Riel and the Rebellion: 1885 Reconsidered 9781442679368

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RIEL AND THE R E B E L L I O N : 1885 R E C O N S I D E R E D Second Edition

When, in 1983, the first edition of Kiel and the Rebellion was published, the scholarly controversy concerning Thomas Flanagan's interpretation of the Rebellion of 1885 escalated to one of national significance. One of the few books that presents a countervailing view to the traditional interpretation of the events of 1885, Kiel and the Rebellion contends that the Metis were, to some extent, responsible for the alienation of their lands, and that Riel himself was a more destructive than constructive force in the history of western Canada. Since the book was first published, issues such as land claims and native rights have in fact moved beyond the level of academic debate; Flanagan's work remains timely and the additions in this second edition reflect the continued currency of its content. The book addresses a number of topics, including the cultural mythology surrounding Riel, the recent campaign to pardon Riel (with some discussion of a theory that contends that his trial was unfair), and the Manitoba lands question, and includes new primary research conducted by Flanagan concerning Metis land claims at St Laurent. Undoubtedly, this unique work will continue to spark controversy and garner attention because of its relevance to many larger contemporary political debates concerning native rights and land claims. THOMAS FLANAGAN is a member of the Department of Political Science at the University of Calgary.

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Biel and the Rebellion: 1885 Reconsidered Second Edition

THOMAS FLANAGAN

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

www.utppublishing.com © University of Toronto Press Incorporated 2000 Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada ISBN 0-8020-4708-4 (cloth) ISBN 0-8020-8282-3 (paper)

Printed on acid-free paper

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Flanagan, Thomas, 1944Riel and the Rebellion : 1885 reconsidered

Rev. ed. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8020-4708-4 (bound) ISBN 0-8020-8282-3 (pbk.) 1. Riel, Louis, 1844-1885.

2. Riel Rebellion, 1885.

FC3217.1.R53F55 1999 F1060.9.F55 1999

97l.05'4

I. Title.

C99-931700-8

The University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council. We acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP) for our publishing activities.

Canada

Contents

vii

Preface to the Second Edition Preface to the First Edition

ix

1 The North-West Rebellion 2 River Lots and Land Claims 3 The Metis Land Grant 4 Aboriginal Title

3 21

64

85

5 Blackmail or Indemnity? 114 6 Trial in Error? 131 7 Medical Manipulation 8 Exoneration? 169 Notes

191

Index

217

156

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Preface to the Second Edition

Kiel and the Rebellion was published in 1983 by Western Producer Prairie Books. It was a modest success as works of Canadian history go, selling several thousand copies and attracting numerous reviews, with assessments ranging from 'superb and timely work' to 'for pure nastiness and vengefulness, unmatched in recent literature.'1 About the time that the original print run sold out, Western Producer decided to get out of the book-publishing business, leaving Riel and the Rebellion an out-of-print orphan. Thus I was delighted when Bill Harnum, director of marketing at Western Producer when the book appeared, suggested that the University of Toronto Press, where he is now senior vice-president of scholarly publishing, should consider publishing a second edition. His suggestion proved to be particularly timely because the question of legal exoneration for Riel, which was widely discussed around 1985 in connection with the Rebellion centennial, came to the fore again at the end of the 1990s. In preparing the second edition, I have gone over the entire manuscript, tightening the prose, incorporating works of history published since 1983, and correcting any mistakes I could discover. Three changes deserve particular comment: • When I wrote the first edition, I had not yet made a detailed study of primary sources relating to Metis lands in Manitoba, so I relied on existing literature, especially the works of D.N. Sprague. But later in the 1980s, when I went over this ground carefully at the request of the federal Department of Justice, I

viii Preface to the Revised Edition

found that the literature was unreliable. I therefore published my own book in 1991, Metis Lands in Manitoba? I have now corrected Riel and the Rebellion so that its explanation of Manitoba land issues matches the exposition in Metis Lands in Manitoba. - In 1998, the Winnipeg lawyer Ronald Olesky published a new theory about political interference in Riel's trial.3 I have dealt with Olesky's argument in my chapter on the trial, explaining why I think his concerns are greatly exaggerated. • In the early 1980s, when I was writing the first edition, discussions about exonerating Riel focused on using the royal prerogative of mercy to grant a posthumous pardon. While the book was in press, the emphasis began to shift towards getting parliament to pass legislation reversing Riel's conviction, and that remains the focus in the late 1990s. I have rewritten the last chapter of the book, not only to update the story of attempts to exonerate Riel but also to discuss the constitutional issues raised by the legislative approach. Riel and the Rebellion is a controversial book, and some people dislike it intensely. Yet emotional topics are most in need of rational debate. Even if my interpretation is ultimately judged wrong, it may still be useful, in the way that John Stuart Mill described the utility of mistaken viewpoints: 'He who knows only his own side of the case knows little of that. His reasons may be good, and no one may have been able to refute them. But if he is equally unable to refute the reasons on the opposite side, if he does not so much as know what they are, he has no ground for preferring either opinion.'4 And further: 'If opponents of allimportant truths do not exist, it is indispensable to imagine them and supply them with the strongest arguments which the most skillful devil's advocate can conjure up.'5 In that spirit, I invite all those interested in the North-West Rebellion to refute the evidence presented here. I would like to thank the Donner Canadian Foundation for defraying the costs I incurred in preparing this second edition. Finally, Chris Matthews was kind enough to do a new index on short notice.

Preface to the First Edition

As long as Canada exists, its citizens will want to read about Louis Riel because his life summarizes in a unique way the tensions of being Canadian: English versus French, native versus white, east versus west, Canadian versus American. Since I have already written a good deal about Riel, I would like to clarify the relation of this book to my earlier writings, for the observant reader may detect some changes in attitude and tone. I first became interested in Riel around 1971 when I conceived the idea of writing an account of his prophetic religious mission from the inside, as it were - as he understood himself, not as others had labelled him, a victim of mental disease. While I worked on that interpretation, I edited some of Riel's writings for publication, chiefly his diaries and the poetry of his youthful years in Montreal.1 My biographical treatment of Riel appeared in 1979 under the title Louis 'David' Riel: 'Prophet of the New World.'* Perhaps I should have stopped there, but Riel continued to fascinate me. Therefore I agreed to participate in the Louis Riel Project, headed by the historian G.F.G. Stanley, which was organized to edit all of Riel's writings for publication in 1985, the centennial year of the North-West Rebellion. My particular assignment was to edit the volume containing everything written by Riel between 4 June 1884, when he was invited to involve himself in the politics of the Saskatchewan District, and 16 November 1885, when he was hanged for his role in the North-West Rebellion. Since my volume was in essence a documentary history of the

x Preface to the First Edition

Rebellion, I had to make a more careful study than I had done before of the events and issues of that movement. Previously interested in Riel as a religious figure, I had taken my guidance on political questions more or less uncritically from what earlier historians had written. But as I went over the story again and made my own study of the primary sources, the conventional account began to seem inadequate. I had earlier accepted that the Metis had serious unresolved grievances; that the government of Canada never gave a satisfactory response to their complaints; that Riel resorted to violence only after legal means of action had failed; that he received a trial of questionable validity before being executed by a vengeful government. As I sifted the evidence this view became less and less convincing to me until I concluded that the opposite was closer to the truth: that the Metis grievances were at least partly of their own making; that the government was on the verge of resolving them when the Rebellion broke out; that Kiel's resort to arms could not be explained by the failure of constitutional agitation; and that he received a surprisingly fair trial. When I came to these conclusions I knew I had to publish them, especially because of the gathering movement to grant Riel a posthumous pardon in 1985 - something that now strikes me as quite wrong. I might have written my version of events as an introduction to my volume of the Riel Papers; but the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, which so generously funded the Riel Project, wished such introductions to be kept short. Thus what might have been a long introduction to a very large book became a small book in its own right. Traditionally in Canadian historiography the events of 1869-70 were known as the Red River Rebellion and those of 1885 as the North-West Rebellion. The late W.L. Morton suggested it would be more appropriate to call the former the 'Red River Resistance' on the ground that formation of a provisional government in a situation where no other government existed did not constitute rebellion against the crown. Like most researchers in the field, I have adopted Morton's terminology.4 However, I continue to refer to the events of 1885 as the North-West Rebellion. Riel's

Preface to the First Edition

xi

council bore the strange name of Exovedate, but it was understood to be, and often called by all participants, a provisional government. Kiel's followers not only formed a government, they took hostages, demanded to negotiate with Canada, and fought pitched battles with the police and militia. I think that 'rebellion' is the proper word for what they did.5 It is a pleasure at this point to thank the numerous institutions and individuals without whose help this book could not have been completed. The research was supported financially by the Louis Riel Project with money donated by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. The University of Calgary also granted me financial assistance in connection with the Riel Project. The University of Alberta in sponsoring the project provided a location and much technical, administrative, and financial support. I am grateful to the employees of the various archives whose holdings I consulted during the research; the institutions are named in the list of abbreviations in the notes section. The prior work of G.F.G. Stanley has been particularly valuable to me. Although my conclusions are sometimes different from his, I could never have done my research without his pioneering efforts to build on. Miriam Carey and Donald Smith gave me important insights into the collaboration between Riel and William Henry Jackson. Neil Watson used his expertise in legal history to help me analyse Riel's trial. Saskatchewan History and the Revue de I'Universite d'Ottawa graciously granted me permission to rework portions of articles previously published in those journals. I extend my thanks to all these people as well as to many others whose names are not mentioned here.

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RIEL AND THE REBELLION

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CHAPTER ONE

The North-West Rebellion

On a world scale of violence, Canada's North-West Rebellion of 1885 was a trifling affair. A couple of hundred able-bodied Metis from the settlements along the South Saskatchewan River took up arms.1 They were joined at Batoche by an even smaller number of Indians. A few other Indian bands - the Crees of the Battle River country and the Assiniboines of the Eagle Hills - left their reserves and committed acts of murder and pillage, but they were not really part of Riel's uprising.2 The large majority of Plains Indians, as well as Metis, remained out of the conflict, even though emissaries from Riel approached them.s The Canadian government fielded about 8,000 men, divided into several different columns plus the usual complement devoted to logistical support. The largest fighting unit, that led by General Frederick Middleton against Batoche, numbered less than a thousand men. Other units sent against the Indians were considerably smaller. The number of casualties was correspondingly low. There is some uncertainty about the numbers of Metis and Indians who died in the campaign, but it is safe to say that about a hundred men lost their lives in all engagements together. Of course, these numbers are not the whole story, for they must be set in the context of a thinly populated frontier society. If the total of deaths is not impressive, the number of casualties, including wounded, was high compared to the numbers engaged. The fighting covered huge distances and was expensive. The direct cost of the Rebellion to the Canadian government was over $5,000,000,

4 Kiel and the Rebellion

a substantial sum for the day. More important, this was Canada's first independent military venture. General Middleton and a few senior officers were British career soldiers; but the fighting men and middle officers were Canadian, as were the political direction and financial support. The Rebellion proved that Canada could make a major military effort over great reaches of its own territory. It thus occupies a place in Canadian military history more significant than mere statistics might warrant. However, the true importance of the Rebellion in our history is more symbolic than military. It will always be remembered because it expressed several of the fundamental tensions of Canada: the aspirations of western settlers to run their own affairs versus the desire of Ottawa to control the public domain according to its own conception of the national interest; the conviction of natives, both Indians and Metis, that this was 'their land' versus the belief of Canadians in British sovereignty; the conflicting sympathies of English and French Canadians towards the Frenchspeaking, Catholic Metis; the desire of some in the west for union with the United States; and the quite realistic fear among Canadian statesmen that American annexation would follow if Canada did not have a strong presence on the prairies. These tensions were all concentrated in the person of Louis Riel, who led the Metis into battle and was executed as a traitor when his movement failed. He was a human bridge between the poles of these antagonisms. Born and raised in Red River, he had been educated at Montreal, so he knew both east and west. A Metis of seven-eighths white ancestry, he united Indian and white in his own blood. His mother tongue was French, but he spoke English well. He had modified his ardent Roman Catholicism to the point where he now preached an exotic new religion to Protestants and Catholics alike. Born a British subject, he had renounced his allegiance to Queen Victoria and become an American citizen in 1883. Small wonder that his career - particularly his lonely appearance in the prisoner's box at Regina - has captured the Canadian imagination. He symbolizes in one way or another many of the great issues constituting our national agenda.

The North-West Rebellion

5

Canadian assessments of Kiel have varied widely across place and time. Francophones in eastern Canada originally saw him as a western projection of the French fact. On 22 November 1885, Honore Mercier expressed this view when he addressed a monster rally at the Champs de Mars in Montreal: 'Kiel, our brother, is dead, victim of his devotion to the cause of the Metis whose chief he was, a victim of the fanaticism of Sir John and his friends ... In killing Riel, Sir John has not only struck at the heart of our race but especially at the cause of justice and humanity which ... demanded mercy for the prisoner of Regina, our poor friend of the North-West.'4 French-Canadian historians have often recurred to the same themes. The French race,' wrote A.-H. de Tremaudan, 'can be proud of this scion, who was faithful to its civilizing mission in the Canadian West.'5 The Abbe Lionel Groulx wrote that Riel 'not only paid for the crime of having defended the rights of his compatriots, he suffered chiefly and above all for the crime of belonging to our race.'6 The original English-Canadian view was a mirror image of the French, seeing Riel as a reactionary obstacle to the advance of British civilization in the west. C.P. Mulvaney, in his instant book on the North-West Rebellion, called Riel a defender of Catholic 'mediaevalism. R.G. MacBeth, writing in 1905, pictured Riel as a demagogic madman who had to be defeated so that Canada could develop and progress.8 The English and French assessments were diametrically opposed, but they were identical in seeing western events through the optics of religion and language typifying eastern Canadian politics. A new scholarly framework started to emerge in the 1930s with the work of George Stanley, a historian, and Marcel Giraud, an ethnologist. Stanley wrote in his now classic doctoral dissertation, The Birth of Western Canada (1936): 'I feel that the significance of those troubles which marked the early history of Western Canada is to be found rather in their connection with the general history of the frontier than with the ethnic relationships of Quebec and Ontario. Both the Manitoba insurrection and the Saskatchewan rebellion were the manifestation in Western Canada of the problem of the frontier, namely the clash between primitive and civi-

6 Kiel and the Rebellion lized peoples.'9 Civilization and primitivism were also the major themes in Giraud's narrative.10 For somewhat different reasons, the books of Stanley and Giraud had little immediate effect. The Birth of Western Canada was published in the depths of the Depression, and most of the printed copies were destroyed in a warehouse fire during the London blitz. It was hardly read in Canada until the University of Toronto Press reprinted it in 1961. Giraud's massive tome, published in Paris in 1945, was inaccessible to all but a few scholars until an English translation was published in 1986.n Yet their work paved the way for new popular interpretations that started to emerge after the Second World War. The dismantling of the European colonial empires and the proclamation by the United Nations of the right of national selfdetermination challenged assumptions about the hegemony of Western civilization.12 As the Third World of former colonies gained its independence, the 'Fourth World' of native peoples encapsulated within Western-style states emerged into view.13 The logic of these developments is still unfolding in Canada, as it becomes increasingly common to use the international vocabulary of 'nation' and 'sovereignty' to refer to Indians and Metis. Against this backdrop, views of Riel as a national-liberation leader were bound to arise. Two authors, the dramatist John Coulter and the journalist-historian Joseph Kinsey Howard, were the first to express the new interpretation of Riel. That Coulter was from Ireland and Howard from the United States made it easier for them to create a novel mythology about Riel because they were less bound by traditional Canadian outlooks. Coulter's first work about Riel was Riel: A Play in Two Parts (1950). In 1968 he published two separate and shorter plays, The Crime of Louis Riel and The Trial of Louis Riel, simpler than the original and more suitable for production. The Trial, seen annually by thousands of summer tourists, became an institution in Regina. In the introduction to the The Crime, Coulter wrote: 'I see the Metis leader and the rebellions which he led as precursors of later and present uprisings all over the world, particularly the so-called Third World - armed resistance by small nations against forcible

The North-West Rebellion

7

take-over by some powerful neighbour, an impassioned rejection of even greatly enhanced material well-being in order to be free free of the humiliation of paternalistic government by an outsider, free to develop in their own way from their own roots.'14 At one level Coulter's view was almost Fenian, placing Riel in a world-wide struggle of small peoples against British imperialism, martyred like the poet Padraic Pearse, who led the Easter uprising in Dublin in 1916. At another level, however, Coulter's work manifested Canadian cultural nationalism. He has written of his surprise on learning, upon coming to this country in the 1930s, that Canadian drama was based on foreign models. His first work about Riel reflected a conscious desire to do a 'Canadian' play. Mavor Moore, who in 1967 composed the opera Louis Riel and who has been an important cultural nationalist, played the leading role in the 1950 production of Riel. Coulter also seems to have been the one who suggested to the Massey Commission that Canada should create something like the British Arts Council to patronize the arts. He thus became a sort of godfather to the Canada Council, which subsidized the writing of his later Riel plays.15 Strange Empire, by Joseph Kinsey Howard (1952), set the story of the Indians and Metis in a context drawn from the Second World War: 'The crime of genocide is older than its name ... The races with which we are concerned in this book were martyred in the name of Manifest Destiny or Canada First or an Anglo-Saxon God. There were no gas chambers then, but there was malevolent intention; and there were guns and hunger, smallpox and syphilis, and "backward" peoples, then as now, could be used as puppets in the power politics of dynamic "civilized" states.'16 Strange Empire is the most readable, even gripping, account of Kiel's life ever written. Although scholars use it with caution, it has been reprinted several times and has been widely influential, along with Coulter's plays, in popularizing the image of Riel as a martyred hero of national liberation. Howard's work also has a distinctly American aspect, with Riel as an 'American primitive' and the Metis as 'a new people, wild and free and in love with their land.'17 That view would later find a powerful echo in

8 Kiel and the Rebellion

George Woodcock's depiction of Gabriel Dumont as the 'natural man par excellence.'18 After Coulter and Howard there have been so many popular histories and so many poems, plays, and novels about Riel that it would take a monograph to survey them all.19 Riel as nationalliberation leader remains the general theme, with secondary variations. Rudy Wiebe, portraying Riel as a peaceful mystic yearning for the kingdom of God on earth, has him say, 'Why don't we make a heaven here in the North-West, where we can have peace between all people, no killing?'20 Janet Rosenstock and Dennis Adair, in their 'novelization' of the CBC's three-hour made-forTV movie (1979), make Riel into a multiculturalist: 'It should perhaps be noted that Louis Riel's "mad" plan to open the West for settlement to the oppressed people of the world was at least partially adopted by the Canadian government ten years after his death, when immigrants were recruited from eastern and central Europe. The government, in 1971, also adopted Riel's suggested multicultural policy within a bilingual framework.'21 Riel has become a portmanteau symbol for the fashionable causes of the political left, including national liberation, Canadian nationalism, human rights, aboriginal rights, multiculturalism, and bilingualism. None of this, however, has much to with history. As Donald Swainson has pointed out: 'Commercial writers, novelists, poets, journalists, agitators, and the ideologically dedicated write about Riel as though scholarship does not exist. These writers find in Riel a tool with which to cultivate retroactively their views of Canadian society. This process will continue, because the structure of our history has made Louis Riel the most usable person in the Canadian past.'22 In contrast, this book is an attempt to get behind the posturing and symbolism, to reconstruct history wie es eigentlich gewesen ist ('as it really was'). It is not a broad history of the Rebellion but a detailed study of the issues at stake. Mythology aside, what were the grievances of the Metis? Did the government respond to them? What were Riel's real objectives in 1885? Did he receive a fair trial? History is not a morality play in which one side represents good

The North-West Rebellion

9

and the other evil. Nonetheless, we cannot help making judgments about past events. We want to decide: Was Kiel, were the Metis, justified in resorting to arms? Was the government right to subject Kiel to the highest punishment of the law? Should parliament now revoke his conviction? The research embodied in this book is meant to encourage informed answers to such questions. It will serve its purpose if it raises the level of discussion above slogans and catchwords by showing the issues in the context of their day. To set the stage here is a brief sketch of events. All historians agree that the origins of the Rebellion must be traced to the 'Resistance' of 1869-70 in the Red River colony.24 The Metis, led by the young Louis Riel, held up the transfer of Rupert's Land from the Hudson's Bay Company to Canada until their demands were met. Wanting to ensure their survival as a distinctive francophone and Catholic community, they insisted on guarantees of their autonomy - provincial rather than territorial status, bilingual institutions, confessional schools, and local control of public lands. These demands were granted in a formal way in the Manitoba Act of 1870, except that a land grant to the Metis children was substituted for provincial control of the public domain. However, the outcome was not favourable to Metis power in the long run. Their resistance created antipathy among the English-speaking Protestant settlers who streamed into the new province of Manitoba. The francophone element was quickly outnumbered and outmanoeuvred in local politics. The land grant was slow in implementation; and when it did come, it catered to the Metis desire for quick sales to land speculators. Before the decade was up, the Metis had begun to feel like strangers in their native land. Many emigrated to places farther west: Montana, Cypress Hills, Wood Mountain, Qu'Appelle, and especially the valley of the South Saskatchewan.25 In the late 1870s and early 1880s, the river banks south of Prince Albert were populated by hundreds of Metis families spread out almost as they had been on the Red River, with the English to the north, the French to the south. The centre of French Metis settlement was the parish of St Laurent, including the village of Batoche. Almost from the beginning, the Metis who settled along the

10 Kiel and the Rebellion

South Saskatchewan began directing complaints to the federal government. The first statement of Metis grievances was a letter from Gabriel Dumont to the lieutenant-governor of the NorthWest Territories reporting a meeting held at St Laurent on 1 February 1878.26 The letter requested four things: that the governor appoint a French-speaking magistrate and a Metis member of the Territorial Council; that the Territorial government subsidize local schools; that there be a land grant, as in Manitoba, to extinguish the Metis aboriginal title; and that agricultural assistance be offered to the Metis farmers of St Laurent. From 1882 to 1884 half a dozen more letters and petitions came from St Laurent to various officials of local and federal government.2 All dealt solely with the issue now paramount at St Laurent: the application of homestead rules to the Metis settling along the South Saskatchewan River. They wanted a survey or resurvey of the banks into river lots, as well as relaxation of rules that constrained their choice of lands. The Metis drew up a comprehensive list of their demands at the time of the Territorial elections of March 1883. When the two candidates for the district of Lome came to St Laurent, they reviewed this fourteen-point list and endorsed its contents. The document included concerns already voiced in letters of complaint: more French officials in government; a Metis land grant in the North-West; easing of homestead regulations and granting of river lots; and continued support of local schools. It also evidenced a number of new requests. Some were local concerns that might be voiced by any community, such as improvement of ferries and construction of roads; others were far-reaching political objectives, such as provincial status for the Saskatchewan District and representation of the Territories in the House of Commons. Louis Schmidt, who reported this list to Le Manitoba, commented: 'We do not expect all these requests to be granted. We wanted to show that there was still much to be done to satisfy us.'28 The issues that produced the deepest sense of grievance appeared in a list of seven items from the spring of 1884, when the Metis held a series of protest meetings. The delegation sent to

The North-West Rebellion

11

seek the advice of Kiel, then living in Montana, took this document with them. It is the single best record of Metis grievances: We, the French and English natives, being convinced that the government of Canada has taken possession of the North-West Territories without the consent of the natives ... both the French and English natives claim as their right: 1) to participate in at least the same rights and privileges claimed by the [natives] of Manitoba, seeing that the North-West is much wealthier in resources, etc. 2) that the French and English natives claim the right of being represented in the North-West council, based on the native population living here. 3) that the French and English natives of the North-West (those that have not participated in the Manitoba lands grant) want free patent for the lands they possess and occupy at the present date, without any prejudice to any more grants to which they are entitled for the extinction of their Indian title to the lands of the North-West. 4) that the natives, French and English, protest against the dues and charges on timber and forests until their rights within mentioned be recognized and granted by the Dominion government. 5) that the management of the Indians' affairs such as Indian agents, instructorships or other offices for the benefit of the Indians in the North West Territories be entrusted to natives, as they are more familiar with the habits, character and wants of those Indians, and to prevent any regrettable occurrences as have happened in the past. 6) that the French and English natives of the North-West having never recognized any right to the lands of this North-West assumed by the Hudson's Bay Company or by the Dominion Government, claim an exclusive right to those lands along with the Indians. 7) that the French and English natives of the North-West knowing that Louis Kiel has made a bargain with the government of Canada in 1870, which said bargain is contained mostly in

12 Kiel and the Rebellion what is known as 'the Manitoba Act' and this meeting not knowing the contents of said 'Manitoba Act,' we have thought it advisable that a delegation be sent to said Louis Kiel and have his assistance to bring all the matters referred to in the above resolutions in a proper shape and form before the government of Canada, so that our just demands be granted.29

Only two points in the list - better representation in the NorthWest council and more government jobs - are unconnected to land. The rest of the items interlock to form a distinct position, which may be briefly summarized: The Metis are an aboriginal people who, along with the Indians, were the original owners of Rupert's Land. Their aboriginal title must be extinguished in the North-West, as it was in Manitoba, through a land grant. In the meantime, it is unjust to limit their access to timber resources of which they are still the true owners. Also, as original settlers, they should be allowed free patent for lands they have already occupied. Charles Nolin and Maxime Lepine made more or less the same points to Bishop Vital-Justin Grandin of St Albert when he visited St Laurent in June 1884.30 All evidence points to the land question as being the most fundamental concern of the Metis at the time they sent their delegation to Kiel. This was also consistently expressed in the Metis letters to government going back to 1878. Other complaints come and go, but various aspects of the land question appear in every single document they produced. The Metis dispatched a delegation of three locally important men to meet with Riel: Gabriel Dumont, the acknowledged leader of St Laurent; his brother-in-law Moise Ouellette, himself the leader of an extensive clan; and James Isbister, the first Metis to have farmed near the site of Prince Albert. The younger and less influential Michel Dumas accompanied them at his own expense. They arrived on 4 June at St Peter's mission, Montana, where Riel was teaching school. Much had happened to Riel since the glory days of 1870 when he had been president of the provisional government at Red River.31 He had fled his homeland to escape the vengeance of Colonel Garnet Wolseley's Ontario volunteers when the expedi-

The North-West Rebellion

13

tionary force arrived in August 1870. For three years he had shuttled back and forth between Minnesota and Manitoba, hoping in vain to receive a pardon for the misguided execution of Thomas Scott, which he had sanctioned in his days of power. Then in 1873 he went east, to press his own case as member of parliament for the riding of Provencher. Eighteen months of intense politicking finally produced a conditional amnesty: Riel would be pardoned for the Scott affair, but only if he left Canada for five years. He was also deprived of his seat in the House of Commons. These new setbacks accelerated Kiel's growing sense of religious mission. He believed that God was subjecting him to these trials only to prepare him for a greater glory yet to come. On 8 December 1875 he experienced a spiritual breakthrough while attending mass in Washington, B.C. He became convinced that the Holy Spirit was speaking to him and through him to the world at large; he was now the 'Prophet of the New World.' His friends interpreted this prophetic exaltation as the onset of madness and placed him in insane asylums in the province of Quebec for almost two years. While thus confined, he wrote at length about the new dispensation of which he was the prophet. The Metis, as the second Chosen People, would purify Catholicism by reviving many of the practices of the Hebrews, the first Chosen People. The Holy Spirit would leave the corrupt Roman papacy to settle upon Kiel's patron, Ignace Bourget, bishop of Montreal. When Riel was discharged from Beauport asylum in January 1878, he had learned to keep his revelations to himself, but he continued to believe them with undiminished fervour. After some half-hearted attempts to settle in New York, Riel went to the American west. When he failed to interest Bishop John Ireland of St Paul, Minnesota, in a colonization scheme for French Canadians from New England, he pushed on to Montana, where numerous Metis and Indians had congregated to follow the last buffalo. Riel tried to organize them for an invasion of Canada in the spring of 1880, but that plan also failed. He then supported himself for a few years as a petty trader, taking goods on consignment and selling them to Metis and Indians for buffalo robes. He involved himself in Montana politics on the side of

14 Kiel and the Rebellion

the Republicans and became notorious in the local press when he was accused of illegally inducing British subjects to vote in the election of November 1882. Along the way he married Marguerite Monet dite Bellehumeur, the daughter of a Metis hunter, and became the father of two children. He settled at the Jesuit mission of St Peter's, on the Sun River between Helena and Fort Benton, in the spring of 1883, prepared to earn a meagre living as a schoolteacher. Externally normal in behaviour and orthodox in religion, he still clung to his belief that he was a divinely inspired prophet. His mission was alive but dormant, waiting for a signal from God in order to become public once again. His private papers show that he went through an intense spiritual crisis in the spring of 1884, immediately before the arrival of the delegation from the Saskatchewan District.32 When they reached him, he was ready for a challenge. The delegation had been instructed to present several options to Riel. He could remain in Montana and advise the Saskatchewan valley settlers from afar; he could travel to Ottawa to present their case to the federal government; or he could come to St Laurent to participate in the movement directly. With little hesitation, Riel chose the third alternative. His letter of acceptance made plain that he was coming not only to help his fellow countrymen but to press his own claims for financial compensation from the government.

oo

After Riel arrived in St Laurent in early July, there ensued a lengthy period of peaceful political agitation. Working closely with William Henry Jackson, a young Liberal from Prince Albert, Riel tried to frame a petition of grievances acceptable to all residents of the area, native as well as white, anglophone as well as francophone. This was no simple task; for, while all parties had grievances for which they held Ottawa to blame, they differed among themselves over the pre-eminent question of native land rights. The petition sent to Ottawa on 16 December 1884 emphasized the concerns of the white settlers of Prince Albert more than those of the Metis, but it also hinted at more radical demands to follow.34 The government was now becoming worried about events in

The North-West Rebellion

15

the west. On 28 January 1885 the cabinet authorized an enumeration of the Metis population of the North-West Territories in preparation for a grant of land or scrip similar to those carried out in Manitoba. About the same time the Department of the Interior reached a resolution of the river-lot question that had vexed the St Laurent colony for so long. But these concessions, communicated to the Metis in February and March, did not cause the agitation to subside. If Kiel had ever been much interested in these petty matters, he had now gone far beyond them to emphasize that the Metis were the true owners of the North-West and that their claims must be satisfied by creation of a vast trust fund for future generations. Also, the voice of the Holy Spirit was whispering that the time for public revelation was near. These radical impulses were strengthened by his disappointment with the government for not recognizing his personal claims for money. He had entered into behind-the-scenes negotiations in December and January to try to secure a sum of money from the prime minister, but these had proven fruitless. Riel took up arms with the Metis on 18 March. They remained almost alone in this desperate enterprise since their former partners in the movement, the English half-breeds and white settlers, refused to support them. Only a few Indians from neighbouring reserves joined in, while the Cree of the Battle River and the Assiniboine of the Eagle Hills embarked on separate ventures of pillage and destruction. For a week the Metis were guilty only of taking hostages, cutting telegraph lines, and looting stores; but they crossed the line of open rebellion on 26 March 1885 when they fought and won a pitched battle against the North-West Mounted Police at Duck Lake. This Pyrrhic victory ensured that Riel could never achieve his stated objective of negotiating with the government, for Canada would have to recover its prestige and restore order with force. Failing to secure widespread support, the Metis waited at Batoche for the inevitable attack. As they dug trenches for military defence, they were also occupied with Riel's religious reforms. He openly emerged in his role of prophet, announcing that Rome had fallen and that Archbishop Bourget was now

16 Kiel and the Rebellion

pope. He changed the Lord's Day from Sunday to Saturday and organized his own religious services while putting the missionaries under house arrest. As the Metis council, dubbed by Riel the 'Exovedate' (from the Latin ex, 'from,' and ovile, 'flock'), debated these matters, the Canadian forces drew nearer. The Metis temporarily checked their advance with an ambush at Fish Creek on 24 April, but the final battle could only be postponed, not avoided. Batoche fell after four days of fighting, on 9-12 May 1885.35 Meanwhile, separate columns dealt with the Indians. Events now shifted from the military to the legal plane. Even though he probably could have escaped to Montana, Riel voluntarily surrendered to General Middleton. He unrealistically hoped to have a great trial before the Supreme Court of Canada to publicize his cause to the world. Instead he was taken to Regina to be tried for high treason before a stipendiary magistrate. After four days of oral argument, he was convicted on 1 August and received the mandatory death sentence. Execution was postponed while unsuccessful appeals were made to the Manitoba Court of Queen's Bench and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. There was also a further short delay while a medical commission appointed by the cabinet verified Riel's sanity. He was finally hanged on 16 November 1885. Most other participants in the Rebellion were treated with relative leniency. Only eighty-five men were tried for any crime, all others being allowed to go back to their farms or reserves without legal penalty. Apart from Riel, the only ones to be hanged were eight Indians shown to have murdered unresisting victims. Most Indians and Metis received sentences of seven years or less for treason-felony and were paroled after about a year. The government's strategy of making Riel the symbol of the Rebellion and punishing him accordingly was effective in the short run but has had the long-term result of making him a mythical figure. He went to the scaffold believing that, like Christ, he would rise from the dead on the third day. That did not happen, but his death has given him a different form of immortality in the collective Canadian self-consciousness. What do we make of Riel's role in the Rebellion? Various

The North-West Rebellion

17

answers to the question appeared at the trial in the views of the prosecution, of Riel himself, and of his defence attorneys. The prosecution held that the Rebellion was wholly unjustified because the minor grievances of the Metis were not enough to require an armed uprising against the state, and in any case the government was already moving to respond to their complaints. The alleged grievances were only pretexts for Riel to further his private interests. The prime minister and other government spokesmen consistently maintained this account in the polemics of the day. It was also current in the English-language books published in the last century about the North-West, but it is hardly represented today in the historical literature. Its only proponent in recent decades is Donald Creighton, whose biography of Sir John A. Macdonald gave the governmental interpretation of the Rebellion.36 Riel, in contrast, maintained that the Rebellion was a wholly justified response to oppression. The Metis had serious grievances that had never been remedied. They took up arms only in self-defence when the government threatened to attack them with a column of Mounted Police. Riel claimed that he had never acted except from disinterested motives. Gabriel Dumont and many other Metis, past and present, have shared this interpretation.3 A.-H. de Tremaudan advanced it in his Histoire de la nation metisse dans I'Ouest Canadien, published posthumously by the Union Nationale Metisse Saint Joseph du Manitoba.38 More recently, it has been revived by Howard Adams, Don McLean, and D.N. Sprague, all of whom embroider Tremaudan's account with speculations that the government's agents provocateurs instigated the Rebellion to discredit Riel and the Metis.39 The third view, that of Riel's defence attorneys, is more complicated than the first two. His counsel argued that the government had shamefully neglected the Metis complaints. While these did not perhaps justify an insurrection, they were certainly mitigating circumstances. But the Rebellion itself was a product of Riel's insanity. The credulous Metis had been led by a madman who should not be convicted because he was not capable of criminal intent. The peculiar attraction of this interpretation was that it

18 Kiel and the Rebellion

offered middle ground between the uncompromising postures of Kiel and the prosecution. Without supporting the Rebellion as such, one could still criticize the government on two counts: causing the violence by inaction, and hanging a madman. In 1885 this view was taken by most of the Liberal opposition, by the Oblate missionaries who ministered to the Metis,40 and by many French Canadians opposed to Kiel's execution. Like the prosecution's theory, it quickly found its way into the historical literature; but, while the former has lost favour and almost disappeared, the latter has steadily won adherents and now dominates the field. The turning point occurred in 1936, when George Stanley published The Birth of Western Canada. Stanley devoted a whole chapter to the Metis grievances and strongly supported their case: The justice of the Metis case cannot but be admitted,' he wrote. 'The case against the Government is conclusive ... constitutional agitation and the petition had been an acknowledged failure.' The Rebellion itself 'was the scheme of a mad man ... Riel was no longer sane.'41 Many subsequent historians of the Rebellion and biographers of Riel have drawn on Stanley's version of history.42 Its appeal has been strengthened by the numerous psychiatrists who have written papers to prove that Riel was mentally ill.43 Stanley himself also maintained it in his later book Louis Riel (1963), although the attentive reader will notice that the author's views had become less pronounced in the meantime.44 Nowhere does the book definitely state that Riel was insane in 1885, and it presents material that casts doubt on the validity of the Metis grievances. But the increasing ambivalence of Stanley's position has not had as much influence on general opinion as the clear-cut pronouncements of his youth. Of recent writers, only Desmond Morton has challenged the reigning orthodoxy, even in passing.45 Thus there is now a wide popular and academic consensus on several points: that Canada treated the Metis badly, that Riel was a well-meaning idealist motivated by concern for the welfare of his people, and that his trial in 1885 was unfair. Not surprisingly, repeated attempts have been made to exonerate Riel through posthumous pardon or legislative reversal of his conviction.

The North-West Rebellion

19

The consensus view, however, does not stand up well in the light of the evidence that has become available since George Stanley published his biography of Riel in 1963. The researcher can now have access to the files of the Department of the Interior, which contain much information about the grievances of the Metis and the steps the government took to redress them. The Louis Riel Project collected and published all of Riel's papers, thus making it possible to reconstruct his thinking in minute detail. Careful study of his collaborator William Henry Jackson has helped fill some of the gaps still remaining in the record of Riel's thought and actions. This book will focus on the questions most relevant to overall judgment of Riel and the Rebellion. We want to be able to say, in some broad sort of way, whether the Rebellion was indeed justified and Riel was a martyr, or whether it was a needless act of violence and Riel got what he deserved, a traitor's death. The old questions - rebel or hero, traitor or martyr? - will not go away, even when they become cliches, because they are the ultimately important questions for evaluating our national history. Did Canada disgrace itself in the Rebellion, or did it respond with appropriate firmness to a misguided challenge to public authority? I discuss the following questions, each in its own chapter: • What were the difficulties of the Metis concerning river lots and how did the government react to their complaints? • Did the Metis of the North-West have a right to a land grant as in Manitoba? Again, what did the government do about it? • What was Riel's real object in the agitation? Upon what principles did he base his demands? • To what extent, if any, was Riel influenced by narrow considerations of personal financial gain? • Did he receive a fair trial? • Should his sentence have been commuted because of his alleged insanity? • In light of the answers to the first six questions, should we today take legal steps to exonerate Louis Riel?

20 Kiel and the Rebellion

Such questions are inherently controversial. Even exhaustive study of the facts will leave reasonable observers holding opposite views. But if factual knowledge is not sufficient to resolve all disagreements, it surely helps bring the debates into sharper focus. The primary goal of this book is to set these questions in the context of their own day, so that we can appreciate the historical dilemmas they embody. The evidence assembled here is essential to anyone trying to make an informed judgment about Riel and the Rebellion.

CHAPTER TWO

River Lots and Land Claims

Many Metis lived in 1870 in those parts of Rupert's Land which would become the North-West Territories. With a few exceptions, the major one being the settled community of St Albert, these traders and buffalo hunters did not have well-established claims to particular pieces of land. They often had cabins in widely scattered locations that they used for wintering, but they did not have permanent farms. However, in the 1870s, as the buffalo grew less numerous, the Metis began to settle down, staking out long, narrow lots along river banks. They were reinforced in this pattern of land holding by the thousands of Metis who emigrated from Manitoba. Already accustomed to having such lots along the Red and Assiniboine rivers, they naturally followed the same pattern when they settled on the Saskatchewan. Preference for river lots embroiled the Metis in disputes with the Department of the Interior, which was committed to a rectangular survey of the North-West Territories. The department allowed river lots to be obtained under certain circumstances, but there were many technical controversies. What were the rights of those who had settled before survey as compared to those who had settled afterwards? Would land surveyed on the rectangular plan be resurveyed into river lots? How would river lots be legally described and recorded? Under which version of homesteading rules, which were amended from time to time, would Metis claims be adjudicated? Government employees made some obvious mistakes in judgment; and the Metis, not always well advised by their missionary

22

Kiel and the Rebellion

priests, had unrealistic expectations and deliberately flouted regulations when they could have conformed without hardship. Both government officials and Metis settlers consistently misperceived the difficulties under which the other laboured. There was, in short, a train of mistakes, misjudgments, and misperceptions on both sides. It was a story of missed opportunities for reconciliation rather than rebellion provoked by unrelenting oppression. Dominion Lands1 The government of Canada was determined to retain control of the lands obtained from the Hudson's Bay Company in order to guide immigration, settlement, and railway construction for national ends. One consequence of this policy was uniformity of administration of Dominion Lands from the Red River to the Rockies. A survey system closely modelled on the American one was adopted in 1871, but it was to be applied in a better way. The American public domain was surveyed at many different times, from various starting points, and often in great haste with inaccurate results. Settlement raced ahead of survey, leaving painful adjustments to be made later. Canada proposed to survey the arable part of the west in one process, from one starting point, working methodically and carefully before settlers arrived to complicate things. These aims were largely achieved. The first step, taken in 1871, was to establish the Winnipeg Meridian (approximately 102° west of Greenwich). This, in conjunction with the 49th parallel, served as a starting point for the survey of Manitoba. Three years of work subdivided enough land to provide for settlement in the foreseeable future. Then attention shifted to the 'special survey,' which employed astronomical methods to establish further meridians. In 1875 the Second Initial Meridian was produced (106°), in 1877 the Third (110°), and in 1878 the Fourth and Fifth (114° and 118°). These meridians guaranteed the accuracy of further surveys in the North-West, so that inevitable small errors would not become cumulative and lead to serious distortion. The special

River Lots and Land Claims 23

survey also traced out base lines and correction lines - the horizontal axes of the great checkerboard. Completion of the special survey made possible an extraordinary burst of surveying. The figures speak for themselves:2 Year

Acres Subdivided

1879 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884

1,191,000 4,472,000 9,147,000 9,907,000 27,000,000 6,400,000

The basic unit was the township, a square block of land six miles on a side. The townships were arranged in vertical rows called ranges, running north from the border. Each range was numbered by its position in relation to the Initial Meridian to the east of it, and the townships were numbered from the border northwards. Thus each township had a unique numerical code. For example, T.9R.1W3 meant the ninth township in the first range west of the Third Initial Meridian (see Figure 1). Each township was itself divided into thirty-six sections, blocks of land one mile on a side and 640 acres or one square mile in area. These sections were always numbered from 1 to 36, starting in the southeast corner of the township (see Figure 2). For settlement purposes, the sections were divided into quarters of 160 acres. Thus a code like SW1/4-S.36-T.4R.1W3 provides an unambiguous designation of a position on the Canadian prairies: the southwest quarter of section 36 in the fourth township of the first range west of the Third Initial Meridian. It was also possible to divide a section into sixteen 'legal subdivisions' of forty acres each, which were consistently numbered on the same principle as sections were numbered within a township (see Figure 3). Thus an eighty-acre parcel could be designated, for example, as 1.S.1&2-S.36T.9R.1W3: the first and second legal subdivisions of section 36 in the ninth township of the first range west of the Third Initial Meridian.

24 Kiel and the Rebellion Figure 1 Simplified Survey of Western Interior Third Initial Meridian Ranges West of the Third Initial Meridian

Ranges West of the Second Initial Meridian

R3W3

R2W3

R1W3

R30W2

R29W2

R28W2

T5

T5

T5

T5

T5

T5

T4

T4

T4

T4

T4

T4

T3

T3

T3

T3

T3

T3

T2

T2

T2

T2

T2

T2

T1

T1

T1

T1

T1

T1

International Boundary T= township R= range

This survey system was the foundation of settlement policy. Regulations were stable until the years 1879-82, when they underwent several successive mutations because of changing plans for the Canadian Pacific Railway. This instability was particularly unfortunate for the people of Prince Albert and St Laurent, for it came at a time when settlement was proceeding rapidly. However, order was restored with the promulgation of new regulations on 1 January 1882, which endured for many years. The land was divided into several main categories of use, illustrated by the model township of Figure 4. The Hudson's Bay Company was entitled to one-twentieth of

River Lots and Land Claims 25 Figure 2 Numbering of Sections

31

32

33

34

35

36

30

29

28

27

26

25

19

20

21

22

23

24

18

17

16

15

14

13

7

8

9

10

11

12

6

5

4

3

2

1

6 mi

the land in the fertile belt of the North-West as part of the purchase price of Rupert's Land. This requirement was met by reserving to the company all of section 8 and three-quarter of section 26 in every township (all of section 26 in every fifth township) . The company held these lands until it could find a buyer on the open market. In the event, most of the lands were not sold until the twentieth century. Sections 11 and 29 in each township were reserved as 'school lands.' They were sold on the open market and the proceeds put into a trust fund for the support of public education. The government disposed of these lands carefully, managing to get a high average price for them. Even-numbered sections (except 8 and 26, the HBC reserve)

26 Kiel and the Rebellion Figure 3 Legal Subdivisions of a Section

13

14 N \A/

15

16 NP

1 'A

1 IA

.,,

12

11

10

9

5

6

7

8 c 1/1 1/4 S .t.

\A/ 1/1 S .vv.

4

2

3

1

1 mi

were thrown open for homesteading, that is, the acquisition of 'free land.' Homesteading involved the following stages: • making 'entry' on a quarter-section through registration at a Dominion Lands agency and paying the $10.00 fee; • performing 'settlement duties,' usually uninterrupted residence of three years, construction of a home, and cultivation of thirty acres or raising a certain number of animals; • obtaining 'patent' or title after a Dominion Lands inspector ascertained that settlement duties had been performed; • 'pre-empting' neighbouring land. When a settler made homestead entry, he could also enter a pre-emption on an adjoining quarter-section within the even-numbered section. Pre-

River Lots and Land Claims 27 Figure 4 Land Use in a Typical Township

Railway Lands Free Homestead Lands Source: Chester Martin, 'Dominion Lands' Policy (Toronto: Macmil an 1938), 233.Source: Chester Martin, 'Dominion Lands' Policy (Toronto: Macmil an 1938), 233. emption was the right to buy those 160 acres at a specified price, once patent had been obtained on the homestead. The price was $2.50 per acre if the land was within a certain distance of a railway, $2.00 per acre otherwise. Pre-emption was meant to be an incentive to the homesteader to complete his settlement duties. Within twenty-four miles of each side of the Canadian Pacific Railway and within twelve miles of any other railway, all oddnumbered sections (except the school reserves) were given to the

28 Kiel and the Rebellion

railway company, to be sold as it pleased. In this way 25,000,000 acres of public land were alienated to the CPR. On the whole, the company sold this land quickly, rather than waiting for prices to rise over time. It had to encourage settlement to make its railway operations profitable. Outside the railway belt, the government retained all odd-numbered sections for sale at the pre-emption price. A variation on this theme was the sale of large numbers of odd sections to colonization companies, which could earn a rebate if they successfully promoted settlement. Most of the colonization companies failed, and the government had to reach a financial settlement with them in 1886.3 Other uses of land need not detain us here: Indian reserves, grazing leases, timber lots, redemption of the various kinds of scrip (Metis, old settlers, military bounty). This highly integrated system was easily disrupted. Settlers who homesteaded in the wrong place might deprive other homesteaders of their pre-emption or might occupy HBC, CPR, or school lands. The system could work only if its rules were generally enforced. Exceptions were costly because they required so many adjustments to protect the expectations of others. The system, like all systems, was imperfect. The quarter-section as a standard homestead proved too small in dry areas and had to be increased. Pre-emption engendered countless controversies and was eventually abolished. Financing railroads by land grants was ending in the United States at the time it was introduced into the Canadian west. The all-embracing nature of the system meant that it had to be centrally administered, which meant delays as documents went from the North-West to Ottawa and back again. However, the greatest delays occurred, as they do today, at the political level. The bureaucrats themselves were at least as efficient as their modern counterparts. But even taking full account of the imperfections, the administration of Dominion Lands was one of the most successful government programs in Canadian history. A huge territory was quickly surveyed with greater accuracy and less expense than in the United States. The unified survey simplified the award and trans-

River Lots and Land Claims 29

fer of land titles, which reduced conflict and litigation. In half a century, 200,000,000 acres were opened to agricultural settlement almost without violent conflict, the Rebellion of 1885 being the only exception. A highly productive economy, based on the family farm and the free market, emerged. And at the end of this achievement, the federal government phased itself out of the picture, turning over jurisdiction to the provinces. The administration of Dominion Lands exemplified government creating a stable framework within which individual initiative can produce social and economic progress. It was certainly a system whose rules deserved to be enforced for the public good. However, it was not a system to which the Metis could easily adjust, for at least five reasons. First, literacy was, if not an absolute necessity, at least a great advantage in learning the rules enforced by the Department of the Interior and in filling out the applications for entry and patent. Most Metis were illiterate; furthermore, all forms and regulations were printed in English, while many Metis spoke only French or Cree. Second, the Dominion Lands system was meant for homesteaders who intended to settle permanently on land and support themselves by farming. Although most Metis claimed land and farmed on a small scale, agriculture was a supplement to buffalo hunting, freighting with carts or boats, trapping, trading with Indians, and fishing. These avocations, often keeping them absent from their homes for months at a time, conflicted with the government's concept of continuous residence. Furthermore, the amount of land the Metis cultivated when they were home was often short of the official definition of settlement duties. Third, the Dominion Lands system worked well only when settlement was preceded by survey and opening of a land agency. Working around squatters caused endless confusion. Yet the Metis were already in the country and could hardly have been expected to stop all movement for a decade while surveys were carried out. They aggravated the problem by squatting on lands even after it became possible to conform to survey. Fourth, the government's system was founded on the square

30 Kiel and the Rebellion

quarter-section as an economically rational unit of land. It was indeed highly suitable to intensive, mechanized agriculture; but it was unfamiliar to the Metis, who had replicated the long, narrow, river-front lots of their forebears from Lower Canada. The riverlot pattern was better adapted to their way of life. The river gave them water, transportation, fish, and easy access to their neighbours; the river banks gave them wood for fuel and construction; and the narrow strips of land were adequate for cultivating small gardens and pasturing a few animals. Thus the Metis would not readily abandon river lots in favour of quarter-sections. Finally, the Metis never really accepted the legitimacy of the system. As Diane Payment points out, 'to the Metis, their lands were a native right which should not be related to homestead regulations applied to Euro-Canadian settlers in the North-West.'4 To put it in simplest terms, they thought they should be able to settle anywhere they chose, in any manner they preferred, on any land that wasn't occupied, and the government should fix up the legalities afterwards. Officials, in contrast, believed the Metis to be no different from other settlers in their legal rights and obligations. The clash of perspectives engendered misunderstanding and hostility on both sides, which made the Metis even more likely to flout regulations. River Lots in Manitoba When I published the first edition of Riel and the Rebellion, I had not made a study of the Manitoba land question based on primary sources. Concentrating my own efforts on the North-West Territories, I relied chiefly on the published work of D.N. Sprague on Manitoba,5 which led me to adopt a rather negative tone about Canada's administration of Manitoba lands. Subsequently, when the federal Department of Justice asked me to review Sprague's findings in connection with contemporary litigation in Manitoba, I discovered that his research was unreliable, and I went on to do my own study of primary sources and to publish Metis Lands in Manitoba.6 What follows is a brief summary of what I found while doing that work.

River Lots and Land Claims 31

Although there were many variations, people had generally been accustomed to living along the Red and Assiniboine rivers on lots of twelve chains (792 feet) frontage and two miles depth, yielding about 200 acres. According to legend, the two miles were sometimes measured by sighting the horizon from under the belly of a horse. As the surveyor William Pearce remarked, 'a good deal would depend on the horse.'7 The Manitoba Act sorted these claims into three different legal categories. First were the river lots expressly granted by the Hudson's Bay Company to settlers, either as freehold or in some other form of grant, and usually recorded in the company's land register. These tended to be the most developed and cultivated farms, owned by the more substantial inhabitants, who were careful to keep legal documentation of sale, gift, or inheritance of land. Second were lots in the settlement belt not granted by the company but nonetheless occupied by settlers. That the company had never tried to remove the occupants could be taken as tacit endorsement of their claims. Third were lots outside the settlement belt claimed by residents of Red River. Being outside the settlement belt meant that they lay outside the land that the Hudson's Bay Company had acquired from the Indians in the Selkirk Treaty of 1817. Because the company did not yet own that land, it could not confer titles there, either explicitly or implicitly, so claims outside the settlement belt rested only on prescription, or 'peaceable possession,' as it was called in the Manitoba Act. The different paragraphs of section 32 of the Manitoba Act tried to deal with these various situations.8 The first two provided for explicit grants from the Hudson's Bay Company, whether freehold or otherwise, to 'be converted into an estate in freehold by grant from the Crown.' The third allowed for conversion into freehold of 'all titles by occupancy with the sanction and under the license and authority of the Hudson's Bay Company.' This covered the claims of those who had occupied lands in the settlement belt without an explicit grant from the company. The fourth paragraph covered claims outside the settlement belt, providing that 'all persons in peaceable possession of tracts of land ... shall have the right of preemption of the same, on such terms

32 Kiel and the Rebellion

and conditions as may be determined by the Governor in Council.' It did not confer an automatic claim to freehold but left the government to find equitable solutions through administrative regulation. Survey of the Settlement Belt was completed in 1874, and the first two river-lot patents were granted that year. By the end of 1886, 2,565 patents had been granted, comprising almost all of the Settlement Belt. Only 185 additional patents had been granted when the Manitoba Act register was closed in 1929. Often the person receiving the patent was not the person claiming the land prior to 1870 because the Department of the Interior recognized the validity of sales and other transfers, such as gift and inheritance. However, a Manitoba Act patent could be issued only if a chain of occupancy and valid transfers dating back prior to 1870 could be demonstrated. The very fact that the patents had been issued shows that Canada recognized the river-lot claims of the (mostly Metis) residents of Red River. Empirical research in Manitoba land records shows that those who sold river lots in this period received competitive market prices, amounting to thousands of dollars in choice locations.9 Vexing complications arose over certain auxiliary claims. Most, if not all, of the old settlers claimed an 'outer two miles,' an additional two-mile strip at the rear of their river lots used for hay and pasture. Another problem was 'park claims,' areas within the outer two miles that some settlers had fenced and treated as private property. Most troublesome of all were the 'staked claims.' Before the transfer to Canadian jurisdiction, some residents had marked out lots, mostly outside the settlement belt, on which no one resided and which were identified only by stakes in the ground (hence the name).10 Depending on the case, this might be an exercise in land speculation, or an attempt to provide for future expansion of the family, or both. The Department of the Interior granted patents for park claims, which tended to be small and were numerous only near St Andrew's. Where physically possible, the outer two miles were surveyed and patents granted to the owners of the corresponding river lots. Those who did not receive hay lots were compensated

River Lots and Land Claims 33

with scrip at the rate of one dollar per acre for each acre of land in the river lots on which they resided. In a few instances, the government had allowed newcomers to settle on hay lots before the older settlers' claims were settled, so old settlers who would have preferred to keep the land had to settle for scrip. Such cases were not numerous, but they caused some ugly confrontations that helped to poison the atmosphere in the new province. Staked claims were settled on the principle that those who had actually settled on them would receive up to 160 acres free as a homestead, while others, including speculators who had bought the claims, were allowed the privilege of purchase, in most cases at a dollar per acre. All these matters took time to be resolved, both to formulate policy and to investigate thousands of complex and often disputed claims. Contrary to Sprague (and to what I wrote in the first edition), the government's administration of Manitoba lands was creditable. It was slower than people would have liked, but the situation was intrinsically complicated and the government was operating without benefit of modern transportation and communication. However, the slowness did give rise to one scandal. An employee of the Department of the Interior named Robert Lang, using confederates in Manitoba, took advantage of the delays to offer claimants special consideration. If they would give part of their land to Lang's associates in Manitoba, he would move their claims to the head of the queue and obtain patents quickly. Lang's dishonesty was reprehensible, but it probably did not drive any Metis out of Manitoba or cause them to lose their land. The people using Lang's services were land speculators who had bought claims and needed patents to resell them. They saw bribing Lang as a cost of doing business, not as a necessity to remain living in the province. Several thousand Metis left Manitoba in the 1870s and 1880s, but not because the Canadian government deprived them of their river lots or any other lands. They left partly because the arrival of white immigrants changed the character of the Red River settlement, but mainly because the buffalo were withdrawing farther west. It was simply becoming impossible to reside in

34 Kiel and the Rebellion

Manitoba and be a commercial buffalo hunter.11 A similar westward movement took place among the Metis of North Dakota, where there was no controversy over land claims. Indeed the entire Metis town of St Joseph, Dakota, once a thriving community, disappeared in the 1870s.12 Problems of the North-West

The problems of the North-West were different from those of Manitoba, even though both cases involved river lots. Few old settlers in the strict sense resided in the North-West. The true old settlers - chiefly at St Albert and Lac La Biche, and a handful at Prince Albert - were treated like their counterparts in Manitoba. Holdings occupied before 15 July 1870, even if they were of unusual size or irregular shape, were surveyed as settled and the owners were given patents. The major problem in the North-West was the substantial Metis population without a fixed abode. Their numbers were augmented throughout the 1870s and 1880s by migrants from Manitoba. Many of the Metis began to settle down, almost always on river lots, during the 1870s. They were not, strictly speaking, old settlers, and so their case was not provided for by legislation; but in equity they could hardly be expelled from their claims if they had settled before survey. As most of the North-West was not subdivided until 1878-84, many Metis did in fact settle ahead of survey. The Department of the Interior administratively granted these 'squatters' certain rights. Surveyors were given standing orders to subdivide the banks of major rivers into river lots whenever they came upon a pre-existing colony of squatters, usually Metis. These lots were standardized to ten chains in width and two miles in depth, yielding 160 acres (in practice the area might be slightly more or less, depending on the vagaries of the river) ,13 A squatter could claim one such lot as a homestead and a second as a preemption. There were no outer two miles, hay privileges, or timber lots. If there were no settlers in evidence, or only a scattered few, the surveyors were to carry out the usual rectangular survey. The

River Lots and Land Claims 35

decision was left to the discretion of the surveyors in the field, which created possibilities of misunderstanding. Their estimates of whether there were enough squatters in an area to justify a river-lot survey might not take sufficient account of Metis who considered themselves residents but were off freighting or trading. Concessions were made as to the shape of the lot, but otherwise squatters were treated like homesteaders with respect to entry, settlement duties, patent, and the privilege of pre-emption. Squatters were certainly not considered old settlers, with the right of immediate patent for whatever land they had occupied. Inevitably, however, the distinction between old settler and squatter remained obscure to many Metis, because it did not reflect their claim to aboriginal status. Having lived in the North-West before 15 July 1870, they did not see particular significance in dwelling on a defined piece of land. They claimed the rights of old settlers when communicating with the government and were dissatisfied with being treated as squatters. Yet it is difficult to see what more the Department of the Interior could have done to accommodate them without creating an incentive for others to squat. The department was trying not to penalize the Metis for squatting while not setting up positive rewards for such behaviour. This delicate problem was further aggravated by the propensity of Metis to squat even after survey. The department could not approve such settlement in outright defiance of regulations and was determined to draw the line at this point. It would not resurvey into river lots areas already surveyed on the rectangular principle, merely to suit the convenience of illegal squatters. Cost was one factor: a river-lot survey was about nine times as expensive as the usual one.14 Furthermore, it was desired only by the Metis. To create river lots to satisfy a few transients, who had flouted regulations once and might abandon their claims in the future, might entail still another survey to reproduce the quartersections desired by most settlers. But perhaps the most important point was simply the maintenance of governmental authority. The Department of the Interior had to administer a system that depended on compliance with rules. It was one thing to work out

36 Kiel and the Rebellion solutions for pre-survey squatters; it was quite another to accommodate those who had flouted rules. But the Metis, thinking of themselves as aboriginal people with special rights, showed little sympathy for this problem of rule enforcement. To the extent that the North-West Rebellion grew out of disputes over river lots, it stemmed from this collision of perspectives. Settlement and Survey along the South Saskatchewan

Permanent settlement in Saskatchewan, apart from trading posts, began in 1862, when James Isbister began farming on the site of what is now Prince Albert. Isbister soon moved to another farm, but settlement continued at that spot because the Reverend James Nisbet chose it in 1866 as the location of his Presbyterian mission. The mission became the nucleus of a town, peopled at first by Scots and Scottish half-breeds from Manitoba, later by immigrants from Ontario. Outlying farming communities developed - Halcro, Red Deer Hill, Lindsay - which in turn encouraged the growth of the town. In 1881 the Dominion Census counted over three thousand people in the Prince Albert district. All of this settlement took place without official survey or land registration.15 French settlement at St Laurent followed a somewhat different pattern. Metis buffalo hunters had long been accustomed to winter in the area of Fort Carlton. The decline of the hunt and the urging of their missionaries encouraged these Metis to think of a permanent settlement. At a meeting held on 31 December 1871, and chaired by Lawrence Clarke of the Hudson's Bay Company, they decided to create a colony. After a committee investigated several possible sites, they resolved in the spring of 1872 to settle on both banks of the South Saskatchewan River for a distance of ten miles below the main crossing. This extended approximately from Fish Creek in the south to the great bend of the river in the north, with the future site of Batoche roughly in the middle (see FigureS).16 Some of the earliest to settle were Gabriel Dumont with his father and brothers, and various members of the family Letendre

Figure 5 Township Plan of St Laurent Area

Source: NAG, National Map Collection, Vl/502 (1903).

38 Riel and the Rebellion

dit Batoche. The church of St Laurent was established at its permanent site on the west bank of the river in 1874, with Father Alexis Andre as pastor. Each year more Metis took up land, although in this early period they were often absent from their claim more than they were present. Father Andre's parish chronicle frequently refers to the difficulty of getting the Metis to give up the nomadic life of the prairies. But the buffalo retreated ever farther into Montana; and by 1878, according to Andre, most of the hunters had settled down and begun to devote themselves to farming.17 As at Prince Albert, this meant squatting on unsurveyed land. The Metis marked off river lots for themselves, ten chains wide and two miles deep. Many claimed two or more, hoping to homestead the first, pre-empt the second, and perhaps settle their children on others. There was no commercial centre comparable to Prince Albert, although six merchants had located at Batoche by 1884, including Xavier Letendre, Georges Fisher, Emmanuel Champagne, Salomon Venne, EG. Baker, and George and John Kerr.18 The government was aware of these developments at Prince Albert and St Laurent; but under its policy of conducting a unified survey of the North-West, it could not subdivide land until production of the meridians and base lines. The special survey reached Prince Albert and established the Third Initial Meridian in the season of 1877. Later in the year, the surveyor A.L. Russell reported that block outlines had been done for townships so that both Prince Albert and St Laurent could be subdivided next year. He emphasized that both communities were anxious for an early survey. 19 This sense of urgency was reinforced over the winter by two petitions from Prince Albert calling for an immediate survey. 'Disputes are daily arising between setders with regard to locations and their boundaries; also between settlers and Indians, with regard to trespassing on their so-called reserves.'20 Some setriers had taken river lots before 15 July 1870 and thus claimed 'the same rights and privileges ... as were reserved to the old settlers in the Province of Manitoba.'21 Interestingly, the Metis of St Laurent also submitted a petition over the winter, but it was silent about

River Lots and Land Claims 39

surveys.22 Lesser density of population perhaps made such matters less pressing. Surveying began in the summer of 1878 when a party headed by Montague Aldous arrived in Prince Albert on 3 July to subdivide the settlement. He carefully traced out eighty-three river lots, respecting existing boundaries. The lots varied from 57 to 315 acres (the Presbyterian mission). Where conflicts existed, Aldous tried to get the claimants to agree, and they often asked him to mediate. Where land was not yet settled, he marked off standard river lots, ten chains by two miles, for future occupancy.23 This painstaking work took the crew two full months, but it was worth the effort. Although the residents of Prince Albert later voiced other grievances, they never criticized the survey as such. Having completed this task, Aldous took his men upriver to St Laurent on 6 September. Seeing that the settlement covered more than twenty miles on both sides of the river, he realized that he could not subdivide it all in the month remaining of the surveying season. Therefore he 'determined to work that portion of the settlement where it was most immediately required.' On the east bank of the river, he surveyed all of Township 43 and the southern half of Township 44. This amounted to a nine-mile stretch of river frontage, for which he roughed out seventy-one river lots, 'conforming as nearly as possible to ten chains in width and two miles in depth.'24 He did this even though he regarded only twenty-four of the seventy-one lots as occupied.25 Downstream, Duncan Sinclair also surveyed river lots in 1878 on the north side of the river across from St Louis de Langevin, even though the north bank was very thinly settled. Sinclair noted that he encountered 'only five settlers on it already that made a beginning last year and are doing well.26 Obviously, both Sinclair and Aldous were generous in granting river lot surveys. Unfortunately, however, the work was not continued in the same fashion. In the summer of 1879, J. Lestock Reid completed Townships 44 and 43, along with Township 42 (Fish Creek). He did everything according to the rectangular system, even though his notebooks show he was meeting as many occupants as Sinclair had the previous summer.2 Similarly, Hugh Wilson divided St

40 Kiel and the Rebellion

Louis de Langevin, on the south side of the river, into quarter-sections in 1882, even though he met as many occupants as Sinclair had on the north side in 1878.28 Much was left to the judgment of surveyors in the field, resulting in this sort of inconsistency. In 1885 William Pearce defended what had been done by arguing that few families lived in the area subdivided on the rectangular system. 'The contention that the expense of a survey into river lots of that area should have been made to suit that number of setders is absurd.'29 This argument, however, is open to serious question. While it is true that many Metis in the 1870s had not yet entered into permanent residence, they had laid claims to lots along the river - claims respected by their neighbours. When the surveyors came in 1878-9, there were undoubtedly more claims than would strike the eye of an outsider.30 Regardless of the number of such claims, which cannot now be established with certainty, the Metis thought of the whole stretch of river on both sides as their own settlement. Buffalo hunting virtually ended after 1878, and Metis immigrants were coming to St Laurent and St Louis year by year to settle down. If certain lands were not yet claimed, they soon would be, and the claimants wanted river lots. It was a serious mistake not to have extended the river-lot survey in 1879 to include the whole colony as the Metis defined it. When Montague Aldous did St Laurent in 1878, he surveyed the outlines of a block of river lots but did not mark all the lots on the ground.31 No plan of the seventy-one river lots became available until the spring of 1884. It was thus impossible to make entry during all this time. This was another irritant in the situation: even those Metis who had river lots could not begin the legal process of homesteading. The reason for the long wait is obscure. William Pearce claimed in 1885 that the delay was caused by a conflict over the boundary between certain river lots and One Arrow's Indian reserve, directly to the east.32 The problem, discussed below, was real enough; but it cannot explain the delay from 1878 to 1884, because the conflict was not even discovered until the spring of 1884, after a map of St Laurent had finally become available.33 An additional complication was delay in opening the Domin-

River Lots and Land Claims 41

ion Lands office in Prince Albert. George Duck was appointed agent and moved to Prince Albert in September 1878. He was able to give advice to settlers about Dominion Lands regulations, but he could not officially open the agency to accept entries until township plans were ready. Since much of the surrounding area was surveyed in 1879, and plans were approved in the summer of 1880, it should have been possible to establish the office in the fall of that year; but the opening did not take place. Appeals for a speedy opening soon came from St Laurent and Prince Albert. Father Andre wrote to the lieutenant-governor that a man named Kelly had 'jumped' part of the church property at Duck Lake. There seemed to be no legal redress, since the stipendiary magistrates could not settle boundary disputes without evidence of title, and such evidence could not be procured until the Dominion Lands office was open.34 Lawrence Clarke, now member of the North-West Territorial Council for the District of Lome, also wrote to support Father Andre.35 The order to open the office was given on 2 August 1881, and the actual opening took place on 21 September of the same year.36 Yet this only became the prelude to more serious difficulties. Land Claims in Prince Albert

CffJ

Many of the difficulties at Prince Albert stemmed from shifts of regulations between 1879 and the more or less final rules adopted on 1 January 1882. Before 1879, one could homestead on either even or odd sections, and the price of pre-emption land was a dollar an acre. In 1879 odd-numbered sections were withdrawn from homesteading and pre-emption, while the price of pre-emptions was raised. Less drastic changes were made in 1881, before the ultimate rules promulgated on 1 January 1882. The thorny question was, which set of rules applied to those who had settled before the lands office opened? The rules in force when settlement took place, or the rules now in effect, which were less permissive to squatters? The complexity of such questions was multiplied by the prevalence of sales, so that a lot settled before 1879 might now be claimed by someone who had only recently acquired it.

42 Kiel and the Rebellion

When the lands office opened, the people of Prince Albert received the impression that they would be rigorously held to the most recent rules (of May 1881). A protest meeting, quickly called for 8 October 1881, passed several resolutions demanding to be treated according to the rules in force before 1879. They also asked that the years in residence on their claims before it was possible to make entry be counted towards fulfillment of settlement duties. Those in attendance pledged to refrain from making entry until their demands were met.38 This petition received an immediate response from Lindsay Russell, acting deputy minister of the interior. He clarified certain misconceptions, made concessions on some points, and explained that legislation prevented him from acceding to everything requested.39 But the settlers were persistent. In April 1882 Charles Mair and D.H. Macdowall went on their behalf to Ottawa, where they interviewed the prime minister and prepared a memorial at his request.40 Meanwhile, similar problems were arising in Edmonton, Qu'Appelle, and Battleford, where settlement had also preceded survey. Sir John A. Macdonald wrote to the minister of the interior in July 1882 that something had to be done about the claims of these settlers, 'lest they all become Grits.'41 But instantaneous action was impossible because important questions of law were at stake. The principles had to be worked out before particular claims could be settled. Squatters' and old settlers' claims from all of the North-West should be handled as a group, to ensure equity of treatment. Prince Albert had already been surveyed, but Edmonton and St Albert were just now being done. Matters had become so involved that it would be necessary to send a commissioner into the field to take evidence respecting individual cases. Late in 1882, the minister of the interior decided to release Lindsay Russell from his duties in Ottawa so he could investigate these claims.4 It was a good choice. Russell was a trained surveyor with many years experience in the North-West. He spoke some French and Cree in addition to English. Having risen to the rank of deputy minister, he could be entrusted with plenipotentiary powers to settle claims on the spot.

River Lots and Land Claims 43

Then in February 1883 occurred one of those accidents that influence history: Lindsay Russell broke his leg. Hoping to recover in time to carry out his assignment in summer 1883, he continued to make preparations. In April he drafted a long memo proposing principles for settling the claims; it was approved by the cabinet in July.43 Russell had laid the foundation for a comprehensive settlement, but he was still unable to go because of his health. He recommended at one point that his memo be sent to George Duck at Prince Albert for implementation, because once the principles were worked out, the rest was a 'mere matter of detail.'44 However, the government realized that things had gone too far to be resolved by a local agent, so the responsibility was transferred to William Pearce, Dominion Lands inspector. Pearce, charged with investigating all areas in the North-West where setdement had preceded survey, commenced his work at Prince Albert. Arriving there with an assistant on 15 January 1884, he remained until 27 February. With the help of George Duck, he took evidence on every contested claim in the district, which meant collecting over 1,000 affidavits. He then returned to his office in Winnipeg, where he produced a report which must still command respect as a model of competent administration. A long introduction reviewed the Prince Albert disputes and enunciated the principles to be followed in resolving them. The claims were divided into twenty-one classes, depending on the precise nature of the problem. For example, Class I contained the few genuine 'old settlers' who had taken up residence before 15 July 1870, Class XII contained those who had squatted on lands which proved, after survey, to belong to the HBC, and so on. Each claim was detailed within its particular class, with a recommendation by Pearce as to disposition. All were treated consistently under the same principles.45 Claimants were allowed a free homestead up to 160 acres. If they claimed more, they would have to purchase it at the preemption price, determined by the regulations prevailing at the time they settled, not retroactively by regulations in force when the lands office opened. Residence prior to entry could be

44 Riel and the Rebellion

counted towards settlement duties if it could be proved by affidavits. Prior sales of unpatented lands were also recognized upon affidavit. Pearce noted with amazement that he did not find even one case of disputed ownership, which 'speaks eloquently for the honesty of the settlers there.'46 Pearce's recommendations, after being approved in Ottawa, were communicated to the settlers, who were invited to make entry on that basis. There were only one or two appeals afterwards, so his mission effectively resolved the grievances among the inhabitants of Prince Albert and the surrounding farming communities. This no doubt contributed to the reluctance of the white settlers and English half-breeds to join the Metis of St Laurent when the latter took up arms. The people of Prince Albert had other grievances against the government, but they felt that their land claims had been settled. The Metis, in contrast, felt that they had been denied justice in the settlement of their claims. To appreciate why this was so, we must return to the fall of 1881 and follow the course of events at St Laurent. Land Claims in St Laurent

The Metis shared some of the complaints of the people of Prince Albert, but to a lesser degree. There had not been as many sales of unpatented land at high prices, so not as much was at stake. Also, most Metis cared little about pre-emption, since they did not expect to have the money to pre-empt land, no matter what the price. But they had their own unique problem that had not troubled Prince Albert - the incomplete survey of river lots. Passage of time had exacerbated the situation. After the seventy-one river lots had been roughed out in 1878, Metis continued to migrate to St Laurent, the plains hunters being joined by substantial numbers from Manitoba. The biggest year for settlement was 1882, when fifty families arrived, according to Father Andre's estimate.47 Some newcomers took unclaimed river lots, others took quarter-sections around Duck Lake, and many marked out their own ten-chain lots on river banks already surveyed on the rectangular plan. This was especially prevalent at the

River Lots and Land Claims 45

north and south ends of the colony, which had been lightly settled at the time of the first survey. To the south, Township 42 (Fish Creek) quickly filled up with squatters on impromptu river lots. Also affected were the next townships farther south, surveyed on the sectional plan in 1882. In these townships some Metis squatted on river lots before survey, others did so afterwards. They seemed to see no difference. Another affected area was the north end of the colony, which received its own church in 1882, St Louis de Langevin (so named by Bishop Grandin in a moment of euphoria over promises made by Hector Langevin, minister of public works).48 In the area where the prevailing course of the river changed from south-north to west-east, the south side of the bend presented intractable difficulties because several squatters had crowded in, generating bitterly contested claims. All along this stretch of river on the south side, lands previously surveyed into quarter-sections were taken up as river lots. The problem came to notice shortly after the Prince Albert lands office opened, when several Metis called on George Duck to explain their plight. Duck, generally sympathetic to the Metis, wrote to Ottawa on 11 March 1882 to see if the contested sections could be resurveyed into river lots.49 The answer came back negative on September 21: 'It is not the intention of the Government to cause any resurveys to be made. Of course, any subdivision differing from the regular survey they may desire they can procure for themselves when the lands come into their possession.'50 While waiting for an answer to Duck's request, some Metis newcomers also sent their own petition to the prime minister: Compelled, most of us, to abandon the prairie, which can no longer furnish us the means of subsistence, we came in large numbers, during the course of the summer, and settled on the South branch of the Saskatchewan; pleased with the land and the country, we set ourselves actively to work clearing the land, but in hope of sowing next spring, and also to prepare our houses for the winter now advancing rapidly. The surveyed lands being already occupied or sold, we were compelled to occupy lands not yet surveyed, being ignorant, for the most part, also, of the regulations of the

46 Kiel and the Rebellion Government respecting Dominion lands. Great then was our astonishment and perplexity when we were notified, that when the lands are surveyed we shall be obliged to pay $2 an acre to the Government, if our lands are included in odd-numbered sections. We desire, moreover, to keep close together, in order more easily to secure a school and a church. We are poor people and cannot pay for our land without utter ruin, and losing the fruits of our labor and seeing our lands pass into the hands of strangers, who will go to the land office at Prince Albert and pay the amount fixed by the Government. In our anxiety we appeal to your sense of justice as Minister of the Interior and head of the Government, and beg you to reassure us speedily, by directing that we shall not be disturbed on our lands, and that the Government grant us the privilege of considering us as occupants of even-numbered sections, since we have occupied these lands in good faith. Having so long held this country as its masters and so often defended it against the Indians at the price of our blood, we consider it not asking too much to request that the Government allow us to occupy our lands in peace, and that exception be made to its regulations, by making to the half-breeds of the North-West free grants of land. We also pray that you would direct that the lots be surveyed along the river ten chains in width by two miles in depth, this mode of division being the long-established usage of the country. This would render it more easy for us to know the limits of our several lots.51 From the official point of view, the petition was full of fallacies. It was allegedly written by people who had setded in the summer of 1882 on linsurveyed land. Yet all the land along the Saskatchewan had been surveyed by 1880, except for the northern and southern extremities of the colony. Many of the petitioners had squatted illegally on surveyed land. The petition also asked for a river-lot survey without acknowledging that some river lots had already been created and that to create more would mean not just a survey but a resurvey. Finally, the petition asked in effect that all regulations be waived to allow the Metis 'free grants of lands.' No government could grant this under the Dominion Lands Act except to 'old settlers,' which these Metis

River Lots and Land Claims 47

did not claim to be. The response from the Department of the Interior was speedy and negative: 'When the proper time arrives the case of each bona fide settler will be dealt with on its own merits; but as regards the surveying of the land in question ... all lands in the North-West Territories will be surveyed according to the system now in force.'52 It was now Father Andre's turn to write to the prime minister. The Metis, he said, had taken up river lots along the South Saskatchewan in their traditional manner, 'expecting the surveyors to ratify their claims. Their surprise may be imagined when they saw the lands along the Saskatchewan measured off into squares of forty chains, without any heed being given to their just claims and protests.' Andre drew an unfavourable comparison with Prince Albert, alleging that that city had received river lots whereas St Laurent had not. T cannot understand, Sir, why your surveyors should have two different methods of parcelling the public domain.'53 The letter obscured the fact that many of the Metis had settled after survey, not before. The misleading contrast with Prince Albert also concealed the existence of the seventy-one river lots surveyed at St Laurent. Confronted with this misinformation, the perplexed minister asked his deputy, 'How is it these difficulties recur so often, when it is the rule of the Department to survey around the old surveys without disturbing the occupants?'54 When he learned the facts as they appeared to his officials, he perhaps felt the letter not worth answering; at least no reply has been found. Once again an opportunity to resolve the problem was missed. When elections to the Territorial Council were held in March 1883, the Metis put up a list of grievances including a demand that both banks of the South Saskatchewan River be resurveyed into river lots for a length of fifty miles.55 The two candidates endorsed the Metis demands; and later that year, the victorious D.H. Macdowall ensured that a memorial of the Territorial Council included a reference to the river-lot question.56 This must have encouraged the Metis to think that persistence would eventually triumph.

48 Kiel and the Rebellion

Even more important was a series of events arising from the survey of St Albert, the oldest settlement in the North-West, where Metis had lived for twenty years along the Sturgeon River. Official surveying of the region began in 1882. Edmonton was divided into river lots, while the people of St Albert were promised the same treatment. A river-lot survey was started there, but when it was less than half done, the surveyor was ordered to Fort Pitt, and the people got the impression that they would have to be content with a rectangular survey. A protest meeting in January 1883 selected Father Hippolyte Leduc to go to Ottawa on behalf of St Albert. He was joined by Daniel Maloney, a political activist sympathetic to the Metis. The two delegates also promised to represent Edmonton and Fort Saskatchewan since those communities contributed towards defraying the cost of their trip, However, they did not represent St Laurent or any community in Saskatchewan. Leduc and Maloney spent much of March and April in Ottawa, making their case to the minister of the interior and waiting for a reply. They finally received a written guarantee that St Albert would be surveyed into river lots. The document has not been found, but various reports of it made at the time do not show any reference to St Laurent.57 Yet the Metis of that area came to interpret it as applying to them as well as to their relatives in St Albert. How this happened is not altogether clear. When Father Leduc stopped at St Laurent on his way back to Edmonton, he told Father Andre about the success of his mission. Andre's record of the conversation shows he was aware that Leduc had been representing St Albert and Edmonton, but not St Laurent.58 Yet by the end of 1883 the Metis were citing Leduc's mission as evidence that the government had promised to resurvey their lands. This overlooked the crucial difference between the two situations: St Albert involved the first survey of already settled land, whereas St Laurent involved a resurvey to accommodate squatters who had not conformed to a rectangular survey done when the land was almost uninhabited. Reference to Leduc's mission first appeared in a petition of

River Lots and Land Claims 49

19 November 1883, drawn up by Louis Schmidt and signed by thirty-one other residents of St Louis de Langevin.59 They gave the petition to George Duck, and within a month Schmidt wrote to him again to stress the urgency of the matter. A newcomer had made entry for a quarter-section comprising part of river lots already claimed by older settlers.60 Curiously, even as the Metis continued to agitate in 1883, a few, including Gabriel Dumont, his father, and his brother Isidore, made entry for quarter-sections fronting the river. These seem to have been exceptional cases where low density of settlement made it possible to enter a quarter-section without conflicting with a neighbour. It also has been asserted, though it is difficult to verify, that these entrants continued to treat their holdings as if they were two miles deep, perhaps expecting an eventual resurvey.61 In any case, this handful of entries did not signify a break in Metis solidarity on the river-lot issue. Meanwhile, the Department of the Interior proceeded as if no resurvey would be done. In the fall of 1883, William Pearce met with Father Andre. He urged the priest to get the Metis to make entry by quarter-section, but he also explained that there was a legal way for the Metis to retain their unofficial river lots - the method of legal subdivision.62 Figure 6 is a simplified plan of part of Township 44A showing how river lots could have been recorded and registered through legal subdivision. The dotted lines in sections 22 and 23 mark off legal subdivisions of forty acres, sixteen to the section. Each subdivision was twenty chains wide, twice the width to which the Metis were accustomed. Thus a river lot ten chains wide and approximately two miles deep could be legally created by taking the north or south half of a row of legal subdivisions extending over two sections. Because of the irregular course of the river, it might be necessary to make the lot longer or smaller than two miles and thus somewhat more or less than 160 acres. For example, the river lot at the bottom of the diagram could be described as the south half of legal subdivisions 1-2 of section 21,1-4 of section 22, and 1-4 of section 23 of Township 44, Range 1, West of the Third Initial Meridian (south 1/2 l.s. 1-2, s. 21; l.s. 1-4, s.22;

50 Kiel and the Rebellion Figure 6 Registering River Lots by Legal Subdivision

l.s. 1-4, s. 23, T44R1W3). Although cumbersome, the description was precise and legally valid. The lot itself was of the desired shape, although longer and larger than usual. Similarly, a slightly shorter and smaller than usual lot is shown at the top of the diagram by the sequence north 1/2 l.s. 13-15, s. 22; l.s. 13-16, s. 23, T44R1W3. River lots could thus be created in legal documents without the expense of a resurvey. This solution, although feasible, had drawbacks that left the Metis unenthused. Without a resurvey, there was no confirmation of their holdings on the ground, no surveyor's stakes to settle disputes between neighbours. The only proof of boundaries consisted of official records a day's journey away at Prince Albert. Furthermore, the river lots as taken up would not always coincide

River Lots and Land Claims

51

with the geometrically neat pattern of legal subdivisions. Claimants might find that some of their improvements, or at least some of the land they thought was theirs, fell into a neighbour's allocation. The Metis and official perspectives collided in January 1884, when William Pearce arrived in Prince Albert to begin his inquiry, which was also to include the St Laurent area. Almost immediately, Charles Nolin and Father Valentin Vegreville called upon him to press their demand for a resurvey, supported by reference to the government's 'promise' to Father Leduc. Pearce said that he knew nothing about this promise and that his authority to setde claims did not include power to order a new survey; he would make the best adjustments he could through legal subdivisions.63 Pearce, like George Duck, was carrying out a policy he had not made; personally, he was open to a resurvey as one way of solving the problem.64 Father Vegreville quickly wrote a letter of protest to the chief inspector of surveys, Edouard De Ville: 'In February, 1883, Rev. Father Leduc and Mr. Maloney were deputed to set forth our claims to the Government. They were promised, in writing, that the lands we occupy should be surveyed as river lots ten chains in front by two miles in depth, and that the survey would be made in the following autumn (1883). The autumn has passed; winter is advancing; what has become of those promises?'65 The petitions and letters from Louis Schmidt and Father Vegreville were forwarded to De Ville, who proposed the method of legal subdivision described above.66 This was accepted by the deputy minister, who instructed Pearce to follow this policy in his investigation of the Metis claims.67 Pearce, realizing this would not satisfy the Metis, wrote back that if a full resurvey was not to be made, there should at least be a rough indication on the ground of the boundaries between river lots: In reply, Mr. Inspector Pearce states that if he, personally, had time to make a survey of those settlers' holdings, he has no doubt that entries could be granted in legal sub-division or fractional parts thereof, so that each person's interest would be as well protected as

52 Kiel and the Rebellion if laid off in river lots, but that he has no time to do as that suggestion would demand, much as he would like that kind of work. He also states that he thinks, owing to points and bays on the river, it will be found that no rectangular width of lots will meet the wishes of those people, that their improvements are in all courses, that they seem determined to have their holdings laid out in river lots, and it will be found that they will expect the lines between every lot plainly defined on ground - at least, that is what Mr. Pearce states he inferred from interviews he had with them. Further, he tried to explain to them how their wishes could be met by means of a L[egal] Subdivision] survey, or fractional portions thereof; but he fears they did not comprehend what he desired to impart. In fact, it was a matter which he took particular pains to discuss with others, and the better portion of the community, and the answer invariably was: 'That is plain enough to you, as a surveyor, but it is Greek to us. Those parties are bona fide setders, as such have or will acquire title, and if they wish their land laid off in a certain way, why should the Government object? In fact, it is the duty of the Government to survey it, as requested.' Mr. Inspector Pearce further states that neither the agent nor his assistant are sufficiently conversant with surveys to go over the ground and allot those lands by L.S. or fractional portions thereof, and would recommend one of two courses to be adopted: ISt To send with agent on the ground a surveyor who can make a rough traverse of improvements on each section, and then entries can be given by legal sub-division, so as to preserve to each man his improvements, as far as possible. 2nd. To lay out in river lots on ground, employing a surveyor of considerable experience in that kind of work. If he or his assistant spoke French, so much the better; and give him sufficient latitude in his instructions, so that he could make the lots of such widths as to preserve to each claimant, so far as possible, his improvements.68 Resolution of Metis Grievances As matters turned out, Pearce himself did not conduct the investi-

River Lots and Land Claims 53

gallon at St Laurent. The inquiry at Prince Albert took longer than expected, and Pearce's mandate included other trouble spots in the North-West. Furthermore, he did not have all the township plans of the St Laurent district. Just completed in Ottawa, they were mailed in mid-February but had not reached Pearce by 27 February when his work in Prince Albert was done. Also, he spoke no French or Cree and so would have had to do everything through an interpreter. All these considerations caused him to request permission to return to Winnipeg to write up the results of his work at Prince Albert before going on to other places. George Duck was delegated to do the inquiry at St Laurent as soon as the maps arrived. Duck spoke some French and Cree, and having assisted Pearce in Prince Albert, he knew what to do. He was to gather the necessary information for Pearce, who would formulate recommendations to settle the claims.69 Duck wanted to go to St Laurent as soon as possible, but he needed Father Andre's help, and the priest was not available before Easter. Hence it was 2 May 1884 before the inquiry could begin.70 The Metis still clung to the hope of a resurvey, and many refused to cooperate with Duck.71 Louis Schmidt wrote again to the minister of the interior in late April,72 and Charles Nolin and Maxime Lepine made the point vehemently to Bishop Grandin when he visited in June. The bishop then sent the prime minister an accurate statement of the problem. Interestingly, this statement of the Metis position, which Grandin said was dictated by Nolin and Lepine, did not even mention Duck's inquiry,73 illustrating the vast difference in perspective between the Metis and the Department of the Interior. What to the latter was a decisive action to settle the issue once and for all was to the Metis an inconsequential errand that did not recognize their right to a resurvey. It may also have been perceived as a sign that the government was weakening and would ultimately give in if the Metis remained firm.74 Duck's instructions were to take affidavits from all Metis who had not yet made entry, including those who had settled on the seventy-one river lots and who had not been able to make entry

54 Kiel and the Rebellion

because of the long delay in approval of that survey, as well as those who had carved out unofficial river lots on square-surveyed frontage. He was to encourage the latter group to claim a standard quarter-section if possible, otherwise to allow them to claim a river lot through legal subdivision. He was also to take information about the date of settlement, length of residence, improvements made, and other relevant facts. Since little of this could be documented, he could accept oral testimony of the Metis themselves as evidence. Claimants would afterwards receive a letter informing them which land they could enter as a homestead, which land they could enter as a pre-emption if desired, what the pre-emption price would be, and what the price would be of any acreage to be obtained through outright purchase. Claimants might be eligible for immediate patent on their homestead if their improvements and length of residence were sufficient. In the first weeks of May, Duck took evidence regarding ninetynine claims. This represented a substantial portion of the Metis, but not all. A certain number refused to give evidence, and Duck did not do any work in St Louis de Langevin because many householders were absent. This was unfortunate because the problems in that parish were especially difficult where settlers had crowded in on each other. Also, some of the most vocal spokesmen, including Charles Nolin, Maxime Lepine, and Michel Dumas, lived there. If they had had a chance to state their claims to Duck (and if they would have agreed to, which is by no means certain), their subsequent attitude might have been more moderate. Upon his return to Prince Albert, Duck prepared a schedule of the ninety-nine cases he had investigated. Thereafter his report had to go to the Dominion Lands Board in Winnipeg, which in effect meant William Pearce, for formal recommendations. These recommendations had to be approved by the Department of the Interior in Ottawa, returned to Winnipeg, and then sent to Duck for him to notify the claimants. Duck mailed his report to Winnipeg on 17 June,78 and it arrived ten days later. But Pearce, who was off making other inquiries, could not do his part until the

River Lots and Land Claims 55

middle of October.79 Further delays ensued in Ottawa because the 'inside staff was in disarray. Both the minister and the deputy minister were sick, while Robert Lang, implicated in the extortion scheme involving Manitoba claims, had fled to the United States. The hard-working, omnipresent Pearce was seconded to Ottawa to clean up the mess. Working with what remained of the inside staff, he arranged the approval of his own recommendations.80 On 4 February 1885 the commissioner of Dominion Lands was notified of departmental approval of Pearce's recommendations, and on 25 February the agent at Prince Albert acknowledged receipt of the schedule of St Laurent cases.81 Between 26 February and 7 March, letters were sent to the claimants stating the terms on which they could make entry.82 In the spring of 1884, Duck had optimistically told the Metis that they could expect results from his inquiry in a couple of months. In December 1884 Father Andre wrote to him that the long delay was causing 'great discontent and bad feelings towards government among the French half breeds ... Something may arrive which will open the eyes of government when it will be too late.'83 He wrote this letter from St Laurent, where he had gone to persuade Riel to leave the country if he could get some money from the government. Ultimately, however, the results of the Duck-Pearce inquiry were made known to the Metis before the outbreak of the Rebellion. Although the delay exacerbated hostility, the government carried out its responsibilities in the end. Many important documents are now lost, most notably the final letters sent to the claimants; but enough material, including the schedule of ninety-nine claims, has survived that the general outlines of the government's policy toward the Metis of St Laurent can be reconstructed. The main principles may be stated as follows: • no penalty would be exacted for failure to make entry before the inquiry of May 1884. • each claimant would be allowed a homestead and a preemption of up to 160 acres. Additional acreage would have to be purchased.

56 Kiel and the Rebellion

• the price of pre-emption and purchase would be determined by regulations in force when settlement first occurred. • the time of settlement duties would be backdated to the point of first permanent occupancy; thus, if enough improvements had been made, it would be possible to make entry and receive patent on the same day, if the settler had lived there three years before making entry. However, few qualified for immediate patent. • previous sales of unpatented land, which had been common even though technically illegal, would be recognized upon suitable written or oral evidence. • although the area would not be resurveyed, unofficial river lots would be regularized through legal subdivision. • conflicting claims would be settled on the merits of the case (there were hardly any conflicts among these ninety-nine claims, although there were serious ones in St Louis de Langevin). Two examples will illustrate how these principles were applied. Calixte Lafontaine was a Metis from Manitoba. He had homesteaded once near Brandon and received a patent. Then in July 1883 he moved to St Laurent, settling upon the previously unoccupied river lot 33. His oddly shaped lot, wider and shorter than normal because of the river's course, contained 176 acres. The recommendation was that he be allowed to take 160 acres as a homestead and to purchase the remaining 16 acres at two dollars per acre. He paid the money and received patent for the whole lot in 1889.84 Evidence from other files shows that, if he had insisted, he could have taken only the free 160 acres and the Department of the Interior would have sliced off 16 acres for sale to someone else. Philippe Garnot was a young French Canadian from Quebec who kept a tavern near Batoche's crossing. In September 1883 he paid $500 for a claim from Charles Nolin near Gabriel Dumont's farm. Nolin had bought the claim for $300 the year before from Pierre Vandale, who had lived on it 1878-82. It had been occu-

River Lots and Land Claims 57

pied as a river lot before being surveyed on the sectional system. The Lands Board recommended that Garnot be allowed to make homestead entry on this river lot, registered through legal subdivision, and to pre-empt an adjoining lot at a dollar an acre. Although he had not become connected with the land until 1883, Garnot was allowed the pre-emption price prevailing in 1878, when Vandale had first settled.85 Many other examples could be produced to show that no Metis were forced off their chosen lands. They received river lots or the equivalent in legal subdivisions. As far as pre-emption and settlement duties were concerned, they were treated exactly like homesteaders at Prince Albert. Delay and confusion had surrounded their case, but in the end they received the substance of what they had wanted, except for the formality of a resurvey. Writing before the schedule of ninety-nine claims had been discovered, D.N. Sprague suggested that 'what most people received was a provocative denial of their demand for title to the lands they had occupied for years.'86 He speculated that Pearce had enforced the general rule according to which odd-numbered sections were not open for homesteading but were reserved for preemption. All river lots created through legal subdivision would have to cross odd-numbered sections; therefore, the Metis would have been forced to purchase those portions, which were not open for homesteading. But Sprague's theory can be discarded because the schedule shows that Pearce did not enforce that particular rule.87 Sprague, however, was right about another matter. The Metis wanted immediate patents, but the Duck-Pearce inquiry granted most of them only the right to make entry. They would have to wait three years or more to obtain full title to the land they wanted. This was undoubtedly another reason why they were not satisfied with the inquiry.88 Duck's mission also uncovered a conflict with One Arrow's reserve, which lay immediately to the east of St Laurent. When the reserve had been surveyed in the summer of 1881, forty chains had inadvertently been cut off the rear of river lots 52-71.

58 Kiel and the Rebellion

The surveyor drew the reserve boundary down a road allowance, neglecting to leave two miles depth from the river to accommodate the Metis river lots (see Figure 7). Although the Metis and Indians had been aware of the conflict, it first came to official notice during Duck's visit in May 1884. The affair was settled in November of the same year by allowing the Metis their full two miles and giving the Indians the equivalent amount of land elsewhere.89 William Pearce and other government spokesmen later used the conflict with One Arrow's reserve as a convenient rationalization for the long delay in completing the St Laurent settlement survey.90 But the correspondence shows that no one in government was even aware of the conflict until Duck discovered it in May 1884, so it can hardly be cited to explain why a survey done in 1878-9 was not approved until 1884. Duck did not include the parish of St Louis de Langevin in his inquiry of May 1884. In March 1885 the Rebellion intervened just as he received orders to proceed there.91 After the fighting was over, Duck and Pearce jointly carried out the work. A report was submitted in October 1885, and quickly approved.92 An example will show that the same principles were followed as at St Laurent and that the Rebellion had no effect, favourable or unfavourable, upon the disposition of Metis claims. Jean-Baptiste Boucher, a Metis from Manitoba, settled along the river in the fall of 1882. He carved out a river lot for himself about ten days before the surveyors reached that spot and incorporated it into the rectangular pattern. He resided there continuously until the Rebellion broke out, when he went to Batoche. As a member of the Exovedate, he fled to the United States to escape punishment. His wife, Caroline, presented evidence to Duck when he investigated the parish. Boucher came home 12 May 1886, after an amnesty was declared, and two weeks later made simultaneous application for entry and patent. This meant that the department counted all the time since the fall of 1882 for settlement duties, even though Boucher was off his land for over a year. He received his patent later in 1886.93 In how many countries of the earth would a man in Boucher's position have received such lenient treatment?

Figure 7 Conflict of St Laurent River Lots and One Arrow's Reserve

Source: NAG, RG 10, National Map Collection, vol. 3580, file 711, item 6 (12008).

60 Kiel and the Rebellion Conclusion

It is commonly held that the government was grossly at fault in dealing with the Metis of St Laurent, that it ignored their just claims and through procrastination drove them to rebellion. Indeed, the government did make some serious mistakes. It should have extended the river-lot survey over the whole St Laurent colony in the first place. Parts of it may have been thinly settled, but a little conversation with the Metis and the missionaries would have shown their conception of the boundaries of the settlement. Miles of river lots had been created farther north near Prince Albert in areas that were equally unsetded, and the comparison was invidious to the Metis.94 Second, it would not have been out of the question to resurvey the contested sections. The expense, although considerable at the time, would have been trivial in the long run. In fact, these areas were resurveyed into river lots in 1888 at the continuing request of the Metis.95 Through the length of six townships, almost all of the east bank of the South Saskatchewan, and a small part of the west bank, was turned into river lots. Figure 8 is a sample of how the area looked after the resurvey was completed. If it was possible in 1888, it could have been done in 1884. Third, the Department of the Interior was plagued at times with administrative inefficiencies, which, though not individually serious, created a cumulative irritant to the department's clientele. These problems lay chiefly in Ottawa; most men in the field, like Pearce and Duck, were competent and dedicated, even if sometimes brusque. Examples are the failure to get the maps of St Laurent to Pearce at the right time, and the disarray among the inside staff in the winter of 1884-5. But these inefficiencies should not be exaggerated. All bureaucracies have such problems, and the record of the Department of the Interior does not seem particularly bad, considering the magnitude of the tasks it faced in the 1880s. However much one may wish to criticize the government, the picture is not nearly so dark as the conventional wisdom suggests. The problems of the Metis never dropped from sight; from the

Figure 8 Plan of Township, Range 1, West of the Third Meridian

62 Kiel and the Rebellion

time they were first detected after the opening of the Prince Albert agency in 1881, the department was always aware of them and trying to deal with them. The ultimate solution of granting river lots through the method of legal subdivision was a reasonable compromise, although it would have been even better if, as Pearce suggested, the Metis had been guaranteed evidence on the ground of the limits of their holdings. In other respects, the Metis were treated the same as all other settlers according to legislation and settled policy. In spite of their fears, they were not penalized for having settled ahead of survey and not having conformed to the system. The Metis themselves, though usually portrayed as helpless victims, must share some of the blame. They knowingly squatted on surveyed land in blithe confidence that they could force the department to resurvey it. There was an intractable clash of perspectives between officials who felt they had to uphold the system and the Metis who thought they were exempt from it because they were an aboriginal people. One may also question how serious the agitation was for some of the participants. Some did not even make entry, let alone complete settlement duties and apply for patent. Moise Ouellette, for example, resided with his family on river lots 11-14 yet did not make entry until the twentieth century. He died on the way back from Prince Albert, 15 December 1911, after having finally applied for patent on lot 11,96 Philippe Garnot also did not act on his claim until after 1900.97 Diane Payment has shown that only about a third of the Metis claimants at St Laurent obtained patent within three years of making entry. Tt was customary,' she concludes, 'to apply quickly for entry and apply for title just when a sale or move was likely.'98 The Dominion Lands inspectors apparently decided that they would leave St Laurent alone after 1885, so many lots went for years or decades without patent or entry. The missionary priests also bear some responsibility for the dispute. There is no doubt about their good intentions: they wanted nothing more than to see the Metis securely rooted on their own land. But they did not understand the complexities of the situation. The letters of Father Andre and Father Vegreville were full

River Lots and Land Claims 63

of factual errors and misstatements that weakened the Metis case in the eyes of government officials." Had the Metis been better advised, they might have been less susceptible to Louis Riel's radicalism.

Surveyor William Pearce in the 1880s. Source: GAI, NAG 339-1.

The North Saskatchewan valley, 1885. Source: GAI, NAG 1597-1.

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