Religious Origins of American Revolution 0891301216

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AMERICAN ACADEMY OF RELIGION Aids (or the Study of Religion Series Series Editor: Gerald J. Larson Volume Editor: Doug Adams

PAGE SMITH

is Professor Emeritus of American History at the University of California at Santa Cruz. He is the author of numerous books, including Daughters of the Promised Land: Women in American History, and the Bancroft prize winning two volume work, John Adams. His most recent publication is a two volume work on the American Revolution.

Number 3 RELIGIOUS ORIGINS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION by Page Smith SCHOLARS PRESS Missoula, Montana

RELIGIOUS ORIGINS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION Edited, with Introduction and Annotations

by Page Smith

Published by SCHOLARS PRESS for American Academy of Religion

Distributed by SCHOLARS PRESS

University of Montana Missoula, Montana 59812

RELIGIOUS ORIGINS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION by Page Smith Copyright© 1976 by The American Academy of Religion All Rights Reserved

Material from Calvin: Institutes of the Christian Religion, The Library of Christian Classics, edited by John T. McNeill and translated by Ford Lewis Battles. Published simultaneously in the U.S.A. by The Westminster Press, Philadelphia, and in Great Britain by S. C. M. Press, Ltd., London. Copyright © 1960, by W. L. Jenkins. Used by permission. Materials from Christian Realism and Political Problems by Reinhold Niebuhr, published in the U.S.A. by Charles Scribner's Sons, 1953. Copyright © 1953 by Reinhold Niebuhr. Used by permission. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Main entry under title: Religious origins of the American Revolution. (American Academy of Religion aids for the study of religion ; no. 3) I. United States-History-Revolution, 1775-1783Religious aspects-Addresses, essays, lectures. 2. Theology, Protestant-Addresses, essays, lectures. I. Smith, Page. II. Adams, Doug. III. American Academy of Religion. American Academy of Religion aids for the study of religion ; no. 3. E209.R38 973.3 76-13157 ISBN 0-89130-121-6 Printed in the United States of America Printing Department University of Montana Missoula, Montana 59812

TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION:

·············································································

SECTION

1:

EZEKIEL AND MICAH ..••••••••••••••.••..•••.••••••••..•.••..•

SECTION

2:

................ ........................................................... .. A: B:

SECTION

CHRISTIAN FREEDOM .••.•.••••••.•.••••••••••••••••••.• CIVIL GOVERNMENT .•••..•..•...•••.•...•...•.....••••••

3: ............................................................................. A: TO EVERY READER ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• B: ENGLAND'S BIRTH-RIGHT JUSTIFIED •.••...••.•.• C: A WATCH-WORD T O THE CITY ••.••.•••••••••••.•.• D: AREOPAGITICA FOR THE LIBERTY OF UNLICENSED PRINTING.................................

9 11 13 24 47 48 57 62 76

SECTION

4: REFORMATION WITHOUT TARRYING FOR ANY ........................................................ 104

SECTION

5: A MODEL OF CHRISTIAN CHARITY ....... 110

SECTION

6: LIMITATIONS OF GOVERNMENT ............. 115

SECTION

7:

A: B: C: D:

E: SECTION

THE HAPPINESS OF A PEOPLE •••..•••.•...••••••..•.• THE BLOUDY TENANT OF PERSECUTION ••.•••••• THE CHARTER OF OCTOBER

1. 2. 3. 4.

28, 1701 ............

Letters ................................................ Seasonable Thoughts .......................... Report on Whitefield ............... ........... Journal ...............................................

A JOURNAL OF THE LIFE GOSPEL LABOURS

8: A VINDICATION V

118 118 121 123 127 127 13 I 134 136 137 143

SECTION 9: DISCOURSE CONCERNING UNLIMITED SUBMISSION ................................................. 154 SECTION 10: RIGHTS OF THE BRITISH COLONISTS .... 157 SECTION 11: A DIALOGUE CONCERNING THE SLAVERY ....................................................... 177

..

SECTION 12: 1776 ELECTION SERMON ............................ 181 SECTION 13: DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE ....... 185 SECTION 14:

............................................................................. 189 A: OF THE LAW OF NATURE ••••........•.•...•..••••.•••• 189 . B: LETTER ••.•.• .•• • ••••••.••••••. •••••• .•••••••••..•.•..•.•...•. • 202

SECTION 15:

........................................................................... A: JUNE 22 CONVENTION DEBATE .•. •.•••••••..••••••• B: AUGUST 22 CONVENTION DEBATE ••.••••••••••.••• C: TENTH FEDERALIST PAPER ••.•••••••••••.•••••••••••.• D: THE KEY OF LIBERTY •••.•.• .•••.••. •.•...•...••.•....••

204 205 206 207 212

SECTION 16: AGE OF REASON .......................................... 219 SECTION 17: 1796 SERMON ................................................ 223 SECTION 18: MAY 16, 1838 SPEECH .................................. 225 SECTION 19: THE LAW OF GOD AND THE LAW OF THE LAND, SLAVERY IN MASSACHUSETTS ............... 229 SECTION 20: THE PROMISED Of THE PROPHETS ....... 232 SECTION 21: THE GARDEN OF EDEN ............................. 233 SECTION 22:

DEMOCRACY, SECULARISM, AND CHRISTIANITY .................................... 247 Vl

Introduction

It has become a commonplace to state that Christianity is (or was) a radical

religion: that in comparison with the other world religions it contained a principle or a set of dogmas and doctrines which were intended to work a radical change in the world. That it contained other doctrines that worked to quite different ends is also clear enough. But through much of the last two thousand years the Christian doctrines tending to produce change have predominated over those tending to preserve the status quo. Moreover, Christianity evidenced a striking capacity for renewal and regeneration so that when the institutional church showed signs of rigidity and calcification reform movements took place that stimulated change in the church itself. The Protestant Reformation was such a movement of reform within the Christian Church. It proved to be the most radical re-forming of the church in its long history. Arnold Toynbee has written that the American Revolution was made possible by American Protestantism. That, very simply, is the assumption on which this anthology is based. The assumption is perhaps best stated as proposition. The Protestant Reformation produced a new kind of consciousness and a new kind of man. The English colonies of America, in turn, produced a new and unique strain of that new consciousness. It thus follows that it is impossible to understand the intel tual and moral forces behind the Amencan Revolution without understanding the role that Protestant nsttanity p aye

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RELIGIOUS ORIGINS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

The American Revolution might thus be said to have started, in a sense, when Martin Luther nailed his 95 theses to the church door at Wittenburg. It received a substantial part of its theological and philosophical underpinnings from John Calvin's Institutes of the Christian Religion and much of its social theory from the Puritan Revolution of 1640-1660, and, perhaps less obviously, from the Glorious Revolution of 1689. Put another way, t e American Revol ·on is inconceivable in the absenc that context of ide which "have onst1tuted radial Chn 1amty. � ader� of the volution in every colony wer�,_1m ue wit the precepts of the Ra-&iiiedfaith. Even though in roaoy specific io5tan_ces Christian orthodoxy was modified by E.!!lightenment ideas, there was a kind of irreducible stratum of Cbristian­ �octrines or none at all. When Luther made his dramatic gesture of defiance in 1517 he did more than attack specific abuses in the Roman church; he struck at some of its basic dogmas. He insisted, for instance, that a man or woman could find salvation only through faith. And, perhaps most significant in its effect on the settlers of the New World,· Luther held that the individual was wholly responsible for his own salvation. If Luther was the originator of the Reformation, John Calvin was its most formidable theorist. In his Institutes, Calvin presented the doctrinal basis of the branch of the Reformation that, as Calvinism, became the foundation of American Puritanism. The Institutes was, in effect, the charter for a new kind,Jlf consciousness, a new w'ayof looking at the world and one's fellows, as well as a �w way of understanding the relationship of the individual to the Divine. Before the Reformation, people had belonged, most typically, to orders; to social groups and classes, to communes and communities - estates - by which they were defined and which set the boundaries of their worlds and established their identities; they were clerks, aristocrats, priests, artisans, members of guilds, of burghs. No one had to live in doubt or uncertainty about his or her place in the world. That place was defined and codified; represented practically and symbolically in a hundred different ways. If such individuals understood the general principJes that governed their places in the earthly order of things, they also had reference to an equally specific set of rules regarding th�ir place in the heavenly kingdom. They were incorporated; part of a social body. It followed that Medieval man did not think of himself as an "individual;" he thought of himself as a member of one of the clearly established orders of society. These traditional orders did not so much submerge him as define and protect him. Above all, they contained him. Luther and Calvin, by postulating a single "individual" soul responsible for itself, plucked a new human type out of this traditional "order" and put him down naked, a re-formed individual in a re-formed world. The doctrine of a "priesthood of believers" with each person responsible directly to God for his or her own spiritual state brought new burdens for the individual psyche; but it brought remarkable new opportunities as well. The individuals who formed the new congregations established their own churches, chose their own ministers, and managed their own affairs without reference to an ecclesiastical hierarchy. Thus there appeared modern man (or his essential integument), an introspective, aggressive individual who was able to function remarkably well �µtside these older structures that had defined people's roles and given them whatever power they possessed.

INTRODUCTION

3

What this transformation meant was an almost incalculable release of new human energy into the stream of history. Put another way, Luther and Calvin invented the individual; and these individuals, at least relatively secure in their relationship to God and confident of their own powers, worked remarkable changes in the world. This new individual proved almost equally adept at founding new sects and denominations as well as new financial enterprises, and, indeed, entire new communities. he obvious by-products was the notion of a contra tered into by two � le or b the m ers of a communit amongst themselve t neede o le I nctions to make 1t binding.This concept of t e e ormers made possible the formation of contractua or, as the Puritans called them, "covenanted" groups formed by individuals who signed a covenant or agreement to found a community. The most famous of these covenants was the Mayflower Compact. In it the Pilgrims formed a "civil body politic", and promised to obey the laws their own government might pass. In short, the individual Pilgrim invented on the spot a new community, one that would be ruled by laws of its making. The Reformers maintained that the Roman Catholic Church, by reserving to itself - to its priests and functionaries - all the doctrines and teachings of the Church, had kept people locked up in rituals and ceremonies, which, as Calvin put it, condemned "the miserable multitude"of believers to "the grossest ignorance." · · "Fa· ot in i nor but in knowledge ..."The faithful must know at first hand word of God. The on y �f �now· read and stud it as it a eare in the Hol Seri ture. to an en.Ii htened It foll faith.The importance of the Reformers' emphasis on the literacy of all the faith I wasi-ecognized by Massachusetts lawyer-patriot John Adams. "They (the Reformers) were convinced from history and their own experience," he wrote, "that nothing could preserve their posterity from encroachments of the two systems of tyranny, the Roman Church and the English monarch ... but knowledge diffused generally through the whole body of the people. Their civil and religious principles, therefore, conspired to prompt them to use every measure and take every precaution in their power to propagate and perpetuate knowledge. For this purpose they laid very early the foundations of colleges ...and it is remarkable that they have left among their posterity so universal an affection and veneration for those seminaries, and for liberal education, that the meanest of the people contribute cheerfully to the support and maintenance of them every year . ..so that the education of all ranks of people was made the care and expense of the public in a manner that I believe has been unknown to any other people ancient or modern." One of the most fundamental changes wrought by the Reformation was to give the family unit an importance that it had never enjoyed before. In the new, re­ formed family the father assumed the priestly duties once performed by the church.He usually led family prayers, read the Bible aloud in the vernacular, and even assumed certain teaching responsibilities.The family, as the essential unit and center of Christian life, took on a new dignity and power; it was as though the power of the institutional church had been divided up among the reconstituted familes of the Protesting faith. This change in in the family also promoted the freedom of the individual. In doing so it served to release new energies in society, to create new enterprises and

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RELIGIOUS ORIGINS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

new wealth. In traditional European societies, sons characteristically expressed their loyalty to their fathers by following the same trade or calling. However, since the son in the new family learned the most crucial truths - those necessary for the salvation of the soul - from his father, he was relieved of the burden of loyalty in other spheres, becoming free to go beyond his father in terms of his own worldly ambition. If his father was a carpenter or farmer, the son might aspire to be a lawyer or a merchant without feeling that he was rejecting his father. On the contrary, the son might be"§t express his gratitude for his father's guidance by going beyond what his father had achieved. The result was a great increase in what we have come to call social mobility. The impetus to get ahead in the world grew out of the new faith.Calvin placed great emphasis on the work a man did as a way of serving and pleasing God. Work was not a sure road to salvation, for Calvin was a strict predestinarian - that is, he believed salvation was bestowed by God according to His inscrutable plan and could not be earned by either faith or works. But to work conscientiously and well at any task, however menial, was to praise and bear witness to the goodness of the · Lord. The consequences are familiar. Protestant countries, and perhaps most characteristically America as the most Protestant of all countries, have been work­ oriented. Work has been the major American preoccupation or indeed obsession, an avenue to secular salvation, a vindication of the individual and of individualism itself. Closely related to the ethic of work was Calvin's view of time. Time was seen as an arena in which one worked out so far as possible one's own salvation. All time was impregnated with the Divine Spirit. Everything done in time and with time came under God's scrutiny. None of it was private, or neutral or unobserved. Time must, therefore, be used carefully, prudently, profitably, devoutly, every hour and every minute of it accounted for and none wasted. Benjamin Franklin produced dozens of aphorisms exalting this concept: "early to bed and early to rise," "the Devil makes work for idle hands. " Indeed, Americans like Franklin often seemed to feel that work (and its hoped-for concomitant, money) was a surer path to salvation than piety. This typically American attitude toward time had important ramifications and consequences. The notion of time as God's time - time that had to be filled up with useful activity and regularly accounted for to God - created a vast new source of human energy. In America it 'resulted in an "energy pool" that made possible the domesticating of a wilderness in a remarkably brief time. Perhaps above all, it robbed the future of its menace. Future time, because it was God's time, was not threatening, not full of danger and uncertainty, but full of promise, full of the expectation of the revealing of God's plan for man, and of man's faithful response. The Federal Constitution was in this sense a monument to the reformed consciousness. This new sense of time as potentiality was a vital element in the new consciousness that was to make a revolution and, what was a good deal more difficult, form a new nation. Austerity, reserve, self-denial were also demanded by Calvin. The Reformer took thought for the morrow; he laid something by to care for himself and his less fortunate fellows. He enjoyed the good gifts of God but with restraint.In Calvin's words, good Christians "should indulge themselves as little as possibie . . . they should perpetually and resolutely exert themselves to retrench all superfluities and

INTRODUCTION

5

to restrain luxury; and they should diligently beware lest they pervert into impediments things which were given for their assistance. " Calvin did not require excessive austerity; this would have been a denial of the bounty and generosity of the Maker. But license was a sinful perversion of means into ends. Such preoccupations led, quite naturally, to an extreme degree of self­ consciousness and introspection. Those present-day Americans who are constantly examining the state of their psyches are, in this respect at least, descendants of the Puritans. The faithful Reformer spent an inordinate amount of time in a painstaking audit of his state of grace or gracelessness. He frequently kept a diary or journal in which he recorded every step forward and every dismal backsliding, a ledger of moral debits and credits, often written in cipher to preserve its secrets from prying mortal eyes. Even Cotton Mather, one of the greatest of the late Puritan leaders, confessed to his diary that he was tempted to "self-pollution," suicide and blasphemy, was full of doubts and on occasion uncertain of the existence of God and of his own salvation. We might thus say that the Reformer set out on the lonely and difficult task of learning and doing God's will."Not my will, but Thy will, 0 Lord, be done,"he prayed. If he did not always understand God's will or was not able to conform to it, he learned to live, to a remarkable and perhaps unprecedented degree, by his own will. This self-willed struggle proved to be an unusually demanding, endlessly challenging and often exciting enterprise. The Reformation left its mark on every aspect of the personal and social life of the faithful. In the family, in education, in business activity, in work, in community and, ultimately, in politics, the consequences of the Reformation were determinative for American history. The ''faithful" were, to be sure, most prominently located in the New England colonies; but they were by no means confined to that region. The Congregationalists were the classic Puritans in doctrine and church polity; but their Presbyterian neighbors were just as surely Calvinists. Quakers might differ in matters of theology; but they were perfect examples of the new consciousness produced by the Reformation, in some matters more Puritan than the Puritans. The Baptists' rejection of infant Baptism was anathema to other denominations; the Methodists were more rigorous about the indulgence of the senses; the Anglicans more tolerant (or less pious depending on the point of view). The German Lutherans in Pennsylvania, like their master, eschewed the world as did the other pietist sects (most of them German in origin) the Mennonites, Dunkards, Moravians.From the austerest Quaker to the most profligate Anglican was an extended social and theological journey to be sure. But all along that spectrum of Reformed Christianity one could find common denominators more important than all the differences. All partook of the re­ formed consciousness. Today we are perhaps most aware of the negative aspects of that consciousness or character-type that we understand to be our heritage from the Reformation. It is depicted as sour, austere, repressive, materialistic, competitive, anxious, arrogant, authoritarian, both defensive and aggressive, inhibited, excessively individualistic. And it may well be that the creative potentialities in that consciousness have been mined out, that what we presently experience in such a negative way are the unattractive residues that remained when the Puritans' zealous faith and passionate desire to redeem the world for the glory of God had dwindled away.

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Remote or repugnant as Puritanism may be to us today, it is essential that we understand that the Reformation in its full power was one of the great emancipations of history. Those who drew together under the new revelation unquestionably felt themselves filled with the grace of God and experienced the joy of creation in its deepest sense. Those who embraced the Reformed faith were, or at least felt themselves to be, truly liberated; they entered into a genuinely new world of the spirit and received in consequence the power to establish a geographically new world. �e Reformers were not simply men and women who subscribed to a set of theological propositions, most of which seem thoroughly uncongenial or obscure to us today. They were men and women, individuals in a quite new sense, with a transcendent vision and the passionate determination to transform the world in accordance with that vision. The political consequences of the social attitudes engendered by the Reformation can be clearly seen in the English Civil War. The resistance of the radical Protestant elements in the British Parliament led to the Long Parliament, the overthrow of the Court party and, eventually, the beheading of the King and the dictatorship of Cromwell. In this strange and bloody episode all the radical political propensities of the Reformed faith welled to the surface. The Presbyterian and Puritan leaders in Parliament were comparatively mild in their doctrines when compared with the Diggers, Levelers, and Fifth Monarchy men. The Diggers asserted: "England is not a Free People, till the Poor that have no land, have a free allowance to dig and labour on the Commons," i.e. the public land; and Jerrard Winstanly argued that the earth was a "common treasury of livelihood to whole mankind, without respect of persons." "The Community of Mankind" was the first community composed of all those joined in ''the unity of spirit of Love, which is called Christ in you, or the Law written in the heart, leading mankind into all truth, and to be of one heart and of one mind."The second was the "Community of the Earth, for the quiet livelihood in food and raiment without using force, or restraining one another. These two Communities . . . is the true Levelling which Christ will work at his more glorious appearance; for Jesus Christ the Saviour of all men, is the greatest, first and truest Leveller that ever was spoke of in the world." The doctrines of the Levelers, discredited and ignored for more than a hundred years, found expression in the classic phrase of the Declaration of Independence - "all men are created equal. . . " The right of resistance to unlawful authority, so clearly enunciated by the Parliamentary leaders and confirmed by the Glorious Revolution of 1689 was the basis on which the Americans opposed the unlimited authority of Parliament over the British colonies. There was another important respect in which Reformed Christianity manifested itself in the political sphere. It brought with it a revival of the discussion of law - the laws of nature, natural law, celestial law and municipal or man-made law. This was a heritage that reached back to the ancients and that received its classic Christian formulation in the works of Saint Thomas Aquinas. However, the Reformation aroused a new interest in the nature and sanction of law, especially on the part of theologians of the Anglican Church. It was Richard Hooker, an Anglican divine, who wrote in his Ecclesiastical Polity the line dangerous to kings and tyrants: "Laws they are not which public approbation hath

INTRODUCTION

7

not made so." Protestant theologians and theorists incorporated into the political thought of the Reformation the great principles of natural law which were to play such an important role in developing the theoretical foundations of colonial resistance to Parliament and of the Federal Constitution itself. The problem, as Richard Shaull suggests, that remains at the center of all questions about the relation of human beings to the Divine might be termed the problem of original sin versus Christian Utopianism. Original sin involves the notion of an unchanging element in human nature, qualities or characteristics "original" and continuing. Christian Utopianism, on the other hand, might be said to be grounded in the injunction: "Love thy neighbor as thyself," and similar "impossible" demands. Christian theology has always been, in essence, a balancing of these claims. In no period of our history as a people have they been more precisely weighed than in the era of the American Revolution. The Founding Fathers, believing for the most part in some form of the notion of original sin, nonetheless dared to believe also in a new and better age for all mankind. Thus the Reverend Samuel Thacher could declare, "Liberty is a pure, original emanation from the great source of life which animates the universe. . . " and assert confidently that the benefits of the American Revolution could not "be compressed within the compass of a few pages. Its effects are not confined to one age or country. The human mind has received a stimulus and attained an expansion which will extend its influence beyond calculation." Americans have, in short, begun the "emancipation of a world." The Federal Constitution was, in effect, an effort to reconcile on the practical political level original sin and Christian Utopianism. In this context the Declaration of Independence appears as the classic political credo of a utopianism whose Christian antecedents are plainly discernible. The American Revolutionary tradition was soon reduced to a reiteration of "freedom, equality, and liberty." Abstracted from revolutionary politics, these became, in time, merely pious utterances. Today the challenge of the Bicentennial Era is, as the Founding Fathers most commonly put it, to return to first principles. For the Christian, the most important of these principles is that God rules the world, and that all human orders are merely efforts to emulate the Divine order. It thus follows that the task of the Christian is always to be radical to the existing establishment and conservative to secular revolutionaries who, as Reinhold Niebuhr reminded us, are constantly attempting to make their ideals into the ultimate goals of history. For the Christian, this is heresy. The importance of Christianity is as an incommensurable, inexhaustable, (I suspect) irreplaceable, "re-adjuster" - that which must survive every social upheaval, every revolution, every war. It is coterminus with history itself or else it is nothing but a system of consolation, another "world religion." In Richard Shaull's words "the end/in this case the end of the old order of king and Parliament/ is the occasion for a new beginning, and men are free to allow the old to die in trust that out of that death, the new will emerge." This is faith in the future as governed by God's will which, even if men cannot discern it, is there; this is the primary, original source of all "utopian" thinking: the future will be better than the past. The Bicentennial Era which has so discomforted academic historians poses equally difficult questions for the Christian community. If the American

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Revolution is indeed inconceivable without the imperatives of radical Christianity, what does this fact suggest about the Church (or churches) today? How is the complacent and conservative body of Christians to be roused from its lethargy and made the active agent of The New Age? It is probably safe to say that most anthologies are based on assumptions generally accepted by scholars in the field. Thus, an anthology of writings of black Americans is based on the widely held view that the attitudes and opinions of blacks, however sorely neglected they may have been in the past, are important to a proper understanding of our history. Similarly, a collection of political documents having to do with American constitutional history would contain a reasonably clearly defined sort of documents , including among other things, the Federal Constitution and certain lcey decisions of the Supreme Court. The case is somewhat different here. There has been no general acceptance by academic scholars of the centrality of Protestant Christianity to an understanding of the American Revolution. This theme has, at best, been dealt with by most scholars as a peripheral issue, ailuded to -in passing where it is mentioned at ali. Therefore the selection of materials in this anthology has been made in order to argue a case that has not yet been adequately argued. It might thus be called a "didactic anthology,"a work which presents a case not in the typical mono graphic style of analysis and exposition but rather as a lawyer presents a brief - by presenting to the reader the documents upon which the argument rests. We might say that the case of The Primacy of Protestant Christianity in Understanding the Origins and Nature of the American Revolution versus Academic Historians rests on the arguments herewith presented to the court of public opinion. I am, ot course, well aware of the problems and dangers attendant upon such a method; but I risk them gladly since at the least they may open a debate on this largely neglected question.

1 [The texts may be consulted in any translation; but the most popular translation in New England was the Geneva Bible ( 1 560), translated by English exiles in Geneva who reflected John Calvin's thought.]

Ezekiel and Micah It is easy in reading the political tracts and newspaper editorials turned out by the leaders of colonial opposition to the arbitrary rule of Parliament to overlook the fact that there was in the stubborn resistance of the ordinary men and women of the colonies a substantial admixture of passionate devotion to what they conceived to be their God-given liberties (ratified, so to speak, by the British constitution), along with a visionary idealism, even fanaticism, that is perhaps best represented by the Book of the Prophet Ezekiel. Ezekiel, with its torrent of exotic images, its wheels within wheels, its strange apocalyptic beasts and undecipherable mysteries is one of the most imponderable books of the Old Testament. If we are inclined to think of the American Revolution as a sober, restrained, rational and orderly political movement, the Book of the Prophet Ezekiel should help to disabuse us of such a notion. Revolutions are "profound and passionate" events emanating from the deepest emotional resources of a people. As the Revolutionary crisis developed, the colonists of Whig persuasion identified the Mother Country with the dark indictments of the prophet: "Because ye multiplied more than the nations that are round about you and have not walked in my statutes, neither have kept my judgments . . . therefore . . . saith the Lord God . . . even I am against thee, and will execute judgments in the midst of thee, in the sight of the nations." In short, they felt confident that God was on their side. Equally, in the images of destruction and resurrection they could read the hope of a redeemed humanity, led out of the land of Egypt by a people chosen of the Lord.

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RELIGIOUS ORIGINS O F THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

The Book of the Prophet Micah, among the shortest books of the Old Testament, shared with the Book of the Prophet Ezekiel, a special place in the religious affections of the English colonists. It was from Micah that John Winthrop, who wrote his Model of Christian Charitie as the spiritual charter for the Puritan settlers on board the Arabella on the way to the Massachusetts Bay Colony, quoted the sixth chapter, eighth verse: "for what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do j ustly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God?" And it was from Micah that his f�tree and none shall make them afraid; for the mo uth of the Lord. of hosts hath spoken it." It seemed to many Americans that the English colonies with their heterogeno us mixture of races and nationalities were the fulfillment of Micah's famous prophecy: "in the last days it shall come to pass, that the mountain of the house of the Lord shall be established in the top of the mountains . . . and the people shall flow unto it. And many nations shall come . . . " The fact is that the passage "every man . . . under his vine and under his figtree" was the most potent expression of the colonists' determination to be independent whatever the cost. This did not necessarily mean politically independent; it meant practically independent, having substantial control over their own affairs. No theme was more constantly reiterated by writers and speakers in the era of the Revolution.

2

John Calvin's Institutes of the Christian Religion belong, in the opinion of the editor of this anthology, among the half-dozen most important books ever written. Its influence if not readily measured is generally admitted to have been enormous.The two chapters in that vast work which have the most relevance for this work are those on "Christian Freedom" and "Civil Government". Christian Freedom, Calvin points out, does not extend to license. The devout Christian is not outside the law (Antinomian). His relation to law is, indeed, subtle and complex. Certainly he cannot expect Divine favor simply as a consequence of dutifully complying with the law, ecclesiastical or civil. That is the basic message of Protestantism: salvation is not to be earned. It is a free (and mysterious) gift of the Almighty. The Christian's conscience is moreover at liberty. "Freed from the law's yoke, they willingly obey God's will." "Those who infer that we ought to sin because we are not under the law understand" Calvin writes, "that this Freedom has nothing to do with them, for its purpose is to encourage us to do good." Also essential to the notion of Christian liberty is a freedom from "outward"or material things "that are in themselves indifferent .... The knowledge of this Freedom is very necessary for us; for if it is lacking, our consciences will have repose." Of special importance is Calvin's careful distinction between temporal and spiritual laws. Having made the distinction in his chapter on "Christian Freedom," Calvin goes on to argue the case of temporal or civil law in chapter 20 of his fourth Book.The devout Christian cannot dismiss "the whole nature of government as a thing polluted . . . "The world is, after all, a place of preparation

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for life eternal; and civil government has as its appointed end, so long as we live among men, to cherish and support the outward worship of God, to defend sound doctrine of piety and the position of the church, to adjust our life to the society of men . . . and to promote general peace and tranquility . . . " These lines read like a charter for the Puritans of the Massachusetts Bay Company. There is , in fact, an apparent contradiction in Calvin's belief that the state should "defend the piety and position of the Church " while at the same time, stating: "I do not allow men to make laws respecting religion and the worship of God . . . ." The Puritans took seriously both injunctions.They wished the civil government (the state) to defend and protect the Church, suppress blasphemy, etc.; but they also resisted the notion that the civil government could pass any laws regarding religious doctrine. They went so f;r as to forbid ministers from running for political office. It is worth noting Calvin's argument that the civil magistrate is a legatee of God, and all his actions lie under Divine judgment. In his discussion of the forms of government - monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, Calvin follows a long tradition in political theory that went back to · Plato the philosopher and Polybius the historian. Calvin also asserts that either aristocracy or a combination of aristocracy and democracy are the best forms of government and pure democracy the worst. He adds a most interesting point in favor of the democratic element in government: "men's fault or failing causes it to be safer and more bearable for a number to exercise government, so that they may help one another, teach and admonish one another; and that if one asserts himself unfairly, there may be a number of censors and masters to restrain his willfulness." As we will see later in this work, Calvin's conception of human depravity (not just Calvin's but a conception rooted in Christian dogma) underlay the thinking of most of those Americans responsible for framing the Federal Constitution and establishing a new nation as well as the thinking of their constituents. The rationale of the theorists of the French Revolution for popular government, on the other hand, was based on the idea of the natural goodness of man uncorrupted by decadent institutions and a superstitious church.Thus Calvin wished government, though mixed, to have a democratic base because man was by nature "desperately wicked and deceitful" (i.e. "fallen"), and no individual or group could thus be trusted with unchecked power, while the other great "democratic " revolution of the century wished to place authority in the hands of the people because they were "good". Especially striking is Calvin's injunction to the faithful that they must "obey and suffer" even under the rule of tyrants who abuse their office.Such "insolent kings" may, indeed, be instruments of Divine punishment. But there is one circumstance in which the Christian not only may but is required to resist tyranny; that is, quite simply where the actions of the king seduce the faithful from their ultimate allegiance which is to God.Thus whenever it is clear that the impositions of a ruler work an effect contrary to the true interests of the Almighty, it is the duty of the Christian to oppose him whatever the risk. While these selections from the Institutes are lengthy, they were (and remain) two of the most important reflections on the nature of government in the whole body of political writings.

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A [The text is taken from John Calvin, "Christian Freedom," Calvin: Institutes of the Christian Religion, ed. by John T. McNeill and trans. by Ford Lewis Battles, (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1960), Book III, Chapter XIX, pp. 833 -49.]

Christian Freedom (Necessity of a doctrine of Christian freedom, which has three parts, the.first seen in Gal., chs. 1 to 3) 1. Need for a right understanding of the Christian doctrine of freedom We must now discuss Christian freedom. He who proposes to summarize gospel teaching ought by no means to omit an explanation of this topic. For it is a thing of prime necessity, and apart from a knowledge of it consciences dare undertake almost nothing without doubting; they hesitate and recoil from many things; they constantly waver and are afraid. But freedom is especially an appendage of justification and is of no little avail in understanding its power. Indeed, those who seriously fear God will enjoy the incomparable benefit of this doctrine, one that impious and Lucianic men humorously satirize with their witicisms. For in the spiritual drunkenness that has laid hold upon them every sort of impudence is lawful. Accordingly, here is the right place to introduce this topic. It was profitable to put off a fuller discussion of it to this place, although we have lightly touched upon it several times before. For, as soon as Christian freedom is mentioned, either passions boil or wild tumults rise unless these wanton spirits are opposed in time, who otherwise most wickedly corrupt the best things. Some, on the pretext of this freedom, shake off all obedience toward God and break out into unbridled license. Others disdain it, thinking that it takes away all moderation, order, and choice of things. What should we do here, hedged about with such perplexities? Shall we say good-by to Christian freedom, thus cutting off occasion for such dangers? But, as we have said, unless this freedom be comprehended, neither Christ nor gospel truth, nor inner peace of soul, can be rightly known. Rather, we must take care that so necessary a part of doctrine be not suppressed, yet at the same time that those absurd objections which are wont to arise be met. 2. Freedom from the law Christian freedom, in my opinion, consists of three parts. The first: that the consciences of believers, in seeking assurance of their justification before God, should rise above and advance beyond the law, forgetting all law righteousness. For since, as we have elsewhere shown, the law leaves no one righteous, either it excludes us from all hope of justification or we ought to be freed from it, and in such a way, indeed, that no account is taken of works. For he who thinks that in order to obtain righteousness he ought to bring some trifle of works is incapable of

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determining their measure and limit but makes himself debtor to the whole law. Removing, then, mention of law, and laying aside all consideration of works, we should, when justification is being discussed, embrace God's mercy alone, turn our attention from ourselves, and look only to Christ. For there the question is not how we may become righteous but how, being unrighteous and unworthy, we may be reckoned righteous. If consciences wish to attain any certainty in this matter, they ought to give no place to the law. Nor can any man rightlyjnfer from this that the law is superfluous for believers, since it does not stop teaching and exhorting and urging them to good, even though before God's judgment seat it has no place in their consciences. For, inasmuch as these two things are very different, we must rightly and conscientiously distinguish them. The whole life of Christians ought to be a sort of practice of godliness, for we have been called to sanctification [I Thess. 4:7; cf. Eph. 1 :4; I Thess. 4:3]. Here it is the function of the law, by warning men of their duty, to arouse them to a zeal for holiness and innocence. But where consciences are worried how to render God favorable, what they will reply, and with what. assurance they will stand should they be called to his judgment, there we are not to reckon what the law requires, but Christ alone, who surpasses all perfection of the law, must be set forth as righteousness. 3. The argument of Galatians Almost the entire argument of the letter to the Galations hinges upon this point. For those who teach that Paul in this contends for freedom of ceremonies alone are absurd interpreters, as can be proved from the passages adduced in the argument. Such passages are these : That Christ "became a curse for us" to "redeem us from the curse of the law" [Gal. 3:13]. Likewise: "Stand fast in the freedom wherewith Christ has set you free, and do not submit again to the yoke of slavery. Now I, Paul, say . . . that if you receive circumcision, Christ will become of no advantage to you. . . . And every man who receives circumcision is a debtor to the whole law. For any of you who are justified by the law, Christ has become of no advantage; you have fallen away from grace" [Gal. 5: l -4p. ]. These passages surely contain something loftier than freedom of ceremonies ! Of course I admit that Paul is there discussing ceremonies, for his quarrel is with false apostles who were trying to reintroduce into the Christian church the old shadows of the law that had been abolished by Christ's coming. But for the discussion of this question, the higher topics upon which the whole controversy rested had to be considered. First, because the clarity of the gospel was obscured by those Jewish shadows, Paul showed that we have in Christ a perfect disclosure of all those things which were foreshadowed in the Mosaic ceremonies. Further, because those imposters imbued the common people with the very wicked notion that this obedience obviously availed to deserve God's grace, Paul here strongly insists that believers should not suppose they can obtain righteousness before God by any works of the law, still less by those paltry rudiments ! And at the same time he teaches that through the cross of Christ they are free from the condemnation of the law, which otherwise hangs over all men [Gal. 4:5], so that they may rest with full assurance in Christ alone. This topic properly pertains to our argument. Finally, he claims for the consciences of believers their freedom, that they may not be obligated in things unnecessary. N

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(The second, freedom o fconscience willingly obeying without compulsion of the law, 4-6) 4. Freedom from the constraint of the law establishes the true obedience of believers The second part, dependent upon the first, is that consciences observe the law, not as if constrained by the necessity of the law, but that freed from the law's yoke they willingly obey God's will. For since they dwell in perpetual dread so long as they remain under the sway of the law, they will never be disposed with eager readiness to obey God unless they have already been given this sort of freedom. By an example we shall more· briefly and clearly arrive at the meaning of this. The precept of the law is that "we love our God with all our heart, with all our soul, and with all our strength" [Deut. 6:5]. To bring this about, our soul must first be emptied of all other feeling and thought, our heart cleansed of all desires, and our powers gathered and concentrated upon this one point. They who have progressed farther than all others on the Lord's way are yet far distant from that goal. For even though they love God deeply and with sincere affection of heart, they have a great part of their heart and soul still occupied with fleshly desires, by which they are drawn back and prevented from hastening forward to God. Indeed, they struggle with much effort, but the flesh partly weakens their powers, partly draws them to itself. What are they to do here, while they feel that there is nothing they are less able to do than to fulfill the law? They will, they aspire, they try, but they do nothing with the required perfection. If they look upon the law, whatever work they attempt or intend they see to be accursed. And there is no reason for any man to deceive himself by concluding that his work is not entirely evil because it is imperfect, and that God nonetheless finds acceptable what is good in it. For unless its rigor be mitigated, the law in requiring perfect love condemns all imperfection. Let him therefore ponder his own work, which he wished to be adjudged in part good, and by that very act he will find it, just because it is imperfect, to be a transgression of the law. 5. Freedom from constraint makes us capable ofjoyous obedience See how all our works are under the curse of the law if they are measured by the standard of the law! But how, then, would unhappy souls gird themselves eagerly for a work for which they might expect to receive only a curse? But if, freed from this severe requirement of the law, or rather from the entire rigor of the law, they hear themselves called with fatherly gentleness by God, they will cheerfully and with great eagerness answer, and follow his leading. To sum up: Those bound by the yoke of the law are like servants assigned certain tasks for each day by their masters. These servants think they have accomplished nothing, and dare not appear before their masters unless they have fulfilled the exact measure of their tasks. But sons, who are more generously and candidly treated by their fathers, do not hesitate to offer them incomplete and half-done and even defective works, trusting that their obedience and readiness of mind will be accepted by their fathers, even though they have not quite achieved what their fathers intended. Such children ought we to be, firmly trusting that our services will be approved by our most merciful Father, however small, rude, and imperfect these may be. Thus also he assures us through the prophet: "I will spare them as a man spares his son who serves him" [Mal. 3: 17]. The word "spare" is clearly here used in the sense of

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"to be indulgent or compassionately to overlook faults,"while also mention is made of "service."And we need this assurance in no slight degree, for without it we attempt everything in vain. For God considers that he is revered by no work of ours unless we truly do it in reverence toward him. But how can this be done amidst all this dread, where one doubts whether God is offended or honored by our works? 6. Emancipated by grace, brlievers need not fear the remnants of sin And this is the reason why the author of The Letter to the Hebrews refers to faith all the good works of which we read as being done among the holy fathers, and judges them by faith alone [Heb. 1 1 :2 ff.; 1 1: 1 7; etc.]. In the letter to the Romans, there is a famous passage on this freedom, wherein Paul reasons that sin ought not to rule us [Rom. 6: 12 and 6: 14, conflated], for we are not under the law but under grace [Rom. 6: 14]. For he had exhorted believers not to let "sin reign in" their "mortal bodies"[Rom. 6: 1 2], nor to ''yield" their ''members to sin as weapons of iniquity,"but to "give"themselves ''to God as those who have come to life from the dead, and" their"members to God as weapons of righteousness"[Rom. 6: 1 3]. On the other hand, they might object that they still bore with them their flesh, full of lusts, and that sin dwelt in them.Paul adds this consolation, in freedom from the law.It is as if he said: "Even though they do not yet clearly feel that sin has been destroyed or that righteousness dwells in them, there is still no reason to be afraid and cast down in mind as if God were continually offended by the remnants of sin, seeing that they have been emancipated from the law by grace, so that their works are not to be measured according to its rules.Let those who infer that we ought to sin because we are not under the law understand that this freedom has nothing to do with them.For its purpose is to encourage us to good. 7. Freedom in "things indifferent" with proofs from Romans, 7-9 The third part of Christian freedom lies in this: regarding outward things that are of themselves "indifferent," we are not bound before God by any religious obligation preventing us from sometimes using them and other times not using them, indifferently.And the knowledge of this freedom is very necessary for us, for if it is lacking, our consciences will have no repose and there will be no end to superstitions. Today we seem to many to be unreasonable because we stir up discussion over the restricted eating of meat, use of holidays and of vestments and such things, which seem to them vain frivolties. But these matters are not more important than is commonly believed. For when consciences once ensnare themselves, they enter a long and inextricable maze, not easy to get out of. If a man begins to doubt whether he may use linen for sheets, shirts, handkerchiefs, and napkins, he will afterward be uncertain also about hemp; finally, doubt will ever arise over tow. For he will turn over in his mind whether he can sup without napkins, or go without a handkerchief.If any man should consider daintier food unlawful, in the end he will not be at peace before God, when he eats either black bread or common victuals, while it occurs to him that he could sustain his body on even coarser foods. If he boggles at sweet wine, he will not with clear conscience drink even flat wine, and finally he will not dare touch water if sweeter and cleaner than othecwater. To sum up, he will come to the point of considering it wrong to step upon a straw across his path, as the saying goes.

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Here begins a weighty controversy, for what is in debate is whether God, whose will ought to precede all our plans and actions, wishes us to use these things or those. As a consequence, some, in despair, are of necessity cast into a pit of confusion; others, despising God and abandoning fear of him, must make their own way in destruction, where they have none ready-made. For all those entangled in such doubts, wherever they turn, see offense of conscience everywhere present. 8. Freedom in the use of God's gifts for his purposes "I know,"says Paul,"that nothing is common" (taking "common"in the sense of "profane"), "but it is common for anyone who thinks it common" [Rom. 14: 14p.]. With these words Paul subjects all outward things to our freedom, provided our minds are assured that the basis for such freedom stands before God. But if any superstitious opinion poses a stumbling block for us, things of their own nature pure are for us corrupt. For this reason, he adds: "Happy is he who does not judge himself in what he approves. But he who judges, if he eats, is condemned, because he does not eat of faith. For whatever is not of faith is sin"[Rom. l 4:2223p. ]. Amidst such perplexities, do not those who show themselves rather bold by daring all things confidently, nonetheless to this extent turn away from God? But they who are deeply moved in any fear of God, when they are compelled to commit many things against their conscience, are overwhelmed and fall down with fright. All such persons receive none of God's gifts with thanksgiving, yet Paul testifies that by this alone all things are sanctified for our use [I Tim. 4:4-5]. Now I mean that thanksgiving which proceeds from a mind that recognizes in his gifts the kindness and goodness of God. For many of them, indeed, understand them as good things of God which they use, and praise God in his works; but inasmuch as they have not been persuaded that these good things have been given to them, how can they thank God as the giver? To sum up, we see whither this freedom tends: namely, that we should use God's gifts for the purpose for which he gave them to us, with no scruple of conscience, no trouble of mind. With such confidence our minds will be at peace with him, and will recognize his liberality toward us.For here are included all ceremonies whose observance is optional, that our consciences may not be constrained by any necessity to observe them but may remember that by God's beneficence their use is for edification made subject to him. 9. Against the abuse of Christian freedom for gluttony and luxury I But we must carefully note that Christian freedom is, in all its parts, a spiritual thing. Its whole force consists in quieting frightened consciences before God - that are perhaps disturbed and troubled over forgiveness of sins, or anxious whether unfinished works, corrupted by the faults of our flesh, are pleasing to God, or tormented about the use of things indifferent. Accordingly, it is perversely interpreted both by those who allege it as an excuse for their desires that they may abuse God's good gifts to their own lust and by those who think that freedom does not exist unless it is used before men, and consequently, in using it have no regard for weaker brethren. Today men sin to a greater degree in the first way. There is almost no one whose resources permit him to be extravagant who does not delight in lavish and

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ostentatious banquets, bodily apparel, and domestic architecture; who does not wish to outstrip his neighbors in all sorts of elegance; who does not wonderfully flatter himself in his opulence. And all these things are defended under the pretext of Christian freedom. They say that these are things indifferent. I admit it, provided they are used indifferently. But when they are coveted too greedily, when they are proudly boasted of, when they are lavishly squandered, things that were of themselves otherwise lawful are certainly defiled by these vices. Paul's statement best dist-mguishes among things indifferent: "To the clean all things are clean, but to the corrupt and unbelieving nothing is clean, inasmuch as their minds and consciences are corrupted"[Titus 1 :1 5, cf. Vg.]. For why are the rich cursed, who have their consolation, who are full, who laugh now [Luke 6:2425], who sleep on ivory couches [Amos 6:4], ''who join field to field" [Isa. 5 :8], whose feasts have harp, lyre, timbrel, and wine [Isa. 5 : 1 2]? Surely ivory and gold and riches are good creations of God, permitted, indeed appointed, for men's use by God's providence. And we have never been forbidden to laugh, or to be filled, or to join new possessions to old or ancestral ones, or to delight in musical · harmony, or to drink wine. True indeed. But where there is plenty, to wallow in delights, to gorge oneself, to intoxicate mind and heart with present pleasures and be always panting after new ones - such are very far removed from a lawful use of God's gifts. Away, then, with uncontrolled desire, away with immoderate prodigality, away with vanity and arrogance - in order that men may with a clean conscience cleanly use God's gifts. Where the heart is tempered to this soberness they will have a rule for lawful use of such blessings. But should this moderation be lacking, even base and common pleasures are too much. It is a true saying that under coarse and rude attire there often dwells a heart of purple, while sometimes under silk and purple is hid a simple humility. Thus let every man live in his station, whether slenderly, or moderately, or plentifully, so that all may remember God nourishes them to live, not to luxuriate. And let them regard this as the law of Christian freedom; to have learned with Paul, in whatever state they are, to be content; to know how to be humble and exalted; to have been taught, in any and all circumstances, to be filled and to hunger, to abound and to suffer want [Phil. 4: i 11 2]. (Relation of Christian freedom to the weak and to the question ofoffenses, 10-13) 10. Against the abuse of Christian freedom to the injury of the weak ! In this respect also many err; they use their freedom indiscriminately and unwisely, as though it were not sound and safe if men did not witness it. By this heedless use, they very often offend weak brothers. You can see some persons today who reckon their freedom does not exist unless they take possession of it by eating meat on Fridays.I do not blame them for eating meat, but this false notion must be driven from their minds. For they ought to think that from their freedom they obtain nothing new in men's sight but before God, and that it consists as much in abstaining as in using. If they understand that it makes no difference in God's sight whether they eat meat or eggs, wear red or black clothes, this is enough and more. The conscience, to which the benefit of such freedom was due, is now set free. Consequently, even if men thereafter a~bstain from meat throughout life, and ever wear clothes of one color, they are not less free. Indeed, because they are free,

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they abstain with a free conscience. But in having no regard for their brothers' weakness they slip most disastrously, for we ought so to bear with it that we do not heedlessly allow what would do them the slightest harm. But it is sometimes important for our freedom to be declared before men. This I admit. Yet we must with the greatest caution hold to this limitation, that we do not abandon the care of the weak, whom the Lord has so strongly commended to us. 11. On offenses Here, then, I shall say something about offenses - how they are to be distinguished, which ones avoided, which overlooked. From this we may afterward be able to determine what place there is for our freedom among men. Now I like that common distinction between an offense given and one received, inasmuch as it has the clear support of Scripture and properly expresses what is meant. If you do anything with unseemly levity, or wantonness, or rashness, out of its proper order or place, so as to cause the ignorant and the simple to stumble, such will be called an offense given by you, since by your fault it came about that this sort of offense arose. And, to be sure, one speaks of an offense as given in some matter when its fault arises from the doer of the thing itself. An offense is spoken of as received when something, otherwise not wickedly or unseasonably committed, is by ill will or malicious intent of mind wrenched into occasion for offense. Here is no "given" offense, but those wicked interpreters baselessly so undertand it. None but the weak is made to stumble by the first kind of offense, but the second gives offense to persons of bitter disposition and pharisaical pride. Accordingly, we shall call the one the offense of the weak, the other that of the Pharisees. Thus we shall so temper the use of our freedom as to allow for the ignorance of our weak brothers, but for the rigor of the Pahrisees, not at all ! For Paul fully shows us in many passages what must be yielded to weakness. "Receive," he says "those weak in faith. " [Rom. 14: l p.]. Also: "Let us no more pass judgment upon one another, but rather not put a stumbling block or occasion to fall in the way of our brother"[Rom. 14: l 3p. ], and many passages with the same meaning, which are more suitably sought in their place than referred to here. The sum is "We who are strong ought to bear with the infirmities of the weak, and not to please ourselves; but let each of us please his neighbor for his good, to edify him " [Rom. 15: 1-2 p.; for v. 2, cf. Vg.]. In another place: "But take care lest your freedom in any way cause offense to those who are weak."[ 1 Cor. 8:9 p.] Likewise: "Eat whatever is sold in the meat market without raising any question on the ground of conscience. " [ 1 Cor. 10:25] "Now I say your conscience, not another's. . . . In short, be so that you may give no offense to Jews or to Greeks or to the church of God. " [ 1 Cor. 10:29, 32 p.] Also, in another passage: "You were called to freedom, brothers, only do not use your freedom as an opportunity for the flesh but through love be servants of one another."[Gal. 5 : 13] So indeed it is. Our freedom is not given against our feeble neighbors, for love makes us their servants in all things; rather it is given that, having peace with God in our hearts, we may also live at peace with men. We learn from the Lord's words how much we ought to regard the offense of the Pharisees: He bids us let them alone because they are blind leaders of the blind.

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[Matt. 1 5 : 1 4]. His disciples had warned him that the Pharisees had been offended by his talk. [Matt. 1 5: 1 2] He answered that they were to be ignored and their offense disregarded. 12. On the right use of Christian freedom and the right renunciation of it Still the matter will remain in doubt unless we grasp whom we are to consider weak, whom Pharisees. If this distinction is removed, I do not see what use for freedom really remains in relation to offenses, for it will always be in the greatest danger. But Paul seems to me most clearly to have defined, both by teaching and by example, how far our freedom must either be moderated or purchased at the cost of offenses. When Paul took Timothy into his company, he circumcised him. [Acts 1 6:3.] But he could not be brought to circumcise Titus. [Gal. 2 :3.] Here was a diversity of acts but no change of purpose or mind. That is, in circumcising Timothy, although he was ''free from all," he made himself "a slave to all"; and ''to the Jews" he "became as a Jew" in order to win Jews; to those under the law he "became one under the law . . . that" he "might win those under the law" [ 1 Cor. 9 : 1 9-20p.]; "all things to all men that" he "might save many" [ 1 Cor. 9 :22p.], as he elsewhere writes. We have due control over our freedom if it makes no difference to us to restrict it when it is fruitful to do so. What he had in view when he stronly refused to circumcise Titus he testifies when he thus writes: "But even Titus, who was with me, was not compelled to be circumcised, though he was a Greek, but because of false brethren surreptitiously brought in, who slipped in to spy out our freedom, which we have in Christ Jesus, that they might bring us into bondage - to them we did not yield submission, even for a moment, that the truth of the gospel might be preserved among you" [Gal. 2:3-5p.]. We have need also to assert our freedom if through the unjust demands of false apostles it be endangered in weak consciences. We must at all times seek after love and look toward the edification of our neighbor. "All things," he says elsewhere, "are lawful to me, but not all things are helpful. All things are lawful, but not all things build up. Let no one seek his own good but another's" [ 1 Cor. 1 0:23-24p.] Nothing is plainer than this rule: that we should use our freedom if it results in the edification of our neighbor, but if it does not help our neighbor, then we should forgo it. There are those who pretend a Pauline prudence in abstaining from freedom, while there is nothing to which they apply it less than to the duties of love. To .protect their own repose, they wish all mention of freedom to be buried; when it is no less important sometimes to use our neighbors' freedom for their good and edification than on occasion to restrain it for their own benefit. But it is the part of a godly man to realize that free power in outward matters has been given him in order that he may be the more ready for all the duties of love. 13. We must not on pretext of love of neighbor offend against God All that I have taught about avoiding offenses I mean to be referred to things intermediate and indifferent. For the things necessary to be done must not be omitted for fear of any offense. For as our freedom must be subordinated to love, so in turn ought love itself to abide under purity of faith. Surely, it is fitting here also to take love into consideration, even as far as to the altar [cf. Matt. 5:23-24 ]; that is, that for our neighbor's sake we may not offend God. We must not approve the intemperance of those who do nothing without raising a tumult and who prefer

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to tear into everything rather than open a matter gently. But those people also are not to be listened to who, after making themselves leaders in a thousand sorts of wickedness, pretend that they must act so as not to cause offense to their neighbors [cf. I Cor. 8:9]; as if they were not in the meantime building up their neighbors' consciences into evil, especially when they ever stick fast in the same mud without hope of getting out. And suave fellows are they who, whether their neighbor is to be instructed in doctrine or in example of life, say he must be fed with milk while they steep him in the worst and deadliest opinions. Paul recalls that he fed the Corinthians with milk. [ I Cor. 3 :2] But if the papal Mass had then been among them would he have performed sacrifice to furnish them with milk? No, for milk is not poison. They are therefore lying when they claim to be feeding those whom they are cruelly killing under the guise of blandishments. Granted that this sort of dissimulation is to be approved for the moment - how long will they feed their children with this same milk? For if these never grow up sufficiently to be able to bear even some light food at least, it is certain that they were never brought up on milk. Two reasons prevent me from contending with them more sharply: first, their banalities are scarcely worth refuting, since they are deservedly despised among all sane men; secondly, I do not want to do again what I have already abundantly demonstrated in special treatises. Only let my readers remember this: with whatever obstacles Satan and the world strive to turn us away from God's commands or delay us from following what he appoints, we must nonetheless vigorously go forward. Then, whatever dangers threaten, we are not free to turn aside even a fingernail's breadth from this same God's authority, and it is not lawful under any pretext for us to attempt anything but what he allows. (Freedom and conscience in relation to traditions, and to civil government, 14-16) 14. Freedom of conscience from all human law Now, since believers' consciences, having received the privilege of their freedom, which we previously described, have, by Christ's gift, attained to this, that they should not be entangled with any snares of observances in those matters in which the Lord has willed them to be free, we conclude that they are released from the power of all men. For Christ does not deserve to forfeit our gratitude for his great generosity - nor consciences, their profit. And we should not put a light value upon something that we see cost Christ so dear, since he valued it not with gold or silver but with his own blood [I Peter 1 : 18- 19]. Paul does not hesitate to say that Christ's death is nullified if we put our souls under men's subjection [ cf. Gal. 2:2 1]. For in certain chapters of the letter to the Galatians, Paul is solely trying to show how to us Christ is obscured, or rather extinguished, unless our consciences stand firm in their freedom. They have surely fallen away from it if they can, at meri's good pleasure, be ensnared by the bonds of laws and constitutions [ cf. Gal. 5: 1,4]. But as this is something very much worth knowing, so it needs a longer and clearer explanation. For immediately a word is uttered concerning the abrogating of human constitutions, huge troubles are stirred up, partly by the seditious, partly by slanderers - as if all human obedience were at the same time removed and cast down. 15. The two kingdoms Therefore, in order that none of us may stumble on that stone, let us first

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consider that there is a twofold government in man: one aspect is spiritual, whereby the conscience is instructed in piety and in reverencing God; the second is political, whereby man is educated for the duties of humanity and citizenship that must be maintained among men. These are usually called the "spiritual" and the "temporal" jurisdiction (not improper terms) by which is meant that the former sort of government pertains to the life of the soul, while the latter has to do with the concerns of the present life - not only food and clothing but with laying down laws whereby a man may li\le his life among other men holily, honorably, and temperately. For the former resides in the inner mind, while the latter regulates only outward behavior. The one we may call the spiritual kingdom, the other, the political kingdom. Now these two, as we have divided them, must always be examined separately; and while one is being considered, we must call away and turn aside the mind from thinking about the other. There are in man, so to speak, two worlds, over which different kings and different laws lave authority. Through this distinction it comes about that we are not to misapply to the political order the gospel teaching on spiritual freedom, as if Christians were less subject, as concerns outward government, to human laws, because their consciences have been set free in God's sight; as if they were released from all bodily servitude because they are free according to the spirit. Then, becuase there can be some delusion in the constitutions that seem to apply to the spiritual kingdom, among these also we should discern what must be considered lawful, as consonant with God's word, and on the other hand what ought to have no place among the godly. Of civil government we shall speak in another place. Concerning church laws also I forbear to speak for the present, for a fuller treatment will more appropriately come in the fourth book, where the power of the church will be discussed. Let this be the conclusion of the present discussion. The question, as I have said, is not of itself very obscure or involved. However, it troubles many because they do not sharply enough distinguish the outer forum, as it is called, and the forum of conscience. Moreover, the difficulty is increased by the fact that Paul enjoins obedience toward the magistrate, not only for fear of punishment, but for conscience' sake [Rom. 1 3 : 1 ,5]. From this it follows that consciences are also bound by civil laws.But if this were so, all that we said a little while ago and are now going to say about spiritual government would fall. To resolve this difficulty it first behooves us to comprehend what conscience is; we must seek the definition from the derivation of the word. For just as when through the mind and understanding men grasp a knowledge of things, and from this are said "to know," this is the source of the word "knowledge,"so also when they have a sense of divine judgment, as a witness joined to them, which does not allow them to hide their sins from being accused before the Judge's tribunal, this sense is called "conscience." For it is a certain mean between God and man, because it does not allow man to suppress within himself what he knows, but pursues him to the point of convicting him. This is what Paul understands when he teaches that conscience also testifies to men, where their thought either accuses or excuses them in God's judgment [Rom. 2: 15- 16]. A simple knowledge could reside, so to speak, closed up in man. Therefore this awareness which hales man before God's judgment is a sort of guardian appointed for man to note and spy out all his secrets that nothing may remain buried in darkness. Whence that ancient

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proverb: "Conscience is a thousand witnesses."For the same reason, Peter also put "the response of a good conscience to God" [ I Peter 3:2 1] as equivalent to peace of mind, when, convinced of Christ's grace, we fearlessly present ourselves before God. And when the author of The Letter to the Hebrews states that we "no longer have any consciousness of sin"[Heb. I 0:2], he means that we are held to be freed or acquitted, so that sin may no longer accuse us. 16. Bondage and freedom of conscience Therefore, as works have regard to men, so conscience refers to God. A good conscience, then, is nothing but inward integrity of heart. In this sense, Paul writes that the fulfillment of the law is love from a clear conscience and sincere faith [ cf. I Tim. I :5]. Afterward, also, in the same chapter, he shows how much it differs understanding, stating that "certain persons made shipwreck of their faith" [ I Tim. I : 19 ] because they had forsaken good conscience. By these words he signifies a lively inclination to serve God and a sincere effort to live piously and holily. Sometimes, indeed, it is also extended to men, as when the same Paul, accoring to Luke, declares that he "took pains" to walk "with a clear conscience toward God and men" [Acts 24: 16]. But this was said because the fruit of a good conscience flows forth and comes even to men. But properly speaking, as I have already said, it has respect to God alone. Hence it comes about that a law is said to bind the conscience when it simply binds a man without regard to other men, or without taking them into account. For example: God not only bids us keep our minds pure and undefiled from all lust but also forbids all obscenity of speech and outward licentiousness. My conscience is subject to the observance of this law, even if no man lived on earth. So he who conducts himself intemperately not only sins because he gives a bad example to his brothers but has a conscience bound by guilt before God. In things of themselves indifferent there is another consideration.For we ought to abstain from anything that might cause offense, but with a free conscience. Thus Paul speaks concerning meat consecrated to idols. "If anyone," he says, "raises a scruple, do not touch it, for conscience' sake.Now I mean the other man's conscience - not yours." [ I Cor. I 0:28-29p.] A believer who, though previously warned, nonetheless ate meat of this sort would sin. But however necessary it may be with respect to his brother for him to abstain from it, as God enjoins, he still does not cease to keep freedom of conscience. We see how this law, while binding outward actions, leaves the conscience free.

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B

[The text is taken from John Calvin, "Civil Government," Calvin: Institutes ofthe Christian Religion, ed. by John T. McNeill and trans. by Ford Lewis Battles, (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1960), Book IV, Chapter XX.]

Civil Government (How civil and spiritual government are related, 1-2) 1. Differences between spiritual and civil government Now, since we have established above that man is under a twofold government, and since we have elsewhere discussed at sufficient length the kind that resides irr the soul or inner man and pertains to eternal life, this is the place to say something also about the other kind, which pertains only to the establishment of civil justice and outward morality. For although this topic seems by nature alien to the spiritual doctrine of faith which I have undertaken to discuss, what follows will show that I am right in joining them, in fact, that necessity compels me to do so. This is especially true since, from one side, insane and barbarous men furiously strive to overturn this divinely established order; while, on the other side, the flatterers of princes, immoderately praising their power, do not hesitate to set them against the rule of God himself. Unless both these evils are checked, purity of faith will perish. Besides, it is of no slight importance to us to know how livingly God has provided in this respect for mankind, the greater zeal for piety may flourish in us to attest our gratefulness. First, before we enter into the matter itself, we must keep in mind that distinction which we previously laid down so that we do not (as commonly happens) unwisely mingle these two, which have a completely different nature. For certain men, when they hear that the gospel promises a freedom that acknowledges no king and no magistrate among men, but looks to Christ alone, think that they cannot benefit by their freedom so long as they see any power set up over them. They therefore think that nothing will be safe unless the whole world is reshaped to a new form where there are neither courts, nor laws, nor magistrates, nor anything which in their opinion restricts their freedom. But whoever knows how to distinguish between body and soul, between this present fleeting life and that future eternal life, will without difficulty know that Christ's spiritual Kingdom and the civil jurisdiction are things completely distinct. Since, then, it is a Jewish vanity to seek and enclose Christ's Kingdom within the elements of this world, let us rather ponder that what Scripture clearly teaches is a spiritual fruit, which we gather from Christ's grace; and let us remember to keep within its own limits all that freedom which is promised and offered to us in him. For why is it that the same apostle who bids us stand and not submit to the ''yoke of bondage" [Gal. 5: I ] elsewhere forbids slaves to be anxious about their state [ I Cor. 7:21], unless it be that spiritual freedom can perfectly well exist along with civil bondage?

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These statements of his must also be taken in the same sense: In the Kingdom of God "there is neither Jew nor Greek, neither male nor female, neither slave nor free" [Gal. 3 :28, Vg.; order changed].And again, "there is not Jew nor Greek, uncircumcised and circumcised, barbarian, Scythian, slave, freeman; but Christ is all in all" [Col. 3 : 1 1 p.]. By these statements he means that it makes no difference what your condition among men may be or under what nation's laws you live, since the Kingdom of Christ does not at all consist in these things. 2. The two "governments" are not antithetical Yet this distinction does not lead us to consider the whole nature of government a thing polluted, which has nothing to do with Christian men. That is what, indeed, certain fanatics who delight in unbridled license shout and boast: after we have died through Christ to the elements of this world [Col.2:20], are transported to God's Kingdom, and sit among heavenly beings, it is a thing unworthy of us and set far beneath our excellence to be occupied with those vile and worldly cares which have to do with business foreign to a Christian man.To what purpose, they ask, are there laws without trials and tribunals? But what has a Christian man to do with trials themselves? Indeed, if it is not lawful to kill, why do we have laws and trials? But as we have just now pointed out that this kind of government is distinct from that spiritual and inward Kingdom of Christ, so we must know that they are not at variance.For spiritual government, indeed, is already initiating in us upon earth certain beginnings of the Heavenly Kingdom, and in this mortal and fleeting life affords a certain forecast of an immortal and incorruptible blessedness. Yet civil government has as its appointed end, so long as we live among men, to cherish and protect the outward worship of God, to defend sound doctrine of piety and the position of the church, to adjust our life to the society of men, to form our social behavior to civil righteousness, to reconcile us with one another, and to promote general peace and tranquillity. All of this I admit to be superfluous, if God's Kingdom, such as it is now among us, wipes out the present life. But if it is God's will that we go as pilgrims upon the earth while we aspire to the true fatherland, and if the pilgrimage requires such helps, those who take these from man deprive him of his very humanity.Our adversaries claim that there ought to be such great perfection in the church of God that its government should suffice for law.But they stupidly imagine such a perfection as can never be found in a community of men. For since the insolence of evil men is so great, their wickedness so stubborn, that it can scarcely be restrained by extrememly severe laws, what do we expect them to do if they see that their depravity can go scot-free - when no power can force them to cease from doing evil? (Necessity and divine sanction of civil government, 3-7) 3. The chief tasks and burdens of civil government But there will be a more appropriate place to speak of the practice of civil government. Now we only wish it to be understood that to think of doing away with it is outrageous barbarity. I ts function among men is no less than that of bread, water, sun, and air; indeed, its place of honor is far more excellent.For it does not merely see to it, as all these serve to do, that men breathe, eat, drink, and are kept warm, even though it surely embraces all these activities when it provides for their living together. It does not, I repeat, look to this only, but also prevents

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idolatry, sacrilege against God's name, blasphemies against his truth, and other public offenses against religion from arising and spreading among the people; it prevents the public peace from being disturbed; it provides that each man may keep his property safe and sound; that men may carry on blameless intercourse among themselves; that honesty and modesty may be preserved among men. In short, it provides that a public manifestation of religion may exist among Christians, and that humanity be maintained among men. Let no man be disturbed that I now commit to civil government the duty of rightly establishing religion, which I seem above to have put outside of human decision. For, when I approve of a civil administration that aims to prevent the true religion which is contained in God's law from being openly and with public sacrilege violated and defiled with impunity, I do not here, any more than before, allow men to make laws according to their own decision concerning religion and the worship of God. But my readers, assisted by the very clarity of the arrangement, will better understand what is to be thought of the whole subject of civil government if we• discuss its parts separately. These are three: the magistrate, who is the protector and guardian of the laws, according to which he governs; the people, who are governed by the laws and obey the magistrate. Let us, then, first look at the office of the magistrate, noting whether it is a lawful calling approved of God; the nature of the office; the extent of its power; then, with what laws a Christian government ought to be governed; and finally, how the laws benefit the people, and what obedience is owed to the magistrate. 4. The magistracy is ordained by God The Lord has not only testified that the office of magistrate is approved by and acceptable to him, but he also sets out its dignity with the most honorable titles and marvelously commends it to us. To mention a few: Since those who serve as magistrate are called "gods"[Ex. 22:8, Vg.: Ps. 82: 1,6], let no one think that their being so-called is of slight importance. For it signifies that they have a mandate from God, have been invested with divine authority, and are wholly God's representatives, in a manner, acting as his vicegerents.This is no subtlety of mine, but Christ's explanation. "If Scripture," he says, "called them gods to whom the word of God came . . . " [John I 0:35.] What is this, except that God has entrusted· to them the business of serving him in their office, and (as Moses and Jehoshaphat said to the judges whom they appointed in every city of Judah) of exercising judgment not for man but for God [Deut. I : 16- 17; II Chron. 19:6]? To the same purpose is what God's wisdom affirms through Solomon's mouth, that it is his doing "that kings reign, and counselors decree what is just, that princes exercise dominion, and all benevolent judges of the earth"[Prov.8: 14- 16].This amounts to the same thing as to say: it has not come about by human perversity that the authority over all things on earth is in the hands of kings and other rulers, but by divine providence and holy ordinance. For God was please so to rule the affairs of men, inasmuch as he is present with them and also presides over the making of laws and the exercising of equity in courts of justice. Paul also plainly teaches this when he lists "ruling" among God's gifts [Rom. 12:8, KJV or RV], which, variously distributed according to the div�rsity of grace, ought to be sued though Paul is there speaking specifically of a council of sober men, who were appointed

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in the primitive church to preside over the ordering of public discipline (which office is called in the letter to the Corinthians, "governments" [I Cor. 1 2:28]), yet because we see the civil power serving the same end, there is no doubt that he commends to us every kind of just rule. But Paul speaks much more clearly when he undertakes a just discussion of this matter. For he states both that power is an ordinance of God [Rom. 1 3 :2], and that there are no powers except those ordained by God [Rom. 1 3: 1]. Further, that princes are ministers of God, for those doing good unto praise; for those doing evil, avengers unto wrath [Rom. 1 3:3-4]. To this may be added the examples of holy men, of whom some possessed kingdoms, as David, Josiah, and Hezekiah; others, lordships, as Joseph and Daniel; others, civil rule among a free people, as Moses, Joshua, and the judges. The Lord has declared his approval of their offices. Accordingly, no one ought to doubt that civil authority is a calling, not only holy and lawful before God, but also the most sacred and by far the most honorable of all callings in the whole life of mortal men. 5. A gainst the "Christian" denial or rejection of magistracy Those who desire to usher in anarchy object that, although in antiquity kings and judges ruled over ignorant folk, yet that servile kind of governing is wholly incompatible today with the perfection which Christ brought with his gospel. In this they betray not only their ignorance but devilish arrogance, when they claim a perfection of which not even a hundredth part is seen in them. But whatever kind of men they may be, the refutation is easy. For where David urges all kings and rulers to kiss the Son of God [Ps. 2: 1 2], he does not bid them lay aside their authority and retire to private life, but submit to Christ the power with which they have been invested, that he alone may tower over all. Similarly, Isaiah, when he promises that kings shall be foster fathers of the church, and queens its nurses [Isa. 49:23], does not deprive them of their honor. Rather, by a noble title he makes them defenders of God's pious worshipers; for that prophecy looks to the coming of Christ. I knowingly pass over very many passages which occur frequently, and especially in the psalms, in which the right of rulers is asserted for them all [Ps. 2 1 ; 22; 45; 72; 89; 1 1 0; 1 32]. But most notable of all is the passage of Paul where, admonishing Timothy that prayers be offered for kings in public assembly, he immediately adds the reason: "That we may lead a peaceful life under them with all godliness and honesty'' [ I Tim. 2:2]. By these words he entrusts the condition of the church to their protection and care. 6. Magistrates should be faithful as God's deputies This consideration ought continually to occupy the magistrates themselves, since it can greatly spur them to exercise their office and bring them remarkable comfort to mitigate the difficulties of their task, which are indeed many and burdensome. For what great zeal for uprightness, for prudence, gentleness, self­ control, and for innocence ought to be required of themselves by those who know that they have been ordained ministers of divine justice? How will they have the brazenness to admit injustice to their judgment seat, which they are told is the throne of the living God? How will they have the boldness to pronounce an unjust sentence, by that mouth which they know has been appointed an instrument of divine truth? With what conscience will they sign wicked decrees by that hand

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which they know has been appointed to record the acts of God? To sum up, if they remember that they are vicars of God, they should watch with all care, earnestness, and diligence, to represent in themselves to men some image of divine providence, protection, goodness, benevolence, and justice. And they should perpetually set before themselves the thought that "if all are cursed who carry out in deceit the work of God's vengeance" [Jer. 48: 10], much more gravely cursed are they who deceitfully conduct themselves in a righteous calling.Therefore, when Moses and Jehoshaphat wished to ur� their judges to do their duty, they had nothing more effective to persuade them than what we have previously mentioned [Deut. 1 : 16]: "Consider what you do, for there is no perversity with the Lord our God" [II Chron.19:6-7p.].And in another place it is said: "God, stood in the assembly of the gods, and holds judgment in the midst of the gods" [Ps.82: 1].This is to hearten them for their task when they learn that they are deputies of God, to whom they must hereafter render account of the administration of their charge. And this admonition deserves to have great weight with them.For if they commit some fault, they are not only wrongdoers to men whom they wickedly trouble, but are­ also insulting toward God himself, whose most holy judgments they defile [cf.Isa. 3 :1 4-15].Again, they have the means to comfort themselves greatly when they ponder in themselves that they are occupied not with profane affairs or those alien to a servant of God, but with a most holy office, since they are serving as God's deputies. 7. The coercive character of magistracy does not hinder its recognition Those who, unmoved by so many testimonies of Scripture, dare rail against this holy ministry as a thing abhorrent to Christian religion and piety - what else do they do but revile God himself, whose ministry cannot be reproached without dishonor to himself? And these folk do not just reject the magistrates, but cast off God that he may not reign over them.For if the Lord truly said this of the people of Israel because they refused Samuel's rule [ I Sam.8:7], why will it less truly be said today of these who let themselves rage against all governments ordained by God? The Lord said to his disciples that the kings of the Gentiles exercise lordship over Gentiles, but it is not so among the disciples, where he who is first ought to become the least [Luke 22:25-26]; by this. saying, they tell us, all Christians are forbidden to take kingdoms or governments.0 skillful interpreters ! There arose a contention among the disciples over which one would excel the others.To silence this vain ambition, the Lord taught them that their ministry is not like kingdoms, in which one is pre-eminent above the rest.What dishonor, I ask you, does this comparison do to the kingly dignity? Indeed, what does it prove at all, except that the kingly office is not the ministry of an apostle? Moreover, among magistrates themselves, although there is a variety of forms, there is no difference in this respect, that we must regard all of them as ordained of God. For Paul also lumps them all together when he says that there is no power except from God [Rom. 13: 1]. And that which is the least pleasant of all has been especially commended above the rest, that is, the power of one.This, because it brings with it the common bondage of all (except that one man to whose will it subjects all things), in ancient times could not be acceptable to heroic and nobler natures.But to forestall their unjust judgments, Scripture expressly affirms that it is the providence of God's wisdom that kings reign [cf.Prov.8:15], and particularly commands us to honor the king [Prov.24:21; I Peter 2:17].

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(Forms of government, and duties of magistrates. Issues of war and taxation, 813) 8. The diversity of farms of government Obviously, it would be an idle pastime for men in private life, who are disqualified from deliberating on the organization of any commonwealth, to dispute over what would be the best kind of government in that place where they live. Also this question admits of no simple solution but requires deliberation, since the nature of the discussion depends largely upon the circumstances. And if you compare the forms of government among themselves apart from the circumstances, it is not easy to distinguish which one of them excels in usefulness, for they contend on such equal terms. The fall from kingdom to tyranny is easy; but it is not much more difficult to fall from the rule of the best men to the faction of a few; yet it is easiest of all to fall from popular rule to sedition.For if the three forms of government which the philosophers discuss be considered in themselves, I will not deny that aristocracy, or a system compounded of aristocracy and democracy, far excels all others: not indeed of itself, but because it is very rare for kings so to control themselves that their will never disagrees with what is just and right; or for them to have been endowed with such great keenness and prudence, that each knows how much is enough.Therefore, men's fault or failing causes it to be safer and more bearable for a number to exercise government, so that they may help one another, teach and admonish one another; and, if one asserts himself unfairly, there may be a number of censors and masters to restrain his willfulness. This has both been proved by experience, and also the Lord confirmed it by his authority when he ordained among the Israelites an aristocracy bordering on democracy, since he willed to keep them in best condition [Ex. 18: 13-26; Deut. 1:917] until he should bring forward the image of Christ in David. And, as I freely admit that no kind of government is more happy than one where freedom is regulated with becoming moderation and is properly established on a durable basis, so also I reckon most happy those permitted to enjoy this state; and if they stoutly and constantly labor to preserve and retain it, I grant that they are doing nothing alien to this office. Indeed, the magistrates ought to apply themselves with the highest diligence to prevent the freedom (whose guardians they have been appointed) from being in any respect diminished, far less be violated. If they are not sufficiently alert and careful, they are faithless in office, and traitors to their country. But if those to whom the Lord has appointed another form of government should transfer this very function to themselves, being moved to desire a change of government - even to think of such a move will not only be foolish and superfluous, but altogether harmful. However, as you will surely find if you fix your eyes not on one city alone, but look around and glance at the world as a whole, or at least cast your sight upon regions farther off, divine providence has wisely arranged that various countries should be ruled by various kinds of government. For as elements cohere only in unequal proportion, so countries are best held together according to their own particular inequality. However, all these things are needlessly spoken to those for whom the will of the Lord is enough. For if it has seemed good to him to set kings over kingdoms, senates or municipal officers over free cities, it is our duty to show ourselves compliant and obedient to whomever he sets over the places where we live.

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9. Concern for both Tables of the Law Now in this place we ought to explain in passing the office of the magistrates, how it is described in the Word of God and the things in which it consists. If Scripture did not teach that it extends to both Tables of the Law, we could learn this from secular writers: for no one has discussed the office of magistrates, the making of laws, and public welfare, without beginning at religion and divine worship. And thus all have confessed that no government can be happily established unless piety is ,the first concern; and that those laws are preposterous which neglect God's right and provide only for men.Since, therefore, among all philosophers religion takes first place, and since this fact has always been observed by universal consent of all nations, let Christian princes and magistrates be ashamed of their negligence if they do not apply themselves to this concern. And we have already shown that these duties are especially enjoined upon them by God; and it is fitting that they should labor to protect and assert the honor of him whose representatives they are, and by whose grace they govern. Also, holy kings are greatly praised in Scripture because they restored the worship of God when it was corrupted or destroyed, or took care of religion that under them it might flourish pure and unblemished. But on the contrary, the Sacred History places anarchies among things evil: because there was no king in Israel, each man did as he pleased [Judg.2 1 :25]. This proves the folly of those who would neglect the concern for God and would give attention only to rendering justice among men. As if God appointed rulers in his name to decide earthly controversies but overlooked what was of far greater importance - that he himself should be purely worshiped according to the prescription of his law. But the passion to alter everything with impunity drives turbulent men to the point of wanting all vindicators of violated piety removed from their midst. As far as the Second Table is concerned, Jeremiah admonishes kings to "do justice and righteousness,"to "deliver him who has been oppressed by force from the hand of the oppressor," not to "grieve or wrong the alien, the widow, and the fatherless"or "shed innocent blood"[Jer.22:3, cf. Vg.].The exhortation which we read in Ps.82 has the same purpose: that they should "give justice to the poor and needy, rescue the destitute and needy, and deliver the poor and and needy from the hand of the oppressor" [Ps.82:3-4]. And Moses commands the leaders whom he had appointed as his representatives to "hear the cases between their brethren, and judge .. . between a man and his brother, and the alien"and "not recognize faces in judgment, and hear small and great alike, and be afraid of no man, for the judgment is God's" [Deut. 1 : 16- l ?p.]. But I pass over such statements as these: that kings should not multiply horses for themselves; nor set their mind upon avarice; nor be lifted up above their brethren; that they should be constant in meditation upon the law of the Lord all the days of their life [Deut.1 7 : 16- 19 ]; that judges should not lean to one side or take bribes [Deut. 16: 19] - and like passages which we read here and there in Scripture.For in explaining here the office of magistrates, it is not so much my purpose to instruct the magistrates themselves as to teach others what magistrates are and to what end God has appointed them. We see, therefore, that they are ordained protectors and vindicators of public innocence, modesty, decency, and tranquillity, and that their sole endeavor should be to provide for tfie common safety and peace of all.Of

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these virtues David professes that he will be a pattern: when he has been elevated to the royal throne, he will not consent to any crimes, but will detest the impious, slanderers, and the proud, and will seek out from everywhere upright and faithful counselors [Ps. I O I , esp. vs. 4, 5, 7, 6]. But since they cannot perform this unless they defend good men from the wrongs of the wicked, and give aid and protection to the oppressed, they have also been armed with power with which severely to coerce the open malefactors and criminals by whose wickedness the public peace is troubled or disturbed [cf. Rom. 13 :3]. For from experience we thoroughly agree with the statement of Solon that all commonwealths are maintained by reward and punishment; take these away and the whole discipline of cities collapses and is dissolved. For the care of equity and justice grows cold in the minds of many, unless due honor has been prepared for virtue; and the lust of wicked men cannot be restrained except by severity and the infliction of penalties. And the prophet has included these two functions, when he bids kings and other rulers execute judgment and justice [Jer. 22:3; cf. ch. 2 1: 12]. Justice, indeed, is to receive into safekeeping, to embrace, to protect, vindicate, and free the innocent. But judgment is to withstand the boldness of the impious, to repress their violence, to punish their misdeeds. JO. The magistrates' exercise of force is compatible with piety But here a seemingly hard and difficult question arises: if the law of God forbids all Christians to kill [Ex. 20: 13; Deut 5 : 17; Matt. 5:2 1], and the prophet prophesies concerning God's holy mountain (the church) that in it men shall not afflict or hurt [Isa. 1 1 :9; 65:25] - how can magistrates be pious men and shedders of blood at the same time? Yet if we understand that the magistrate in administering punishments does nothing by himself, but carries out the very judgments of God, we shall not be hampered by this scruple. The law of the Lord forbids killing; but, that murders may not go unpunished, the Lawgiver himself puts into the hand of his ministers a sword to be drawn against all murderers. It is not for the pious to afflict and hurt; yet to avenge, at the Lord's command, the afflictions of the pious is not to hurt or to afflict. Would that this were ever before our minds - that nothing is done here from men's rashness, but all things are done on the authority of God who commands it; and while his authority goes before us, we never wander from the straight path ! Unless perhaps restraint is laid upon God's justice, that it may not punish misdeeds. But if it is not right to impose any law upon him, why should we try to reproach his ministers? They do not bear the sword in vain, says Paul, for they are ministers of God to execute his wrath, avengers of wrongdoers [Rom. 13 :4]. Therefore, if princes and other rulers recognize that nothing is more acceptable to the Lord than their obedience, let them apply themselves to this ministry, if, indeed, they are intent on having their piety, righteousness, and uprightness approved of God [cf. II Tim. 2: I 5]. Moses was impelled by this desire when, realizing that he had been destined by the Lord's power to be the liberator of his poeple, he laid his hand upon the Egyptian [Ex. 2 : 12; Acts 7:24]. This was the case again, when, by slaying three thousand men in one day, he took vengeance upon the people's sacrilege [Ex. 32:27-28]. David also, when at the end of his life he ordered his son Solomon to kill Joab and Shimei [ I Kings 2:5-6, 8-9]. Accordingly, he also includes this among

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kingly virtues: to destroy the wicked of the land that all evildoers may be driven out of the city of God [ Ps. 101 :8]. To this also pertains the praise which is given to Solomon: "You have loved righteousness and hated iniquity"[Ps. 45 :7; 44:8; Vg.]. How does Moses' gentle and peaceable nature flame up into such savageness that, sprinkled and dripping with the blood of his brethren, he dashes through the camp to new carnage? How can David, a man of such great gentleness throughout life, as he breathes-his last, make that bloody testament, that his son should not allow the hoary heads of Joab and Shiinei to go in peace to the grave [I Kings 2:56, 8-9]? But both men, by executing the vengeance ordained of God, hallowed by cruelty their hands, which by sparing they would have defiled. "It is an abomination among kings," says Solomon, "to do iniquity, for the throne is established in righteousness."[Prov. 16: 12]. Again: "A king who sits on the throne of judgment casts his eyes upon every evildoer"[Prov.20 :8p.]. Again: "A wise king scatters the evildoers and turns them upon the wheel" [Prov. 20:26p.]. Again: "Remove the dross from the silver, and a from the king's sight, and his throne will be established in righteousness" [Prov. 25 :4-5, cf. Geneva]. Again: "He who· justifies the wicked and he who condemns the righteous are both alike an abomination to the Lord"[Prov. 17: 15]. Again: "A rebel seeks evil for himself, and a cruel messenger is sent to him" [Prov. 17:1 l p.]. Again: "He who says to the wicked, 'You are righteous,' will be cursed by peoples . . . and nations" [Prov. 24:24p.]. Now if their true righteousness is to pursue the guilty and the impious with drawn sword, should they sheathe their sword and keep their hands clean of blood while abandoned men wickedly range about with slaughter and massacre, they will become guilty of the greatest impiety, far indeed from winning praise for their goodness and righteousness thereby ! Begone, now, with that abrupt and savage harshness, and that tribunal which is rightly called the reef of accused men! For I am not one either to favor undue cruelty or think that a fair judgment can be pronounced unless clemency, that best counselor of kings and surest keeper of the kingly throne (as Solomon declares) [Prov. 20:28] is always present - clemency, which by a certain writer of antiquity was truly called the chief gift of princes. Yet it is necessary for the magistrate to pay attention to both, lest by excessive severity he either harm more than heal; or, by superstitious affectation of clemency, fall into the cruelest gentleness, if he should (with a soft and dissolute kindness) abandon many to their destruction. For during the reign of Nerva it was not without reason said: it is indeed bad to live under a prince with whom nothing is permitted; but much worse under one by whom everything is allowed. 11. On the right of the government to wage war But kings and people must sometimes take up arms to execute such public vengeance. On this basis we may judge wars lawful which are so undertaken.For if power has been given them to preserve the tranquillity of their dominion, to restrain the seditious stirrings of restless men, to help those forcibly oppressed, to punish evil deeds - can they use it more opportunely than to check the fury of one who disturbs both the repose of private individuals and the common tranquillity of all, who raises seditious tumults, and by whom violent oppressions and vile misdeeds are perpetrated? If they ought to be the guardians and defenders of the laws, they should also overthrow the efforts of all whose offenses corrupt the

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discipline of the laws. Indeed, if they rightly punish those robbers whose harmful acts have affected only a few, will they allow a whole country to be afflicted and devastated by robberies with impunity? For it makes no difference whether it be a king or the lowest of the common folk who invades a foreign country in which he has no right, and harries it as an enemy. All such must, equally, be considered as robbers and punished accordingly. Therefore, both natural equity and the nature of the office dictate that princes must be armed not only to restrain the misdeeds of private individuals by judicial punishment, but also to defend by war the dominions entrusted to their safekeeping, if at any time they are under enemy attack. And the Holy Spirit declares such wars to be lawful by many testimonies of Scripture. · 12. Restraint and humanity in war But if anyone object against me that in the New Testament there exists no testimony or example which teaches that war is a thing lawful for Christians, I answer first that the reason for waging war which existed of old still persists today; and that, on the other hand, there is no reason that bars magistrates from defending their subjects. Secondly, I say that an express declaration of this matter is not to be sought in the writings of the apostles; for their purpose is not to fashion a civil government, but to establish the spiritual Kingdom of Christ. Finally, that it is there shown in passing that Christ by his coming has changed nothing in this respect. For if Christian doctrine (to use Augustine's words) condemned all wars, the soldiers asking counsel concerning salvation should rather have been advised to cast away their weapons and withdraw completely from military service. But they were told: "Strike no man, do no man wrong, be content with your wages" [Luke 3 : 14 p.]. When he taught them to be content with their wages, he certainly did not forbid them to bear arms. But it is the duty of all magistrates here to guard particularly against giving vent to their passions even in the slightest degree. Rather, if they have to punish, let them not be carried away with headlong anger, or be seized with hatred, or burn with implacable severity. Let them also (as Augustine says) have pity on the common nature in the one whose special fault they are punishing. Or, if they must arm themselves against the enemy, that is, the armed robber, let them not lightly seek occasion to do so; indeed, let them not accept the occasion when offered, unless they are driven to it by extreme necessity. For if we must perform much more than the heathen philosopher required when he wanted war to seem a seeking of peace, surely everything else ought to be tried before recourse is had to arms. Lastly, in both situations let them not allow themselves to be swayed by any private affection, but be led by concern for the people alone. Otherwise, they very wickedly abuse their power, which has been given them not for their own advantage, but for the benefit and service of others. Moreover, this same right to wage war furnishes the reason for garrisons, leagues, and other civil defenses. Now, I call "garrisons, " those troops which are stationed among the cities to defend the boundaries of a country; "leagues, " those pacts which are made by neighboring princes to the end that if any trouble should happen in their lands, they may come to one another's aid, and join forces to put down the common enemies of mankind. I call "civil defenses, " things used in the art of war.

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13. Concerning the right of the government to levy tribute Lastly, I also wish to add this, that tributes and taxes are the lawful revenues of princes, which they may chiefly use to meet the public expenses of their office; yet they may similarly use them for the magnificence of their household, which is joined, so to speak, with the dignity of the authority they exercise. As we see, David, Hezekiah, Josiah, Jehoshaphat, and other holy kings, also Joseph and Daniel (according to the dignity of their office) were, without offending piety, lavish at public expense, aoo we read in Ezekiel that a very large portion of the land was assigned to the kings [Ezek. 48 :2 1 ]. There, although the prophet portrays the spiritual Kingdom of Christ, he seeks the pattern for his picture from a lawful human kingdom. But he does so in such a way that princes themselves will in turn remember that their revenues are not so much their private chests as the treasuries of the entire people (for Paul so testifies [Rom. 1 3 :6]), which cannot be squandered or despoiled without manifest injustice. Or rather, that these are almost the very blood of the people, which it would be the harshest inhumanity not to spare. Moreover, let them consider that their imposts and levies, and other kinds of tributes are nothing but supports of public necessity; but that to impose them upon the common folk without cause is tyrannical extortion. These considerations do not encourage princes to waste and expensive luxury, as there is surely no need to add fuel to their cupidity, already too much kindled of itself. But as it is very necessary that, whatever they venture, they should venture with a pure conscience before God, they must be taught how much is lawful for them, that they may not in impious self-confidence come under God's displeasure. And this doctrine is not superfluous for private individuals in order that they should not let themselves rashly and shamelessly decry any expenses of princes, even if these exceed the common expenditures of the citizens. (Public law and judicial procedures, as related to Christian duty, 14-21) 14. Old Testament law and the laws of nations Next to the magistracy in the civil state come the laws, stoutest sinews of the commonwealth, or, as Cicero, after Plato, calls them, the souls, without which the magistracy cannot stand, even as they themselves have no force apart from the magistracy. Accordingly, nothing truer could be said than that the law is a silent magistrate, a living law. But because I have undertaken to say with what laws a Christian state ought to be governed, this is no reason why anyone should expect a long discourse concerning the best kind of laws. This would be endless and would not pertain to the present purpose and place. I shall in but a few words, and as in passing, note what laws can piously be used before God, and be rightly administered among men. I would have preferred to pass over this matter in utter silence if I were not aware that here many dangerously go astray. For there are some who deny that a commonwealth is duly framed which neglects the political system of Moses, and is ruled by the common laws of nations. Let other men consider how perilous and seditious this notion is; it will be enough for me to have proved it false and foolish. We must bear in mind that common division of the whole law of God published by Moses into moral, ceremonial, and judid�l laws. And we must consider each of

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these parts, that we may understand what there is in them that pertains to us, and what does not. In the meantime, let no one be concerned over the small point that ceremonial and judicial laws pertain also to morals. For the ancient writers who taught this division, although they were not ignorant that these two latter parts had some bearing upon morals, still, because these could be changed or abrogated while morals remained untouched, did not call them moral laws. They applied this name only to the first part, without which the true holiness of morals cannot stand, nor an unchangeable rule of right living. 15. Moral, ceremonial, and judicial law distinguished The moral law (to begin first with it) is contained under two heads, one of which simply commands us to worship God with pure faith and piety; the other, to embrace men with sincere affection. Accordingly, it is the true and eternal rule of righteousness, prescribed for men of all nations and times, who wish to conform their lives to God's will. For it is his eternal and unchangeable will that he himself indeed be worshiped by us all, and that we love one another. The ceremonial law was the tutelage of the Jews, with which it seemed good to the Lord to train this people, as it were, in their childhood, until the fullness of time should come [Gal.4:3-4; cf. ch. 3 :23-24], in order that he might fully manifest his wisdom to the nations, and show the truth of those things which then were foreshadowed in figures. The judicial law, given to them for civil government, imparted certain formulas of equity and justice, by which they might live together blamelessly and peaceably. Those ceremonial practices indeed properly belonged to the doctrine of piety, inasmuch as they kept the church of the Jews in service and reverence to God, and yet could be distinguished from piety itself. In like manner, the form of their judicial laws, although it had no other intent than how best to preserve that very love which is enjoined by God's eternal law, has something distinct from that precept of love. Therefore, as ceremonial laws could be abrogated while piety remained safe and unharmed, so too, when these judicial laws were taken away, the perpetual duties and precepts of love could still remain. But if this is true, surely every nation is left free to make such laws as it foresees to be profitable for itself. Yet these must be in conformity to that perpetual rule of love, so that they indeed vary in form but have the same purpose. For I do not think that those barbarous and savage laws such as gave honor to thieves, permitted promiscuous intercourse, and others both more filthy and more abusrd, are to be regarded as laws. For they are abhorrent not only to all justice, but also to all humanity and gentleness. 16. Unity and diversity of laws What I have said will become plain if in all laws we examine, as we should, these two things: the constitution of the law, and the equity on which its constitution is itself founded and rests. Equity, because it is natural, cannot but be the same for all, and therefore, this same purpose ought to apply to all laws, whatever their object. Constitutions have certain circumstances upon which they in part depend. It therefore does not matter that they are different, provided all equally press toward the same goal of equity. It is a fact that the law of God which we call the moral law is nothing else than a testimony of natural law and of that conscience which God has engraved upon the

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minds of men. Consequently, the entire scheme of this equity of which we are now speaking has been prescribed in it. Hence, this equity alone must be the goal and rule and limit of all laws. Whatever laws shall be framed to that rule, directed to that goal, bound by that limit, there is no reason why we should disapprove of them, howsoever they may differ from the Jewish law, or amo ng themselves. God's law forbids stealing. The penalties meted out to thieves in the Jewish state are to be seen in Exodus rEx. 22 : 1 -4]. The very ancient laws of o ther nations punished theft with double restitution; the laws which followed these distinguished between theft, man ifest and no t manifest. Some proceeded to banishment, others to flogging, others finally to capital punishment. False testimony was punished by damages similar and equal to injury among the Jews [Deut. 19: 1 8-2 1]; elsewhere, only by deep disgrace; in so me nations, by hanging; in others, by the cross. All codes equally avenge murder with blood, but with different kinds of death. Against adulterers some natio ns levy severer, others, lighter punishments. Yet we see how, with such diversity, all laws tend to the same · end. For, together with one voice, they pronounce punishment against those crimes which God's eternal law has condemned, namely, murder, theft, adultery, and false witness. But they do no t agree on the manner of punishment. Nor is this either necessary or expedient. There are countries which, unless they deal cruelly with murderers by way of horrible examples, must immediately perish from slaughters and robberies. There are ages that demand increasingly harsh penalties . If any disturbance occurs in a commo nwealth, the evils that usually arise fro m it must be corrected by new ordinances. In time of war, in the clatter of arms, all humaneness would disappear unless so me uncommon fear of punishment were introduced. In drought, in pestilence, unless greater severity is used, everything will go to ruin. There are nations inclined to a particular vice, unless it be most sharply repressed. How malicious and hateful toward public welfare would a man be who is offended by such diversity, which is perfectly adapted to maintain the observance of God's law? For the statement of so me, that the law of God given through Moses is dishonored when it is abrogated and new laws preferred to it, is utterly vain . For others are no t preferred to it when they are more approved, not by a simple comparison, but with regard to the condition of times, place, and nation; or when that law is abrogated which was never enacted for us. For the Lord through the hand of Moses did no t give that law to be proclaimed among all nations and to be in force everywhere; but when he had taken the Jewish nation into his safekeeping, defense, and protection, he also willed to be a lawgiver especially to it; and - as became a wise lawgiver - he had special concern for it in making its laws . 1 7. Christians may use the law courts, but without hatred and revenge It now remains for us to examine what we had set in the last place : what usefulness the laws, judgments, and magistrates have for the common society of Christians. To this is also joined another question: how much deference private individuals ought to yield to their magistrates, and how far their obedience ought to go. To very many the office of magistrate seems superfluous among Christians, because they cannot piously call upon them for help, inasmuch as it is forbidden to them to take revenge, to sue before a co�rt, or to go to law. But Paul clearly

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testifies to the contrary that the magistrate is minister of God for our good [Rom. 1 3 :4]. By this we understand that he has been so ordained of God, that, defended by his hand and support against the wrongdoing and injustices of evil men, we may live a quiet and serene life [I Tim. 2:2]. But if it is to no purpose that he has been given by the Lord for our defense unless we are allowed to enjoy such benefit, it is clear enough that the magistrate may without impiety be called upon and also appealed to. But here I have to deal with two kinds of men. There are very many who so boil with a rage for litigation that they are never at peace with themselves unless they are quarreling with others. And they carry on these lawsuits with bitter and deadly hatred, and an insane passion to revenge and hurt and they pursue them with implacable obstinacy even to the ruin of their adversaries. Meanwhile, to avoid being thought as doing something wrong, they defend such perversity on the pretense of legal procedure. But if one is permitted to go to law with a brother, one is not therewith allowed to hate him, or be seized with a mad desire to harm him, or hound him relentlessly. 18. The Christian's motives in litigation Such men should therefore understand that lawsuits are permissable if rightly used. There is right use, both for the plaintiff in suing and for the accused in defending himself, if the defendant presents himself on the appointed day and with such exception, as he can, defends himself without bitterness, but only with this intent, to defend what is his by right, and if on the other hand, the plaintiff, undeservedly oppressed either in his person or in his property, puts himself in the care of the magistrate, makes his complaint, and seeks what is fair and good. But he should be far from all passion to harm or take revenge, far from harshness and hatred, far from burning desire for contention. He should rather be prepared to yield his own and suffer anything than be carried away with enmity toward his adversary. On the other hand, where hearts are filled with malice, corrupted by envy, inflamed with wrath, breathing revenge, finally so inflamed with desire for contention, that love is somewhat impaired in them, the whole court action of even the most just cause cannot but be impious. For this must be a set principle for all Christians: that a lawsuit, however just, can never be rightly prosecuted by any man, unless he treat his adversary with the same love and good will as if the business under controversy were already amicably settled and composed. Perhaps someone will interpose here that such moderation is so uniformly absent from any lawsuit that it would be a miracle if any such were found. Indeed, I admit that, as the customs of these times go, an example of an upright litigant is rare; but the thing itself, when not corrupted by the addition of anything evil, does not cease to be good and pure. But when we hear that the help of the magistrate is a holy gift of God, we must more diligently guard against its becoming polluted by our fault. 19. Against the rejection of the judicial process As for those who strictly condemn all legal contentions, let them realize that they therewith repudiate God's holy ordinance, and one of the class of gifts that can be clean to the clean [Titus 1 : 1 5]; unless, perchance, they wish to accuse Paul of a shameful act, since he both repelled the slanders of his accusers, exposing at the same time their craft and malice [Acts 24: 1 2ff.], and in court claimed for himself the privilege of Roman citizenship [Acts 1 6:37; 22 : 1 , 25], and, when there was need, appealed from the unjust judge to the judgment seat of Caesar [Acts 25: 1 0- 1 1 ].

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This does not contradict the fact that all Christians are forbidden to desire revenge, which we banish far away from Christian courts [Lev. 19: 18; Matt.5:39; Deut. 32:35; Rom. 12:19]. For if it is a civil case, a man does not take the right path unless he commits his cause, with innocent simplicity, to the judge as public protector; and he should think not at all of returning evil for evil [Rom. 12:17], which is the passion for revenge. If, however, the action is brought for some capital or serious offense, we require that the accuser be one who comes into court without a burning desire fo r revenge or resentment over private injury, but havit'tg in mind only to prevent the efforts of a destructive man from doing harm to society. For if you remove a vengeful mind, that command which forbids revenge to Christians is not broken. But, some will object, not only are they fo rbidden to desire revenge, but they are also bidden to wait upon the hand of the Lord, who promises that he will be present to avenge the oppressed and afflicted [Rom. 12: 19]; while those who seek aid from the magistrate, either for themselves or for others, anticipate all the vengeance of the Heavenly Protector. Not at all ! For we must consider that the magistrate's revenge is not man's but God's, which he extends and exercises, as Paul says [Rom. 13 :4 ], through.the ministry of man for our good. 20. The Christian endures insults, but with amity and equity defends the public interest We are not in any more disagreement with Christ's words in which he forbids us to resist evil, and commands us to turn the right cheek to him who has struck the left, and to give our cloak to him who has taken away our coat [Matt. 5:39-40].He indeed wills that the hearts of his people so utterly recoil from any desire to retaliate that they should rather allow double injury to be done them than desire to pay it back. And we are not leading them away from this forbearance. For truly, Christians ought to be a kind of men born to bear slanders and injuries, open to the malice, deceits, and mockeries of wicked men. And not that only, but they ought to bear patiently all these evils. That is, they should have such complete spiritual composure that, having received one offense, they make ready for another, promising themselves throughout life nothing but the bearing of a perpetual cross. Meanwhile, let them also do good to those who do them harm, and bless those who curse them [Luke 6:28; cf. Matt. 5:44], and (this is their only victory) strive to conquer evil with good [Rom.12:2 1]. So minded, they will not seek an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, as the Pharisees taught their disciples to desire revenge, but, as we are instructed by Christ, they will so suffer their body to be maimed, and their possessions to be maliciously seized, that they will forgive and voluntarily pardon those wrongs as soon as they have been inflicted upon them [Matt. 5 :38 ff.]. Yet this equity and moderateness of their minds will not prevent them from using the help of the magistrate in preserving t_heir own possessions, while maintaining friendliness toward their enemies; or zealous for public welfare, from demanding the punishment of a guilty and pestilent man, who, they know, can be changed only by death. For Augustine truly interprets the purpose of all these precepts. The righteous and godly man should be ready patiently to bear the malice of those whom he desires to become good, in order to increase the number of good men - not to add himself to the number of the bad by a malice like theirs. Secondly, these precepts pertain more to the preparation of the heart which is within than to the work which is done in the open, in order that patience of mind and good will b~e kept in secret, but that we may openly do what we see may benefit those whom we ought to wish well.

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21. Paul condemns a litigious spirit, but not all litigation But the usual objection - that Paul has condemned lawsuits altogether - is also false [I Cor. 6:5-8]. It can easily be understood from his words that there was an immoderate rage for litigation in the church of the Corinthians - even to the point that they exposed to the scoffing and evils peaking of the impious the gospel of Christ and the whole religion they professed. Paul first criticized them for disgracing the gospel among believers by the intemperateness of their quarrels. Secondly, he rebuked them also for contending in this way among themselves, brethren with brethren. For they were so far from bearing wrongs that they greedily panted after one another's possessions, and without cause assailed and inflicted loss upon one another. Therefore, Paul inveighs against that mad lust to go to law, not simply against all controversies. But he brands it a fault or weakness for them not to accept the loss of their goods, rather than to endeavor to keep them, even to the point of strife. That is, when they were so easily aroused by every loss, and dashed to the court and to lawsuits over the least causes, he speaks of this as proof that their minds are too prone to anger, and not enough disposed to patience. Christians ought indeed so to conduct themselves that they always prefer to yield their own right rather than go into a court, from which they can scarcely get away without a heart stirred and kindled to hatred of their brother. But when any man sees that without loss of love he can defend his own property, the loss of which would be a heavy expense to him, he does not offend against this statement of Paul, if he has recourse to law. To sum up (as we said at the beginning), love will give every man the best counsel. Everything undertaken apart from love and all disputes that go beyond it, we regard as incontrovertibly unjust and impious.

(Obedience, with reverence, due even unjust rulers, 22-29) 22. Deference The first duty of subjects toward their magistrates is to think most honorably of their office, which they recognize as a jurisdiction bestowed by God, and on that account to esteem and reverence them as ministers and representatives of God. For you may find some who very respectfully yield themselves to their magistrates and desire somebody whom they can obey, because they know that such is expedient for public welfare; nevertheless they regard magistrates only as a kind of necessary evil. But Peter requires something more of us when he commands that the king be honored [I Peter 2 : 1 7]; as does Solomon when he teaches that God and king are to be feared [Prov. 24:2 1]. For Peter, in the word "to honor" includes a sincere and candid opinion of the king. Solomon, yoking the king with god, shows that the king is full of a holy reverence and dignity. There is also that famous saying in Paul: that we should obey "not only because of wrath, but because of conscience" [Rom. 1 3 :5, cf. Vg.]. By this he means that subjects should be led not by fear alone of princes and rulers to remain in subjection under them (as they commonly yield to an armed enemy who sees that vengeance is promptly taken if they resist), but because they are showing obedience to God himself when they give it to them; since the rulers' power is from God.

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I am not discussing the men themselves, as if a mask of dignity covered foolishness, or sloth, or cruelty, as well as wicked morals full of infamous deeds, and thus acquired for vices the praise of virtues; but I say that the order itself is worthy of such honor and reverence that those who are rulers are esteemed among us, and receive reverence out of respect for their lordship. I am not discussing the men themselves, as if a mask of dignity covered foolishness, or sloth, or cruelty, as well as wicked morals full of infamous deeds, and thus acquired for vices-the priase of virtues; but I say that the order itself is worthy of such honor and reverence that those who are rulers are esteemed among us, and receive reverence out of respect for their lordship. 23. Obedience From this• also something else follows: that, with hearts inclined to reverence their rulers, the subjects should prove their obedience toward them, whether by obeying their proclamations, or by paying taxes, or by undertaking public offices and burdens which pertain to the common defense, or by executing any other . commands of theirs. "Let every soul," says Paul, "be subject to the higher powers. . . . For he who resists authority, resists what God has ordained." [Rom. 13: 1-2, Vg.] "Remind them," he writes to Titus, ''to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready for every good work." [Titus 3:1, cf.Vg.] And Peter says, "Be subject to every human creature (or rather, as I translate it, ordinance) for the Lord's sake, whether it be to the king, as supreme, or unto governors who are sent through him to punish evildoers, but to praise doers of good." [I Peter 2:13- 14.] Now, in order that they may prove that they are not pretending subjection, but are sincerely and heartily subjects, Paul adds that they should commend to God the safety and prosperity of those under whom they live. "I urge," he says, "that supplications, prayers, intercessions, and thanksgivings be made for all men, for kings, and all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, with all godliness and honesty."[ I Tim.2 : 1-2, cf. Vg.] Let no man deceive himself here. For since the magistrate cannot be resisted without God being resisted at the same time, even though it seems that an unarmed magistrate can be despised with impunity, still God is armed to avenge mightily this contempt toward himself. Moreover, under this obedience I include the restraint which private citizens ought to bid themselves keep in public, that they may not deliberately intrude in public affairs, or pointlessly invade the magistrate's office, or undertake anything at all politically. If anything in a public ordinance requires amendment, let them not raise a tumult, or put their hands to the task - all of them ought to keep their hands bound in this respect - but let them commit the matter to the judgment of the magistrate, whose hand alone here is free. I mean, let them not venture on anything without a command. For when the ruler gives his command, private citizens receive public authority. For as the counselors are commonly called the ears and eyes of the prince, so may one reasonably speak of those whom he has appointed by his command to do things, as the hands of the prince. 24. Obedience is also due the unjust magistrate But since we have so far been describing a magistrate who truly is what he is called, that is, a father of his country, and, -as the_poet expresses it, shepherd of his

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people, guardian of peace, protector of righteousness, and avenger of innocence - he who does not approve of such government must rightly be regarded as insane. But it is the example of nearly all ages that some princes are careless about all those things to which they ought to have given heed, and, far from all care, lazily take their pleasure. Others, intent upon their own business, put up for sale laws, privileges, judgments, and letters of favor. Others drain the common people of their money, and afterward lavish it on insane largesse. Still others exercise sheer robbery, plundering houses, raping virgins and matrons, and slaughtering the innocent. Consequently, many cannot be persuaded that they ought to recognize these as princes and to obey their authority as far as possible. For in such great disgrace, and among such crimes, so alien to the office not only of a magistrate but also of a man, they discern no appearance of the image of God which ought to have shone in the magistrate; while they see no trace of that minister of God, who had been appointed to praise the good, and to punish the evil [cf. I Peter 2: 14, Vg.] .Thus, they also do not recognize as ruler him whose dignity and authority Scripture commends to us. Indeed, this inborn feeling has always been in the minds of men to hate and curse tyrants as much as to love and venerate lawful kings. 25. The wicked ruler a judgment of God But if we look to God's Word, it will lead us farther. We are not only subject to the authority of princes who perform their office toward us uprightly and faithfully as they ought, but also to the authority of all who, by whatever means, have got control of affairs, even though they perform not a whit of the princes' office. For despite the Lord's testimony that the magistrate's office is the highest gift of his beneficence to preserve the safety of men, and despite his appointment of bounds to the magistrates - he still declares at the same time that whoever they may be, they have their authority solely from him. Indeed, he says that those who rule for the public benefit are true patterns and evidences of this beneficence of his; that they who rule unjustly and incompetently have been raised up by him to punish the wickedness of the people; that all equally have been endowed with that holy majesty with which he has invested lawful power. I shall proceed no farther until I have added some sure testimonies of this thing. Yet, we need not labor to prove that a wicked king is the Lord's wrath upon the earth [Job 34:30, Vg; , Hos. 13: 1 1 ; Isa. 3 :4; 10:5; Deut. 28:29], for i believe no man will contradict me; and thus nothing more would be said of a king than of a robber who seizes your possessions, of an adulterer who pollutes your marriage bed, or of a murderer who seeks to kill you. For Scripture reckons all such calamities among God's curses. But let us, rather, pause here to prove this, which does not so easily settle in men's minds. In a very wicked man utterly unworthy of all honor, provided he has the public power in his hands, that noble and divine power resides which the Lord has by his Word given to the ministers of his justice and judgment. Accordingly, he should be held in the same reverence and esteem by his subjects, in so far as public obedience is concerned, in which they would hold the best of kings if he were given to them.

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26. Obedience to bad kings required in Scripture First, I should like my readers to note and carefully observe that providence of God, which, the Scriptures with good reason so often recall to us, and its special operation in distributing kingdoms and appointing what kings he pleases. In Daniel, the Lord changes times and successions of times, removes kings and sets them up [Dan. 2 :21, 3 7]. Likewise: ''to the end that the living may know that the Most High rules the kingdom of men, and gives it to whom he will"[Dan. 4:17; cf. ch. 4: 14, Vg.]. Although Scripture everywhere abounds with such passages, this prophecy particularly swarms with them. Now it is well enough known what kind of king Nebuchadnezzar was, who conquered Jerusalem - a strong invader and destroyer of others. Nevertheless, the Lord declares in Ezekiel that He has given him the land of Egypt for the service he had done him in devastating it [Ezek. 29: 19-20]. And Daniel said to him: "You, 0 king, are a king of kings, to whom the God of heaven has given the kingdom, powerful, mighty, and glorious; to you, I say, he has given also all lands where the sons of men dwell, beasts of the forest and birds of the air: these he has given into your hand and made you rule over them"· [Dan. 2:37-38, cf. Vg.]. Again, Daniel says to Nebuchadnezzar's son Belshazzar: ''The Most High God gave Nebuchadnezzar, your father, kingship and magnificence, honor and glory; and because of the magnificence that he gave him, all peoples, tribes, and tongues were trembling and fearful before him"[Dan. 5 : 1819, cf. Vg.]. When we hear that a king has been ordained by God, let us at once call to mind those heavenly edicts with regard to honoring and fearing a king; then we shall not hesitate to hold a most wicked tyrant in the place where the Lord has deigned to set him. Samuel, when he warned the people of Israel what sort of things they would suffer from their kings, said: ''This shall be the right of the king that will reign over you: he will take your sons and put them to his chariot to make them his horsemen and to plow his fields and reap his harvest, and make his weapons. He will take your daughters to be perfumers and cooks and bakers. Finally, he will take your fields, your vineyards, and your best olive trees and will give them to his servants. He will take the tenth of your grain and of your vineyards, and will give it to his eunuchs and servants. He will take your menservants, maidservants, and asses and set them to his work. He will take the tenth of your flocks and you will be his servants" [I Sam. 8 : 1 1-17, with ommissions; cf. Hebrew]. Surely the kings would not do this by legal right, since the law trained them to all restraint [Deut. 17: 16ff.]. But it was caBed a right in relation to the people, for they had to obey it and were not allowed to resist. It is as if Samuel had said: The willfulness of kings will run to excess, but it will not be your part to restrain it; you will have only this left to you: to obey their commands and hearken to their word. 27. The case of Nebuchadnezzar in Jer., ch. 27 But in Jeremiah, especially, there is a memorable passage, which (although rather long) it will not trouble me to quote because it very clearly defines this whole question. "I have made the earth and men, says the Lord, and the animals which are upon the face of the earth, with my great strength and outstretched arm; and I give it to him who is pleasing in my eyes. Now, therefore, I have given all these lands into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar . . . my servant. . . . All the nations and great kin_gs shall serve him . . . , until the time of his own land comes . . . . And it shall be that any nation and kingdom that will not serve the king of Babylon; I

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shall visit that nation with sword, famine, and pestilence. . . . Therefore, serve the king of Babylon and live."[Jer. 27:5-8, 17, cf. Vg.] We see how much obedience the Lord willed to be paid to that abominable and cruel tyrant for no other reason than that he possessed the kingship. But it was by heavenly decree that he had been set upon the throne of the kingdom and assumed into kingly majesty, which it would be unlawful to violate. If we have continually present to our minds and before our eyes the fact that even the most worthless kings are appointed by the same decree by which the authority of all kings is established, those seditious thoughts will never enter our minds that a king should be treated according to his merits, and that it is unfair that we should show ourselves subjects to him who, on his part, does not show himself a king to us. 28. General testimonies of Scripture on the sanctity of the royal person It is vain for anyone to object that that command was peculiar to the Israelites. For we must note with what reason the Lord confirms it: "I have given," he says, "the kingdom to Nebuchadnezzar" [Jer. 27:6, cf. Vg.]. "Therefore, serve him and live. " [Jer. 27: 17, cf. Vg. ]. Let us not doubt that we ought to serve him to whom it is evident that the kingdom has been given. And when once the Lord advances any man to kingly rank, he attests to us his determination that he would have him reign. For there are general testimonies of Scripture concerning this, Solomon, in the twenty-eighth chapter of The Proverbs, says: "Because of the iniquity of the land there are many princes" [Prov. 28:2 p.]. Likewise, the twelfth chapter of Job: "He takes away subjection from kings, and girds them again with a girdle"[Job. 12: 18p.]. Once this has been admitted, nothing remains but that we should serve and live. In Jeremiah the prophet, there is also another command of the Lord by which he enjoins his people to seek the peace of Babylon, where they have been sent as captives, and to pray to the Lord on its behalf, for in its peace will be their peace [Jer. 29:7]. Behold, the Israelites, divested of all their possessions, driven from their homes, led away into exile, and cast into pitiable bondage, are commanded to pray for the prosperity of their conqueror - not as we are commanded in other passages to pray for our persecutors [cf. Matt. 5:44], but in order that his kingdom may be preserved safe and peaceful, that under him they too may prosper. So David, already designated king by God's ordination and anointed with his holy oil, when he was persecuted by Saul without deserving it, still regarded the head of his assailant as inviolable, because the Lord had sanctified it with the honor of the kingdom. "The Lord forbid," he said, ''that I should do this thing before the Lord, to my lord, the Lord's anointed, to put forth my hand against him, since he is the Lord's anointed" [I Sam. 24:6 cf. Vg.]. Again: "My soul has spared you; and I have said, 'I shall not put forth my hand against my lord, for he is the Lord's anointed"' [I Sam. 24: 1 1, cf. Vg.]. Again: 'Who will put forth his hand against the anointed of the Lord and be innocent? . . . The Lord lives; unless the Lord strike him, or the day come for him to die, or he fall in battle, the Lord forbid that I should put forth my hand against the Lord's anointed" [I Sam. 26:9- 1 1, cf. Vg. ]. 29. It is not the part of subjects but of God to vindicate the right We owe this attitude of reverence and therefore of piety toward all our rulers in the highest degree, whatever they may be like. I therefore the more often repeat this: that we should learn not to examine the men themselves, but take it as enough

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that they bear, by the Lord's will, a character upon which he has imprinted and engraved an inviolable majesty. But (you will say) rulers owe responsibilities in turn to their subjects. This I have already admitted. But if you conclude from this that service ought to be rendered only to just governors, you are reasoning foolishly. For husbands are also bound to their wives, and parents to their children, by mutual responsibilities. Suppose parents and husbands depart from their duty. Suppose parents show themselves so hard and intractable to their children, whom they are forbidden to provoke to anger [Eph. 6:4], that by their rigor they tire them beyond measure. Suppose . husbands most despitefully use their wives, whom they are commanded to love [Eph. 5:25] and to spare as weaker vessels [I Peter 3 :7]. Shall either children be less obedient to their parents or wives to their husbands? They are still subject even to those who are wicked and undutiful. Indeed, all ought to try not to "look at the bag hanging from their back," that is, not to inquire about another's duties, but every man should keep in mind that one duty which is his own. This ought particularly to apply to those who have been put· under the power of others. Therefore, if we are cruelly tormented by a savage prince, if we are greedily despoiled by one who is avaricious or wanton, if we are neglected by a slothful one, if finally we are vexed for piety's sake by one who is impious and sacrilegious, let us first be mindful of our own misdeeds, which without doubt are chastised by such whips of the Lord [cf. Dan. 9:7]. By this, humility will restrain our impatience. Let us then also call this thought to mind, that it is not for us to remedy such evils; that only this remains, to implore the Lord's help, in whose hand are the hearts of kings, and the changing of kingdoms [Prov. 2 1 : l p.]. "He is God who will stand in the assembly of the gods, and will judge in the midst of the gods." [Ps. 82: lp.]. Before His face all kings shall fall and be crushed, and all the judges of the earth, that have not kissed his anointed [Ps. 2: 10- 1 1], and all those who have written unjust laws to oppress the poor in judgment and to do violence to the cause of the lowly, to pray upon widows and rob the fatherless [Isa. 10: 1-2, cf. Vg.]. (Constitutional magistrates, however, ought to check the tyranny of kings; obedience to God comes first, 30-31) 30. When God intervenes, it is sometimes by unwitting agents Here are revealed his goodness, his power, and his providence. For sometimes he raises up open avengers from among his servants, and arms them with his command to punish the wicked government and deliver his people, oppressed in unjust ways, from miserable calamity. Sometimes he directs to this end the rage of men who intend one thing and undertake another. Thus he delivered the people of Israel from the tyranny of Pharaoh through Moses [Ex. 3 :7- 1 O]; from the violence of Chusan, king of Syria, through Othniel [Judg. 3:9]; and from other servitudes through other kings or judges. Thus he tamed the pride of Tyre by the Egyptians, the insolence of the Egyptians by the Assyrians, the fierceness of the Assyrians by the Chaldeans; the arrogance of Babylon by the Medes and Persians, after Cyrus had already subjugated the Medes. The ungratefulness of the kings of Judah and Israel and their impious obstinancy toward his many benefits, he sometimes by the Assyrians, sometimes by the Babylonians,~crushed and afflicted - although not all in the same way.

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For the first kind of men, when they had been sent by God's lawful calling to carry out such acts, in taking up arms against kings, did not at all violate that majesty which is implanted in kings by God's ordination; but, armed from heaven, they subdued the lesser power with the greater, just as it is lawful for kings to punish their subordinates. But the latter kind of men, although they were directed by God's hand whither he pleased, and executed his work unwittingly, yet planned in their minds to do nothing but an evil act. 31. Constitutional defenders of the people's freedom But however these deeds of men are judged in themselves, still the Lord accomplished his work through them alike when he broke the bloody scepters of arrogant kings when he overturned intolerable governments. Let the princes hear and be afraid. But we must, in the meantime, be very careful not to despise or violate that authority of magistrates, full of venerable majesty, which God has established by the weightiest decrees, even though it may reside with the most unworthy men, who defile it as much as they can with their own wickedness. For, if the correction of unbridled despotism is the Lord's to avenge, let us not at once think that it is entrusted to us, to whom no command has been given except to obey and suffer. I am speaking all the while of private individuals. For if there are now any magistrates of the people, appointed to restrain the willfullness of kings (as in ancient times the ephors were set against the Spartan kings, or the tribunes of the people against the Roman consuls, or the demarchs against the senate of the Athenians; and perhaps, as things now are, such power as the three estates exercise in every realm when they hold their chief assemblies), I am so far from forbidding them to withstand, in accordance with their duty, the fierce licentiousness of kings, that, if they wink at kings who violently fall upon and assault the lowly common folk, I declare that their dissimulation involves nefarious perfidy, because they dishonestly betray the freedom of the people, of which they know that they have been appointed protectors by God's ordinance. 32. Obedience to man must not become disobedience to God But in that obedience which we have shown to be due the authority of rulers, we are always to make this exception, indeed, to observe it as primary, that such obedience is never to lead us away from obedience to him, to whose will the desires of all kings ought to be subject, to whose decrees all their commands ought to yield, to whose majesty their scepters ought to be submitted. And how absurd would it be that in satisfying men you should incur the displeasure of him for whose sake you obey men themselves ! The Lord, therefore, is the King of Kings, who, when he has opened his sacred mouth, must alone be heard, before all and above all men; next to him we are subject to those men who are in authority over us, but only in him. If they command anything against him, let it go unesteemed. And here let us not be concerned about all that dignity which the magistrates possess; for no harm is done to it when it is humbled before that singular and truly supreme power of God. On this consideration, Daniel denies that he has committed any offense against the king when he has not obeyed his impious edict [Dan.6:22-23, Vg.]. For the king had exceeded his limits, and had not only been a wrongdoer against men, but, in lifting up his horns against God, had himself

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abrogated his power.Conversely, the Israelites are condemned because they were too obedient to the wicked proclamation of the king (Hos. 5: 13]. For when Jeroboam molded the golden calves, they, to please him, forsook God's Temple and turned to new superstitions (I Kings 12:30]. With the same readiness, their descendants complied with the decrees of their kings. The prophet sharply reproaches them for embracing the king's edicts [Hos.5:11]. Far, indeed, is the pretense of modesty from deserving praise, a false modesty with which the court flatterers cloak themselves.and deceive the simple, while they deny that it is lawful for them to refuse anything imposed by their kings. As if God had made over his right to mortal men, giving them the rule over mankind ! Or as if earthly power were diminished when it is subjected to its Author, in whose presence even the heavenly powers tremble as suppliants ! I know with what great and present peril this constancy is menaced, because kings bear defiance with the greatest displeasure, whose "wrath is a messenger of death"[Prov. 16:14], says Solomon. But since this edict has been proclaimed by the heavenly herald, Peter - "We must obey God rather than men"(Acts 5:29] - let us comfort ourselves with the thought that we are rendering that obedience which the Lord requires when we suffer anything rather than tum aside from piety. And that our courage may n9t grow faint, Paul pricks us with another goad: That we have been redeemed by Christ at so great a price as our redemption cost him, so that we should not enslave ourselves to the wicked desires of men - much less be. subject to their impiety [I Cor.7:23]. GOD BE PRAISED

3 The English Civil War (1640-1660) produced the greatest ferment of radical Christian thought since the days of the early church. The Levellers, as the name suggests, believed "in a radical social "levelling ", in doing away with wealth and privilege and sharing the common bounty of the earth.The Diggers concentrated their efforts on the right of poor people to till the uncultivated land. The Fifth Monarchy men took their clue from the Book of Daniel and anticipated the imminent return of Christ to rule a thousand years on earth. These radical Christians stated their positions in a flood of pamphlets, most of them published in the l 640's. The Power of Love begins with the challenging words: "For there is no respect of persons with God: and whoever is possest with love, judgeth no longer as a man, but god-like, as a true Christian," and goes on to inveigh against the luxury and worldliness of England where the rich indulge themselves and the poor suffer. The power of Christian love will, if faithfully practiced, transform the world and wipe out suffering and injustice. John Lilburne in England's Birth-Right Justified begins his inquiry into the nature of limited, constitutional government by taking up the issue of the King's authority over the militia. From there he proceeds to a discussion of the principles of a free government and an attack upon the injustice of monopolies. (His discussion of the wool monopoly is omitted.) Jerrard Winstanly, one of the most gifted radical pamphleteers, identified himself with the cause of the Diggers and was arrested for "digging upon George­ hill in Surrey" to demonstrate that "the Land of England ought to be a free land, and a common treasury to all her children, otherwise it cannot be called a Common-Wealth."

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M ilton's Areopagita . . . for the Liberty of Unlicensed Printing, published in London in 1 644, was directed specifically against a law passed by the Long Parliament establishing censorship over all published material. The A reopagita is possibly the most important statement on the freedom of the press ever written. It is included here because Milton was one of the most widely read authors in colonial America because his name and principles were evoked frequently during the Revolutionary crisis and because he makes a most eloquent argument for the relationship between Chr�tianity and freedom of expression. In summary, the relationship of the English Civil War to the American _ Revolution is an important problem for historians of that latter conflict. Certainly the English Civil War was by any reasonable standard a revolution. There was great sympathy in America for many of its ideals. The regicides who executed Charles I fled to America for refuge. Sir Henry Vane, governor of Massachusetts Bay for a brief time, returned to England to play a prominent role in the Parliamentary party, and a number of Puritan leaders traveled to England and involved themselves in one aspect or another of the struggle against the arbitrary powers of the Crown. There is no question that the principles and ideals of the Independents and some radical sects were circulated in the colonies and often evoked a warm response. Beyond that they sank into a substratum of the colonial consciousness, more particularly that of New England; and there they lay, never very far below the surface, waiting to be brought to the surface by a certain confluence of events.

A [The text is taken from The Power of Love, printed by R. C. for John Sweeting, at the signe of the Angell in Popes-head Alley, London, Sept. 19, 1 643.]

To every Reader For there is no respect ofpersons with God and whosoever is posses/ with love, judgeth no longer as a man, but god-like, as a true Christian. What's here towards? (sayes one) sure one of the Family of love: very well Iprays and still and consider: whatfamily are you ofJpray?areyou of Godsfamily?no doubt you are? why, God is love, and ifyou bee one of Gods children be not ashamed ofyour Father, nor his family: and bee assured that in hisfamily, he regards neitherfine clothes, nor gold rings, nor stately houses, nor abundance of wealth, nor dignities, and titles of honour, nor any mans birth or calling, indeed he regards nothing among his children but love. Consider our Saviour saith, He that hath this worlds goods, and seeth his brother lack, how dwelleth the love of God in him? Judge them by this rule who are Gods family; looke about and you willfinde in these wuefull dayes thousands of miserable, distressed, starved, imprisoned Christians: see how pale

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and wan they looke: how coldly, raggedly, or unwholsesomely they are cloathed? live one weeke with them in their poore houses, lodge as they lodge, eate as they eate, and no oftner, and bee at the same time passe to get that wretchedfoodfor a sickly wife, and hunger-starved children,· (ifyou dare doe thisforfeare ofdeath or diseases) then walke abroad, and observe the general/ plenty of all necessaries, observe the gallant bravery of multitudes of men and women abounding in all things that can be imagined: observe likewise the innumerable numbers of those that have more then sujficeth. Neither will I limit you to observe the inconsiderate people of the world, but the whole body of religious people themselves, and in the very Churches and upon solemne dayes: view them well, and see whether they have not this worlds goods; their silkes, their beavers, their rings, and other divises will testifie they have; I, and the wants and distresses of the poore will testifie that love of God they have not. What is here aimed at? (sayes another) would you have all things common?for love seeketh not her owne good, but the good of others. You say very true, it is the Apostles doctrine: and you may remember the multitude of beleevers had all things common: that was another of their opinions, which many good people are afraid of But (sayes another) what would you have? would you have no distinction of men, nor no government? feare it not: nor flye the truth because it suites not with your corrupt opinions or courses; on Gods name distinguish of men and women too, as you see the love of God abound in them towards their brethren, but no otherwise; Andfor that great mountaine (in your understanding) government, 'tis but a molehill if you would handle it familiarly, and bee bold with it: it is common agreement to bee so governed:and by common agreement men chusefor govern ours, such as their virtue and wisdome makefit to govern: what a huge thing this matter of trust is made of? and what cause is there that men that are chosen should keepe at �uch distance, or those that have chosen them bee so sheepish in their presence? Come, you are mightily afraid ofopinions, is there no other that youfeare? not theAnabaptists, Brownists, or Antinomians? Why doe you start man? have a little patience, would you truly understand what kinde ofpeople these are, and what opinions they hold? ifyou would,· bee advised by some learned man, and with him consult what hath learnedly been written of the most weake and vitious amongst any of them that could beefound, and make your conclusion (according to custome) that they are all such: but if you would free your selves from common mistakes concerning those your brethren, then acquaint your selves with them, observe their wayes, and enquire into their doctrines your selfe, and so make your conclusion, or judge not of them, visit them, beare them out, stand cleare from all prejudging: and then see what dangerous people they are that are generally so calicd: particulars being absurd rules ofjudging; for so the Turke is misled in his judgment of Christianity: and no marvaile since hee judgeth thereof by the doctrine and life of the most superstitious, Idolatrous, and vitious amongst them. Well, what next are you afraid of?for some men take delight to be under the spirit of bondage, an do not think themselves in good estate except they be in feare: but come, feare nothing, you are advised by the Apostle to try all things, and to holdfast that which is good: to prove the Spirits whether they bee of God or not: 'tis your selfe must doe it, you are not to trust to the authority ofany man, or to any mans relation:you willfinde upon tryall that scarcely any opinion hath been reported truly to you: and though in every one of them you may finde some things that you cannot agree unto, you

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will yet be a gainer by discovering many excellent things that you as yet may be unsatisfied in, and by due consideration of them allperfect your ownejudgement. Reade the ensuing discourse impartially, and you willfinde the minde ofhim that hateth no man for his opinion; nor would have any man troubledfor any opinion, except such, as make the bloud of Christ ineffectual/, or such as would destroy all that will not submit to their opinions; hee seemes to bee of the Apostles minde, that considered all other things in love: (and that in matters of moment too, even where some observed a day� unto the Lord, & others not observed) He bids you walke in love, as Christ hath love you, andgave himselfeforyou, an offering and a Sacrifice; you that love your brother so poorely, as that you cannot allow him the peaceable enjoyment ofhis mind andjudgement would hardly lay downe your life for him; let brotherly love continue, and let every one freely speake his minde without molestation : and so there may be hope that truth may come to light, that otherwise may be obscured for particular ends: plaine truth will prove all, sufficient for vanquishing of the most artificial/, sophistical/ errour that ever was in the world; give her but due and patient audience; and her perswasions are ten thousand times more powerful/ to worke upon the most dull refractory minde, then all the adulterate allurements and deceivings of art. What is here publisht is out offervent love to the Communion of Christians: that they might taste and see how good the Lord is, In whose presence there isfulnesse ofjoy, and at whose right hand there are pleasures for evermore Where/ore rejoyce in the Lord alwayes, and againe I say rejoyce: and let your song bee alwayes, Glory be to God on high, in earth peace, good will towards men. Let tru.th have herfree and perfect working, and the issue will bee increase of beleevers: letfaith have her perfect working, and the issue will bee increase of love: and let love have her perfect working, and the whole world will be so refined, that God will be all in all;for he that dwelleth in love, dwelleth in God, in whom, ever save you well, and bee cheerefull.

The Power of Love Tit. 2 : 1 1, 12 The grace (or love) of God that bringeth salvation unto all men hath appeared, teaching us to deny ungodlinesse and worldly lusts, and to live soberly, righteously, and godly in this present world. It is evident (though it be little regarded or considered, the more is the pity) that in naturall things all things whatsoever that are necessary for the use of mankinde, the use of them is to be understood easily with out study or difficulty: every Capacity is capable thereof; and not only so, but they are all likewise ready at hand, or easily to be had: a blessing that God hath afforded to every man, insomuch, that there is no part of the habitable world, but yeeldes sufficient of usefull things for a comfortable and pleasant sustentation of the inhabitants; as experience testifieth in all places; and Saint Paul witnessed that God left himselfe not without witnesse, in that he did good, gave them raine from heaven, and fruitfull seasons, feeding their hearts with foode and gladnesse: by all which it

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plainely appeares that God ever intendeth unto man a pleasant and comfortable life: you know it is said, that God made man righteous, but he fought out many inventions: that is, he made him naturally a rationall creature, judging rightly of all things, and desiring only what was necessary, and so being exempt from all labour, and care of obtaining things superfluous, he passed his dayes with aboundance of delight and contentment: until he sought out unto himselfe many inventions: inventions of superfluous subtilities and artificiall things, which have been multiplied with the ages of the world, every age still producing new: so now in these lattertimes we see nothing but mens inventions in esteeme, and the newer the more precious; if I should instance in particulars, I should or might be endlesse, as in diet, your selves know to your costs, (for it costs you not only your monyes, but your healths, and length of dayes) that this fruitfull nation refuseth n'ot to furnish scarce the meanest meale you make, but something must be had to please the luxurious palate from forraine and farre countryes: and ever the farther the better, and the dearer the more acceptable; you know likewise the excessive provision that is made for entertainments and set meetings, where all groose meates (you know my meaning) must be banished, and nothing admitted but what is rare and fine, and full of invention, in the dresses, sauces, and manner of service: where all the senses must be pleased to the heighth of all possible conceipt. If I should reckon up your new inventions for buildings, and furniture for your houses, and the common costlinesse of your apparell, and should set before you the manifold vexations, perplexities, distractions, cares, and inconveniences that accrew unto you by these your vain and ridiculous follies, I might be endlesse therein also, and lose my labour; for there is no hope that I should prevaile for a reformation of these things, when your daily experience scourges you continually therunto, in one kind or other, and all in vaine; yet I shall take leave to tell you that in these things, you walke not as becommeth the gospell of Christ, but are carnall and walke as men, as vaine, fantasticall, inconsiderate men; such as very heathen and meere naturall men would be ashamed of: their experience (that a life according to nature, to be content with little, with what was ever ready, and easy to be had, was the most pleasant life and exempt from all vexations) was instruction sufficient unto many of them, to frame themselves thereunto, and to abandon all kindes of superfluities, without retaining the least; & thereby obtained a freedome to apply themselves to the consideration and practise of wisdome and vertue. It is a wonderfull thing to my understanding, that men should call themselves Christians, and professe to be religious, and to be diligent readers of Scripture, and hearers of Sermons, and yet content themselves to bee indeed in many things carnall and to walke as did the most indiscreete and inconsiderate Gentiles. Doth the Scripture teach no more then nature teacheth? though it doe infinitely, yet your practise compared with wise considerate naturall men declares it doth not; how extreamely then (thinke you) doe you cause the name of God to be blasphemed? Doe you thinke it is sufficient that you are not drunkards, nor adulterers, nor usurers, nor contentious persons, nor covetous? beloved, if you will truely deserve the name of Christians, it is not sufficient: but you are to abandon all superfluities, all poring after vaine superfluous things, and thereby to exempt your selves from all unnecessary cares that choake the Word, and bee at liberty to consider, and to apply your selves freely to the continuall contemplation of the infinte love of God, evidently and plainely set forth unto you in his blessed

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word: as in the words that I have read unto you: for as it is in naturall things, so holds it in spirituall: God hath dealt abundantly well with us; there being nothing that is necessary either for the enlightning of our understandings, or the peace of our mindes, but what hee hath plainely declared and manifestly set forth in his Word: so plainely that the meanest capacity is fu lly capable of a right understanding thereof, and need not to doubt but that he is so, I will not say that God is not more good unto us, then we are hurtfull to ourselves, (fo r his goodnesse is more availeable to our welfare, then our evill can be to our misery) but wee are as evill to our selves in all things as we can be possible : and that not onely in naturall things, but likewise in spirituall and divine things too, for therein also we have our inventions; the plaine and evident places of Scripture manifestly declaring our peace and reconciliation with God, is become nauseous to us : they make salvation too easie to be understood, and tender it upon too easie tearmes, and too generall: this Manna that comes to us without our labour, industry, study, and watching, is two fulsome, something that hath bones in it must be fo und out, and will become more acceptable: every child or babe in Christs Schoole can understand these: We . are full growne men in Christ, wee have spent our time in long and painefull studies, and have full knowledge in all Arts and Sciences: there is no place of Scripture too hard for us: shew us the mysteries we cannot reveale : the Parables that wee cannot clearely open: the prophesies that wee cannot interpret: a word or Syllable that wee cannot fitly apply, or the most palpable seeming contradiction that we cannot reconcile; nay it is to be doubted (wee have seene the vaine humour of man puft so high, and the world so filled and pestered with works and labours of this vaine nature) lest there are some such daring undertakers, that like as Alexander the great is said to have wept that there were no more worlds to conquer, so these Champions are grieved that there are no harder places for their braines to worke upon: or (which is more to bee lamented) one would feare they are much troubled that the most necessary truths are so easie to be understood: for that when they treate upon some very plaine place of Scripture, even so plaine as this which I have read unto you, yet in handling thereof they make it difficult, and darken the cleare meaning thereof with their forced and artificiall glosses: but as I wish there were no such dealers in divine things, so have I in my selfe resolved to avoid these extreame evills: for as in naturall things I am fully assured there is nothing of necessary use but what is easily understood and even ready at hand, so also doth my experience tell me, that we have no bettering of our understandings, or quieting of our mindes (the end for which God has vouchsafed his word) from any places of Scripture that hath any obscurity in them, but from such as are clearly exempt from all difficulty. You know God frequently complaines by his Prophets, saying, My people will not consider, they will not understand: and when I consider that your owne experience schooles you not sufficiently against your dotage upon the vaine superfluities of this world, wherein you know your selves to be camall, and to walke as men, heaping unto your selves vexation upon vexation; I doe wonder that it doth not stagger the Ministers of God in their publishing of things divine to a people so qualified, so extreamely inconsiderate: indeed it would make one to suspect the doctrine that you continually heare, that it were not powerfull nor from heaven, but weake and fitted to your corrupt humours, and customes, since after so long time, it hath not subdued your worldly mindednesse. Sure I am, and I must leave to tell you, that there is utterly a fault amongst you,

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nay those expressions are too soft, you have almost nothing but faults amongst you, and you will not consider, which you must doe, and seriously too, or you will never reduce yourselves into such a condition, as will be really sutable to the blessed name of Christians. Beloved I have seriously considered it, and it is not your case alone, but it is the universall disease. I know not any that is not infected therewith, nor to whom it may be said, Physitian heale thyself; the milke we have suckt, and the common ayre hath beene totally corrupted: our first instructions, and all after discourse have been indulgent flatterers to our darling superfluities: and therefore he that undertakes the cure, must bee sure to bee provided of a fit and powerfull medicine, and to be diligent and faithfull in his undertaking; it is a taske that I have proposed unto my selfe, and though I should meete with the greatest discouragements, (as, the world is like enough to furnish his utmost forces to preserve his Kingdome) yet considering whose service I have undertaken, and whose works it is, I shall not despaire of successe. I am not ignorant that this worke hath often-times beene attempted, and persisted in: but with little fruit; through the universall mistake, that men are sooner perswaded from their vanities, through pressures of the law, and affrighting terrors of wrath and hell, then by the cordes of love: which yet I abundantly preferre, as you may perceive by this text which I have chosen: for when all is done, It is the love of God bringing salvation, that teacheth us to deny all ungodliness, and worldly lusts, and to live soberly, righteously, and godly in this present world. I must entreate your most earnest attention, as being full of hope that I shall doe you much more good then you conceive: for I must tell you, I cannot cure you of your earthly mindednesse, of your dotage upon superfluities, till I have furst showne you your peace and reconciliation with God, and have wroght in you (through the power of Gods word) peace of conscience and joy in the holy Ghost. You are then seriously to consider what is said, and understanding will succeed. The love of God I know is often spoken of: a theame that hath begotten abundance of bookes and discourses: yet none in no comparison like the Scriptures: most (if not all) discourses, that ever I have read or heard, doe in some sense or other, or in some measure injure and wrong those blessed discourses thereof. The love and favour of God (saith David) is better then life it selfe; What man in the whole world doth not gladly heare the joyfull tydings of the love of God? . . .And to that righteous nature wherein first man was created, for in the likenesse of God created he him: and whilst you consider this, I shall advise you not to flatter your selves as the Pharisee did, saying Lord I thanke thee I am not as other men, extortioners, unjust, adulterers, drunkards, covetous, proude, or licentious; can you say you have noe sinne? if you should, the word of God would contradict you, which testifieth that he that saith he hath no sinne is a liar, and the truth is not in him; and if sinne be in every one, necessarily it followes where sinne is, there is Gods hatred; nor doeth it any whit excuse or exempt those from the hatred of God, that can say their sinnes are fewe in numbers, and of very meane condition compared to others: whosoever you are that are thus indulgent to your selves, you doe but deceive your selves, for Gods hatred, his wrath and anger, is so exact against all and every sinne, and so odious it is in his sight, that he denounceth, saying, Cursed is every one that continueth not to doe all that is written in the booke of the law : So as every mouth must be stopped, and all the world stand guilty before God; and though the sense and deepe apprehension of

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this woefull condition, doe worke in you the deepest of sorrow, though you should spend your dayes in weeping, and your nights in woefull lamentation, though you should repent your selves in dust and ashes, and cover your selves with sackcloathes: though you should fall your selves into palenesse, and hang downe your heads alwayes: though you should give all your goods to the poore; nay though you should offer up the fruit of your bodies, for the sinne of your soules; all this and more could be no satisfaction for the least sinne, nor bring any peace to your mindes: but you must c,f force cry out at last, as Saint Paul did, (stating this sad condition of all mankind under the law) Oh wretched man that I am, who shall deliver me from this body ofdeath! Justly is it called a body of death; for man is of a fraile and weake condition at the best: a considerate man hath death alwayes before him: What joy or comfort then can hee take all his life long; being in the hatred of God, a vessel of wrath, and liable to eternall death in hell fire for ever? What can he looke upon that can give him content? Love will be as a new light in your understandings by which you will judge quite otherwise of all things, then formerly you have done: the vanities and superfluities which in the beginning of my discourse I reckoned up unto you, will seeme odious unto you, and you will no longer fashion yourselves like unto this world, but will walk as becometh the Gospel of Christ: you will no longer minde high things, but make yourselves equall to men of low degree: you will no longer value men and women according to their wealth, or outward shewes, but according to their vertue, & as the love of God appeareth in them: nay if you be studious in this worke of love, nothing will be more deare unto you then the glory of God (who hath so infinitely loved you) so as you will be most zealously opposite to whatsoever is opposite unto God, you will finde it nothing to hazzard your lives for God, in defence of his truth from errour; in defence of your brother or neighbour from oppression or tyranny: love makes you no longer your owne but Gods servants, and prompts you to doe his will in the punishment of all kinde of exorbitances, whether it be breach of oathes, breach of trust, or any kinde of injustice in whomsoever, and to be no respecter of persons; nor will any ones greatnesse over sway or daunt your resolutions, but you will be bold as Lions, not fearing the faces of men: you will when neede requires, that is, when tyrants and oppressors endeavour by might and force to pervert all Lawes, and compacts amongst men, and to pervert the truth of God into a lie, interpreting his sacred word as patron of their unjust power, as if any unjust power were of God, and were not to be resisted: I say, such insolencies as these will inflame your zeale, and set you all on fire manfully to fight the Lords battell, and to bring into subjection those abominable imaginations and ungodly courses of men: your judgements will be so well informed, as you will know these things are by God referred unto you, and you will not resigne_them up to him, but willingly sacrifice your lives and fortunes, and all that is neare and deare unto you, rather then suffer his name to be so blasphemed, or your innocent brethren, or your wives and children to become a prey to wicked and bloud-thirsty men. The politicians of this world would have religious men to be fooles, not to resist, no by no meanes, lest you receive damnation: urging Gods holy Word, whilst they proceed in their damnable courses; but (beloved) they will finde that true Christians are of all men the most valiant defenders of the just liberties of their Countrey, and the most zealous preservers of true Religion: vindicating the truths of God with their lives, against all ungodlinesse and unrighteousnesse of men: making thereby the whole

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world to know that true Christianity hates and abhorres tyranny, oppression, perjury, cruelty, deceipt, and all kinde of filthinesse; and true Christians to be the most impartiall, and most severe punishers thereof, and of all kinde of wickednesse, of any men whatsoever. Great is the power of love, for love makes men to bee of one mind: and what can bee too strong for men united in love? and therefore I shall warne you to marke and consider those that make divisions amongst you. I pray mistake me not, I doubt you are too apt in this case to make a wrong application: I doe not meane that you should marke those, that are different from you in judgement, with any ridiculous or reproachfull names: but my adivce is that you marke those that make divisions amongst you, and those are they that have invented a name of reproach for every particular difference in judgement: and in their publick Sermons and private discourses, endeavour might and maine to keep at the widest distance, and by odious tales and false imputations make you irreconciliable: nay make you even ready to cut one anothers throates; or by this division prepare you for your common adversaries to cut both yours and theirs too; difference in judgement there will be, untill love have a more powerfull working in our hearts : wee should therefore like wise men at least beare with one anothers infirmities : love will cover all that can bee called infirmity; but resolved malice love itselfe will punish. Such opinions as are not destructive to humane society, nor blaspheme the worke of our Redemption, may be peaceably endured, and considered in love: and in case of conspiracy against our common liberty, what a·madnesse is it for men to stand in strife about petty opinions? for who are all those that are so much railed at by our common Preachers? who are they say they? why, they are the most dangerous Anabaptists, Brownists, and Separatists: that are enemies to all order and decency, that cry down all learning and all government in the Church, or Common-wealth. (Beloved) to my knowledge these things are not true of any of them: it is true, they cannot do all things so orderly and decently as they would, because they are hunted into corners, and from one corner to another, and are not free to exercise their consciences, as had they liberty they might, and would; And as for learning, as learning goes now adaies, what can any judicious man make of it, but as an Art to deceive and abuse the understandings of men, and to mislead them to their mine? if it be not so, whence comes it that the Universities, and University men throughout the Kingdome in great numbers are opposers of the welfare of the Common-wealth, and are pleaders for absurdities in government, arguers for tyranny, and corrupt the judgements of their neighbours? no man can be so simple as to imagine that they conceive it not lawfull, or not usefull for men to understand the Hebrew, Greeke, or Latine: but withall, if they conceive there is no more matter in one language then another, nor no cause why men should be so proud for understanding of languages, as therefore to challenge to themselves the sole dealing in all spirituall matters; who (I say) can blame them for this judgement? they desire that a mans ability of judgement should be proved by the cleare expression of necessary truths, rather then by learning: and since the Scriptures are now in English, which at first were in Hebrew, Greeke, or Syriack, or what other language; why may not one that understands English onely, both understand and declare the true meaning of them as well as an English Hebrician, or Grecian, or Roman whatsoever? I, but saies some politick learned man, a man that doth not understand the Originall language, cannot so perfectly give the sense

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of the Scripture, as he that doth: or as one that makes it his study for ten or twenty yeares together, and hath no other employment: everyman being best skilled in his owne profession wherein he hath been bred and accustomed. I did well to say some politicke learned man might thus object: for indeed what is here but policie? for it be as such men would imply, I pray what are you the better for having the Scripture in your owne language: when it was lock'd up in the Latine tongue by the policie of Rome, you might have had a learned Fryar for your money at any time to have interpreted the same! and though now you have it in your owne language, you are taught not to trust your owne understanding, (have a care of your purses) you must have an University man to interpret the English, or you are in as bad a case as before but not in worse; for, for your money you may have plenty at your service, & to interpret as best shall please your fancie. Let me prevaile with you to free your selves from this bondage, and to trust to your owne considerations in any thing that is usefull for your understandings and consciences: and ajudge more charitably of your brethren, & understand what learning is, and to make those that cause divisions among you, and you shall finde that they are learned men, & not unlearned. The learned man must live upon the unlearned, and therefore when the unlearned shall presume to know as much as the learned, hath not the learned man cause to bestir his wits, and to wrangle too when his Copy-hold is in such danger? I pray what was the cause that Demetr and the Craftsmen cried out, great is Diana of the Ephesians, whom al Asia and the world worship? was it the love to the goddesse or her worship? no, we find it was their covetousnesse and particular gaine? What is it els to cry out, great is learning, great are the Universities, who shall answer an adversary? (money answereth all things) ambition covetousnesse, disdaine, pride, and luxury are the things aimed at: and if it be not so, by the fruits you shall certainly know. As for government, those that are accused are not guilty, for they are enemies onely to usurpations, and innovations, and exorbitances in government: indeed they are haters of tyranny, and all arbitrary power, but no other: and therefore those that falsely accuse them, are they that cause and foment divisions amongst you: therefore marke them, and be not deceived by their dissembled insinuations to hold you in division, whilst they have opportunity to make a prey of you. You know there are Wolves in Sheepes cloathing: be wise as Serpents, able to discover them, innocent as Doves, gently bearing with the infirmities of the weake, having nothing in more esteeme then love: thus you will answer love with love: that henceforwards your owne soules may constantly witnes to your selves (what this Scripture expresseth) That the love of God bringing salvation to all men hath appeared, teaching you to live soberly, righteously, and godly in this present world: Now unto him that hath loved us, and washed away our sinnes in his owne bloud, be praise and glory for ever, Amen.

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[The text is taken from John Liburne, England's Birth-Right Justified Against All A rbitrary Usurpation, (n.p. : October, 1 645).]

England's Birth-Right Justified In the 1 50. page of the Booke called, An exact Collection of the Parliaments Remonstrances, Declarations, &c. published by speciall Order of the House of Commons, March 24. 1 642. we find there a Question answered, fit for all men to take notice of in these sad times; which followeth. Now in our extreame distractions, when forraigne forces threaten, and probably are invited, and a malignant and Papish party at home offended, the Devil/ hath cast a bone, and rais'd a Contestation between the KING and PARLIA MENTtouching the MILITIA. His Majestie claims the disposing ofit to be in Him by the right of Law; The Parliament saith, Rebus sic santibus, and nolenti Rege, the Ordering of it is in them? Ans Which Question, may receive its solution by this distinction. That there is in Laws and equitable, and a literall sense. His Majestie (let it be granted) is intrusted by Law with the Militia, but it is for the good and preservation of the Republick, against Forraign Invasions or domestick Rebellions. For it cannot be supposed that the Parliament would ever by Law intrust the King with the Militia against themselves, or the Common-wealth, that intrusts them to provide for their weal, not for their woe. So that when there is certain appearance or grounded suspition, that the Letter of the Law shall be improved against the equitie of it (that is, the publick good, whether of the body reall or representative) then the Commander going against its equity, gives liberty to the commanded to refuse obedience to the Letter: for the Law taken abstract from its originall reason and end is made a shell without a kernell, a shadow without a substance, and a body without a soul. It is the execution of Laws according to their equity and reason, which (as I may say) is the spirit that gives life to Authority the Letter kills. Nor need this equity be expressed in the Law, being so naturally implyed and supposed in all Laws that are not meerly Imperiall, from that Analogie which all bodies Politick hold with the Naturall; whence all Government and Governours borrow a proportionable respect; And therefore When the Militia of an Army is committed to the Generall, it is not with any expresse condition, that he shall not turn the mouthes of his Cannons against his own Souldiers, for that is so naturally and necessarily implyed, that its needlesse to be expressed, insomuch as if he did attempt or command such a thing against the nature of his trust and place, it did ipsofacto estate the Army in a right of Disobedience, except we think that obedience binds Men to cut their owne throats, or at least their companions. And indeed if this distinction be not allowed, then the legall and mixt Monarchy

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is the greatest Tyranny; for if Laws invest the King in an absolute power, and the Letter be not controlled by the equity, then whereas other Kings that are absolute Monarchs, and rule by Will and not by Law are Tyrants perforce. Those that rule by Law, and not by Will, have hereby a Tyranny confer'd upon them legally, and so the very end of Laws, which is to give bounds and limits to the exorbitant wills of Princes, is by the laws themselves disappointed, for they hereby give corroboration (and much more justification) to an arbitrary Tyranny, by making it Iegall, not assumed; whioo Laws are o rdained to cross; not countenance : and therefore is the Letter (where it seems absolute) alwayes to receive qualification from the equity, else the foresaid absurdity must follow. So farre in Parliaments own words. It is confessed by all rationall men, that the Parliament hath a power to annull a Law, and to make a new Law, and to declare a Law, but known Laws in force & unrepealed by them, are a Rule (so long as they so remain) for all the Commons of England whereby to walk; and upon rationall grounds is conceived fo be binding to the very Parliament themselves as well as others . And though by their legislative power they have Authority to make new Laws, yet no free-man of England is to take notice (or can he) of what they intend till they declare it : neither can they, as is conceived, justly punish any man for walking closely to the knowne and declared Law, though it cross some pretended Priviledge of theirs, remaining onely in their own breasts. Fo r where there is no Law declared, there can be no transgression; therefore it is very requisite, that the Parliament would declare their Priviledges to the whole Commons ofEngland, that so no man may through ignorance (by the Parliaments default) run causelessly into the hazard of the losse of their lives, liberties, or estates: for here it is acknowledged by themselves, that their Power is limited by those that betrust them; and that they are not to doe what they list, but what they ought, namely to provide for the peoples weal, and not for their woe : so that unknown Priviledges are as dangero us as unlimited Prerogatives, being both of them secret snares, expecially for the best affected people. It is the greatest hazard and danger that · can be run unto, to disart the o nely known and declared Rule; the laying aside whereof brings in nothing but Will and Power, lust and strength, and so the strongest to carry all away; for it is the known, established, declared, and unrepealed Law, that tells all the Free-men of England, that the Knights and Burgesses chosen according to Law, and sent to make up the Parliament, are those that all the Commons of England (who send and choose them) are to obey. But take away this declared Law: and where will you find the rule of Obedience? and if there be no rule of Obedience, th�n it must necessarily follow, that if a greater and stronger number come to a Parliament sitting, and tell them that they are more and stronger then themselves, and therefore they shall not make Laws for them, but they will rather make Laws for them, must they not needs give place? undoubtedly they must. Yea, take away the declared, unrepealed Law, and then where is Jdeum& Tuum, and Libertie, and Propertie? But you will say, the Law declared, binds the People, but is no rule for a Parliament fitting, who are not to walke by a knowne Law. It is answered: It cannot be imagined that ever Jhe People would be so sottish, as to give such a Power to those whom they choosefor their Servants; for this were to

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give them a Power to provide for their woe, but not for their weal. . . which is contrary to their own foregoing Maxim. From the equity and letter of which Lawes, it is desired that our learned Lawyers would Answer these insuing QUERIES. 1. Whether the Letter and equity of this Law doe not binde the very Parliament themselves, during the time of their sitting, in the like cases here expressed, to the same Rules here laid downe? Which if it should be denied, Then 2. Whether the Parliament itself, when it is sitting, be not bound to the observation of the Letter and equity ofthis Law, when they have to doe with Free­ men, that in all these actions and expressions have declared faithfulness to the Common-wealth? And if this be denied; Then 3. Whether ever God made any man law-lesse? Or whether ever the Common­ wealth, when they choose the Parliament, gave them a lawlesse unlimited Power, and at their pleasure to walke contrary to their own Laws and Ordinances before they have repealed them? 4. Whether it be according to Law, Justice, or Equity, for the Parliament to Imprison or punish a man for doing what they command him, and by Oath injoyne him? 5. Whether it be legall, just or equall, that when Free-men doe endeavour according to their duty, Oath, and Protestation, to give in Information to the Parliament of Treason acted and done by Sir John Lenthall, against the State and Kingdome, and long since communicated to several Members of the House of Commons, but by them concealed and smothered; and now by God's Providence brought upon the sage againe, and during the time that Inquisition is made of it before the Committee of Examination, before any legal/ charge befixed upon Sir John Lenthall, or be required to make any Answer or Defence, that he shall be present to out-face, discourage, and abuse the Informers and Witnesses in theface of the Committee, without any check or control/ from them? And sometimes, while they are sitting about the Examination of his Treason, that he shall sit down beside them with his hat on, as if he were one of them, and that he shall injoyfrom the Committee ten times morefavour and respect, then the just, bones, and legal/ Informers against him; who by some of the Committees themselves, while they are sitting, are threatned, }eared, nick-named, and otherwayes most shamefully abused. Yea, and thefriends of the Infarmersfor the State are kept without doores, and the friends of the accused admitted to come in alwayes without control/, and during the Examination of the Information, that the Committee shall refuse to remove the Informers out of Sir John Lenthalls custody of Kings-bench, to another Prison, although they have been truly infarmed, that he hath set Instruments on work to murther them, and also importuned to remove them. 6. Whether it be not most agreeable to Law, Justice and Equity, that seeing Sir John Lenthall, having so many friends in the House conectned in the businesse, that he should not rather be tried by the same Counce/I of Warre in London, where Sir John Hotham and his Sonne were, then at the Parliament, his principal/ crime being against the Law Marshall as theirs was? 7. Whether to answer to an Indictment, when a man is demanded Guilty or not Guilty, be not a criminal/ Interrogatory, concerning a mans selfe, and so a man not by law bound to Answer to it, especially seeing to a Consciencious man, who dare

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not lie, it is a great snare, who if he be indicted of a thing he hath done or spoken, dare not plead, Not Guilty, for feare of lying, and if he plead guilty, he shall become a self-destroyer (contrary to the law of Nature, which teacheth a man to preserve but not destroy himself) in declaring that which per adventure all his Adversaries would never be able to prove against him. And Whether it be not more suitable and agreeable to the true intent a/Magna Carta (expressed in the 28 Chap. thereof) where it is said, No Bailiffe from henceforth shall put any man to his open Law, not to an Oath upon his owne bare saying, without faithfull Witnesse brought in for the same, and to the time intent and meaning of the Petition of Right, and the Act made this present Parliament for the abolishing the Star- Chamber, etc. For a free-man to have a charge laid against him, and his A dversaries brought face to face to prove it, and then the Accused to have liberty to make the best defence for himself he can, which was the practise amongst the very Heathen Romans, who had no light but the Light of Nature to guide them, Act. 25. 16. Yea, Christ himself, when his enemies endeavoured to catch him by • lnterrogateries, he puts them off, without an Answer. Luke 22. 67, 68, 70, Chap. 23.3. Yea, when the High Priest asked him about his Disciples, and his Doctrine, He answers, Hee ever taught openly, and therefore saith, he, Why aske ye mee? aske them that heard me for they know what I said, John 18, 20, 2 1. Hence justly it is conceived, that the Parliament may not condemne that man for concerning their Authoritie, who refuseth to answer to Interrogatories before them the Supreame Court, who answereth to Interrogatories in the like case before an inferiour Court, but you will say, it is the usuall practice of the COMMON-LAW, the Question is whether that practise be just or no? or whether any Law in practice in the KINGDOME of England doth binde the Free-men thereof, but what is made and declared by Common Consent in Parliament? and whether or no is there, or ought there not to be a plaine platforme agreed on, and laid down by the Parliament concerning things of so high consequence to all the Commons of England? and seeing the Parliament hath taken care that the Bible shall be in English, that so Laymen (as they call them) may read it as well as the Clergy, ought they not also to be as carefull, that all the binding Lawes in England be in English likewise, that so every Free-man may reade it as well as Lawyers (seeing they have Lives, Liberties and Estates as well as the other) and peaceably enjoy them no longer then they continue in the observation of the Laws of this Kingdom; whereof they are Members: and seeing the Lawyers are so full of broyles and contentions, and grow so rich and great thereby; have not the people cause to beleeve they drive on an Interest of their owne, distructrive to the Peoples well­ fare; yea juggle, and put false glosses upon the Law (meerly) for their own ends : Seeing so great a part of it is in an unknown tongue, (which the Commons call Pedlers-french, or Heathen- Greeke,) even as our State Clergy did in the daies of old before the Scripture was tollerated to be in English, in which dayes they could easily make the poor poeple beleeve the Poopes unwritten verities were as binding as Scripture Rules, which the Lawyers have given the Commons just cause to fear, is their present practise with law Cases; many of which are besides the Rule of the Statute-law, and also against Justice, Equity and Conscience, tending to no other end, but to inslave the People?

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8. Whether it be notjust and equal!, that seeing Monopolisers were blown out of the House about Faure years agoe, as infringers upon the Common right ofall the free-men of England, in setting up Pattents of Soape, Salt, Lether, &c. why should not those be partakers of the same justice now, that have been chief sticklers in setting up greater Patentees then ever the former were? As first the Patent of ingrossing the Preaching of the Word only to such men as weare Black and rough garments to deceive, Zech. 13. 4. and have had a Cannonicall Ordination from the Bishops, and so from the Pope, and consequently from the Diven, although the Spirit of God doth command every man that hath received a gift to minister the same one to another, as good Stewards of the manifold grace of God, I Pet. 4. 1 0, 1 1 . And although ignorance and blindnesse be so universall all over the Kingdome, experience teaching, that where that most abounds they draw their swords soonest against the Parliament and Common-wealth (and so consequently against themselves, and continue the longest in their Rebellion, as now wee have woefull experience, yet these grand Monopolizers will neither goe amongst them themselves, nor suffer others without severe punishment to instruct and teach them the Principles of Christianity,or Morallity, by means of which they become destroyers and murderers of soules and bodies, and enemies to the very Civill societies of Mankind. . . . The third Monopoly, is that insufferable, unjust and tyrannical Monopoly of Printing, whereby a great company of the very same Malignant fellows that Canterbury and his Malignant party engaged in their Arbitrary Designes, against both the Peoples and Parliaments just Priviledges (who turning with every winde, doe endeavour by all possible means, as well now as then, to sell and betray the Kingdome for their own gaine,) are invested with an Arbitrary unlimmitted Power, even by a generall Ordinance of Parliament, to print, divulge and disperse whatsoever Books, Pamphlets and Li bells they please, though they be full of Lyes, and tend to the poysoning of the Kingdom with unjust and Tyrannicall Principles. And not only so, but most violently (even now in Parliament time, which should be like a cryed Faire, and each one free to make the best use of their Ware, both for the publick and their own private good) to suppresse every thing which hath any true Declaration of the just Rights and liberties of the free-borne people of this Nation, and to brand and traduce all such Writers and Writings with the odious termes Sedition, Conspiracie and Treason, but to countenance and authorize such as shall calumniate them, and so both accept & reward such men far better then their most faithfull servants and best advancers, just as the Bishops formerly did against both the Scots, and the Parliament themselves. They doe not rest here neither, but are yet further authorized with a generall Ordinance of this very Parliament, contrary to all law, justice, equity and reason, under pretence of searching for scandalous Books, to call numbers of debays men with Smiths and Constables, yea and the trained Bands also (when they please) to assist them, and in most bold and tumultuous manner to break open and rifle, even the Parliaments owne (in all their greatest dangers, troubles & distresses) most faithfull friends Houses, Chests, Truncks and Drawers; and from thence to rob, steale, and felloniously to carry away such of the Possessors proper goods, choice Linnens, and best things, as they please, as well as Books new and old, after they have put the owners themselves out of doores, and commanded Constables to carry them before a Committee, and thence to Prison. .. .

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The next Monopoly, it is to be feared will be upon Bread and Beere, for as justly may there be a Monopoly upon them, as upon the former. Oh Englishmen ! Where is your freedoms? and what is become of your liberties and Priviledges that you have been fighting for all this while, to the large expense of your Bloods and Estates, which was hoped would have procured your liberties and freedoms? but rather, as some great ones Order it, ties you faster in bondage and slavery, then before; therefore look about you betimes, before it be too late, and give not occasion to your Children yet unborne to curse you, for making them slaves by your covetousnesse, cowardly basenesse, and faint-heartednesse; therefore up as one man, and in a just and legall way call those to account, that endeavour to destroy you, and betray your Liberties and Freedomes . . . .

C [The text is taken from Jerrard Winstanly, A Watch- Word to the City of London and the Armie . . . , ( London: Giles Calvert, 1 649).]

A Watch-Word to the City To the City of London, Freedome and Peace desired. Thou City of London, I am one of thy sons by freedome, and I do truly love thy peace; while I had an estate in thee, I was free to offer my Mite into thy publike Treasury Guild-hall, for a preservation to thee and the whole Land; but by thy cheating sons in the theeving art of buying and selling, and by the burdens of, and for the Souldiery in the beginning of the war, I was beaten out both of estate and trade, and forced to accept of the good will of friends crediting of me, to live a Countrey-life, and there likewise by the burthen of Taxes and much Freequarter, my weak back found the burthen heavier then I could bear, yet in all the passages of these eight yeers troubles I have been willing to lay out what my Talent was, to procure Englands peace inward and outward, and yet all along I have found such as in words have professed the same cause, to be enemies to me. Not a full yeere since, being quiet at my work, my heart was filled with sweet thoughts, and many things were revealed to me which I never read in books, nor heard from the mouth of any flesh, and when I began to speak of them, some people could not bear my words, and amongst those revelations this was one, That the earth shall be made a common Treasury of livelihood to whole mankind, without respect ofpersons; and I had a voice within me bad me declare it all abroad, which I did obey, for I declared it by word of mouth wheresoever I came, then I was made to write a little book called The new Law ofrighteousnesse, and therein I declared it; yet my mind

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was not at rest, because nothing was acted, and thoughts run in me, that words and writings were all nothing, and must die, for action is the life ofall, and if thou dost not act, thou dost nothing. Within a little time I was made obedient to the word in that particular likewise; for I tooke my spade and went and broke the ground upon George-hill in Surrey, thereby declaring freedome to the Creation, and that the earth must be set free from intanglements of Lords and Landlords, and that it shall become a common Treasury to all, as it was first made and given to the sonnes of men: For which doing the D ragon presently casts a flood of water to drown the manchild, even that freedom that now is declared for the old Norman Prerogative Lord of that Mannour M Drake, causes me to be arrested for a trespasse against him, in digging upon that barren Heath, and the unrighteous proceedings of Kingstone Court in the businesse I have here declared to thee, and to the whole land, that you may consider the case that England is in; all men have stood for freedome thou hast kept fasting daies, and prayed in morning exercises for freedome thou hast given thanks for victories, because hopes of freedome; plenty of Petitions and promises thereupon have been made for freedome, and now the common enemy is gone, you are all like men in a mist, seeking for freedom, and know not where, nor what it is: and those of the richer sort of you that see it, are ashamed and afraid to owne it, because it comes clothed in a clownish garment, and open to the best language that scoffing Ishmael can afford, or that railing Rabsheka can speak, or furious Pharaoh can act against him; for freedom is the man that will turn the world upside downe, therefore, no wonder he hath enemies. And assure your selves, if you pitch not right now upon the right point of freedome in action, as your Covenant hath it in words, you will wrap up your children in greater slavery than ever you were in : the Word of God is Love, and when all thy actions are done in love to the whole Creation, then thou advancest freedome, and freedome is Christ in you, and Christ among you; bondage is Satan in you, and Satan among you: no true freedom can be established for Englands peace, or prove you faithfull in Covenant, but such a one as hath respect to the poor, as well as the rich; for if thou consent to freedom to the rich in the City and givest freedome to the Freeholders in the Countrey, and to Priests and Lawyers, and Lords of MannourS, and lmpropriators, and yet allowest the poor no freedome; thou art then a declared hypocrite, and all thy prayers, fasts, and thanksgivings are, and will be proved an abomination to the Lord, and freedome himselfe will be the po ors portion, when thou shalt lie groaning in bondage. I have declared this truth to the Army and Parliament, and now I have declared it to thee likewise, that none of you that are the fleshly strength of this Land may be left without excuse, for now you have been all spoken to, and because I have obeyed the voice of the Lord in this thing, therefore doe the Free-holders and Lords of Mannours seek to oppresse me in the outward livelihood of the world , but I am in peace. And London, nay England look to thy freedom, I'le assure thee, thou art very neere to be cheated of it, and if thou lose it now after all thy boasting, truly thy posterity will curse thee, for thy unfaithfulnesse to them: every one talks of freedome, but there are but few that act for freedome, and the actors for freedome are oppressed by the talkers and verball professors of freedome; if thou wouldst know what true freedome be read over this and other my writings, and thou shalt see it lies in the community in spirit, and community in the earthly treasury, and this is Christ the true manchild spread abroad in the Creation,

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restoring all things into himselfe; and so I leave thee, August 26. 1649. Being a free Denizon of thee, and a true lover of thy peace, Jerrard Winstanly, WATCH-WORD TO THE CITY OF LONDON, AND THE ARMY. Whereas we Henry Bickerstaffe, Thomas Star, and Jerrard Winstanly, were arrested into Kingstone Court, by Thomas Wenman, Ralph Verny, and Richard Winwood, for a trespasse in digging upon George-hill in Surrey, being the rights of Mr. Drake the Lord of that Mannour, as they say, we all three did appear the first Court day of our arrest and demanded of the Court, what was laid to our Charge, and to give answer thereunto our selves: But the answer of your Court was this, that you would not tell us what the Trespasse was, unlesse we would fee an Attorney to speak for us; we told them we were to plead our own cause, for we knew no Lawyer that we could trust with this businesse: we desired a copie of the Declaration, and profered to pay for it; and still you denied us, unlesse we would fee an Attorney. But in conclusion, the Recorder of your Court told us, the cause was not entred; we appeared two Court daies after this, and desired to see the Declaration, and still you denied us, unlesse we will fee an Attorney; so greedy are these Attorneys after money, more then to justifie a righteous cause: we told them we could not fee any, unlesse we would willfully break our Nationall Covenant, which both Parliament and people have taken joyntly together to endeavour a Reformation. And unlesse we would be professed Traytors to this Nation and Common-wealth of England, by upholding the old Norman tyrannicall and destructive Lawes, when they are to be cast out of equity, and reason be the Moderator. Then seeing you would not suffer us to speak, one of us brought this following writing into your Court, that you might read our answer because we would acknowledge all righteous proceedings in Law, though some slander us, and say we deny all Law, because we deny the corruption in Law, and endeavour a Reformation in our place and calling according to that Nationall Covenant: and we know if your Lawes be built upon equity and reason, you ought both to have heard us speak and read our answer; for that is no righteous Law, whereby to keep a Common-wealth in peace, when one sort shall be suffered to speak, and not another, as you deal with us, to passe sentence and execution upon us before both sides be heard to speak. This principle in the forehead of your Laws, foretells destruction to this Common-wealth: for it declares that the Laws that follow such refusall, are selfish and theevish, and full of murder, protecting all that get money by their Laws, and crushing all others. The writer hereof does require Mr. Drake, as he is a Parliament man; therefore a man counted able to speak rationally, to plead this cause of digging with me, and if he shew a just and rationall title, that Lords of Mannours have to the Commons, and that they have a just power from God, to call it their right, shutting out others; then I will write as much against it, as ever I writ for this cause. But if I shew by the Law of Righteousnesse, that the poorest man hath as true a title and just right to the Land, as the richest man, and that undeniably the earth ought to be a common

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treasury of livelihood for all, without respecting persons: Then I shall require no more of Mr. Drake, but that he would justifie our cause of digging, and declare abroad, that the Commons ought to be free to all sorts, and that it is a great trespasse before the Lord God Almighty, for one to hinder another of his liberty to dig the earth, that he might feed and cloath himself with the fruits of his labor therefrom freely, without owning any Landlord, or paying any rent to any person of his own kind. I sent this following answer to the Arrest, in writing into Kingstone Court: In foure passages, your Court hath gone contrary to the righteousnesse of your own Statute Laws: for first it is mentioned in 36 Ed. 3, 1 5, that no Processe, Warrant, or Arrest should be served, till after the cause was recorded and entred; but your Bailiffe either could not, or would not tell us the cause when he arrested us, and Mr. Rogers your Recorder told us the first Court day we appeared, that our cause was not entred. Secondly, we appeared two other Court daies, and desired a copy of the Declaration, and profered to pay for it, and you denied us. This is contrary to equity and reason, which is the foundation your Lawes are, or should be built upon, if you would have England to be a Common-wealth and stand in peace. Thirdly, we desired to plead our own cause, and you denied us, but told us we must fee an Attorney to speak for us, or els you would mark us for default in not appearance. This is contrary to your own Laws likewise, for in 28. Ed. 1 . 1 1 chap. there is freedome given to a man to speak for himself, or els he may choose his father, friend or neighbor to plead for him, without the help of any other Lawyer. Fourthly, you have granted a judgement against us, and are proceeding to an execution, and this is contrary likewise to your own Laws, which say, that no plaint ought to be received, or judgement passed, till the cause be heard, and witnesses present, to testifie the plaint to be true as Sir Edward Cook 2.part of Institutes upon the 29. chap. of Magna Charla, fol. 5 1 . 52. 53. The Mirror of Justice. But that all men may see, we are neither ashamed nor afraid, to justifie that cause we are arrested for, neither to refuse to answer to it in a righteous way, therefore we have here delivered this up in writing, and we leave it in your hands, disavowing the proceedings of your Court, because you uphold Prerogative oppression, though the Kingly office be taken away, and the Parliament hath declared England a Common-Wealth; so that Prerogative Laws cannot be in force, unlesse you be besotted by your covetousnesse and envy. We deny that we have trespassed against those three men, or Mr. Drake either, or that we should trespasse against any, if we should dig up, or plow for a livelihood, upon any the wast Land in England, for thereby we break no particular Law made by any Act of Parliament, but only an ancient custome, bred in strength of Kingly Prerogative, which is that old Law or custome, by which Lords of Mannours lay claime to the Commons, which is of no force now to bind the people of England, since the Kingly power and office was cast out; and the common people, who have cast out the oppressor, by their purse and person, have not authorized any as yet, to give away from them their purchased freedome; and if any assume a power to give away or withhold this purchased freedome, they are Traytors to this Common-Wealth of England: and if they imprison, oppresse, or put to death any for standing to maintaine the purchased freedome, they are murderers and thieves, and no just rulers.

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Therefore in the light of reason and equity, and in the light of the Nationall Covenant, which Parliament and people have taken, with joynt consent: all such Prerogative customes, which by experience we have found to burden the Nation, ought to be cast out, with the Kingly office, and the Land of England now ought to be a free Land, and a common treasury to all her children, otherwise it cannot properly be called a Common-Wealth. Therefore we justifie our act of digging upon that hill, to make the earth a common treasurie. First, betause the earth was made by Almighty God, to be a common treasury of livelihood for whole mankind in all his branches, without respect of persons; and that not any one according to the Word of God (which is love) the pure Law of righteousnesse ought to be Lord or landlord over another, but whole mankind was made equall, and knit into one body by one spirit of love, which is Christ in you the hope of glory, even all the members of mans body, called the little world, are united into equality of love, to preserve the whole body. But since the fall of man there from, which came in by the rising up of covetousnesse in the heart of mankind (to which Serpent the man consented) and from thence mankind was called A-dam: for this covetousnesse makes mankind to be a stoppage of freedome in the creation and by this covetous power, one branch of mankind began to lift up himself above another, as Cain lifted up himself, and killed his brother Abel: and so one branch did kill and steal away the comfortable use of the earth from another, as it is now: the elder brother lives in a continuall theevery, stealing the Land from the younger brother. And the plain truth is, theeves and murderers upheld by preaching witches and deceivers, rule the Nations: and for the present, the Laws and Government of the world, are Laws of darknesse, and the divells Kingdome, for covetousnesse rules all. And the power of the sword over brethren in Armies, in Arrests, in Prisons, in gallows, and in other inferiour torments, indicted by some upon others, as the oppression of Lords of Mannours, hindring the poore from the use of the common Land, is Adam fallen, or Cain killing Abel to this very day. And these Prerogative oppressors, are the Adamites & Cainites that walk contrary to the Word of God (which is love) by upholding murder and theft, by Laws which their Fathers made, and which they now justifie; for in the conquests that Kings got, their Ancestors did murder and kill, and steal away the earth, and removed the Land mark from the conquered, and made Laws to imprison , torment, or put to death, all that would · adventure to take the Land from them againe, and left both that stoln Land, and murdering Laws to their children, the Lords of Mannours, and Freeholders, who now with violence, do justifie their Fathers wickednesse by holding fast, that which was left them by succession . For what are all the Laws of the Nations, in this corrupt covetous Government, lifting up one branch of Adam mankind above another, the Conqueror, above the conquered, or those that have power above them that are weak, I say what are they, but Laws of murder and theft, yea enmity itself, against the Law of righteousnesse, which is love, which makes people do, as they would be done unto? And so all Kingly power, (in one or many mens hands) raigning by the sword, giving the use of the earth to some of mankind (called by him his Gentry) and denying the free use of the Earth to others, called the younger brothers, or common people, is no other but Cain lifted up above A bel; the Prerogative Lawes is Belzebub, for they are the strength of covetousnesse and bondage in the

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creation, lifting up one, and casting down another: the Atturneys, and Priests, and Lawyers, and Bayliffs are servants to Belzebub, and are Devils; their Prisons, Whips, and Gallows are the torments of this Hell, or government of darknesse; for mind it all along, and you shall see, that covetousnesse and bitter envie gets freedome by these Lawes; But the sincere and meek in spirit, is trod underfoot. And this is that power, that hath made such havock in the Creation, it is that murderer and Devill that is to be cast out: this power of covetousnesse, is he that does countenance murder and theft in them that maintaines his Kingdom by the sword of Iron, and punishes it in other; and so that which is called a sin in the Common people, if they act such things, is counted no sin in the action of Kings, because the have they [sic] power of the sword in their hands, the fear whereof makes people to feare them. But since this Kingly Office by the Parliament, is cast out of England, and England by them is declared to be a free State or Common-wealth, we are in the first place thereby set free from those bonds and ties that the Kings laid upon us: Therefore this Tyranny of one over another, as of Lords of Mannors over the Common people, and for people to be forced to hire Lawyers to plead their causes for them, when they are able to plead themselves, ought to be taken away with the Kingly Office, because they are the strength of the Ancient Prerogative custom. Secondly we justifie our digging upon George's hill to make the Earth a common Treasury, because all sorts of people have lent assistance of purse and person to cast out the Kingly Office, as being a burden England groaned under; therefore those from whom money and blood was received, ought to obtain freedom in the Land to themselves and Posterity, by the Law of contract between Parliament and People. But all sorts, poor as well as rich, Tenant as well as Landlord, have paid Taxes, Free-quarter, Excise, or adventured their lives, to cast out that Kingly Office. Therefore, all sorts of people ought to have freedom in the Land of this their nativity, without respecting persons, now the Kingly Office is cast out, by their j oynt assistance. And those that doe imprison, oppresse and take away the livelihood of those that rise up to take Possession of this purchased freedome, are Traitors _to this Nation, and Enemies to righteousnesse: And of this number are those men that have arrested, or that may arrest the Diggers, that endeavour to advance freedome, therefore I say all sorts ought to have their freedom. And that in regard they have not only j oyned persons and purses together, but in regard likewise, they took the Nationall Covenant, with j oynt consent together, which the Parliament did make, of whom Mr. Drake that caused us to be arrested was one; which Covenant likewise the Ministers in their Sermons, most vehemently prest upon the people to take the intent whereof was this, That every one in his severall place and calling, should endeavor the peace, safety and freedom of England and that the Parliament should assist the people, and the people the Parliament, and every one that had taken it, should assist those that had taken it, while they were in pursuit thereof, as in the sixth Article of the Nationall Covenant. But now Mr. Drake that was one that made this Covenant, and the Surrey Ministers that took it with great zeal at Kingstone, which l was eye witnesse to, and shall be of their hypocrisie therein, have set up a Lecturer at Cobham one purpose to drive off the Diggers to forsake the persuit of their Covenant are the

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most vehement to break Covenant and to hinder them that wo uld keep it, neither entring into . peace themselves, nor suffering them that are entring in to enter. But in regard some of us did dig upon George's Hill, thereby to take Possession of that freedom we have recovered out of the hands of the Kingly Office, and thereby endeavour a Reformation in our place and calling according to the Word of God (which is Love:) And while we are in persuit of this our Covenant, we expect both Parliament that made the Covenant, and the Officers of this Court, and Parish Ministers, and. Lords of Mannoi;s themselves, and especially Mr . Drake, to assist us herein, against all that shall oppose us in this righteous work of making the Earth a common Treasury; and not to beat us, imprison us, or take away our estates or lives, unlesse they will wilfully break Covenant with God and man, to please their own covetous froward heart, and thereby declare themselves to be the worst of Devils . Therefore, in that we doe dig upon that Hill, we do not thereby take away other mens rights, neither do we demand of this Court, or from the Parliament, what is theirs and not o urs: But we demand our own to be set free to us and them o ut of the • Tyranicall oppression of ancient custome of Kingly Prerogative; and let us have no more gods to rule over us, but the King of righteousnesse only. Therefore as the Free-holders claime a quietnesse and freedom in their inclosures, as it is fit they should have, so we that are younger brothers, or the poore oppressed, we claime our freedome in the Commons, that so elder and younger brother may live quietly and in peace, together freed from the straits of poverty and oppression, in this Land of our nativitie. Thus we have in writing 'declared in effect, what we should say, if we had liberty to speak before you, declaring withall, that your Court cannot end this Controversie in that equity and reason of it, which wee stand to maintaine: Therefore we have appealed to the Parliament, who have received our Appeal and promised an Answer, and we wait for it; And we leave this with you, and let Reason and righteousnesse be our Iudge; therefore we hope you will do nothing rashly, but seriously consider of this cause before you proceed to execution upon us. You say God will blast our work, and you say, you are in the right, and we are in the wrong: Now if you be Christians, as you say you are; Then do you act love to us, as we doe to you; and let both sides waite with patience on the Lord, to see who he blesses; but if you oppose by violence, arrest us,judge, condemn and execute us, and yet will not suffer us to speak for o ur selves, but you will force us to give money to our Enemies to speak for us, surely you cannot say your cause is right; but hereby you justifie our cause to be right, because you are the Persecutors of a loving meek spirited people, and so declare that the God you say that will blast us, is covetousnesse, whom you serve by your persecuting power. Covetous might may overcome rational/ right for a time, But rational/ right must conquer covetous m ight, and that's the life of mine. The Law is righteous, just and good, when Reason is the rule, But who so rules by the fleshly will, declares himself a foole. Well, this same writing was delivered into their Court, but they cast it away and would not read it, and all was because I would not fee an Atturney; and then the

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next Court day following, before there was any tryall of our cause, for there was none suffered to speak but the Plaintiffe, they passed a Judgement, and after that an Execution. Now their Iury was made of rich Free-holders, and such as stand strongly for the Norman power: And though our digging upon that barren Common hath done the Common good, yet this Jury brings in damages of ten pounds a man, and the charges of the Plaintiffe in their Court, twenty-nine shillings and a peny; and this was their sentence and the passing of the Execution upon us. And 2 dayes after (for in this case they can end a cause speedily in their Court; but when the Atturney and Lawyers get money they keep a cause depending seven yeares, to the utter undoing of the parties, so unrighteous is the Law, and Lawyers) I say, two dayes after they sent to execute the execution, and they put Henry Beckarstaffe in prison, but after three dayes, Mr. Drake released him again, Beckarstaffe not knowing of it till the release came; They seek after Thomas Star to imprison his body who is a poore man not worth ten pounds. Then they came privately by day to Gerrard Winstanleys house, and drove away foure Cowes; I not knowing of it and some of the Lords Tenants rode to the next Town shouting the diggers were conquered, the diggers were conquered. Truly it is an easie thing to beat a man, and cry conquest over him after his hands are tied, as they tyed ours. But if their cause be so good, why will they not suffer us to speak, and let reason and equity, the foundation of righteous Lawes, judge them and us. But strangers made rescue of those Cowes, and drove them astray out of the Bailiffes hands, so that the Bailiffes lost them; but before the Bailiffes had lost the Cowes, I hearing of it went to them and said here is my body, take me that I may come to speak to those Normans that have stolne our land from us; and let the Cowes go, for they are none of mine; and after some time, they telling me that they had nothing against my body, it was my goods they were to have; then said I, take my goods, for the Cowes are not mine; and so I went away and left them, being quiet in my heart, and filled with comfort within my self, that the King of righteousnesse would cause this to work for the advancing of his own Cause, which I prefer above estate or livelyhood, Saying within my heart as I went along, that if I could not get meat to eat, I would feed upon bread, milk and cheese; and if they take the Cowes, that I cannot feed on this, or hereby make a breach between me and him that owns the Cowes, then Ile feed upon bread and beere, till the King of righteousnesse clear up my innocency, and the justice of his own cause: and if this be taken from me for maintaining his Cause, Ile stand still and see what he will doe with me, for as yet I know not. Saying likewise within my heart as I was walking along, 0 thou King of righteousnesse shew thy power, and do thy work thy self, and free thy people now from under this heavy bondage of miserie, Pharaoh the covetous power. And the answer in my heart was satisfactory, and fu ll of sweet joy and peace: and so I said Father, do what thou wilt, this cause is thine, and thou knowest that the love to righteousnesse makes me do what I do. I was made to appeal to the Father of life in the speakings of my heart likewise thus: Father thou knowest that what I have writ or spoken, concerning this light, that the earth should be restored and become a common Treasurie for all mankind, without respect of persons, was thy free revelation to me, I never read it

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in any book, I heard it from no mouth of flesh till I understood it from thy teaching first within me. I did not study nor imagine the conceit of it; self-love to my own particular body does not carry me along in the mannaging of this businesse; but the power of love flowing forth to the liberty and peace of thy whole Creation, to enemies as well as friends: nay towards those that oppresse me, endeavouring to make me a beggar to them. And since I did obey thy voice, to speak and act this truth, I am hated, reproached, and oppressed on evere side. Such as make profession of thee, yet revil& me. And though they see I cannot fight with fleshly weapons, yet they will strive with me by that power. And so I see Father, that England yet does choose rather to fight with the Sword of Iron, and covetousnesse, then by the Sword of the Spirit which is love: and what thy purpose is with this land, or with my body, I know not; but establish thy power in me, and then do what pleases thee. These and such like sweet thoughts dwelt upon my heart as I went along, and I feel my self now like a man in a storm, standing under shelter upon a hill in peace, waiting till the storm be over to see the end of it, and of many other things that my eye is fixed upon: But I will let this passe, And return again to the Dragons Den, or Hornets nest, the selfish murdering fleshly Lawes of this Nation, which hangs some for stealing, and protects others in stealing; Lords of Mannours stole the land from their fe llow creatures formerly in the conquests of Kings, and now they have made Lawes to imprison and hang all those that seek to recover the land again out of their thieving murdering hands. They took away the Cowes which were my livelyhood, and beat them with their clubs, that the Cowes heads and sides did swell, which grieved tender hearts to see: and yet these Cowes never were upon George Hill, nor never digged upon that ground, and yet the poore beasts must suffer because they gave milk to feed me, but they were driven away out of those Devills hands the Bailiffes, and were delivered out of hell at that time. And thus Lords of Mannours, their Bailiffes the true upholders of the Norman power, and some Freeholders that doe oppose this publick work, are such as the countrey knowes have beene no friends to that Cause the Parliament declared for, but to the Kingly power; and now if they get the foot fast in the stirrup, they will lift themselves again into the Norman saddle; and they do it secretly; for they keep up the Norman Lawes, and thereby Traytours to freedome, get into places of Law and power, and by that will enslave England more then it was under the Kingly power. Therefore England beware; thou art in danger of being brought under the Norman power more then ever. The King Charles that was successour to William the Conquerour thou hast cast out: and though thy Parliament have declared against the Kingly office, and cast it out, and proclaimed England a Common wealth, that is to be a free land for the liberty and lively hood of all her children; Yet William the Conquerours Army begins to gather into head againe and the old Norman Prerogative Law is the place of their randezvous : for though their chief Captain Charles be gone, yet his Colonells, which are Lords of Mannours, his Councellours and Divines, which are our Lawyers and Priests, his inf eriour officers and Souldiers, which are the Freeholders and Land-lords, all which did steal away our Land from us when they kiJ1ed and murdered our Fathers in that Norman conquest: And the Bailiffes that are slaves to their covetous lusts and all

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the ignorant bawling women, against our digging for freedome, are the snapsack boyes and the ammunition sluts that follow the Norman Camp. These are all striving to get into a body againe, that they may set up a new Norman slaverie over us; and the place of their randezvous, Prerogative power is fenced already about, with a Line of Communication. An act made by a piece of the Parliament to maintain the old Lawes, which if once this Camp be fortified in his full strength , it will cost many a sighing heart, and burdened spirit before it is taken. And this Norman Camp are got into so numerous a body already, that they have appointed their Sutlers to drive away the Cowes which were my livelyhood, and some of them they would sell to make money of to pay the Atturney, Gilder, and Lawyers their fees, for denying the diggers o ur privilege to plead o ur own cause; for as it is clearly seen that if we be suffered to speak we shall batter to pieces all the old Lawes, and prove the maintainers of them hypocrites and Traitours to this Co mmon wealth of England, and then the Atturneys and Lawyers Trade goes down, and Lords of Mannours must be reckoned equall to other men. And this covetous flesh and blood cannot endure. And other of the Cows were to be killed to victuall the Camp, that is, to feed those Normans, Will Star & Ned Sutton, both Freeholders & others the snapsack boyes, and ammunition drabs that helped to drive away the Cows that they might be encouraged by a belly full of stoln goods to stick the closer to the businesse another time. Or else the price of these Cowes were to pay for the sack and Tobacco which the Norman officers of Knights, Gentlemen, and rich Freeholders did spend at the White Lion at Cobham, when they met the 24. of August 1649, to advise together what course they should take to subdue the diggers; for say they, if the cause of the diggers stand, we shall lose all o ur honour and titles, and we that have had the glory of the earth shall be of no more account then those slaves o ur servants and yonger brothers that have been footstools to us and o ur Fathers ever since the Norman William o ur beloved Generali took this land (not by love) but by a sharp sword, the power by which we stand: and though we own Christ by name, yet we will not do as he did to save enemies, but by our sword we will destroy o ur enemies, ·and do we not deserve the price of some of the diggers Cows to pay us for this our good service? And doe not o ur reverend Ministers tell us that William the Conquero ur, and the succeeding Kings were Gods anointed? And do not they say that our inclosures which were got by that murdering sword, and given by William the Conquerour to our Fathers, and so successively, from them, the land is o ur i�heritance, and that God gave it us, and shall these broken fellows, and beggarly rogues take o ur rights fro m us, and have the use of the land equall with us? Thus do these Norman Gentlemen comfort their hearts, and support themselves with broken reeds, when they meet together in their Counsels. But stay you Norman Gentlemen, let me put in a word amongst you, doth the murderers sword make any man to be Gods anointed? Surely, Iesus Christ was called Gods annointed not because he conquered with a Sword of iron, but because he conquered by love, and the spirit of patience: therefore your Generali was not Gods annointed, as Christ was. And then the Earth was not made to be the successive inheritance of children of murderers, that had the strongest arm of flesh, and the best sword, that can tread others under foot with a bold brasen forehead under colour of the Law of justice as

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the Norman power does; But it was made for all by the Law of righteousnesse, and he gives the whole Earth to be the inheritance of every single branch of mankind without respect of persons, and he that is filled with the love of this righteous King, doing as he would be done by is a true annointed one. Therefore, that god whom you serve, and which did intitle you Lords, Knights Gentlemen, and Landlords, is covetousnesse, the god of this world, which alwayes was a murderer, a devil and father of lies, under whose dark governing power, both you and all the nations.of the world for the present are under. But the King of righteousnesse or God of love whom I serve, did not call the earth your inheritance, shutting out others, but gave the earth to be a common treasurie to whole mankind (who is the Lord of it) without respect of person. This power of love, is the King of righteousnesse, the Lord G od Almighty that rules the whole Creation in peace, that is the Seed that breaks covetousnesse the Serpents head; he is the restoring power, that is now rising up to change all things into his own nature, he will be your ludge, for vengance is his; and for any wrong you have done me, as I can tell you of many, yet I have given all matters of . judgment and vengance into his hand, and I am sure he will doe right, and discover him that is the true Trespasser, that takes away my rights from me. And take notice of this, you Lords of Mannors, and Norman Gentry, though you should kill my body or starve me in prison, yet know, that and more you strive, the more troubles you hearts shall be filled with and doe the worst you can to hinder publick freedom, you shall come off losers in the later end, I meane you shall lose your Kingdom of darknesse, though I lose my livelihood, he [sic] poor Cowes that is my living, and should be imprisoned; you have been told this 1 2 Months ago, that you should lose ground by striving, and will you not take warning will you needs shame your selves, to let the poore Diggers take away your Kingdome from you? surely, the power that is in them, will take the rule and government from you, and give it a people that will make better use of it. Alas! you poor blind earth mauls, you strive to take away my livelihood, and the liberty of this poor weak frame my body of flesh, which is my house I dwell in for a time; but I strive to cast down your kingdom of darknesse, and to open Hell gates, and to break the Devils bands asunder, wherewith you are tied, that you my Enemies may live in peace, and that is all the harm I would have you to have. Therefore you Lords of Mannors, you Free-holders, you Norman-Clergy, oppressing Tith-mungers, and you of the Parliament men, that have plaid fast and loose with this poor Nation, for what is past let it goe; hereafter advance freedom and liberty, and pluck up bondage; and sinne no more by Lording it over your Lords and Masters, that set you upon those Parliament Seats, lest worse things befall you then yet hath. But to return again to Mr. Gilders advice, the Atturney of Kingstone Court, and the proceeding of that Court with the Cowes; you heare how they did judge, condemn and execute me, not suffering me to speak; and though those four Cowes were rescued out of their hands by strangers, not by me; and so by their own Law, they should have looked after the Rescuers, yet contrary to their own Law, they came againe to Winstanleys dwelling a fortnight after, and drove away seven Cowes and a Bull in the night time, some of the Cowes being Neighbour's that had hired pasture; and yet the damage which their Norman lury, and their covetous besotted ignorant Atturney Mr. Gilder, had judged me to pay for a Trespasse in

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digging upon that barren George's Hill, was but eleven pound nine shillings and a penney charges & all, which they are like never to have of me, for an empty carrier will dance and sing before these Norman theeves and pick-purses : And thus you see they judged and passed sentence upon me but once at their prerogative pleasure, which they call Eng/ands Law: but they executed me twice, that they might be sure to kill me. But yet these Cowes likewise are brought home againe, and the heart of my Enemies is put into the pound of vexation because the Cowes are set free. Surely, these Lords of Mannors and the Atturney Mr. Gilder, that gave advice to Arrest us for digging, have burned their Bibles long agoe, because they have so quite and clean forgotten that Petition in the Lords prayer,forgive us our trespasses as we forgive them; for they make this a trespasse against them, for digging upon the wast land of our mother the Land of England for a livelihood, when as their Law it self saith, That the Commons and wasts belong to the poore. So that you see the Norman Camp is grown very numerous and big, that they want much beeffe to vituall them, and they are such hungry ones, that they will eat poor lean Cowes, that are little better then skin & bone; and poor Cowes if I keep them in the winter, they are like to be poorer for want of Hay; for before the report of our digging was much known, I bought three Acres of grasse of a Lord of a Mannor, whom I will not here name, because I know the councel of others made him prove fals to me; for when the time came to Mow, I brought mony to pay him before hand; but he answered me, I should not have it, but sold it to another before my face; this was because his Parish Priest, and the Surrey Ministers, and sorry ones too they are that have set up a Lecturer at Cobham for a little time, to preach down the Diggers, have bid the people neither to buy nor sell with us, but to beat us, imprison us, or banish us; and thereby they prove themselves to be members of the Beast that had two horns, like a Lamb, and yet speak like a Dragon, & so they fulfill that Scripture in Rev. 1 3. 1 6. that no man might buy and sell, save he that had the mark of the Beast. Or else surely, they do it on purpose to quicken us to our work, and to drive us to Plant the Commons with all speed as may be. But though the Cowes were poor, yet they care not, so the skins will but pay the Lawyers and Atturneys Gilder his Fees, and the flesh to feed the snapsack boyes, either to eat and make merry with, or else to sell to make money of, to pay those that drive away the Cowes for their paines or charges they have been at, in this 1 8 weeks striving to beat the Diggers off their work: But the bones will serve the Bailiffs to pick, because their action will be both proved thievery in stealing another mans cattell, and their trespasse very great against the same man, in opening all the Gates round about the ground, where Winstanley dwells, and let Hogs and common Cattell into the standing barly and other corn, which the right owner will seek satisfaction for. So that the fury of this Norman Camp against the Diggers is so great, that they would not only drive away all the Cowes upon the ground, but spoyl the corn too, and when they had done this mischief, the Bayliff and the other Norman snapsack boyes went hollowing and shooting, as if they were dancing at a whitson Ale; so glad they are to do mischief to the Diggers, that they might hinder the work of freedome. And why are they so furious against us? but because we endeavour to dig up their Tythes, their Lawyers Fees, their Prisons, and all that Art and Trade of darknesse, whereby they get money under couller of Law and to plant the plesant

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fruit trees of freedom, in the room of that cursed thornbush, the power of the murdering sword; fo r they say, they doe all they do by the Law of the Land which the Parliament hath confirmed in them by an Act: And if so, Then S ouldiers where is the price of your blood? and Countrey-men , and Citizens, Where is the price of your Law and Free-quarter? If this be the freedom, you are like to have, to be beaten and n ot be suffered to say why doe you so, and shall have no remedy, unlesse you will Fee a Lawyer (an Enemy) to plead for you, when you are able to plea your own cause better.your self, and save that charge, and have your cause ended sooner and with more peace and quietnesse. And you zealous Preachers, and professors of the City of London and you great Officers and Souldiery of the Army, where are all your Victories over the Cavaliers, that you made such a blaze in the Land, in giving God thanks for, and which you begged in your Fasting dayes, and morning Exercises; Are they all sunck into the Norman power again, and must the old Prerogative Laws stand; what freedom then did you give thanks for? Surely, that you had killed him that rid upon you, that you may get up into his saddle to ride upon others; 0 thou City,. thou Hypocriticall City! thou blindfold drowsie England, that sleps and snores in the bed of covetousnesse, awake, awake, the Enemies is upon thy back, he is ready to scale the walls and enter Possession, and wilt thou not look out. Does not the streames of bondage run in the same river that it did, and with a bigger stream of Norman power; so that if you awaken not betimes , the flood of the Norman Prerogative power, will drown you all; here's more rivers comes into the maine stream, since the storm fell and the waters offury rises very high, banked in by Laws; and while you are talking and disputing about words, the Norman Souldiers are secretly working among you to advance their power again; and so will take away the benefit of all your victories by a subtile act of intricate Lawes, which the sword in the field could not do against you : and when you have lost that freedom, which you boasted of that you will leave to your posterity, then who must give thanks, you that vapoured in words, or they that lay close in action, waiting to trip up your heels by pollicy, when the sword could not do it. I tell thee thou England, thy battells now are all spiritual!. Dragon against the Lamb, and the power oflove against the power of covetousnesse; therefore all that will be Souldiers fo r Christ, the Law of righteousnesse joyn to the Lamb. He that takes the iron sword now shall perish with it, and would you be a strong Land and flourish in beauty, then fight the Lambs battels, and his strength shall be thy walls and bulwarks. You Knights, Gentlemen, and Freeholders, that sat is councell at the Lion in Cobham to find out who are our backers, and who stirs us up to dig the Commons, Ile tel you plainly who it is, it is love, the love of righteousnes ruling in our hearts, that makes us thus to act that the creation may be set at liberty, and now I have answered your inquirie, do what you can to him and us his servants: And we require you in his name, to let our cause have a publick triall, and do not work any longer in darknesse, set not your Bailiffs and slaves to come by night to steal away the Cowes of poore men under colour of justice, when as the cause was never yet heard in open Court. He that backs you, and that sets you to work, to deny to us our younger brother the use of the common land, is covetousnesse, which is Beelzebub the greatest, devil so that there is the 2 generalls known,"'which you & we fight under, the 2 great

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Princes of light and darkness, bondage and freedom, that does Act all flesh in the great controversies of the world. These are the 2 men that stir in this busines, that is, the wicked man that councels, & backs you to be so envious and furious against us, and the righteous man Christ, that backs and councells us to love you our enemies. And do we not see that Gebal, Ammon and A rna/eek, and all the rabble of the nations, Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, Lawyers, Bailiffes, Priests, and all the Norman snapsack boyes, and ammunition women to the old Norman Camp do all combine together in the art of unrighteous fury, to drive the poore diggers off from their work, that the name of community and freedome which is Christ, may not be known in earth. Thus I have dealt plainly with you all, and I have not flattered Parliament, Army, City, nor Countrey, but have declared in this, and other writings the whole light of that truth revealed to me by the word of the Lord: and I shall now wait to see his hand to do his own work in what time, and by what instruments he pleases. And I see the poore must first be picked out, and honoured in this work, for they begin to receive the word of righteousnesse, but the rich generally are enemies to true freedome. The work of digging still goes on, and stops not for a rest: The Cowes were gone, but are return'd, and we are all at rest. No money's paid, nor never shall, to Lawyer or his man To plead our cause, for therein wee'!! do the best we can. In Cobham on the little Heath our digging there goes on. And all our friends, they live in love, as if they were but one.

Thus you Gentlemen, that will have no Law to rule over you, but your Prerogative will must be above Law, and above us that are the yonger brothes [sic] in the Land; but if you say, no, your wil shal be subject to Law: then I demand of you Mr. Drake, Mr. Gilder, and other Bailiffes and Officers of Kingston Court, why will you arrest us, and trouble us, and say we trespasse against you, and though we came in answer to your arrest, and to plead our own cause, yet contrary to the equity, nay contrary to the bare letter that the· Law, as I shewed you before, you denyed me that priviledge, but went on and did condemne and execute a forceable power upon body and goods, is not your will here, above Law? do you not hereby uphold the Norman conquest? Mr. Drake, you are a Parliament man, and was not the beginning of the quarrel between King Charles and your House? This the King pleaded to uphold Prerogative, and you were against it, and yet must a Parliament man be the first man to uphold Prerogative, who are but servants to the Nation for the peace and liberty of every one, not conquering Kings to make their wil a Law? did you not promise liberty to the whole Nation, in case the Cavalier party were cast out? and why now will you seek liberty to your self and Gentry, with the deniall of just liberty and freedome to the common people, that have born the greatest burden? You have arrested us for digging upon the common Land, you have executed your unrighteous power, in distraining cattel, imprisoning our bodies, and yet our cause was never publickly heard, neither can it be proved that we have broke any Law, that is built upon equity and reason, therefore we wonder where you had your power to rule over us by will, more then we to rule over you by our will. We request you before you go too far, not to let covetousnesse be your Master,

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trample not others under your feet, under colour of Law, as if none knew equity of Law but you; for we and our estates shall be horns in your eyes, and pricks in your sides, and you may curse that Councell bid you beg our estates, or imprison our persons. But this we request that you would let us have a fair open triall, and do not carry on the course of Law in secret like Nicodemus that is afraid to have his businesse come to light; therefore I challenge you once more, seeing you professe your selves Christians, to let us be brought to a trial of our cause; let your ministers plead with us in the scriptur&s, & let your Lawyers plead with us in the equity and reason of your own Law; and if you prove us transgressours, then we shall lay down our work and acknowledge we have trespassed against you in digging upon the Commons, & then punish us. But if we prove by Scripture & reason, that undeniably the land belongs to one as well as another, then you shal own our work, justifie our cause, & declare that you have done wrong to Christ, who you say is your Lord and master, in abusing us his servants, & your fellow creatures, while we are doing his task. Therefore I knowing you to be men of moderation in outward shew, I desire that your actions towards your fellow creatures may not be . like one beast to another, but carry your selves, like man to man; for your proceeding in your pretence of law hitherto against us, is both unrighteous, beastly & divelish, and nothing of the spirit of man seen in it, You Atturnies and Lawyers, you say you are ministers of justice, & we know that equity and reason is, or ought to be the foundation of Law; if so, then plead not for mony altogether but stand for universall justice & equity, then you will have peace; otherwise both you with the corrupt Clergy will be cast out as unsavoury salt.

D [The text is taken from John Milton, Areopagitica for the Liberty of Unlicensed Printing, 1644. ed. by Edward Arber (London: 1 869).]

Areopagitica for the Liberty of Unlicensed Printing "This is true liberty, when free-born men Having to advise the public, may speak free, Which he who can, and will, deserves high praise; Who neither can, nor will, may hold his peace: What can be juster in a state than this?" - Euripid. Hicetid. They, who to states and governors of the commonwealth direct their speech, high court of parliament! or wanting such access in a private condition, write that which they foresee may advance the public good; I suppose them, as at the beginning of no mean endeavour not a little altered and moved inwardly in their minds; some with doubt of what will be the success, others with fear of what will be

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the censure; some with hope, others with confidence of what they have to speak. And me perhaps each of these dispositions, as the subject was whereon I entered, may have at other times variously affected; and likely might in these foremost expressions now also disclose which of them swayed most, but that the very attempt of this address thus made, and the thought of whom it hath recourse to, hath got the power within me to a passion, far more welcome than incidental to a preface. Which though I stay not to confess ere any ask, I shall be blameless, if it be no other than the joy and gratulation which it brings to all who wish to promote their country's liberty; whereof this whole discourse proposed will be a certain testimony, if not a trophy. For this is not the liberty which we can hope, that no grievance ever should arise in the commonwealth: that let no man in this world expect; but when complaints are freely heard, deeply considered, and speedily reformed, then is the utmost bound of civil liberty obtained that wise men look for. To which if l now manifest, by the very sound of this which I shall utter, that we are already in good part arrived, and yet from such a steep disadvantage of tyranny and superstition grounded into our principles, as was beyond the manhood of a Roman recovery, it will be attributed first, as is most due, to the strong assistance of God, our deliverer; next, to your faithful guidance and undaunted wisdom, lords and commons of England! Neither is it in God's esteem, the diminution of his glory, when honourable things are spoken of good men, and worthy magistrates; which if I now first should begin to do, after so fair a progress of your laudable deeds, and such a long obligement upon the whole realm to your indefatigable virtues, I might be justly reckoned among the tardiest and the unwillingest of them that praise ye. Nevertheless there being three principal things, without which all praising is but courtship and flattery: first, when that only is praised which is solidly worth praise; next, when greatest likelihoods are brought, that such things are truly and really in those persons to whom they are ascribed; the other, when he who praises, by shewing that such his actual persuasion is of whom he writes, can demonstrate that he flatters not; the former two of these I have heretofore endeavoured, rescuing the employment from him who went about to impair your merits with a trivial and malignant encomium; the latter as belonging chiefly to mine own acquittal, that whom I so extolled I did not flatter, hath been reserved opportunely to this occasion. For he who freely magnifies what hath been nobly done, and fears not to declare as freely what might be done better, gives ye the best covenant of his fidelity; and that his loyalest affection and his hope waits on your proceedings. His highest praising is not flattery, and his plainest advice is a kind of praising; for though I should affirm and hold by argument, that it would fare better with truth, with learning, and the commonwealth, if one of your published orders, which I should name, were called in; yet at the same time it could not but much redound to the lustre of your mild and equal government, whenas private persons are hereby animated to think ye better pleased with public advice than other statists have been delighted heretofore with public flattery. And men will then see what difference there is between the magnanimity of a triennial parliament, and that jealous haughtiness of prelates and cabin counsellors that usurped oflate, whenas they shall observe ye in the midst of your victories and successes more gently brooking written exceptions against a voted order, than other courts, which have

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produced nothing worth memory but the weak ostentation of wealth, would have endured the least signified dislike at any sudden proclamation. If I should thus far presume upon the meek demeanour of your civil and gentle greatness, lords and commons ! as what your published order hath directly said, that to gainsay, I might defend myself with ease, if any should accuse me of being new or insolent, did they but know how much better I find ye esteem it to imitate the old and elegant humanity of Greece, than the barbaric pride ofa Hunnish and No rwegian stateliness. Ane out of those ages, to whose polite wisdom and letters we owe that we are not yet Goths and Jutlanders, I could name him who from his private house wrote that discourse to the parliament of Athens, that persuades them to change the form of democracy which was then established. Such honour was done in those days to men who professed the study of wisdom and eloquence, not only in their own country, but in other lands, that cities and signiories heard them gladly and with great respect, if they had aught in public to admonish the state. Thus did Dion Prusreus, a stranger and a private orator, counsel the Rhodians against a former edict; and I abound with other like examples , which to set here would be superfluous. But if fro m the industry of a life wholly dedicated to studious labours, and those natural endowments haply not the worst for two and fifty degrees of northern latitude, so much must be derogated, as to count me not equal to any of those who had this privilege, I would obtain to be thought not so inferior, as yourselves are superior to the most of them who received their counsel; and how far you excel them, be assured, lords and co mmons ! there can no greater testimony appear, than when your prudent spirit acknowledges and o beys the voice of reason, fro m what quarter soever it be heard speaking; and renders ye as willing to repeal any act of your o wn setting forth, as any set forth by your predecesso rs. If ye be thus resolved, as it were injury to think ye were not, I know no t what should withhold me fro m presenting ye with a fit instance wherein to show both that love of truth which ye eminently profess, and that uprightness of your judgment which is not wont to be partial to yourselves; by judging over again that order which ye have ordained "to regulate printing: that no boo k, pamphlet, or paper shall be henceforth printed, unless the same be first approved and licensed by such, or at least one of such, as shall be thereto appointed." For that part which preserves justly every man's copy to himself, or provides for the poo r, I touch no t; only wish they be not made pretences to abuse and persecute hones t and painful men, who offend not in either of these particulars. But that other clause of licensing boo ks, which we thought had died with his brother quadragesimal and matrimonial when the prelates expired, I shall now attend with such a homily, as shall lay before ye, first, the inventors of it to be those whom ye will be loath to own; next, what is to be thought in general of reading, whatever sort the boo ks be; and that this order avails nothing to the suppressing of scandalous, seditious, and libellous books, which were mainly intended to be suppressed. Last, that it will be primely to the discouragement of all learning, and the stop of truth, not only by disexercising and blunting our abilities, in what we know already, but by hindering and cropping the discovery that might be yet further made, both in religious and civil wisdom. I deny not, but that it is of greatest concernment in the church and commonwealth, to have a vigilant eye how boo ks demean themselves, as well as

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men; and thereafter to confine, imprison, and do sharpest justice on them as malefactors; for books are not absolutely dead things, but do contain a progeny of life in them to be as active as that soul was whose progeny they are; nay, they do preserve as in a vial the purest efficacy and extraction of that living intellect that bred them. I know they are as lively, and as vigorously productive, as those fabulous dragon's teeth: and being sown up and down, may chance to spring up armed men. And yet, on the other hand, unless wariness be used, as good almost kill a man as kill a good book: who kills a man kills a reasonable creature, God's image; but he who destroys a good book, kills reason itself, kills the image of God, as it were, in the eye. Many a man lives a burden to the earth; but a good book is the precious life-blood of a master-spirit, embalmed and treasured up on purpose to a life beyond life. It is true, no age can restore a life, whereof, perhaps, there is no great loss; and revolutions of ages do not oft recover the loss of a rejected truth, fo r the want of which whole nations fare the worse. We should be wary, therefore, what persecution we raise against the living labours of public men, how we spill that seasoned life of man, preserved and stored up in books; since we see a kind of homicide may be thus committed, sometimes a martyrdom; and if it extend to the whole impression, a kind of massacre, whereof the execution ends not in the slaying of an elemental life, but strikes at the ethereal and fifth essence, the breath of reason itself; slays an immortality rather than a life. But lest I should be condemned of introducing licence, while I oppose licensing, I refuse not the pains to be so much historical, as will serve to shew what hath been done by ancient and famous commonwealths, against this disorder, till the very time that this project of licensing crept out of the inquisition, was catched up by our prelates, and hath caught some of our presbyters. In Athens, where books and wits were ever busier than in any other part of Greece, I find but only two sorts of writings which the magistrate cared to take notice of; those either blasphemous and atheistical, or libellous. Thus the books of Protagoras were by the judges of Areopagus, commanded to be burnt, and himself banished the territory for a discourse, begun with his confessing not to know "whether there were gods, or whether not." And against defaming, it was agreed that none should be traduced by name, as was the manner of Vetus Comredia, whereby we may guess how they censured libelling; and this course what quick enough, as Cicero writes, to quell both the desperate wits of other atheists, and the open way of defaming, as the event showed. Of other sects and opinions, though tending to voluptuousness, and the denying of divine Providence, they took no heed. Therefore we do not read that either Epicurus, or that libertine school of Cyrene, or what the Cynic impudence uttered, was ever questioned by the laws. Neither is it recorded that the writings of those old comedians were suppressed, though the acting of them were forbid; and that Plato commended the reading of Aristophanes, the loosest of them all, to his royal scholar, Dionysius, is commonly known, and may be excused, if holy Chrysostom, as is reported, nightly studied so much the same author, and had the art to cleanse a scurrilous vehemence into the style of a rousing sermon. That other leading city of Greece, Lacedremon, considering that Lycurgus their lawgiver was so addicted to elegant learning, as to have been the first that brought out of Ionia the scattered works of Homer, and sent the poet Tales from Crete, to prepare and mollify the Spartan surliness with his smooth songs and odes, the

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better to plant among them law and civility; it is to be wondered how museless and unbookish they were, minding nought but the feats of war. There needed no licensing of books among them, for they disliked all but their own laconic apophthegms, and took a slight occasion to chase Archilochus out of their city, perhaps for composing in a higher strain than their own soldiery ballads and roundels could reach to; or if it were for his broad verses, they were not therein so cautious, but they were as dissolute in their promiscuous conversing; whence Euripides affirms, in Andn,mache, that their women were all unchaste. This much may give us light after what sort of books were prohibited among the Greeks. The Romans also for many ages trained up only to a military roughness, resembling most the Lacedremonian guise, knew of learning little but what their twelve tables and the pontific college with their augurs and flamens taught them in religion and law; so unacquainted with other learning, that when Carneades and Critolaus, with the stoic Diogenes, coming ambassadors to Rome, took thereby occasion to give the city a taste of their philosophy, they were suspected for seducers by no less a man than Cato the Censor, who moved it in the senate to · dismiss them speedily, and to banish all such Attic babblers out of Italy. But Scipio and others of the noblest senators withstood him and his old Sabine austerity; honoured and admired the men; and the censor himself at last, in his old age, fell to the study of that whereof before he was so scrupulous. And yet, at the same time, N revius and Plautus, the first Latin comedians, had filled the city with all the borrowed scenes of Menander and Philemon. Then began to be considered there also what was to be done to libellous books and authors; for Nrevius was quickly cast into prison for his unbridled pen, and released by the tribunes upon his recantation: we read also that libels were burnt, and the makers punished, by Augustus. The like severity, no doubt, was used, if aught were impiously written against their esteemed gods. Except in these two points, how the world went in books, the magistrate kept no reckoning. And therefore Lucretius, without impeachment, versifies his Epicurism to Memmius, and had the honour to be set forth the second time by Cicero, so great a father of the commonwealth; although himself disputes against that opinion in his own writings. Nor was the satirical sharpness or naked plainness of Lucilius, or Catullus, or Flaccus, by any order prohibited. And for matters of state, the story of Titus Livius, though it extolled that part which Pompey held, was not therefore suppressed by Octavius Cresar, of the other faction. But that Naso was by him banished in his old age, for the wanton poems of his youth, was but a mere covert of state over some secret cause; and besides, the books were neither banished nor called in. From hence we shall meet with little else but tyranny in the Roman empire, that we may not marvel, if not so often bad as good books were silenced. I shall therefore deem to have been large enough, in producing what among the ancients was punishable to write, save only which, all other arguments were free to treat on. By this time the emperors were become Christians, whose discipline in this point 1 do not find to have been more severe than what was formerly in practice. The books of those whom they took to be grand heretics were examined, refuted, and condemned in the general councils; and not till then were prohibited, or burnt, by authority of the emperor. As for the writings of heathen authors, unless they were plain invectives against Christianity, as those of Porphyrius and Proclus, they met

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with no interdict that can be cited, till about the year 400, in a Carthaginian council, wherein bishops themselves were forbid to read the books of Gentiles, but heresies they might read; while others long before them, on the contrary, scrupled more the books of heretics, than of Gentiles. And that the primitive councils and bishops were wont only to declare what books were not commendable, passing no further, but leaving it to each one's conscience to read or to lay by, till after the year 800, is observed already by Padre Paolo, the great unmasker of the Trentine council. After which time the popes of Rome, engrossing what they pleased of political rule into their own hands, extended their dominion over men's eyes, as they had before over their judgments, burning and prohibiting to be read what they fancied not; yet sparing in their censures, and the books not many which they so dealt with; till Martin the Fifth, by his bull, not only prohibited, but was the first that excommunicated the reading of heretical books; for about that time Wickliffe and Husse growing terrible, were they who first drove the papal court to a stricter policy of prohibiting. Which course Leo the Tenth and his successors followed, until the council of Trent and the Spanish inquisition, engendering together, brought forth or perf ected those catalogues and expurging indexes, that rake through the entrails of many an old good author, with a violation worse than any could be offered to his tomb. Nor did they stay in matters heretical, but any subject that was not to their palate, they either condemned in a prohibition, or had it straight into the new purgatory of an index. To fill up the measure of encroachment, their last investion was to ordain that no book, pamphlet, or paper should be printed (as if St. Peter had bequeathed them the keys of the press also as well as of Paradise) unless it were approved and licensed under the hands of two or three gluttonous friars. For example: "I have seen this present work, and find nothing athwart the catholic faith and good manners: in witness whereof I have given, &c. "Nicolo Cini, Chancellor of Florence." "Attending the precedent relation, it is allowed that this present work of Davanzati may be printed. "Vincent Rabbata," &c. "It may be printed, July 1 5. "Friar Simon Mompei d'Amelia, Chancellor of the Holy Office in Florence." Sure they have a conceit, if he of the bottomless pit had not long since broke prison, that this quadruple exorcism would bar him down. I fear their design will be to get into their custody the licensing of that which they say Claudius intended, but went not through with. Vouchsafe to see another of their forms, the Roman stamp: "Imprimatur, If it seem good to the reverend master of the Holy Palace. "Belcastro, Vicegerent." "Imprimatur, "Friar Nicholo Rodolphi, Master of the Holy Palace."

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Sometimes five imprimaturs are seen together, dialogue wise, in the piazza of one titlepage, complimenting and ducking each to other with their shaven reverences, whether the author, who stands by in perplexity at the foot of his epistle, shall to the press or to the spunge. These are the pretty responsories, these are the dear antiphonies, that so bewitched of late our prelates and their chaplains, with the goodly echo they made; and besotted us to the gay imitation of a lordly imprimatur, one from Lambeth-house, another from the west end of Paul's; so apishly romanizing, that the-word of command still was set down in Latin; as if the learned grammatical pen that wrote it would cast no ink without Latin; or perhaps, as they thought, because no vulgar tongue was worthy to express the pure conceit of an imprimatur; but rather, as I hope, for that our English, the language of men ever famous and foremost in the achievements of liberty, will not easily find servile letters enow to spell such a dictatory presumption Englished. And thus ye have the inventors and the original of book licensing ripped up and drawn as lineally as any pedigree. We have it not, that can be heard of, from any ancient state, or polity, or church, nor by any statute left us by our ancestors elder or later; nor from the modem custom of any reformed city or church abroad; but from the most antichristian council, and the most tyrannous inquisition that ever inquired. Till then books were ever as freely admitted into the world as any other birth; the issue of the brain was no more stifled than the issue of the womb: no envious Juno sat cross-legged over the nativity of any man's intellectual offspring; but if it proved a monster, who denies but that it was justly burnt, or sunk into the sea? But that a book, in worse condition than a peccant soul, should be to stand before a jury ere it be born to the world, and undergo yet in darkness the judgment of Radamanth and his colleagues, ere it can pass the ferry backward into light, was never heard before, till that mysterious iniquity provoked and troubled at the first entrance of reformation, sought out new limboes and new hells wherein they might include our books also within the number of their damned. And this was the rare morsel so officiously snatched up, and so illfavouredly imitated by our inquisiturient bishops, and the attendant minorities, their chaplains. That ye like riot now these most certain authors of this licensing order, and that all sinister intention was far distant from your thoughts, when ye were importuned the passing it, all men who know the integrity of your actions, and how ye honour truth, will clear ye readily. But some will say, what though the inventors were bad, the thing for all that may be good. It may so; yet if that thing be no such deep invention, but obvious and easy for any man to light on, and yet best and wisest commonwealths through all ages and occasions have forborne to use it, and falsest seducers and oppressors of men were the first who took it up, and to no other purpose but t� obstruct and hinder the first approach of reformation; ·1 am of those who believe, it will be a harder alchymy than Lullius ever knew, to sublimate any good use out of such an invention. Yet this only is what I request to gain from this reason, that it may be held a dangerous and suspicious fruit, as certainly it deserves, for the tree that bore it, until I can dissect one by one the properties it has. But I have first to finish, as was propounded, what is to be thought in general of reading books, whatever sort they be, and whether be more the benefit or the harm that thence proceeds. Not to insist upon the examples of Moses,-Daniel, and Paul, who were skilful in all the learning of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Greeks, which could not

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probably be without reading their books of all sorts, in Paul especially, who thought it no defilement to insert into holy scripture the sentences of three Greek poets, and one of them a tragedian; the question was notwithstanding sometimes controverted among the primitive doctors, but with great odds on that side which affirmed it both lawful and profitable, as was then evidently perceived, when Julian the Apostate, and subtlest enemy to our faith, made a decree forbidding Christians the study of heathen learning; for, said he, they wound us with our own weapons, and with our own arts and sciences they overcome us. And indeed the Christians were put so to their hifts by his crafty means, and so much in danger to decline into all ignorance, that the two Appollinarii were fain, as a man may say, to coin all the seven liberal sciences out of the Bible, reducing it into divers forms of orations, poems, dialogues, even to the calculating of a new Christian grammar. But, saith the historian, Socrates, the providence of God provided better than the industry of Appollinarius and his son, by taking away that illiterate law with the life of him who devised it. So great an injury they then held it to be deprived of Hellenic learning; and thought it a persecution more undermining, and secretly decaying the church, than the open cruelty of Decius or Diocletian. And perhaps it was with the same politic drift that the devil whipped St. Jerome in a lenten dream, for reading Cicero; or else it was a phantasm, bred by the fever which had then seized him. For had an angel been his discipliner, unless it were for dwelling too much on Ciceronianisms, and had chastised the reading, not the vanity, it had been plainly partial, first, to correct him for grave Cicero, and not for scurril Plautus, whom he confesses to have been reading not long before; next to correct him only, and let so many more ancient fathers wax old in those pleasant and florid studies, without the lash of such a tutoring apparition; insomuch that Basil teaches how some good use may be made of Margites, a sportful poem, not now extant, writ by Homer; and why not then of Morgante, an Italian romance much to the same purpose? But if it be agreed we shall be tried by visions, there is a vision recorded by Eusebius, far ancienter than this tale of Jerome, to the nun Eustochium, and besides, has nothing of a fever in it. Dionysius Alexandrinus was, about the year 240, a person of great name in the church, for piety and learning, who had wont to avail himself much against heretics, by being coversant in their books; until a certain presbyter laid it scrupulously to his conscience, how he durst venture himself among those defiling volumes. The worthy man, loath to give offence, fell into a new debate with himself, what was to be thought; when suddenly a vision sent from God (it is his own epistle that so avers it) confirmed him in these words: "Read any books whatever come to thy hands, for thou art sufficient both to judge aright, and to examine each matter. " To this revelation he assented the sooner, as he confesses, because it was answerable to that of the apostle to the Thessalonians: "Prove all things, hold fast that which is good." And he might have added another remarkable saying of the same author: "To the pure, all things are pure;" not only meats and drinks, but all kind of knowledge, whether of good or evil: the knowledge cannot defile, nor consequently the books, if the will and conscience be not defiled. For books are as meats and viands are; some of good, some of evil substance; and yet God in that unapocryphal vision said without exception, "Rise, Peter, kill and eat;" leaving the choice to each man's discretion. Wholesome meats to a vitiated stomach differ

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little or nothing from unwholesome; and best books to a naughty mind are not unapplicable to occasions of evil. Bad meats will scarce breed good nourishment in the healthiest concoction; but herein the difference is of bad books, that they to a discreet and judicious reader serve in many respects to discover, to confute, to forewarn, and to illustrate. Whereof what better witness can ye expect I should produce, than one of your own now sitting in parliament, the chief oflearned men reputed in this land, Mr. Selden; whose volume of natural and national laws proves, not only by great authorities brought together, but by exquisite reasons and theorems almost mathematically demonstrative, that all opinions, yea, errors, known, read, and collated, are of main service and assistance toward the speedy attainment of what is truest. I conceive, therefore, that when God did enlarge the universal diet of man's body, (saving ever the rules of temperance,) he then also, as before, left arbitrary the dieting and repasting of our minds; as wherein every mature man might have to exercise his own leading capacity. How great a virtue is temperance, how much of moment through the whole life of man ! Yet God commits the managing so great a trust, without particular law or prescription, wholly to the demeanour of every grown man. And therefore when he himself tabled the Jews from heaven, that omer, which was every man's daily portion of manna, is computed to have been more than might have well sufficed the heartiest feeder thrice as many meals . For those actions which enter into a man, rather than issue out of him, and therefore defile not, God uses not to captivate under a perpetual childhood of prescription, but trusts him with the gift of reason to be his own chooser; there were but little work left for preaching, if law and compulsion should grow so fast upon those things which heretofore were governed only by exhortation . Solomon informs us, that much reading is a weariness to the flesh; but neither he, nor other inspired author, tells us that such or such reading is unlawful; yet certainly had God thought good to limit us herein, it had been much more expedient to have told us what was unlawful, than what was wearisome. As for the burning of those Ephesian books by St. Paul's converts; it is replied, the books were magic, the Syriac so renders them. It was a private act, a voluntary act, and leaves us to a voluntary imitation : the men in remorse burnt those books which were their own; the magistrate by this example is not appointed; these men practised the books, another might perhaps have read them in some sort usefully. Good and evil we know in the field of this world grow up together almost inseparably; and the knowledge of good is so involved and interwoven with the knowledge of evil, and in so many cunning resemblances hardly to be discerned, that those confused seeds which were imposed upon Psyche as an incessant labour to cull out, and sort asunder, were not more intermixed. It was from out the rind of one apple tasted, that the knowledge of good and evil, as two twins cleaving together, leaped forth into the world. And perhaps this is that doom which Adam fell into of knowing good and evil, that is to say, of knowing good by evil. As therefore the state of man now is; what wisdom can there be to choose, what continence to forbear, without the knowledge of evil? He that can apprehend and consider vice with all her baits and seeming pleasures, and yet abstain, and yet distinguish, and yet prefer that which is truly better, he is the true warfaring Christian . I cannot praise a fugitive and Ncloistered virtue unexercised and unbreathed, that never sallies out and seeks her adversary, but slinks out of the

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race, where that immortal garland is to be run for, not without dust and heat. Assuredly we bring not innocence into the world, we bring impurity much rather; that which purifies us is trial, and trial is by what is contrary. That virtue therefore which is but a youngling in the contemplation of evil, and knows not the utmost that vice promises to her followers, and rejects it, is but a blank virtue, not a pure; her whiteness is but an excremental whiteness; which was the reason why our sage and serious poet Spenser, (whom I dare be known to think a better teacher than Scotus or Aquinas,) describing true temperance under the person of Guion, brings him in with his palmer through the cave of Mammon, and the bower of earthly bliss, that he might see and know, and yet abstain. Since therefore the knowledge and survey of vice is in this world so necessary to the constituting of human virtue, and the scanning of error to the confirmation of truth, how can we more safely, and with less danger, scout into the regions of sin and falsity, than by reading all manner of tractates, and hearing all manner of reason? And this is the benefit which may be had of books promiscuously read. But of the harm that may result hence, three kinds are usually reckoned. First, is feared the infection that may spread; but then, all human learning and controversy in religious points must remove out of the word, yea, the Bible itself; for that ofttimes relates blasphemy not nicely, it describes the carnal sense of wicked men not unelegantly, it brings in holiest men passionately murmuring against Providence through all the arguments of Epicurus: in other great disputes it answers dubiously and darkly to the common reader; and ask a Talmudist what ails the modestly of his marginal Keri, that Moses and all the prophets cannot persuade him to pronounce the textual Chetiv. For these causes we all know the Bible itself put by the papist into the first rank of prohibited books. The ancientest fathers must be next removed, as Clement of Alexandria, and that Eusebian book of evangelic preparation, transmitting our ears through a hoard of heathenish obscenities to receive the gospel. Who finds not that lrenreus, Epiphanius, Jerome, and others discover more heresies than they well confute, and that oft for heresy which is the truer opinion? Nor boots it to say for these, and all the heathen writers of greatest infection, if it must be thought so, with whom is bound up the life of human learning, that they wrote in an unknown tongue, so long as we are sure those languages are known as well to the worst of men, who are both most able and most diligent to instil the poison they suck, first into the courts of princes, acquainting them with the choicest delights, and criticisms of sin. As perhaps did that Petronius, whom Nero called his arbiter, the master of his revels; and that notorious ribald of Arezzo, dreaded and yet dear to the Italian courtiers. I name not him, for posterity's sake, whom Henry the Eighth named in merriment his vicar of hell. By which compendious way all the contagion that foreign books can infuse will find a passage to the people far easier and shorter than an Indian voyage, though it could be sailed either by the north of Cataio eastward, or of Canada westward, while our Spanish licensing gags the English press never so severely. But, on the other side, that infection which is from books of controversy in religion, is more doubtful and dangerous to the learned than to the ignorant; and yet those books must be permitted untouched by the licenser. It will be hard to instance where any ignorant man hath been ever seduced by any papistical book in English, unless it were commended and expounded to him by some of that clergy;

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and indeed all such tractates, whether false or true, are as the prophecy of Isaiah was to the eunuch, not to be "understood without a guide." But of our priests and doctors how many have been corrupted by studying the comments of Jesuits and Sorbonists, and how fast they could transfuse that corruption into the people, our experience is both late and sad. It is not forgot, since the acute and distinct Arminius was perverted merely by the perusing of a nameless discourse written at Delft, which at first he took in hand to confute. Seeing therefore that those.books, and those in great abundance, which are likeliest to taint both life and doctrine, cannot be suppressed without the fall of learning, and of all ability in disputation, and that these books of either sort are most and soonest catching to the learned, (from whom to the common people whatever is heretical or dissolute may quickly be conveyed), and that evil manners are as perfectly learnt without books a thousand other ways which cannot be stopped, and evil doctrine not with books can propagate, except a teacher guide, which he might also do without writing, and so beyond prohibiting; I am not unable to unfold, how this cautelous enterprise of licensing can be exempted from the number of vain and impossible attempts. And he who were pleasantly disposed, could not well avoid to liken it to the exploit of that gallant man, who thought to pound up the crows by shutting his park gate. Besides another inconvenience, if learned men be the first receivers out of books, and dispreaders both of vice and error, how shall the licensers themselves be confided in, unless we can confer upon them, or they assume to themselves, above all others in the land, the grace of infallibility and uncorruptedness? And again, if it be true, that a wise man, like a good refiner, can gather gold out of the drossiest volume, and that a fool will be a fool with the best book, yea, or without book; there is no reason that we should deprive a wise man of any advantage to his wisdom, while we seek to restrain from a fool that which being restrained will be no hinderance to his folly. For if there should be so much exactness always used to keep that from him which is unfit for his reading, we should in the judgment of Aristotle not only, but of Solomon, and of our Saviour, not vouchsafe him good precepts, and by consequence not willingly admit him to good books; as being certain that a wise man will make better use of an idle pamphlet, than a fool will do of sacred scripture. It is next alleged, we must not expose ourselves to temptations without necessity, and next to that, not employ our time in vain things. To both these objections one answer wili serve, out oftfie grounds already laid, that to all men such books are not temptations, nor vanities; but useful drugs and materials wherewith to temper and compose effective and strong medicines, which man's life cannot want. The rest, as children and childish men, who have not the art to qualify and prepare these working minerals, well may be exhorted to forbear; but hindered forcibly they cannot be, by all the licensing that sainted inquisition could ever yet contrive; which is what I promised to deliver next: that this order of licensing conduces nothing to the end for which it was framed; and hath almost prevented me by being clear already while thus much hath been explaining. See the ingenuity of truth, who, when she gets a free and willing hand, opens herself faster than the pace of method and discourse can overtake her. It was the task which I began with, to shew that no nation, or well instituted state, if they valued books at all, did ever use this way of licensing; and it might be answered, that this is a piece of prudence lately discovered.

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To which I return, that as it was a thing slight and obvious to think on, so if it had been difficult to find out, there wanted not among them long since, who suggested such a course; which they not following, leave us a pattern of their judgment that it was not the not knowing, but the not approving, which was the cause of their not using it. Plato, a man of high authority indeed, but least of all for his Commonwealth, in the book of his laws, which no city ever yet received, fed his fancy with making many edicts to his airy burgomasters, which they who otherwise admire him, wish had been rather buried and excused in the genial cups of an academic night sitting. By which laws he seems to tolerate no kind of learning, but by unalterable decree, consisting most of practical traditions, to the attainment whereof a library of smaller bulk than his own dialogues would be abundant. And there also enacts, that no poet should so much as read to any private man what he had written, until the judges and law keepers had seen it, and allowed it; but that Plato meant this law peculiarly to that commonwealth which he had imagined, and to no other, is evident. Why was he not else a lawgiver to himself, but a transgressor, and to be expelled by his own magistrates, both for the wanton epigrams and dialogues which he made, and his perpetual reading of Sophron Mimus and Aristophanes, books of grossest infamy; and also for commending the latter of them, though he were the malicious libeller of his chief friends, to be read by the tyrant Dionysius, who had little need of such trash to spend his time on? But that he knew this licensing of poems had reference and dependence to many other provisoes there set down in his fancied republic, which in this world could have no place; and so neither he himself, nor any magistrate or city, ever imitated that course, which, taken apart from those other collateral injunctions, must needs be vain and fruitless. For if they fell upon one kind of strictness, unless their care were equal to regulate all other things of like aptness to corrupt the mind, that single endeavour they knew would be but a fond labour; to shut and fortify one gate against corruption, and be necessitated to leave others round about wide open. If we think to regulate printing, thereby to rectify manners, we must regulate all recreations and pastimes, all that is delightful to man. No music must be heard, no song be set or sung, but what is grave and doric. There must be licensing dancers, that no gesture, motion, or deportment be taught our youth, but what by their allowance shall be thought honest; for such Plato was provided of. It will ask more than the work of twenty licensers to examine all the lutes, the violins, and the guitars in every house; they must not be suffered to prattle as they do, but must be licensed what they may say. And who shall silence all the airs and madrigals that whisper softness in chambers? The windows also, and the balconies, must be thought on; these are shrewd books, with dangerous frontispieces, set to sale: who shall prohibit them, shall twenty licensers? The villages also must have their visitors to inquire what lectures the bagpipe and the rebec reads, even to the ballatry and the gamut of every municipal fiddler; for these are the countryman's Arcadias, and his Monte Mayors. Next, what more national corruption, for which England hears ill abroad, than household gluttony? Who shall be the rectors of our daily rioting? And what shall be done to inhibit the multitudes that frequent those houses where drunkenness is sold and harboured? Our garments also should be referred to the licensing of some more sober work-masters, to see them cut into a less wanton garb. Who shall regulate all the mixed conversation of our youth, male and female together, as is

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the fashion of this country? Who shall still appoint what shall be discoursed, what presumed, and no further? Lastly, who shall forbid and separate all idle resort, all evil company? These things will be, and must be; but how they shall be least hurtful, how least enticing, herein consists the grave and governing wisdom of a state. To sequester out of the world into Atlantic and Utopian politics, which never can be drawn into use, will not mend our condition; but to ordain wisely as in this world of evil, in the midst whereof God hath placed us unavoidably.Nor is it Plato's licensing of books will do this, which necessarily pulls along with it so many other kinds of licensing, as will make us all both ridiculous and weary, and yet frustrate; but those unwritten, or at least unconstraining laws of virtuous education, religious and civil nurture, which Plato there mentions, as the bonds and ligaments of the commonwealth, the pillars and the sustainers of every written statute; these they be, which will bear chief sway in such matters as these, when all licensing will be easily eluded. Impunity and remissness for certain are the bane of a commonwealth; but here the great art lies, to discern in what the law is to bid restraint and punishment, and in what things persuasion only is to work. If every action which is good or evil in man at ripe years were to be under pittance, prescription, and compulsion, what were virtue but a name, what praise could be then due to well doing, what gramercy to be sober, just, or continent? Many there be that complain of divine Providence for suffering Adam to transgress.Foolish tongues! when God gave him reason, he gave him freedom to choose, for reason is but choosing; he had been else a mere artificial Adam, such an Adam as he is in the motions.We ourselves esteem not of that obedience, or love, or gift, which is of force; God therefore left him free, set before him a provoking object ever almost in his eyes; herein consisted his merit, herein the right of his reward, the praise of his abstinence.Wherefore did he create passions within us, pleasures round about us, but that these rightly tempered are the very ingredients of virtue? They are not skilful considerers of human things, who imagine to remove sin, by removing the matter of sin; for, besides that it is a huge heap increasing under the very act of diminishing, though some part of it may for a time be withdrawn from some persons, it cannot from all, in such a universal thing as books are; and when this is done, yet the sin remains entire. Though ye take from a covetous man all his treasure, he has yet one jewel left, ye cannot bereave him of his covetousness. Banish all objects of lust, shut up all youth into the severest discipline that can be exercised in any hermitage, ye cannot make them chaste, that came not thither so: such great care and wisdom is required to the right managing of this point. Suppose we could expel sin by this means; look how much we thus expel of sin, so much we expel of virtue: for the matter of them both is the same: remove that, and ye remove them both alike. This justifies the high providence of God, who, though he commands us temperance, justice, continence, yet pours out before us even to a profuseness all desirable things, and gives us minds that can wander beyond all limit and satiety.Why should we then affect a rigour contrary to the manner of God and of nature, by abridging or scanting those means, which books freely permitted, are both to the trial of virtue, and the exercise of truth? It would be better done, to learn that the law must needs be frivolous, which goes to restrain things, uncertainly and yet equally working to good and to evil.

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And were I the chooser, a dram of well-doing should be preferred before many times as much the forcible hinderance of evil doing. For God sure esteems the growth and completing of one virtuous person, more than the restraint of ten vicious. And albeit, whatever thing we hear or see, sitting, walking, travelling, or conversing, may be fitly called our book, and is of the same effect that writings are; yet grant the thing to be prohibited were only books, it appears that this order hitherto is far insufficient to the end which it intends. Do we not see, not once or oftener, but weekly, that continued court-libel against the parliament and city, printed, as the wet sheets can witness, and dispersed among us for all that licensing can do? Yet this is the prime service a man would think wherein this order should give proof of itself. If it were executed, you will say. But certain, if execution be remiss or blindfold now, and in this particular, what will it be hereafter, and in other books? If then the order shall not be vain and frustrate, behold a new labour, lords and commons, ye must repeal and proscribe all scandalous and unlicensed books already printed and divulged; after ye have drawn them up into a list, that all may know which are condemned, and which not; and ordain that no foreign books be delivered out of custody, till they have been read over. This office will require the whole time of not a few overseers, and those no vulgar men. There be also books which are partly useful and excellent, partly culpable and pernicious; this work will ask as many more officials, to make expurgations and expunctions, that the commonwealth of learning be not damnified. In fine, when the multitude of books increase upon their hands, ye must be fain to catalogue all those printers who are found frequently offending, and forbid the importation of their whole suspected typography. In a word, that this your order may be exact, and not deficient, ye must reform it perfectly, according to the model of Trent and Sevil, which I know ye abhor to do. Yet though ye should condescend to this, which God forbid, the order still would be but fruitless and defective to that end whereto ye meant it. If to prevent sects and schisms, who is so unread or uncatechised in story, that hath not heard of many sects refusing books as a hinderance, and preserving their doctrine unmixed for many ages, only by unwritten traditions? The Christian faith (for that was once a schism!) is not unknown to have spread all over Asia, ere any gospel or epistle was seen in writing. If the amendment of manners be aimed at, look into Italy and Spain, whether those places be one scruple the better, the honester, the wiser, the chaster, since all the inquisitional rigour that hath been executed upon books. Another reason, whereby to make it plain that this order will miss the end it seeks, consider by the quality which ought to be in every licenser. It cannot be denied, but that he who is made judge to sit upon the birth or death of books, whether they may be wafted into this world or not, had need to be a man above the common measure, both studious, learned, and judicious; there may be else no mean mistakes in the censure of what is passable or not; which is also no mean injury. If he be of such worth as behoves him, there cannot be a more tedious and unpleasing journeywork, a greater loss of time levied upon his head, than to be made the perpetual reader of unchosen books and pamphlets, ofttimes huge volumes. There is no book that is acceptable, unless at certain seasons; but to be enjoined the reading of that at all times, and in a hand scarce legible, whereof three pages would not down at any time in the fairest print, is an imposition I cannot

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believe how he that values time, and his own studies, or is but of a sensible nostril, should be able to endure. In this one thing I crave leave of the present licensers to be pardoned for so thinking: who doubtless took this office up, looking on it through their obedience to the parliament, whose command perhaps made all things seem easy and unlaborious to them; but that this short trial hath wearied them out already, their own expressions and excuses to them who make so many journeys to solicit their licence, are testimony enough. Seeing the refore those, who now possess the employmen� by all evident signs wish themselves well rid of it, and that no man of worth, none that is not a plain unthrift of this own hours, is ever likely to succeed them, except he mean to put himself to the salary of a press corrector, we may easily foresee what kind of licensers we are to expect hereafter, either ignorant, imperious, and remiss, or basely pecuniary. This is what I had to show, wherein this order cannot conduce to that end whereof it bears the intention. I lastly proceed from the no good it can do, to the manifest hurt it causes, in being first the greatest discouragement and affront that can be offered to learning and to learned men. It was the complaint and lamentation of prelates, upon every least of a motion to remove pluralities, and distribute more equally church revenues, that then all learning would be for ever dashed and discouraged. But as for that opinion , I never found cause to think that the tenth part of learning stood or fell with the clergy: nor could I ever but hold it for a sordid and unworthy speech of any churchman, who had a competency left him. If therefore ye be loath to dishearten utterly and discontent, not the mercenary crew of false pretenders to learning, but the free and ingenuous sort of such as evidently were born to study and love learning for itself, not for lucre, or any other end, but the service of God and of truth, and perhaps that lasting fame and perpetuity of praise, which God and good men have consented shall be the reward of those whose published labours advance the good of mankind: then know, that so far to distrust the judgment and the honesty of one who hath but a common repute in learning, and never yet offended, as not to count him fit to print his mind without a tutor and examiner, lest he should drop a schism, or something of corruption, is the greatest displeasure and indignity to a free and knowing spirit that can be put upon him. What advantage is it to be a man, over it is to be a boy at school, if we have only escaped the ferula, to come under the fescue of an imprimatur? if serious and elaborate writings, as if they were no more than the theme of a grammar-lad under his pedagogue, must not be uttered without the cursory eyes of a temporizing and extemporizing licenser? He who is not trusted with his own actions, his drift not being known to be evil, and standing to the hazard of law and penalty, has no great argument to think himself reputed in the commonwealth wherein he was born for other than a fool or a foreigner. When a man writes to the world, he summons up all his reason and deliberation to assist him; he searches, meditates , is industrious , and likely consults and confers with his judicious friends; after all which done, he takes himself to be informed in what he writes, as well as any that wrote before him; if in this, the most consummate act of his fidelity and ripeness, no years, no industry, no former proof of his abilities, can bring him to that state of maturity, as not to be still mistrusted and suspected, unless he carry all his considerate diligence, all his midnight watchings, and expense of Palladian oil, to the hasty view of an unleisured licenser, perhaps much his younger, perhaps far his inferior

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i n judgment, perhaps one who never knew the labour o f bookwriting; and if he be not repulsed, or slighted, must appear in print like a puny with his guardian, and his censor's hand on the back of his title to be his bail and surety, that he is no idiot or sed ucer; it cannot be but a dishonour and derogation to the author, to the book, to the p rivilege and dignity of learning, And what if the author shall be one so copious of fancy, as to have many things well worth the adding, come into his mind after licensing, while the book is yet under the press, which not seldom happens to the best and diligentest writers; and that perhaps a don:n times in one book. The printer dares not go beyond his licensed copy; so often then must the author trudge to his leave-giver, that those his new insertions may be viewed; and many a jaunt will be made, ere that licenser, for it must be the same man, can either be found, or found at leisure; meanwhile either the press must stand still, which is no small damage, or the author lose his accuratest thoughts, and send the book forth worse than he had made it, which to a diligent writer is the greatest melancholy and vexation that can befall, And how can a man teach with authority, which is the life of teaching; how can he be a doctor in his book, as he ought to be, or else had better be silent, whenas all he teaches, all he delivers, is but under the tuition, under the correction of his patriarchal licenser, to blot or alter what precisely accords not with the hide­ bound humour which he calls his judgment? When every acute reader, upon the first sight of a p ed antic licence, will be ready with these like words to ding the book a quoit's distance from him: - "I hate a pupil teacher; I endure not an instructor that comes to me under the wardship of an overseeing fist. I know nothing of the licenser, but that I have his own hand here for his arrogance; who shall warrant me hi