburg, 2016), pp. 120–121; G. Magomola, Robben Island to Wall Street, Unisa Press, Pretoria, 2009); N.L.L. Ramoupi, ‘Cultural resistance on Robben Island: Songs of struggle and liberation in southern Africa’ in W.H. Worger, C. Ambler and N. Achebe (Eds), A Companion to African History (Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell Publishers, 2019), pp. 459–489, DOI:10.1002/9781119063551.

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Notes to pages 14–23 8. C. Roberts, Sport in Chains (Township Publishing Co-operative, Cape Town, 1994), p. 2. 9. M. Keim and L. Bouah, ‘Sport and recreation on Robben Island’, UWC Research Repository, https://repository.uwc.ac.za/xmlui/, pp. 18–20. Also published in, The International Journal of Sports History, 30:16 (2013). 10. See C. Korr and M. Close, More than Just a Game: Soccer v apartheid (Harper Collins Publishers, London, 2008). 11. ‘The power of the dream, from Robben Island to Rio: An exhibition of South Africa and the Olympic Games, 1896–2016’ (Produced by the Department of Cultural Affairs and Sport, Western Cape, the Interdisciplinary Centre for Sports Science and Development and the UWC/ RIM Mayibuye Centre Archives, 2017). 12. Roberts, Sport in Chains, pp. 45, 53. 13. Roberts, Sport in Chains, p. 25. 14. Roberts, Sport in Chains, p. 25. 15. Roberts, Sport in Chains, p. 25. 16. G. Mbeki, Learning from Robben Island: The prison writings of Govan Mbeki, MHLS no. 1 (Mayibuye Books and David Philip, Cape Town, 1991), Introduction. 17. M. Dingake, My Fight Against Apartheid, MHLS no. 27 (Mayibuye Books, Bellville, 1991/1987), p. 173. 18. Albie Sachs collection: Minutes of the ANC Constititution Commission [Committee] proceedings, Lusaka, 8 January 1986, p. 2. 19. See Mbeki, Learning from Robben Island, pp. xx–xxiii. 20. Mbeki, Learning from Robben Island, p. xxi. 21. See Free Nelson Mandela, Festival Concert Book (Penguin, London, 1988). Text by M. Benson and L. Nickson. Foreword by W. Mandela. 22. For example, see D. Cruywagen, ‘Ex-prisoners “must have say in future of notorious jail”’, The Argus, 6 December 1991.

Notes to Chapter 2, UWC’s Mayibuye Centre: The conceptual base for RIM 1. 2.

3.

4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

A. Odendaal, S.G.M. Ridge and J.F. Smith, ‘From anti-apartheid to post-apartheid: The case of the University of the Western Cape’ (Mandela Reeks 3, Rijksuniversiteit te Utrecht, 1990), p. 8. A. Odendaal, ‘Developments in popular history in the Western Cape in the 1980s’ in J. Brown (ed.), History from South Africa: Alternative visions and practices (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1991). Also published in Radical History Review, 46:7 (1990). The mere fact of seeking to implement these programmes at this time was an important academic and intellectual statement, though existing conditions when these programmes were started, the implementation thereof and, particularly, the large numbers of students that had to be catered for, ensured this was not a process without flaws. See André Odendaal Collection: ‘Briefing for Jakes, London, 4 June 1988’ and the three volumes of the Academic Planning Committee Working Group regarding establishment of a historical and cultural centre, including an apartheid museum, at UWC, 17 August 1990: Background documents, volume 1, 1986–1987; Background documents, volume 2, 1988–1990; and, Background documents, volume 2 (annexure 1). UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives, Albie Sachs Collection, MCH 91-31-1-4a: Minutes of the Constitution Commission proceedings, Lusaka, 8–14 January 1986, p. 2. See A. Odendaal, ‘Dear Comrade President’: How Oliver Tambo laid the foundation of South Africa’s Constitution (Unpublished manuscript, 20 September 2020 draft), pp. 282, 286–287. Minutes of the Constitution Commission proceedings, Lusaka, 8–14 January 1986, p. 14; Memorandum to the NEC by the Constitution Committee, 20 September 1986; Joint NEC/ Con-Comm meeting held on 2 October 1984, Lusaka, p. 8. Zohra Ebrahim Collection, ‘CDS meeting at Community House on Sunday, 2 July 1989: land sector: minutes’, pp. 1–2; L. Steyn, co-interim co-ordinator of land, CDS, to comrades, 2 August 1989, attaching ‘CDS meeting at Community House on Sunday’, 2 July 1989. See K. Khouri and R. Salti (eds), Past Disquiet: Artists, international solidarity and museums-inexile (Museum of Modern Art, Warsaw, 2018), pp. 357–363.

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Notes to pages 23–25 9. 10.

11. 12.

13. 14.

15. 16.

17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

P. Kassan, ‘New art in parliament is Mayibuye’s R13 million baby’, UWC Perspectives 5:1 (1996), pp. 3–4. ‘New centre at UWC takes off’, UWC Campus Bulletin, 27 March 1991; ‘Museum vir apartheid kom’, Vrye Weekblad, 15 February 1991; F. Estherhuyse, ‘Archive on SA freedom for UWC’, Cape Times, 2 April 1991; Cape Times, 10 July 1991, pp. 1, 4; L. Vergnani, ‘Museum planned on apartheid era in South Africa’, The Chronicle of Higher Education, 22 May (1991); ‘Focus on apartheid’s anatomy’, Weekend Argus, 6 April 1991; G. Davis, ‘SA’s “lost” history recovered’, The Weekly Mail, 7 February 1992; ‘Groot UWK-museum oor apartheid byna voltooi’, Die Burger, 10 September 1991. See the Mayibuye Centre’s eight annual reports from 1991 to 1999 in the André Odendaal Collection. G. Davis, ‘Mayibuye to produce books for Africa’, The Weekly Mail, 12 June 1992; ‘Mayibuye book launch’, UWC Campus Bulletin, 24 July 1992. Among the Robben Island-related books in the MHLS not mentioned in these introductory chapters were biographical works like N. Shityuwete, Never Follow the Wolf: The autobiography of a Namibian freedom fighter, MHLS no. 60 (re-issued 1990); N. Babenia as told to Ian Edwards, Memoirs of a Saboteur: Reflections on my political activity in India and South Africa, MHLS no. 58 (1995); E. Daniels, There and Back: Robben Island, 1964–1979, MHLS no. 83 (1998); and B. Vassen (ed.), Letters from Robben Island: A selection of Ahmed Kathrada’s prison correspondence, 1964–1989, MHLS no. 92 (1999); general and educational histories of the island such as H. Deacon (ed.), The Island: A history of Robben Island, 1488–1990, MHLS no. 60 (1996); P. Berens et al (contributors), Dreaming of Freedom: The story of Robben Island, MHLS no. 56 (1995); and R. Malan, The Essential Robben Island, MHLS no. 84 (1997). Mayibuye Centre, Third Annual Report 1994, pp. 3, 13; film documentary: George Pemba: Painter of the people (A Mayibuye Centre and Jasmin Films production in association with Nedbank, 1995). A. Odendaal, ‘Dealing with the past/making deals with the past: Public history in South Africa in the 1990s’, Paper presented to the international conference titled, ‘Future of the Past: The production of history in a changing South Africa’, UWC, 1995. See also A. Odendaal (2002) and A. Odendaal ‘Analysis and action: Reflections on struggle, transformation and change in South Africa’, Address to Leeds Metropolitan University annual research conference, 9 September 2008, for elaborations on these themes. ‘Mozambican artist’s mural of hope’, The Argus, 2 February 1994; ‘UWC visual arts programme’, Northern Argus, 10 August 1994. The new Mayibuye Centre organised conferences, workshops and seminars dealing with issues such as ‘A century of the resistance press in South Africa’, the history and prospects of socialism, ‘Culture, struggle and transformation’, ‘Sport and change’, ‘Symbols for a democratic Cape Town’, ‘Women and change’, all highly relevant during the lead-up to the transition of 1994. Two important subsequent conferences were the ‘Future of the Past Conference’ on the production of history in a changing South Africa, organised jointly with the UWC’s Department of History in 1996, and an international conference on national identity and democracy held in conjunction with the Nordic Africa Institute on Robben Island in 1999, the proceedings of which were published. F. Esterhuyse, ‘The plot to free Mandela’, Weekend Argus and The Star, 23 May 1993. ‘How ANC agents stole apartheid’s killing secrets’, New Nation, 15 July 1994. C. Malan, ‘Slaap gerus’, Vrye Weekblad, 27 March 1993. C. Malan, ‘Slaap gerus’, Vrye Weekblad, 27 March 1993. See conference proceedings, Looking Backwards, Looking Forwards: Culture and Development Conference April–May 1993, MHLS no. 55 (Mayibuye Books in association with UNESCO, Cape Town, 1995). A. Odendaal, ‘“Give life to learning”: The way ahead for museums in a democratic South Africa’, Keynote address at South African Museums Association Annual Conference, East London on behalf of the ANC’s Commission for the Restructuring and Transformation of the Arts and Culture in South Africa (CREATE), 23 May 1994; ‘MUSA and the future of museums in South Africa’, Position papers of the African National Congress, prepared by the ANC’s Commission

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Notes to pages 26–33

23. 24.

25. 26.

for the Restructuring and Transformation of the Arts and Culture in South Africa (CREATE), July 1994. A. Odendaal, ‘Robben Island – Bridgehead for Democracy’, Paper presented to Mayibuye Centre Winter School, Celebrating Democracy Festival, 15 July 1994; ‘Learning in a hot quarry’, Weekend Argus, 16 July 1994. A. Odendaal, ‘The weight of history: Dealing with the past in South Africa’, South African Conference on Truth and Reconciliation organised by Justice in Transition, Cape Town; published in A. Boraine and J. Levy (eds.), The Healing of a Nation (Justice in Transition, Cape Town, 1995), pp. 16–17. Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa, Fourth Annual Report 1995, p. 2. Transcription of P. Lalu’s input to meeting of the UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives Planning Panel, Rector’s Boardroom, UWC, 10 September 2018. See the list of Mayibuye Centre staff, 1991–2000, in the Appendix of this book.

Notes to Chapter 3, Lobbying and planning: A new South African museums and heritage sector, 1990–1994 1.

I. Crews, ‘Island’s fate in spotlight: Businessmen wait in wings as government prepares to close political prison’, Sunday Times, 5 May 1991; P. Dennehey, ‘Island to go open “this year”’; K. Brynard, ‘Tronk dalk n museum’, Rapport Ekstra, 28 April 1991; ‘R. Rossouw, ‘Prisoners launch hunger strike’, South, 2 May 1991; ‘Pledge of consultation’, The Argus, 28 January 1993; 2. ‘Vredesinstituut, museum en vyfsterhotel vir eiland voorgestel’, Die Burger, 16 May 1994. 3. Anon, ‘Robben Island retold or From the apple box archives’, Staffrider, 10:3 (1992), pp. 34–41. 4. See R.D. Vassen (ed.), From Robben Island: A selection of Ahmed Kathrada’s prison correspondence, 1964–1989 (Michigan State University Press, East Lansing, 1999); A. Kathrada, Memoirs (Zebra Press, Cape Town, 2004). 5. UWC Historical and Cultural Centre brochure (undated [1991]), p. 3. 6. Kathrada, Memoirs, pp. 65–69. 7. André Odendaal Collection: A. Nzo, Secretary General, ANC to The Rector, UWC, 14 May 1991. 8. André Odendaal Collection: ‘Hands off the island – lecturer’, Cape Times (undated cutting [1991]). 9. C. Malan, ‘Slaap gerus’, Vrye Weekblad, 27 March 1993. 10. See Looking Backwards, Looking Forwards: Culture and Development Conference April–May 1993 (Mayibuye Books in association with UNESCO, Bellville, 1995); A. Odendaal, ‘“Give life to learning”: The way ahead for museums in a democratic South Africa’, Keynote address at South African Museums Association Annual Conference, East London on behalf of the ANC’s Commission for the Restructuring and Transformation of the Arts and Culture in South Africa (CREATE), 23 May 1994; ‘ANC CREATE MUSA and the future of museums in South Africa’, Position papers of the African National Congress, prepared by the ANC’s Commission for the Restructuring and Transformation of the Arts and Culture in South Africa (CREATE), July 1994. 11. Mayibuye Books in association with UNESCO, Looking Backwards, Looking Forwards. 12. See H. Deacon, N. Penn, A. Odendaal and P. Davidson (compilers), Esiqithini: The Robben Island exhibition, MHLS no. 62 (South African Library and Mayibuye Books, Cape Town, 1996); A. Zieminski, ‘We will not forget’, Learn and Teach, July 1993, pp. 18–19. 13. S. Watson article in Leadership South Africa, quoted in Mayibuye Centre Second Annual Report 1993, introduction. 14. André Odendaal Collection: Brochure of the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa [n.d.], ‘Messages of support’. 15. A. Odendaal, ‘The historical significance and political importance of Robben Island’, Paper presented at a symposium organised by Peace Visions, Robben Island, 14 May 1994; ‘Vredeinstituut, museum en vyfster hotel vir eiland voorgestel’, Die Burger, 16 May 1994. 16. A. Odendaal, ‘Give life to learning’. 17. For material on CREATE and ACTAG between 1991–1997, see André Odendaal Collection Boxes C27–C31. 18. See K. Khouri and R. Salti, Past Disquiet: Artists, international solidarity and museums-in-exile (Museum of Modern Art, Warsaw, 2018), pp. 357–364; exhibition brochure, ‘Art Against

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Notes to pages 33–48 Apartheid’; B. Streek, ‘Removal of apartheid relics begins, Cape Times, 23 January 1996; B. Streek, ‘New images needed for parliament’, Cape Times, 25 January 1995. 19. A. Odendaal, ‘The weight of history: Dealing with the past in South Africa’, Paper presented at the South African Conference on Truth and Reconciliation organised by Justice in Transition, Cape Town, 1994, published as ‘The legacy’ in A. Boraine and R. Schaeffer (eds.), Truth and Reconciliation in South Africa (IDASA, Cape Town, 1996), p. 16. 20. A. Mgxashe, ‘Back to the island’, The Argus, 10 February 1995. 21. See Robben Island: The reunion, MHLS no. 66 (Mayibuye Books, Bellville, 1996); Third Annual Report of the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa 1994, pp. 5–6 and cuttings section. 22. Lynette Maart Collection: Memorandum on ‘Makana Trust/Makana Investments Corp’ (undated and unsigned), p. 2. 23. Mgxashe, ‘Back to the Island’. 24. Fourth Annual Report of the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa 1995, p. 6. 25. André Odendaal Collection: ‘The Robben Island Gateway Project’, Mayibuye Centre information sheet, [n.d.]; ‘Gateway to a neglected past’, On Campus 3:19 (21 July 1994); Third Annual Report of the Mayibuye Centre 1994, p. 6. 26. André Odendaal Collection: ‘Opening of the Mayibuye Centre’s Robben Island Exhibition and Information Centre in the Cape Waterfront: Speech by Walter Sisulu’ [n.d.]. 27. L. Ashton, ‘The Len Ashton diary: A magnificent performance’, Weekend Argus, 22 July 1995; M. Venables, ‘Life of island prisoners put in sharp focus’, Sunday Times Cape Metro, 23 July 1995.

Notes to Chapter 5, The Mandate: Cabinet’s decision on the future of the island, 1994–1996 1. 2. 3.

4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

9.

André Odendaal Collection: A.M. Kathrada to Prof. G.J Gerwel, Cabinet Secretary, 21 August 1996, enclosing ‘Report and recommendations of the Future of Robben Island Committee for presentation to Cabinet, Cape Town, 21 August 1996’. Report and recommendations of the Future of Robben Island Committee for presentation to Cabinet, Cape Town, 21 August 1996. André Odendaal Collection: ‘Island’s last political prisoners transferred’, Cape Times (undated cutting [May 1991]). The Cape Times reported that nine were in hospital because of the hunger strikes and ANC spokepersons Willie Hofmeyr and Trevor Manuael demanded for the final release of all political prisoners according to agreements reached after February 1990 and expressed ‘complete outrage’ at the government ‘for this move of people whose physical weakness after 15 days of hunger strike is being exploited’. André Odendaal Collection: ‘Media statement by the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, Mr Lionel Mtshali on the future management and development of Robben Island’, 4 September 1997. Report and recommendations of the Future of Robben Island Committee for presentation to Cabinet. See, for example, André Odendaal Collection: Personnel budget of Declared Cultural Institution, 1 January–30 March 1997; G. Metz to M. Rennie, J. van der Westhuizen and T. Baartman, enclosing Robben Island Business Plan, 6 November 1996. R. Friedman, ‘Robben Island’s prison doors shut: Last convicts transferred to mainland’, Cape Times, 19 November 1996. W.M. Gumede, ‘Robben Island now lighthouse of triumph: Prison becomes place of reconciliation after 400 years of infamy’, Cape Argus, 19 December 1996; R. Friedman, ‘End of an era for Robben Island’, Cape Times, 19 December 1996; André Odendaal Collection: ‘Address by Honourable Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, Lionel Mtshali, on the occasion of the handover of Robben Island by the Department of Correctional Services, Robben Island’, 18 December 1996. This section is based directly on A. Odendaal, ‘How Robben Island Museum was established’, Ilifa Labantu, Heritage of the People, September 1997, vol. 1, 8th edition, p. 4, as well as on

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Notes to pages 50–58 various files in the André Odendaal Collection, especially ‘The Minister: Report on the Robben Island Project to date’, n.d. [1997].

Notes to Chapter 6, Throwing open the prison doors, 1 January 1997 1.

2.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

11. 12. 13.

14. 15. 16. 17.

W.M. Gumede, ‘Robben Island opens new chapter in history’, The Argus, 2 January 1997; ‘New year tourist wave hits historic jail’, Cape Times, 2 January 1997; ‘Publiek staan tou vir eerste vaart na eiland’, Die Burger, 2 January 1997. The EPPC executive committee members present included chairperson Ahmed Kathrada, Tokyo Sexwale, Khwedi Mkalipi, Barbara Hogan, Soto Ndukwana, Ben Fani and Peter Paul Ngwenya. See, for example, ‘New year tourist wave hits historic jail’, Cape Times, 2 January 1997; M. Mgxashe, ‘’’New’ island for a new South Africa’ and ‘Island of shame to island of fame’, Weekend Argus, 28 December 1996; Opinion piece, ‘Island of shame to island of fame, Weekend Argus, 4 January 1997; A. Baleta, ‘Setting the island free from brutal past’, Weekend Argus, 15 February 1997. André Odendaal Collection: RIM, ‘Media release, 28.12.1996: Opening of Robben Island Museum’. André Odendaal papers, ‘Robben Island selected newsclippings 1997’. ‘A. Baleta, ‘Tears for Madiba as tourists relive prison hardships’, Weekend Argus, 11 January 1997. André Odendaal Collection: Brochure for ‘A holy pilgrimage of reconciliation and hope to Robben Island’ (Quo Vadis Publications, Cape Town, 1997); ‘Robben island a place of inspiration’, Cape Times, 3 March 1997. A. Baleta, ‘Sangomas pay homage to unsung heroes of Robben Island’, Sunday Argus, 24 February 1997. ‘Robben Island blockade, Tourist invasion halted’, Sunday Argus, 5 January 1997; ‘Tour fleet “invades” Robben Island’, Sunday Times, 5 January 1997. ‘Public outraged by island rape’, Cape Times, 22 January 1997. ‘MPs demand action on rape bail’, Cape Times, 23 January 1997; ‘ANC women united in condemning island rape, call for tougher action countrywide’, Cape Argus, 23 January 1997; ‘Standing together in times of trauma’, Cape Times, 24 January 1997; ‘Nomboniso Gasa reclaims the island at press conference on January 23’ (Pictures by Hellen McDonald), Ilifa Labantu, vol. 1, no. 2, February 1997; ‘Women rekindle flame on the island’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 1, no. 3, March 1997; ‘Gasa welcomes findings’, Cape Times, 4 April 1997. André Odendaal Collection: A. Odendaal letter to UWC Executive Forum requesting continuation of secondment to RIM [November 1997]. See also RIM brochures: ‘Plants on Robben Island’; ‘Birds on Robben Island’; ‘Animals on Robben Island’. André Odendaaal Collection: See green and white RIM postcard with artwork, titled ‘Robben Island ‘98’, produced during this children’s camp. See RIM brochure: ‘Thirty Minutes. Installation by nine artists’ (RIM, Cape Town, 1997); ‘Engaging the Shades’, brochure on the artists-in-residence programme (RIM, Cape Town, 1997); 1998 calendar, RIM, ‘Siwela Ngaphesheya/Crossing the Waters’, designed and produced by Typeface Media, Cape Town; ‘Artists for prison isle’, Cape Times, 27 March 1997; ‘The art of living on the island’, Sunday Times Extra, 1 June 1997; ‘Music ousts the blues from Robben Island’, Cape Times, 9 April 1997; ‘Rocking Robben Island’, Mail & Guardian, 16 May 1997. See M. Pissarra (ed.), Awakenings: The art of Lionel Davis (Africa South Art Initiative in association with the District Six Museum and the Centre for Humanities Research, UWC, Cape Town, 2017). ‘Robben Island’s bonanza banquet: R5-m raised for needy prisoners at celebrity get-together’, Sunday Argus, 23 March 1997. See André Odendaal Collection: Second-last paragraph of the media statement by the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, Mr Lionel Mtshali on the future management and development of Robben Island, 4 September 1997. See, for example, André Odendaal Collection: Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, Guidelines for the development of Robben Island, June 1997 – Appendix A in director’s report to RIM Council, January 1998.

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Notes to pages 58–74 18.

19. 20.

21. 22. 23. 24.

‘The Robben Island Museum Vision and Mission’, Ilifa Labantu, Heritage of the People, November 1997, vol. 4, no. 4, 2000, p. 2. Statement by the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, Mr Lionel Mtshali, on the future management and development of Robben Island, 4 September 1997. See the list of baseline studies and planning documents in the Select Bibliography. Barbara Hogan Collection: Graphs showing ‘Total staff ratios’, December 1997, attached to minutes of the second meeting of the RIM Council held on Robben Island, 17–18 January 1998. See also ‘Message from the administrator’, Ilifa Labantu, December 1997, vol. 1, no. 10 on the new staff and new offerings RIM introduced from December 1997. ‘Classy new ferry takes visitor to Robben Island in style’, Ilifa Labantu, December 1997, vol. 1, no. 10, p. 4; ‘Fury over Robben Island ferry contract’, Weekend Argus, 12 December 1998. ‘New logo represents Robben Island’s transformation’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 1, no. 9, October 1997, p. 1. A. Odendaal, ‘The administrator on nine months and a new baby’, Ilifa Labantu, Heritage of the People, vol. 1, no. 8, 1997, pp. 2–3. A. Odendaal, ‘The administrator on nine months and a new baby.’

Notes to Chapter 7, Official launch by Nelson Mandela, 24 September 1997 1.

Mandela’s speech received widespread coverage: see J. Rantao, ‘Museums must rewrite history says Mandela: “Our people shown as lesser beings”’, Cape Argus, 25 September 1997; R. Freidman, ‘Mandela slams racist museums’, Cape Times, 24 September 1997; P. Ngubane, ‘Colonial museums criticised’, Mercury, 25 September 1997; M. Tsedu, ‘Our heritage deserves to be depicted with care, accuracy’, Sowetan, 26 September 1997.

Notes to Chapter 8, Consolidation, commemoration, celebration: On the way to UNESCO World Heritage Site status, 1998–2000 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

‘New Robben Island Museum Council in 2001’, Ilifa Labantu, Heritage of the People, vol. 4, no. 4, December 2000, p. 2. A. Odendaal, ‘The administrator on nine months and a new baby’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 1, no. 8, September 1997, p. 3. Barbara Hogan Collection: ‘Minutes of the inaugural meeting of the Robben Island Museum Council on 4 December 1997 at 10.30 in the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology’s conference room, 7th floor, Oranje Nassau Building, 188 Schoeman Street, Pretoria’. ‘Robben Island workers revolt’, Cape Times, 14 January 1998. ‘The Robben Island Museum Vision and Mission’, Ilifa Labantu, Heritage of the People, vol. 4, no. 4, December 2000, p. 2. ‘Minutes of the second meeting of the Robben Island Museum Council, held on Robben Island, 17–18 January 1998’. See the profiles of the new RIM management team in Ilifa Labantu, vol. 2, no. 4, June 1988, pp. 5–8. See ‘Obituary: Lizo Bright Ngqungwana, 38’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 2, no. 5, June 1998, p. 3. See ‘The final beginning’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 2, no. 5, June 1998, p. 6. The final beginning’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 2, no. 5, June 1998, p. 6. Shipwrecked on Robben island’, ‘Tuna trawler on the rocks’ and ‘Island of surprises …’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 2, no. 4 [not 3 as indicated], May 1998, pp. 1, 2, 5. ‘The final beginning’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 2, no. 5 [not 4 as indicated], June 1998, p. 8. Lynette Maart Collection: ‘Report to the Robben Island Museum Council (Executive and Finance Committees) to be held on 13 August 1999 on the short listing of the ferry service provider, with Appendices 1–7’. ‘Report to the Robben Island Museum Council (Executive and Finance Committees) to be held on 13 August 1999’, pp. 6–8. Lynette Maart papers: Memorandum on Makana Trust/Makana Investments Corp’, [undated and unsigned]. ‘Tourism summit’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 3, no. 1, January 1999, p. 11.

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Notes to pages 75–81 17. 18.

19. 20.

21. 22. 23. 24. 25.

See a list of these professional baseline reports in the Select Bibliography. ‘Minutes of the meeting of the Robben Island Museum Council held on 27 and 28 February 1999 at the Capetonian Hotel, Cape Town, p. 2’; André Odendaal collection: Application for inclusion on the World Heritage List, Robben Island, signed by Zweledinga Pallo Jordan, Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, 11 June 1998, with addendum, ‘Decision of the World Heritage Committee, Excerpt from the report of the 23rd session of the World Heritage Committee, 4 December 1999. ‘RIM director reflects on the year that was’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 3, no. 1, January 1999, p. 3. Barbara Hogan Papers: ‘Minutes of the sixth meeting of the Robben Island Museum Council held on 28/29 November 1998 at the Guest House on Robben Island’; ‘Minutes of the [seventh] meeting of the Robben Island Museum Council held on 27 and 28 February 1999 at the Capetonian Hotel, Cape Town’; ‘Proposal on RIM Robben Island Memories Project from the director’, and ‘Recommendations from the Council Sub-Committee on RIM Liaison with Ex-Political Prisoners, 8 June 1999’. All the items and quotes listed here appeared in the 2002 Robben Island Museum calendar, produced by Printing Concepts/Free Spirits and the publications unit of the RIM Marketing Department. Photographs by Claire McNulty. Copyright RIM. See 1998 calendar, Robben Island Museum, designed and produced by Typeface Media, Cape Town; 1999 calendar, Robben Island Museum and University of the Western Cape, produced by the environmental educational and resources unit, UWC. ‘New tours, new exhibitions, new facilities’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 3, no. 2, November 1999, p. 5. See also Chapter 26 below. J. Gowans, ‘SA waits to hear if World Heritage Sites will get the green light’, Sunday Tribune, 4 July 1999; ‘World Heritage Site status’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 3, no. 2, November 1999. ‘Millenium countdown: Robben Island will be the site of one of the most notable millenium events in the world on December 31, 1999’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 3, no. 2, November 1999.

Notes to Chapter 9, Putting in place building blocks for the future 1. 2.

‘Long term development framework’ in RIM Annual Report 2001/2, inside back cover. André Odendaal Collection: Cabinet recommendations on the future management and development of Robben Island, 4 September 1997 in Appendix A: Legal background and development framework for Robben Island, n.d., p. 60. 3. André Odendaal Collection: Personnel budget of Declared Cultural Institution, 1 January– 30 March 1997; G. Metz to M. Rennie, J. van der Westhuizen and T. Baartman, enclosing Robben Island Business Plan, 6 November 1996. 4. André Odendaal, Director RIM to Dr Rob Adam, Director-General of DACST, 14 November 1999; ‘Preparation for the incorporation of the Mayibuye Centre into the Robben Island Museum’, Appendix 10: Implementation plan: UWC/RIM Agreement, undated report to RIM Council; C. Hendricks, Funisa Forensic and Investigative Accounting Group (Pty) Ltd, to L. Maart, RIM, Draft report on the financial aspects of the Mayibuye Centre budget [re incorporation into RIM, 16 November 1999; Presentation to joint meeting off RIM Council, Executive and Finance Committees, regarding the UWC/Robben Island Mayibuye Archives [20 November 1999. 5. Memorandum of Agreement between Robben Island Museum and the University of the Western Cape in respect of the UWC Robben Island Museum Mayibuye Archives, signed by Ahmed Kathrada, chairperson RIM Council, and Professor Cecil Abrahams, Rector UWC, [2000] 6. See Ilifa Labantu, vol. 4, no. 4, June 2000, p. 3; Ilifa Labantu, vol. 5, no. 1, September 2001, p. 3; UWC/Robben Island Mayibuye Archives, A Guide to the Collections of Robben Island Museum (Robben Island Museum, Cape Town, 2001; André Odendaal Collection: Address by Deputy President Zuma at the official opening of the UWC-Robben Island Mayibuye Archives, 13 June 2001. 7. See the special mention made of the RITP in ‘Four decades of academic achievement and actvism’: UWC graduation ceremonies’, Cape Times, 24 March 2000. 8. See C. Gazi, ‘Robben Island meeting to thrash out PAC election plan’, Daily Dispatch,

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Notes to pages 81–93 9.

M. Maharaj (ed.), assisted by C. Bauer and E. Barratt, ‘The great debate: unity, diversity and race in South Africa’, A special supplement, June 2001. The other four publication in the Robben Island Memories Series were: G.M. Houser and H. Shore (eds.), I Will Go Singing: Walter Sisulu speaks of his life and the struggle for freedom in South Africa (RIM in association with the Africa Fund, New York, n.d.); E. Schreiner, Time Stretching Fear: The detention and solitary confinement of 14 anti-apartheid trialists, 1987–1991 (RIM, Cape Town, 2000); R. Mhlaba narrated to Thembeka Mufamadi, Raymond Mhlaba’s Personal Memoirs: Reminiscing from Rwanda and Uganda (RIM with Human Sciences Research Council, Cape Town, 2001); J.K. Coetzee, L. Gilfillan and O. Hulec, Fallen Walls: Voices from the cells that held Mandela and Havel (Lidove Noviny Publishing House, Czechoslovakia and RIM, Cape Town, 2002). 10. See RIM Annual Report 2001–2002, pp. 9–10 and Chapter 27 below. 11. ‘Minutes of the meeting of the Robben Island Museum Council held on 27 and 28 February 1999 at the Capetonian Hotel, Cape Town’, pp. 5–6. 12. See Chapter 31. 13. See Chapter 37 for more on the replica cell issue. 14. See Chapter 34. 15. N.L.L. Ramoupi, ‘Acknowledgements’ in ‘“Izingoma zo Mzabalazo Esiqithini!” Role of songs in the African liberation struggle of South Africa, 1960–1991: A culture history of Robben Island’ (Unpublished dissertation, Howard University, Washington D.C., 2013), p. vi. 16. B. Ngcaweni and S. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Nelson R. Mandela: Decolonial ethics of liberation and servant leadership (Africa World Press, Trenton, 2018). 17. X. Mangcu, ‘The Aristocrat and the Revolution’ (Unpublished draft biography of Nelson Mandela, 2019). 18. M. Mamdani, ‘Lessons from the South African transition’, Tambo Foundation Lecture Series, 21 October 2020. 19. Robben Island Museum Annual Report 2001–2002, p. 7. 20. See I. du Toit, ‘Odendaal makes mark on the island’ in ‘Special Section’, Weekend Argus/Sunday Argus, 22 December 2001, p. 1. 21. Robben Island Museum Annual Report 2001–2002, pp. 6–8; Ilifa Labantu, vol. 6, no. 1, June 2002, pp. 1–6. 22. André Odendaal Collection: Nelson Mandela Foundation, ‘Address by former President Nelson Mandela at the opening of the Nelson Mandela Gateway to Robben Island’, 1 December 2001. 23. ‘RIM administrator attends Nobel Award ceremony’, Ilifa Labantuu, vol. 1, no. 10, 1999, p. 1.

Notes to Chapter 10, A dirty tricks campaign unfolds, 2001 1.

2.

3.

4.

‘Former Robben Island financial manager tells of night-time forensic raid on his files’, Cape Times, 19 July 2002; A. Forbes and N. van Niekerk to A. Odendaal, 12 November 2001; A. Forbes reports: ‘Report about the unauthorised entering of the Estates and Finance offices on 31 October 2001’ and ‘Background information as I have been able to ascertain about a raid on the Estates and Finances offices’, 12 November 2001. A. Forbes, ‘Report about the unauthorised entering of the Estates and Finance offices on 31 October 2001’and ‘Background information as I have been able to ascertain about a raid on the Estates and Finances offices’, 12 November 2001; D. Tungwana to A. Odendaal, 23 November 2001; N. Madikizela-Renene to A. Odendaal, 23 November 2001; That this was no kid-gloves treatment was indicated in a later press report that I had ‘forced’ him to ‘apologise in writing’: D. Caelers, ‘Island of disillusion’, The Argus, 13 July 2002. See the following reports of the problems: ‘Memorandum from Professor A. Odendaal to Robben Island Museum Council, Autshumato Marine ferry service contract’, 15 March 2002; ‘Memorandum from Professor A. Odendaal to the Robben Island Museum Council re Autshumato Marine ferry service contract’, 20 June 2002, plus annexures A–K; ‘A. Odendaal, Director to RIM Executive Committee of Council’, 3 July 2002, with attachments re ‘Relations with Autshumatu after 20 June 2002’. According to Forbes, he was going through an acrimonious divorce from his wife, and the process had for some time been very messy and stressful for him because she had had an affair with a government minister (also a prominent ex-Robben Islander). As he later recounted it, his wife

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Notes to pages 93–103

5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

told him the minister could destroy his life if he went public with their story. Among those giving her ‘moral, political and other support’ was one of her best friends, the wife of Vincent James. As the RIM crisis built up, Ashley had remarried and his new partner, Portia Johnston, gave birth to their daughter, Michaela, on the island on 13 March 2002, at the very stage that the crisis went public. Against this background of emotional distress and ex-Islander dynamics, he chose to focus on his day-to-day duties and stay out of any controversy. André Odendaal interview with Ashley Forbes, Kenilworth, Cape Town, 5 January 2021; A. Forbes email to A. Odendaal, 9 January 2021. V. James to A. Forbes, 11 December 2001 in ‘Director’s report to the eighteenth meeting of the Robben Island Museum Council, Cape Town’, 16 March 2002, p. 207. ‘Memorandum: Professor A. Odendaal to Robben Island Museum Council, Autshumato Marine ferry service contract’, 15 March 2002. V. James to L. Maart, 29 January 2002; A. Forbes to A. Odendaal, 28 June 2002, re ‘Autshumato non-compliance’. L. Maart to V. James, 1 February 2002. ‘Affidavit: Lynette Maart before Commissioner of Oaths, Mowbray Police Station’, 8 August 2002. ‘Affidavit: Lynette Maart’, 8 August 2002.

Notes to Chapter 11, The pressure on RIM intensifies 1. 2.

‘Director’s report in Robben Island Museum Annual Report 2001–2002, p. 6. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, ‘The danger of a single story’, TEDGlobal July 2009, https://www. ted.com/talks/chimamanda_ngozi_adichie_the_danger_of_a_single_story?language=en , accessed 18 April 2016. 3. See Robben Island Museum Annual Report 2001–2002, p. 11. One of the books was Reflections in Prison, edited by Mac Maharaj and co-published with Zebra Press. As mentioned earlier, 1.7 million copies of a special supplement prominently displaying RIM’s logo were printed in 13 South African newspapers to go with it. 4. ‘Memorandum: Professor A. Odendaal to Robben Island Museum Council, Autshumato Marine ferry service contract’, 15 March 2002. 5. For Colonel Mbangwa’s affiliations see, Ilifa Labantu, Vol. 6, No. 1, June 2002, p. 12; Ahmed Kathrada Papers: Confirmatory affadavit by Sibusisio Robert Mbangwa, Pretoria, 29 July 2003. 6. ‘Memorandum: Professor A. Odendaal to Robben Island Museum Council, Autshumato Marine ferry service contract’, 15 March 2002. 7. ‘RIM Committee of Ex-Prisoners and Workers to Chairperson of the Council’, 6 March 2002. 8. [signature not clear], ‘Ex-Political Prisoners, Western Cape to A. Kathrada’, 10 March 2002. 9. V. Mcongo, Coordinator, Concerned staff and Robben Island political prisoners, to A. Kathrada, 9 and 20 May 2002.

Notes to Chapter 12, The rupture, July 2002 1. 2. 3.

4. 5.

André Odendaal diary notes, 13 May 2002. A. Odendaal to [M. M.], 17 May 2002; AO diary notes, 17 May 2002. A. Forbes, ‘Report about the unauthorised entering of the Estates and Finance offices on 31 October 2001’ and ‘Background information as I have been able to ascertain about a raid on the Estates and Finances offices’, 12 November 2001; D. Tungwana to A. Odendaal, 23 November 2001; N. Madikizela-Renene to A. Odendaal, 23 November 2001; see H. Smith, memorandum regarding FCS report, H. Smith to ‘Mr Kathrada and Mr Martin’, 11 July 2002; DACST and Robben Island Museum, ‘Investigation of issues contained in the Commercial Solutions CC report on Robben Island Museum’, Final report, 9 April 2003; A. Kathrada, ‘Some thoughts on Robben Island’, 11 December, 2004, sent to ‘Prof’ [I. Mosala] for the attention of Minister Pallo Jordan, 2 December 2009. A. Kathrada, ‘Some thoughts on Robben Island’, 11 December 2004. ‘Report of the Auditor-General to Parliament’ in Robben Island Museum Annual Report 2001–2002, p. 16.

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Notes to pages 103–114 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

25.

Dr B.S. Ngubane to A. Kathrada, chairperson, RIM Council, 5 June 2002. ‘Minutes of the meeting between the RIM Council and the Concerned Group of Ex-Political Prisoners held at the Gateway on Friday, 07 June 2002 at 13h00’. A.M. Kathrada to S. Buthelezi, 16 March 2002; memorandum from Professor A. Odendaal to Robben Island Museum Council, ‘Autshumato Marine ferry service contract’, 15 March 2002. ‘Review of Autshumato Ferries (Pty) Ltd (“Autshumato”) annual financial statements’, 3 June 2003. V. Mcongo to D. Tungwana, 6 July 2002. Memorandum: V. Mcongo to Robben Island Council, 6 July 2002. V. Mcongo to A. Kathrada, 8 July 2002; V. Mcongo ‘Memorandum to Robben Island Council’, 8 July 2002. V. Mcongo, ‘Memorandum to Robben Island Council’, 8 July 2002. A.M. Kathrada and B. Martins to V. Mcongo, 9 July 2002; A.M. Kathrada and B. Martins to Dr B.S. Ngubane, 10 July 2002. André Odendaal diary notes, 7 July 2002. ‘RIM minutes of special council meeting held on Friday 12 July 2002 at the Nelson Mandela Gateway to Robben Island, V&A Waterfront’. V. James to A. Forbes, 8 July 2002. M. Gosling, ‘Former Robben Island inmates lock themselves up in jail’, Cape Times, 11 July 2002. A.M. Kathrada and B. Martins to Dr B.S. Ngubane, 10 July 2002. Robben Island Museum: ‘Copy of letter of resignation by Prof. André Odendaal, Director to A.M. Kathrada, Chairperson, 11 July 2002 (For press release at 12h00)’; A. Odendaal to A.M. Kathrada, 10 August, 2002. ‘Letter of resignation by Prof. André Odendaal’, 11 July 2002. See E. Sylvester, ‘Island’s museum boss quits’, Cape Argus, 11 July 2002. André Odendaal diary notes, 18 July 2002. See A. Odendaal, The Story of an African Game: Black cricketers and the unmasking of one of cricket’s greatest myths, South Africa, 1850–2003 (New Africa Books and Human Sciences Research Council, Cape Town, 2003). The book shed light on an unexplored area of cricket history and was shortlisted for the Cricket Society’s Book of the Year Award in Britain, sponsored by the Sir Time Rice Trust and The Times newspaper. André Odendaal diary notes, 18 July 2002.

Notes to Chapter 13, Downward spiral of an institution and its vision 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

B. Ndzenze, ‘Ex-prisoner to take charge of Robben Island Museum’, Cape Times, 22 April 2005. Barbara Hogan Collection: A.M. Kathrada to ‘Prof’ [I. Mosala], 2 December 2009. Editorial – ‘Robben Island’, Cape Times, 17 July 2002; ‘Robbeneiland’, Die Burger, 18 July 2002. A. Kathrada, ‘Some thoughts on Robben Island’, 11 December 2004. ‘Ex-Political Prisoners Council (Western Cape), Progress report, September 2002’. Barbara Hogan Collection: ‘EPPC Minutes of the meeting with the Coastal Structure’, 1 October 2002; ‘P.-P. Ngwenya memorandum to Ex-Political Prisoners Committee’, 19 November 2002. ‘Bitter fight over Robben Island’, Sunday Times, 23 February 2003; ‘Cops probe graft on Robben Island’, Sunday Times, 9 March 2003. Z. Vadi (ed.), Triumph of the Human Spirit: Ahmed Kathrada and Robben Island (Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, Johannesburg, 2015). T. Oosterwyk, ‘Porn firings “part of Island struggle”’, Cape Times, 17 March 2003. Barbara Hogan Collection: ‘Ex-Political Prisoners Council (Western Cape), Progress report, September 2002’. ‘4 Robben Island workers fired over porn allegations’, Cape Times, 17 February 2003; ‘Bitter fight over Robben Island’, Sunday Times, 23 February 2003. For an insight into the unsavoury process she experienced, see L. Maart to A.M. Kathrada, chairperson of council, 3 February 2003; M. Potgieter to Mr Martin [sic], 17 February 2003; M. Potgieter to A.M. Kathrada, 17 February 2003; L. Maart resignation letter to B. Martins and P. Langa, Interim Directors, 28 November 2003.

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Notes to pages 114–122 12. 13. 14. 15.

16. 17. 18.

19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33.

34. 35. 36.

L. Maart resignation letter to B. Martins and P. Langa, Interim Directors, 28 November 2003. L. Maart resignation letter to B. Martins and P. Langa, Interim Directors, 28 November 2003. L. Maart resignation letter to B. Martins and P. Langa, Interim Directors, 28 November 2003. She helped develop two exhibitions here, each with its own publication and brochure: ‘Glimpsing Hope, Marching for Peace’ about the 1989 peace marches across the country, and later ‘An African Tale of the Mother City’ about the struggle of African people to secure housing and other rights in the Western Cape. Robben Island Museum Annual Report, 2001–2002, pp. 14, 19. See O. N. Morakinyo, ‘A historical and conceptual analysis of the African Programme in Museum and Heritage Studies (APMHS), 1997–2009’ (PhD dissertation, University of the Western Cape, 2011) for details. A. Odendaal, ‘Heritage and the arrival of post-colonial history in South Africa’, Address to the South African Museums Association Annual Conference, Durban, 2002; A. Odendaal, ‘Heritage creation and research: The restructuring of historical studies in Southern Africa’, Keynote address at the Biennial Conference of the South African Historical Association, Rand Afrikaans University, Johannesburg, 24–26 June 2002. See G. Frieselaar, ‘(Re)collections in the archive: Making and remaking the International Defence and Aid Fund (IDAF) archive’ (PhD dissertation, University of the Western Cape, 2015). André Odendaal Collection: A. Nzo, Secretary General, ANC to The Rector, UWC, 14 May 1991. See Second Annual Report of the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa 1993, Sections 2 and 3. Lynette Maart Collection: L. Maart, Deputy Director to B. Martins and P. Langa, Interim Directors, August 2002. Information from the then estates manager, Ashley Forbes, 5 January 2021. RIM Annual Report 2001–2002, inside back cover. ‘Director’s report to the eighteenth meeting of the RIM Council’, 17 March 2002, pp. 4–8; A. Odendaal, Director to P. Pedlar, CFO, DACST, 20 May 2002. ‘Robben Island Museum minutes of the twenty-second council meeting held on 10 May 2003 at the Nelson Mandela Gateway’; ‘Minutes of special council meeting of Robben Island Museum Council held on 21 June 2003 on Robben Island’. Barbara Hogan Collection: ‘Director’s report to the eighteenth meeting of the RIM Council’, 17 March 2002, pp. 6–7. RIM Annual Report 2001–2002, inside back cover; Lynette Maart Collection: ‘Terms of Reference: Planning process (DBSA)’, [no date]; André Odendaal Collection: National Treasury manual’, ‘Public Private Partnerships’, 2001. H. Bamford, ‘December deadline for new Robben Island ferry tender’, Sunday Argus, 25 November 2007. B. Ndzenze, ‘Robben Island sees R25 million loss’, Cape Times, 14 November 2007; H. Bamford, ‘December deadline for Robben Island ferry tender’, Sunday Argus, 25 November 2007. C. Nullis, ‘South Africa struggles to maintain Mandela prison-turned-museum’, Seattle Times, 15 July 2008; media statement by Seelan Naidoo, interim CEO on behalf of the RIM Council, 27 January 2009; ‘Possible sabotage to ferry probed’, Cape Times, 18 November 2010, p. 3. B. Ndzenze, ‘Robben Island sees R25m loss’, Cape Times, 14 November 2007. Media statement by Seelan Naidoo, 27 January 2009. Besides Ntsiki, the members were Mnyamezeli Booi, Phillip Dexter, Ebrahim Ebrahim, Enoch Godongwana, Mxolisi ‘Ace’ Mgxashe, Popo Molefe, Brett Myrdal, Carl Niehaus, Estelle Randall, Trevor Sandwith and Desmond Stevens, secretary of the MKVA (Sunday Argus, 25 November 2007). C. du Plessis, ‘R2 million “wasted” at Robben Island’, Timeslive, 28 September 2010, https:// timeslive.co.za-news/south-africa/2010-09-27-r2m-wasted-at-robben-Island/, accessed on 6 May 2021. Reader’s report to M. Nxawe, 16 March 2021. André Odendaal diary notes, 23 July 2002.

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Notes to pages 126–137

Notes to Chapter 14, Narrative design and memory-making as healing modality: The ethos of early RIM education and public programming 1.

2.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

The term ‘programme’ used in this chapter refers to the deliberate and strategic educational interventions planned for, costed and resourced with appropriate people. For many years, education within museums was largely ad hoc and consisted of only short-term activities. This idea of ‘programming’ has become far more popular as the role of education within museums was integrated into the priority functions of museums. Author’s acknowledgement: To those on whose shoulders we stand, both living and in the ancestral realm; the board and leadership of the RIM who gave permission to adventure into new ways of doing; the formidable RIM Education Department team – each one so different, the collective so powerful; wonderful colleagues in the Heritage and Tours departments with whom we collaborated very closely; EPPs and their ‘Next Generations’ who embraced our questions and askings so openly; academics, educators, learners and partner organisations and institutions without whom this work would not have been possible. D. Atkinson and P. Dash (eds), The Art of Memory Making in Social and Critical Practices in Art Education (Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham Books, 2005). The blog reflects on the Spring School experience by one of the participant institutions. See http:// albanymuseum.blogspot.co.za/2010/10/robben-island-museum-spring-school.html. Phakamani/later Mothertongue Project, New Africa Theatre Association, Community Arts Project, Bush Radio and Molo Songololo to name a few. The composition of the team itself was very carefully constructed so as to represent age, demographic, skills, gender, political persuasion and other forms of diversity. Both studies conducted intensive interviews with all stakeholders and actors within the Education Department’s programming, beneficiaries, facilitators, leadership and partner organisations. Political prisoners on release from prison, no matter the length of the sentence, were each given an apple box in which to pack their belongings. The apple box was used as a symbol and container of memory, artefacts and mobility. And here I speak of both perpetrators and beneficiaries of apartheid and those who suffered under it. Though privilege ‘cushioned’ perpetrators from the brutality of a police state, selfhood and self-love were inevitably affected. Blindness, wilful or not, reduces the ability to see oneself and others. And across Africa, as, by this stage, I was conducting training across the African continent on heritage education and public programming. This included the then RIM Education Department-led RITP, a postgraduate programme in heritage management studies with the universities of the Western Cape and Cape Town. A. Skinses, ‘Stigma, identity and human rights: The experience of leprosy in the age of HIV/AIDS, Integration, Dignity and Economic Advancement, vol. 10, no. 1, January–June 2005. F.A.V. Nunes, Brazil, IDEA’s First President for International Advocacy, quoted in the report written by Anwei Skinses Law in 2006, at the invitation of RIM Visiting Scholars Programme. Heidi Grunebaum, Noel Solani and Harriet Deacon are some of the scholars who have explored this extensively. These are practically orientated courses which are certificated, enabling learners to access further or higher education. Testimony of prison warder, Gerhard Brandt 1998.

Notes to Chapter 15, Creating a new generation of heritage and museum leaders: The inception of the Robben Island Training Programme 1. S. Badat, The Challenges of Transformation in Higher Education and Training Institutions in South Africa (Development Bank of South Africa, Midrand, 2010), p. 4. 2. African National Congress, ‘The Green Book: Report of the Politico-Military Strategy Commission to the ANC National Executive Committee’, 1979, Part 1 paragraph ii (transcribed for www.marxists.org by Pallo Jordan). 3. See G. Corsane, ‘The role of research in the history museum’, South African Museums Association Bulletin,Vol. 20 (1994), pp. 3–7.

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Notes to pages 126–137 4. 5. 6.

7. 8.

9. 10. 11.

12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

18.

19.

See also N. Dullabh, ‘Documentation of Eastern Cape Indian communities’, South African Museums Association Bulletin (April 1996 Conference Proceedings) vol. 23, no. 2, September 1998, pp. 30–31. See G. Corsane and W. Holleman, ‘Ecomuseums: A brief evaluation’ in R. de Jong (ed.), Museums and the Environment: Proceedings of the 1993 SAMA Conference (South African Museums Association, Pretoria, 1993), pp. 111–125. See G. Corsane, ‘From “outreach” to “inreach”: How ecomuseum principles encourage community participation in processes’ in S. Donghai, Z. Jinping, P. Davis, H. de Varine and M. Maggi (eds), Communication and Exploration, Guiyang-China, 2005 (Documenti di lavoro di Trentino Cultura 9, comusei del Trentino/Provincia Autonoma di Trento/Assessorato alla Cultura, Trento, 2006), pp. 109–124. G. Corsane, ‘Using ecomuseum indicators to evaluate the Robben Island Museum and World Heritage Site’, Landscape Research, vol. 31, no. 4, October 2006, pp. 399–418. A. Odendaal, ‘Working document: Comment on MUSA intersectoral investigation for national policy (Draft report, January, 1994)’. It is interesting that although Professor Odendaal titled his address, ‘“Give life to learning”: The way ahead for museums in a democratic South Africa’, it was given a more mundane title when published in the conference proceedings in SAMAB (May 1994 Conference Proceedings) 22:1 (1996), pp. 7–12. A. Odendaal, ‘Working document: Comment on MUSA intersectoral investigation for national policy’, p. 11. G. Corsane, ‘Report back: Drafting a national strategy for heritage training’, South African Museums Association Bulletin (April 1996 Conference Proceedings), vol. 23, no. 2, September 1998, pp. 63. The computer discs with the survey data were lodged with the SAMA archives, but unfortunately went missing. Gerard Corsane took the full set of hard copies of the completed questionnaires in boxes to Robben Island when he started work as the RITP coordinator. When he left the post, he handed these over to be included in the RIM archive. Unfortunately, these too went missing. Unpublished SAMA Council end of term reports, 1995–1997, SAMA, Grahamstown. Recalled by G. Corsane in his capacity as SAMA executive member. Department of Arts Culture Science and Technology (DACST), 1996. White Paper on Arts Culture and Heritage: All our Legacies, our common future, https://ocpa.irmo.hr/resources/docs/ South_Africa_White_Paper_Arts_Culture-en.pdf, accessed on 16 April 2021. G. Corsane and G. Metz, ‘Business plan for the establishment of the Robben Island Training Programme (RITP)’ at the request of the SIDA, December 1996. M. Hall, ‘University of Cape Town – Postgraduate Diploma in Museum Management’, South African Museums Association Bulletin (April 1996 Conference Proceedings), vol. 23, no. 2, September 1998, pp. 60–61. G. Corsane and L. Witz, ‘Post-Graduate Diploma in Museum and Heritage Studies: An exciting programme offered in partnership by RITP, University of Western Cape, University of Cape Town’. Promotional pamphlet, Robben Island Museum, Cape Town. Most of the details on the RITP’s early years given here are taken from the RITP coordinator reports cited in these notes, especially G. Corsane, ‘Report on the main 1998 activities of the Robben Island Training Programme for the period 1 January 1998 to 23 April 1999’ and ‘Plan of activities for the period 26 April 1999 to 31 October 1999’. See also R. Abrahams, G. Corsane and K KaMpumlwana, ‘Report on the main 1999 activities of the Robben Island Training Programme for the period March 1999 to 23 December 1999 and ‘Plan of activities for the year 2000’; G. Corsane and K. KaMpumlwana, ‘Report on the main activities of the Robben Island Training Programme for 1998 and Plan of Action for 1999’; G. Corsane, K. Basson, E. Biggs and G. Dominy (eds), ‘National Training Strategy for the Heritage Sector.’ (Pretoria: South African Museums Association, 1997), pp. 1–21. See for example, G. King, A. Msimang and M. Allie, ‘Bridging the heritage gap: Impressions from some of our Robben Island Training Programme (RITP) students’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 2, no. 3, May 1998, p. 3; R. Rohan and G. Cheminais, ‘RITP students return to Robben Island’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 2, no. 6, May 1998, p. 4. Bongani Mgijima was a young heritage activist who championed the idea of community based museums, having pioneered the Lwandle Migrant Community Museum, and gave extraordinary

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Notes to pages 147–157

20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

25. 26.

support to every museum and heritage project he participated in, to the point where the authors commented that the blood of this young man has heritage colours. O.N. Morakinyo, ‘A historical and conceptual analysis of the African Programme in Museum and Heritage Studies 20. Information provided by later coordinators Dr Olusegan Morakinyo and Dr Luvuyo Ndzudzo. K. ka Mpumlwana, G. Corsane, C. Rassool and J. Pastor-Makhurane, ‘Inclusion and the power of representation: South African museums and the cultural politics of social transformation’ in R. Sandell (ed.), Museums, Society, Inequality (Routledge, London, 2002), pp. 245–248. G. Corsane, ‘1998 Academic year – 1st Intake of Diploma and RITP students’, RIM internal report, 1999. R. Abrahams, G. Corsane and K. Mpumlwana, ‘Report on the main 1999 activities of the Robben Island Training Programme (RITP) for the period March 1999 to 23 December 1999 and plan of activities for the year 2000’ (RIM internal report, 1999). See also Robben Island Training Programme, ‘South African National Strategy for Heritage Training: A discussion document’ (Unpublished, 1999). X. Kashe-Katiya, ‘A human resource strategy for the heritage sector?’, Archive and Public Culture, 10 October 2020 ttp://www.apc.uct.ac.za/apc/projects/archival_platform/humanresource-strategy-heritage-sector, accessed 16 April 2021. A.D. Mazel, ‘Apartheid’s child: The creation of the South African Cultural History Museum in the 1950s and 1960s’, Museum History Journal, vol. 6, no. 2, 2013, pp. 166–202.

Notes to Chapter 16, From Mayibuye Centre to the UWC/Robben Island Mayibuye Archives 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Fifth Annual Report of the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa, 1996. R. Werbner, ‘Introduction – Beyond oblivion: Confronting memory crisis’, in R. Werbner (ed.), Memory and the Postcolony (Zed Books, London and New York, 1998), pp. 1–17. M. Hedstrom and J. King, ‘On the LAM: Library, archive, and museum collections in the creation and maintenance of knowledge communities’, https://www.oecd.org/education/innovationeducation/32126054.pdf, accessed 16 April 2021. ‘Discussion document on future possibilities for the Mayibuye Centre and the University of the Western Cape (UWC) in relation to the development of the new Robben Island Museum’, 16 June 1997. Discussion document on future possibilities for the Mayibuye Centre and the University of the Western Cape (UWC), Mayibuye Institutional Archive, 16 June 1997. ‘Report on SIDA workshop held on 26 September 2000’, compiled by Ruth de Bruyn Consultancy Services, Mayibuye Centre Institutional Archives. B.B. Maaba, ‘The archives of the Pan Africanist Congress and the Black Consciousness movements’, History in Africa, vol. 28, 2001, pp. 417–438. V. Layne, ‘The sound archive at the District Six Museum: A work in progress’, SA Archives Journal, vol. 40, 1998, p. 22. Memorandum of Agreement between Robben Island Museum and the University of the Wes-ern Cape in respect of the UWC Robben Island Museum Mayibuye Archives, 2000, signed by A.M. Kathrada on behalf of the Robben Island Museum and Cecil Abrahams on behalf of the University of the Western Cape. Fourth Annual Report of the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa, Bellville, 1995. Jürgen Schadeberg, Voices From Robben Island (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1994). The extent and rate at which archival collections were deposited at the Mayibuye Centre by different people and organisations who were involved in the anti-apartheid struggle was quite unanticipated. J. Fairweather, ‘Secrets, lies and history: Experiences of a Canadian archivist in Hungary and South Africa’, Archivaria, vol. 50, 2000, pp. 181–192. ‘Archives at the Crossroads 2007: Open report to the Minister of Arts and Culture from the Archival Conference, “National System, Public Interest”’, held in April 2007 and co-convened

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Notes to pages 147–157

15. 16.

17.

18. 19. 20.

21. 22.

by the National Archives, the Nelson Mandela Foundation and the Constitution of Public Intellectual Life Research Project, p. 8. ‘Archives at the Crossroads’, p. 19. B.B. Maaba, ‘The history and politics of liberation archives at Fort Hare’, (PhD thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013); M. Pickover, ‘Contestations, ownership, access and ideology: Policy development challenges for the digitization of African heritage and liberation archives’, First International Conference on African Digital Libraries and Archives, Addis Ababa, 2009, available online: http://hdl.handle.net/10539/8929, accessed on 30 January 2021. ‘International Conference on Liberation Archives’, National Heritage Council, East London, 31 October to 2 November 18, V. Shubin, ‘Digging in the gold mine: The Mayibuye Centre Archive as a source on the history of the South African Liberation Movement’, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, vol. 19, no. 1, 1999, pp. 46–52. Shubin, ‘Digging in the gold mine’, p. 51. R. van der Berg, ‘Converging libraries, archives and museums: Overcoming distinctions, but for what gain?’, Archives and Manuscripts, vol. 40, no. 3, 2012, p. 140. E. Ketelaar, ‘Archival temples, archival prisons: Modes of power and protection’, Archival Science, vol. 2, 2002, p. 223. Dutch archivist Ketelaar writes that ‘by examining the process of archivilization … we may discover the values that infused the creation of the record. Those values in turn empower the record, and help give it context and meaning.’ Van der Berg, ‘Converging libraries, archives and museums’, p. 144. G.F. MacDonald, ‘Change and challenge: Museums in the information society’, in I. Karp, C.M. Kreamer and S.D. Lavine (eds), Museums and Communities: The politics of public culture (Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington D.C., 1992), pp. 158–181.

Notes to Chapter 17, Signature in the city: Building the Nelson Mandela Gateway Building 1.

The following references have been used in the writing of this chapter: The Digest of South African Architecture, vol. 7, 2003, pp. 18–19; South African Architect, Project Awards Edition, July/August 2000, pp. 30–1; M. Morris, Cape Argus, 1 November 2001; J. van Zyl, Die Burger, 9 November 2001. 2. Newscutting from Die Burger, [date unknown] November 2001. 3. M. Morris, Cape Argus, 1 November 2001.

Notes to Chapter 18, Preparing for South Africa’s first UNESCO World Heritage Site 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

‘Operational guidelines for the implementation of the World Heritage Convention’, Article 24, World Heritage Centre, UNESCO, Paris. UNESCO Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, adopted by the General Conference at its seventeenth session, Paris, 16 November 1972. L. Levi-Strauss, ‘“A Global Strategy” to improve the representativeness of the World Heritage List’, in B. Hirsch, L. Levi-Strauss, and G. Sauma-Forero (editors) African Cultural Heritage and World Heritage Convention: Second Global Strategy Meeting, (Paris: UNESCO, 1997), p. 31. L. Levi-Strauss, ‘The African cultural heritage and the application of the concept of authenticity in the 1972 Convention’, in G. Saouma-Forero (ed.), Authenticity and Integrity in the African Context: Expert meeting held in Great Zimbabwe, 26−29 May 2000 (UNESCO, Paris, 2001). ‘Nara Document on Authenticity’, Experts meeting held in Nara, Japan, 1–6 November 1994. Article 4, UNESCO, ICOMOS, ICCROM, https://www.icomos.org/charters/nara-e.pdf, accessed 14 March 2021. See Chapter 3, section 25 of the National Environmental Management Act (No. 107 of 1998). ‘Cabinet recommendations on the future management and development of Robben Island’, 4 September 1997 in ‘Appendix A: Legal background and development framework for Robben Island’, n.d., p. 60.

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Notes to pages 171–184 8.

World Heritage Site status’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 3, no. 2, November 1999; see also UNESCO World Heritage List, https://www.unesco.org/en/list/916, accessed 14 April 2021.

Notes to Chapter 19, Challenges in preventive conservation 1.

UNESCO Monitoring Mission Report, 6–12 February 2004, Personal Archives of Nosipho Blacky.

Notes to Chapter 20, Conservation management planning and Robben Island’s layered history 1.

H. Deacon, ‘Intangible heritage in Conservation Management Plan: The case of Robben Island’, International Journal of Heritage Studies, 10:3, July 2004, p. 6. 2. H. Deacon, ‘Intangible heritage in Conservation Management Plan: The case of Robben Island’. 3. S. Marschall, ‘Visualizing memories: The Hector Pieterson Memorial in Soweto’, Visual Anthropology, vol. 19, 2006, p. 145. 4. N. Solani, ‘Memory and representation: Robben Island Museum 1997–1999’, (Master’s dissertation, University of the Western Cape, 2000). 5. After 1488, the island was used from time to time by passing Europeans as a postal depot and prison; any prior occupation by indigenous South Africans is unknown. After 1652, it continued to be used as a prison (housing local as well as foreign political prisoners from East Asia) and as a signal site under the Dutch East India Company. See H. Deacon, ‘Introduction’, in H. Deacon (ed.), The Island: A history of Robben Island 1488–1992 (David Philip and Mayibuye Books, Cape Town, 1996), p. 2. 6. In 1846, the colonial government set up a hospital housing the ‘chronic sick’, ‘lunatics’ and ‘lepers’. These three institutions closed in 1891, 1921 and 1931 respectively. Robben Island also accommodated a small number of political prisoners, mainly from the eastern and northern frontiers of the colony, and after 1866, some convicts on hard labour sentences. See Deacon, ‘Introduction’, p. 2. 7. At the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 troops were sent to the island to guard the entrance to Table Bay. After the war was over in 1945, the garrison was reduced but a Coast Artillery School operated there from 1946. The South African Marine Corps controlled the island between 1951 and 1955, when the South African Navy took charge of what was now known as S.A.S. Robbeneiland. In 1959, the island was taken over by the Prisons Department. See Deacon, ‘Introduction’, p. 2. 8. O. Tambo, Preparing for Power: Oliver Tambo speaks (Heinemann, London, 1987), p. 199. 9. H. Deacon, ‘Remembering tragedy, constructing modernity: Robben Island as a national monument’, in C. Coetzee and S. Nuttall (eds), Negotiating the Past: The making of memory in South Africa (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1998), p. 161. 10. H. Deacon, ‘Intangible heritage in conservation management planning: The case of Robben Island’, International Journal of Heritage Studies, vol. 10, no. 3, July 2004, p. 317. 11. South African National Heritage Resources Act (NHRA) (No. 25 of 1999), section 47(2); UNESCO Intergovernmental Committee for the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, (Section 6A of the General Principles), http;//www.unesco.org/archive/out/guide97.htm, accessed 14 April 2021. 12. M. Shackley, ‘Potential futures for Robben Island: Shrine, museum or theme park?’, International Journal of Heritage Studies, vol. 7, no. 4, 2001, pp. 355–363. 13. Le Grange Architects and RIM 2000–2001, ‘Conservation and use plan for Robben Island’; RIM, Robben Island Management Plan Summary; Pastor Makhurane, ‘Abstract: Robben Island – Developing an integrated environmental and heritage management system’. 14. P. Riley, ‘Conservation survey of Robben Island’ (Unpublished report, National Monuments Council, 1992). 15. For example, T. Hart et al., ‘Baseline archaeological assessment of Robben Island’, Report prepared for RIM as input to the Environmental Management Plan, 1998. 16. RIM, ‘Draft Integrated Conservation Management Plan 2013–2018: Interpretation plan’ (RIM, Cape Town, 2013), p. 5.

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Notes to pages 184–210 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

The maps are discussed in H. Deacon, ‘Patterns of exclusion on Robben Island, 1654–1992’ in C. Strange and A. Bashford (eds), Isolation: Places and practices of exclusion (Routledge, London, 2003), pp. 153–172. N. Penn, ‘The island under Dutch rule’ in H. Deacon (ed.), The Island: A history of Robben Island 1488–1992 (David Philip and Mayibuye Books, Cape Town, 1996), pp. 22–27. Deacon, ‘Intangible heritage’, p. 316. Pik was the nickname of Roelof Frederik Botha, a South African politician who served as the minister of foreign affairs during the last years of the apartheid era and who was famous for enjoying wine. Australia ICOMOS, The Burra Charter (Australia ICOMOS Incorporated, Burwood, 1999). Deacon, ‘Intangible heritage’, p. 317.

Notes to Chapter 21, Conserving the island’s environment 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

G. King, ‘Island in the sun’, Fair Lady, http://www.fairlady.com/980401/island.html, accessed 30 January 2021. UNESCO, ‘Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention’ (2019), pp. 25−26, https://whc.unesco.org/en/guidelines/, accessed 16 April 2021. ‘Integrated Conservation Management Plan 2007–2012, Robben Island World Heritage Site, 2007’. R.B. Sherley, B.M. Dyer, L.G. Underhill and T.M. Leshoro, ‘Birds occurring or breeding at Robben Island, South Africa, since 2000’, Ornithological Observations 2, 2011, pp. 69–100. ‘Penguin Island’, Ilifa Labantu, vol. 2, no. 3, May 1998, p. 3. For full details, see Ilifa Labantu, vol. no. 4, December 2000, pp. 1, 4–5.The story of Peter the Penguin is told on p. 5.

Notes to Chapter 22, An ex‑political prisoner’s memories of living and working on Robben Island 1. 2.

For a profile of Leo Buscaglia and more detail on the Love A1 course, see http://schugurensky. faculty.asu.edu/moments/1969buscaglia.html, accessed 16 April 2021. C. Brand, Doing Life With Mandela: My Prisoner, My Friend (Johannsburg: Jonathan Ball, 2014).

Notes to Chapter 23, Building a new community on the island: The Robben Island Village Association 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Ilifa Labantu (Heritage of the People), vol. 2, no. 4, June 1998. See, for example, G. King, ‘Island in the sun’, Fair Lady, http://www.fairlady.com/980401/island. html, accessed 30 January 2021; and ‘Robbeneiland is baie meer as sy oud-aangehoudenes’, Die Burger (undated newsclipping, 1[997]). King, ‘Island in the sun’. ‘Ex-Robben Island Guard Retires’, Sunday Times, 12 May 2013, https://www.iol.co.za/news/ south-africa/western-cape/ex-robben-island-guard-retires-1514344, accessed 30 January 2021. See N.L.L. Ramoupi, Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe (undated), p. 55.

Notes to Chapter 24, Making the intangible tangible: The first tour guides and the social memory of Robben Island 1. 2. 3.

D.R. Peterson, K.Gavua and C. Rassool (eds), The Politics of Heritage in Africa: Economies, histories, and infrastructures, vol. 48 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2015), p. xv. I. Karp and C.A. Kratz, ‘The interrogative museum’, in R. Silverman, (ed.), Museum as Process: Translating local and global knowledges (Routledge, New York, 2014), p. 282. ‘Integrated Conservation Management Plan 2007–2012, Robben Island World Heritage Site’.

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Notes to pages 210–225 4. 5. 6. 7.

L. Witz, ‘Museums on Cape Town’s Township tours’, in N. Murray, N. Shepherd and M. Hall (eds), Desire Lines: Space, memory and identity in the post-apartheid city (Routledge, New York, 2007), p. 266. H. Deacon, N.Penn, A. Odendaal and P. Davidson., Esiqithini: The Robben Island exhibition (Mayibuye Books, Bellville and the South African Museum, Cape Town, 1996), p. 5. M. Pissarra (ed.), Awakenings: The art of Lionel Davis (Africa South Art Initiative in association with the District Six Museum and the Centre for Humanities Research, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, 2017). Especially valuable for me were the interviews with former EPP colleagues and books such as N. Mandela, Long Walk to Freedom (Little, Brown and Company, Boston, 1994); E. Daniels, There and Back: Robben Island 1964–1979, 3rd edition, MHLS no. 84 (Mayibuye Books, Bellville, 2002); N. Alexander, Robben Island Prison Dossier 1964–1974 (UCT Press, Cape Town, 1994); A. Kathrada, Memoirs (Zebra Press, Cape Town, 2004).

Notes to Chapter 25, Appeasing the ancestors: Art and culture as a way of giving meaning to RIM 1. 2.

3.

This chapter is reproduced with kind permission by Cover2Cover books from, R. Carneson, Girl on the Edge: A Memoir (Cape Town: Face2Face, 2014). Jimmy Kruger was minister of justice when Black Consciousness Leader Steve Biko was murdered in police custody. He is widely reported to have said, ‘His death leaves me cold,’ see for example The Washington Post, 25 September 1977, www.washingtonpost.com › politics › 1977/09/25, accessed 17 April 2021. M. Dlamini, Hell-hole, Robben Island: reminiscences of a political prisoner – prisoner no. 872/63 (Nottingham: Spokesman, 1984.)

Notes to Chapter 26, Memories of working in RIM’s first Exhibitions Unit, 1999−2008 1. 2.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

10. 11.

This prison has since been renamed the Kgosi Mampuru 11 Management Area (2013). Written communications by political prisoners, their families and lawyers were sourced at a later stage. By that time, the EPP archive had been moved to the National Archives. Some of these documents were used (and are on display) at Jetty One at the V&A Waterfront, the historic, notorious Robben Island departure point. ‘KPMG Tourism Spatial Framework Report on Robben Island Museum’ (2000), p. 31. RIM Exhibitions Unit, ‘Conceptual plan: Prison precinct visitor experience, phase 1’, 2001. RIM Exhibitions Unit, ‘Conceptual plan’. While RIM had collected a significant body of EPP oral histories through the Robben Island Memories Project, these were life-history interviews, not site-based interviews. Comrade Johnson Mlambo, who survived the torture at Landbou, died on 9 January 2021. He provided invaluable assistance in the RIM interpretation project and to the Sobukwe Trust, an inspirational revolutionary. RIM Exhibitions Unit, ‘Conceptual plan’. ICOMOS, Burra Charter: ‘The conservation policy should identify appropriate ways of making the significance of the place understood consistent with the retention of that significance. This may be a combination of the treatment of the fabric, the use of the place and the use of introduced interpretative material.’ See ‘Guidelines to the Burra charter: Conservation Policy, Australia ICOMOS, 23 April 1988,’ Section 2.4 Interpretation, https://www.marquis-kyle.com. au/bcpolicy.htm#2.4, accessed 20 April 2021. See Chapter 29 outlining the research into these images. This is in reference to the title of Moses Dlamini’s book detailing his experiences of political imprisonment on the island in the early 1960s, Hell-Hole Robben Island: Reminiscences of a political prisoner in South Africa (Africa World Press, Trenton, 1984).

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Notes to pages 225–251 12. 13. 14. 15.

For those readers concerned about the presence of replicas on the island, please note that the Heritage Department’s collections unit stored the replicas in the Ou Tronk, separate from the RIM collection of original material, housed in the MSP. RIM Exhibitions Unit, ‘Conceptual plan’. Buildings constructed when Robben Island was used as a military base during the Second World War were referenced with a T. Morabaraba is a traditional two-player strategy board game played in South Africa and Botswana with a slightly different variation played in Lesotho. The game is known by many names in different African languages, including mlabalaba, mmela (in Setswana), muravava, and umlabalaba.

Notes to Chapter 27, Participation in progress: The story of Robben Island Museum’s Ex‑Political Prisoner reference groups 1. 2.

3. 4. 5.

See M. Pissarra, (ed.), Awakenings: The art of Lionel Davis (Africa South Art Initiative in association with the District Six Museum and the Centre for Humanities Research, UWC, Cape Town, 2017). N. Tongo-Cetywayo, ‘Preservation and interpretation of intangible cultural heritage in sites associated with cultural significance: A case study of Robben Island Museum/World Heritage Sites’, Paper presented at the South African Cultural Observatory First Annual Conference, 16–17 May 2016, Boardwalk, Nelson Mandela Bay. M. Lusaka, ‘Memory, oral history and conservation at Robben Island’s Bluestone Quarry’, South African Historical Journal, 69:4 (2007), pp. 583–597. M. Thamm, ‘Dire straits: Robben Island Museum operators determined to keep top tourist attraction afloat’, Daily Maverick, 5 October 2017. Padspan, recorded video material, 2000.

Notes to Chapter 28, Research Unit experiences in memorialising and archiving Robben Island prisoner memories through oral history 1.

Indres Naidoo, Island in chains: Prisoner 885/63: ten years on Robben Island (London: Penguin, 1982). 2. Natoo Babenia, Memoirs of a saboteur: Reflections on my political activity in India and South Africa (Bellville: Mayibuye history and literature series, 1995). 3. M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (Penguin Books, London, 1991), p. 238. 4. M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, p. 240. 5. N. Solani, Robben Island Museum Memories Project (RIMMP), interview with Andrew Mandla Masondo interview, Pretoria, September 1998. 6. N. Solani, RIMMP, interview with Andrew Mandla Masondo interview, Pretoria, September 1998. 7. N. Solani, RIMMP, interview with Strini Moodley, Durban, March 1998. 8. Some of the other oral interviews conducted by Noel Solani, with transcripts at RIM, used in this chapter: Ntsikelelo Khwezi, RIM, December 1998; Kader Hassim, Pietermaritzburg, March 1998; Playfair Morule, Bloemfontein, March 1998; Jeff Radebe, Cape Town, October 1998; Govan Mbeki, Cape Town, 1998; and Tshikila Zifozonke, East London, October 1997. 9. M. Halbwachs, On Collective Memory: The heritage of sociology (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1992), p. 43.

Notes to Chapter 29, Journey to Sithebe village: In search of the first political prisoners in Robben Island Maximum Security Prison p.251: 1. 2.

Philemon Tefu Interview, 6 January 1999, Robben Island Museum Interviews. Gaby Magomola, Robben Island to Wall Street (Pretoria: UNISA Press, 2009), p.153.

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Notes to pages 251–297 3.

Nelson Mandela, Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela (Randburg: Macdonald Purnell, 1994), p. 425.

Notes to Chapter 31, The making and demise of the Nelson Mandela Gateway exhibition, 2001–2010 1.

E. Tunbridge and G. J. Ashworth, Dissonant Heritage (John Wiley and Sons, Chichester, 1996), pp. 1–11, 47. 2. F. Tilden, Interpreting Our Heritage, 3rd edition (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 977), p. 9.

Notes to Chapter 32, The saint of the struggle: RIM and the debate about deconstructing the Mandela myth 1.

N. Solani, ‘The Saint of the Struggle: Deconstructing the Mandela Myth’, in Kronos, Journal of Cape History, 26:1, August 2000, pp. 42–55. 2. J.A. Aho, Religious Mythology and the Art of War: Comparative religious symbols of military violence (Greenwood Press, London, 1981), pp. 4–6. 3. L. Thompson, cited in L. Bank, ‘The politics of mythology: The genealogy of the Philip myth’, Journal of South African Studies, vol. 25, no. 3, September 1999, p. 467. 4. Thomson, cited in Bank, ‘The politics of mythology’, p. 467. 5. R. Bernstein, Memory against Forgetting (Viking, London, 1999), p. 88. 6. World Newspaper, [newsclipping, unknown date] June 1963. 7. N. Mandela, The Struggle is My Life (Pathfinder, London, 1988); M. Benson, Nelson Mandela: The man and the movement (New York: Norton and Company, 1986). 8. F. Meer, Higher Than Hope: The authorised biography of Nelson Mandela (Hamish Hamilton, London, 1990). 9. Newscutting in possession of the author, [Independent Newspaper Publication], 17 July 1999. 10. N. Mandela, The Struggle is My Life. 11. N. Mandela, No Easy Walk to Freedom (Pearson Education Ltd., London, 1988), p. xiii. 12. Cited in various biographies about Mandela, also by N. Mandela, Long Walk to Freedom (Little, Brown and Company, Boston, 1994), p. 61 and Meer, Higher than Hope, p. 27. 13. Weekly Mail, 10 April 1992. 14. Fikile Bam interview in the film documentary Voices From Robben Island, J. Schadeberg (Director), Schadeberg Productions, 1996. 15. N. Solani, Robben Island Museum Memories Project (RIMMP), interview with Andrew Mandla Masondo, Pretoria, September 1998. 16. Interviewed by Noel Solani, at Qwaqwa, July 1999, as the Mofokeng group and quoted verbatim. The group refused to be recorded, claiming that before they would give such a formal interview, we must get permission from the PAC head office, because they, as members, were the property of the organisation. 17. Mofokeng group, 1999. 18. Mofokeng group, 1999. 19. ‘Tears for Madiba as tourist relishes prison hardships’, Cape Times, 10 January 1997. 20. Observations by the author during a prison tour conducted by Patrick Matanjana, May 1997, the first time I attended and participated in a tour where Matanjana was guiding visitors/tourists. 21. ‘Media statement by the Minister of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, Mr Lionel Mtshali on the future management and development of Robben Island’, 4 September 1996. 22. Cape Times, 10 January 1997. 23. J.C. Tunbridge and G.J. Ashforth, Dissonant Heritage: The management of the past as a resource in conflict (Wiley, London, 1996), p. 79. 24. R. J. Lifton and G. Mitchell, Hiroshima in America: Fifty Years of Denials (Washington DC: Putnam’s and Sons, 1980). 25. See Noel Solani, RIMMP interviews with Kader Hassim, Durban, 1998, Lulamile Mda, Port Elizabeth, 1998.

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Notes to pages 298–331 26. 27.

See C. Rassool, ‘The rise of heritage and the reconstitution of history in South Africa’, Kronos: Journal of Cape History, vol. 1, no. 44, 2000, pp. 1–21. C. Rassool, ‘Cell Stories Exhibition’, Mail & Guardian, 26 November 1999.

Notes to Chapter 33, Pan-Africanist and Black Consciousness perspectives: Beneath the surface of the Robben Island Museum images 1. J. Urry, The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and travel in contemporary societies (SAGE Publications, London, 1990), p. 3. 2. T. Sankara, ‘You cannot kill ideas: A tribute to Che Guevara’, The Militant 80:6, 15 February 2016, https://www.themilitant.com/2016/8006/800649.html, accessed 16 April 2021. 3. K. Mabuza, ‘PAC wants Masemola to be honoured’, Sowetan, 26 October 2011. 4. B. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism (Verso, London, 1983), p. 32. 5. J.W. Louwen, Teaching What Really Happened (College Press Columbia University, New York, 2010), p. 15. 6. N. Mandela, ‘Speech on the opening of the Robben Island Museum exhibition’, Office of the Presidency, 24 September 1997. 7. Mandela, ‘Speech on the opening of the Robben Island Museum exhibition’.

Notes to Chapter 34, The role of Robben Island Museum in the transformation of South Africa’s cultural landscape after apartheid 1.

Quoted in A. Gupta, ‘The infamous Macaulay speech that never was’, The Wire, 19 February 2017, https://thewire.in/history/macaulays-speech-never-delivered, accessed 30 January 2021. Recent evidence shows that this quote has been misattributed to Lord Maccaulay. Whoever the author, the words capture the essence of the relationship between culture, education and domination of a colonised people. 2. F. Buntman, ‘The Politics of Conviction: Political Prisoner Resistance on Robben Island, 1962−1991, and its Implications for South African Politics and Resistance Theory,’ PhD thesis, University of Texas at Austin, 1997. 3. Unpublished remarks at the SAMA (SA Museum Association), 24 September 2018. 4. ‘Hendrik Verwoerd: 10 quotes by Hendrik Verwoerd (Politicsweb), 20 September 2016’, South African History Online. https://www.sahistory.org.za/archive/hendrik-verwoerd-10-quoteshendrik-verwoerd-politics-web-20-september-2016, accessed 21 April 2021. 5. André Odendaal Collection: ‘Address by President Nelson Mandela to celebrate national Heritage Day and the formal launch of Robben Island Museum’, 24 September 1997. 6. Preamble to the Constitution, pp. 6–7. 7. The Afrikaner Broederbond was a very influential secret society or self-selected brotherhood of Afrikaans-speaking males who blended culture, politics, religion, and economy into a formidable force for the benefit of their members and for hegemony over society. See also https://omalley. nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/03lv02424/04lv02730/05lv03188/06lv03190.htm.

Notes to Chapter 35, See the seagulls fly: Twenty years on – a message to my daughter 1.

2.

The Zondo Commission is a public inquiry that was launched in January 2018 to investigate allegations of state capture, corruption, fraud and other allegations in the public sector, including organs of state. It was first ordered by public protector Thuli Madonsela in her report ‘State of Capture’ and was finally launched by former president Jacob Zuma after a long court battle. This chapter emerged from two opinion pieces by Ashley Forbes published in the Daily Maverick, 5 May 2020 and 22 November 2020.

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Notes to pages 336–341

Notes to Chapter 36, Fast forward from RIM rupture to state capture 1.

2. 3. 4.

5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

17.

18. 19.

See, for example, J. Pauw, The President’s Keepers (NB Publishers, Cape Town, 2017); I. Chipkin and M. Swilling (eds), Shadow State: The politics of state capture (Wits University Press, Johannesburg, 2018); A. Basson and P. du Toit, Enemy of the People: How Jacob Zuma stole South Africa and how the people fought back (Jonathan Ball, Cape Town, 2017); A. Basson, Blessed by Bosasa: Inside Gavin Watson’s state capture cult (Jonathan Ball, Cape Town, 2019); P.-L. Myburgh, Gangster State: Unravelling Ace Magashule’s web of capture (Penguin Books, Johannesburg, 2019). V. Mcongo, Coordinator, Concerned staff and Robben Island political prisoners, to A. Kathrada, 9 and 20 May 2002. ‘Meet Sfiso Buthelezi, S.A.’s new Deputy Finance Minister’, CNBC Africa, 30 March 2017, https://www.cnbcafrica.com/financial/2017/03/31/meet-sfiso-buthelezi-s-new-deputy-financeminister/, accessed 30 January 2021. Ahmed Kathrada Papers: Signed affidavit by Sfiso Buthelezi prepared as notice of motion for the Arbitration Foundation of Southern Africa in the matter between Autshumato Ferries (Pty) Ltd and Robben Island Museum, 29 July 2003, paragraph 4. See also ‘Summary of the arbitration case between the Autshumatu Ferries (claimant) and Robben Island Museum (Respondent)’ (undated [2003]). Ahmed Kathrada Papers: Confirmatory affidavit by Sibusiso Robert Mbangwa, Pretoria, 29 July 2003; Ilifa Labantu, 6:1, June 2002, p. 12. Ahmed Kathrada Papers: Signed affidavit by Sfiso Buthelezi. NAC Makana Aviation business plan, ‘Helicopter landing rights to Robben Island’, 29 August 2002; M. Monare, ‘Struggle goes on for Island veterans’, IOL News, 15 July 2003, https://www. iol.co.za/news/politics/struggle-goes-on-for-island-veterans-217187, accessed 5 November 2020. See Ahmed Kathrada Papers: Memorandum on ‘Makana Trust/Makana Investstments Corp’, no author, undated [August 2002]. Ahmed Kathrada Papers: Signed affidavit by Sfiso Buthelezi, 29 July 2004; ‘Summary of the arbitration case between the Autshumato Ferries (claimant) and Robben Island Museum (Respondent)’ (undated [2003]); ‘Minutes of council meeting of the Robben Island Museum Council held on 21 June 2003 on Robben Island’; ‘Minutes of special council meeting of the Robben Island Museum Council held on 8 August 2003 on Robben Island’. Ahmed Kathrada Papers: A. Kathrada, ‘Some thoughts on Robben Island’, 11 December, 2004, sent to ‘Prof.’ [I. Mosala] for the attention of Minister Pallo Jordan, 2 December 2009. Ahmed Kathrada Papers: Undated RIM presentation titled ‘Cabinet decision on the establishment of Robben Island Museum, (and ‘Summary of presentation’) [2003/4], pp. 3–8. S. Buthelezi to A. Forbes, 6 January 2003; A. Forbes to P. Langa, 6 January 2003. S. Stone, ‘The man who would be Jonas’, City Press, 20 March 2016, https://www.news24.com/ citypress/news/the-man-who-would-be-jonas-20160319, https://www.gov.za/about-government/ contact-directory/sfiso-buthelezi-mr, accessed 4 February 2021. South African government website, ‘Profile of Dikobe Ben Martins, Mr’, https://www.gov.za/ about-government/contact-directory/dikobe-ben-martins-mr#, accessed 9 February 2021. I. Chipkin, and M. Swilling (eds), Shadow State, pp. 48–49. K. Magubane, ‘“Martins introduced me to Guptas” – Montana’, Sunday Times daily, 31 January 2018. https://select.timeslive.co.za/news/2018-01-31, accessed 15 April 2021; E. Ferreira, ‘Suspended Eskom official tells of shock, fear after Ajay Gupta meeting’. IOL News, 8 November 2017, https://www.iol.co.za/capetimes/news/suspended-eskom-official-tells-of-shock-fear-afterajay-gupta-meeting-11919534, accessed 10 June 2020. ‘Lucky Montana, the Guptas and me – Ben Martins’: Submission of the Deputy Minister of Public Enterprises to the Portfolio Committee on Public Enterprises Parliamentary Inquiry, 31 January 2018, Politicsweb, 31 January 2021; https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ben_Martins#cite_ note-7, accessed 10 June 2020. P. van Wyk, ‘Scorpio: Prasa – Treasury investigation recommends Sfiso Buthelezi be criminally charged’, Daily Maverick, 10 June 2017, https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2017-06-10scorpio-prasa-treasury, accessed 20 June 2020. P. van Wyk, ‘Scorpio: Prasa – Treasury investigation’.

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Notes to pages 341–343 20.

Kgomotso Modise, ‘Buthulezi cites PRASA conflict of interest policy, denies corruption’, EWN, 6 June 2017, http://ewn.co.za/2017/06/06/buthelezi-cites-prasa-conflict-of-interest-policy-deniescorruption, accessed 10 June 2020. 21. C. Paton. ‘Gigaba appoints Buthelezi to be chairman of PIC’, Business Day, 19 May 2017, https:// www.businesslive.co.za/bd/companies/2017-05-19-gigaba-appoints-buthelezi-to-be-chairman-ofpic/, accessed 16 April 2021; ‘Commission of enquiry of the public investment corporation held at Tshwane, Pretoria, 26 February 2019, Day 8’, p. 6, https://www.justice.gov.za/commissions/pic/ trns/2019-02-26-PICC-Transcript-Day08.pdf, accessed 4 February 2021. 22. Kabelo Khumalo, ‘PIC Inquiry: Gigaba’s arrival was the end of my career at PIC’, IOL Business Report, 10 July 2019, https://www.iol.co.za/business-report/picinquiry-gigabas-arrival-was-theend-of-my-career-at-pic-says-matjila-28970174, accessed 4 February 2021. 23. Staff Reporter, ‘Robben Island’s turmoil’, The Mail & Guardian, 10 April 2009, https://mg.co.za/ article/2009-10-04-robben-islands-turmoil/, accessed 9 February 2021. 24. ‘SAA security firm’s ANC links – news & analysis’, Politicsweb, 29 January 2009, https://www. politicsweb.co.za/ news-and-analysis/saa-security-firms-anc-links, accessed 9 February 2021; S. Skiti, T. Jika and M. Letsoalo, ‘ANC “heist man” in CR17 security link’, Mail & Guardian, 20 July 2018; M. wa Afrika, ‘PIC loan “facilitation fee” comes back to haunt Zweli Mkize’, Sunday Times, 6 June 2017; Jonathan Erasmus, ‘ANC Spooks In VBS Deals: The Fallout’, Noseweek, December 2018, https://www.noseweek.co.za/article/4191/ANC-spooks-in-VBS-dealsThe-fallout, accessed 15 April 2021. See also the profile of Langa as director on the website of ‘Truth and Deception Technologies’, which claims to be a ‘Global leader in Voice Stress Analysis and Voice Biometrics Verification’, https://www.tdtvsa.co.za, accessed 15 April 2021. 25. ‘SAA security firm’s ANC links – news & analysis’, Politicsweb, 29 January 2009. 26. Henriette Geldenhuys, ‘Hawks seize Beeka weapons’, IOL News, 1 April 2012, https://www.iol. co.za/news/south-africa/western-cape/hawks-seize-beeka-weapons-1267967, accessed 9 February 2021. 27. K. Mabuza, ‘ANC guards “not paid”’, SowetanLIVE, 1 April 2012, https://www.sowetanlive. co.za/news/2012-10-11-anc-guards-not-paid/, accessed 9 February 2021. 28. https://mg.co.za/article/2013-03-28-00-central-african-republic-is-thiswhat-our-soldiers-diedfor/; Online editor. ‘Venson-Moitoi’s bid linked to RSA military industrial and mining complex’, Sunday Standard, 11 October 2012, https://www.sundaystandard.info/venson-moitoiocos-bidlinked-to-rsa-military-industrial-and-mining-complex/, accessed 9 February 2021. 29. S. Comrie, ‘EXCLUSIVE: The ANC’s R50m election “black ops”’, News24, 30 April 2019, https://www.news24.com/news24/SouthAfrica/News/exclusive-the-ancs-r50m-election-blackops-20170124, accessed 9 February 2021. 30. Noseweek, ‘230 ANC spooks in VBS deals: The fallout’, 24 January 2017, https://www.noseweek. co.za/article/4191/ANC-spooks-in-VBS-deals-The-fallout, accessed 9 February 2021. 31. B. Holomisa, ‘State Capture Inquiry should look into R350m Hlano deal to ascertain ANC & Zonkizizwe involvement’, 1 December 2018, http://udm.org.za/state-capture-inquiry-should-lookinto-r350m-hlano-deal-to-ascertain-anc-zonkizizwe-involvement/, accessed 9 February 2021. 32. Online editor, ‘Venson-Moitoi’s bid linked to RSA military industrial and mining complex’, Sunday Standard, 9 January 2019, https://www.sundaystandard.info/venson-moitoiocos-bidlinked-to-rsa-military-industrial-and-mining-complex/, accessed 9 February 2021. 33. R. Essop, ‘First on EWN: Prasa suspends its corporate security manager’, EWN, 30 April 2019, https://ewn.co.za/2014/12/12/First-on-EWN-Prasa-suspends-security-manager-Jama-Matakata, accessed 9 February 2021. 34. ‘Machel tries to halt Mandela book’, Weekend Argus, 8 September 2019. 35. See the Foundation’s website at https://www.ahmedkathradafoundation.org. 36. A. Kathrada, ‘Letter to Jacob Zuma’, IOL News, 29 March 2017, https://www.iol.co.za/news/ politics/kathradas-letter-to-zuma-8399164, accessed 9 June 2020. 37. A. Kathrada, ‘Letter to Jacob Zuma’. 38. Ground-up, ‘Barbara Hogan: Zuma must go’, Daily Maverick, 11 December 2015, https://www. dailymaverick.co.za/article/2015-12-11-barbara-hogan-zuma-must-go, accessed 17 April 2021; staff reporter, ‘Rogue Zuma must go’, IOL News, 1 April 2017, https://www.iol.co.za/nes/politics/ rogue-zuma-must-go-8447914, accessed 17 April 2021.

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Notes to pages 343–350 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50.

51.

52.

53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61.

‘EPPA appalled by ANC stalwarts’, Ole! Media Content Hub, 11 April 2017; J. Yeld, ‘Niehaus resigns from Robben Island council, IOL News, 25 February 2009, https://iol.co.za/news/politics/ niehaus-resigns-from-robben-island-council-435726, accessed 10 May 2021. ‘Statement by Thabo Mbeki Foundation’, 11 April 2016, https://afripost.net/2016/04/southafrica-former-president-mbeki-denies-links-gupta-family/, accessed 18 January 2021. Black Sash proposal for forthcoming book, ‘The Black Sash, Hands Off Our Grants: The campaign’ [2019]. N. Mokati and M. Panyane, ‘Battlelines drawn at #Kathradafuneral’, IOL News, 30 March 2017, https://www.iol.co.za/news/battle-lines-drawn-at-kathradafuneral-8412443, accessed 20 April 2021. N. Onishi, ‘Thousands march in South Africa to demand Jacob Zuma’s resignation’, The New York Times, 7 April 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/07/world/africa/south-africa-jacobzuma-protests.html, accessed 9 February 2021. Q. Hunter, ‘Unlucky 13: Ramaphosa removes more than a dozen of Zuma’s cabinet’, SowetanLIVE, https://www.sowetanlive.co.za/news/south-africa/2018-02-27-unlucky-13ramaphosa-removes-more-than-a-dozen-of-zumas-cabinet/, accessed 9 February 2021. André Odendaal diary notes, 11 July 2002. A. Odendaal letter to M. Masemula, 17 May 2002. ‘Minutes of the Executive Sub-Committee Meeting of the Robben Island Museum Council held on Friday, 31 May 2002, at the Nelson Mandela Gateway, V&A Waterfront’; AO diary note, 12 July 2002. S. Mkhize to M. Nxawe, 16 March 2021; S. Mkhize to A. Odendaal, 29 March 2021. ‘Ex-Robben Island political prisoners; concerns addressed’, IOL News, 3 December 2018. T. Petersen, ‘Probe into corruption, nepotism and poor governance claims at Robben Island Museum’, News24, 2018, https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/probe-intocorruption-nepotism-and-poor-governance-claims-at-robben-island-museum-20181214, accessed 10 February 2021. A.F. Felem, ‘EPPA calls for the suspension of Robben Island Museum CEO’, EWN, 21 December 2018, https://ewn.co.za/2018/12/21/eppa-calls-for-suspension-of-robben-island-museumceo, accessed 30 January 2021; C. Mabuya, ‘RIM maladministration should go before commission of inquiry: EPPA’, 4 December 2019, https://www.sabcnews.com/sabcnews/ rim-maladministration-should-go-before-commission-of-inquiry-eppa/. A.F. Felem, ‘EPPA calls for the suspension of Robben Island Museum CEO’; T. Petersen, ‘“Mandelarisation of Robben Island must stop” – ex-prisoners say they are being sidelined’, News24, 30 November 2018, https://www.news24.com/news24/SouthAfrica/News/ mandelarisation-of-robben-island-must-stop-ex-prisoners-say-they-are-being-sidelined-20181130, accessed 10 February 2021. T. Petersen, ‘“Mandelarisation of Robben Island must stop” – ex-prisoners say they are being sidelined’. Confidential discussion with RIM Council member, May 2019; ‘Ex-Robben Island political prisoners; concerns addressed’, IOL News, 3 December 2018. A. Sichetsa, ‘Robben Island Museum: Sabotage suspected after ferry catches fire’, The South African, 9 January 2020, https://www.thesouthafrican.com/news/ robben-island-museum-updates-sabotage-suspected/. C. Mabuya, ‘RIM maladministration should go before commission of inquiry: EPPA’, SABC News, 4 December 2019, https://www.sabcnews.com/sabcnews/rim-maladministration-should-gobefore-commission-of-inquiry-eppa/. ‘Ex-Robben Island political prisoners; concerns addressed’. C. Mabuya, ‘RIM maladministration should go before commission of inquiry’. M. Githaha, ‘Demand for a “wall of remembrance” of former Robben Island prisoners’, IOL News, 13 February 2020, https://www.iol.co.za/capeargus/news/demand-for-a-wall-ofrememberance-of-former-robben-island-prisoners-42622625, accessed 10 February 2021. M. Githaha, ‘Demand for a “wall of remembrance” of former Robben Island prisoners’. T. Petersen, ‘“Mandelarisation of Robben Island must stop” – ex-prisoners say they are being sidelined’.

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Notes to pages 351–356 62. 63. 64.

65.

Department of Sport, Arts and Culture media statement, 4 March 2020, https://www.gov. za/speeches/response-mr-mpho-masemula-public-interview-regarding-world-heritage-siterobbenisland, accessed 30 January 2021. M. Githathu, ‘Ex-political prisoners divided over collaborating with RIM Board’, Cape Argus, 9 December 2020; ‘Ex-political prisoner secretary angry over being “excluded” from Sobukwe lecture’, Cape Argus, 7 December 2020. Staff reporter, ‘Robben Island Museum staff facing possible 50% salary cuts “being punished for mismanagement”’, IOL News, 6 April 2021, https://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/ western-cape/robben-island-museum-staff-facing-possible-50-salary-cuts-being-punished-formismanagement-b4260fe8-877c-491c-af46-fc4fe0f0aa0b, accessed 10 April 2021. Ahmed Kathrada Papers: RIM presentation titled ‘Cabinet decision on the establishment of Robben Island Museum’ (undated [2003/4]) with RIM Council recommendations, p. 8.

Notes to Chapter 37, Mr K and the replica of his cell 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

See Ahmed Kathrada (1929-2017), ‘Awards and recognition’ in A life of activism (Lenasia: Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, 2017), p. 45. Daily Maverick Staff Reporter, ‘Ahmed Kathrada: Hamba Kahle, my dearest friend!’, Daily Maverick, 15 December 2013, https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2013-12-15-ahmedkathrada-hamba-kahle-my-dearest-friend/, accessed 10 February 2021. Z. Vadi (ed.), Triumph of the Human Spirit: Ahmed Kathrada and Robben Island, (Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, Johannesburg, 2015), p. 39. W. Gumede, ‘The pillars of a new society after the pandemic’, Sunday Times, 14 June 2020. Letter of resignation by Professor André Odendaal, 11 July 2002.

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Select bibliography ARCHIVAL SOURCES Barbara Hogan Collection Ahmed Kathrada Collection Lynette Maart Collection André Odendaal Collection UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives As explained in this book, the institutional archive on the making of RIM, which was housed in the administration building on the island between 1997 and 2002 and carefully catalogued by Annica van Gylswyk and Misiwe Mpumlwana (Madikane), has seemingly been lost. In the absence of the official institutional archive, contributors have relied mainly on documents retained from their time working on projects described here, particularly the Heritage and Education departments’ material and the four personal collections listed above. We thank Barbara Hogan in particular for giving us access to her and Ahmed Kathrada’s papers. The general UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives have valuable material on many of the projects described here, including the 26 filmed reference group meetings involving over 600 EPPs between 2001 and 2006 as part of the Robben Island Memories Project, as well as over 220 oral history interviews done by the research unit. RIM’s internal publications were also useful, particularly the internal newsletter, Ilifa Labantu (Heritage of the People), which stretched from volume 1 no. 1 in January 1997 to volume 6 no. 1 in June 2002. Given its pioneering nature, RIM received widespread publicity in its early years. Therefore, news clippings have been another important source of material for the book.

PROFESSIONAL REPORTS The following professional reports were among those used to develop an integrated management plan for the new RIM in its early years: 1993: Conservation Survey of Robben Island, National Monuments Council (prepared by P. Riley, 1993). 1996: Report and Recommendations of the Future of Robben Island Committee for Presentation to Cabinet, Cape Town, 21 August 1996.

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1996: Robben Island Business Plan, Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, 6 November 1996. 1997: Legal Background and Development Framework for Robben Island, Robben Island Museum, Appendix A to Director’s Report to Council, 4 December 1997, 92pp. 1997: Feasibility Study for the Upgrading of Infrastructure on Robben Island, Department of Public Works (Arup Pty Ltd, Consulting Engineers, Job No. A571, July 1997, 37pp with figures and appendices). First appeared as Draft 1 Status Report in April 1997. 1997: Robben Island – Murray’s Bay Harbour: Investigations into repairs of breakwater and improving conditions inside harbour (prepared for PWD by Entech Consultants, Stellenbosch, July 1997, 42 pp text with numerous graphs and maps). 1997: Confidential Research Report on Energy and Water Assessment of Robben Island (prepared by the Eskom Technology Group, December 1997, 17pp with appendices). 1998: Robben Island Management and Development Plan, 1998–2003, Robben Island Museum, January 1998. 1998: Robben Island Nomination File: World Heritage Status (presented to World Heritage Committee, UNESCO, and signed by Z.  Pallo Jordan, Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, 17 June 1998). 1998: Draft Clocktower Precinct Plan (prepared by MLH Architects and Planners and Mike Smuts Architects and Urban Designers, for submission to Cape Town City Council and Waterfront Liaison Committee, September 1998). 1998: Draft State of the Environment (SOE) Report for the Robben Island Museum (compiled by E.C. Gerff, Environmental Risk Services (Pty) Ltd.). 1998: Robben Island Museum Environmental Management Plan First Draft (prepared by RIM EMP, December 1998, 101pp). 1998: Baseline Marine Ecology Survey, Robben Island Museum (prepared by Gavin W.  Maneveldt et al., Botany Department, University of the Western Cape, undated, 54pp with appendices). 1998: Robben Island: Survey of the Built Environment (prepared by Lucien le Grange Architects and Urban Planners and Nicolas Baumann and Revel Fox and Partners Architects and Planners, October 1998, 66pp). 1998: Baseline Archaeological Assessment of Robben Island (prepared for Environmental Risk Services by Archaeology Contracts Office, Department of Archaeology, University of Cape Town, October 1998, 30pp).

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1998: Terrestrial Vertebrates of Robben Island (compiled by R.J.M. Crawford et al., Sea Fisheries Research Institute, Cape Town, October 1998, 37pp with maps). 1998: Specialist Study, Assessment of the Groundwater Resources of Robben Island (Report 032/ROBB-1) (prepared for Robben Island Museum and Environmental Risk Services (Pty) Ltd by Parsons and Associates Specialist Groundwater Consultants, October 1998, 33pp with figures and appendices). 1998: Specialist Study, Assessment of Waste Management on Robben Island (Report 032/ROBB-2) (prepared for Robben Island Museum and Environmental Risk Management (Pty) Ltd by Parsons and Associates Specialist Groundwater Consultants, October 1998, 11pp). 1998: Tourism Potential and Carrying Capacity, Volume 1 (prepared by Eco-Africa Environmental Consultants and Tsoga Environmental Resource Centre, October 1998, 142pp). 1998: Robben Island Museum, Tourism Potential and Carrying Capacity, Volume 2 (prepared by Eco-Africa Environmental Consultants and Tsoga Environmental Resource Centre, October 1998, 37pp). 1998: Robben Island Museum Research Report, Tourism Perceptions and Facilities (prepared for B-Tech Tourism Management, Cape Technikon by P.G.J. Basson, October 1998, 63pp). 1998: Review of South African Environmental Laws Governing the Activities of Robben Island Museum (prepared for Robben Island Museum by Enact International Limited, November 1998, 20pp). 1998: Draft SOE Report for RIM (thick volume). Final report to come still. Summary of SOE to be finalised too. 1998: RIM Environmental Management Plan, First Draft, December 1998 (JPM to give AO second draft done by Nigel Rossouw). 1999: Draft Scoping Report: Proposed expansion of the container terminal stacking area at the Port of Cape Town (prepared for Portnet by CSIR Environmental, May 1999, 31pp with appendices). 1998: Timothy Hart, David Halkert and Belinda Mutti,‘Baseline Archaeological Assessment of Robben Island’. Report prepared for RIM as input to the Environmental Management Plan, RIM. 1999: Analysis of Alternatives to Incineration of Solid Waste on Robben Island (prepared by N. Rossouw, CSIR, for submission to Juanita Pastor-Makhurane, Heritage Resources and Environmental Management Department, Robben Island Museum, October 1999, 23pp with appendices).

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1999: Proposed Rehabilitation and Operation of Robben Island Airfield (prepared by Peninsula Pilots Forum, October 1999, 7pp with an executive summary and appendices). 1999: Robben Island: Coastal and marine pollution, problems and potential solutions (compiled by Nicole Fuchsmann, Economics Honours, University of Cape Town, October 1999, 11pp). 1999: Robben Island Report: Report back on research conducted on the island, 3–5 September 1999 (compiled by Fiona Bayat et al., undated, 10pp). 1999: Robben Island State of Environment: Draft summary report (compiled by N. Rossouw et al., RIM and CSIR Environmentek, December 1999, 35pp). 1999: DPW, Phase 2: Upgrading and repairs of roads and sewerage (Wcs No. 024369/0001). Issued by Director General, July 1999, Volume 1. Volume 2 – Tender drawings. 1999: Robben Island Training Programme: South African National Strategy for Heritage Training: A discussion document (unpublished). 2000: Robben Island Tourism Development and Management Plan: Phase  1 – Towards an interpreted policy framework (prepared by KPMG, February 2000, 60pp). 2000: Robben Island Museum, Robben Island: Tourism spatial framework (prepared by KPMG, April 2000, 41pp). 2000: Report on the Evaluation of the Robben Island Museum Shops (prepared by Funisa, May 2000, 21pp with an appendix). 2000: Robben Island Museum, Internal Audit Report (prepared by Gobodo Incorporated Chartered Accountants, May 2000, 90pp). 2000: Robben Island 2000: Competition Brief for Millennium Structure and Freedom Pathway on Robben Island. 2004: Robben Island Management Plan Summary (prepared by Robben Island Museum). 2007: Integrated Conservation Management Plan 2007–2012, Robben Island World Heritage Site. 2011: R.B. Sherley, B.M. Dyer, L.G. Underhill and T.M. Leshoro, ‘Birds occurring or breeding at Robben Island, South Africa, since 2000’, Ornithological Observations 2. 2013: Robben Island Museum: Draft Integrated Conservation Management Plan 2013–2018: Interpretation Plan.

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SECONDARY SOURCES Author unknown. Dreaming of Freedom: The story of Robben Island, Mayibuye History and Literature Series (hereafter MHLS) no.  56 (Bellville: SACHED Books and Mayibuye Books, 1995). Author unknown. Looking Backwards, Looking Forwards: Culture and development conference April–May 1993, MHLS no. 55 (Bellville: Mayibuye Books in association with UNESCO, 1995). Author unknown. Robben Island: The reunion, MHLS No.  66 (Bellville: Mayibuye Books, 1996). Alexander, Neville. Robben Island Prison Dossier: 1964–1974 (Cape Town: UCT Press, 1994). African National Congress. ‘The Green Book: Report of the Politico-Military Strategy Commission to the ANC National Executive Committee’ (transcribed for www.marxists.org by Pallo Jordan), Luanda, 1979. Atkinson, Dennis and Paul Dash (eds). The Art of Memory Making in Social and Critical Practices in Art Education (UK: Trentham Books, 2005). Australia ICOMOS. The Burra Charter (Burwood: Australia ICOMOS Incorporated, 1999). Babenia, Natoo as told to Ian Edwards. Memoirs of a Saboteur: Reflections on my political activity in India and South Africa, MHLS no.  58 (Bellville: Mayibuye Books, 1995). Badat, Saleem. ‘Redressing the colonial/apartheid legacy: Social equity, redress and higher education admissions in democratic South Africa’. Paper presented at the conference on Affirmative Action in Higher Education in India, the United States and South Africa in New Delhi, India, 19–21 March 2008. Organised by the Programme for the Study of Discrimination and Exclusion, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University and Centre for Comparative Constitutionalism, University of Chicago. Badat, Saleem. The Challenges of Transformation in Higher Education and Training Institutions in South Africa (Midrand: Development Bank of South Africa, 2020). Benjamin, Walter. ‘Theses on the philosophy of history’. Quoted in J. Saunders, Apartheid’s Friends: The rise and fall of South Africa’s secret service (London: John Murray, 2006). Bernstein, Rusty. Memory Against Forgetting (London: Viking, 1999). Carneson, Ruth. Girl on the Edge: A memoir. (Cape Town: Face2Face, 2014). Chipkin, Ivor and Mark Swilling (eds). Shadow State: The politics of state capture (Johannesburg: Wits University Press, 2018).

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Coetzee, Jan, Lynda Gilfillan and Otakar Hulec. Fallen Walls: Voices from the cells that held Mandela and Havel (Prague: Lidove Noviny Publishing House and Robben Island Museum, 2002). Coetzee, J.K. Plain Tales From Robben Island (Pretoria: Van Schaik, 2000). Corsane, Gerard. ‘The role of research in the history museum’, South African Museums Association Bulletin, 20. Corsane, Gerard. ‘Museum research in the humanities and social sciences: An introduction’, SAMAB (May 1994 Conference Proceedings), vol.  22 no.  1, January 1996, pp. 52–54. Corsane, Gerard. ‘Report back: Drafting a national strategy for heritage training’, SAMAB (April 1996 Conference Proceedings), vol.  23, no.  2, September 1998, pp. 63–66. Corsane, Gerard. ‘Transforming museums and heritage in post-colonial and postapartheid South Africa: The impact of processes of policy formulation and new legislation’, Social Analysis: The International Journal of Cultural and Social Practice, vol. 48, no. 1, Spring 2004, pp. 5–15. Corsane, Gerard. ‘Issues in heritage, museums and galleries: A brief introduction’, in Gerard Corsane (ed.), Heritage, Museums and Galleries: An introductory reader (London and New York: Routledge, 2005). Corsane, Gerard. ‘From “outreach” to “inreach”: How ecomuseum principles encourage community participation in processes’, in S. Donghai, Z. Jinping, P. Davis, H. de Varine and M. Maggi (eds), Communication and Exploration, Guiyang-China, 2005 (Trento: Documenti di lavoro di Trentino Cultura  9, comusei del Trentino/Provincia Autonoma di Trento/Assessorato alla Cultura, 2006). Corsane, Gerard. ‘Using ecomuseum indicators to evaluate the Robben Island Museum and World Heritage Site’, Landscape Research, vol.  31, no.  4, October 2006, pp. 399–418. Corsane, Gerard, Kobus Basson, Liz Biggs and Graham Dominy (eds). ‘National training strategy for the heritage sector’, SAMA Reports 1997 (Pretoria: South African Museums Association, 1997). Corsane, Gerard and Leslie Witz. ‘Post-Graduate Diploma in Museum and Heritage Studies: An exciting programme offered in partnership by Robben Island Training Programme, University of Western Cape, University of Cape Town’. Promotional pamphlet, Robben Island Museum, Cape Town. Corsane, Gerard and Wouter Holleman. ‘Ecomuseums: A brief evaluation’, in Robert de Jong (ed.), Museums and the Environment: Proceedings of the

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1993 SAMA Conference (Pretoria: South African Museums Association, 1993). Daniels, Eddie. There and Back: Robben Island 1964–1979, MHLS No.  83 (Bellville: Mayibuye Books, 1998). Deacon, Harriet. ‘Remembering tragedy, constructing modernity: Robben Island as a national monument’, in Carli Coetzee and Sarah Nuttall (eds), Negotiating the Past: The making of memory in South Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998). Deacon, Harriet. ‘Intangible heritage in conservation management planning: The case of Robben Island’, International Journal of Heritage Studies, vol.  10, no. 3, July 2004, pp. 309–319. Deacon, Harriet (ed.) The Island: A history of Robben Island 1488–1992, MHLS no. 62 (Cape Town: David Philip/Mayibuye Books, 1996). Deacon, Harriet. ‘Patterns of exclusion on Robben Island, 1654–1992’, in Carolyn Strange and Alison Bashford (eds), Isolation: Places and practices of exclusion (London: Routledge, 2003). Deacon, Harriet, Nigel Penn, André Odendaal and Patricia Davidson. Esiqithini: The Robben Island Exhibition, MHLS no.  62 (Cape Town/Bellville: South African Museum/Mayibuye Books, 1996). Desai, Ashwin. Reading Revolution: Shakespeare on Robben Island (Pretoria: Unisa Press, 2012). Dingake, Michael. My Fight Against Apartheid, MHLS No. 27 (Bellville: Mayibuye Books, 1991) (ex Kliptown Books, 1987). Dlamini, Moses. Hell-Hole Robben Island: Reminiscences of a political prisoner in South Africa (Trenton: Africa World Press, 1984).  Dullabh, Neela. ‘Documentation of Eastern Cape Indian communities’, SAMAB (April 1996 Conference Proceedings), vol.  23, no.  2, September 1998, pp. 30–31. Fairweather, Joan. ‘Secrets, lies and history: Experiences of a Canadian archivist in Hungary and South Africa’, Archivaria, vol. 50, 2000, pp. 181–192. Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The birth of the prison (London: Penguin, 1991). Frieselaar, Geraldine. ‘(Re)collections in the archive: Making and remaking the International Defence and Aid Fund (IDAF) archive’ (PhD dissertation, University of the Western Cape, 2015). Hall, Martin. ‘University of Cape Town – Postgraduate Diploma in Museum Management’, SAMAB (April 1996 Conference Proceedings), vol. 23, no. 2, September 1998, pp. 60–61.

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Heaney, Seamus. The Cure at Troy: A version of Sophocles’ Philoctetes (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1990). Houser, George and Herbert Shore (eds.). I Will Go Singing: Walter Sisulu speaks of his life and the struggle for freedom in South Africa (New York: Robben Island Museum in association with the Africa Fund, n.d.). Hutton, Barbara. Robben Island: Symbol of resistance, MHLS no.  55 (Johannesburg: SACHED Books and Mayibuye Books, 1994). ka Mpumlwana, Khwezi, Gerard Corsane, Ciraj Rassool and Juanita PastorMakhurane. ‘Inclusion and the power of representation: South African museums and the cultural politics of social transformation’, in Richard Sandell (ed.), Museums, Society, Inequality (London and New York: Routledge, 2002). Karp, I. and C.A. Kratz. ‘The interrogative museum’, in R.  Silverman (ed.), Museum as Process: Translating local and global knowledges (New York: Routledge, 2014). Kassan, P. ‘New art in parliament is Mayibuye’s R13 million baby’, UWC Perspectives, vol. 5, no. 1, Summer 1996, pp. 3–4. Kathrada, Ahmed. ‘Opening address at the Esiqithini exhibition, South African Museum’, in H.  Deacon, N.  Penn, A.  Odendaal and P.  Davidson (eds), Esiqithini: The Robben Island Exhibition, MHLS no. 62 (Cape Town: South African Museum and Mayibuye Books, 1996). Kathrada, Ahmed. Memoirs (Cape Town: Zebra Press, 2004). Katiya-Kashe, Xolelwa. ‘A human resource strategy for the heritage sector?’ Archival Platform, Cape Town, 2011. Ketelaar, E. ‘Archival temples, archival prisons: Modes of power and protection’, Archival Science vol. 2, 2002, pp. 221–238. Khouri, Kristine and Rasha Salti (eds). Past Disquiet: Artists, international solidarity and museums-in-exile (Warsaw: Museum of Modern Art, 2018). King, Garth. ‘Twins?’, Ilifa Labantu – Heritage of the People, vol.  2, no.  6, August/September 1998, p. 10. Lifton, R. et al. Hiroshima in America: Fifty years of denial (Washington: Putman Adult, 1980). Lusaka, M. ‘Memory, oral history and conservation at Robben Island’s Bluestone Quarry’, South African Historical Journal, vol. 69, no. 4, 2017. MacDonald, G.F. ‘Change and challenge: Museums in the information society’, in I. Karp, C.M. Kreamer and S.D. Lavine (eds), Museums and Communities: The Politics of Public Culture (Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992).

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Malan, Robin. The Essential Robben Island, MHLS no. 84 (Cape Town: David Philip/Mayibuye Books, 1997). Maluleke, Khensani. Heritage Human Resource Development Strategy (Pretoria: Department of Arts and Culture, 2015). Mandela, Nelson. No Easy Walk to Freedom (London: Pearson Education, 1986. Mandela, Nelson. The Struggle is My Life (London: International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa, 1978). Mandela, Nelson. Long Walk to Freedom (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1994). Marschall, Sabine. ‘Visualizing memories: The Hector Pieterson Memorial in Soweto’, Visual Anthropology vol. 19, 2006, pp. 145–169. Mazel Aaron D. ‘Apartheid’s child: The creation of the South African Cultural History Museum in the 1950s and 1960s’, Museum History Journal, vol. 6, no. 2, 2013. Mbeki, Govan. Learning from Robben Island: The prison writings of Govan Mbeki, MHLS no. 1 (Cape Town: David Philip and Mayibuye Books, 1991). Meer, Fatima. Higher Than Hope: The authorised biography of Nelson Mandela (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1990). Mhlaba, Raymond, narrated to Thembeka Mufamadi. Raymond Mhlaba’s Personal Memoirs: Reminiscing from Rwanda and Uganda (Cape Town: Robben Island Museum with Human Sciences Research Council, 2001). Morakinyo, Olusegun Nelson. ‘A historical and conceptual analysis of the African Programme in Museum and Heritage Studies (APMHS), 1997–2009’ (PhD dissertation, University of the Western Cape, 20xx). Naidoo, Indres. Island in Chains: Ten years on Robben Island (Johannesburg: Penguin Books, 1982). Ngcaweni, Busani and Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni. Nelson R. Mandela: Decolonial ethics of liberation and servant leadership (Trenton: Africa World Press, 2018). Odendaal, André. ‘Developments in popular history in the Western Cape in the 1980s’. In J. Brown et al. (eds), History from South Africa: Alternative visions and practices (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1991). Also published in Radical History Review vol. 46, no. 7, Winter 1990. Odendaal, André. ‘“Give life to learning”: The way ahead for museums in a democratic South Africa’. Keynote address at the South African Museums Association Annual Conference, East London on behalf of the ANC’s Commission for the Restructuring and Transformation of the Arts and Culture in South Africa (CREATE), 23 May 1994.

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Odendaal, André. ‘The historical significance and political importance of Robben Island’. Paper presented at a symposium organised by Peace Visions, Robben Island, 14 May 1994. Odendaal, André. ‘Robben Island – Bridgehead for democracy’. Paper presented to Mayibuye Centre Winter School, Celebrating Democracy Festival, UWC, 15 July 1994. Odendaal, André. ‘MUSA and the future of museums in South Africa’. Position papers of the African National Congress, prepared by the ANC’s Commission for the Restructuring and Transformation of the Arts and Culture in South Africa (CREATE), July 1994. Odendaal, André. ‘Dealing with the past/making deals with the past: Public history in South Africa in the 1990s’. Paper presented to the international conference on the ‘Future of the Past: The production of history in a changing South Africa’, University of the Western Cape, 1995. Odendaal, André. ‘The weight of history: Dealing with the past in South Africa’, South African conference on Truth and Reconciliation organised by Justice in Transition, Cape Town; published in A.  Boraine and J.  Levy (eds), The Healing of a Nation (Cape Town: Justice in Transition, 1995). Odendaal, André. ‘Working document: Comment on MUSA intersectoral investigation for national policy (Draft report, January 1994)’, SAMAB (May 1994 Conference Proceedings) vol. 22, no. 1, January 1996, pp. 7–12. Odendaal, André. ‘Heritage creation and research: The restructuring of historical studies in Southern Africa’. Keynote address at Biennial Conference of the South African Historical Association, Rand Afrikaans University, Johannesburg, 24–26 June 2002. (Also presented as a paper on ‘Heritage and the arrival of post-colonial history in South Africa’ at the at the US African Studies Association Annual Conference, Washington DC, 5–8  December 2002.) The keynote address at the South African Museums Association Annual Conference in Durban that year was an earlier version of this paper. Odendaal, André. Keynote address on analysis and action: Reflections on struggle, transformation and change in South Africa at the annual research conference for faculty’, Leeds Metropolitan University, England, 9 September 2008. Odendaal, André. Stan Ridge and Julian Smith, ‘From anti-apartheid to postapartheid: The case of the University of the Western Cape’, in Mandela Reeks 3, Rijksuniversiteit te Utrecht, 1990.

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Oliphant, Andries Walter, Mongane Wally Serote and P.B. Raman (eds). Freedom Park: A place of emancipation and meaning (Pretoria: Freedom Park Publishers, 2014). Pastor-Makhurane, Juanita. ‘Robben Island: developing an integrated environmental and heritage management system’. Paper presented at the 14th ICOMOS General Assembly and International Symposium: ‘Place, Memory, Meaning: Preserving intangible values in monuments and sites’, Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe, 27–31 October 2003. Pauw, Jacques. The President’s Keepers (Cape Town: NB Publishers, 2017). Penn, Nigel. ‘The Island under Dutch rule’, in Harriet Deacon (ed.), The Island: A history of Robben Island 1488–1992 (Cape Town: David Philip and Mayibuye Books, 1996). Peterson, D.R., K.  Gavua and Ciraj Rassool (eds). The Politics of Heritage in Africa: Economies, histories, and infrastructures (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015). Pissarra, Mario (ed.). Awakenings: The art of Lionel Davis (Cape Town: Africa South Art Initiative in association with the District Six Museum and the Centre for Humanities Research, University of the Western Cape, 2017). Price Waterhouse Coopers. ‘Heritage skills audit’, Department of Arts and Culture, Pretoria, 2008 (unpublished). Ramoupi, Neo Lekgotla laga. ‘“Izingoma zo Mzabalazo Esiqithini!” Role of songs in the African liberation struggle of South Africa, 1960–1991: A culture history of Robben Island’ (PhD dissertation, Howard University, Washington D.C., 2013). Rassool, Ciraj. ‘The rise of heritage and the reconstitution of history in South Africa’, Kronos: Journal of Cape History, vol. 1, no. 44, 2000. Roberts, Cheryl. Sport in Chains (Cape Town: Township Publishing Co-operative, 1994). Schreiner, Else. Time Stretching Fear: The detention and solitary confinement of 14 anti-apartheid trialists, 1987–1991 (Cape Town: Robben Island Museum, 2000). Shackley, Myra. ‘Potential futures for Robben Island: Shrine, museum or theme park?’, International Journal of Heritage Studies, vol.  7, no.  4, 2001, pp. 355–363. Shityuwete, N.  Never Follow the Wolf: The autobiography of a Namibian freedom fighter, MHLS no.  60 (Bellville: Mayibuye Books, 1990) (ex Kliptown Books re-issued).

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Solani, Noel L.Z. ‘Memory and representation: Robben Island Museum 1997–1999’ (Master’s dissertation, University of the Western Cape, 2000). Solani, Noel L.Z. ‘The auto/biography of the liberation struggle and public memory’ (PhD dissertation, University of Fort Hare, 2013). Tambo, Oliver. Preparing for Power: Oliver Tambo speaks (London: Heinemann, 1987). Tongo-Cetywayo, Nolubabalo. ‘Preservation and interpretation of intangible cultural heritage in sites associated with cultural significance: A case study of Robben Island Museum/World Heritage Site’. Paper presented at the South African Cultural Observatory First Annual Conference, 2016. Tunbridge, J.C. and G.J. Ashworth. Dissonant Heritage: The management of the past as a resource in conflict (Chichester: John Wiley and Sons, 1996). UWC/Robben Island Mayibuye Archives. A Guide to the Collections of Robben Island Museum (Cape Town: Robben Island Museum, 2001). Vadi, Zakeera (ed.). Triumph of the Human Spirit: Ahmed Kathrada and Robben Island (Johannesburg: Ahmed Kathrada Foundation, 2015). Van der Berg, R. ‘Converging libraries, archives and museums: Overcoming distinctions, but for what gain?’, Archives and Manuscripts, vol.  40, no.  3, 2012, pp. 136–146. Vassen, Robert (ed.). Letters from Robben Island: A selection of Ahmed Kathrada’s prison correspondence, 1964–1989, MHLS no.  92 (Bellville and East Lansing: Mayibuye Books and Michigan State University, 1999). Western Cape Provincial Government, Department of Cultural Affairs. ‘Towards a new provincial museum policy for the Western Cape’. Discussion Paper, 2011. Witz, Leslie. ‘Museums on Cape Town’s township tours’, in N.  Murray, N. Shepherd, N. and M. Hall (eds), Desire Lines: Space, memory and identity in the post-apartheid city (New York: Routledge, 2007).

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About the contributors Ruth Carneson, writer, artist and educator, lived and worked on Robben Island for 10 years after the launch of RIM. Both her mother and father were political activists and imprisoned by the apartheid regime. In 1967, at the age of 14, Ruth went into exile but returned to South Africa as soon as she was able to after the release of Nelson Mandela. After many years of exile, Ruth found a home on Robben Island, a safe space, a piece of solid ground, a place where she could dream and call home. Her book Girl on the Edge: A Memoir was published by Face2Face Books in 2014 and was shortlisted for the Alan Paton Award, South Africa’s premier literary prize. Gaby Cheminais schooled at Wynberg Girls High School and studied at Michaelis School of Fine Art, University of Cape Town. A practising artist in the early 1980s, she was also involved in activist cultural organisations.  From 1987 to 1995, she worked in the Community Arts Project Media Project. From 1997 to 2008 she worked at Robben Island Museum in the Media Department, then from 2000 in the Heritage Department’s Exhibitions Unit, completing the University of the Western Cape Postgraduate Diploma in Heritage Studies (2000). From 2008 onwards, she has worked to establish the Sobukwe Trust, particularly the Sobukwe Museum and Learning Centre in Graaff‑Reinet, while doing contract work on various heritage/exhibition projects. Gerard Corsane  completed his BA (Hons) in history at Rhodes University and MA in Museum Studies at Leicester University, UK. In 1990, he joined the History Division of the Albany Museum, where he finally became its head. He helped initiate the Robben Island Training Programme and was its first coordinator. In 2000, he moved to the UK to take up a lecturing post in Museum Studies at Leicester University. In 2002, he accepted a position at Newcastle University, becoming senior lecturer in Heritage, Museum and Gallery Studies. He also had a secondment period as dean for International Business Development in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, facilitating international partnerships for its nine schools. Now semi‑retired, he does voluntary work with the Trussell Trust Foodbanks in Newcastle and has plans for a global and local consultancy in integrated nature‑culture heritage eco‑stewardship (inchES). Llewellyn Damon attended Fairmount High School in Cape Town. He worked as an electrician for six years, before starting as a tour guide at Robben Island

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Museum in 1997. Llewellyn is currently still at the museum in the position of tours supervisor. In 1998, he completed the Postgraduate Diploma in Museum and Heritage Studies through the universities of Cape Town and the Western Cape. He is a keen photographer and people’s person, and is passionate about history, the environment, heritage and tourism. He has a black belt in karate and in the early years of Robben Island Museum became almost by default the unofficial photographer on the island, documenting many of the important visits and events, and other aspects of island life. Rabia Damon schooled at South Peninsula High School in Cape Town. A student activist in the 1980s, she held the position of treasurer of the Western Cape Students Congress. She studied at the University of Cape Town and has a BA (Hons) degree in History. In 1998 she completed the Robben Island Museum‑initiated Postgraduate Diploma in Museum and Heritage Studies through the universities of Cape Town and the Western Cape. From 1997 to 2018, she worked in the Events Unit of Robben Island Museum’s Marketing Department, coordinating over 1,500 visits and events, including numerous programmes for heads of state. She currently runs her own guest house, The Plum. Lionel Basil Davis was born in 1936 and raised in District Six, Cape Town. He became politically involved as a young man and was sentenced to seven years’ imprisonment on Robben Island for conspiracy to commit sabotage against the apartheid regime in 1963. This was followed by five years of house arrest. Starting in 1977, he studied art at the Community Arts Project, at Rorke’s Drift (1980–82) and at the University of Cape Town’s Michaelis School of Fine Art where he obtained a BA (Fine Art) degree in 1995. During the 1980s, he worked in the Community Arts Project’s screen‑printing section printing anti‑apartheid posters, T‑shirts and protest banners, and trained community groups in the skills required to produce these. From 1997 to 2007, he worked for the Robben Island Museum as a prison guide and educator. Davis is a founding member of Thupelo and was a trustee of the Greatmore Studios. At present, he divides his time between public speaking and art-making. In 2017, he was honoured with a retrospective exhibition, ‘Awakenings’, at Cape Town’s Iziko South African National Gallery. A publication titled Awakenings: The art of Lionel Davis was launched alongside this.

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Shaun A. Davis  attended Jan Bosman Primary School in Kuilsrivier and matriculated from Bellville Senior Secondary School. He completed an MSc degree and Higher Diploma in Education at the University of the Western Cape. He taught science at Sibelius High School. He worked as Assistant Director: Impact Management in the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, Mpumalanga (1996–98) and then as Deputy Director: Environment in the Department of Minerals and Energy, Mpumalanga. He worked at Robben Island Museum from 1999 to 2009, first as Manager: Environment and Conservation and then as Senior Manager: Heritage (2007–2009). From 2009 to date, he works for the Trans Caledon Tunnel Authority as an environmental manager. Harriet Deacon was research coordinator at Robben Island Museum from 1999 to 2002. After leaving the museum, she worked as a consultant on the Robben Island Museum Heritage Management Plan and as a lecturer on the Robben Island Training Programme. She has a BA (Hons) in African Studies, a PhD in History and an MSc in Intellectual Property Law. Her main areas of research have included the history of racism and discrimination in medicine, HIV/AIDS‑related stigma, intangible heritage and intellectual property law. She currently works as a research consultant on British Academy and British Council‑funded projects in India and Kyrgyzstan, conducts training for UNESCO’s Living Heritage Entity, and is a visiting lecturer at the University of Malta. Luvuyo Mthimkulu Dondolo matriculated at Kwa‑Komani Comprehensive School in Komani (Queenstown). He holds an MA in Public and Visual History from the University of the Western Cape, and a PhD from the University of Fort Hare. For the 2016–17 academic year, he was a Fulbright Scholar based at Cheyney University in Pennsylvania, USA. In 2000, he worked for Robben Island Museum. He then joined the Human Sciences Research Council, South African Heritage Resource Agency and Amathole District Municipality in different capacities before moving to the University of the Witwatersrand. He is currently the director of the Centre of Transdisciplinary Studies, University of Fort Hare. Ashley Forbes became active in student organisations while at high school, and participated in the establishment of the United Democratic Front in 1983. He later joined Umkhonto we Sizwe, the military wing of the African National Congress. He went into exile in 1986 and completed his military training in Angola, rising to the rank of commander. After his release from Robben Island in 1991, he completed a three‑year business management diploma in Singapore.

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He assisted with the establishment of the Robben Island Museum and returned to the island in an act of unintended irony to take up the position of Estates and Services manager. He worked in this position from late 1996 to 2010 and is currently a fundraiser for a variety of non-profit organisations in Cape Town. Madeleine Fullard worked in the People’s History Programme in the History Department at the University of the Western Cape. Thereafter she served as a researcher in the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and was involved in the writing of its final report. From 2004 she helped establish the Missing Persons Task Team in the National Prosecuting Authority. She has served as the head of the Missing Persons Task Team since 2005, integrating research, investigation and forensic methodologies including DNA to trace those who disappeared in political circumstances in South Africa prior to 1994, and recovering their remains for return to their families. This is the first such unit on the African continent. It has recovered the remains of over 170 missing persons to date. She also works to assist other post‑conflict countries in developing similar programmes to trace and recover the missing. Anthea Josias was the collections coordinator for the UWC/RIM Mayibuye Archives at the Robben Island Museum from 2000 to 2003. In the 1990s, prior to the integration of this collection into Robben Island Museum, she climbed the ladder from student assistant to manager of archival collections at the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa at the University of the Western Cape. Between 2004 and 2006, she was senior project officer of the Nelson Mandela Centre for Memory and Commemoration Project. During this time she was a key contributor to publication projects such as A Prisoner in the Garden: Opening Nelson Mandela’s Prison Archive (Nelson Mandela Foundation and Penguin Books, 2005) and the The Madiba Legacy Series of comic books. Dr Josias has a PhD in Information Science from the University of Michigan and has taught in the field of libraries, archives and information studies at the University of the Western Cape and elsewhere. Lucien le Grange is an architect and urban designer who has practised in Cape Town for the past 42 years. Together with this engagement in practice, he has taught at the School of Architecture, Planning and Geomatics, University of Cape Town, for 33 years. He was the director of the school for six years and still enjoys emeritus professorship status there. He has designed many award‑winning buildings, which often have served disadvantaged communities in the city. His

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urban design practice work has included proposals for the redevelopment of District Six. In the rural context of Moravian mission settlements in the Western Cape, his practice has engaged in the restoration of numerous historic buildings. Complementing this practice and teaching work has been his ongoing research interest in social development, heritage conservation studies, urban issues and housing – an interest which has produced a number of peer‑reviewed publications Lynette Maart was the deputy director of the Robben Island Museum between 1998 and 2003. She is currently the national director of the Black Sash, a position she has held since 2013. She has extensive experience in the not‑for‑profit sector, starting with her work as senior manager in early childhood development at the Border Early Learning Centre (Eastern Cape) and Grassroots Educare Trust (Western Cape) from the 1980s onwards. She also worked for five years as an organisation development consultant at the Community Development Resources Association; and for ten years as an independent organisation development consultant with clients in the land, urban development and heritage sectors, and with philanthropic funders. After her time at Robben Island Museum she worked as part-time project manager at the St  George’s Cathedral Crypt Memory and Witness Centre, which led to the production of two exhibitions – ‘Glimpsing of Hope, Marching for Peace’ and ‘An African Tale of the Mother City’ – and three books. Irene Adziambei Mafune holds two master’s degrees, an MPhil in African Studies (University of Cape Town, 2004) and an MM in Public and Development Management (University of the Witwatersrand, 2014). She is an archaeologist with academic and practical field experience, and has also contributed significantly to discussions that have shaped transformation measures to redress the imbalances of the past within the discipline of archaeology in South Africa. She has worked in conservation management for both tangible and intangible heritage, and is currently a regional director within the City of Johannesburg. Her focus is on integrated development planning, the development and implementation of sustainable urban management plans and policies, and citizen engagement and participation processes. Oupa Makhalemele was educated at the University of the Witwatersrand. He has published widely on transitional justice, local government, and youth and identity. Makhalemele was part of the Research Unit within the Heritage Department at the Robben Island Museum from 2001 to 2002. He joined the Transitional

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Justice Programme at the Centre for Violence and Reconciliation, after which he worked for the Institute for Democratic Alternatives in South Africa. He worked on patronage politics at the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflection before joining the Film and Publication Board. Vanessa Mitchell has been at Robben Island Museum from its inception to the present. For the first four years, she was a tour guide before being seconded to the Robben Island Museum Education Department in 2001. Since 2014 she has managed the academic and internship programme of the University of the Western Cape/Robben Island Museum Postgraduate Diploma in Museum and Heritage Studies. Vanessa holds a master’s degree in Education, with a focus on adult education and teaching, from the University of the Western Cape. She also has a diploma in workplace learning and a postgraduate diploma in Sport, Development and Peace from the same university. Her interests are education, heritage, sport and sport history as an academic discipline, and her expertise includes the conceptualisation, implementation and facilitation of museum and heritage education programmes including seminars, conferences and workshops. Roger Meintjes holds a BA in Fine Arts from the University of Cape Town, a master’s degree in Computational Studio Arts from the University of London, and a PhD in Engineering from the University of Bremen, Germany. During the last decade of apartheid, he worked with the photographic collective Afrapix. From 1997 to 2003, he led exhibition development at Robben Island Museum. He is the founder of the fundakit project, a research‑driven collaborative initiative promoting learning through design of interactive learning resources for peers. He is currently leading the development of a Craft‑Tech Club at the Sobukwe Museum and Learning Centre. Khwezi ka Mpumlwana has been a social justice activist since childhood, brought up in kwaMpumlwana Halt in the Emboland region, Dutywa, Mpumalanga and Diepkloof in Soweto on a diet of Congtress and Unity Movement politics which led to his involvement in underground politics as a teen. His schools included Sithangameni, Ngubethole Bam and St John’s College in Mthatha, before he completed his schooling by distance learning. He has a BBibl and LDL in librarianship from the University of the Western Cape and a postgraduate diploma in Management from Regent Business School. He has completed specialised training courses in countries as diverse as Singapore, Austria, Japan, Ethiopia, Nigeria, China and the USA. Currently, he is a final‑year MBA student.

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After working at ERIP and the Mayibuye Centre, he was Education Department manager at Robben Island Museum for five years (from late 1996 to 2001), before becoming the first CEO of the Nelson Mandela National Museum in Umtata from 2001 to 2012. Thereafter, he joined the National Heritage Council. A co‑founder of the Liberation Heritage Route initiative and a lead participant in the first serial nomination of liberation heritage property for UNESCO’s World Heritage List, he is the director of Zenalia Consulting, focussing on innovation, heritage economics and South Africa’s liberation heritage. André Odendaal is Honorary Professor in History and Heritage Studies at the University of the Western Cape and was founding director of both the Robben Island Museum (1996–2002) and, before that, the Mayibuye Centre for History and Culture in South Africa at the University of the Western Cape (1991–98). He has a DPhil from Cambridge University and has authored or co‑authored a dozen books on the social history of sport and the history of the liberation struggle in South Africa, with an emphasis on the African roots of South Africa’s constitutional democracy. His books include Vukani Bantu! (1984), The Story of an African Game (2003), The Founders (2012), Cricket and Conquest (2016), Divided Country (2018), Pitch Battles (2020) and Dear Comrade President (forthcoming), some of these with co‑authors. Juanita Pastor was the first Heritage and Environmental Unit manager at Robben Island Museum (1997–2002). She developed her expertise in the field of cultural heritage by majoring in African history and archaeology at an undergraduate level, completed in 1989. The focus on cultural heritage in an African context was developed from a multidisciplinary perspective through an honour’s degree in African Studies, completed in 1990. Her interest in community participation in democratic heritage concept development processes was tested through a master’s degree in Adult Education, achieved in 1993 at the University of Cape Town. Her abiding interest in the museum as a political site of contestation was demonstrated in the successful completion of an MA in Museum Studies from Leicester University in 1995, the thesis for which was focused on contemplating the political implications of the objectification of the colonised female human body in a museum context through the case study of the human remains of Saartjie Baartman. Deirdre Prins‑Solani is currently completing an MPhil in Southern Urbanism through the African Centre for Cities, University of Cape Town. She believes that once ‘see‑ing’ the ghosts of a colonial and apartheid past, we cannot un‑see them,

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but are called to work towards spatial justice. Her research focus is exploring ways of making memoryscapes, a counter-colonial strategy for changing urban development and design. She has worked on the African continent and in the Caribbean and Asia Pacific regions as an expert in intangible cultural heritage. She continues to practise in this field as a freelance consultant. She worked at Robben Island Museum from 1998 to 2008 as a tour guide, education officer and finally as head of the education and public programmes. Neo Lekgotla laga Ramoupi did all his schooling in Ga‑Rankuwa, Pretoria. His degrees up to MA level are from the University of KwaZulu‑Natal and Howard College. He received his PhD from Howard University, USA. He was a researcher in the Heritage Department at Robben Island Museum from 2000 to 2003. From 2004 to 2006, he was a researcher at SARAP at Howard University. He went on to work at the Nelson Mandela Foundation, SADET, the Department of Education and Basic Education, the Africa Institute of South Africa and – between 2012 and 2017 – the Council on Higher Education. He is currently Senior Lecturer: History in the School of Education at the University of the Witwatersrand. Phumlani Grant Shezi is the third-born of ten children, raised in Kwa‑Mashu township in Durban by his father, Phineus Shezi, a bus driver, and his housewife mother. He became an Umkhonto we Sizwe cadre and was arrested in 1980 and sentenced to ten years on Robben Island. A church-goer, casual reader and music and sports lover, he is married with four children and has been employed in the Exhibitions Unit of the Robben Island Museum Heritage Department since 2000. He was trained as a cameraman to cover Robben Island Museum events and film the interviews in the important Robben Island Memories Project. Mavis Smallberg trained at Hewat Teacher Training College in Cape Town and studied creative dance in England six years later. She taught dance and physical education at tertiary and high school levels while studying at the University of the Western Cape, obtaining a BA (English and History), higher diplomas in Adult Education, Museum and Heritage Studies and two online museum‑related courses from the University of Minnesota, USA. She was a Robben Island Museum artist-in-residence participant in 1997 and later a summary writer for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Smallberg was Robben Island Museum’s exhibitions facilitator in the Exhibitions and Interpretation Unit from

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2000 to 2010, retiring as manager in 2012. She has since worked on various heritage projects and is now concentrating on her poetry anthology. Noel L.Z. Solani had his primary school education at Zingisa Higher Primary School in Kimberley. He matriculated at Ethembeni High School in Burgersdorp. He did his MA at the University of the Western Cape and PhD at the University of Fort Hare. He was on the staff of Robben Island Museum from 1997 to 2003. From 2003 to 2006, he worked for the Department of Education, Pretoria. In 2006, he joined the Nelson Mandela Museum as Senior Manager: Heritage. In 2016, he was a senior researcher at Mzala Nxumalo Centre, Pietermaritzburg. He is currently the director of the Ditsong Museum of Cultural History in Pretoria Nolubabalo Tongo‑Cetywayo attended Bhele Primary in King William’s Town before matriculating from Thembalabantu High School in Zwelitsha. She graduated with a BA and BA (Hons) in Psychology from the University of the Western Cape. Starting as a heritage officer at Robben Island Museum in November 1997, she is currently the Research Unit manager at the museum. She was amongst those to complete the Postgraduate Diploma in Museum and Heritage Studies at the University of the Western Cape, before going on to do her MPhil in Cultural Tourism and Heritage Studies at the University of Stellenbosch. She is currently enrolled for a PhD at the University of Fort Hare.

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Index financial obligations  116 inner circle  340 patriotic bourgeoisie  73, 103 problems, mechanical  91 relationship with RIM  91–93, 116 school groups  92 see also James, Matakata banishment 291 Benjamin, Percy  195 Bhungani, Majuba  251–253 see also Komsana Biko, Steve  212 see also BCM Black Consciousness Movement (BCM)  246, 284, 296, 304–306 Black Sash, the  344 boat invasion  52 see also Autshumato Marine, ferries, vessels Burger, Die  109 bus journey  268 Buthelezi, Sfiso  99–100, 335–340, 342 see also Matakata, PIC, Zuma Caltex Auditorium  35, 123, 270 Cape Times  109, 111, 293 catamarans 60 see also vessels Cell Stories project  172 children  195, 198–200, 202, 205, 214, 239–240, 315 see also ANC, Sobukwe Concerned Committee (Group) on Robben Island  102, 104 see also Martins Congress for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA)  292

Adiche, Chimamanda Ngozi  98 African National Congress (ANC) betrayal 322–323 criticism of  343 Freedom Charter, the  133, 283, 292, 323, 340 Green Book (1979)  134 millionaires, instant  324, 337 public administration  325 youth 296 see also corruption ancestors, the  6, 52, Argus, The  2, 35, 106–107 Arts and Culture, Science and Technology (DACST)  98, 146, 168, 348 legacy projects  33, 123, 314 Task Group (ACTAG)  25, 124 see also Correctional Services, Masemola, Nathi Mthethwa 346–347 apartheid Art Against Apartheid exhibition  22 museum about freedom struggle  20 regime tactics  324 rooi gevaar  288, 324 superiority, white  324 swaart gevaar 288 see also Kathrada, Mayibuye, Robben Island prison Autshumato (Harry the Strandloper)  39 Autshumato Ferries  90, 95, 104, 336 Autshumato Investments  100, 335 Autshumato Marine  60, 99–100, 335, 340 contract finagling  91–93 demands 110 financial management  103

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research team  248 ecomuseology 135–136 economy, post-apartheid  325 ex-political prisoners  73, 248, 254 addressing the dynamics  72 Bouspan  235, 260 family members  211, 238, 255, 258–259 hunger strike threat  105 meeting with  249–250 mementoes 177 reference groups, participation in  231–232, 238, 297 plight of  352 Special Pensions Unit  221 Ex-Political Prisoners Council (Association) 112 attacks on RIM Council  349 manipulation of RIM  347 white monopoly capital  348 ferry narrative  49, 117–118 contract, new  72, 88 outsourcing 71–72 schedule 93 visitors 50 waterfront ferries  52 Zuma’s influence  335–337 see also Autshumato Marine Forbes, Ashley  92–93, 105 freedom, language of  130–131 Future of Robben Island Committee  43–45, 55, 58, 124, 152, 309, 315 Gerwel, Jakes  19–22, 32, 44 Gupta family  337–338, 341 Halbwachs, Maurice  247 healing  128–131, 177, 231, 295, 355 see also reference groups heritage conservation  126 see also Conservation

Conservation Management Plan (CMP)  45, 57, 77, 115, 160, 170–173, 180–184 conservation principles  167 conservation vs prisoners  40 interdependence of heritage, flora and fauna  320–321 warders’ input  183, 189 conservation, preventive  175–179 Correctional Services  31–32, 44–48 handover to Arts and Culture 168–169 leaving Robben Island  51, 176–177 relationship with RIM  194, 200, 203–205 see also Department of Public Works, vessels Corsane, Gerard  135–136 see also RITP corruption  325–328, 334 moral 343 PRASA  338, 340 VBS 340 see also Mr X, state capture Covid-19  325–328, 351 community action networks  329 prison lessons for pandemic  327 cultural activism, see Metz cultural diversity  146 Dada, Mava  119 Davis, Lionel  209 De Klerk, FW  28, 31 Department of Public Works  57, 78, 173, 186, 199, 236 and Correctional Services  46 Diaz  252 dirty tricks  90, 92 see also Maart Dlamini, Bathabile  341–342 Eastern Cape  244, 250

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Learning Centre, Multi-Purpose  117, 124–125, 131–132 Legacy Project  63 see also Arts and Culture liberation struggle  11–18 and Oliver Tambo  21 and UWC  19, 21 archives 155–156 creation of heroes  281–282 post-liberation democracy  295, 298 tensions 25–26 see also Biko, Kathrada, Mandela, Tambo Limestone Quarry Walking Tour  229 Maart, Lynette call for suspension  103, 113 dirty tricks against  111–115 resignation letter  114 social justice background  115 toxic masculinity  115 see also Tungwana Madikizela-Mandela, Nomzamo Winnie  288–289, 343 see also Mandela Makana Trust  34–35, 73, 110, 336–337 Maharaj, Mac  81, 285 Makana Investment Corporation  73, 336 Makana Trust, the  34–35, 73, 110, 336–337 Mallinicks  29, 72 Mandela, Nelson and dysfunction  291 and Sisulu  30 and Tambo  285, 289 Block B  300 Evelyn, wife  286 family fragility  286 Long Walk to Freedom 293

Heroes Acre  343, 352 Hofmeyr, Wille  29 Hogan, Barbara  68–69, 106, 341, 343 see also Kathrada hunger strikes  105, 109, 345 see also Robben Island prison Ilifa Labantu see RIM institutional dysfunction  120, 355 see also corruption James, Vincent  93–94, 99, 110–113, 336–337 behaviour 337 buggings and threats  95–96 see also Forbes, Matakata Ka Mpumlwana, Kwezi  98 Kashe-Katiya, Xolelwa  146 Kathrada, Ahmed  71 and Mandela  56, 353 and Robben Island Museum  351 attack on  110 awards 351 B Section cell  84, 351–352 funeral 342–343 Mandela funeral  353 resting place  352 revolutionary, disciplined  353 speech, exhibition opening  37–42 Triumph of the Human Spirit: Ahmed Kathrada and Robben Island 111 see also Barbara Hogan, Heroes Acre, Mayibuye Centre, state capture Kgosana, Philip  250 Komsana, Thamsanqa and James 250–253 Langa, Paul  109–110, 339–341 suspension 118 see also Kathrada, Maart, Martins Leadership 325–326

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 Index

Kathrada  29, 31, 37–42, 351 Mbangwa, Colonel Sibusiso  100, 337–338 Mbeki, Govan  15, 18, 26 Mbeki, Thabo  5–6, 22 Mcongo (Mcwango), Vusumzi  205 and the RIM break-in  101 rupture, roll in  102–105 Metz, Gordon  23, 31, 33, 47, 138, 269–270 millennium celebration  6, 77 Richard Loring  6 Mkhhalip, Khwedi  109 Mkhize, Sibongiseni  119 Moseneke, Dikgang  43, 244, 302, 347 Motlanthe, Kgalema  95, 110, 335–336, 343 see also Kathrada, Moseneke Moturu Kramat  300 Mpofu, Dali  288 Mpondwana, Mhleli  250 Mrhabulo seminars  232–234, 247 Mr X  102–104, 346–347 see Masemola Mthethwa, Nati  346–347 Mtsali, Zilindile  250–251 multi-purpose learning centre  131–132 museums, Africa  123–124 myths 282 prisoner harmony  291 see also Mandela Naidoo, Seelan  118–119 Ndungane, Archbishop Njongonkulu 109 Nelson Mandela Gateway Building  35, 60, 84, 86, 88–90, 333 B Section cell see Kathrada building of  159–164 cost 96 exhibition  98, 155, 267–280

museum 250 mythology  281–282, 285, 290–291, 293, 296–297 photo with  56 release  12, 18, 287 Rivonia trialists  29–30, 36, 95, 205, 283–284, 343 sentence, first  283–24 speech 62–65 unifier 293 Václav Havel  116 youth 285–286 see also Kathrada, Madikezela-Mandela Mandelarisation  80, 271, 298, 348 Mantura, Sheikh Abdurahman  11 Martins, Ben  102, 104, 344 and Zondo Commission  338 and Zuma  338 see also Langa, RIM Council Masemola, Mpho  344–348 ferry tickets  348 Sisulu funeral  346–347 opportunist 350 voice message  344 wolf cry  345–347 Zuma defendant  341 see also Mr X Matakata, Jama  93, 95, 104, 107, 112, 337, 339–340 Mayibuye Centre  19–37, 148–158, 161, 246–247, 269, 271, 277, 309, 384 ANC collection  30, 116 Archives  115–116, 140, 150–160, 173, 178, 270, 333, 335, 382 art projects  108 Centre for History and Culture in South Africa  385 cultural conservation  37

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ROBBEN ISLAND RAINBOW DREAMS

Pillay, Judge Ronnie  122 prison officials  1, 5, 13–14, 25 dog unit  226–228 ferry service  49–51, 71 Gerhard Brand  138 treatment of prisoners  1, 261 warders’ tour  181 see also RIM, Robben Island prisoner  4664/64 2, see also Mandela prison structures  81–82 projects  97–98, 114, 115–116 Public Investment Corporation (PIC) 339 rainbow dreams 352 nation 82 Ramlakan, Dr Vejanand  102, 105, 337, 340 Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP)  134 resistance, language of  129 RIM branding 299 budget 117 bursary scheme  114 campaign against RIM leadership  92, 105 Cell Stories see Robben Island prison creating the museum  3 crisis 104 design 271 directors 338–339 Education and Public Programmes Department 125 ex-prisoners 349 Exhibitions Unit  82, 97, 217–230 Environmental Unit  154 factionalism  346, 354–355

impact 88 management crisis  90 official opening  88–89 purpose of  162 shortcomings  164, 272–273 terminal 275–276 theft from  93 visitor experience  274–276 Odendaal, André launch and consolidation of RIM 49–61, 66–89 liberation struggle as incubator for RIM 11–18 lobbying and planning for RIM  28–36, 43–48 Mayibuye Centre 19–27, 37 RIM rupture and state capture  95–108, 335–357 RIM’s downward spiral 109–122 Oom Das (Basson)  201, 205 Oom Jan (Moolman)  201, 205, 225 Pastor, Juanita  69, 74, 97, 219, 267–268 patriotic bourgeoisie  103, 334 see also Autshumato paupers’ burials Charlie Mkele  264–265 Frank Mani  262 Jimmy Simon  259–260 John Poni  263 Lameki Kula  265–266 Matinise Marthiens Batyi  262 Mlungisi Mqalu  263 Mountain Langben  260–261 Reuben Maliwa  264 Sipho Khalipha  261 Solomon Makisi  264 Zincwasile Zanewasile Mvalwana 261–262 Peace Visions  32, 34, 194

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 Index

ungovernability 349 warders, former  5 see also Mandelarisation, UWC Ramaphosa, Cyril  343, 346–347 reference groups Grant Shezi  232, 239 group sessions  232 narrative sharing  232 see also ex-political prisoners, mrhabulo seminars RIM Council  109–110, 112 accusations against see Mcongo approval of vision  68 Bernadette Muthien  349 chairperson 111 court action  347 Khensani Maluleke  349 members 66 staff rumblings  67 sub-committee 79 remedies Vincent James  95, 110 vision statement  68 Rivonia trialists see Mandela, Kathrada Robben Island African penguins  75, 185, 190–191 biodiversity 185 B Section  6, 218, 222, 246, 267, 348 churches 105 conditions  1–2, 39–40 dream 7 function of  1, 219 guides see ex-political prisoners history 38–39 hospital  262–265, 269 kramat  185, 327 Landbou site 220 leprosarium 181

ferry contract  73, 110, 116, 345–346 Finance Department  91, 110 Finance Department break-in  90 financial reporting  118 first steps  51–53 focus on schools  54 future 349–350 healing a nation  123 heritage education  124 Heritage Unit  115 Ilifa Labantu  55, 57, 60–61, 71, 77, 116, 143, 315 institutional archive  116 legacy projects  123 management team, interim and permanent  57–61, 69–71 Mandela mythology see Mandela, Mandelarisation Mercedes buses  60 mission and vision  68 mission, unfulfilled  355 logo 6 offerings to visitors  117 opening 3–4 oral history project  22, 135, 150, 154, 208, 225–226, 241–247, 296 outsourcing 72 political control  114 pressures  109, 113 programmes  55–56, 124, 127–128, 200, 319 Research Unit  125, 132, 217, 221–222, 244, 246–247 race issues  111 rupture (2002)  117, 333, 354 schools outreach project  115, 127 staff demographics  135 tours  229, 300 turnover 103

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ROBBEN ISLAND RAINBOW DREAMS

winter  1, 5, 40, 71, 76, 96, 201, 242, 278 Zinktronk  234 winter storms  71, 96, 201, 213 see also RIM logo Robben Island Gateway Company  35, 152 Robben Island, maximum security prison  189, 193, 208–209 apartheid conditions  1–2, 39–40 Cell Stories exhibition  75, 76, 172, 217, 222, 296–297, 321 common law prisoners  237 conservation of prison precinct 222–225 decommissioning 186 hunger strikes  13, 29, 44, 244 political failure  12 Rapid Results College  15 university of the struggle  350 sewage 187 sharing for survival  13 water 187 see also ex-political prisoners Robben Island Museum see RIM Robben Island Village Association see Robben Island Rosant  226, 229 rupture, the see RIM SAMA Council  136–138, 146 Sexwale, Tokyo  29, 34, 56 see also Kathrada, Makana Trust Shaikh, Mo  335 Shezi, Phumlani Grant  248–255 see also reference groups Shubin, Vladimir  155–156 Sisulu, Walter see Mandela, Peace Visions Sithebe 248–254 Sobukwe, Robert  189, 225–226

limestone quarry  16, 34, 38, 40, 191, 222, 232, 235, 269, 293–294, 302, 317 maintenance, lack of  189–190 management of  115 maps 183 Murrays’ Bay harbour  34, 50, 52, 129, 182, 186, 222, 248, 254 Muslim presence  11, 39, 52, 300 Medium B prison  117 Memories Project  75–77, 80–83, 89, 96, 188, 295, 297, 333 millennium celebrations  5 museum see RIM Peter, the penguin  191 photographs  223, 236, 248–249 pilgrimage to  52 place of memory  2, 18 prison islands, notorious  1 rape 53 roads 187 schoolhouse  226, 228–229 seagulls 329 Sol Kerzner  28 stone quarry (bluestone)  82, 188, 221–222, 225, 232, 234, 237–238, 261, 294–295 symbol of human spirit  2 Table Mountain, view from  1 tour guides see tour guides tourist destination  74 tourist images  306 Training Programme (RITP)  54, 114, 136–137 Treasure oil spill  101 UNESCO World Heritage site, see UNESCO vessels  4, 50, 118, 205, 300 village  78, 143, 181, 183, 201, 218 Village Association  197, 199–206

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 Index

V&A Waterfront Company  35, 87, 160 Van Niekerk, Nico  90–91 Van Wyk, Koos Albert  201 vessels Autshumato  60, 92 Blouberg  50, 187 Diaz  50, 118, 205, 208, 252, 276 Makana  60, 92 Penguin  50 Proteus, The  50 RIM, first vessel to  3–5 rubber duck  90 Susan Kruger  4, 50, 91–92, 104, 120, 205, 212 Tigresse  335 Victor Verster prison  291–292 warders see prison officials Zondo Commission  323, 325, 340, 344 see also Martins Zonkizizwe Investments  339 Zonkizizwe Security Services  339 Zuma, Jacob cheerleaders 341 corruption 340–341 downfall 343 influence on RIM Council and Autshumato 338–339 launch of Mayibuye Archives  80 presidency  120, 334–335 Treasury heist  345 visit to Robben Island  335 see also Buthelezi, Martins, state capture, Zondo

children 228 Complex  188–189, 224 conserving the site  225–229 House  181, 300 letter writer  228 son  225, 227 status on the island  225 Sonn, Advocate Percy  102 South African Museum eSiqithini exhibition  3, 31, 35, 81, 149, 152, 270, 276 state capture  120, 342, 354 Struggle, the  30, 56, 85, 119, 133, 139, 249 the saint of  281–297 Sunday Standard  342 Sunday, Times 205 Tambo, Oliver  11, 21, 243 see also Mandela tour guides  131, 187, 193, 200, 207–211, 348 EPP  51, 54, 59, 67 German language courses  54 toxic masculinity see Maart Tshwete, Steve  1 Tungwana, Denmark  69–70, 90–91, 101, 103–105, 108, 111, 113–114 suspension 120 see also dirty tricks, Langa Tutu, Archbishop Desmond  35, 52, 194 see also Peace Visions UNESCO World Heritage Site  2, 5, 74, 77 acting CEOs  133 official listing  101 preparations for  165–174 University of the Western Cape (UWC)  19–20, 115 see also Mayibuye Centre

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