Reformation of Prayerbooks: The Humanist Transformation of Early Modern Piety in Germany and England [1 ed.] 9783666552748, 9783525552742

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Chaoluan Kao

Reformation of Prayerbooks The Humanist Transformation of Early Modern Piety in Germany and England Academic Studies

41

Refo500 Academic Studies Edited by Herman J. Selderhuis In Co-operation with Günter Frank (Bretten), Bruce Gordon (New Haven), Barbara Mahlmann-Bauer (Bern), Tarald Rasmussen (Oslo), Violet Soen (Leuven), Zsombor Tóth (Budapest), Günther Wassilowsky (Linz), Siegrid Westphal (Osnabrück), David M. Whitford (Waco).

Volume 41

Chaoluan Kao

Reformation of Prayerbooks The Humanist Transformation of Early Modern Piety in Germany and England

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht

For Juta and Lucilla

With 5 tables

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data available online: http://dnb.d-nb.de. ISSN 2197-0165 ISBN 978-3-666-55274-8 You can find alternative editions of this book and additional material on our Website: www.v-r.de © 2018, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Theaterstraße 13, D-37073 Göttingen/ Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht LLC, Bristol, CT, U.S.A. www.v-r.de All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without prior written permission from the publisher. Typesetting by Konrad Triltsch GmbH, Ochsenfurt.

Acknowledgements

This book began as my doctoral dissertation for the School of Theology (STH), Boston University. From a dissertation to a book, I would firstly show my gratitude to the members of my dissertation examination board, whose recommendation to publish my project directed my desire to transform my dissertation into a book. Next, I am grateful to Prof. Dr Herman J. Selderhuis, the editor for the Refo500 Academic Studies series, whose support and encouragement made this publication possible. I would also like to thank Mr Christoph Spill, Mrs Renate Rehkopf, Ms Ingeborg Lüdtke, and those staffs at Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, their professional assistances and services for the process of publication are highly appreciated. I am indebted to various academic institutions. I would like to show my gratitude to Dr Christopher B. Brown for his expertise in the discipline of Christian history, especially of the Reformation as his advice was insightful and valuable for the development of my work as a dissertation and its development into a book publication. I appreciated the opportunity to do work as a research assistant with Dr Brown for Luther’s Works; through this work I became familiar with Luther and the Church fathers’ literatures, which benefited my project. Dr Brown’s generous help with my Latin and German translations is also highly appreciated. This research work also involved the discipline of Christian spiritualty. I am grateful to Dr Claire E. Wolfteich for her instruction in the field of the history of spirituality. Her work aided my investigation of the relationship between Christian history and spirituality, which made this study possible. In addition, I would like to thank Dr David Hempton, whose “Historiography” course equipped me in the study of bibliography and contributed to my study on prayerbooks. In fact, this project could be seen as a bibliographical study in the early modern Europe. I would also like to thank Dr Margaret Schatkin for her friendship and her “Latin Patrology” course at Boston College. She kindly guided me in the practice of Latin translation of patristic literature.

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Acknowledgements

I am indebted to Mr Norman Chen, my cousin, and his wife and my college classmate, Esther, who generously supported my first semester at STH. I am also grateful to STH’s “Springboard” Funding for providing me a grant to do contextual research in Germany in April 2010. I would also like to thank the John Wesley Annas Scholarship fund 2012, which was a gift from an alumnus of the class of 1930! I am humbly honored and encouraged to receive his gift just as if it were a torch passed to me. My colleagues at Religious & Theological Studies Department, Merrimack College (Mass.) have offered joyful and invaluable support for my work for which I am grateful to them. I am also grateful to Mr Timothy Huang, who generously edited some of my English writings. Finally, I would like to thank my family: My husband, Rev. Dr Juta Pan, instead of reading my paper, always showed his support with silence and with a smile as he listened to many of my “lectures” about how I would work on my project. His quiet assistance has been another important support for my study. I would also like to thank my lovely daughter, Lucilla Pan, a current Ph.D. candidate at Emory University (Philosophy), who was enthusiastic about being my “assistant” to check my Latin and German and to copyedit my English expressions! I dedicate this work to my family as my gratitude is immense for their full support of my work. Chaoluan Kao Malden, Massachusetts

Contents

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11 12 17 20

Chapter 1: “New Wine in Fresh Wineskins” – The Emergence of Early Protestant Prayerbooks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . For the Sake of Protestant Reformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prayerbooks for German Reformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prayerbooks for English Reformation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . For the Sake of Laypeople’s Spiritual Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prayerbooks for German Readers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prayerbooks for English Readers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . For the Sake of Women’s Piety . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . For the Sake of Young Readers’ Piety . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prayerbooks: A Field of Religious Rivalry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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23 23 23 24 27 33 33 40 41 47 50 55

Chapter 2: “Prayerful Soul Needs Feeding” – Lectio Divina and Humanism in Early Evangelical Prayerbooks . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Textual Approach: Modern Lectio Divina . . . . . . . . . . . . Humanist Nutrition for the Souls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bible as Essential Spiritual Nourishment . . . . . . . . . . . . Ancient Sources for Defending Faith . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Inheritance from Medieval Inner Piety . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sharing from Contemporary Works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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57 57 58 61 63 66 69 71 74

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Early Protestant Prayerbooks and Study . Protestant Piety and Study . . . . . . . . Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Chapter 3: “Heavenly Glory and Earthly Piety” – The Patterns of Piety in Protestant Prayerbooks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Piety of “Heavenly Glory” and “Earthly Piety” . . . . . . . . . . . . . Piety of koinonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Piety in Daily Discipline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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77 77 78 84 87 91

Chapter 4: Approaching God – Faith and the Word Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . From Love to Faith in Protestant Reformation . . Faith as Essential in Prayer . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prayer in God’s Promises and the Trusting Heart Prayer in God’s Holiness and Purity of Heart . . . The Evangelical Way of Private Confession . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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93 93 94 101 102 104 106 111

Chapter 5: Reframing Holy Living – Prayer and This World Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prayer as Transformation of Human Dignity . . . . . . . . Prayer as Loving Fellowship with Others . . . . . . . . . . “This World” as the Hallmark of Pious Living . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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113 113 113 117 123 128

Chapter 6: Godly Companionship – Women’s Piety in Early Evangelical Prayerbooks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Traditional Prayerbooks and Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Protestant Women’s Piety under Debate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Protestant Prayerbooks and Women’s Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prayerbooks and Female Spiritual Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

129 129 130 133 139 144 147

Chapter 7: Holy Reading in Transnational Perspective Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Translating Protestant Prayerbooks . . . . . . . . . . Spiritual Reading as Piety Itself . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

149 149 149 156 161

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General Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Appendix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Bibliography . . . . . Primary Sources . . Manuscripts . . . Printed Works . . Secondary Sources Electronic Sources .

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Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Introduction

Martin Luther (1483–1546) once declared that prayerbook [Betbeuchlin], together with catechism [Catechismum], hymnal [Gesanbuechlin], postils [Postillen], and the German Bible [Deudsch Bibel], are the remarkable achievements of the Reformation project (LW 21:200–201; cf. Brown: 2008, 205). His addresses indicated these five spiritual literatures were important products of Protestant Reformation; history also affirmed that they are significant texts for presenting Protestant piety. Although Protestant prayerbooks, along with other texts, served as meaningful spiritual sources that provided a way to look at the development of Protestant piety, they have received less attention in past academic studies compared with other materials. With such observation, this volume intends to explore the early Protestant prayerbook for its state of piety, and its influences to the Protestant Reformation and history of Christian spirituality, so as to assert Luther’s perspective, and to disclose the significance of prayerbooks to Christianity. During the Reformation, the late medieval prayerbooks were transformed into the Protestant prayerbooks1 – laypeople’s private devotional handbooks, – revised and recreated by the reformers on the basis of, as well as in opposition to, medieval patterns of Christian prayer. By combining elements from Christian spiritual traditions, humanist culture, and Reformation theology, early Protestant prayerbooks comprised a unique kind of spiritual literature. Compared to the traditional liturgical prayer format of the late medieval prayerbooks, the specific features of some early Protestant prayerbooks offered prayer texts for both praying and reading; others only provided spiritual texts for instruction or 1 A Prayerbook is a Christian personal religious handbook of the laity. In different faith groups “prayerbook” has different terms: “Book of Hours” is the Catholic term for the late medieval prayerbook. “The Book of Hours was the standard book of popular devotion in western Europe during the late Middle Ages and Renaissance. Essentially it contained a series of short services, the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary, designed to be recited at different times of the day and night.” (Backhouse: c. 1985, 3); Gebetbuch is the German term for; libellli precum is the Latin term ; and Prymer or Primer is the English term for “prayerbook”.

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advice. As such, prayerbooks were not only books for prayer but also materials for spiritual learning. Also, the pattern of piety of the early Protestant prayerbooks presented a change from love to faith when approaching the divine and from the monastic pattern of spiritual practice to concern for holy life in daily activities. With the transformation of the pattern of piety, early Protestant prayerbooks served as a bridge connecting traditional prayerbooks for reciting prayers and modern spiritual books for religious reading. The prayerbooks equipped readers with a piety of heart and intellect, aided in the transformation of character, and pushed them toward social concerns. In addition to offering spiritual resources for laypeople, prayerbooks in the early modern era fostered a type of spirituality that exercised influence well beyond that transitional period. This study proposes to discover the spiritual heritage that Protestant reformers and their followers sought to teach early modern laity in particular as well as the valuable spiritual references they made available to Christians today. It also intends to describe and to interpret the transformation and transmission of Christian piety from the late medieval period to the post-Reformation, which reveals the continuity, change, and inter-confessional influence of Christian piety.

Early Protestant Prayerbooks and Study In his seminal essay “Problems of Reformation Research,” (Moeller: 1972, 3–18), originally published in German in 1965 (1965, 246–257), Bernd Moeller lamented that scholars had not treated the Reformation as an “event” or “history,” but only looked at it in narrow theological terms. He urged a change, encouraging researchers to look at the Reformation as history, and to examine it by historical methods, sources, and interpretation. Reformation research, he argued, should fully integrate social history. Moeller expected that historians could study fruitfully the Reformation from different perspectives – political, socioeconomic, intellectual, and spiritual – so as to provide further insight into and to understand the Reformation. In the past half-century, scholars like John Bossy (1985), Steven Ozment (1975), and Scott Hendrix (2004) have advanced the social-historical study of the Reformation in an apparent answer to Moeller’s call. The new historiography of the Reformation has shown us a diverse picture of the Reformation movement in the early modern European context. Moreover, it has led to the firm consensus that the Reformation was by no means an exclusively theological or spiritual movement, but a movement interwoven with social-religious issues in the early modern European context. It was not a purely innovative break from medieval

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religion; instead, it both continued and diverged from its late medieval context, and cannot be separated entirely from its predecessor. The challenges of this new historiography are to continue the integration of social and religious history – rather than simply to move to a new exclusivity that would mirror the old historical theology lamented by Moeller in social-historical terms – and to identify sources appropriate to advance such study. A recent survey of Reformation research points out that the “key” (Edwards: 2008, 342) to the study of popular religion is the literature used to disseminate “official” religion and shape popular piety. Gerald Strauss’s (1978) study on Lutheran catechisms in the household, Christopher Brown’s (2005) study on Lutheran hymnals, and Ian Green’s (1996) on English catechisms have been particularly fruitful in making use of such sources to describe early modern religion in its social context and ramifications. Relatively neglected within the spectrum of the early modern literature of piety, however, are the Protestant prayerbooks. Although Protestant prayerbooks have begun to receive attention in some current scholarship, the relative lack of study on Protestant prayerbooks is still a deficit in our understanding of Protestant piety in the Reformation. This historical study of prayerbooks in mostly German and English contexts during the early modern era attempts to contribute to the above inquiry in Reformation research, so as to increase our understanding of that period. The first significance of this project is its cross-regional study of Protestant prayerbooks. Although prayerbooks play an important role in understanding Protestant piety, historical studies of early modern Protestant prayerbooks are rare. And those that do exist are either limited in geographical scope or else focus on individual religious groups for the sake of their own beliefs. Eamon Duffy’s (2006) work on late medieval English Catholic prayerbooks is an example of some of the best work that has been done. In Marking the Hours: English People and their Prayers 1240–1570, Duffy examines the surviving copies of prayerbooks that were used privately by the English laity. He discusses the content and highlights the significance of each copy, indicating the relationship between private thoughts and social context. Duffy addresses, moreover, the social and religious changes in the Reformation, and then points out how the contents of prayerbooks were shaped by the change in religious traditions, serving as confessional disciplines for both Catholic and Protestant groups. Although these Catholic books are not the main subjects of this study, Duffy’s works present an important background for the study of Protestant prayerbooks. Among the literature on Protestant prayerbooks, Paul Althaus’s Forschungen zur evangelischen Gebetsliteratur is an old publication from 1927, but nonetheless, it is a very valuable volume that presents guidance for research on Protestant prayer literature in the Reformation era, especially for German prayerbooks. He

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concludes that prayer was one of the important elements both in Protestant worship and private religious life. Angela Baumann-Koch’s (2001) Frühe lutherische Gebetsliteratur bei Andreas Musculus und Daniel Cramer is a volume that discusses the texts and development of early Lutheran prayerbooks. Baumann-Koch focuses her studies on Andreas Musculus’s Precandi Formulae (1553) and Betbüchlein (1559), and on the Hortulus animae of Daniel Cramer (1611), which was a Lutheran prayerbook following the widespread late-medieval work with the same name. Generally, Baumann-Koch analyzes these prayer literatures, their creation process, and the original sources from the medieval tradition. Her work indicates that Protestant prayerbooks drew much from late-medieval tradition, especially pseudo-Augustine and its influences. A third study of German prayerbooks is Traugott Koch’s (2001) Johann Habermanns ”Betbüchlein” im Zusammenhang seiner Theologie: Eine Studie zur Gebetsliteratur und zur Theologie des Luthertums im 16. Jahrhundert. This volume examines Johann Habermann’s (1516–1592) theology, especially his prayerbook and other devotional writings. Koch locates Habermann’s works within his contemporary historical context and praises them as being full of a pastor’s care for his congregations. Habermann’s Christliche Gebet or Betbüchlein in 1567 was designed to assist the laity by daily prayer, since he believed that everyone can and must have an individual experience of God. Moreover, Habermann’s prayerbook contributed to the future development of the Lutheran prayerbooks. In general, German prayerbooks were influenced by late-medieval tradition, developed by Lutheran theology, and created for the laity’s private devotional needs. Unlike scholarly studies of German prayerbooks, which have tended to analyze them in terms of literature and theology, studies of Tudor English prayerbooks have been more concerned with the relationship between prayerbooks and their social-political context. Edward Burton’s (1848) Three Primers Put Forth in the Reign of Henry VIII compiles A Goodly Prymer (1535), The Manual of Prayers of the Prayer in English (1539), and The King Henry’s Primer (1545). He attempts to give readers insights into the English primers of the sixteenth century and to examine the relationships among these three primers. Burton believed that they were published by people with differing religious opinions and showed the progress of religious change in the Reformation. A second study is Helen White’s (1951) The Tudor Books of Private Devotion. White focuses her studies on private piety during the period of the English Tudors by examining various private spiritual texts. She states that the development of private spiritual materials originated during the medieval period as a kind of pastoral spiritual guidance for the pupils in their daily lives. In England, the primers were not only one of the most influential and important forms of private

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spiritual material in the English Reformation, but they also functioned as official propaganda for directing people’s religious confession. In The English Primers, 1529–1545: their Publication and Connection with the English Bible and the Reformation in England (1953), Charles Butterworth examines ten English primers from the early English Reformation. Instead of studying their functions, he focuses his work on the relationship of English printings, vernacular Bible versions in English, and the context of the English Reformation in anticipating the rise of the Book of Common Prayer in 1545. Generally, Butterworth puts the primers in a unique position in order to look at their development, to discover the ways in which they directed people’s religious lives, and to find out their influences in the context of religious change. In their 1992 article, “Thomas Bentley’s the Monument of Matrones (1582): The First Anglican Prayer Book for Women,” Colin B. and Jo B. Atkinson analyze the genre and contents of Bentley’s book and attempt to argue that it was given to women in order to instruct them in subordinate roles. The Atkinsons’ study gives us a sense that the idea of piety for women in Elizabeth’s reign should be considered as a political and social production shaped by male concepts. Finally, Susan Felch’s (2004) “The Development of the English Prayer Book,” in Worship in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Change and Continuity in Religious Practice, studies the prefaces of English prayerbooks in the Reformation, along with some devotional materials. Felch states that both change and continuity coexist in laypeople’s religious experiences. The change can be found in laypeople, especially laywomen, who could practice their piety at home and in schools; their style of memorizing prayers was changed to reading prayers. As for continuity, it can be found in the use of prayerbooks and the use of texts that expressed the whole Church’s ideal of piety. The scholars discussed above have all contributed insightful studies on prayerbooks. However, as the Reformation was a pan-continental religious movement (Hendrix: 2004, xx, xvii), we should be concerned that these scholars’ works are focused more on specific regional interesting and therefore lack a cross-contextual approach on modern Protestant prayerbooks. As an alternative inquiry on this subject, this project intends to present a cross-regional study of Protestant prayerbooks especially German and English texts during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Both of these two regions actively offered various prayerbooks for their readers. For example, more than 370 editions of German prayerbooks were published by 1600 and more than 200 new materials appeared during the seventeenth century (Lund: 2011, 10). There were more than 180 editions of English prayerbooks published between 1525 and 1560 although this number also included traditional prayerbooks (Butterworth: 1953, 1). The second question this project will address is the character of the early Protestant piety that was shaped and supported by the prayerbooks. Early Prot-

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Introduction

estant prayerbooks were powerful tools to shape and equip the laity for pious living. Apart from the Holy Scriptures, prayerbooks were among the most important spiritual sources that the reformers published. The reformers also promoted the prayerbooks as an important way to instruct the daily devotional life of laypeople in order to reinforce Protestant confessions. On the other hand, influential researchers such as Althaus and Duffy have argued that Protestant prayerbooks were so dependent upon medieval and their contemporary Roman Catholic models that they failed to convey a distinct or faithful “evangelical” theology or piety; this conclusion has been challenged, however, in the German context, by the work of Koch. This project intends to explore this issue from a broader range of texts to identify important continuities of content between Protestant and medieval prayerbooks as well as distinctively evangelical transformations or innovations reflecting theological topics such as faith and the word, holy living and this world, the priesthood of all believers, and the theology of prayer; these topics were articulated both explicitly in the introductions and prefaces and implicitly in the arrangement and contents of early Protestant prayerbooks. In addition, the sixteenth-century Protestant prayerbooks also influenced the rise of later Protestant devotional literature, such as the devotional books of Pietism. Protestant prayerbooks renovated the late medieval Books of Hours. They not only directed a kind of piety different from that of the late medieval, but also laid the ground for the development of Protestant piety in the future. Besides, since women were long-term, devout users of prayerbooks in both the medieval and early modern periods, the study of prayerbooks also provides an important window to explore the contribution of prayerbooks to women’s religious roles. Early Protestant piety was both inwardly and outwardly oriented, with emphasis on both heart and vocation; and learning and action; it was also both patristic and humanistic, as reformers grasped resources from both traditions to address the characteristics of piety. The post-Reformation authors of Protestant prayerbooks utilized the methods of Renaissance humanism to renovate latemedieval prayerbooks, and in so doing contributed to their secularization, i. e., a focus on worldly vocations and the household. Moreover, early Protestant prayerbooks influenced the development of Pietism and early modern religious reading. Early modern prayerbooks crossed geographical contexts between Germany and England; prayerbooks appeared in the languages of Latin, German, and English; they collected sources from the Bible, ancient sources, medieval literature, and their contemporary materials. Prayerbooks shaped laypeople’s piety, especially women’s spiritual roles, and influenced the rise of Protestant devotional literature. All these phenomena show that Protestant prayerbooks were products of humanism as early modern authors used humanist sources to redact late-medieval prayerbooks. This emphasis on humanism contributed to the genre’s

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secularization with a new focus on worldly vocations, including the household. By adopting humanist sources, Christian prayerbook authors shifted their emphasis from the divine to the human, even though they kept their original spiritual intention. Early Protestant prayerbooks are repositories of various spiritual heritages and cultural adaptations, which transmitted a renovated spirituality to early Protestant readers and their descendants, and they played an important role in the development of evangelical piety. The transformation that occurred in early Protestant prayerbooks demonstrates how religious change occurs in tandem with cultural shifts, revealing efforts to make the Christian message acceptable to their contemporary adherents.

Protestant Piety and Study This project is a historical study of Protestant piety, employing the methods of social history and historical theology to study the prayerbooks, a genre of spiritual literature of early modern Protestants. Hence, this research also involves the discipline of Christian spirituality as a way to examine Protestant piety. Since there has been extensive debate over Christian spirituality, for example, the debates about the methodology and definition of spirituality in contemporary scholarly works, there are two issues that need to be clarified in advance in order to avoid confusion. The first issue is the terminology of “piety” and “spirituality.” “Spirituality” has had different meanings in different historical periods. St Paul’s construction of the spirit and the flesh was similar in form to Plato’s dualism, and influenced a view among some Christians of the soul as being opposed to the body. During the thirteenth century, a new nuance surfaced. For some, the term came to be identified with ecclesiastical offices and goods. In the sixteenth century, spirituality frequently signified the inner and private spiritual life. Although from the eighteenth century onward, ascetic and mystical theologies were the preferred terms in the Catholic Church, spirituality reappeared in France at the beginning of the twentieth century and became a well-accepted term by both contemporary Catholic and Protestant scholars today (McGinn: 2005, 28). Given this historical perspective, spirituality can be seen as an ambiguous term that may contribute to confusion in our understanding and communication. Luther and other Protestant reformers preferred the word piety [Frömmigkeit] and regarded spirituality as having a negative connotation. Luther once criticized those people who declared that they had the Spirit dwelling within them without following the instructions of the Word (Luther: 1536, 3.8.3–6).2 “Spirituality” for 2 See Die Schmalkaldischen Artikel (1536), 3.8.3–6. [Smalcald Articles] [Aland 672], in: Die

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Introduction

Luther implied a sense of seeking inner religious experience while ignoring the external Word, but now, spirituality is a commonly accepted term. Thus, the term piety best fits the historical context of the sixteenth century, but for this project, piety and spirituality will be used interchangeably. Second, the approach to the study that I use is closer to the historical-contextual approach of Christian spirituality, though theological, anthropological, and practical approaches are also important trends in the study of spirituality.3 The engagement of historical-contextual approach is an interdisciplinary way to learn Protestant Reformation piety through both popular piety and their connection with contemporary social context. Volker Drehsen’s study of Protestant piety provides insightful analysis on the research of popular piety. Drehsen states: Piety…[is] an object of interdisciplinary efforts par excellence, precisely because piety includes ingredients of that religious life which cannot be fully reproduced by doctrine and theory… It is its social dynamic, its self-portrayal and the explication of its selfconception which have led to the elevation of piety to an object of scientific reflection – at least in Protestant circles (Drehsen: 1982, 168).

Drehsen’s view to Protestant piety, the Reformation as an example, as it sought to distinguish its theological teachings from late medieval concepts, and it was concerned with worldly duty (Drehsen: 1982, 169). For Drehsen, early Protestantism illustrated that popular piety was visible, active, and focused on the world because it was concerned with the transformation of the new faith. Reformers’ Bekenntnisschriften der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche: herausgegeben im Gedenkjahr der Augsburgischen (1967), Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 453–454; The Book of Concord: the Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church (1959), Theodore G. Tappert, trans. and ed., Philadelphia, PA: Mühlenberg Press, 312. 3 Generally, the theological approach addresses spirituality as one of theological teachings, focusing on human consciousness of the divine and the progressive development and doctrinal construction. Philip Sheldrake’s view to spirituality as “living theology” is a typical theological approach style (Sheldrake; 1998). The anthropological approach stresses the elements of human nature and experiences. Sandra Schneiders, as an example, states that spirituality as discipline is “the experience of conscious involvement in the project of life-integration through self-transcendence toward the ultimate value one perceives.” (Schneiders: 2005, 5–24, 6). The historical-contextual approach is the third way that emphasizes not only individual spiritual experiences but also their roots and relationships with their specific communities. Bernard McGinn defines spirituality as “the lived experience of Christian belief in both its general and more specialized forms.” (McGinn: 2005: 25–41, 33). Apart from theological, anthropological, and historical-contextual approaches of three common methods of studying spirituality, Clair Wolfteich offers practical theological approach as a further method in the study of spirituality. Wolfteich’s proposal of practical theological approach to the study of spirituality attempts to restore the original understanding of theology before the Enlightenment era, which was a theology containing both a “sapiential knowledge” and practice. (Wolfteich: 2009, 121–143).

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projects were not only concerned with spiritual renewal but also with worldly witness in education, civilization, vocation, etc. Drehsen considers that, “The element of subjectivity, which distinguishes itself from tradition and institution,” and “the element of everyday ethical” are two important dimensions for understanding piety from the perspective of social history (Drehsen: 1982, 169). Therefore, social phenomena cannot be excluded from popular piety in early modern Protestant circles. The sociocultural phenomena demonstrate that popular piety was by no means an abstract or inwardly religious matter; instead, it was a life of outward activities. All societal phenomena should be important points of study when considering popular piety. Social perspective should also be applied to the study on early modern prayerbooks to extend our understanding of early Protestant piety. In addition to social context and humanist influence, another way to understand Protestant Reformation piety is to consider specific spiritual themes in religious texts in order to trace the continuity and divergence from the late medieval to the early modern period. The study of various types of spiritual texts offers historian scholars resources to reconstruct elements of popular piety. Scholarly address of reformers’ theology was crucial for the change though the piety itself remained in its primary stage for the sake of laity. The crucial scholar who offered the framework of learning piety from the late Middle Ages to the Reformation is Berndt Hamm. He once proposed a term, “theology of piety” [Frömmigkeitstheologie], to identify the feature of late medieval popular piety and considers it to be as simple as ABC entry-level (Hamm: 2004, 19). Hamm states, The “theology of piety” is one which, at the levels of both reflection and instruction, seeks to cultivate the proper, salutary form of the Christians’ life; it subordinates all other matters traditional to theology in the pursuit of its primary goal of tending to the comforting and salvation of the soul…. The “theology of piety” in the 15th century was characterized by a preference to address those priests and members of monastic orders who lacked higher theological training, along with laypersons (Hamm: 2004, 19).

Hamm indicates that the audiences in the late medieval period were mostly people who lacked higher theological training. For the sake of these people, the instructions in their spiritual texts were simplified in order to present the contents that were the most basic but also most important, suitable, and workable for the readers’ daily life. He considers that salvation was the ultimate and only mission for producing such style of texts for medieval people, and the purpose of these materials was “edification” but not “speculation.” As such, the teaching in medieval popular piety presented the features of “simplification and reduction, or ‘centering,’ in comparison to complex scholastic theology and speculative mysticism.” (Hamm: 2004, 19).

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Introduction

Hamm’s theology of piety highlights that the message of piety was simple and straightforward in the late medieval church. Its primary concern was to teach basic doctrine as this was the audience’s ordinary interest. His work found adherent in Austra Reinis’s (2007) Reforming the Art of Dying: The ars moriendi in the German Reformation (1519–1528). It is a case that follows such framework to communicate the development of Protestant piety from the aspect of reformers’ theology of dying. The study of early evangelical prayerbooks would also follow Hamm’s way of exploring the Protestant piety although there are some other possibilities for the research. Although Protestant reformers broke from the Catholic Church both theologically and practically and directed a new spiritual tradition, Protestant prayerbooks in some ways continued to carry some basic spiritual elements from the medieval period to the Reformation. These elements included catechism for the guidance of laypeople’s spiritual formation and growth and a requirement of heartfelt prayer. Even though Protestant prayerbooks developed their own pattern of piety like having faith in prayer, living a holy life, and the practice of prayer, they still demonstrated the same fundamental feature and purpose like traditional prayerbooks.

Overview Limited by the space, the study will mainly explore seventeen English texts from Anglican, early Puritan groups in addition to seven German texts from the Lutheran group for consulting or for reference. The relationship between German and English prayerbooks will also be explored. The lack of Reformed prayerbooks in this project is due to the fact that the Reformed church did not offer prayerbooks for private use but only for liturgical purpose at that time.4 As such, this investigation shall consult some of Calvin’s treaties on prayer as supplementary material.5 Also, the reasons for excluding references to Radical tradi4 According to Andrew Pettegree and other scholars’ study, the printed material of the Reformed Church in Geneva or France focused on sermons and hymnals, as well as on shaping people’s confessions and moral behavior; whether prayerbooks were used or not is not mentioned in this volume. (Pettegree/Conner/Nelles: 2001). The liturgical use of the Reformed prayerbook, see John Calvin (1643), The forme of prayers and administration of the sacraments, &c. Vsed in the English congregation at Geneva: and approved by the famous and learned man John Calvin. [London]: Printed first at Geneva. MDLVIII. Now re-printed at London, MDCXLIII. [1643]. 5 Calvin (1975), Prayer, in Institutes, in: John Calvin: Selections from His Writings, John Dillenberger (ed.), Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 307–317; and (1997), Of Prayer, in: Institutes of the Christian Religion, Henry Beveridge (trans.), Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, Book III, Chapter XX, 143–201.

Overview

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tions include their different practices of piety, their general neglect of prayerbooks, and the spatial limits of this project. To avoid a loss of focus, I will leave these two religious groups to the inquiry of other scholars. Overall, the crossnational survey on English and German texts undertaken by this study will permit a fresh evaluation of these characterizations in a broader context. This project investigates early Protestant prayerbooks from the first Protestant prayerbook that emerged in 1522 to the end of seventeenth century, and it examines them as spiritual texts with social and theological significance, which helped disseminate popular understandings of Protestant piety. Another limitation to the project should be noted here: Since my interest is in the private piety of laypeople, my study will not refer to institutional churches and their pubic liturgical texts – for example, the Book of Common Prayer. Materials that have been studied previously by contemporary scholars will be reconsidered especially when they meet the criteria listed above. Early evangelical prayerbooks were a product of Reformation and Renaissance humanism, and they also played a principal role in shaping Protestant piety. A comprehensive view of early modern Protestant prayerbooks will take into account both correspondences with and divergences from medieval forms of prayer as Protestants developed patterns of daily prayer and prayers for individual needs in different circumstances. The first chapter of the project offers a textual survey through studying the preface and elements in each prayerbook to understand the factors leading to the emergence of early evangelical prayerbooks as well as spotlights the features of diversity and variety of prayerbooks. Chapter two intends to indicate the first transformation of prayerbooks from its outfit and sources utilized to present a modern lectio divina. The sources of the spiritual texts in prayerbooks were from the Bible as well as ancient, medieval, and contemporary literature. With the elimination of images from the traditional prayerbooks, Protestant prayerbooks used spiritual texts to instruct readers to not just recite text but also to ask them to read texts, to meditate, and then to respond to God. From reading, meditation, and response, this process comprised a prayer and an early modern portrayal of lectio divine. Apart from the transformation of outfit and sources utilized that address in the first two chapters, the second transformation uncovered in the following section includes the theological change from love to faith in prayer and the stress of the glorification of God in chapter four, as well as spiritual practice remodeling from the monastic imitation to worldly caring in chapter five. The piety in Protestant prayerbooks was concerned with both God and this world and frequently referred to the teaching of the Lord’s Prayer. The pattern of the Lord’s Prayer found parallels in early Protestant prayerbooks as they offered three facets of teaching of the divine, self, and daily occasion in prayer texts. A brief analysis

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Introduction

of the Lord’s Prayer will be addressed in chapter three, which will set up and serve as a background for chapters four and five. The last section concentrates on the transmissions of Protestant prayerbooks to subsequent Protestant piety. Chapter six shows the contributions of prayerbooks to women’s spiritual life. They created a spiritual heritage that subsequently developed into other spiritual genres, for example, women’s spiritual diaries and mother’s advice books and the development of spiritual literature such as autobiography. Chapter seven explores how the reception of prayerbooks reveals reading as piety itself and how translations passed on spiritual teachings in early modern Protestant circles. The study in this section aims to further explore the influence of Protestant prayerbooks on the development of devotional literatures as well as how they encouraged reading, advising, and sharing among Protestant Christians. The concluding chapter will place this project in the context of Christian history, especially late-medieval Church history, in order to evaluate aspects of change and continuity that Protestant reformers brought about in the understanding and practice of prayer. It will also unfold a new understanding of the private devotional life of Christians that emerged during the Protestant Reformation. Early Protestant prayerbooks emerged in specific cultural and religious contexts, namely humanism and the Reformation, which shaped its transformation from the traditional formulation to early modern interests. Although Protestants continued to offer spiritual handbooks for laypeople, but Protestant prayerbooks represented an alternative to medieval prayerbooks in their contents, tasks, sources, and teachings on prayer, as a renovated spiritual literature in early modern Europe. In prayerbooks, early Protestant piety required intellectual engagement, emphasized a faithful and heartfelt attitude in approaching God, and urged regular exercise in prayer and reading. Protestant prayerbooks modeled for their readers a Protestant piety that was a fervent spiritual practice solidly grounded in the social context and connections of its practitioners. Through early Protestant prayerbooks, Reformation could be understood as re-defining the meanings of people’s spiritual lives and re-discovering how to live piously. In a broader sense, early Protestant prayerbooks functioned as a channel of historical and spiritual transition, which not only told us the transformation and transmission of Reformation historically but also signified us the development of Christian spirituality from the late medieval to the early modern period.

Chapter 1: “New Wine in Fresh Wineskins” – The Emergence of Early Protestant Prayerbooks

Introduction Medieval prayerbooks offered instruction and spiritual exercises to shape laypeople’s piety by way of texts and images. Generally, their content was similar, and they varied primarily in the arrangement of their artistic ornamentation. When one turns then to early Protestant prayerbooks, the situation changes. Various and diverse, early evangelical prayerbooks did not fit any set pattern or have uniform theological content. The transformation of the Book of Hours to the evangelical prayerbooks was due to the church schism between Catholic and Protestant groups. Prayerbooks became a tool to promote Protestant faith in the beginning of the Reformation era. These sets of prayers were intended to offer prayer texts as well as communicate concepts of prayer and relative themes of faith so that their followers’ spiritual lives or devotional pattern could be acceptable from the evangelical faith perspective. Later on, Protestant prayerbooks focused on sustaining laypeople’s spiritual growth in general and targeted specific audiences such as women and the youth as opposed to promoting the Reformation project. The laity was the target that forced the prayerbooks to transform or develop, so that they could pass on specific faith teachings to lay readers, obtain support from them, or offer spiritual benefit to specific readers in the early modern period. Promotion and transfer of the evangelical faith to various readers were the factors that lead to the emergence of early Protestant prayerbooks.

For the Sake of Protestant Reformation Protestant prayerbooks were a product of religious transition so as to champion Reformation movement. The Protestant separation from the Catholic Church resulted in a long-term reconstruction of the entire religious-social-political landscape. Protestant reformers, in addition to producing pamphlets and re-

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The Emergence of Early Protestant Prayerbooks

constructing worship, also actively enlisted political powers to change a whole town or city from the old faith to the new form like Ulrich Zwingli (1484–1531) did in Zurich. In England, the religious climate constantly altered according to the interests of political rulers. If the Reformation was to take root among the masses – the laity – it needed to find additional powerful tools to realize its goals. For this reason, prayerbooks, which already functioned as essential spiritual resources for the laity, were adopted and renewed by reformers as meaningful equipment for communicating their agenda. Instead of the commissioners of traditional prayerbooks, the laity became the targeted recipients of early Protestant prayerbooks.

Prayerbooks for German Reformation The Reformation in Germany, especially in Wittenberg, shared this story. In the first stage, the reforming project was not successfully completed as traditional prayerbooks still circulated among the laity. Luther considered that since laypeople’s prayerbooks were influential in medieval society, prayerbooks could be useful tools for communicating and redirecting the laity’s faith towards the Protestantism. The early Protestant prayerbooks of the reformers sought to correct the inaccurate religious teachings and practices that existed in traditional prayerbooks. As Luther wrote in the Preface of his prayerbook (1522),1 the old prayerbooks were not helpful to the Christian faith as, “They drub into the minds of simple people such a wretched counting up of sins and going to confession, such un-Christian tomfoolery about prayers to God and his saints… promises of indulgences… and with decorations in red ink and pretty titles.” (WA 10.2:375; LW 43:11). Luther thus requested his readers to stop using St Bridget’s fifteen prayers and certain other mystical practices. Luther not only utilized prayerbooks to stress his evangelical faith, but he also called on the laity to support his Reformation project via prayerbooks. On the title page of the 1522 edition of his prayerbook, Luther made an unusual dedication to the laity in order to promote his theological and spiritual renovation. The book was dedicated to “allen meynen lieben herrn und brudern ynn Christo.” (WA 10.2:375; LW 43:11). “Masters” and “brothers” were two different groups of laity, yet both were important for Luther’s Reformation: “The support of these authorities for the new book and their recommendation would help greatly Luther’s effort at reforming the forms of personal piety among the laity.”2 1 Luther (1522), Ein Betbüchlein der 10 Gebote, des Glaubens, des Vater unsers und des Ave Maria [Personal Prayer Book]. [Aland 80]. [VD 16 L 4083, 4084, 4086, 4087]. 2 Helmut Lehmann’s comment on Luther’s Betbüchlein, see LW 43:11, fn. 1.

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Luther’s Reformation was highly dependent on the support of secular rulers, and Luther also recognized that an appeal to the “brothers” – the laity – was vital for his project’s success. Prayerbooks became a significant tool for conveying doctrine and identity during a time of uncertain religious change. Luther’s tailoring on the traditional prayerbook was a long process. He made his effort to renovate the contents in different versions of prayerbooks in order to offer a better textual approach and style of materials that could be utilized by his readers. Johann Grünenberg printed the first edition of the Betbüchlein, Luther’s prayerbook, in Wittenberg on June 2, 1522.3 Although Luther’s Betbüchlein was not the earliest Protestant prayerbook,4 it was the most influential of the early modern Protestant prayerbooks. After the publication of Betbüchlein in 1522, the book went through nine editions in the same year, four more in 1523, four in 1524, two in 1525, and one in each year from 1526 to 1530 (cf. LW 43:7). It appeared in a total of 48 editions by the end of his life in 1546 (cf. Brown: 2008, 240). His book was translated into English based on the book’s third printing in 1522, and entitled Personal Prayer Book.5 Luther’s Betbüchlein was also translated into Danish in 1526, Swedish and French in 1529 (cf. LW 43:9, fn.12), and Latin in 1529 and 1543 (cf. Brown: 2008, 240). Luther’s prayerbook was popular and well-circulated among different areas. Although Luther considered traditional prayerbooks to be impediments to his Reformation project, he did not reject every part of their content. The 1522 Wittenberg edition was about forty pages. He omitted most items from the traditional prayerbooks, like seven penitential Psalms, hymns, the extracts of the Gospels, the Hours of Divine Office, Litany, and Dirige, but he did retain the Hail Mary. Luther’s renovation also included adding his preface, the Lord’s Prayer, the Ten Commandments, the Creed, eight Psalms (10, 12, 20, 25, 51, 67, 79, 103), and his German translation of the Book of Titus (cf. WA 38:351–358). In the 1523 edition, along with the elements in the 1522 edition, Luther included the Books of Romans, Timothy, I and II Peters, Jude, and his Sermon on Contemplating the Holy Suffering of Christ (1519) (cf. WA 2:136–142). Developing 3 Luther (1522), Betbüchlein. According to VD16, there are three prayerbooks by Luther that were published by Grungenberg in Wittenberg in 1522. [VD 16 L 4084, 4086, 4087]. One of the survived original hardcopies is collected in the Luther House and Museum (Lutherhaus), Wittenberg, Germany. Another edition printed by Nikolaus Widemar in Grimma in 1522 has been digitized. [VD16 L 4083]. The modern textual edition is included in WA 10.2:375–452. For secondary sources discussing this text, see LW 43:5–10; Russell: 2002, 49–54; Brown: 2008, 237– 240. 4 The very earliest one was made by George Spalatin in Erfurt in 1522, entitled, Some Christian Prayers and Instruction, with twelve pages, LW 43:9. For the text, see WA 10.2:196–501. 5 See the modern English edition in LW 43:11–45; the translation according to the editor is based on Luther’s German text, Betbüchlein (1522) in WA 10.2: 375–406.

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to the 1529 edition, Luther made his prayerbook a more thorough compilation of 208 pages. Apart from the items in the 1522 edition, Luther added a Latin calendar, Sermon on Prayer and Processions in Holy Week (cf. WA 2:175–177), Sermon on the Holy, Revered Sacrament of Baptism (cf. WA 2:727–737), Sermon on Confession and Sacrament (cf. WA 15:481–505), Sermon on Preparation for Death (cf. WA 2:685–697), the Prayer of Manasseh from his translation of the Apocrypha, and fifty pages of woodcuts from the Bible under the traditional title of Passional.6 In the 1539 edition, Luther removed the eight Psalms; in the 1545 edition, he added Psalm 103 and the Litany.7 The 1545 Wittenberg edition added the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds and the Te Deum, Luther’s German Litany, the prayer protection against the Turks (1541), a piece of his Great Confession (1528), and his On the Councils and the Church (1539) (cf. Brown: 2008, 240; WA10.2:355– 369). Generally, Luther turned to biblical texts, church fathers’ teachings, and a few medieval prayerbooks to find sources for his prayerbooks. Although Luther’s prayerbooks reflected the concern that they missed some items like the collections of prayers for occasions (Brown: 2008, 243), overall, instead of “leading” readers to recite prayers – as was the traditional format for prayerbooks – Luther’s Betbüchlein functioned to “instruct” readers how to pray the texts. From the first edition in 1522 to the last in 1545, Luther kept redesigning the contents of his prayerbooks in order to suit Reformation piety. Luther’s revision of his prayerbooks illustrated his intention for a new evangelical piety as well as his concerns with the traditional prayerbooks. For Luther, re-educating people in the gospel was an important purpose. For example, he kept the Hail Mary but gave it a new interpretation in his book.8 Luther’s adaptation of the prayerbook from late medieval procedure implied that he understood his context and the need to redirect – rather than destroy – traditional piety. The prayerbook provided new insight through a customary format, which was effective in furthering the Reformation.9 Luther’s Reformation project could not neglect the existing culture or customs of the laypeople that had used prayerbooks for a long time. Thus, Luther’s way of reforming the old prayerbook was to renovate its interior by replacing the old elements with something new, but in the guise of the same, familiar exterior. 6 This is a set of fifty woodcuts illustrations on the whole Bible with brief descriptions of biblical texts. 7 Lehmann indicated that it was not confirmed whether it was Luther or the printer who added the items in both 1539 and 1545 editions, see LW 43:9. The source of analysis of the contents in different editions of Luther’s prayerbooks was referred from Lehmann’s “Introduction,” in LW 43:6–9. 8 Lehmann’s “Introduction,” see LW 43:7. 9 Lehmann in LW 43:7.

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Luther’s drive to renew the contents of Protestant prayerbooks became the signpost for his companions to consult what to omit from and what to keep in the traditional prayerbooks. Luther’s model also influenced his followers to develop their own prayerbooks in order to communicate evangelical faith in a German context, as well as in England.

Prayerbooks for English Reformation Like Luther’s work in German Protestant circles, instilling an accurate faith and inculcating proper prayers were prime issues that concerned English reformers in their prayerbooks. The mis-honoring of Mary rather than Christ and His salvation was another important issue that needed to be corrected. However, in reality, early Protestant prayerbooks in England also had to curry the favor of the rulers who had their own religious preferences. Reformation for Henry VIII, for example, was primarily focused on changing the head of the Church of England. It was much less concerned with distinguishing its doctrine from the Catholic Church. As a result, English prayerbooks struggled to articulate a clear Reformation faith during the reigns of the Tudor. In England, the Reformation movement did not happen suddenly; Catholicism and Protestantism went back and forth as the dominant faith group. This was paralleled in Protestant prayerbooks, which did not replace the traditional prayerbooks entirely but overlapped for a period of time and then gradually moved away from medieval elements. English prayerbooks could not adapt quickly enough to keep up with the frequent “religious reversals” (Duffy: 2006, 165), between Catholics and Protestants during the reigns of the Tudors. Eamon Duffy points out that a Protestant prayerbook produced during the reign of Edward VI was still used in the time of Queen Mary, so “The owner drew a cross through the prayer for Edward, and directed prayer for Queen Mary instead.” (2006, 165, Plate 107). Duffy states, “‘Protestantising’ changes like the removal of prayers to St Thomas or the Pope’s name, however drastically performed, might be reversed in Mary’s reign.” (2006, 165). During this period of religious ambivalence, people could continue to use the existing volume but passed over materials that contradicted their faith.10 Or they could replace specific elements based on their religious concepts while holding their Books of Hours (2006, 174). William Marshall (d. 1540?)’s prayerbooks shows the example of the problem of religious ambiguity. Marshall had his work, A Prymer in Englyshe with Certeyn Prayers [et] Godly Meditations, printed in London by John Byddell in 153411 as 10 See the illustrations 107, 111, 112 in Duffy: 2006, 165, 169. 11 William Marshall and George Joye, ed. (1534), A Prymer in Englyshe with Certeyn Prayers [et]

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the first text for English evangelical readers.12 Marshall was a printer and translator, and may have worked as “a clerk to the chief baron of the exchequer and a protégé of Sir Thomas More in 1527.” (Ryrie: 2004, ODNB). Later, Marshall developed his enthusiastic support for the Reformation by 1533 (2004, ODNB), which encouraged him to produce more books with evangelical concepts. Marshall’s Primer contained an epistle to readers, a catechism, an introduction, and prayers quoted from the Bible. Charles Butterworth indicated that about three-fifths of the texts were from George Joye’s work of 1530 and the rest of Primer was from Luther’s writings (Butterworth: 1953, 59). In addition, some new items were also added to the primer. For example, a set of brief Bible verses from Tyndale’s work, more than twenty Psalms, Job, and the prayer of Hezekiah in Isaiah chapter 38 were all added (1953, 108–109, 112). However, Marshall’s prayerbook also followed some items from the late medieval prayerbooks, including a calendar, gospel lessons, Hours of the Virgin, the Passion of Christ, seven penitential Psalms, and hymns. He also followed the cycle of eight hours a day from the traditional prayerbook, and inserted two popular prayers – the “O bone Jesu”13 and “Conditor coeli”14 in his work. In the 1535 edition, the Litany and Dirige were added. Although this Primer was not written by Marshall, only compiled by him, it was regarded as an important influence on later English prayerbooks. This influence showed in the Bishop’s Primer in 1537, as its text came mostly from Marshall. Furthermore, the Litany in Marshall’s 1535 edition provided the framework for “Archbishop Cranmer’s English litany of 1544, which passed over almost unchanged into the 1549 and 1552 prayer books.” (Ryrie: 2004, ODNB). Marshall’s Primer was the first evangelical prayerbook in English printed by a partisan. It strongly presented a Reformed message and was intended to reshape people’s private devotions. However, the fact that almost all of its material came from continental Germany implied that English prayerbooks had not yet been changed to represent Anglican spirituality at the beginning of Henry VIII’s Reformation. Similar to Marshall’s reformation intention, as indicated on the title page of his prayerbook in 1539, John Hilsey’s (d. August 4, 1539) considered that traGodly Meditations, Very Necessary for All People That Vnderstonde Not the Latyne Tongue. Cum Priuilegio Regali, [London: John Byddell, [1534]]. [STC (2nd ed.) 15986]. Edward Burton reproduced and combined Marshall’s Primer (1535), Hilsey’s Manual of Prayer (1539), and the King’s Primer (1545) into a single volume entitled Three Primers Put Forth in The Reign of Henry VIII in 1848, Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. For contemporary study on this text, see Duffy: 2005, 382–383; Butterworth: 1953, 59–69. 12 Marshall’s prayerbooks was revised in 1535, [STC (2nd ed.) 15988], and reached its third edition by 1538 [STC (2nd ed.) 15998]. 13 “O bone Jesu” is a choral text in Latin for the use in liturgy. 14 “Conditor coeli” is a chant in Latin for the use in liturgy.

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ditional primers “contained a great number of unnecessary prayers, and some very superstitious.” (Hilsey: 1539, fol. Y (r), in Burton: 1848, 321). Hilsey’s mission to renovate the primer showed in the way he tried to turn the honor given to Mary in the old primers toward Christ. He also followed the pattern of late medieval prayerbooks in listing the items of calendar, the Ave Maria, Litany, seven penitential Psalms, Dirige, hymns, and the fifteen Oes. The sources to which Hilsey referred were the Bible, traditional prayerbooks, and contemporary reformation thought. It is clear that Hilsey’s prayerbook did not radically renovate the traditional prayerbook although he did intend to reform it. Overall, Hilsey’s primer represented a transition from old primers to a new style that fit the Reformation climate but did not move too far away from tradition. In fact, from Henry VIII’s break with the Roman Church to Edward VI’s reign, the Church of England had to cultivate its own Reformation and navigate unsteady relationships with the Catholic and the Lutheran traditions. Prayerbooks reflected the concerns of the author for the new faith in English and witnessed the religious transition in England. Other than the combined content in some of English prayerbooks, there were also evangelical prayerbooks that illustrated the authors’ concern on rulers’ faith status in order to provide prayers for leaders or to emphasize repentance. Revealing this intention, Thomas Becon (1512–1567) created The Flower of Godly Prayers and had it printed by John Day in London in 1550.15 Becon’s text appeared during the reign of Edward VI. Even though English Protestants were more settled by that time, he still worried about people’s doctrine and practices that might turn them back to medieval patterns. Also, unusual point was that Becon likened King Edward to Josiah in the Old Testament (Becon: 1550, fol. ✟ iii (v)–✟ iiii (r)). According to Diarmaid MacCulloch, Edward VI was first portrayed as Josiah in his coronation in 1547 by Archbishop Cranmer, as he judged that, “Edward was already Josiah, exhorted to see ‘God’s truly worshipped, and idolatry destroyed.’” (MacCulloch: 2002, 62). As Edward’s godfather, Cranmer anticipated the opportunity for the renovation of religion, especially the Eucharist, to reflect the Protestant side, and he expected a complete religious renewal during Edward’s reign. Becon’s view of Edward as Josiah must have fol-

15 Thomas Becon (1550), [The flour of godly praiers] [most worthy to be vsed in these our daies for the sauegard, health, and comforte of all degrees, and estates / newlie made by Thomas Becon], London: Ihon Day, [ca.1550]. [STC (2nd ed.) 1719.5]. From 1551 to 1570, The Flower of Prayers was reprinted four times: 1551 [STC (2nd ed.) 1720], [STC (2nd ed.) 1720.3], 1561 [STC (2nd ed.) 1720.5], 1570 [STC (2nd ed.) 1720.7]. In addition to EEBO’s collection of 1550, 1551, and 1561 editions, Parker Society edited most of Becon’s prayers and writings entitled as “Prayers and other pieces of Thomas Becon” in 1844, which is now digitalized in Google eBooks.

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lowed Cranmer’s statement in Edward’s coronation, and attested to the progress of religious change during his reign. In addition, in his prayerbook, Becon referred to John Wycliffe and those forerunners of the Reformation in England as examples to illustrate that their promotion of reforming the medieval church was a blessing to England bestowed by God. Becon was uncertain of the Reformation’s success, so he provided his prayerbook to instruct readers to continue in a reverent walk with God. He warned that God would bring back the Pope and religious burdens that were regulated by the Catholic tradition if people did not follow God’s will. Prayerbooks reflected the concerns of the author for the faith status of English rulers as well as witnessed the persecution of Protestant in England. John Bradford’s (c. 1510–1555) death is one such case. Seven years after John Bradford’s death, Rouland Hall published an edited version of Godly Meditations at London.16 Later on, Bradford’s prayerbook was reprinted three times in the sixteenth century and five times in the seventeenth century.17 Bradford was a pious and popular Protestant preacher of the gospel. When he studied at St Catharine’s College, Cambridge, he became a Protestant through the influence of Nicholas Ridley and his close friend, Martin Bucer, who came to Cambridge in 1549. However, during the reign of Queen Mary, who promoted the Catholic faith, Bradford was charged and condemned as a heretic. On June 30 or July 15, 1555, he was burned at Newgate Prison, Smithfield, London as one of the Protestant martyrs during Queen Mary’s reign. Godly Meditations was originally penned by Bradford himself when he was in prison between 1553 and 1555. This book contained Bradford’s table of contents in the beginning, his letter to readers, the Decalogue, the Lord’s Prayer, his instructions about prayer, prayer texts, margin notes, and a colophon. It also listed Psalms, biblical readings, and the Twelve Articles of the Christian faith for the meditation. In addition, Godly Meditations provided daily prayers for the confession of sins, the remission and deliverance from sins, and repentance. Last, in the section on daily meditations and prayers, Bradford offered instructions for several occasions of prayers, based on the daily cycle, such as when one wakes up, goes out, works, and when the sun goes down. In his prayerbook, Bradford wrote meditations on the coming of Christ and judgment, and a section concerning the sober usage of the body and pleasures in this life. His work also explored the exercises of mortification, God’s presence and providence, Christ, and death. His writing focused especially on sins and repentance, a possible reflection of his own 16 EEBO collects 1562, 1578, 1597, 1604, and 1607 editions. CCEL provides a modern version of this text online without referring to the original citation. 17 In the sixteenth century: 1567 [STC (2nd ed.) 3485], 1578 [STC (2nd ed.) 3486], 1597 [STC (2nd ed.) 3487]. In the seventeenth century: 1604(05) [STC (2nd ed.) 3489a], 1607 [STC (2nd ed.) 3490], 1614 [STC (2nd ed.) 3491], 1622 [STC (2nd ed.) 3492], 1633 [STC (2nd ed.) 3493].

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experience of persecution from the ruler. His meditation on the Lord’s Prayer and repentance were two important spiritual heritages that vividly reflected what Protestant piety stood for. James Cancellar’s (fl. 1542–1564) Alphabet of Prayers (1565)18 was another example of a product emerging in a religious uncertain context. Cancellar compiled The Alphabet of Prayers and Henry Denham printed it in London in 1565.19 The Alphabet of Prayers was popular, being reprinted at least five times in the sixteenth century and two times in the seventeenth century.20 Cancellar was a religious writer, whose name first appeared in 1542 describing him as a lay clerk who received “a stipend of £14 from the new collegiate establishment of Canterbury Cathedral.” (Wright: 2004, ODNB). In 1554, being a proctor for the priest Hugh Barret, Cancellar was to swear an oath of obedience to the Church of Rome and Queen. (Wright: 2004, ODNB). However, such an oath put him in a difficult situation, caught between opposing authorities: the Catholic Church and the Protestant Queen Elizabeth after 1558. There is no clear evidence that shows his personal faith position, but Cancellar’s Alphabet of Prayers better fits a Protestant affiliation. The main purpose of compiling the Alphabet of Prayers was to help people recall and be aware of the necessity of prayer. In addition, Cancellar regarded the fear of God as the important motto that appeared at the beginning of the book: “The Glory of the Honorable, is, to feare God.” (Cancellar: 1565, fol. A i (v)). Despite its title, there were no more alphabet prayers in the entire book except the alphabet sentences on page seven. Instead, the whole book consisted of the preface, an epistle, the Lord’s prayer, prayer texts, a godly meditation on the reconciliation and atonement made by Christ, and a colophon. By following the late medieval prayerbook, Cancellar also listed the Litany and hymns in his prayerbook. Cancellar offered a daily cycle of morning and evening prayers, and prayers for the growth of faith, people’s needs, and different occasions. The significance of the Alphabet of Prayers was that its prayers used the Bible as a main source. A final text of English prayerbook is Meditation and Prayers, which was presented by Sir John Conway (1535–1603) in 1569 and H. Wykes (1569?) printed 18 James Cancellar (1565), The Alphabet of Prayers Very Fruitefull to Be Exercised and Vsed of Euerye Christian Man. Newly Collected and Set Forth, in the Yeare of Our Lorde, 1564. Seene and Allowed According to the Order Appointed in the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions, London: Henry Denham [Anno.1565. Septembris 3]. [STC (2nd ed.) 4558]. The publication date of 1565 was shown in colophon rather than 1564 as in the title page. For a secondary study on the relationship of Queen Elizabeth I and Cancellar’s work, see Shenk: 2010, 31–32. 19 EEBO collects 1565, 1570, 1573, 1576, and 1610 editions of Cancellar’s works. 20 1570 [STC (2nd ed.) 4559], 1573 [STC (2nd ed.) 4560], 1573 [STC (2nd ed.) 4560.5], 1576 [STC (2nd ed.) 4561], 1591 [STC (2nd ed.) 4562], 1601 [STC (2nd ed.) 4562.3], 1610 [STC (2nd ed.) 4562.5].

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the book in London.21 Apart from that Conway was a soldier and writer, we know little about Conway’s life, and nothing about the background of his decision to write a prayerbook (Stevens: 2004, ODNB). Conway’s prayerbook inserted his preface to readers, the Lord’s Prayer, a meditation, his instruction about prayer, prayer texts, and consolations. A slight change occurred in 1611 edition, as it omitted Regina but added Litany and Suffrages. The structure of this book was simple, placing “The posye of flowred prayers” as the main body. Conway constructed his prayers by adopting the letters from “Elizabeth Reign” and repeating the form three times in his book. This pattern was different from traditional ways of arranging prayers by mornings, evenings, or occasions. After the section of “The Posye of Flowred Prayers,” Conway provided a prayer that looked like a meditation on a message that he had just delivered. In the final section, Conway carefully selected sentences out of the Scriptures for his readers. The sentences that he chose varied but were focused on morals and virtues. In the section, “An inwarde speache,” Conway stressed the message of the person of Christ so as to express his mercy and to implore people to repent with humble minds (Conway: 1569, fols. R iii (r)–U iii (v)). The sources that Conway referred to in his book included the entire biblical texts, events, and figures, as well as the Latin texts of the ancient fathers, like St Augustine (Conway: 1569, fol. R ii (v)). He simply used these sources as a “thread” to connect and deliver his meditations or prayers without cataloguing them into specific topics. The piety that Conway intended to present was full of personal passion for God’s glory. He also emphasized confession, based on the biblical message. Biblical sentences and an acrostic from the royal name were two features that were spread out across the whole book. Presumably, Conway was very familiar with the Scriptures and Protestant ideas, as well as loyal to his royal leader. Since reformers and their followers considered that traditional prayerbooks reflected many of the perceived errors of the medieval church, early Protestant circles could only use prayerbooks after they had been purged of rejected elements and then renovated to reflect the reformers’ new faith. The reformers assigned a special task to early Protestant prayerbooks. They used them to 21 John Conway (1569), [Meditations and praiers, gathered out of the sacred letters, and vertuous writers: disposed in fourme of the alphabet of the queene maiesties name. Whereunto are added comfortable consolations], [London: H. Wykes, [1569?]]. [STC (2nd ed.) 5651]. Although there was no cover page for the 1569 edition, EEBO indicated that 1569 may be the year of publication, and therefore might be the first edition. EEBO’s dating is not in harmony with ODNB, which suggests that the first publishing year might be 1583. However, according to STC, editions were printed in 1569, 1571, 1575, and 1611; thus, the EEBO’s dating appears more likely than that of ODNB. 1571 [STC (2nd ed.) 5652], 1572 [STC (2nd ed.) 5652.3], 1575? [STC (2nd ed.) 5652.5], 1611 [STC (2nd ed.) 5653].

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communicate the evangelical faith and doctrine to their readers, and Protestant prayerbooks redirected people’s spiritual customs by simplifying the content of prayerbooks. They were an important channel for reformers in their reforming efforts although prayerbooks themselves had existed since the late twelfth century and were well-recognized by the laity as having spiritual value second only to the Bible from the late medieval period onward. We may not be able to evaluate accurately the effectiveness of reformers’ effort, but their attempt to approach the laity via prayerbooks was very important. Protestant prayerbooks thus continued the traditional role for developing laypeople’s spiritual growth. Within this context, Protestant prayerbooks emerged, and Protestant piety was developed through them.

For the Sake of Laypeople’s Spiritual Growth Both German and English Reformations were complicated programs, which demanded a long process to be achieved. When Protestantism became rooted in these two contexts, gradually, the mission of early modern Protestant prayerbooks had been shifted from the promotion of Reformation propaganda to the development for different readers’s personal piety including women and young students. This demonstrated that the second manifestation of evangelical prayerbooks was focused more on laypeople’s spiritual welfare than on the Reformation’s accomplishment although their theological teachings remained within the Protestant faith.

Prayerbooks for German Readers Philipp Melanchthon (1497–1560) was one of important German reformers teaching spiritual growth for the laity, but his attention to addressing prayer did not emerge until 1530 and “a great many [writings about prayers] from 1540 on”; this is when Melanchthon was dealing with the deaths of his friends and family members during the 1530s and 1540s (Manschreck: 1960,149). The teaching of prayer of Melanchthon can be retrieved from his De Invocatione Dei Seu De Precatione, which was inserted in his 1543 edition of Loci Communes.22 The De Invocatione contained chiefly his discussions about prayer 22 Philipp Melanchthon (1543), “De Invocatione Dei Seu De Precatione,” in Corpus Reformatorum (1854), (CR) 21:19, ed. Henricus Ernestus Bindseil, New York. NY: Johnson Reprint Corporation, cols. 955–984. A modern English translation of the 1543 Loci was published by J. A. O. Preus in 1992, under the title, Loci Communes 1543 (LC) (1992), trans. J.A.O. Preus, St Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing House, 196–210. John Bradford (1510?–1555) translated

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and his teaching on the Lord’s Prayer. Although the Bible was the main source to which Melanchthon referred, the writings of church fathers23 and ancient philosophers were also inserted in his prayerbook. Melanchthon produced numerous prayers, but scholarly studies identify two problems. The first is that his prayers did not consistently appear in the various editions of his Loci Communes. For example, his 1543 Loci Communes contained a section on prayer, but the 1521 and the 1551 editions did not offer any prayers. This might be due to the lack of systematic collection, though Melanchthon’s prayers were “scattered throughout his voluminous works,” according to Clyde Manschreck’s study (Manschreck: 1960, 145). The second problem with Melanchthon’s prayers is why he offered few prayer texts before 1530, but then produced a significant number of prayers from the 1540s onward. Why he made such a change is a matter that deserves further examination. Manschreck considers that it was because Melanchthon was influenced by humanism, which focused more on philosophical expression, and thus was less interested in prayer during his early career (Hall: 2014, 148). Manschreck’s interpretation of this issue awaits further scholarly discussion; nevertheless, Melanchthon’s De Invocatione, inserted in his Loci Communes in 1543, remarkably represents the peak of his attention on the subject of prayer, as well as during the people whom he cared about were in suffering and needed his spiritual support. Next is a German text, Veit Dietrich’s (1506–1549) prayerbook.24 In about fifty pages, Dietrich wrote Wie man zum gebet sich recht schicken soll [How to Pray Properly], and published it in Nürnberg with Ulrich Neuber in 1545. Veit Dietrich, also called Vitus Theodorus or Vitus Diterichus, was a German reformer, theologian, preacher, and pastor. He learned philosophy and theology with Luther and Melanchthon in Wittenberg and had a close relationship with them. Dietrich was known for being a companion with Luther at his table talk for more than thirteen years, and for acting as an assistant to Luther’s work.25 Dietrich’s this work into English on his own and published it in London in 1553 under the title, A Godlye Treatyse of Prayer, translated into Englishe, by Iohn Bradforde, [London: [S. Mierdman], [1553]]. [STC (2nd ed.)/ 17791]. The English edition was also reprinted in 1579. 23 For modern scholar’s discussion on Melanchthon’s utilizing church fathers’ sources, see Hall (2014). 24 Veit Dietrich (1545), Wie man zum gebet sich recht schicken soll, Nürnberg: Ulrich Neuber. [VD16 D 1685] It was reprinted in 1548 and 1549 at the same place, and went through about twenty editions in the sixteenth century. 1545 editions: VD 16 D 1685. 1548 editions: VD16 D 1559, or VD16 D 1586, VD16 D 1593, VD16 D 1628, VD16 D 1664, VD16 D 1667, VD16 D 1671, VD16 D 1676, VD16 D 1681, VD16 D 1686. 1549 editions: VD16 D 1560, or VD16 D 1587, VD16 D 1594, VD16 D 1629, VD16 D 1665, VD16 D 1668, VD16 D 1672, VD16 D 1677, VD16 D 1682, VD16 D 1687. 1567 edition: VD16 D 1688. 25 Dietrich’s Brief an Katharina Bora in 1530 showed he was a close friend with Luther’s family and his role of assistant to Luther. See, “Brief An Katharina Von Bora,” Glaubensstimme – Vom Glauben unserer Vorfahren,

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work was deeply rooted in Luther’s theology as a second-generation theologian in Lutheran circles. Dietrich started his pastoral ministry at the Sebalduskirche in Nürnberg in 1536. Since Dietrich’s preaching was much more simple than that of the previous pastor, the result was that the church could hardly hold its audience.26 Dietrich wrote his prayerbook during his pastoral career there. Just like his sermons, Dietrich’s prayerbook was quite simple in structure. Its contents included a preface, his teaching on “Wie man zum gebet sich recht schicken soll,” and a prayer of “Ein Kinder Gebet auß disem Euangelio gemachet” [a Children’s Prayer Based on the Gospel Reading]. The prayerbook also offered an index in the margins of the pages. Generally, Dietrich’s prayerbook showed a simple teaching on how to pray, based on the example of the Canaanite woman’s fervent work in calling for Christ’s help. Johann Habermann’s Christliche Gebet (1579)27 was also an influential material for people’s piety. Johann Habermann (or Johan Avenar, 1516–1590) wrote Christliche Gebet and first published it in Wittenberg in 1567.28 During the lifetime of Habermann, Christliche Gebet reached 48 editions. By 1600, 59 editions appeared, including fifteen in Latin as well as some in other languages (not in English). Habermann’s influence also crossed to America in modern period. A modern American edition, Morning and Evening Prayers for All Days of the Week,

http://www.glaubensstimme.de/doku.php?id=autoren:d:dieterich:dieterich-brief (accessed 14.09.11). 26 Wilhelm Beste (1856), “Biographie Veit Dieterich,” Die Bedeutendsten Kanzelredner der Lutherschen Kirche des Reformationszeitalters. Glaubensstimme – Vom Glauben unserer Vorfahren, http://www.glaubensstimme.de/doku.php?id=biographien:biographie_dieterich (accessed 14.09.11). 27 Johann Habermann (1579), Wöchenliche, Christliche gebet: auß Göttlicher Schrifft, vnd heiligen Sprüchen / zusamen geordnet, Frankfurt am Main: Feyrabend. [VD16 H 15]. For secondary study on Habermann’s prayer, see Koch (2001); Brown: 2008, 205–258. 28 Johann Habermann (1567), Christliche Gebet für alle Not vnd [und] Stende der gantzen Christenheit ausgeteilet auff alle tag inn der Wochen zu sprechen: sampt gemeinen Dancksagungen, auch Morgen vnd Abendtsegen / Gestellet vnd auß heiliger Göttlicher Schrifft zusamen gelesen, Nürnberg: Knorr. [HAB: Microfiche 1518:G384–G385]. The first English translation of The Enimie of Securitie from the Christliche Gebet is unknown. The second English version was translated by Thomas Rogers (d.1616), a student in Divinity, and was published by H. Denham in London in 1579. English title is Johann Habermann (1579), The Enimie of Securitie or A Dailie Exercise of Godly Meditations Drawne Out of the Pure Fountaines of the Holie Scriptures, and Published for the Profite of Al Persons of Any State or Calling, in the German and Latine Tonges, by the Right Reuerende Maister Iohn Auenar, Publike Professor of the Hebrue Tonge, in the Famous Vniuersitie of VViteberge; In Englishe by Thomas Rogers Maister of Artes and Student in Diuinitie, ed. by Thomas Rogers, [London: H. Denham]. [STC (2nd ed.) / 12582.3].

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was edited by Emil H. Rausch and produced by Wartburg Publishing House in Chicago in c.1918.29 Habermann was a German Lutheran theologian, preacher, and scholar. He especially excelled in Hebrew. Apart from his books, we do not have sufficient information regarding his background. Habermann’s prayerbook contained his epistle, table of contents, and various prayers for different purposes. The prayers in Habermann’s book were based on a weekly cycle, with morning and evening prayers to be offered daily and to be used by Christians in various situations. In addition, those prayers that Habermann included were prayers for attending the public liturgy, confession, thanksgiving, prayers for virtues, and for other people. Apart from the Bible, Luther’s Small Catechism and the Betbüchlein were the sources that Habermann adapted to construct his morning and evening prayer and occasional prayers. The following text is Johann Mathesius’ (1504–1565) prayerbook, Betbuchlein und Oeconomia (1580).30 This book was reprinted about 25 times from 1573 to 1598.31 Mathesius was a German teacher and minister in Joachimsthal, who converted to the Protestant faith between 1523 and 1525 when he was in Bavaria. Later, in 1532, he became the headmaster at a Latin School in Joachimsthal. In 1540, he went to Wittenberg to study theology with Luther and obtained a seat at Luther’s table. As Luther’s guest, he carefully noted down Luther’s talk and was the first person to publish Luther’s Table Talk. In 1545, Mathesius went back to Joachimsthal to work as a Lutheran pastor until his death there. The 1580 edition of the Oeconomia contained Mathesius’ preface to readers, a table of contents, the Lord’s Prayer, and various prayer texts. The majority of the work was his offering of various prayer texts to be said by different people of a household, such as housefather, housemother, children, youth, daughter, maid, servants, and pregnant women. Mathesius’ 1631 edition was later combined with Habermann’s Christliches Gebet-Buch as a collective book published at Tübingen in 1672.32 The 1672 edition included an epistle, the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, and 29 John Habermann (c.1918), Morning and Evening Prayers for All Days of the Week, ed. Emil H. Rausch, Chicago, IL: Wartburg Publishing House. 30 Johannes Mathesius (c.1580), Betbuchlein und Oeconomia, oder Bericht vom Christlichen Haußhalten, Sampt XXIIII, kurtzen Haußgebetlein, Nürnberg. [VD 16 ZV 10495]. Its earlier version entitled Oeconomia, oder bericht, wie sich ein Haußvatter halten sol, was published in Nürnberg in 1561, and in Wittenberg in 1564. 31 VD 16 M 1417–1435, M 1437, M 1469, M 1513–1516. According to HAB, Mathesius’ Oeconomia in its 1631 edition was imprinted by Stern in Lüneburg, together with various prayers for the household. [VD17 23:273459 V]. The 1641 edition was provided by Müller in Helmstadt with the same content as the 1631 edition. [VD17 23:289364N]. 32 Johann Habermann (1672), Christliches Gebet-Buch, oder Morgen und Abendsegen, Tübingen: Reiß. [HAB 216.20 Theol]. This collective prayerbook first appeared in 1631, and was reprinted in 1641, 1645, and 1672. In this collective work, Habermann’s work is found in pages

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margin notes. The main body consisted of six sections including prayers, prayers for special persons like pastors, parishioners, authorities, a husband and housemother, children and youth, servants, a widower or widow, and travelers. The book also contained a confessional prayer and a prayer for the Lord’s Supper along with the Passion story. The 1672 edition adapted various biblical texts to explicate their teaching on prayer. The texts covered both the Old and New Testaments. It also illustrated a teacher’s and pastor’s care for every estate of his world. Since the 1672 edition was a big book, Habermann and Mathesius’ prayerbook presented not only texts for daily prayers, but it also acted as a spiritual encyclopedia to which people could refer on different occasions. In the seventeenth century, German prayerbooks slightly changed their focus and methods of expression to better sustain their readers’ spiritual growth. In 1606, Johann Gerhard (or Johannes Gerhardus) (1582–1637) produced his first Latin text, Meditationes Sacrae, with Lippoldt in Jenae, Germany.33 According to Eric Lund, Gerhard’s Meditations “appeared in 115 editions during the seventeenth century, 51 during the eighteenth century, and 31 between 1801 and 1900… Initially written in Latin, it was translated into German… English… and into twelve additional vernacular languages during the next hundred years.” (Lund: 2011, 2). The English translation of Meditation Sacrae had six editions from 1627 to 1640. Gerhard was popular in England, his another translation book entitled, A Christian Mans Weeks Worke, or the Dayly Watch of the Soule, was also reprinted six times between 1611 and 1634 (Pollard: 1991, 520). Gerhard was a Lutheran theologian and polemicist, as well as a writer of spiritual texts in the first half of the seventeenth century. When Gerhard was young, he had Johann Arndt (1555–1621) as pastor and supporter of his spiritual growth. He went to the University of Wittenberg to study philosophy and theology in 1599, and switched to medicine in 1601, then later transferred back to theology in Jena. He spent ten years as a teacher and ecclesiastical reformer at Coburg from 1606 to 1616. From 1616 until his last day on August 17, 1637, he 1 to 505 (fols. A–S ss), and Mathesius’ Oeconomia is in pages 506 to 725 (fols. S ssi (r)–Y yyy iii (r)), with 728 pages total. 33 Johann Gerhard (1606), Quinquaginta Meditationes Sacrae ad Veram Pietatem Excitandam & Interioris Hominis Profectum Promovendum Accommodatae, Jenae: Lippoldt. [BVB BV012466460]. Due to the lack of 1606 digitized version, this project studied his 1616 edition instead: Quinquaginta Meditationes Sacrae ad Veram Pietatem Excitandam & Interioris Hominis Profectum Promovendum Accomodatae, Jenae: Beithmannus. [VD 17 7:688391P]. An English translation by Ralphme Winterton (1600–1636), under the title, Johann Gerhard, Ralph Winterton and William Marshall (1627), The Meditations of Iohn Gerhard Doctr of Divinitie, and Superintendent of Heldburge. Written Originally in the Latine Tongue. Newly Translated Into English by Ralphe Winterton Fellow of the King’s Colledge in Cambridge, [Cambridge]: Thomas Bucke and John Bucke. [STC (2nd ed.) 11772]. For the modern English text of Meditationes and secondary study on this text, see Lund: 2011, 39–179.

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taught Theology in Jena (Lund: 2011, 13–15). Gerhard was highly celebrated as the author of Confessio Catholica (1634–1637) (Cross: 2005, 669). His “great dogmatic work is his massive Loci Theologici (9 vol. in 10, 1610–22), which became a standard compendium of Lutheran orthodoxy” (2005, 669), though his Loci were seen as close to the Catholic dogmatic texts. Apart from medicine, philosophy, and theology, Gerhard also worked in biblical studies and patristics. Along with the Bible, Gerhard’s works showed his familiarity with the writings of church fathers, Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas, Bernard of Clairvaux, as well as with the broader Catholic tradition (Lund: 2011, 14–15). With such scholarly talent, Gerhard, along with Luther and Martin Chemnitz (1522–1586), was seen as one of the three most significant Lutheran theologians. He was also regarded as the “church father of Lutheran Orthodoxy.” (2011, 13). Meditation Sacrae was written during Gerhard’s illness in 1603 and thus was seen as a book of “spiritual therapy.” (Lund: 2011, 16). Although reckoned as one of Luther’s followers, he did not consider the catechism, illustrations, or short collection of prayers as necessary elements of his book. In his prayerbook, Gerhard’s spiritual teachings covered the entire life from the earthly life to the eternal. His language was plain and personal, yet full of passion; it attracted readers and inspired them. Gerhard’s Meditation Sacrae was an integrative work, distilling his thoughts on the Scriptures and on earlier fathers’ works, like those of Augustine, Basil, Eusebius, Gregory, Tertullian, and others. Moreover, he also borrowed from the medieval materials of Anselm, Bernard, Bonaventure, Kempis, and early modern writings of Erasmus and Luther. Gerhard’s prayerbook was a grand achievement of rhetorical skill. People regarded it as a book that extracted the quintessential message of the Bible. Based on his spiritual works, Gerhard should also be valued as one of the most important Protestant spiritual writers. His works on piety were not only reprinted for centuries, but his method of communication left an indelible impression. Exercitium Pietatis [The Exercise of Piety] was another Latin spiritual text written by Gerhard, and probably first appeared in 1612 in Coburg, Germany.34 It was also reprinted in the years 1613, 1618, 1622, 1629, 1630, 1635, 1675, 1680, and 1685. Gerhard’s Exercitium Pietatis has been translated into English by Ralph Winterton under the title, Gerards prayers, and R. Jackson printed it in London in 1625.35 The English version was reprinted in 1638 and 1651.36 34 Johann Gerhard (1612), Exercitium Pietatis Quotidianum Quadripartitum: Peccatorum Confeßiones, Gratiarum Actiones, Precationes & Observationes Complectens, Hauck. [BSB 2007.57524]. 35 Johann Gerhard and Ralph Winterton (1625), Gerards Prayers: Or, A Daily Exercise of Piety Diuided Into Foure Parts. Wherein Are Contained Certaine Formes of Heauenly Prayers. 1 of Confession of Sinnes. 2 of Thanksgiving for Benefits. 3 of Petitions for Our Selues. 4 of Supplications for Others. Written Originally in the Latine Tounge, by Iohn Gerard Dr of

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Gerhard’s Exercitium pietatis was produced while he engaged in reforming the church in Coburg. His prayerbook covered a preface and epistle in the beginning; table of contents; treaties; and prayer texts for confession, thanksgiving, and daily occasions. Gerhard’s treaties were divided into four themes: confession of sins, thanksgiving for God’s benefits, petitions for our souls, and supplications for others. As for prayer texts, they covered prayers for pastors and hearer, magistrate and subjects, household estates, kinsfolks and benefactors, and those who were in afflicted and in misery. The English translation added Jackson’s epistle in the very beginning. It also contained two profitable prayers for the mornings and evenings. Although this was a doctrinal reflection on prayer, Gerhard’s language was plain and easy to understand like in his Meditation Sacrae (1606). Gerhard had the unique capacity to communicate by using many natural and daily subjects to illustrate his doctrine vividly. His doctrine of prayer was biblically rooted, as he used St Paul’s teaching to construct his four arguments. The book taught that God is the gracious giver, human beings are weak in the face of temptation, sins are from the devil, material needs are from the world, and other people are part of the church body that needed to be cared for. Gerhard played an important role in encountering these needs and situations. By imitating Luther’s work, the first generation of reformers intended to pen their prayerbooks with evangelical doctrine, and to teach readers the right knowledge of faith and how to pray properly. The defense of their new faith and the correction of traditional problems could be found in many prayerbooks. This kind of atmosphere however, changed from the late sixteenth century. Instead of an emphasis on theology, Melanchthon, Dietrich, and Mathesius moved further to deal with readers’ spiritual needs and offered them prayer texts that were closer to people’s daily occasional life. Habermann furtherly renovated his prayerbooks to offer prayer texts based on weekly circle, adapted to early modern readers’s custom. Despite Luther’s concern, Gerhard even turned back to late medieval tradition to include spiritual sources from mysticism in order to fulfill demand. Significantly, most of these Lutheran prayerbooks have been translated into English to answer English spiritual inquiry, which also implied that early modern Lutheran prayerbooks functioned as reservoirs of evangelical piety sustained both inside and outside Germany.

Diuinitie, and Superintendant of Heldburg. And Translated Into English by R. Winterton Mr. of Arts, for the Benefit of the English Reader, London: R. Jackson. [STC (2nd ed.) 11780]. 36 Among Gerhard’s English translations of Exercitium pietatis, only the 1625 and 1638 English editions are digitized and collected in the EEBO.

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Prayerbooks for English Readers Turning to England, English prayerbooks also developed in the same direction as German prayerbooks of the same period by demonstrating a turn from underlining Reformation concepts toward a focus on individual spiritual welfare in the seventeenth century. Jeremy Taylor’s (c. 1613–1667), The Rule and Exercises of Holy Living represented the trend. In 1650, R. Norton of London printed this book.37 Short-Title Catalogue indicates Taylor’s Holy Living had reached the eighteenth edition by 1700. It also achieved “415 editions published between 1650 and 2007 in five languages and held by 1,401 libraries worldwide” according to WorldCat’s analysis.38 Taylor was a great spiritual writer. Being a principle, chaplain, and later on a bishop of Down and Connor in Ireland, Taylor engaged in a theological controversy with Catholics over the doctrine of original sin, and was embroiled in a dispute with Presbyterians over religious tolerance and episcopal jurisdiction. However, his theological reflections were not as famous as his spiritual writings were. Besides Holy Living, The Rule and Exercises of Holy Dying (1651) was also a popular book that was reprinted multiple times – the nineteenth edition appeared in 1695. The Great Exemplar (1649) and Golden Grove (1654) were his other important and popular devotional works. Taylor’s spiritual writings inspired many people like John Evelyn, who practiced his private devotion by following Taylor’s spiritual materials (Spurr: 2004, ODNB). Taylor’s literary capability was highly valued, and he was placed alongside Shakespeare, Bacon, and Milton as a master of literature in the early seventeenth century.39 Holy Living and some of Taylor’s other devotional writings were penned at Golden Grove, the home of the second Earl of Carbery, where Taylor served as a private chaplain between 1645 and 1660. Taylor’s main aim in producing Holy Living was to provide an instrument and means to live a holy and pious life. With the goal of improving piety in human life, Holy Living contained an epistle, table of contents, treaties, prayer texts, margin notes, and a colophon. The main body 37 Jeremy Taylor (1650), The rvle and exercises of holy living in which are described the means and instruments of obtaining every vertue and the remedies against every vice and considerations serving to the resisting of all temptations: together with prayers containing the whole duty of a Christian and the parts of devotion fitted to all occasions and furnish’d for all necessities, London: [R. Norton]. [Wing (2nd ed.) T371]. The EEBO collects seventeen reprinted digitized editions from 1650 to 1700. EECO collects 25 reprinted editions in the eighteenth century. Recently, a part of Taylor’s Holy Living has been adapted into a textual edition in 1990, entitled, Jeremy Taylor, New York, NY: Paulist. 38 The EEBO collects seventeen reprinted digitalized editions from 1650 to 1700. EEBO collects 25 reprinted editions in the eighteenth century. 39 “Biography of Jeremy Taylor,” CCEL (accessed 05.07.11).

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of his treaties consisted of four chapters that focused on general instructions for how to live holy; Christian sobriety, which explored virtues and morals such as chastity and humility; Christian justice, which considered a person’s relationship with others; and Christian religion, which discussed the meaning of a religious life, the duty of prayer, Bible reading, giving alms, and charity. Generally, his materials were from the Bible, church fathers, ancient philosophers, and Puritan teachings. Taylor offered a daily cycle of prayers for his readers, some prayers for virtue, and some for people’s needs. He also provided detailed instructions for prayer that related to the topics of improving a holy life. His rules and remedies for exercises in prayer were quite realistic and flexible, particularly compared with traditional teachings. Taylor’s Holy Living was highly concerned about internal growth and one’s outward witness and charity. Holy Living, in fact, was not a traditional prayerbook that focused on the practice of prayer; instead, it was a devotional book that portrayed what a pious life would look like, and then, by way of prayer, directed people to achieve that life.

For the Sake of Women’s Piety During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, male authors extended the purpose of the prayerbooks to include materials that specifically addressed the spiritual lives of women and their children. Apart from that, women authors also participated in this work to offer their spiritual guidance to women or their children. The Monument of Matrones, with over 1500 quarto pages, was produced by Thomas Bentley (c.1543/6–1585) and printed by Henry Denham in London in 1582.40 Though neither a religious leader nor a theologian, Bentley was known as a literary compiler. As the first English prayerbook for women in the Protestant English context, the book particularly deserves our attention for this research project.

40 Thomas Bentley (1582), The monument of matrones conteining seuen seuerall lamps of virginitie, or distinct treatises; whereof the first fiue concerne praier and meditation: the other two last, precepts and examples, as the woorthie works partlie of men, partlie of women; compiled for the necessarie vse of both sexes out of the sacred Scriptures, and other approoued authors, by Thomas Bentley of Graies Inne student, ed. Abergavenny, Frances Nevill, Lady, Marguerite, Queen, consort of, II Henry and King of Navarre, [London]: H. Denham, [1582]. [STC (2nd ed.) 1892].

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From the aspect of structure, Bentley’s Monument of Matrones consisted of seven sections, or “Lamps,” as he called each part.41 The First Lamp of virginity contained several women in the Bible including Hagar, Deborath, Barak, Naomy, Hanna, Abigael, Sarra (Tobit’s wife), Judith, Queen Hester, Susanna, the Blessed Virgin Mary, and the woman of Canaan in the New Testament. Bentley extracted these women’s prayers or songs from their specific contexts when they encountered the divine. The Second Lamp collected various women’s spiritual writings on contemporary women and provided female references for meditation and prayers. The women included were Lady Margaret Queen of Navarre, Queen Elizabeth, Queen Katherine, Lady Elizabeth Trywhit, Anne Askew, and Lady Frances Aburgauennie. The Third Lamp consisted of prayers and meditations for and by Queen Elizabeth. Lamp Four contained several prayers to be used for daily occasions. Lamp Five listed prayers for the different life stages of women, like childbearing, widowhood, and the end of life. As for the sixth Lamp, Bentley organized those meditations around the “duties” of different sorts of women, such as virgins, married women, mothers, handmaids, widows, and the aged. In the last Lamp, Bentley provided the biographical stories of the biblical women whom he mentioned in the First Lamp. Bentley carefully brought together various female role models to instruct his readers about women’s piety. The women he chose exemplified female subordination, the virtues of silence, and obedience in different groups of ages. However, in his Second Lamp, Bentley did collect various women’s spiritual writings from the Renaissance that did not necessarily glorify women’s domestic piety. The Monument of Matrones provided an immense spiritual resource for female readers, who were, after all, the majority of prayerbook users, and guided them how to live piously. The first women’s writing for female readers can be found in Prayers or Meditations, a text published under the name of Queen Katherine Parr (1512– 1548) and was printed by Thomas Bertheletin in London on June 2, 1545.42 Queen Katherine’s prayerbook went through thirteen editions in the sixteenth century and one edition in the seventeenth century.43

41 Lamp 1–4: 1582 [STC (2nd ed.) 1892]; Lamp 5: 1582 [STC (2nd ed.) 1893]; Lamp 6: 1582 [STC (2nd ed.) 1894]. 42 Katharine Parr (1545), Prayers or meditacions wherin the mynde is styrred paciently to suffre all afflictions here, to sette at nought the vayne prosperitie of this worlde, and alway to longe for the euerlastyng felicitie: collected out of certain holy woorkes by the moste vertuous and gracious princes Catharine, Quene of Englande, France, and Irelande, [London: Thomas Berthelet] [1545]. [STC (2nd ed.) 4818.5]. 43 The digitized editions of 1547, 1550, 1556, 1559, and 1561 are collected in EEBO. The 1561 edition was a fragment and only the title page survived.

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Queen Katherine was the first English queen to publish a book under her own name (James: 2004, ODNB). She translated and published an anonymous book, Psalms or Prayers taken out of holy scripture, a Latin work by St John Fisher in 1545 (James: 2004, ODNB).44 Her Prayers or Meditations appeared later in the same year, and two years after she married for the third time, this time to King Henry VIII. Queen Katherine was first married in 1529 to Edward Borough, and the second time to John Neville, the third Baron Latimer in 1534. Lord Latimer’s sympathies for the new faith might have influenced Queen Katherine’s position on the Protestant faith, though there is no clear evidence to support this conclusion. It is clear, however, that by the time she was queen, Queen Katherine supported the evangelicals, as demonstrated in her patronage and establishment of Trinity College, Cambridge University, in 1545. Her evangelical position also led to a plot against her from Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester in February 1546. Instead of following the traditional structure of a prayerbook, Queen Katherine’s prayerbook consisted of her meditation, confession, and prayer texts. Katherine gave many prayer texts that read like an expression of her spiritual journey. Susan James indicates that Queen Katherine’s prayerbook “consists of two parts, a paraphrase of portions of chapter 3 of Thomas à Kempis’s (c. 1380– 1471) The Imitation of Christ,45 with interpolated original material, and a compilation of five original prayers written by the queen.” (James: 2004, ODNB). Queen Katherine also provided a prayer for King Henry VIII, but in the 1550 and 1556 editions, the dedication of the prayers changed from King Henry VIII to King Edward VI. The prayers in the 1556 edition were changed again in dedication to both King Edward and Queen Elizabeth, and from the 1559 edition onward, the prayer was changed in favor of Queen Elizabeth alone. This signifies that Queen Katherine’s prayer for the monarch, like Henry VIII, was highly regarded; even when the ruler changed to King Edward or Queen Elizabeth, her prayer text stayed in use by simply changing the names. Apart from “A prayer for the king,” Queen Katherine wrote four more texts about “A prayer for men to say entering into battle,” “A devote prayer to be daily said,” and “A devote prayer.” However, the 1556 edition omitted three of the prayers, preserving only the prayer for the king and queen, and the prayer for men in battle. Overall, Queen Katherine was regarded not only as a supporter of the faith, but also a powerful patron of the Protestant Reformation. Her prayerbook was a compilation, or a collection, demonstrating her individual spiritual desire for God. 44 The King’s Primer (1545) contained Queen Katherine’s work along with Cranmer’s Litany and Psalms, and other items. 45 The text of The Imitation of Christ that Queen Katherine used was the English translation “published by Richard Whitford, a Brigettine monk of Syon Monastery, under the title The Flowynge of Christ (1531?).” See Mueller: 1990, 171–197.

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Next, presenting by a female author, Anne Wheathill produced A Handfull of Holesome in 1584, and Henry Denhem published it later that year in London.46 The text did not extend to further editions in the early modern period, but was valued in present time. Unlike most sixteenth-century women writers, who belonged to the noble and high classes, Wheathill was an ordinary woman without any special social status. She identified herself as a “gentlewoman,” “poor,” and a “virgin.” Moreover, unlike most women writers who had to seek royal patronage or rely on a male authority to publish their works, Wheathill simply dedicated her work to religious female readers without getting any royal, male, or clerical approval. Like other prayerbooks, Wheathill wrote her prayerbook based on a daily cycle of prayers, thanksgivings, confessions, as well as prayers for virtue and for specific occasions. Most of her prayers either quoted directly from the Bible or demonstrated a proficiency and knowledge of the entire canon. The unusual feature of Wheathill’s book was that she wrote a book for women, but did not address anything specifically to women. Later in the seventeenth century, Anne Douglas, Countess of Morton (d. 1700) wrote The Countess of Morton’s Daily Exercise in 1666.47 The book was printed for R. Roystonat in London, receiving its imprimatur in 1665 and then published in 1666. Later on this text was reproduced in 1752 known as the 22 edition in London,48 and an updated modern printed edition appeared in 2010.49 The authenticity of Daily Exercise was noted in the beginning of the book, and indicated that the bishop of Durham in London recommended the book so that she could obtain a license for publication (Morton: 1666, 4). Apart from that, there is no sufficient historical information regarding the author, leaving only curiosity 46 Anne Wheathill (1584), A handfull of holesome (though homelie) hearbs gathered out of the goodlie garden of Gods most holie word; for the common benefit and comfortable exercise of all such as are deuoutlie disposed. Collected and dedicated to all religious ladies, gentlewomen, and others; by Anne Wheathill, Gentlewoman, London: H[enrie] Denham. [STC (2nd ed.) 25329]. Cf. “A Handfull of Holesome (Though Homelie Herbs) (1584),” Women Writers Online, Brown University, http://textbase.wwp.brown.edu.ezproxy.bu.edu/WWO/php/wAll.php?doc=wheathill.hearbs. htm (accessed 06.08.11). For secondary study on this text, see Atkinson: 1996, 659–672; 1998, 1–25; 1997, 407–423. 47 Anne Morton (1666), The Countess of Morton’s Daily Exercise; Or A Book of Praiers, and Rules How to Spend the Time in the Service and Pleasure of Almighty God, London: R. Royston. [Wing (2nd ed.) M2817]. For secondary study on women’s spiritual diaries and this text, see Botonaki: 1999, 3–21. 48 EECO collects three reprints editions in 1760, 1723, and 1732, but does not include 1752 edition. 49 See Horace Walpole, ed. (1806), A Catalogue of the Royal and Noble Authors of England, Scotland, and Ireland: With Lists of Their Works, Volume 5 (Printed for J. Scott), 140, fn. 5. In Walpole’s book, the name of Countess Morton was Anne Hay.

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about how a woman was able to publish a book at a time when writings by women were not produced independently from male supervision. There was no preface or introduction to the text. The elements that appeared in Morton’s prayerbook included an epistle, the Creed and the Lord’s Prayer, mediation, prayers, and a colophon. The Litany and hymns that borrowed from the late medieval prayerbook were also inserted into the text. As for its structure, Morton set “morning,” “afternoon,” and “night and bed time” as the three main sections of the book, as well as included an additional piece with “confessions.” Each section was subdivided into instruction, lesson, hymns, and prayers. Morton’s prayer was built around a daily cycle; she also offered prayers for public liturgy and prayers for specific occasions. In addition, she taught her readers that reading the Scriptures at night and practicing charity were important exercises of daily life. As devout material that acted as a Christian spiritual supplement, Morton’s book enjoyed a prolonged and popular reputation, even when derided. It was selected by Lord Oxford as a text “for the scoff of the scorner” (Walpole: 1806, 140) during the middle of eighteenth century. At that, the Daily Exercise became an object of mockery because of its sentimental depiction of Christianity and piety (Walpole: 1806, 140). But, its very selection showed that this book maintained a prominent place in English culture, as it was assumed to be both familiar and to represent Christian pious essentials. Regarding women’s writing for their children, Elizabeth Grymeston’s Miscellanea (1608)50 is the one for our attention. Grymeston (c.1563–c.1601/4) wrote Miscellanea for her only surviving son, Bernye Melch. This book was printed by Bradwood in London after her death. The first edition of Grymeston’s Miscellanea in 1604 consisted of fourteen chapters. Between the second (1606), third (1608), and fourth editions (1618), the book was extended to twenty chapters.51 The only problem was that if Grymeston died in 1604, at the time she published the first edition, how could she expand the texts in the following three editions after her death? Unfortunately, no further information exists today regarding who the editors were for the later editions. Grymeston was a recusant who favored Catholic teaching and once refused to attend Anglican services in England in 1592 or 1593. Grymeston was well educated in English literature and paraphrases, a well-accepted style in women’s writing. She married Christopher Grymeston (b. 1563/4), a fellow of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge. Grymeston used authoritative language to direct her 50 Elizabeth Grymeston (1608), Miscellanea. Prayers. Meditations. Memoratiues, ed. Verstegan, Richard, Southwell, Robert and Saint, London: Melch. Bradwood, [1608?]. [STC (2nd ed.) 12408]. For secondary study on this text, see Demers; 2006, 40–43. 51 The EEBO has collected entire copies of all four editions. This study adopted the 1608 edition, because it was the clearest digital copy.

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son on spiritual and social matters. Yet when writing prayers and meditations, Grymeston’s expression was more poetic, and less theological or doctrinal: “Prayer is the wing wherewith thy soule flieth to heauen; and Meditation the eye wherewith we see God; and Repentance the Supersedeas that dischargeth all bound of sinne.” (Grymeston: 1608, fol. A 6 (r)). Her spiritual material did not necessarily use biblical expressions, but created its own terms to describe piety. Grymeston’s prayerbooks included the elements of a preface and an epistle, table of contents, meditations, her instructions, and prayers. Apart from that, the seven penitential Psalms from the late medieval prayerbook were also included in her work. Her prayers were based on a daily cycle and also contained prayers for confession and virtue for her readers. Overall, most of the sources that Grymeston used were from the Scriptures and contemporary English literature. Her work reflected women’s domestic piety in educating their children’s spiritual and moral growth. Later than Grymeston, Elizabeth Richardson’s (1576/77–1651) book, A Ladies Legacie to her Davghters, was another mother’s advice book for her children. Tho. Harper printed the book in London in 1645.52 Richardson was an English writer and peeress.53 She became the first Lady Carmon in 1628, when she married Sir Thomas Richardson. It was the second marriage for both of them. Cramond and her first husband, John Ashburnham (c. 1571–1620), had ten children, but only six of them – including four daughters – grew to maturity (Burke: 2004, ODNB). Among her four daughters, only the first was married when Cramond published the first book (Cramond: 1645, fol. A 2 (v), p. 4). She provided this book for her female children and daughter-in–law, but the book did not intend to exclude male readers, as she made clear by dedicating the script also to learned men. The contents of Ladies Legacie were simple, including a preface, an epistle, table of contents, meditations, prayers, and margin notes. The topics covered prayers to the Trinity; prayers regarding attending public liturgy and sacraments; prayers for each day of the week; and prayer for virtues and piety like charity, 52 Elizabeth Cramond (1645), A ladies legacie to her davghters. In three books. Composed of prayers and meditations, fitted for severall times, and upon severall occasions. As also several prayers for each day in the weeke. / By Madam Elizabeth Richardson, wife to the late Sir Thomas Richardson knight, Lord Chiefe Justice of the Kings Bench, London: Tho. Harper. [Wing (2nd ed.) R1382]. Ladies Legacie included Cramond’s previous writings: Book I was written in 1625, and Book II in 1634, see WorldCat’s analysis, WorldCat, http://www.worldcat. org/wcidentities/np-richardson,%20elizabeth$baroness%20cramond (accessed 22.07.11). According to a manuscript in Folger Shakespeare Library (MS V. a. 511), Carmond’s attempts to deliver instructions to her children had begun as early as 1606. For secondary study on this text and the subject of mothers’ legacies, see Staub (2000), et al (ed.) (2000), Mother’s Advice Books, Aldershor, UK: Ashgate; Sylvia Monica Brown, ed. (1999), Women’s Writing in Stuart England: The Mother’s Legacies of Dortothy Leigh, Elizabeth Joscelin, and Elizabeth Richardson, Trupp, Stroud, Gloucester: Sutton. 53 Peerage, http://www.thepeerage.com/p2305.htm (accessed 20.11.10).

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temptation, humility, and spiritual growth. Cramond’s concept about prayer was both biblical and Protestant in nature.

For the Sake of Young Readers’ Piety The tradition of using prayerbooks as textbooks in school began during the late medieval period. There, religious and secular knowledge coexisted, but with a greater emphasis on religious instruction. Karin Maag’s studies on the Geneva Latin school system in both late medieval and modern periods found that prayer and study were both important school activities, so the development of religious texts for use in school was important (Maag: 2004, 145). Turning to the early modern era, traditional prayerbooks were used in most Latin schools in French at Geneva, (2005, 123) while Protestant prayerbooks were used in some vernacular schools. The use of the vernacular was an important feature of Protestant prayerbooks that made them useful for school education. Francis Seagar’s [or Segar] (fl. 1549–1563) School of Virtue was produced in 1582,54 but his first version of this book was offered in 1550.55 The original version of this book was written in simple rhyme and published in 1557 with twelve chapters by Seagar alone (King: 2004, ODNB). Later on, Robert Crowley reissued the book with his own prayers inserted into the text, and had the book reprinted by H. Denham in London in 1582.56 Since it was a text for children and youth, it was revised and abridged in 1619, and reprinted in 1817 and 1868 (King: 2004, ODNB). This book was popular and circulated for almost 200 years.57 There is no clear information regarding Seagar’s years of birth and death, but his public career flourished between 1549 and 1563 during the reigns of Edward VI and Mary I. He was a translator and poet, contributing especially to moral education through his poems. When his School of Virtue was published by Crowley, it served in part as a defense against “moralistic attacks on poetry.” Crowley believed that “poetry plays an important role in moral education of both children an adults, and is a powerful didactic tool.” (King: 2004, ODNB). 54 Francis Seagar (1582), The schoole of vertue and booke of good nurture, teaching children and youth their duties. Newlie pervsed, corrected, and augmented. Herevnto is added a briefe declaration of the dutie of ech degree: also certaine praiers and graces compiled by R.C, ed. Crowley and Robert, London: H. Denham. [STC (2nd ed.) 22136]. 55 1550 [STC (2nd ed.) 22134.5]. 56 EEBO collects the editions of 1582, 1593, 1621, 1630, 1635, 1640, 1660, 1670, and 1677. 57 According to STC, this book experienced seven more reprintings between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Recently, Seagar’s work was inserted a modern English edition, under the title, Frederick James Furnivall et al. (1923), The Babees’ Book: Medieval Manners for the Young, London: Chatto and Windus.

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Seagar’s prayerbook consisted of the elements of preface, the Decalogue, the Lord’s Prayer, treaties, prayers, margin notes, and a colophon. Among the contents, there were fourteen chapters written in poetic style. In the section on prayer for students, Seagar echoed the Ten Commandments in a simple rhyme, making the Decalogue memorable and understandable, and ended by reciting the Lord’s Prayer. The prayers that Seagar provided included a daily cycle of prayers, prayers for virtue, people, and various situations. “Etiquette” was the major theme of Seagar’s work. Thus, apart from the Decalogue and the Lord’s Prayer, he did not use too much space to address the concepts of faith and prayer, nor to describe basic doctrines to equip his young readers. Instead, his teachings and prayers were more concerned about children’s morals and behaviors. His language in rhymes was vivid and easy to follow, perhaps explaining why his work was popular during the early modern era. Similar to Seagar, Thomas Ken (1637–1711) published A Manual of Prayers for the Use of the Scholars of Winchester College in London by John Martyn in 1675.58 His goal in producing a prayerbook for children and youth was to instruct students to fear God from their youth and to live a pious life as early as they could. It acted as a spiritual-moral-virtues guide for pupils. “An Early Piety” (Ken: 1675, fol. A 3 (r), p.3) was his theme in writing. For developing piety in youth, Ken instructed his young readers to study the catechism daily, and read the Bible nightly, so as to close the day with holy thoughts (Ken: 1675, fol. B (r), p.15). Ken believed that God spoke to believers when they read the Bible, so he implored students to read it with attention and humility. Generally, Ken’s instructions were moderate and covered both knowledge and practice for various aspects of life. In sum, “fear God” was the main trait that Ken wanted his pious youth to learn, and to develop each one as a “pious youth” was his utmost goal throughout this book. Next, Cobham College’s Morning and Evening Prayers was published in London in 1687.59 There is no additional information about the author or the purpose of writing this text, except the aforementioned connection to Cobham College. Sir John de Cobham originally founded Cobham College in 1362 when he received permission from Edward III to found a chantry for five priests. This 58 Thomas Ken (1675), A manual of prayers for the use of the scholars of Winchester Colledge, London: John Martyn. [Wing K 267]. Including the earlier edition in 1674, the EEBO totally collects thirteen digitalized editions which were reproduced in the years 1674, 1675, 1677, 1679, 1681, 1684, 1685, 1686, 1687, 1692, 1695, 1697, 1700. But, Ken’s hymns for Morning, Evening and Midnight were not appended in his prayerbooks until the 1695 edition. Lasting almost 26 years of reproduction, obviously, Ken’s prayerbook was well recognized in the pupils of Winchester College. 59 College Cobham (1687), Morning and Evening Prayers as They are Used in the New-Colledge of Cobham in the County of Kent founded by Sir William Brooke Lord Cobham, [London: s.n.], [1687]. [Wing (2nd ed.) M2803 A].

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medieval college was destroyed in 1537. Willaim Brooke (1527–1597), as the tenth Baron Cobham, declared his desire to rebuild the college as an almshouse for charity purposes in 1597. Presumably, the readers of this text were young poor students who obtained material support from this college. Thus, “The New College of Cobham” was the new name of the college after 1597, and its subjects were poor people rather than the priests as before. Impressively, this college has maintained its mission of social charity from that time until today.60 Cobham College’s Morning and Evening Prayers was a very short prayerbook, with only four pages surviving with the elements of the catechism prayers, meditation, and treaty; the first two pages, table of contents, and preface have all been lost. Although there was no specific introduction to this text, this booklet was divided into two parts: “Morning Prayer” and “Evening Prayer.” In the “Morning Prayer,” the Ten Commandments, the Apostle’s Creed, and the Lord’s Prayer composed the main elements of the spiritual teachings. The text taught readers how they should prepare their hearts for prayer. It also instructed readers how to “live a godly, righteous and sober Life, according to thy holy Laws, which thou hast expressed in these Ten Commandments following.” (Cobham College: 1687, fol. A2 (r), p. 3). In addition, it implored readers to pray for God’s universal Church, King James, the Nobility and Counsellors, the Presidents of Cobham College, as well as the whole clergy and commonalty (1687, fol. A3 (r), p. 5). The “Evening Prayer,” was a repetition of the “Morning Prayer” except a prayer text to be read before going to bed. Morning and Evening Prayers promoted the Ten Commandments as the fundamental basis for godly, righteous, and sober lives. The text implied that its purpose was to provide moral guidance to people from lower social classes, so as to shape the ethical principles of its young readers. Last, John Hawkins (c. 17th century) wrote The English School-Master, and A. and I. Dawks printed the book in London in 1692.61 Hawkins was an English schoolmaster at St George’s Church in Southwark. He compiled a comprehensive educational-religious textbook for children and youth in London. Hawkins’s 60 The New College of Cobham, http://www.kenthistoryforum.co.uk/index.php?topic=7155.0; wap2 (accessed 20.05.11). 61 John Hawkins (1692), The English school-master compleated containing several tables of common English words, from one, to six, seven, and eight syllables, both whole and divided, according to the rules of true spelling; with prayers, and graces both before and after meat, and rules for childrens behaviour at all times and places, with several other necessaries suitable to the capacities of children and youth. Also brief and easie rules for the true and exact spelling, reading, and writing of English according to the present pronunciation thereof in the famous University of Oxford, and City of London. To which is added, an appendix containing the principles of arithmetick, with an account of coins, weights, measure, time, &c. Copies of letters, titles of honour, suitable for men of all degrees, and qualities, bills of parcels, bills of exchange, bills of debt, receipts, and several other rules and observations fit for a youths accomplishment in the way of trade. John Hawkins school-master at St Georges Church in Southwark, London: A. and I. Dawks. [Wing (2nd ed.) H1175].

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prayerbook of 1692 contained a more linguistic emphasis due to schools’ weaknesses in training children in English. His material adopted biblical words as a primary source so as to develop a learning system that would instruct students both in English and religion. Hawkins’ promotion of English literature was for the purpose of building up a national consciousness. He regarded the mother tongue as a necessity for strengthening English identity. Hawkins’ prayerbook did care about children’s religious and moral education, and he spent seven pages citing Solomon’s precepts (Hawkins: 1692, fols. D 6 (r)– D 7 (r), pp. 55–57), and about six pages to teach the Ten Commandments (1692, fols. E 1(r)–E 3 (v), pp. 61–66). In the Ten Commandments, Hawkins went one by one, providing biblical examples of God’s punishment for those who breached them. Hawkins’ work used vivid biblical figures and texts, and traditional primers as sources for teaching the English language, morals, and religious practices. The message that he attempted to convey was one of a piety built on the confession of sins, obedience to the Lord, and having a sober and humble mind in daily life. Early Protestant prayerbooks were primarily concerned with and served the laity. When the Reformation gradually settled and became grounded in its European contexts, the purpose of Protestant prayerbooks changed. They no longer appealed for reforms in a fight against the Catholic tradition. Instead, after the second half of the sixteenth century, early Protestant prayerbooks appeared with diverse purposes and for various audiences, prayerbooks for the use of youth and women were remarkable examples. The language of Protestant prayerbooks shifted from the defense of new faith to a didactic style more concerned with laypeople’s spiritual needs. In the post-Reformation Protestant era, early evangelical prayerbooks were mostly made for the sake of people’s spiritual growth, a decisively different purpose than the first prayerbooks that were produced by the reformers. These later prayerbooks aimed to keep people motivated to call upon God and to live pious lives. Consequently, early Protestant prayerbooks gradually developed into subgenres with the appearance of women’s advice books and children’s school textbooks. These latter productions went well beyond the reformers’ original intentions in producing Protestant prayerbooks.

Prayerbooks: A Field of Religious Rivalry Although prayerbooks were adapted as tools for conveying what Protestant reformers intended to express, prayerbooks were also used to restore the old faith during the Counter-Reformation. Even though the early modern Catholic authors still remained true to their own traditional faith, some also initially engaged in the renovation of their prayerbooks by following the early modern path. The

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emergence of early modern Catholic prayerbooks thus implies that Protestant prayerbook encountered challenge and competition from the Catholics. Christian prayerbooks in the early modern period were utilized by both Protestants and Catholics in order to win back the mass. Prayerbooks found themselves passively involved in religious rivalry as Scott Hendrix observes, “Prayer was [a] controversial spiritual practice when the Reformation began.” (Hendrix: 2009, 201). For example, Hortulus animae (1498) was a traditional prayerbook but initially flagged its intention to turn away from the traditional pattern during the time before the Reformation in order to fit to the spiritual taste on the eve of early modern period. During the Reformation era, the title of “Hortulus animae” was adopted as a tool to convey Lutheran message without concerning its origin. Although Luther publicly condemned the mystical elements in Hortulus animae as harmful for Christian faith in his Gebetbüch (1522) (LW 43:11), a Lutheran prayerbook entitled Lustgarten der Seelen [the Pleasure Garden of the Soul] was published in 1550 or 1569. This book might have been made by following the Paradisus Animae, another Catholic prayerbook, rather than Hortulus animae (LW 43:11). Moreover, Georg Rhaw originally compiled a book entitled Kinder Glaube in 1539 for youth and his daughters. Attempting to replace the original Hortulus animae and the old faith, he purposely called his book, Hortulus animae in the 1548 edition, as a way to instruct children in the Protestant faith (Moore: 1987, 64). In addition, it was noted that “Luther’s Betbüchlein was meant as an alternative to the medieval Catholic Hortulus animae, while a subsequent production, Georg Rhau’s Hortulus animae, was meant to obliterate the Catholic version from Protestant awareness by taking over its name.” (Bottigheimer: 1996, 213, fn. 54).62 Lastly, in 1611, Daniel Cramer published the Hortulus animae as a Lutheran prayerbook that used the same name as the Catholic version, but offered a combination of prayers and meditations for daily use (Baumann-Koch: 2001, 449). Susan Felch stresses, “In light of the Lutheran animus against the Hortulus, the title itself may have been a deliberate attempt to insinuate Protestant teaching under the guise of a traditional primer.” (Felch: 2004, 151). As the book was extremely popular among the laity, Hortulus animae appeared in the context of people starting to appeal for religious reformation, and ultimately it became part of the conflict between Catholic and Protestant circles. Both groups used Hortulus animae to promote their faith or, alternatively, as a target to attack their opponents.

62 Originally, it was quoted from Brüggemann and Brunken, ed. (1987), Handbuch zur Kinderund Jugendliteratur… bis 1570, 1:280, 1107.

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Regarding the innovated prayerbook in the Catholic circle, it can first be found in Desiderius Erasmus’ (c.1466–1536) Precationes Aliquot Novae in 1535.63 Earlier than Precationes, Erasmus had offered his treaty on prayer in Modus Orandi Deum (1525),64 as well as many other teachings on theology and spirituality. Regardless of the fact that some of his works were under censure by the Catholic group between 1525 and 1542, Erasmus’s Precationes was well received and was reprinted several times in many different places.65 Unlike traditional prayerbooks that offered colorful images along with prayer texts, Erasmus’s Precationes was a book based on text, which did not include any margin note or image except the cover page. Along with offering liturgical prayers, Erasmus’s Precationes focused on praying to the Trinity and Virgin Mother. Although he included prayers to Mary, Hilmar Pabel points out, in “Ad Virginem Matrem” (Erasmus: 1535, fols. A6 (v)– A 7 (v)) Erasmus took no notice of Mary as “‘full of grace’ (voll gnaden)” as per the traditional view like Vives, but “passe[d] over Mary’s possession of grace in silence.” (Pabel: 1997, 167).66 Erasmus’ perspective on Mary was followed by Luther in his New Testament translation in September 1522 although it did not yet appear in his Betbüchlein published earlier in the same year (Pabel: 1997, 165). The significant element that Erasmus did not supply was prayer for the dead. By carefully consulting with Erasmus’ other sources, Pabel considers that the elimination of praying for the dead did not mean Erasmus refused to pray for the dead since he himself also practiced it. Instead, Pabel assumes, “He may have omitted a prayer for the dead in the Precationes aliquot novae in order to make the book acceptable in the eyes of those who had broken with Rome.” (Pabel: 1997, 165; cf. Trapman: 1991, 774). 63 Desiderius Erasmus (1535), Precationes aliquot novae, quibus adolescentes assuescant cum deo colloqui. Item eiaculationes aliquot è scripturae canonicae verbis contextae. Per les. Erasmum rot. Leipzig, excudebat Michael Blum. [VD16 E 3466]. Cf. Pabel: 1997, 155–190; Trapman: 1991, 769–779. 64 Desiderius Erasmus (1525), Modus orandi deum, Basileae, Io. Froben. Two 1538 editions were printed in Köln: VD16 ZV 5301, VD16 E 3177. Modern edition of 1525 text is collected in 1977, Opera Omnia Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami, vol. V–1, ed. C. Reedijk, et al., Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Company, 111–176. Cf. Pabel: 1997, 21–68. 65 Two 1535 editions were printed in Basel: VD 16 E 3465 (another number: VD16 E 3458), VD16 ZV 27070. 1537 edition in Freiburg: VD16 ZV 5298. 1537 edition in Köln: VD16 E 3467 (another number: VD16 C 6066). The 1542 edition in Lyon: BSB 00020651–7. 1551 edition in Basel: VD16 ZV 5312. 1556 edition in Lyon: BSB 10173093–2. 1556 and 1557 editions were printed in Antwerpen and not listed in the VD16 catalogue, but were classified under the Universal Short Title Catalogue: USTC 442260 and USTC 442259, see http://ustc.ac.uk. The 1563 edition in Cologne was not collected in VD16 but held in The Folger Shakespeare Library in Washington, DC. Modern edition was edited and translated by Charles Simeon Coldwell (1872), The Prayers of Erasmus, London, UK: John Hodges. 66 Cf. Erasmus, Vive, Opera Omnia, 1:127–8.

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When Erasmus’ Precationes was later reprinted, the most noteworthy element that was introduced to both the 1542 and 1556 editions printed in Lyon was Luther’s Latin translation of Ein einfelige weise zu Beten fur einen guten freund (1553).67 Without indicating Luther’s name on the Precationes, Luther’s text was appended in the last section with a clear title and an alternative page number counting order. Perhaps due to the publishers’ plan, both Erasmus and Luther became the co-suppliers of devotional materials in these two volumes, which were used to nourish their readers regardless of the faith rivalry between the two parties. Pabel thus comments that, “Although adversaries in life, Erasmus and Luther, once dead, appeared together as preceptors of piety.” (Pabel: 1997, 159). Another Catholic prayerbook that demonstrated its own custom is Johann Wild’s (also Ferus; 1495–1554) Christliches sonder schönes und katholisches Betbüchlein (1551) in German.68 Born in Swabia, Germany, Wild entered the Franciscan order in c.1515 and became a remarkable Catholic preacher in Mainz, a place where Lutheranism had spread widely. His Christliches sonder schönes is regarded as borrowing more than half of its sources from Protestant prayerbooks, prompting Paul Althaus’ comment: “Nur wenn man sich diesen Sachverhalt vergegenwärtigt, wird die auf den ersten Blick so überraschende Tatsache weniger befremdlich erscheinen, daß in diesem ‘Catholisch Betbüchlin’ mehr als die hälfte der ganzen Sammlung aus protestantischen Quellen geschöpft ist.” (Althaus: 1966: 82; Brown: 2008, 253). Thus it can be seen that Wild’s prayerbook presented a part traditional and part Protestant model in order to guide his readers to a combinational pattern of devotional life. Serta Honoris (1567) was penned in Latin by Jesuit Petrus Michaelis (or Peter Michael Brillmacher; 1542–1595).69 The original version of 1561 is missing 67 Luther (1535), Ein einfelige weise zu Beten fur einen guten freund [A Simple Way to Pray]. [Aland 81]. WA 38:358–375; LW 43:193–211. The Latin title of “Simplex et succinctus orandi modus” in Erasmus’ Precationes 1542 edition in Lyon, fols. a 1 (r)–c 4 (r), pp. 1–71; 1556 edition in Lyon, fols. a 1 (r)–c 8 (v), pp. 1–48. 68 Since the first edition of 1551 is missing, what we have now is his second edition published in Mainz by Franz Behem in 1554. Johann Wild (1554), Christlichs Sonder schönes vñ Catholichs Betbüchlein für alt vnd jung zur bewegung der andacht Durch den Ehrwirdigen Herrn Johan Wild Dhomprediger zu˚ Meyntz angefangen. Vnnd darnach durch andere Gottliebende Menschen trewlich gemehrt vnd gebessert, Mainz: Behem. [VD16 W 2931]. Cf. Althaus: 1966, 80–82. Christliches sonder schönes was later republished at least twelve times in Mainz in addition to a Latin translated version in 1554. 1556 edition: VD16 W 3035; VD16 W 2932. 1563 edition: VD16 W 2933. 1564 edition: VD16 W 2934. 1569 edition: VD16 W 2978. 1583/84 edition: VD16 ZV 23884. 1585 edition: VD16 ZV 23885. According to Althaus, there were also editions published in Mainz in 1571, 1581, 1584, 1586, 1607, and one Latin edition in 1554, see Althaus: 1966, 81. 69 Petrus Michaelis (1567), Serta Honoris et Exultationis: Ad Catholicorum Devotionem Orandam et Exhilavandam, Köln: Quentel. [VD16 B 8323]. Cf. Althaus: 1966, 91–96, 122–126; Brown: 2008, 252–253.

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(Brown: 2008, 252), but there are editions in Latin and German reprinted from 1565 to 1713 (Young: 1907).70 Michaelis, who was born in Cologne and died in Mainz, joined the Jesuit order in 1558 at the age of sixteen. The structure of Serta Honoris did not follow the traditional prayerbook. The organization of his prayers by seven days a week was remarkable in comparison to Catholic traditional pattern. Moreover, he provided many prayers for other people, for the virtues, for occasions, as well as focusing on the meditations on Christ’s characteristics. Unlike Wild’s prayerbook, which is considered to have drawn many materials from Protestant sources, Michaelis’ Serta Honoris is regarded as offering sources for the Protestants especially in Habermann’s Christliche Gebet (1567) (Althaus: 1966, 91–96, 122–126; Brown: 2008, 252). By comparing the second parts of Michaelis’ and Habermann’s prayerbooks, Althaus believes that Habermann’s prayerbook borrowed heavily from Michaelis’ Serta Honoris, saying, “Was endlich die inhaltliche Abhängigkeit der Habermannschen Gebete von der Serta honoris des Petr. Michaelis betrifft, so ist dieselbe freilich nicht in dem Maße vorhanden, als man nach der formellen Gleichartigkeit anzunehmen geneigt sein dürfte.” (Althaus: 1966, 124–125). Althaus’ study, however, does not find an echo in Christopher Brown. Brown wonders that if Serta Honoris first appeared in 1561, how could Michaelis have created the book at the age of just nineteen, only three years after he joined the Jesuits? Instead, Brown considers the explanation lies in “resting on the existence of a lost 1561 edition whose attestation in a catalogue more likely rests on a false transcription of the date.” (Brown: 2008, 252). Also, reflecting on the various reprinting history and wide circulation of Habermann’s prayerbooks, Brown strongly disagrees with Althaus’ proposal. Brown’s analysis makes it more likely that despite Michaelis’ 1561 edition, given that both Michaelis’ and Habermann’s prayerbooks were available in 1567, it is difficult to conclude that Habermann relied on Michaelis’ source. How their texts could contain such similar elements requires further investigation. These Catholic prayerbooks represented a fashion of early modern Catholic taste: welcoming an intellectual approach and concerning the occasion of life. While Erasmus, Wild, and Michaelis may have other reasons for why they moved their prayerbooks from the traditional model, they were also deeply concerned of the church schism and interacted actively Protestants. Therefore, they used their prayerbooks to communicate Catholic spirituality in contemporary common

70 Althaus notes that some of Serta Honoris’ later Latin editions were published in 1589, 1590, and 1597, along with a German translated version in Cologne in 1594, entitled, Christliche Catholische Ehrenkränzlein usw. Althaus: 1966, 91 fn. 2. The 1589 [VD16 B 8324] along with the 1567 edition are collected in the VD16.

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custom in order to compete with the Protestants and to win back people to the Catholic faith was vividly.

Conclusion The Reformation was the context from which early Protestant prayerbooks emerged, and these prayerbooks were focused on the spiritual welfare of laypeople. Apart from the clergy, these authors of early modern prayerbooks, either theologians, professors, printers, educators, or writers, belonged to intellectual circles with humanist training, and were identified as intelligent in the early modern society. It is significant that the laity became both the providers and receivers of evangelical prayerbooks. Based on reformers’ ideals, the authors with various backgrounds experienced an opportunity to launch their own patterns of piety, to transform their concepts of belief, as well as to express their witness to the world. Hence, some Protestant reformers outlined prayerbooks according to the need of the communication of Reformation project with the laity; women prayerbooks were either drafted for the sake of women readers to emphasis female spiritual needs or aimed to serve as maternal spirituality for children; and teachers were more concerned on developing the virtues and piety of their students. Through the reformers and their followers’ renovations, early evangelical prayerbooks changed. In part through enthusiastic borrowing, the format of prayerbooks did not stand still, but continually evolved as authors selected their contents and categories according to their particular intentions and readers’ expectations. This gave early Protestant prayerbooks various focuses and new meanings. Spiritual texts could be prayer in itself, they could be spiritual instruction books, or they could function as shared resources that inspired readers’ spiritual lives. In light of this, we may conclude that, instead of being church official spiritual materials for all congregations, early modern prayerbooks developed into a purpose-built spiritual orientation in accord with authors’ personal contextual situations and their expectations for readers. “And no one puts a piece of unshrunk cloth on an old garment, for the patch tears away from the garment, and a worse tear is made. Neither is new wine put into old wineskins; if it is, the skins burst, and the wine is spilled, and the skins are destroyed; but new wine is put into fresh wineskins, and so both are preserved.” (Matt 9:16–17, RSV). This passage might represent the best illustration of the transformation of prayerbooks from the late medieval period to the early modern era. A new era produced a different form of prayerbooks that shifted from traditional spiritual handbooks to new private spiritual resources.

Chapter 2: “Prayerful Soul Needs Feeding” – Lectio Divina and Humanism in Early Evangelical Prayerbooks

Introduction From their origin in the late medieval period, traditional prayerbooks offered instruction and spiritual exercises to shape laypeople’s piety through text recitation and image contemplation. Since reformers were highly concerned with the mystical-visual exercise of images in late medieval materials, they altered their prayerbooks so that no images appeared as channels for meditation. The greatest distinction from the traditional prayerbook was that early Protestant prayerbooks seldom included images. Luther’s prayerbook in 1529 was the exception as he inserted illustrations of the Passion to communicate biblical message to readers. In addition, since the Protestant reformers believed that wrong doctrines of prayer led to wrong exercises and directed people to wrong practices, their prayerbooks emphasized the importance of correct doctrine. Reformers pointed to the Books of Hours, from the late medieval period, as an example of shoddy theology of prayer. Reformers rebutted the elements that appeared to them as unacceptable in Catholic prayer. Generally, the contents of Protestant prayerbooks changed significantly from those of medieval prayerbooks. Their external appearance was different from that of traditional prayerbooks as they only included spiritual texts. Internally, apart from the element of prayer texts, some prayerbooks kept traditional materials such as a calendar, hymns, and the Litany, but reformers removed most of the elements that they did not accept according to their evangelical faith. Each prayerbook had its own goal of publishing, inserted different elements in its content, and offered various kinds of prayer texts, meditations, or instructions to communicate the Christian faith. Therefore, we can learn that early Protestant prayerbooks offered various texts to guide the spiritual lives of different groups of readers. Based on different confessional groups and contexts, each author shared his or her faith concept and spiritual concern and developed a unique style in order to offer readers a choice.

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Early Protestant prayerbooks blossomed as they presented diverse and individual components in their own content and teaching. Although each prayerbook was far from identical to others, these modern prayerbooks shared a distinctive coherence in their cultural adaption of Renaissance humanism and in their use of both contemporary literature and earlier sources. Humanism was interested in both ancient literature and its contemporary sources; it was also concerned with the rhetorical expression in an intellectual style. The spectrum of Renaissance humanism not only influenced the projects and writings of the reformers, but it also impacted the production of early Protestant prayerbooks in the sources they adopted from the Bible, ancient classic, medieval works, and its contemporary materials. Overall, early Protestant prayerbooks were designed in a textual style to lead people in reading, and meditation on prayer texts was the fundamental commonality among them. The inclusion of vernacular biblical texts, meditations on Scriptures, and written prayers in Protestant prayerbooks encouraged a three-fold process of reading, meditation, and prayer. The contents, structure, and teaching in early Protestant prayerbooks presented a spiritual exercise that was typically associated with the spiritual discipline of lectio divina.

Textual Approach: Modern Lectio Divina The spiritual practice in early Protestant prayerbooks revealed a sense of modification of lectio divina, especially a change from the late medieval style of lectio divina that offered a structured way of practice. The spiritual exericse in Protestant prayerbooks continued from the late medieval way, but its element was replaced and renewed. As a result, the practice of lectio divina was restored to its original feature in early Christianity – spiritual reading and praying. Spiritual reading was the first attribute that represented the evangelical transformation of Christian prayerbooks. Lectio divina is an ancient Christian term that refers to the prayerful reading of the Bible. Its literal translation is “reading from God,” but it is sometimes translated as “spiritual reading.” Besides the Bible, “[t]he texts can be extended to Christian literature that is solidly based on the Scripture.” (Kardong: 2005, 403– 404). In a sense, both sacred texts and spiritual materials can be used for this practice. It combines reading and praying together as a way to approach God and as a pasture to nourish one’s spiritual growth. Lectio divina is a spiritual exercise that links biblical texts and prayer together for the purpose of continually keeping God and His word in the mind. In practice, lectio divina involves the whole person: the lips and tongue move as the text is read out loud, the ears hear God’s Word, and the heart and mind

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meditate and respond to God’s Word. M. Basil Pennington defines lectio divina as a two-way communication between God and readers through God’s Word and the readers’ responses. He says that lectio divina is “letting our Divine Friend speak to us through his inspired and inspiring Word. And yes, of course, it includes our response to that Word, to his communication to us through that Word.” (Pennington: 1998, xi). Michael Casey thus regards that, in lectio divina, “reading became a dialogue with the text.” (Casey: 1996, 4). Josef Jungmann regarded St Jerome (b.c.340/342−420) as the “great theoretician” of lectio divina. Jerome developed the practices of Scripture reading and cultivating prayerful insights into texts (Jungmann: 1978, 34). John Cassian (c.365–435) adopted lectio divina in his monastery community. For Cassian, the goal of the monk was to pray, and thus the “prayerful soul needs feeding… the best food is reading the Bible and meditating on the Bible” (Cassian, Conference 10.11) (Cassian: 1985, 12). Cassian’s lectio divina was simple. Monks read short verses of the Scripture and prayed according to the texts. Cassian’s biblical prayer influenced Benedict of Nursia (c.480–526) and his monasticism. Generally, manual labor, the Divine Office, and lectio divina formed the three basic activities of the Benedictine community at Monte Cassino. The form of lectio divina in Benedictine monasticism included the three-fold practice of Bible reading, meditation, and prayer that was rooted in the Scriptures. Casey points out that “Benedictine spirituality was more an internal dialogue of the heart with the text, and through the text with God.” (Casey: 1996, 106). Later, in the twelfth century, Guigo II (d.c.1188), the ninth prior of the Grande Chartreuse (1173–1180), offered a systematic order for lectio divina. According to Guigo, the spiritual exercise had four steps: lectio (reading), meditatio (meditation), oratio (prayer), and contemplatio (contemplation). It was a spirituality that provided a technical method for prayer and served to guide people’s spiritual lives. Although lectio divina developed with various emphases and was used for different purposes, its spirit was clear and steady. Lectio divina is the spiritual reading, or prayerful reading, of the Bible. From the beginning, lectio divina brought prayer and the Scriptures together as a basic, but important, spiritual exercise to instruct people to listen to God’s Word and to pray to God in response. As the contexts have changed, so the teaching about lectio divina has been modified. Nevertheless, reading and prayer were generally interwoven as a devotional practice. Prayer and sacred texts were intimately connected in the early church. Only in the late Middle Ages was the Bible separated or distinguished from internal prayer. At that point, the devotio moderna made it possible to pray without referring to the Scriptures, which separated internal prayer from prayerful reading (Jungmann: 1978, 85–86). In light of this, early evangelical prayerbooks in their nature and function can be viewed as an early modern expression of lectio divina. The catechism acted as

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the primary text for prayerful reading. Christopher Brown analyzes Lutheran prayerbooks and points out that “restricting itself to Biblical texts,” which was different from the traditional prayerbooks, was the first innovation by Luther (cf. Brown: 2008, 238). Since Luther promoted the catechism as an essential prayer text, reading the catechism became the principal spiritual practice in early Protestant prayerbooks (Brown: 2008, 238). For example, in his Personal Prayer Book (1522), Luther wrote: “I am convinced that when a Christian rightly prays the Lord’s Prayer at any time or uses any portion of it as he may desire, his praying is more than adequate.” (WA 10.2:376; LW 43:12). Luther also told of how he renewed his spiritual life by praying the catechism: [W]hen I feel that I have become cool and joyless in prayer because of other tasks or thoughts (for the flesh and the devil always impede and obstruct prayer), I take my little Psalter, hurry to my room, or, if it be the day and hour for it, to the church where a congregation is assembled and, as time permits, I say quietly to myself and word-forword the Ten Commandments, the Creed, and if I have time, some words of Christ or of Paul, or some psalms, just as a child might do. (Luther, Simple Way to Pray, 1535) (WA 38:358–359; LW 43:193).

In this vein, moreover, he also explained how he prayed the Ten Commandments: If I have had time and opportunity to go through the Lord’s Prayer, I do the same with the Ten Commandments. I take one part after another and free myself as much as possible from distractions in order to pray. I divide each commandment into four parts, thereby fashioning a garland of four strands. That is, I think of each commandment as, first, instruction, which is really what it is intended to be, and consider what the Lord God demands of me so earnestly. Second, I turn it into a thanksgiving; third, a confession; and fourth, a prayer. (WA 38: 364–365; LW 43:200).

Although Luther did not totally agree with the medieval practice of lectio divina, he still kept the first three steps of reading, prayer, and meditation. However, he replaced the last step of contemplation with temptation [tentatio] in his renovation on prayer.1 His prayer pattern was a typical lectio divina. In addition to Luther’s example of praying the catechism, he also described four strands of prayer – instruction, thanksgiving, confession, and a prayer – that were based on the meditation of the sacred texts as a response to God. Prayer for Luther, as Brown states, “was secondary, a response to the Word rather than a meritorious human initiative.” (Brown: 2008, 242). Luther communicated that the text itself was spiritual – an important contribution to the practice of prayer. 1 Luther’s tripartite formula of prayer is oratio, meditatio, and tentatio. See Luther, Der erste Teil der Bücher D. M. Luthers über etliche Epistel der Apostel. Vorrede Luthers 1539 (zum 1. Band der Wittenberger Ausgabe) [Preface to the Wittenberg edition of Luther’s German writings]. [Aland 35]. WA 50:659; LW 34:285.

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Through his use of spiritual text in his renovated prayer, Luther retained important parts of lectio divina of reading, prayer, and meditation. His use of the prayerbook as an aid for lay piety combined the traditional format with new theology and ideas of the Reformation. In Protestant prayerbooks, prayer was not only a personal, wholehearted act but also an intellectual affair since Luther’s and his followers’ books were based on a “textual” approach to prayer, which used the catechism and biblical texts to guide prayers. Prayer should be based on meditations of the literal meaning of Word in order to allow a person to pray in response to the message embedded in the passage. Reading the spiritual text itself was regarded as prayer, and that was a significant feature of Protestant prayerbooks. Prayer, rooted in written texts, was a restoration of the classical spiritual exercise of lectio divina that had been ignored in the late medieval era.

Humanist Nutrition for the Souls Meditations on written prayers did not exclude sources from the catechism. In fact, various meditations texts and written prayer texts were created by the authors of prayerbooks, and they came to dominate prayerbooks. In this sense, texts in prayerbooks did not lead readers to pray but taught people how to pray. For example, instead of quoting biblical texts or messages, Habermann’s prayerbook in 1567/1579 focused on instructing his readers how to pray and meditate. From his time onward, most prayerbooks were concerned with addressing the doctrine of prayer or teaching the way of prayer. They provided meditation texts or the authors’ thoughts on spiritual growth and piety. Overall, early Protestant prayerbooks were concerned with people’s lives and how to live piously. Luther’s catechism, and its written prayer style, apparently did not satisfy people’s needs. Their spiritual lives required more space and flexible resources, so readers could construct their own private sacred time rather than depend on reciting a fixed form. Therefore, prayerbook authors needed to explore more sources of spiritual food available in order to feed their readers’ prayerful souls. Instead of following late medieval prayerbooks or Luther’s catechism, the spiritual food that early evangelical prayerbook authors offered for prayer was an imitation of Renaissance humanist preference: ad fontes [back to the sources]. It was the primary motto for scholars to learn “how ideas were obtained and expressed.” (McGrath: 1999, 44). By utilizing humanist approach, the spiritual texts that writers inserted into prayerbooks contained sources from the Scriptures, ancient fathers and philosophers, medieval materials, and contemporary works. Prayerbooks dem-

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onstrated a sense of cultural adoptation to the humanist way of learning to guide their readers in private devotion. From the late medieval to the early modern era, Renaissance humanism emerged as an important movement that influenced western culture, chiefly in the tradition of rhetoric. As Paul Oskar Kristeller points out, the term “humanism” [humanismus] cannot specifically describe the humanist movement in the early modern era. This word was coined by a German educator, F. J. Niethammer in 1808, for the purpose of highlighting the Greek and Latin classics, so as to show that it was “against the rising demands for a more practical and more scientific training.” (Kristeller: 1979, 22). Instead of humanismus, Kristeller regards the term humanista (from the old terms of “humanities” or studia humanitatis in Latin) as a better representation of the humanist movement, as it was invented in the Renaissance to indicate liberal arts. Later in the early modern period, this term was extended to include academic disciplines such as “grammar, rhetoric, history, poetry, and moral philosophy.” (Kristeller: 1979, 22). Thus, Renaissance humanism, in the words of Kristeller, “was not as such a philosophical tendency or system, but rather a cultural and educational program which emphasized and developed an important but limited area of studies.” (Kristeller: 1979, 22). For Kristeller, the area of study was neither the classics nor philosophy, but literature as a tradition of rhetoric that was utilized, for example, by teachers in higher education or by secretaries in the ruling classes (Kristeller: 1979, 23). Hanna H. Gray echoes Kristeller’s view and asserts, “It is essential to understand the humanists’ reiterated claim, that theirs was the pursuit of eloquence.” (Gray: 1968, 200). Gray believes that eloquence united the humanists not only in their learning method, by adopting classical sources for rhetoric or interpretation, but it also offered effective skills for humanists to communicate their ideas about human affairs, especially virtue (Gray: 1968, 200). Thus, Gray states that the humanism of the Renaissance was a continuity of the medieval rhetoric tradition, but it presented “a different ideal of the aims of knowledge and debate” from the scholastic way (Gray: 1968, 202). The significant distinctions of humanism relied on its interest in rhetoric, ethics, educational methods, and literature, which were different from the scholastic interests in logic, metaphysics, and nature philosophy (Gray: 1968, 203). The rise of Renaissance humanism indeed changed the western way of learning in many respects. Influenced by Renaissance humanism, reformers like Erasmus, Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin were trained under the spectrum of humanism, though they might not have totally accepted all of its teachings. These reformers applied the motto of ad fontes to emphasize the writings of church fathers and biblical reading in its original languages, and they extended their interests to include not only sacred realities, but also the caring for human beings and the world. Among

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them, Erasmus was a well-recognized, Christian humanist who influenced early modern Christianity in many ways such as in the studying of Scriptures, church reform, Christian piety, and worldly service. He was thus regarded as “the greatest scholar and writer of his age and the significance of his scholarly achievement as well as the sincerity and integrity of his moral purpose were recognized by his whole generation.” (Olin: 1976, 1). This project will highlight just a few of these that are related to the subject of early Protestant prayerbooks.

Bible as Essential Spiritual Nourishment Traditional laypeople’s prayerbooks were adopted from the monastic culture of the late Middle Ages. They provided a sacred means for laypeople to worship God that was similar to that of the clergy. In Protestant prayerbooks, most authors promoted the reading of God’s Word instead of utilizing monastic sources. Through translating the Bible into vernacular tongues and inserting them into prayerbooks, reformers and their followers also underlined the importance of learning the Bible in order to obtain the genuine spritual message for every believer. Erasmus’ high regard for the reading of Scriptures in light of ancient pagan sources was an example of borrowing the way of pagan eloquence and adapting it to understanding Christian faith. Along with prayer, Erasmus regarded the Scriptures as one of the weapons in Christian warfare. He wrote, “If you will dedicate yourself wholly to the study of the Scripture, if you will meditate on the law of the Lord day and night, you will not be afraid of the terror of the night or the day, but you will be fortified and trained against every onslaught of enemies.”2 Erasmus believed the Word of God was powerful, as it not only can be used to defend but also to nourish the life of a Christian. However, trained as humanist, Erasmus did not consider the literal approach to the Scriptures to be sufficient; instead, he consulted the approaches of ancient pagan scholars. Therefore, he considered allegory to be a helpful way to understand the biblical message. He stated, “But as divine Scripture does not bear much fruit if you persist in and cling to the letter, so is the poetry of Homer or Virgil quite useful if you remember the whole of it to be allegorical.” (Erasmus: 1981, 46/30–47/3). Erasmus’ approach to the Scriptures was to integrate Christian sources with his 2 Erasmus (1953), Enchiridion, Chapter 2, “Of the Weapons of the Christian Warfare,” trans. and ed. Ford Lewis Battles, in Advocates of Reform: From Wyclif to Erasmus, ed. Matthew Spinka, Philadelphia, PA: The Westminster Press, 304. Cf. Enchiridion (1981), Chap. II. “The wepons of a chrysten man,” in Erasmus, Enchiridion Militis Christiani, an English version [Handbook of the Christian soldier], ed. Anne M. O’Donnell, Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 45/35–46/ 3.

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references to ancient pagan literature so as to offer an alternative way to understand the biblical passages. Erasmus’ approach might not have been approved by other scholars such as Luther, who supported a literal approach to studying the Bible. On the other hand, although Erasmus promoted ancient pagan literature, he did not accept that literature totally without taking into account teachings that were in disagreement with the Scriptures. Thus, he directed his readers to follow the Platonists, “For the reason that in very many of their opinions and in their way of speaking they approach as closely as possible the prophetic and Gospel pattern.” (Erasmus: 1981, 47/11–14). Overall, as J. Laurel Carrington points out, Erasmus’ method did offer an effective way to transform the medieval learning of the scholastic method (Carrington: 2002, 35). Reformers attempted to understand the original languages of the Scriptures in order to obtain the authentic message and to correct any inaccurate teachings of the medieval church. On the other hand, reformers also took efforts to make the vernacular Bible available to ordinary people for the sake of people’s spiritual growth. In the prefaces of Luther’s German and William Tyndale’s (1494–1536) English Bibles, we can find the famous slogan: sola scriptura, the common principle and theological conviction that undergirded reformers’ efforts to translate the Scriptures. Luther declared several times the necessity and importance of reading the Bible in the vernacular in his Prefaces to the Old Testament and to the New Testament. For Luther, the Scriptures could not only help people acquire faith and the promises of God, but they could also correct what he felt were the incorrect teachings of the late medieval Catholic Church. Tyndale shared similar concerns in Before the Five Books of Moses, Called Genesis in 1530 when he declared that his purpose was against the papists’ delusional approach to the Bible and doctrines. Only the Bible, he insisted, could help people understand the faith: “The scriptures were plainly laid before their eyes in their mothertongue, that they might see the process, order, and meaning of the text.” (Tyndale: 1848/1968, 394). Similar, Calvin declared, “Let this then be a sure axiom that nothing ought to be admitted in the church as the Word of God … and that there is no other method of teaching in the church than according to the prescription and rule of his Word.” (cf. McGrath: 1999, 150). Calvin’s words summarized the reformers’ common concerns and beliefs about the Scriptures. For them, the Bible needed to be studied in its original languages, and it also needed to be read in different vernacular tongues in order to shape the faith of believers and to instill proper beliefs and practices in the Church. The reformers’ ideas about the availability of the Bible and their emphasis on reading the vernacular Bible found fruition, in part, in Protestant prayerbooks. Prayerbook authors abstracted those parts they considered most valuable such as themes regarding prayer or moral examples, or they sometimes included newly

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translated books of the Bible in the prayerbook, making these biblical messages readily available to readers. Frequently, biblical passages and figures were quoted, acknowledged, or referred to in the prayerbooks, which was significant different from traditional prayerbooks. Prayerbooks also upheld the authority of the Bible and lavishly supplied biblical materials. Since the main goal of prayerbooks was prayer, most biblical materials quoted in them were passages of prayer. Some examples were the prayer of Manasseh featured in Luther’s prayerbook of 1529, and the prayers of Isaiah, Jonah, and Daniel found in Marshall’s prayerbook.3 Biblical prayers were inserted into prayerbooks as examples to teach readers how to pray. The Canaanite woman’s prayer in Matt 15:21–28, for instance, was used as an illustration of a wholehearted approach to God in Dietrich’s and other prayerbooks. The Lord’s Prayer was regarded as the central text on prayer in almost every prayerbook. As for how biblical materials were cited, most authors used biblical texts or figures either for meditation or as references for teaching. For example, Bentley’s use of biblical materials focused on female figures or on texts that referred to women. He also extracted these women’s prayers or songs from their specific encounters with the divine for reference. Seagar (1582), in his prayerbook, cited an abundance of biblical figures and texts, such as Solomon’s works, the Gospel of Matthew, and the Book of James, to construct his moral and religious teachings for students. The teachings from Gerhard’s prayerbook in 1606 were full of biblical messages as well. Although the authors of Protestant prayerbooks promoted the reading of the Bible, a slight change occurred in the use of David’s Psalms in Protestant prayerbooks. Originally, David’s Psalms were the most recited biblical sources in Christian history. They were rearranged in the Rule of St Benedict into seven sections for monks to recite one section a day in order to repeat the entire Psalter in a week (cf. Brown: 2008, 237).4 In late medieval prayerbooks, the recitation of the Psalter was reduced to the seven penitential Psalms only.5 During the Reformation, although David’s Psalms remained an important source, Protestant prayerbooks neither restored the Psalter pattern nor kept the penitential Psalms, but the possibility was open for authors to choose any Psalms they wanted to include in their works. For example, Luther included eight Psalms in his prayerbook while Dietrich (1545) only quoted Psalm 89, and Queen Katherine and Hawkins did not use any Psalm in their prayerbooks. It seems that the liturgical 3 Philipp Melanchthon (1543), “De Invocatione Dei Seu De Precatione,” in Corpus Reformatorum (1854), (CR) 21:19, ed. Henricus Ernestus Bindseil, New York. NY: Johnson Reprint Corporation, cols. 955–984. 4 In the Rule of Saint Benedict, chapters 8–19, St Benedict briefly introduced the recitation of the Psalms at different hours and on different days. See Venarde: 2011, 56–91. 5 The seven penitential psalms are Psalm 6, 32, 38, 51, 102, 130, and 143.

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use of the Psalter did not play the same role as in the traditional prayerbooks. The use of the Psalms was thus dependent on Protestant authors’ ideas of the message that they intended to communicate. Generally, German prayerbooks quoted texts from Luther’s vernacular Bible (1534) while English prayerbooks tended to include materials from the Coverdale Bible (1535), the Geneva Bible (1560), the Bishops’ Bible (1568), or the King James Bible (1611). The Coverdale Bible, however, was the most frequently quoted version in English prayerbooks. Occasionally, other translations were excerpted – for instance, Marshall’s primers from 1534–1535 drew upon the Tyndale Bible. In Grymeston’s case, her recusant status in the Anglican Church encouraged her to quote the Vulgate although this was clearly the exception. Despite the differences between authors using different versions of the Bible, vernacular translations were welcome and were perceived as authoritative sources in early modern prayerbooks. The preponderance of biblical passages demonstrated the success of the reformers’ promotion of vernacular Bibles and the need for laypeople to read the Bible. In addition, since the full Bible was usually huge and therefore difficult to carry around, prayerbooks came to function as portable extensions of the Bible. With extensive quotations and excerpts of biblical passages, prayerbooks allowed the Scriptures to be transported anywhere at any time.

Ancient Sources for Defending Faith Other than Scriptures, ancient literature – such as the works of church fathers and ancient philosophers – were collected into Protestant prayerbooks. Protestant authors reinterpreted patristics and classical texts to fit their use in these new prayerbooks. These additional texts provided defenses for Protestant theology as well as passages for meditation and piety. The promotion of consulting ancient sources was one of trends in humanist way of learning. As a result, people began shifting their attention from scholastic writings to ancient literature for their resources or models. Alister McGrath indicates that “the Renaissance was an era of discovery” (McGrath: 1999, 45), which led humanists not to the reading of ancient sources only, but to read classical sources “with a view [to] rediscovering the experiences they reflected,” so as to obtain an experience “which could be regained by handling the text in the right way.” (McGrath: 1999, 45). To find an alternative and proper approach to their writings and speaking, ancient sources and models became meaningful in humanists’ rhetorical training. Not every humanist shared a common interest in Aristotle in terms similar to those of the medieval scholastics, for example. And Kristeller highlights that humanism praised the teachings of both Aristotle and

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Plato, especially their ideas about ethics, politics, and physics. Aristotle’s influence contributed to the shaping of humanist thinking about concepts and methods, while Plato’s work shaped their understanding of inner experiences, phenomena, and the character of such doctrines (Kristeller: 1979, 39–40, 61, 65). Apart from these influential Greek philosophers, Latin philosophers like Cicero, and poets like Horace, were welcomed by the humanists. Erasmus once divulged that he was inspired more by reading the texts of Cicero or Plutarch and learning their teachings and eloquent ways of expression than from Scotus (cf. Gray: 1968, 204). In a sense, ad fontes was the primary step: to become familiar with classical sources in order to improve the eloquence of humanism. A notable issue that ancient fathers’ teachings referred concerned the status of the church, which became the resource that authors of Protestant prayerbooks sought out to defend their new faith. For example, St Cyprian of Carthage (d.c. 258) once stated Habere jam non potest Deum patrem, qui Ecclesiam non habet matrem [He cannot have God as a father, who does not have the Church as a mother],6 was later referred to often by people wanting to support their assertions about the status of the church. However, in order to fight for both the spiritual and temporal rights of papal supremacy, Pope Boniface VIII borrowed Cyprian’s view to advocate for the medieval Roman Church as the only true church capable of delivering salvation. In Unam Sanctam (1302), Boniface proclaimed that only the Roman Catholic Church issued salvation: “There had been at the time of the deluge only one ark of Noah, prefiguring the one Church, which ark, having been finished to a single cubit, had only one pilot and guide, i. e., Noah, and we read that, outside of this ark, all that subsisted on the earth was destroyed…. we declare, we proclaim, we define that it is absolutely necessary for salvation that every human creature be subject to the Roman Pontiff.”7 (Unam Sanctam).

However, medieval thought on the church and salvation, such as the idea of Boniface, was not supported by Luther. Yet, while bypassing medieval interpretations on the church and salvation, he did consult the views of church fathers as resources to develop his teachings on these topics. In his prayerbook (1522), Luther declared, “There is only one holy, universal, Christian church, which is nothing other than the gathering or congregation of saints – pious believers on earth.” (WA 10.2:393; LW 43:28). Regarding the church as consisting of Christian believers, rather than as an organization like in the Roman Catholic Church’s view, Luther stated, “I believe that no one can be saved who is not in this gathering or community.” (WA 10.2:394; LW 43:28). Furthermore, Luther claimed that only 6 Cyprian of Carthage, Liber de Unitate Ecclesiae, VI. PL 4:503; FC 36:100. 7 Boniface VIII, Unam Sanctam (1302). Sources quoted from “Medieval Sourcebook,” Fordham University, http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/B8-unam.asp (accessed 04.06.12).

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the church can help people to obtain forgiveness: “I believe that there is forgiveness of sin nowhere else than in this community and that beyond it nothing can help to gain it… [to] this [community] Christ gave the power of keys.” (WA 10.2:394; LW 43:28–29). By keeping this an open statement, Luther showed he regarded the church as a necessary agent for salvation but did not restrict it to any specific organization as the medieval church had done. Besides, Luther used ancient historical sources as evidence to argue against the state of papacy: “Neither Cyprian nor Augustine, the most famous bishops, were under the bishop of Rome – nor were other bishops in Africa, especially Cyprian, bishop of Carthage. He declared himself an equal of Bishop Cornelius of Rome, calling him ‘brother.’ Moreover, all Christians at that time called their bishops papa [“father, pope”], as we find in St Cyprian.” (WA 50:73; LW 60:179).8

Luther developed his theology by looking at the Bible and by finding support from the church fathers, a typical humanist way of studying ancient literature. Like those of Luther, Gerhard’s writings demonstrated a clear bent towards the ancient fathers in their theology. Gerhard’s view in his Meditations of the church as a mother on earth (Gerhard: 1616, fol. M 3 (v); English version, 1627, fol. I 8 (r), p. 207) was a view derived from Augustine.9 Moreover, following Cyprian, the image of Noah’s ark was used by Gerhard as an example to demonstrate that the church was the spiritual ark, and thus implied that there would be no salvation without the church. From Ambrose’s (fl.c.340–397) works, Gerhard regarded the church as “a faire Lillie, but yet among thornes” (Gerhard: 1616, fol. N 1 (r); English verion, 1627, fol. I 10 (v), p. 212),10 and as “God’s daughter, spiritual mother.” (Gerhard: 1616, fol. N 1 (r); English version, 1627, fol. I 10 (v), p. 212). Following the teaching of ancient fathers, Gerhard proposed, “The breasts of the Church are the word and the sacraments.” (Gerhard: 1616, fol. N 1 (v); English version, 1627, fol. I 11 (r), p. 213). Gerhard skillfully combined the works of ancient fathers with biblical passages to express his understanding of the nature and status of church in a spiritual tone, which went beyond medieval sense of institutional function. 8 Luther, Einer aus den hohen Artikeln des päpstlichen Glaubens, genannt Donatio Constantini (1537) [Afterword to the Donation of Constantine]. [Aland 162]. 9 Augustine, Sermons, 57.2, Rursum in Matthaei caput VI, 9–13, de oratione Dominica, ad Competentes [Again on Matthew 6: 9–13, on The Lord’s Prayer to those seeking baptism], in which Augustine wrote: “Deum Patrem et matrem Ecclesiam, a quibus nascamur ad vitam aeternam (God our Father and the Church our mother, of whom we may be born eternal life). PL 38:387; WSA 3.3:110. 10 Originally, these words were adopted by St Ambrose, bishop of Milan, to address the subject of virginity to his sister, Marcellina. See St Ambrose, De Virginibus, 1.8.43. PL 16:200; NPNF2 10:370: “Florem quoque tibi demonstro carpendum, illum utique qui dixit: Ego flos campi, et lilium convallium. Tamquam lilium in medio spinarum (I am the Flower of the field, and the Lily of the valleys, as a lily among thorns).”

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Ancient philosophical texts were also included by some Protestant writers in their texts. Seagar’s prayerbook of 1582, prepared for schoolchildren, used many words of the ancient philosophers like those of Cato, Cicero, Aristotle, Isocrates, Socrates, and Plato. The classical Greek and Roman traditions were used to teach children virtues and proper behavior. For example, in order to teach children about talking, Seagar quoted Isocrates and Cato: “But silence is meetest, in a child at the table. For Cato doth saie, that in old or yoong, The first step of vertue, is to bridle the toong.” (Seagar: 1582, fol. B iii (r). Grymeston also connected her work with “Phaedra’s Confession,” an ancient scene written by Seneca the Younger (ca.4 BC–65 AD), as a way to express her love for her only surviving son (1608?). Generally, prayerbook writers upheld classic philosophers’ virtues and moral concepts. Above all, authors quoted classical materials to support their teachings on virtues and moral issues.

Inheritance from Medieval Inner Piety In addition, medieval literatures were also significant in the early evangelical prayerbooks. As Protestant groups were separated from the Roman Catholic Church, reformers presented Protestant prayerbooks as distinct from the Catholic prayerbooks. While there were certainly differences, Protestant prayerbooks still included medieval sources. In fact, medieval literature exercised considerable influence over the early evangelical prayerbooks. Generally, early Protestant prayerbooks included sources steeped in Catholic thought, medieval devotional literature, and the mystical teachings. For that reason, the content of Protestant prayerbooks could be described as a “spiritual inheritance” from that era. Apart from ancient sources, Luther’s prayerbook (1522) continued the medieval Hail Mary; Marshall’s Primer (1534) and Hilsey’s Manual of Prayer (1539) followed divine hours, the practices of Litany and Dirige; and Hilsey’s prayerbook also contained the XV Oes. All these showed the continuing use of late medieval sources in prayerbooks during the early modern period. Additionally, authors of Protestant prayerbooks also found medieval literatures of interest. Thomas à Kempis’ The Imitation of Christ focused on the inward imitation of Christ and his teachings and less on worldly actions. His heartfelt prayer sources for personal devotion were widely appreciated and translated. Queen Katherine referred to Kempis’ book frequently in her prayerbook (1545), and Gerhard featured it widely as well (1627). The next aspect that carried over from medieval prayerbooks was Gerhard’s allegorical writing style, which vividly illustrated his ideas and teachings. In his explanation about Christ’s passion on the cross, for example, Gerhard alluded to

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St Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153) – “The Grape cast into the winepresse is squeezed, and powreth forth liquor on every side” – to illustrate Christ’s “being pressed with the waight of Gods anger and our sinnes doeth on every side powre forth the liquor of bloud.” (Gerhard: 1616, fol. C 7 (v); English version, 1627, fol. C 5 (r), p. 57). By using metaphor, Gerhard brought readers into a lively experience of a biblical passage. Gerhard’s prayerbook extensively used medieval mystical sources like the writings of Bernard. In chapter 25 of the 1621 edition, Gerhard relied heavily on Bernard’s medieval mysticism. Bernard’s style was neither apologetic nor instruction, but was encouraging readers to apply. His writing on Christ’s passion on the cross, for instance, invited readers to enter subjectively into the experience. Furthermore, Gerhard’s preference for medieval mysticism was influenced by Johann Arndt. Arndt’s famous books, such as Wahres Christenthum [True Christianity]11 and the Paradiesgärtlein [Garden of Paradise],12 were reprinted several times in the seventeenth century. Eric Lund indicates that Arndt’s teachings on “repentance, evidence of rebirth, continuous spiritual growth, and mystical union with Christ became commonplace in seventeenth-century devotional literature, and these themes reappear in many of the authors,” including Gerhard (Lund: 2011, 11). Johann Steiger contends that Gerhard’s Meditationes Sacrae needs to be esteemed in comparison with Arndt’s True Christianity, a work about Pietism and the inner church’s new revival of mysticism. Steiger also considers, Die MS [Meditationes Sacrae] haben nicht nur als Amplifikator von Arndts innovativen spirituellen und poimenischen Impulsen gewirkt, sondern Gerhard ist auch der Garant dafür geworden, daß die in weiten Kreisen als heterdox verdächtigte Theologie Arndts überhaupt orthodox rezipierbar wurde. (Steiger: 1997, 297).13 11 Johann Arndt (1700), Vom Wahren Christenthum: Wie Christi Menschwerdung/ Liebe/ Demut/ Sanfftmut/ Gedult/ Leiden/ Sterben/ Creutz/ Schmach und Tod/ unsere Artzney und Heilbrunnen/ Spiegel/ Regel und Buch unsers Lebens sey: Und Wie ein wahrer Christ Sünde/ Tod/ Teuffel/ Hölle/ Welt/ Creutz und alle Trübsal durch den Glauben/ Gebet/ Gedult/ Gottes Wort … überwinden soll … / Durch Johann Arndt/ Weiland General-Superintendenten des Fürstenthums Lüneburg/ &c. [Of true Christianity four books. Wherein is contained the whole oeconomy of God towards man; and the whole duty of man towards God], Franckfurt am Mayn: Görlin. [VD17 75:650581Y, 650583P, 650586M]. Cf. True Christianity (1979), New York, NY: Paulist Press. 12 John Arndt (1700), Neu auffgelegtes Paradißgärtlein/ voller Christlicher Tugenden: Wie dieselbigen/ durch andächtige Lehr- und trostreiche Gebet/ in die Seele zu pflantzen seyn. [The garden of Paradise: or, holy prayers and exercises; whereby the Christian graces and virtues may be planted and improved in man, the divine], Goßlar: Duncker. [VD17 23:689095G]. Cf. The Garden of Paradise (1716): Or, Holy Prayers and Exercises, London, UK: Downing. 13 In English translation: “The Meditationes Sacrae worked not only as an amplifier of Arndt’s innovative spiritual and poimenical impulses, but Gerhard also became a guarantor for it, so

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Indeed, Lutheran devotional literature in the seventeenth century from Gerhard onward emerged as a new trend that favored the sources of medieval mysticism and taught a piety concerned more with inner spirituality. Arndt’s influence and Gerhard’s devotional materials played important roles that cannot be ignored. However, the mysticism that reappeared at the beginning of the seventeenth century in the prayerbooks of people such as Gerhard did not mean that reformers like Luther had discarded medieval teachings. In fact, in works other than his prayerbooks, Luther referred to Bernard’s idea of prayer many times.14 Franz Posset, a Catholic scholar, attempts to connect Bernard’s and Luther’s works and argues that Luther’s evangelical teachings borrowed much from Bernard, and that Luther’s ideas about people’s prayers having been written in heaven before they pray also came from Bernard (Posset: 1999, 116). Posset regards Bernard’s influence on Luther as due to the “Bernard renaissance” in the late fifteenth century, especially when Luther was an Augustinian friar at Erfurt, and in the early sixteenth century when he was a professor at Wittenberg (Posset: 2011, 86–88). Posset even regards Bernard’s theology as one of the important aspects for portraying the real Luther in his The Real Luther (2011). The origin of Luther’s theology is a debatable subject that awaits further inquiry from scholars. Nevertheless, Posset offers meaningful input into Luther’s use of medieval thought in a positive light even though Luther did not refer to any of Bernard’s work in his own prayerbooks. Medieval sources, which were especially focused on inner piety and mystical experience, reappeared in Protestant prayerbooks in the early seventeenth century; this implied that there was a resurgent atmosphere in post-Reformation devotional literature. On the other hand, their inclusion suggests that mysticism and some other parts of the Catholic spiritual heritage were indispensable regardless of the conflicts between the two groups.

Sharing from Contemporary Works When looking at spiritual sources that were included from contemporary materials, it becomes clear that authors of early modern prayerbooks borrowed their materials from each other. In addition to sharing their works in order to produce that the theology of Arndt which was widely suspected of heterodoxy could be generally received as orthodox.” 14 For example, Luther adopted a story of Bernard and a countryman, in which the two made an experiment to see whether human beings were attentive or not at prayer. Originally, this story is collected in Legenda aurea, 534f in The Golden Legend (1993): Readings on the Saints, ed. Jacobus and William Granger Ryan, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 490. See WA 28:77–78; LW 69:18–19. Cf. Posset: 1999, 112–114.

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other prayerbooks either domestically or internationally, Protestant prayerbooks were also inspired by contemporary theological fashions, and those changing styles were important in the construction of Protestant prayerbooks. First, authors frequently borrowed sources they found in other prayerbooks. Early on, the contents of Hortulus animae, produced in 1503, reappeared in both Marshall’s primer and Godfray’s primer in 1535 although Luther condemned the late medieval prayerbook. Prayerbook writers also consulted Luther’s work. Some of the form and content of Luther’s prayerbooks, especially their simple structure and his catechism, were highly regarded. These were reproduced later, for instance, in Marshall’s prayerbook. Luther’s work also influenced the prayerbook of his fellow Lutheran Habermann (Brown: 2008, 249). In fact, both Hortulus animae and Luther’s prayerbooks provided abundant contemporary spiritual resources for later authors. Besides, Marshall’s prayerbook appeared not much later (1535), and most of its contents found their way into the Bishop’s primer in 1537. Similarly, the Second Lamp of Bentley’s prayerbook (1582) contained various women’s spiritual writings from his contemporaries that provided a reference for meditation and prayers. Frequently, those who were writing prayerbooks had to move beyond quoting materials in their own language and needed to translate sources in order to include them in their books. For example, Bradford translated Melanchthon’s prayerbook from German into English in 1553. Another instance was when Thomas Rogers translated Habermann’s German prayerbook into English in 1567/1569. Gerhard’s prayerbooks were translated into many different languages, which resulted in more than 51 printed editions. Likewise, Princess Elizabeth translated Queen Katherine’s prayerbook into different languages like Latin in 1546, and others translated it into French and Italian.15 In regard to application of contemporary literary styles, patterns of poetry first appeared in Grymeston’s work in 1608 when she applied the poetical structure of Robert Allot’s England’s Parnassus (1600) to her prayerbook. Another literary device borrowed from contemporary literature was the application of alphabetical order as a way to structure prayerbooks. The alphabetical structure helped readers to understand and memorize the content of the prayerbooks. Cancellar’s prayerbook in 1565 and Hawkins’ prayerbook in 1692 were both constructed this way particularly since their audiences were schoolchildren. In addition, Wheathill’s prayerbook (1584), constructed by numbering, was another case that referred a contemporary source to a prayerbook. Wheathill constructed her work by numbering her prayers from one to 49. The Atkinsons classify Wheathill’s pattern as belonging to the hexaemeral tradition, they say, 15 The topic regarding the translation of prayerbooks will be discussed thoroughly in chapter seven.

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[It was] a tradition that “derives from Philo Judaeus, and later Augustine, who fused the Mosaic account of the six days of Creation plus the sabbath with ancient systems of number symbolism and the Platonic ‘world soul’ embodied in the seven numbers forming the lambda series.” (Atkinson: 1996, 659–672).

In light of the hexaemeral system, Wheathill’s 49 prayers fit into a pattern of seven weeks. The Atkinsons note that in Wheathill’s prayers, “Each week has a prayer lamenting sin on the fifth day. There is a central week, and the final ‘sabbath’ week is a time of resting. Each week culminates in a sabbath prayer (prayer 7, 14, 28, 35, 42, and 49) focusing on faith, moving from a cautiously hopeful tone in the first weeks to the joyful thanks-giving for the gift of faith in the last prayer, number 49.” (Atkinson: 1996, 659–672). We do not have the author’s explanation regarding the construction of her work, but the work of modern scholars illuminates Wheathill’s intellectual and scientific capabilities especially being an ordinary woman in the early modern period. The contemporary sources for early evangelical prayerbooks, as we have seen, were not only domestic but also international and interdisciplinary. Traditional material – like Hortulus animae – were meaningful sources for English primers, while German texts were also welcomed in England. During this period, women’s works were recognized, and their work was incorporated into other prayerbooks by contemporary authors or compilers. An author’s secular training in poetical literature was another important factor in shaping the forms and expressions found in prayerbooks. Such uses of past text allowed for familiar language and understanding in prayerbooks with new emphasis and interpretation. The early Protestant authors were influenced by ancient texts on virtue as well as medieval mysticism. They also borrowed extensively from one another. Prayerbooks reflected the development of Protestant theologies and recorded the emergence of modern literature. They are valuable sources for uncovering early modern European history both theologically and culturally. The influence of Renaissance humanism appears vividly in early modern Protestant prayerbooks. Along with medieval and contemporary literature, the humanist impulse recovered ancient sources – both patristic and classical – that were then included in prayerbooks. By following humanism’s focus on reading, Protestant prayerbooks offered reading of texts only, stripped of images, as the chief way to engage in spiritual practice, which made them in nature to be an intellectual approach toward the divine. Humanism offered contemporary Christians ancient literature for cultural adaptation although prayerbooks did not ignore the medieval sources. Under these chief points, the spectrum of humanism not only influenced the projects and writings of the reformers, but it also impacted the production of early Protestant prayerbooks in the format and sources they adopted, in the textual approach they communicated, and in the divine and human concerns they addressed.

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Conclusion The product of Protestant prayerbooks was a piety that was sober, yet fervent. This piety was also a dialogue-reflective response to God, that originated from the divine rather than from human. Reading the spiritual text itself was regarded as prayer, and that was a significant feature of Protestant prayerbooks. Prayer, rooted in written texts, was a restoration of the classical spiritual exercise of lectio divina that had been ignored in the late medieval era. Apart from the change of format and practice of prayer in prayerbooks, through the renovation of traditional prayerbooks, early evangelical prayerbooks became a spiritual reservoir that not only collected authors’ various devotional texts but also reflected various and diverse spiritual teachings from Christian tradition, which was another feature that we learned from its humanist transformation. Along with the remodeling the format of prayerbook as Luther’s renovation, the sources that prayerbook authors adopted were also different from the traditional prayerbooks. Those sources that were inserted into the prayerbooks were noticeably featured in Renaissance humanist interest. Prayerful reading style together with sources from humanism demonstrated a new trend of early Protestant prayerbooks, which accommodated with its contemporary cultural custom in order to adapt to early modern context. An investigation of the sources, style, and cultural-religious adaptations that were employed in early Protestant prayerbooks reveals many remarkable features. Early Protestant prayerbooks demonstrated an intention to cross cultures and confessions but were independent from each other. The sources of Protestant prayerbooks could be biblical, the works of classical philosophers, excerpts from the ancient fathers, medieval mystical literature, or contemporary writings. They comprised different sources that crossed historical periods from the classical to the contemporary. They also included sources from different regions, such as Germany and England, and languages such as Latin, German, and English. Protestant prayerbooks even borrowed mystical spiritual resources from their Catholic opposition. Protestants also applied secular literary resources. In addition, Protestant prayerbooks feature a sense of individualism in their works. They suggested that a significant measure of freedom existed in producing a prayerbook; there were no specific formats or requirements regarding content. They contained and digested contemporary cultural resources, and thereby created an alternative devotional literature. Writers or compilers could choose their own sources, depending on their faith affiliation, background, and particular theological or secular training. The result was that prayerbooks were not identical. All these factors gave Protestant prayerbooks a new face as alternative spiritual resources in the Christian tradition. It signposted that early Protestant prayerful

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souls were fortified with cultural preference and accommodation, which extended far beyond Cassion’s biblical food request.

Chapter 3: “Heavenly Glory and Earthly Piety” – The Patterns of Piety in Protestant Prayerbooks

Introduction Almost all prayerbooks within this project listed the Lord’s Prayer in their collection. With the renovation of the interior of prayerbooks, the prayer texts that were inserted in Protestant prayerbooks, remarkably, followed the pattern of the Lord’s Prayer as a way to present its teachings about prayer. The tripartite element of fellowship among the divine, self, and others is also paralleled in Protestant prayerbooks. Bradford even arranged the meditation upon the Lord’s prayer by the themes of God’s kingdom and glory, humble of mind, spiritual and materials needs, peaceful relationship with other, avoidance of temptation.1 Although we do not have a direct evidence to identify prayerbook authors’ intention, the piety of the Lord’s Prayer indeed offers a significant framework for studying spirituality in Protestant prayerbooks. In regards to the practices of prayer, we have discussed in the previous chapter that Protestant prayerbook authors offered reading texts as prayer. However, as the Lord’s Prayer and some other spiritual texts were utilized in prayer, these authors did not intend to restrict any prayer schedule or practice as like in the medieval prayerbooks. Instead, they were concerned with a wholehearted attitude in prayer and recognized the difficulties that arise within prayer itself, which led them to offer instructions and guidance on how to overcome struggles in prayer. Protestant prayerbooks demonstrated an evangelical way of practices in prayer, which also altered the custom in the traditional prayerbooks.

1 Bradford, Godly Meditations (1562).

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Piety of “Heavenly Glory” and “Earthly Piety”2 Originally, the Lord’s Prayer was given by Christ to teach believers how to pray (Matt 6:9–13; Luke 11:2–4). Its message is more than a technical instruction but a concern about the heavenly nature of God and earthly affairs of daily pious life. The Lord’s Prayer is generally accessed into two parts: “heavenly glory” and “earthly piety” (Hammerling: 2010, 39). The first part covers the first three petitions concerning the glory of God; and the second part comprises of the last three petitions, which address human affairs in order to encourage believers to live piously. This stress was inserted into the prayerbooks and became daily discipline for readers. The glorification of God is the chief objective in the first part of the Lord’s Prayer. Christ taught believers to pray to the Father because his name is honored and respected, his kingdom or sovereign is exercised in the world, and his commands are obeyed. These petitions are offered to inspire believers to continue to honor God’s name, to search for God’s kingdom, and to obey God’s will (Hammerling: 2010, 124–125). Hence, what the content emphasizes is a proper attitude in order to have a right connection with God. The focus is centered on the glory of God rather than human’s desires and merits unlike Gentiles who prayed by babbling or Christ’s contemporary Jewish people who showed their piety in observing feasts publicly (Matt 6:7; 16). The first part of the Lord’s Prayer corrects the traditional view that prayer is a self-disclosure; rather, it is concerned with God’s honor. Calvin comments on the first part of the Lord’s Prayer saying, it taught believers that they should “promote the honour due to him as our Lord and Father, and truly and thoroughly devoted to his service”3. This piety illustrated that the utmost God intends to revealed himself to human beings in order to form a closer relationship with human. In Protestant prayerbooks, some authors’ petitions presented the same feature with Christ’s teaching in prayer. One example is Morton teaching her children to set their minds before God in the morning: When you are risen: retire your self, and humbly kneeling, adore God and say… I prostrate my self before thee, adoring the divine Excellency of thy sovereign and infinite Majesty, with all the powers of my Soul, submitting my self with all lowliness and reverence to the Greatness of thy Dominion and Power, and desiring nothing more then faithfully to serve thee all the days of my life. (Morton: 1666, fols. A 7 (r–v)).

2 The terms of “heavenly glory” and “earthly piety” came from Roy Hammerling’s discussion, in where he indicates that Tertullian was the first one who divided the Lord’s Prayer into these two parts, see Hammerling: 2010, 39. 3 John Calvin (1997), Institutes of Christian Religion, Book III, Chapters XX, Sec. 34, trans. by Henry Beveridge, Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 191.

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Similarly, Wheathill’s teaching in daily prayer was also based on the glorification of God in the morning. She prayed: “I beseech thee of thy great mercie to illuminate my vnderstanding, that I may lead and frame my life as thou hast taught me in thy holie word that my light may so shine here on earth, that my heauenlie father may be glorified in me.” (Wheathill: 1584, fol. B i (v)). Most of prayerbook authors began their works by exhorting readers to honor God, to submit themselves to obey Him, and to address the nature of God in order to nourish readers’ knowledge about God. Prayer is a way of communion between God and human beings, and one learns of God’s will and transforms oneself before God through prayer. People pray in order to commune and to become intimate with God. Consequently, prayer requires a change of heart and mind in order to unite with God and to glorify him. Thus, the second part of the Lord’s Prayer taught believers to seek a pious life in the world in order to keep a peaceful relationship with God and to glorify the heavenly Father. Calvin declared that “in every part of the prayer the first place is assigned to the glory of God, … On the other hand, when we ask for daily bread, although we desire what is advantageous for ourselves we ought also especially to seek the glory of God, so much so that we would not ask at all unless it were to turn to his glory.” (Calvin: 1997, 184). Human’s worldly affairs cover the issues of daily bread, remission of sins, and avoidance of temptation and evil. The petitions in the second part of the Lord’s Prayer encourage people to live a pious life in order to continue to glorify God and to keep a united relationship with Him. There are different understandings of daily bread in church tradition. Ancient fathers like Cyril of Alexandria defined bread with both spiritual and physical meanings while Chromatius of Aquileia regarded bread as the spiritual bread in the Holy Communion.4 Reformers like Melanchthon referred bread to mean “food, peace, protection and good health,” worldly things of materials or occasions. He also considered that the request of daily bread was not for self-indulgence but for the accomplishment of God’s calling in worldly duties (Melanchthon, CR 21:975; cf. LC (1543): 206). Echoing reformers’ view, Bradford stated in his prayerbook, “By bread, as the food of the body, all things necessary for this corporeal life are understood, as meat, drink, health, success in our callings, &c. By this word give, we should understand that not only spiritual things, but also corporeal benefits are God’s free gifts.”5 Corporeal goods were as important as spiritual ones because they were all given by God in his prosperity and generosity in order to sustain people’s corporeal needs. We see through the 4 Cyril of Alexandria, Commentary on the Gospel of St Luke, Homily 75; Chromatius of Aquileia, Tractatus in Matthaeum 5.1. Cf. Hammerling; 2010, 75, 126. 5 Bradford, Godly Meditations (1562); the quotation is from CCEL’s modern text, http://www. ccel.org/ccel/bradford/writings/files/meditations.html (accessed 17.08.15).

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petition of daily bread that people in the early modern period had a positive regard for asking material things from God. They declared that human’s temporal things should rely on God’s providence and sharing. The confession of sins was another important issue that is taught in the Lord’s Prayer as well as in prayerbooks. As sins offend God’s holy and destroy the relationship between God and believers, the petition for forgiveness underlines the necessity of seeking reconciliation with God in order to keep as unclouded a relationship as possible. For this reason, Melanchthon urged his readers to ask for the remission of sins as the first task in every prayer (Melanchthon, CR 21:975; cf. LC (1543): 206). This concept appeared in almost every prayerbook to remind their readers to confess to God daily. Morton in her prayerbook requested her children to reflect that serving God was the most important thing in their daily morning prayers. She also instructed them to seek pardon in evening prayers by saying: “Have mercy upon me, and forgive me all that is past: and grant that I may always study to serve thee, and please thee hereafter in all godliness and pureness of life, to the Honour and Glory of thy blessed Name, through Christ our Lord.” (Morton: 1666, fols. A 9 (v)–10 (r)). The confession of sins as one of significant features in prayerbooks directed readers to be aware of the importance of keeping a peaceful fellowship with God. As the term “human affairs” extended to any the worldly issue like goods, human relationship, occasions, or prevention from evil things, the characteristics of forgiveness to the debtors is also required for anyone who seeks God’s remission. The piety of the second part of the Lord’s Prayer underlines a horizontal feature of fellowship between petitioners and others though the crucial point remaining in the glory of God. Overall, the entire Lord’s Prayer directs believers to realize that every aspect of life must be contemplated. Calvin stated that the Lord’s Prayer “omits nothing which we can conceive in praise of God, nothing which we can imagine advantageous to man, and the whole is so exact that all hope of improving it may well be renounced.” (Calvin: 1997, 198–199). With this regard, he considered the Lord’s Prayer to be a “discipline” (Calvin: 1997, 199), which may be used to remedial human weakness and to encourage human growth both in spiritual and corporal affairs. In light of Calvin’s view, the utmost goal and daily discipline in prayerbooks was to glorify God and to keep a peaceful relationship in both heaven and earth. Thus, Christian piety in Protestant prayerbooks can be further understood early Protestant piety is then concerned with living one’s life in accordance with what one understands of the divine. This description of spirituality serves to highlight two characteristics of piety: its intellectual and practical levels. The intellectual level has to do with the importance of knowledge – discovering the truth of the divine through faith. It implies that knowing the faith not

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only initiates the journey of the Christian spiritual life but also guides the way to practice it. Melanchthon once commented that in the first three petitions of the Lord’s Prayer, “the true knowledge of God is sought, then the effects of that knowledge, that we might be guided by the Holy Spirit. And third, that each in his own calling or function may perform his duties lawfully and happily.” (Melanchthon, CR 21:975; English version, 1553, fol. G iiii (v); cf. LC (1543): 206). At the level of practice, spirituality is engaged in what it looks like to live out one’s faith as a reflection of what one believes. The sacred divine offers the sources for the practice of one’s spiritual life. Piety is not solely concerned with personal spiritual growth at the level of anthropological interest. Instead, it looks to God as the source and goal of spiritual growth and seeks neighbors as the object of love. The terminology of “piety” and “religion” in the early modern period underlines the same expectation in Protestant piety. The terms “piety” and “religion” were interchangeable in the early modern Protestant tradition, though they now convey different meanings that were diversified after the Reformation. “Piety” and pietas are both Latin in origin. Pietas implies people’s responsibility, duty, and devotion to God, a person, or country (Luckman (2005), Article “Piety,” NWDCS, 2005, 491). The term “religion” has not had a single, consistent definition from its inception. Jonathan Z. Smith claims that religion “stems from the root * leig meaning ‘to bind’ rather than from roots meaning ‘to reread’ or ‘to be careful,’ discussed in early church fathers’ writings.” (Smith: 1998, 269). He also points out that the usage of “religion” in both Roman and early Christian Latin contexts gave the sense of “cultic terms referring primarily to the careful performance of ritual obligations.” (Smith: 1998, 269). Religion is generally understood as “a complex of beliefs, cultic practice, and ethical demands in a system related to God or gods.”6 By referring to Encyclopedia Britannica (1771), Smith indicates that the eighteenth-century concept of religion was “evacuated of ritual connotations, and seem[s] more to denote a state of mind, a transition begun by Reformation figures such as Zwingli and Calvin who understood ‘religion’ primarily as ‘piety.’” (Smith: 1998, 271). According to Smith, the early modern terms of piety and religion meant the same things as faith and practice, though religion later extended its meaning to include multiple systems of belief, such as Christianity, Buddhism, and Islam. Despite the contemporary usage of these two words, religion and piety during the Reformation were essentially identical terms, they both confirm the requirement of learning and practice in early Protestant piety.

6 Browning, Article “Religion,” A Dictionary of the Bible, under Oxford Reference Online. Oxford University Press, http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY.html?subview= Main&entry=t94.e1606 (accessed 29.03.11).

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Historical witnesses can be cited in support of this view of fellowship pattern of piety. The lives of the earliest Christians recorded in the Book of Acts are the best examples. When people received the new faith and the Holy Spirit, they demonstrated a different, or even, a new, life toward others. They created a fellowship that cared for others’ needs in reaction to what they learned of God. The second-century Christians’ social witness makes the same affirmation. They not only prayed to God but also offered support for the burial of the poor, for the needs of orphans and the elderly, and for those who were victims of mines or were imprisoned (Kee: 1998, 79–80). Likewise, medieval mysticism drew a link between faith in God and a life that was reorganized in this world. In her Showings, Julian of Norwich (c. 1342– after 1416) taught spirituality from both the theological and practical aspects.7 Her piety highly emphasized the way of knowing as well as the way of living. She uses an example of a mother to represent Christ. Julian stated that, “Jesus Christ, who opposes good to evil, is our true Mother. We have our being from him, where the foundation of motherhood begins, with all the sweet protection of love which endlessly follows.” (Long Text, Chapter 59) (Julian of Norwich: 1978, 295). In the following chapters, Julian continued to address this message to illustrate Christ’s work, action, wisdom, and knowledge, as well as Christ’s grace, love, and mercy in people (Long Text, Chapters 60–61) (Julian of Norwich: 1978, 297–302). Although Julian’s teaching of motherhood did not fit the orthodox image about Christ, it was derived from Christian tradition,8 and she shaped her experience of Christ’s love in order to highlight this traditional idea and to introduce a theology of Christ as a mother comforting her people who were living in uneasy society. Belonging to early modern Catholic group, the opposite of Protestant, Teresa of Avila’s (1515–1582) The Interior Castle (1577) shared the same view. Teresa of Avila, a Spanish woman who was known for her mystical teaching and social and religious reformation in her spiritual path in seven dwellings. She taught, “We should desire and engage in prayer, not for our enjoyment, but for the sake of acquiring this strength which fits us for service…. Believe me, Martha and Mary must work together when they offer the Lord lodging, and must have Him ever with them, and they must not entertain Him badly and give Him nothing to eat.”9 7 Julian of Norwich (1978), Showings, trans. Edmund Colledge and James Walsh, New York, NY: Paulist Press. 8 J. Leclercq indicates that the referring to God as Mother in Julian of Norwich’s writing was not her own invention, but came from Church tradition. Leclercq says, “The Church has always been aware of the maternal aspect of God and has given it expression in her [Julian of Norwich] theological formulations, particularly in the notion of providence.” See Julian of Norwich: 1978, 8–9. 9 Teresa of Avila (2004), Interior Castle, ed. and trans., E. Allison Peers, New York, NY: Image Books, 236.

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(Seventh Mansions, Chapter 3). Mirabai Starr states that The Interior Castle “may be seen as more than a prescription for achieving personal union with the Divine – it can serve as a clear set of guidelines for conscious peacemaking in the world.” (Starr: 2003, 32–34, 36).10 Starr also discovers that in the fifth dwelling of Teresa’s teaching, there was the unusual shift from seeking the union with God to that of love for one another (Starr: 2003, 32–34, 36).11 However, this shift does not affect the union with God. In fact, in Teresa’ seventh dwelling, she was brought to the union with God and both union with God and love for others were met together (Starr: 2003, 32–34, 36).12 Although Starr’s study is simply on Teresa’ seven dwellings, she emphasizes Teresa’ spiritual characteristics of both her contemplative journey and social action, and then, indicates that contemplation and action were two elements characterized as Teresa’s piety. Katherine Grieb’s study also highlights Teresa’s Incarnation doctrine encouraged Teresa to love for the poor and participate in charity for the needy. Thus, “for Teresa, there is no necessary tension between ‘Martha and Mary,’ the life of active service and the life of quiet contemplation, works of faith and works of love, human self-dedication to God and God’s gracious enticement of the soul ever closer to its own God-filled center.” (Grieb: 2005, 230–234).13 This is a very important exploration of Teresa’s piety, since Teresa’s journey toward God includes sympathy towards God’s will and action. The union with God allows Teresa to not regard Martha and Mary as a conflicting image of piety, but a side of the same coin. The ideas of learning and action, which comprised the essence of piety, can also be seen from the Quakers’ tradition. It is well known that Quakers, as a mystic religious group, were keen on social welfare especially its concern with social peace and justice. The Quakers’ model is to discern and to affirm someone’s inner consciousness through prayer. This self-awareness about divine will would certainly lead to an action, a social transformation. The practice of prayer, for Quakers, is to make decisions to engage social transformation or renewal. Janet Ruffing analyzes that mystical experience like Quakers “encompasses the dialectic of contemplation and action.” (Ruffing: 2001, 7). Even in the mysticism, both inner awareness and outside action are necessary spiritual elements. Hence Ruffing declares that “the mystical element in Christianity is that part of its belief and practices that concerns the preparation for, the consciousness of, and the reaction to what can be described as the immediate or direct presence of God.” (Ruffing: 2001, 6). It is clear that Quakers connect thinking and doing in their 10 11 12 13

Electronic Source, page 1 of 4. Electronic Source, page 3 of 4. Electronic Source, page 3 of 4. Electronic Sources pages 3–4 of 4.

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prayer, as well as loving God and loving others in their concept of piety, which again strengthens our understanding of prayer is far beyond mystical intimacy as taught in traditional prayerbooks. Through the Lord’s Prayer and Christian traditions, we see that both the learning of heavenly glory and the actions of earthly piety jointly represent the nature of Christian piety, which was revealed as daily discipline in Protestant prayerbooks. This also depicts what direction Protestant piety should work on and be concerned with.

Piety of koinonia The message of the heavenly glory and earthly piety leads us to draw an inductive perception of tripartite fellowship pattern in piety, which may extend our understanding of the nature of prayer and the form of prayer in Protestant prayerbooks. Prayer at its initiation is a calling from God in order to obtaining support from Him. For example, “Call on me in the day of trouble; I will deliver you, and you shall glorify me.” (Ps 50:15, NRSV), and “Before they call I will answer, while they are yet speaking I will hear” (Isa 65:24, NRSV), indicate that prayer for Christians is originally a calling from God to search for Him, and undoubtedly, they will receive answers to their requests from God in return. The message made by ancient fathers such as John Chrysostom (d. 407) and St John Climacus (c. 525–c. 606) declares that prayer in its nature is a “conversation” or “dialogue” between God and human beings.14 Scholars like Matta El-Meskeen (Matthew the Poor) thus conclude that prayer is “a divine call and a human response” (El-Meskeen: 2003, 21), a two-way union. Prayer is the manifestation of the relationship between God and humans. However, the motive of prayer is more than just rescue from trouble but a fellowship. Indeed, the necessity of calling on God is shown in Christ’s teaching, “I am the vine, you are the branches. Those who abide in me and I in them bear much fruit, because apart from me you can do nothing.” (John 15:5, NRSV). Here, a divine-human fellowship is illustrated by the imagery of the vine and branches, through which a closer communion is demonstrated as necessary for the sake of the people. In order to have a union with God, one must be eager to walk along with Him and to participate in His will through prayer. Julian developed Christ’s instruction further in her Showing: “Prayer ones the soul to God, for though the 14 John Chrysostom, Homiliae in Genesis 30.5; quoted from Hammering: 2008, 3. St John Climacus (1982), Ladder of Divine Ascent 28.1, trans. Norman Russell, New York, NY: Paulist Press, 274; quoted from El-Meskeen: 2003, 25.

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soul be always like God in nature and in substance, it is often unlike in condition through sin on man’s part. Then prayer makes the soul like God, when the soul wills as God wills, and then it is like God in condition as it is in kind.” (Short Text, Chapter 19, quoted from Mursell: 2001, 226, fn. 599). Julian comprehensively indicated that through prayer a fellowship of divine-human is established. Through this relationship, human beings take part in God’s nature and wills that He intends to share to us. Furthermore, in light of the entire Bible, prayer is not restricted to the relationship between God and the human person, “intimacy with God cannot be separated from love of neighbor, the two go hand in hand.” (Wolfteich: 2006, 21). Prayer involves not only God and the individual but also “others.” In the Hebrew Bible, both Abraham’s prayer for Sodom (Gen 18:22–33) and Nehemiah’s for the Israelites (Neh 1) depicted a sympathetic tongue for the people that they cared about. In the New Testament, St Paul not only shared that the Christians in Philippi were in his prayer (Phil 1:3–4) but also urged Timothy that “supplications, prayers, intercessions, and thanksgivings” should be made for everyone. (1 Tim 2:1, NRSV). Christ praying for his people demonstrated a priestly care for his disciples and for all believers (John 17:9–10; 20–23) is also a meaningful example. Christ called on God for unity among all followers and appealed to God to provide divine protection from the evil one for followers in future generations. Prayer illustrated in the Bible is for ourselves as well as a venue to show love and care for others. Chrysostom elaborates, “It is not for reaching out your hands to God that you will be heard. Stretch forth your hands, not to God, but to the poor.”15 Besides, through the message of the Lord’s Prayer, popular piety in general revealed a piety that involves both horizontal and vertical orientation. Ewert Cousins supports the perspective on Christian spirituality, which examines the divine, Christian community, and ethics at the practical level. He indicates further that “love of God and neighbor, and God’s love for the world” is the primary element in Christian spirituality (Cousins: 1990, 43). It is love that constructs Cousins’ understanding of Christian spirituality; it is love that connects the relationship between God, human beings, and others. Thus Cousins concludes, “The Christian path consists of the awakening of the personal center of the human being, by God’s personal grace and Christ’s compassionate, redemptive personal love, within the Christian community, in a journey that leads to personal union with the tri-personal God.” (Cousins: 1990, 44). Philip Sheldrake once states, “It [Christian spirituality] refers to the ways in which the particularities of Christian belief about God, the material world and 15 John Chrysostom, Homily 1 on II Timothy, Patrologia Graeca 62:606; cited from Michael Joseph Brown, “Piety and Proclamation,” in Hammering: 2008, 113. Cf. Brown: 2002, 86.

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human identity find expression in basic values, lifestyles and spiritual practices.” (Sheldrake (2005), Article “Introduction,” NWDCS, 2005, vii). It is agreed that there is no single expression to define the elements of “Christian spirituality,” but, through the teaching of the Lord’s Prayer, there could be possible angles to understand piety – the divine, humanity, and the world – and this relationship informs the process of sanctification and shapes the practice of the ministry of love toward society. Bernard McGinn states: Christian spirituality is the lived experience of Christian belief in both its general and more specialized forms… It is possible to distinguish spirituality from doctrine in that it concentrates not on faith itself, but on the reaction that faith arouses in religious consciousness and practice. It can likewise be distinguished from Christian ethics in that it treats not all human actions in their relation to God, but those acts in which the relation to God is immediate and explicit. (McGinn: 2000, xv–xvi).

McGinn’s words reflect that apart from regarding God and human beings as essential elements in the understanding Christian spirituality, spirituality as a reaction or reflection to other people is also necessary. Bradley Holt echoes that sentiment: A healthy spirituality will also be connected to ethics. Any spirituality, whether it claims to be Christian or not, that does not include responsibility toward other people is selfdefeating. Seeking a spiritual thrill or high without concern for those who lack food or clothing is spiritual malpractice. Christian spirituality … integrates relationships to God and creation with those to self and others. (Holt: 1993, 4).

For Holt, Christian piety does not consider sanctification as solely an inward and spiritual experiences, it should also be a practice issue toward others. It is also an earthly piety. For this reason, Deborah Van Deusen Hunsinger, a modern practical theologian, proposes the idea of koinonia to indicate the Trinitarian fellowship that is represented in the Christ’s prayers as a pattern for the development of all believers as the priesthood of others. Hunsinger states that “koinonia should be understood from the Trinitarian fellowship, which is our human’s model or example to develop our community relationship.” (Hunsinger: 2006, 4). Christ functions as the interconnection of this relationship. In this sense, all Christians are the priesthood of others and are called to provide this “spiritual sacrifices.” Thus, prayer finds its mutual understanding, mutual assistance in the context of “wherever two or three are gathered” in the name of Christ (Hunsinger: 2006, 6– 7). Based on the koinonia model, prayer should be broadened to the agents of God (or Trinity), ourselves, and others, and this three-agent communion would shape our understanding of fellowship in prayer. Protestant prayerbooks that listed various prayer items depict a message that prayer is not personal union with God only – it is also a fellowship among God,

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self, and others. Prayer contains a sense of koinonia, and it is a way of loving God and others as a tripartite fellowship.

Piety in Daily Discipline The Lord’s Prayer was regarded as essential piety in Protestant teaching in prayerbooks, however, practically, Melanchthon confessed that it was difficult to pay attention while reciting a form like the Lord’s Prayer. Nonetheless, he still insisted and encouraged readers to hold and to recite this prayer since it was given by Christ for the sake of piety (Melanchthon, CR 21:973; cf. LC (1543): 205). Like Melanchthon, Protestant prayerbook authors were also aware of the problems of observing prayer from the traditional prayerbooks’ fixed schedule and arrangement. Hence, what prayerbook authors offered was a flexible teaching in practice and presented a sense of diverse and adjustable. They intended to free people from a fastened conduct superficially and to indicate a wholehearted attitude was concerned in prayer. The most remarkable change in the matters of prayer was that early Protestant prayerbooks moved people’s prayer schedule from the traditional seven or eight times a day to a more flexible pattern. Habermann considered daily prayer necessary, “For it is our partes daily in al our neceßities to cry vnto God, as our Sauior teacheth to this purpose, Praie alwaies, & be not wearie (Luke 18:1).” (Habermann: 1579, fol. iii (r); English version, 1579, fol. B 6 (v)). His work was influenced by St Paul’s teaching in Phil 4:6 and was therefore constructed around four kinds of prayers: “deprecations,” “supplications,” “intercessions,” and “thanksgiving.” (1579, fol. ii (v). English version, 1579, fol. b 6 (v)). In the development of the cycles of weekly prayer, Habermann carefully inserted Christian doctrines into each day’s prayer list, by which he hoped to instruct his readers to offer more profound prayer requests. According to Christopher Brown’s study, Habermann’s prayerbook in 1567/ 1579 marked a transition in the genre (Brown: 2008, 247–253). Instead of quoting biblical texts or messages, Habermann focused on instructing his readers on how to pray and meditate. He also provided many written prayer texts as guides for readers. He offered a weekly prayer cycle with morning and evening prayers for each day, to structure readers’ lives and to develop spiritual customs in them. From his time onward, most prayerbooks were concerned with addressing the doctrine of prayer or teaching the way of prayer. They provided meditation texts or the author’s thoughts on spiritual growth and piety. Brown provides an English translation of Habermann’s table of daily prayers for reference (Brown: 2008, 251).16 Thanksgiving was not based on personal 16 This analysis is adopted from Koch: 2001, 199.

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experiences but on the works and attributes of the divine. The first petitions were for “individual” religious needs such as forgiveness from sin, the attainment of the three elements of Christian faith – faith, hope, and love – as well as requests for a peaceful end and union with God. The second petitions were “collective” and addressed the needs of the church and world. They focused on temporal things and suffering. Habermann also encouraged prayer against spiritual wrongs, temporal temptations, and evils. Habermann’s prayer requests were significantly comprehensive. They were concerned with the divine, the human, and the world; they addressed the fight against the devil; prayers were offered for men, women, and youth; specific prayers also dealt with believers and unbelievers. Habermann’s prayer cycle enriched devotees’ spiritual lives by exposing them to the broad scope of prayer in a week. Yet for all their breadth, they never neglected the specificities or necessities of human life. In another matter, it is noted that in their contents, apart from offering various prayer texts for individual use, many prayerbooks also provided readers some prayers for attending sacrament or worships. This implies that communion prayer was just as important to Protestant authors as to medieval ones. The prayers like those of Melanchthon and Habermann in the German context, or those of Hilsey, Bentley, and Ken in the English context, offered different kinds of prayers for use before, during, and after holy communion. Taylor was concerned about the necessity of prayer with other people and encouraged readers to attend public prayers that were held in churches in order to obtain blessings from others, and to experience the fellowship of all believers (Taylor: 1650, fols. N 1 (v)–N 2 (r), pp. 290–291). In regards to the appropriate attitude and posture for prayer, Protestant prayerbooks did not put much stock into these matters unlike medieval practices of prayer, which suggested specific kinds of prayer schedules and gestures. Instead, their authors intended to teach readers that a heartfelt prayer was the most important aspect of prayer. Taylor provided a practical teaching that it did not matter if a prayer was long or short, for the length of prayer did not affect God’s response, making God respond faster or slower. Instead, it was the intensity of prayer that determined God’s acknowledgement of prayers (Taylor: 1650, fol. M 12 (v), p. 288). In his prayerbook, Taylor instructed that a person’s attitude in prayer should be “fervent,” “intense,” “earnest,” “frequent,” “assiduous,” and “continual.” (Taylor: 1650, fol. M 11 (v), p. 286). When Taylor discussed posture and gestures proper to prayer, he again focused on the inward attitude. A person, whether standing, kneeling, or lifting up their eyes to God in prayer, should be “reverent, grave, and humble.” (Taylor: 1650, fol. N 1 (r), p. 289). Taylor believed that prayer could happen anywhere, anytime, and under any circumstances. Thus, excessive concern about physical postures and gestures was unnecessary (Taylor: 1650, fol.

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N 1 (v), p. 290). Taylor’s view toward this subject was a typical Protestant opinion from the Luther onward. Luther once listed kneeling, falling on one’s face, standing and looking toward heaven, and even lifting up hands as suitable postures that could be found in the Bible.17 But, Luther did not regard any of them as a command as he said that: “There is also nothing wrong if, when a person is binding sheaves in the field or lying in bed, he prays with his heart alone.” (WA 28: 75–77; LW 69:16). Luther and Taylor did not consider that postures and gestures would bring any different results from prayer, and any prayer posture for them was optional and less important than having a heartfelt attitude in prayer. The practices and gestures associated with prayer in the early modern period were freed from traditional prayerbooks’ regulations. Only Morton was an exception; she once taught that kneeling was the appropriate posture for prayer as it showed humility. Vocal prayer and mental prayer became the topics in some of authors’ discussion, especially the vocal prayer. Luther corrected his readers: “It is of great importance that the heart be made ready and eager for prayer. As the Preacher says, ‘Prepare your heart for prayer, and do not tempt God’ [Ecclus. 18:23]. What else is it but tempting God when your mouth babbles and the mind wanders to other thoughts?” (WA 38:363; LW 43:198). Luther’s attack on vocal prayer did not mean he rejected it; rather, he also provided catechism as the texts for readers to recite as in the traditional prayerbooks. Here, Luther targeted vocal prayer as the reason for it lacked heart rather than because of the prayer itself. The problem, so the reformers believed, was not in the recitation, but in the motivation for engaging in such prayer. Generally, vocal prayer meant “any kind of prayer which is formulated in words. The words may be spoken aloud or merely framed in the mind; or we may read them to ourselves from a book or recite them to ourselves from memory, or join in them when recited by others, as in certain parts of public worship.” (Knox: 1990, 5). In contrast, mental prayer meant “any kind of prayer in which we direct our thoughts to God without necessarily attempting to form them into words or connected sentences.” (Knox: 1990, 5). Both kinds of prayer were important in Christian spirituality as they provided different functions and meaning in practice. However, according to the reformers, vocal prayer that was exercised mostly in the traditional prayerbooks experienced a lack of heart in the later medieval and early modern periods. There was also the concern that the recitation of vocal prayer was made for the meritorious purpose of exchanging spiritual blessings in traditional prayerbooks. 17 Luther, (1530), Wochenpredigten über Johannes 16–20. Das 17. Capitel Johannis von dem Gebete Christi gepredigt und ausgelegt [The Seventeenth Chapter of St John on the Prayer of Christ], WA 28:74–78; LW 69:16. In where, Luther pointed Paul flecto in prayer (Eph 3:14), the Pharisees stantes orare (Matt 6:5), Jesus sublevatis oculis in caelum (John 17:1), and David surgeret de terra (2 Sam 12:16) and Peter procidit ad genua Iesu (Luke 5:8).

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Luther’s experience made him, in his Sermons on the Gospel of St John (1528/ 1530), state that prayer, “is the heart that should begin, followed externally by the mouth and body, word and gesture. In sum, if the prayer comes from the heart, with serious intent, then whatever gestures are added are good and praiseworthy.” (WA 28:75; LW 69:19). The reason that Luther upheld the necessity of having heart behind prayer was due to people’s “mind and thoughts [being] so uncertain, slippery.” (WA 28:76; LW 69:18). Luther realistically pointed out the weakness of the unsettled human nature that needed an outside channel, the Word, to assist our prayer; otherwise, “We have strayed a hundred miles from our first thoughts” in prayer (WA 28:75; LW 69:18). Thus, he regarded the Word as the only “catastrophe” that could stir up our hearts for praying. The Scriptures and heart were two important remedies that Luther offered to correct and to renew early modern Christians’ piety in prayer. Like Luther, Melanchthon was a man of prayer. Scott Hendrix indicates Melanchthon “not only analyzed prayer, but he also prayed frequently and intensely” (Hendrix: 2009, 219), especially during his struggle with the health conditions of family members and his own defense after being accused betraying Luther’s theology from 1547 to 1552 (Hendrix: 2009, 210). Although Melanchthon also upheld the need for the heart in prayer like Luther did and offered vocal prayers in some of his writings, he made an effort to instruct readers regarding mental prayer. He said that prayer should be without “supersticion or sorceri. Let vs not rehearse the hymnes or songes of Orpheus homer or Callimachus, but wyth good heartes let vs flee vnto god, through the truste and confidence of Christ reueiled in our nature, let vs direct our myndes vnto that same true God the creator, which hath opened hym selfe in sendinge hys sonne, & in geuving his Gospel.” (Melanchthon, CR 21:972; English version, 1553, fol. F vi (v); cf. LC (1543): 204). For Melanchthon, prayer was a heartfelt and meaningful conversation rather than mere chanting, and a thoughtful prayer needed to be guided by accurate concepts of faith in God and God’s Words. Melanchthon offered his teaching of prayer to turn his contemporary Christians to pray by their own words as an important renovation in order to free people from the formulae of prayer texts. Finally, prayer in itself is pious, but it is not an easy task to practice. In reality, there are problems that would block people’s prayers. St Paul remarked, “ Likewise the Spirit helps us in our weakness; for we do not know how to pray as we ought, but that very Spirit intercedes[a] with sighs too deep for words.” (Rom 8:26, NRSV) Although prayer is as simple as talking to God, there are some possible issues that pull people back from prayer. First, the difficulty of prayer is due to improper practices about prayer like Gentiles in the New Testament, who pray mindlessly or with empty phrases; such kind of prayer is rejected by God. Next, prayer for the sake of personal pleasure is an incorrect usage of suppli-

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cation and will receive no answer from God. (Jas 4:3) Lastly, prayer in a sense is laborious in fighting against the Satan. Abba Agathon, a desert monk in about the fourth century, once said: “There is no labour greater than that of prayer to God. For every time a man wants to pray, his enemies, the demons, want to prevent him, for they know that it is only by turning him from prayer that they can hinder his journey….Prayer is warfare to the last breath.” (Ward: 1975, 18–19; cf. Wolfteich: 2006, 19–20). There might be some other difficulties in light of the above problems, but we may concur with Matthew the Poor’s observation that many people do not know how to pray genuinely or insightfully except through appealing to something that affects them on occasion or by reciting some already made prayer texts in the Bible or elsewhere (El-Meskeen: 2003, 39). Prayerbook authors recognized the difficulty and thus practically offered some remedies for the problems. According to Taylor, “wandering thoughts” and “tediousness of spirit” were two temptations in prayer. He not only indicated the signs of these two obstacles, but also offered some remedies for his readers to fight against them. In Taylor’s remedies, prayer itself was the best cure to the problem of wandering thoughts in prayer. Taylor advocated short forms of prayer, or even a kind of fragment prayer, to combat wandering thoughts. He also suggested that silent prayer, rather than speaking out loud, could be useful for maintaining one’s attention. He wrote: “For in mental prayer, if our thoughts wander, we onely stand still; when our minde returns, we go on again, there is none of the prayer lost, as it is, if our mouths speak and our hearts wander.” (Taylor: 1650, fol. N 4 (r), p. 295). Taylor’s cure for tedium was use of exclamations. He recommended people use a variety of prayers, like hymns and ejaculations, in order to renew their spirits. Another way to break free from tedium was to imagine oneself on one’s death bed. He also believed that considering Christ’s yoke could stir up a dull and dry spirit. If those were unsuccessful, Taylor’s last remedy for a dull spirit was “a pungent, sad, and a heavy affliction.” (Taylor: 1650, fol. N 7 (r), p. 301). However, his last remedy could only occur as a result of God’s merciful work. Taylor’s teaching shared his aware of the demanding in the practice of prayer, nonetheless, he made his effort to offer the solutions in order to encourage readers to keep on pursuing it.

Conclusion The Lord’s Prayer educated believers on what Christian piety should be. Christian piety should be a comprehensive approach that went up to the heaven and down to the earth; it should be a fellowship concerned with loving not only God but also others; and it must be initiated from the knowledge of God and then lived out in action. The theology of prayer in Christ’s teaching reveals that learning and

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acting are two important elements in prayer. Prayer is more than just the idea of asking or request for help, instead, is “to pray is to intend to hear God and to respond to God.” (Holmes: 2002, 2). Prayer requires knowledge of God in order for a proper reaction toward God’s wills. Prayer is both an intellectual and practical affair. The pattern of piety in the Lord’s Prayer is neither doctrinal nor mystical but an interwoven of devotional sources and pious response. The pattern revealed in prayerbooks is not only a two-way interaction with God but also an opportunity to learn from God and to respond to God’s care for the world. Early Protestant prayerbooks correspondently represented this kind of piety – a fellowship among God, self, and others with initial source from God for personal spiritual growth and pious living. Through this approach, the significance of prayer in prayerbooks serves as a means of social engagement and the greatest commandment, to love the Lord and love one’s neighbors, lays the foundation for this consideration (Matt 22:37–39). Prayerbooks revealed a piety of heavenly glory and earthly piety, they also affirmed that a fearful and wholehearted attitude in prayer as essential. The attitudes of prayer were emphasized by Protestant authors. Unlike the traditional prayerbook which emphasized routinely scheduled prayer, Protestant prayerbooks were flexible in their timing but focused on the importance of the heart. Only the wholehearted and truthful prayer was stressed and appraised. For prayerbook authors, a prayer that coming from a sincere heart was more valuable than by following a well-edited text, so they encouraged their readers to be a faithful priesthood to pray at any time in any occasions. In the following two chapters, we will discuss in detail how prayerbooks directed readers to concern the heavenly glory and to demonstrate earthly piety as representations of the piety seen in evangelical practices of prayer.

Chapter 4: Approaching God – Faith and the Word

Introduction The pattern of Protestant piety that was depicted in the early Protestant prayerbooks comprehensibly demonstrated that prayerbook authors sought to mold readers’ perceptions in order to redirect participants’ way of prayer. Like in the Lord’s Prayer, heavenly glory, earthly piety, as well as daily discipline, are three aspects of piety that revealed in prayerbooks. Among them, the glory of God was the supreme purpose of teaching of prayerbooks. Under the proposal of the Lord’s Prayer, the theology of prayer in most prayerbooks stated that the first step that readers need in prayer was faith in God. It was a remarkable transformation that faith replaced love, and this was a shift in traditional prayerbooks from the late medieval piety. In addition, prayerbooks also showed the characteristics that people should have when they approached God. The elements they taught like having a trusting heart to respond to God’s promises, keeping a pure heart in light of God’s holiness, as well as evangelical way of confession were exceptionally developed in prayer. These features all came from the authors’ understanding of the essence of God and, hence, served as sources for offering their teaching on prayer. For prayerbook authors, seeking a union with God should be based on God’s Words and His nature. The knowledge of God defined the way that people approached Him instead of having people’s intention outline their path towards God. The relationship between God and human beings should initiate from God’s Word solely, which underlined the evangelical feature of approaching God through prayerbooks.

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From Love to Faith in Protestant Reformation Sola fide was one of the important Protestant Reformation mottos, which replaced the medieval way of love for the salvation. Faith via the Word – the Gospel – was the dominant way of leading people to learn of God’s mercy and to realize human’s vulnerability regarding the cleansing of sins and reconciliation with God. Before discussing reformers’ faith, medieval concept of love needs to be examined in order to observe the distinction of Protestant piety. Berndt Hamm sophisticated analyzes the development of the theology of love in the medieval period and the transformation from love to faith in the Reformation era (Hamm: 2004, 28–152). He indicates that the idea of love for God as sufficient justification emerged in the twelfth century. Gradually, the concept of love needing good works in order to be satisfactory for salvation was also developed during the late medieval period. Historical source showed that medieval sense of love derived from both pagan and Christian cultures, an erotic sense of love was introduced within the Christian circle through the promotion of monastic leaders. For example, St Bernard of Clairvaux’s On Loving God and Sermons on the Song of Songs,1 were crucial works that changed the traditional understanding on Solomon’s Song of Songs and medieval way of piety. Originally, Solomon’s Song of Songs was interpreted allegorically that the Church was the bride who loves her bridegroom, Christ. Bernard’s idea of the individual person pioneering took over the Church as the subject to build up the relationship with Christ (Hamm: 2004, 131). The mystical union with Christ was one of spiritual trend in the medieval tradition. It exercised a meditation on the suffering Christ with an emotional feeling. Other contemporary monastic figures like Hadewijch of Brabant’s (c. 13th century, Antwerp) Letters to a Young Beguine (Letter 6 and 11), Visions (Vision 7, 10, 11), and Poems2 also promoted this way of spirituality. Since they came from the same mystical tradition, Bernard and Hadewijch were concerned with finding union with God. They both stated that melting their soul into God was the desired nature of the union. They also believed that seeking union with God required the body as a vehicle. Bernard declared that we should love God because “He [God] first loved us” (1 John 4:9–10) and showed in the Incarnation and Christ’s Passion. (On Loving God, Chapter I) (Bernard of 1 Bernard of Clairvaux (1987), Bernard of Clairvaux: Selected Works, trans. G. R. Evans, New York, NY: Paulist Press. Digitized text of On Loving God, in: CCEL http://www.ccel.org/ccel/ bernard/loving_god.titlepage.html (accessed 10.08.11) 2 Hadewijch of Brabant (1980), Hadewijch. The Complete Works, New York, NY: Paulist Press, 149–152; 168–171; 227–229; 240–243; 352–358. Her Letters and Visions (1986), in: Elizabeth A. Petroff (ed.), Medieval Women’s Visionary Literature, Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 189–200.

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Clairvaux: 1987, 175). In his four degrees of love, Bernard believed that the utmost love is reached only in the fourth degree. This state of love “is to become like God,” which is like “a drop of water seems to disappear completely in a quantity of wine, taking the wine’s flavor and color…” (Bernard of Clairvaux: 1987, 196). Hadewijch had similar expression in showing her desire in understanding, tasting, and even contenting with Christ’s humanity (Petroff: 1986, 195). The paramount state of this love was “to sublime Love, I have give away all that I am. Whether I lose or win, let all… I am not mine.” (Poem, 16.8) (Hadewijch of Brabant: 1980, 170). Both Beranrd and Hadewijch appreciated Christ’s Incarnation and were eager to unite with Him. Significantly, this union was not two things joining together but depicted the soul dissolving into Christ. The second point that Bernard and Hadewijch addressed was the use of the body as a vehicle to achieve union with God. In the Sermons on the Song of Songs, Sermon 74, Bernard considered how the body was the way to understand the Word. He also used his own achievement in contemplation to illustrate the idea of a spiritual marriage between the Word and the Soul and said, “its weak body helps the soul to love God.” (On Loving God, Chapter XI) (Bernard of Clairvaux: 1987, 197). Although Bernard believed “the soul would be complete without its body,” he believed that only at the resurrection, and the renewal of the body, would there be the perfection of love. (On Loving God, Chapter XI) (Bernard of Clairvaux: 1987, 197). Nevertheless, Bernard’s approach to loving God was using the body as a meaningful vehicle to exercise contemplation. Similarly, Hadewijch recognized the need of the body, which may be observed in her poems. In Poem 35.4, she shared her eagerness to imitate Christ’s suffering and to empathize with Christ. In Poem 16, Hadewijch also stated, “love’s most intimate union is through eating, tasting, and seeing interiorly.” (Hadewijch of Brabant: 1980, 353). Hadewijch’s practice of intimation demonstrated a need for the human body as an important vehicle in loving God. Both Bernard and Hadewijch had a common expression of loving God to melt into God. They also shared the same view of the body as an important medium to live out or to experience Christ’s humanity and passion. For them, loving God requires affection and agent. Although medieval sense of loving God was upheld, there were different streams in this subject. Bernard and Hadewijch are two examples of this difference. The first difference was the language of love. In the Song of Songs, Bernard used “spiritual marriage” to illustrate the phenomena of the practice of contemplation to build a connection between the Word and the soul. E. Ann Matter indicates that the concept of spiritual marriage was derived from Judaism and was promoted in medieval society by Bernard and other monastic leaders who used the Song of Songs as support (Matter: 1999, 31, 33). For them, this language of love was “erotic” (Matter: 1999, 31, 33), which is “a female soul in love with her

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Bridegroom.” (Turner: 1995, 25).3 Eros should be marked as Bernard’s idea of love in his understanding of loving God. On the other hand, Hadewijch’s objects and meaning of love are different from Bernard’s. In some of her poems, Hadewijch expressed her object of God in both male and female terms. For example, “she” and “he” were parallel and appeared as interchangeable terms to indicate the Lover. (Complaint and Surrender to Love 16.5; Love’s Seven Names 16.90) (Hadewijch of Brabant: 1980, 169, 353). Elizabeth Petroff thus believes that Hadewijch’s nature of desire is “yearning” which contained both “painful and satisfying” feelings. In addition, she describes that it is the sense of “jouissance” and “a kind of boundaryless sexuality in which desire and satisfaction cannot be distinguished” as a “bisexuality of loving.” (Petroff: 1994, 61). It seems that Hadewijch attempted to give her readers a cross-gender term to think about God, which was independant from Bernard’s female perspective. The second distinction between Bernard and Hadewijch was their practice. Bernard demonstrated different levels of loving God from a carnal love, to a love of gratitude, and, finally, to a spiritual love. In Bernard’s mind, the spiritual love was the perfect level since its nature was for God’s sake only. (On Loving God) In this sense, contemplation was a very important way to practice and to reach the goal of loving God. Bernard’s major approach method was through God’s Word. His exercise was through connection with traditional mediation of the Word, and his union with God was in the heaven rather in the world. Bernard’s practice was concerned with inwardly exercise of meditation on God’s Word. Hadewijch had an alternative approach and practice. Generally, visionary and Scriptures were her ways of approach, and seeking the suffering was her practice. In Latter 6, Hadewijch said that life must contain “longing exile,” the meaning and the way of love from the perspective of Christ’s humanity (Cf. Petroff: 1986, 191). In Poem 9.4, Hadewijch considered herself “the knight of Love” practicing suffering as her way of imitating Christ’s suffering and having union with Christ. This was her innovation of seeking to serve others by following Christ’s suffering on the earth. She also indicates that her intention for this practice was to expect “what became of me [suffering] is all the same to her [Christ].” (Poem 35.4) (Hadewijch of Brabant: 1980, 150, 227). Generally, Hadewijch’s practice of loving God was realistic since she was concerned with humanity and action in the world rather than something in heaven. Hadewijch’s practice was also practical since social needs were everywhere.

3 In Joan H. Timmerman’s understaning, eros referred to “the vital force active in every area of life” in early Greek mytholody, and in late medieval mysticism, eros was used to describe people’s religious experience. Eros is not restricted to the sence of sexual experience at prayer, but also includes “arousal and affection, passion and response, intimacy and appreciation.” see Timmerman (2005), Article “Eroticism,” NWDCS, 2005, 281–282.

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Finally, the outcomes of mystical experiences were also different. Bernard used “ecstasy” to describe his experience of achievement in contemplation. In this state, he considered that it was “not to be gripped during life by material desires is a mark of human virtue; but to gaze without the use of bodily likeness is the sign of angelic purity.” (Song of Songs, Sermon 52). For Bernard, the “ecstasy spirit” that he experienced was beyond and above what the body could reach. Moreover, ecstasy experience was temporary as he said that “when the Word has left me… as though you had removed the fire under the boiling pot.” (Sermon 74). For Hadewijch, although she also experienced joy like Bernard, her result was transformation and repose. In Vision 7, after the experience of the Sacrament, she said that she “was changed and taken up in the spirit.” (Petroff: 1986, 196). In Vision 11, she addressed that she experienced a noblest life “that can be lived in kingdom of God (Col. 4:11). This rich repose God gave me, and truly in happy hour.” (Petroff: 1986, 200). The production of a mystical experience for Hadewijch was a spiritual transformation on earth, which was different from Bernard’s spiritual ecstasy. The spiritual paths that Bernard and Hadewijch portray had their common ground in the appreciation of Christ’s Incarnation and passion. This was the essential point that inspired their pursuit of the experience of union with God. Both of them searched to melt into God by using the body as the agent of engagement. Affection and agent were two common ideas in Bernard and Hadewijch’s teachings of loving God. However, Bernard and Hadewijch’s way of loving God had different understandings. Bernard was concerned with the Word as a traditional meditation approach; his understanding of the spiritual marriage should be read from the female sense of eros. As a result, Benard’s experience of this union was spiritual ecstasy and goodness in his heart. Alternatively, Hadewijch provided a new devotional practice by using visionary along with traditional Scripture meditation. In her innovation, courtly love was the meaning of the union with Christ. Thus, Hadewijch longed to do the same suffering as Christ in order to have the same experience with her Lover. This mutual experience with Christ led to an acknowledgment of a spiritual transformation and tranquility at the end of her mystical experiences. Bernard and Hadewijch gave us two different kinds of love: Bernard’s devotional practice was conventional and inwardly while Hadewijch’s spiritual path was an innovative and worldly love. Bernard and Hadewijch demonstrated a different mystical practice and experience in their teachings on loving God. Although their experiences of unity with Christ differed, both employed text to acknowledge Christ’s Passion story and the body as an agent for images and understanding suffering. With Bernard’s mystical union with God was an example of medieval salvation, the piety of loving God and seeking union with Christ’s suffering was initiated from the love of God as His Incarnation and passion “fires the human

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heart to a reciprocal love.” (Hamm: 2004, 133). Based on this medieval understanding of piety, Hamm considers that “in this way the sinner comes to a true repentance for his transgressions, an inner ache, a sighing and weeping of the heart which does not arise from fear of punishment but from grateful love of God and loving compassion for the suffering Christ.” (Hamm: 2004, 133). In a sense, all sins and punishment for sinners could be erased through “the penitence of love.” (Hamm: 2004, 134). In light of Bernard’s and Hadewijch’s teachings, some concepts and practices emerged which changed the way of achieving salvation in the late medieval era. First, love was regarded as a human virtue rather than as a return from God’s inspiration (Hamm: 2004, 137). This kind of love appeared in the late medieval Books of Hours. “Mary of Burgundy at Prayer” in the Hours of Mary of Burgundy4 depicts a very intimate scene of Mary reciting the Book of Hours. The picture is filled with feeling and hints at the interior dimensions of her piety. This beautiful and harmonious relationship between human beings and the divine was a piety influenced by mysticism to provide the laity a personal approach to God. Generally, it was Christ’s passion and sorrow that became the subjects people exercised their love in the late medieval piety especially the medieval prayrebooks. While Bernard’s loving God relied on God’s Word for unity, the late medieval period began to focus more on the inner suffering of Christ’s sorrow. Courtly love showed inner intimacy with the divine in the late medieval period, and it was applied into the traditional prayerbooks as an interior piety. The interior piety that was seen as the most essential characteristic of the new orders’ spiritual teachings was originally led by Bernard and other pious leaders, who promoted a piety that was “more emotional, more personal, more private, more preoccupied with individual will and inner piety than that generally cultivated in the great age of Benedictine monasticism that had drawn to a close.” (Oakley: 1979, 87). However, although love dominated the way of medieval piety, the sinner’s emotional love was questioned as weakness as “not in a position to achieve a true, loving repentance – i. e., contritio – without the help of the sacrament of penance” on the other hand (Hamm: 2004, 140). Hence, along with the mystical practice of love, the external penance was incorporated and became essential during the late medieval period. In addition to external penance, the practice of purgatory was also attached in order to fulfill the salvation. The introduction of purgatory was based on a message of divine judgment: “I will show mercy to all

4 This information and image of “Hours of Mary of Burgundy, Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Codex Vindobonensis 1857, fo. 14v, Page size 23x16 cms,” cited from Duffy: 2006, 30.

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those who depart this life with true repentance,”5 which were concerned and worried the laity. Hence, confessing to priest and obtaining his word: “Ego te absolvo a peccatis tuis” (I absolve you from your sins) were popular spiritual teachings and practice that turned the theology of justification from inner love to meritoriously oriented (Hamm: 2004, 140–141). In such context, spiritual practice of inner love for God was extended to the receiving of indulgences to wipe out possible penance. Stemming from the teachings of love and indulgences, it was seen that people paid increasingly more attention to the meritorious function of the prayerbooks during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. For example, people meditated on the image of St Gregory in prayerbooks in order to acquire indulgences. This practice was directed by the rubric that was “offering enormous indulgences (up to 32,755 years of pardon) for those who devoutly repeated before the image five Paters, five Aves, and a Creed.”6 The recitation of Penitential Psalms for reducing the punishment of the dead in the purgatory and for asking forgiveness for the living people in the prayerbooks was regarded as an important and efficacious practice in prayerbooks. Moreover, the Office of the Dead (or for the Dead) in the prayerbooks also revealed the teachings of indulgences and purgatory in the late medieval era, so people made their efforts to observe the hours in order to shorten the period of the dead in purgatory. Thus, seeking remission of the purgatorial penalty for sins gradually became a considerable theme in the Books of Hours. Apart from these basic pieces, peculiar mystical messages – such as magical incantations for safety and protection – were also added into medieval prayerbooks. An example of mystical practice in an image is found in the Neville of Hornby Hours (c. 1335–1340).7 Here, an image depicted as St Christopher (third century?) bears the Christ Child and Isabel de Byron with Robert I de Neville kneeling down before them.8 According to Kathryn Smith, this “illustrates two Latin prayers to the saint, the second of which closes with a rhymed couplet stating, ‘Whoever contemplates the image of St Christopher will not be taken by any illness during that same day.’”9 The name of Christopher stands for “Christbearer,” and the Golden Legend described, “He [Christopher] bore Christ in four 5 Hamm: 2004, 136. Originally, this text was a banner on Hans Holbein the Elder’s painting in 1508 to illustrate God’s judgment on human beings, see Hamm: 2004, 136, fn. 31. 6 Originally from Hoskins: 1901, 112, cited from Duffy: 2005, 239. 7 The Neville of Hornby Hours. (c.1335–40), England. 168 mm x 113 mm. 190 fols. in Latin and vernacular. British Library Egerton, MS 2781. Made for Isabel de Byron, wife of Robert I de Neville of Hornby. Cf. Smith: 2003, 315. 8 “Christopher” (miniature) in the Neville of Hornby Hours (c.1335–40). British Library, Egerton 2781, f. 36v. 9 “Christofori sanctam speciem quicumque tuetur / illo nempe (should be ‘namque’) die nullo languore tenetur.” The Neville of Hornby Hours (c. 1335–40), fol. 137 (r). Both English and Latin texts are quoted from Smith’s translation, see Smith: 2003, 155, 157.

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ways, namely, on his shoulders when he carried him across the river, in his body by mortification, in his mind by devotion, and in his mouth by confession of Christ and preaching him.” (Ryan: 1993, 396). He was regarded as the patron of travelers, and the hagiographic miniature of the Neville prayerbook therefore promised protection for those who contemplated the image of St Christopher. It was during the era of Reformation that the late medieval pattern of love added many components for salvation, which resulted in Luther’s innovation to uphold the idea of sola fide as the exclusive way to achieve justification. In the 95 Theses, particularly Theses 4 and 40, Luther showed his concern for indulgence but had not yet revealed the concept of faith.10 Later on, Luther gradually revealed his theology of faith in his lectures on the Bible from 1513 to 1518. Faith was eventually developed to replace love for repentance. In Luther’s later works on this subject in about 1545, he critiqued Pope Clement VII’s bull issued in 152411 and clearly revealed human beings are not capable of achieving justification by any good works except through faith alone. He claimed: Genuine Christian repentance is truly to acknowledge sin, to have grief and sorrow for it in the heart, and to believe that it is forgiven solely through Christ’s merit, suffering, and dying, (all of which is the work of the Holy Spirit, not of man) not through auricular confession and human works nor through the merit of the saints, as the slanderous maw of Pope Clement lies. (LW 59:109, fn. 34).

Luther totally rejected the possibility that human works can gain salvation because he did not believe human beings can offer anything either inner love or external virtuous merits to accomplish the requirement of justification. According to Hamm, Luther’s faith is “a sincere confidence in God’s saving lovingkindness, in his unconditional mercy for the sake of Jesus Christ.” (Hamm: 2004, 149). In addition, for Luther, faith is “the manner of pure receiving, of being vouchsafed the righteousness of Jesus Christ; it is granted to the believers when they put their trust in the Gospel.” (Hamm: 2004, 151). Through Luther and other reformers’ promotion, faith not only disregarded human being’s moral capability for salvation but also replaced love as the conduct of a relationship between human being and the divine. 10 See Hamm: 2004, 148 and fn. 64. For Luther’s 95 Theses see WA1:63–65, 94–99, 138–141; LW 31:25–33. 11 Pope Clement VII promised in his bull of the Jubilee year in 1524, that if all Christians truly repented and confessed, and visited the basilicas and churches among Roman city, “they shall attain the plenary forgiveness of all their sins on account of the suffering of our Lord Jesus Christ, the merit of His apostle, martyrs, and other saints.” English text quoted from LW 59:109. Original Latin text: “Bulla Clementis VII. qui nunciat omnibus Christifidelibus, se in primis Vesperis Vigiliae Nat. D. J. C. accessurum ad Basilicam Beati Petri, aperturumque propriis manibus portam Anno Jubilei aperire solitam (Rom, 1524), quoted from LW 59:103, fn. 4.

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Faith as Essential in Prayer As theology transformed from love to faith in Protestant Reformation, the teaching of prayer in early evangelical prayerbooks also essentially reflected Protestant reformers’ concept of faith. Faith was not only concerned with salvation but was also inserted into the early Protestant prayerbooks to teach readers how to properly approach the divine. Instead of the emotional affection in traditional prayerbooks, faith in God through prayer was a unique teaching of piety. In developing an evangelical conception of prayer in Protestant prayerbooks, faith was strongly designated and as the initiate request in early Protestant prayerbooks. Dietrich declared: “Faith is required in prayer.”12 Cancellar explored further that when praying, a steadfast faith was demanded: “When thou doest praye, thou muste (after the 31.minde of the Apostle) aske with a steadfast faith, not wauering nor doubtfull, and thy request shall be graunted thee.” (Cancellar: 1565, fol. A v (r)). Despite that wholehearted attitude toward God was encouraged in both late medieval and Protestant prayerbooks, prayer in faith was a dominant promotion in early evangelical prayerbooks, which turned away from the late medieval pattern of affection as an internal approach toward a piety that relied solely on an external agent – God’s Word. True faith, both in the sense of fides quae (faith as knowledge) and of fides qua (faith as trust), was addressed and regarded as the key to prayer. Faith in both meanings demonstrated a pattern in prayerbooks to instruct readers about prayer. First, fides quae, Protestant prayerbooks focused on directing readers to a true understanding of faith and a clear grasp of God’s essence. Beyond true knowledge, however, fides qua creditur was also essential in approaching God according to the prayerbooks. For prayerbook authors, prayer not only required holding a true conception of God but also required trust and response when people pray. A wholehearted participation then was an essential attitude that authors intended to convey to their audience. Fides quae set a foundation as the initial element in prayer, which also affects fides qua. In De Invocatione, Melanchthon exhorted this message comprehensively to his readers: “And it [prayer] oughte also to be made in truth, that is in the true knowledge of God: it muste be dyrecte and made vnto the true God and to the mediatoure.” (Melanchthon, CR 21:973; English version: 1553, fols. F viii (r); cf. LC (1543): 205). He also stated that the first thing in prayer was to “think who is this God we can call upon, to what God our mynd is directed.” (Melanchthon, CR 21:957; English version: 1553, fol. B v (v); cf. LC (1543):197). For Melanchthon, true knowledge of God, along with heart, was an important starting point to 12 Dietrich: 1545, fol. A vii (v) marg.: “Zum gebet gehört der Glaub.”

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recognizing the object of prayer since who God is and what God expects would thereafter direct how Christians should pray. Melanchthon intended to give his readers a true knowledge of God, and especially to distinguish the Christian concept of prayer from those of Turks, Jews, and pagans. He also clearly directed readers to pray based on a true concept of God’s essence and promises rather than on their own affections or experiences. Prayer, according to Melanchthon, was not a self-centered expression nor a thoughtless murmur or rumbling. Prayer was a prudent and sober respond and practice before God.

Prayer in God’s Promises and the Trusting Heart As faith became the principle for developing the pattern of evangelical piety in prayerbooks. The first pattern that Protestant prayerbooks reiterated was that prayer should be based on God’s promises and the expectation to people is to trust and honor God’s credence in return. Gerhard, for example, stressed four biblical reasons that people can be assured that God would hear their prayers. First, God’s infinite goodness means He will be attentive to the cries of people. Second, God has promised to hear prayers. Third, Christ is the intercessor and mediator for those who pray. Finally, God listens to prayers, because God listens to those who are His sons and daughters. Prayerbook authors repeatedly reminded readers that God promised to hear people’s prayers and encouraged them to call upon God without hesitation. Furthermore, most prayerbook authors pointed out that prayer is God’s commandment, and this logically implies that prayer will be heard. In his instruction of prayer, Bradford stated, “There be iiii thinges y[n] prouoke vs to pray, first the commaundemet[n] of god.” (Bradford: 1562, fol. A ii (v)). For Bradford, prayer was not just for people’s needs but was a commandment from God. By referring to the biblical message, Conway pointed out that our prayers shall be heard because of God’s promises in Matt 21, Mark 11, and Luke 11. He encouraged his readers to pray: “And because he offreth to vs more goodnesse then either wee dare, or can in any wise desire, let that blessed bounty of God so kindle and confirme thee, that thou alwaies Praie without doubtinge.” (Conway: 1569, fols. A iiii (r–v)). In their teaching, authors of prayerbooks attempted to depict God as gracious and generous, willing to hear prayer unconditionally. Melanchthon taught that the command to pray was in fact a charge to God Himself as the one demanding to be called upon. He assured his readers, therefore, “prayer is not a vain mumbling.” (Melanchthon, CR 21:958; English version: 1553, fol. B vii (r); cf. LC (1543):197). Repeating words or feelings of insecurity in prayers for them were signs of a lack of trust toward God. Authors encouraged their readers that God listens to prayer in order to give them as-

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surance and help produce in them an undoubting heart. They wanted people to place their confidence in God rather than in their own merits. In Marshall’s prayerbook (1534/1535), the author highlighted: [With his promise] we may learn that he is far more careful for us, and more ready to give or grant, than we be either to receive or else to ask…We do not doubt any thing of the promise of God…For this cause principally he promised, that he shall hear our prayer… that we should be assured and believe steadfastly, that he will certainly hear us and grant our petition…we may pray boldly and with confidence, being assured, and out of doubt. (Marshall (1535), quoted from Burton: 1848, fols. D 8 (v)–E 1 (r), pp. 48–49).

Marshall gave further instruction regarding credence: “Our prayer is not grounded, neither trusteth upon the worthiness of us by our merits…but upon the steadfast and sure truth of God’s promise.” (Marshall (1535), quoted from Burton: 1848, fol. E 1 (v), p. 50). Thus, “we do give credence to the promise of God.” (Marshall (1535), quoted from Burton: 1848, fol. E 2 (v), p. 52). Also, in terms of efficacy of prayer, evangelical theology of prayer affirmed its power in spiritual battle since prayer was a great gift of God to people as it ascended to heaven and delivered God’s grace down to human beings on earth (Gerhard: 1616, fol. N 6 (v); English version: 1627, fol. K 7 (r), p. 229). Gerhard also believed that prayer was a powerful buckle that defended us from the devil (Gerhard: 1616, fol. N 7 (v); English version: 1627, fol. N 7 (v), p. 230). Prayer functioned as a ladder by which people ascended unto God, in order to obtain strength and defense from God (Gerhard: 1616, fol. N 7 (v); English version: 1627, fols. K 7 (v)– K 8 (r), pp. 230–31). Protestant prayerbooks readers were told they had assurance that God graciously promised to hear their prayers, and therefore they could pray with confidence. On the other hand, the authors seriously reminded their readers that God does not promise to answer all kinds of prayer. Learning what kinds of promises God offered was another important issue in learning to pray correctly. Melanchthon distinguished between the promises of spiritual and corporal benefits. He believed that promises about the remission of sins and spiritual benefits would definitely be fulfilled; however, answers to prayers asking for corporal benefits depended on God’s will and glory (Melanchthon, CR 21:958; English version: 1553, fols. B viii (r–v); cf. LC (1543):197). Generally, Protestant prayerbook authors pressed readers to avoid selfcentered expressions and to develop God-centered prayers instead, which were steeped in the assurance of His promises and commitment to God’s will. The significance of early Protestant prayerbooks’ teachings on prayer was located in their consistent efforts to make prayer God-centered. God’s promises played dominant roles in shaping people’s understanding of prayer. God’s commitment to hear prayers meant people could trust in God’s promises. It also

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reminds people to have a humble heart before God. A humble heart despises the self but focuses on the divine will. Since the Lord’s Prayer was well used for teaching and meditation in Protestant prayerbooks, “thy will be done” was honored and conditioned to communicate a humble heart in prayer was essential. Willing to submit themselves to God, people would then listen and learn what God his will would be. The piety in prayer demonstrated a “trustful” relationship between God and his people as God’s essence was respected and his goodness towards people was expected. Overall, prayer was part of God’s grace that invites humans to speak with Him. It gave no room for human credit and merit, but sola gratia.

Prayer in God’s Holiness and Purity of Heart Faith was marked as essential to prayer, Protestant prayerbooks noted the importance of holiness as another true acknowledgement of God. In light of God’s holiness, humanity’s sinful state immediately became unquestionable. God’s holiness demanded that people think about the one whom they stand before, and thus seeking a purity of heart was required. If human beings were to stand before God or communicate with Him, then a holy status would be unavoidable. For this reason, confession was necessary. Prayerbooks not only stressed a purity of heart but also directed readers to examine themselves about their wrong deeds during their daily activities. Confession cleaned up something that was not acceptable before God, and through it, people could regain a peaceful relationship with God. Purity means a whole person is free from sins, so purity of the heart is not restricted to the literal “heart.” A general understanding of purity of heart that includes ideas of “the notion of ritual and moral purity” and “the concept of the heart as the centre of human personality and identity” may not be thoroughness (Dysinger (2005), Article “Purity of Heart,” NWDCS, 2005, 520). Instead, the Old Testament prophets’ teachings focused most on “the need for inward, moral purity” is properly (NWDCS, 2005, 520). Christ’s teaching, “Blessed are the pure in heart, for they will see God” (Matt 5:8, NRSV) is also emphasized more on the inward renewal from sin as support. Luke Dysinger indicates that by borrowing from the prophetic tradition, the idea of purity of heart in the New Testament should be seen as the “inward forgiveness from sin and renewed grace. It is through faith in Christ that God purifies the heart (Acts 15.9).” (NWDCS, 2005, 521). Accordingly, purity of heart is a status or a living quality rather than an alternative path to seeing God. In fact, purity of heart is the consequence of obtaining justification through faith in Christ. Earlier, Cassian had defined purity as a heart free and clean from sins and interruption. He wrote: “Our objective is a clean heart, without which it is im-

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possible for anyone to reach our target.” (Conferences, 1.3; 1.4). Cassian addressed that, “Purity of heart, that is to say, love, and we must never disturb this principal virtue for the sake of those others.” (Conferences, 1.7). Purity of heart for Cassian was seen as one of the virtues and was identical with charity or love. However, in the early Protestant mind, the New Testament teaches that since purity of heart is not a permanent inner state, it requires a continual relationship with God in order to obtain God’s grace to keep the heart pure. Purity is the crucial characteristic of the heart in the sight of God’s holiness. A pure conscience or a pure heart creates a clear way for us to encounter God without interruption, and it is necessary in order to satisfy God. Since purity of heart also contained the notion of human responsibility, the confession of sins, was also concerned based on the nature of God’s holiness. It was essential in evangelical theology of prayer that people keep themselves free from sin and moral failure. Evangelical perception intended to reveal a sense that when readers rightly grasped God’s holiness, people could not but see their own sinfulness. Therefore, they would ask for pardon and seek God’s remedy for their temptations and sins. By acknowledging God’s holiness, prayerbooks ended up pointing out human weakness and sins. Hence, confession and cleaning up sins were a necessary reaction in daily devotional practice. As Protestant groups declared justification by faith alone, their daily confession was to re-obtain purity and to maintain the new life that they have already received through Christ. To maintain a pure life was requested frequently in prayerbooks. Practically, readers were thus guided to ask for pardon during their evening prayer since they believed that during the day, they sinned in thought and deed, neither glorifying God nor seeking a closer relationship with God. Confession in the evening was part of Christian tradition, but prayerbooks provided another reason for people to confess their sins before going to bed: a person could easily die while sleeping. The practice of confession every evening was an important way to prepare to end one’s life properly. Morton once reminded her children: “Remember that your Bed is a representation of the Grave, and Sleep an Image of Death,” and “being lay’d down to sleep, lift up your heart to God, and say: Lighten mine eyes, O thou who dwellest in Eternal Light, and have mercy upon me, that I sleep not in Death.” (Morton: 1666, fols. C xi (v), xii (v)). Morton’s word also represented many other authors who thought that sleep might be equal to death. Thus, it was important to make peace with God before going to bed, and this should be done daily. Recognizing God’s holiness also prevented people from praying incorrectly or with false expectations. Taylor, for instance, offered the rules for prayer in light of God’s holiness. He taught that readers should never ask for anything that was sinful, “for that is to ask God to dishonour himself, and to undoe us.” (Taylor: 1650, fol. M 10 (r), p. 283). Instead, he encouraged readers to ask for the gifts of

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the Spirit and temporal things that were necessary. Prayerbooks taught readers to understand that God would respond to people’s prayers according to His holy nature. Hence, a person’s prayers should be reasonable and acceptable in accordance with God’s holiness. God’s holiness was the condition to guide believers to have a purity of heart and to engage in daily confession in order to keep a holy statue and relationship with God. Individual and private confession was encouraged in Protestant prayerbooks, which was the product of reformers’ renovation from the late medieval practice. In the following section, we shall learn specifically about the evangelical way of confession in order to offer a brief understanding of the practice.

The Evangelical Way of Private Confession Protestant prayerbooks offered various texts to instruct readers to engage in daily confession before going to bed. This kind of confession was practiced privately to God directly rather than the medieval way to clergy. Private confession usually referred to a Christian’s confessions of sins and moral corrections for the purpose of spiritual transformation. Its purpose was to help a person grow in faith and have a peaceful relationship with God. In private confession, self-examination was practiced through the use of manuals meant for examination. It gave people a chance to look at their daily lives according to the manuals or directions offered in the prayerbooks. Morton declared that she engaged in self-examination three times a day. Her examination involved sins of the mind, eyes, and lips. She taught: “And when you have thought upon all day past, how you have spent it, that is, what good or evil actions you have done, and what bad inclinations you have resisted or amended, asking God pardon for all your offences, sue these praiers.” (Morton: 1666, fol. C 9 (r)). Private confession was not a new spiritual practice in either the early modern period or in Protestant prayerbooks but a renovation of traditional confession. The historical development of confession can be dated back to the early Christian church. During that time, confession was a rite to help those Christians who fell into sinful matters to repent and to restore their right to rejoin the church community (Tentler: 1977, 3). According to Thomas Tentler’s study, there were four elements that were thought to be crucial in the rite of confession over time: First, to be forgiven, sinners have always been required to feel sorrow at having lapsed. Second, they have consistently made some kind of explicit confession of their sins or sinfulness. Third, they have assumed, or had imposed on them, some kind of penitential exercises. And fourth, they have participated in an ecclesiastical ritual performed with

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the aid of priests who pronounce penitents absolved from sin or reconciled with the communion of believers. (Tentler: 1977, 3).

In this light, the rite of confession was exercised in public and in a sense of severity. The reformers attacked such a system as being a social control that “placed too great a burden on the Christian conscience.” (Cf. Tentler: 1977, 362). It was also the reason that reformers promoted alternative systems of confession. Along with the traditional practice of confession in early Christianity, spiritual direction was a related spiritual practice that developed at that context. St Jerome was an example of a spiritual director to guide laypeople in the improvement of their spiritual lives. Jerome held various roles in late Antiquity, including theologian, biblical scholar, and translator. He spent his entire life living as an ascetic and studying. Jerome also lived closely with women, influencing their ideas regarding virginity and study. He demonstrated his high commitment to virginity, which not only enriched women’s spiritual commitment and life but also allowed for spiritual friendship between Jerome and women. His encouragement of women’s learning, especially their study of the Bible, opened up women’s lives to new sources of spiritual knowledge.13 Originally, the spiritual direction that Jerome offered laywomen was a general instruction on spiritual growth. He did not give any negative directives, such as penance. For Jerome, spiritual direction was also a spiritual friendship. The relationship between Jerome and these women was much fuller and freer than were the sorts of relationships that later developed between priests and the laity. In the late Middle Ages, confession and spiritual direction merged together became spiritual disciplines between clergy and laity, and the focus was on penance as the clergy played the role of spiritual direction to instruct sinners something about the remedy of sins. The Fourth Lateran Council mandated penance in 1215, requiring people to confess their sins once a year before Easter. With confession and different degrees of penitence, people would be permitted to receive the Eucharist at Easter. In addition, with the development of the Order of Penitence in the thirteenth century, laypeople were increasingly interested in the practice of confession because they regarded it as the way to imitate Christ and his suffering (Bilinkoff: 2005, 14). Confession gradually became a frequent and repeated practice, from once a year to once a month, to once a week, or even to a daily exercise. Due to theological differences, which led to their devaluation of the priesthood and the medieval practice of confession, the reformers kept their distance from the traditional practices of confession while the Counter-Reformation continued 13 For more information regarding Jerome’s spiritual direction to women, see his letter to Eustochium, “The Virgin’s Profession (384)” in Loeb 262 [1999], 53–159; and “On Jerome’s Correspondence with Roman Women,” in Loeb 262 [1999], 483–497.

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the traditional pattern. Nevertheless, reformers like Luther and those associated with other faith groups still practiced private confession and provided instruction for laypeople about holy living and spiritual growth in informal formats. The reason that reformers kept confession was due to their deeply influenced by St Augustine’s Confessions, in which people believed they suffered a kind of spiritual incapacity and powerlessness against sin. Therefore, they were eager to seek God’s grace and assistance. William Bouwsma calls this phenomenon “evangelical spirituality” for that period (Bouwsma: 1985, 241). A sense of sinful nature in light of God’s holiness was the perspective that Protestant group kept the practice of confession with their renovation. Although private confession was an early modern spiritual practice common among Protestants, Luther and Calvin gave slightly different instructions to shape their followers’ exercises. Based on reformers’ individual concept on confession, the paths of confession were also divergent and hence influenced the development of self-examination manual, autobiography, and spiritual diary. These forms of confessional genre were visibly presented everywhere in Protestant prayerbooks. For Luther, the renovation of confession was not found in confession itself as he considered it necessary for a Christian to confess in order to obtain comfort (Tentler: 1977, 349). Luther’s confession was offering a private space for people to confess which was not restricted to confession to the clergy. But he disregarded the “hypocrisy” of penitents for avoiding punishment, the confession to priests as the exclusive audience, the various categories of the examination that burdened people’s minds, and the obligation of yearly confession that was commanded by the Pope (Tentler: 1977, 352). For this, Luther upheld a “freely willed choice of the penitent,” (cf. Tentler: 1977, 352, and fn. 6) and thus offered a simple form to guide his followers to engage private confession to their pastor (WA 30.1:343– 345; LW 53:117–121). Generally, Luther’s reformed confession was not extreme so as to destroy the system but provided a gentle way to instruct his followers to practice confession privately according to the penitents’ needs. Further, the renovation of private confession was not just a theological affair for reformers but also involved contemporary social-political-religious issues during the early modern European context. Ronald Rittgers (2004) in his The Reformation of the Keys reveals the conflict and transition of the Protestant way from public confession to private at Nürnberg, Germany, during the 1530s and 1540s. After analyzing the change, Rittgers concludes that: The new version of private confession reflected this shift: confessors were no longer judges or doctors but simply servants of the Word; confessants decided what they would reveal in confession – they were no longer compelled by sacerdotal authority to open their consciences to a priestly inquisitor; civil magistrates, as a new secular bishops, had ultimate control of the binding key. (Rittgers: 2004, 218).

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Instead of keeping the practice of penance in the traditional sacrament, Nürnberg reformers sought to give laypeople a freedom to reveal themselves in confession. Protestant tradition did intentionally distinguish its spiritual exercises and teachings from those of the Catholic Church, but it also did not intend to abandon that spiritual heritage unreasonably. Although the Protestant practice of private confession encountered challenge in some areas, it was presented in Lutheran prayerbooks to support readers’ confession. In his prayerbook (1522), Luther replaced the traditional confession of sins with self-examination through the Lord’s Prayer and the Ten Commandments; he also disposed of any traditional prayers with the promise of indulgences and relied on the Apostle’s Creed to teach faith and salvation. Similar to Luther’s renovation were the works of Habermann and Gerhard, both of whom also contained confessional prayers as well as their own confession for readers to follow privately. The Lutheran way of private confession normally was to offer either biblical texts or authors’ own confessional prayer texts for readers’ recitation. Instead of promoting private confession to a pastor as Luther also suggested along with private practice, Calvin regarded the Lord is the only one to whom a sinner should confess. He stated, “since it is the Lord who forgives, forgets, and wipes away sins, to him let us confess them, that we may obtain pardon.” (Calvin: 1997, 542). Further, by referring to the Scriptures like Ps 32:5 and Ps 51:1, Dan 9:5, and 1 John 1:9, Calvin also declared, “To whom are we to confess? to him surely; – that is, we are to fall down before him with a grieved and humbled heart, and, sincerely accusing and condemning ourselves, seek forgiveness of his goodness and mercy.” (Calvin: 1997, 542–543). Calvin upheld that God is the only one to confess to, but he was hesitant to abandon private confession in his faith group due to the long-term confessional culture. Thus, it is arguable that like Lutherans, Calvinists gradually promoted self-confession and self-examination as a renovated way to replace the traditional way. Thomas Ken was an example of a Calvinist, since he offered his “Motive to Examination,” “The Examination Itself,” and “A Form of Confession” (Ken: 1675, fols. B 5 (r)–C 4 (r), 23–29) in his prayerbook to guide readers to engage in self-confession and examination directly to God as an important spiritual exercise (Ken: 1675, 23–35). Apart from the intention to replace traditional way of confession, according to Effie Botonaki, the doctrine of predestination in Calvinist circles further paved the way for this spiritual exercise (Botonaki: 1999, 3–21). For Calvinists, predestination affirmed salvation by God’s grace, without involving human merits as in the medieval church’s teaching. On the other hand, since in the doctrine of predestination, only God’s foreordained choice determined who would be saved, the result for many was anxiety: “no Christian knew that he or she was indeed among the chosen few, so the only thing that believers could do was to look for

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signs of grace which proved their election.” (Botonaki: 1999, 4). Take Botonaki’s view as consideration, self-examination was a practice used to check for the signs of salvation, rather than the traditional confession that sought to avoid God’s punishment or to obtain a peaceful relationship with God (Botonaki: 1999, 5). Hence, the Calvinist understanding of self-examination was more positive than the medieval form of confession that emphasized curtailing God’s anger and restoring peace with God. By its nature, this new understanding of self-examination reinforced the relationship between God and believers. Although Luther and Calvin kept a slight different concept of private confession, they did open up a way for self-examination to their followers. Instead of the traditional way of seeking confession with a priest, Protestant believers now could conduct a self-help spiritual journey to God through meditation and prayer. However, few were comfortable enough to approach confession without any aids (Botonaki: 1999, 4). In light of this, materials like self-examination manuals, spiritual diaries, or autobiographies emerged for the assistance to the laity. This led to the creation of a new genre of spiritual literature among Protestants. Botonaki comments, “several of them found it convenient to turn to spiritual diaries as a means of solidifying and also of transcribing this ‘direct,’ interpersonal relationship and contact with God.” (Botonaki: 1999, 4). Generally, manuals of self-examination emerged along with spiritual diaries as means to lead Christians in self-examination in the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. However, Botonaki’s research into Christians’ self-examination through spiritual diaries demonstrates that they held passive attitudes toward living piously. This is in contrast to the active attitude enjoined by authors like Taylor, who encouraged his readers to “always stand before God, acting, and speaking and thinking in his presence (Taylor: 1650, fol. A 2 (v), p.4). Although Protestant prayerbooks were not spiritual diaries, their teachings on self-examination encouraged readers to move in that direction. Certainly, Protestant prayerbooks were not merely a replication of the Books of Hours’ private offices. They encouraged self-examination by providing manuals on how to examine oneself. In Protestant prayerbooks, self-examination played an indispensable role in guiding readers in confession, so as to prepare them for spiritual transformation. Apart from spiritual diaries, written self-examination could be seen as a type of autobiography. Unlike the modern understanding of autobiography, which describes the author’s life and experiences, early modern autobiographies were more like a personal confession and were solely concerned with the spiritual life. Since the practice of self-examination was encouraged by reformers for all Christians, women experienced the freedom to write down their self-examinations or to provide detailed guides for their children or other women. The spiritual diaries or autobiographies of others were welcome spiritual resources, and

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most women published their spiritual works in this style (Taylor: 1650, fol. A 2 (v), p.4). Queen Katherine’s prayerbook of 1545 is one example. The prayerbook was entirely a book of self-confession as she frequently asked God’s pardon for her wickedness and sins. In fact, almost all text focused on confession as poor sinners needed God’s pardon from sins, so she asked God’s preservation from evil every day. Even Grymeston, who was affiliated with the Catholics, imbibed the new Protestant emphasis on self-scrutiny, and she encouraged reflections along these lines in her prayerbook. Through this study on the backgrounds of confession, spiritual direction, and self-examination, it is certain that Protestant prayerbooks acted as spiritual advisors for Christian piety. By the seventeenth century, readers were demanding that prayerbooks provide such spiritual direction. In response, authors advised their readers to act religiously and morally, to show gratitude and praise to God for His grace and blessings, to fear God’s punishment for our wrongdoing, and to seek to please God. The focus of prayerbooks changed from leading prayer as sacred phenomena to becoming books that emphasized their ability to guide faith and piety at an anthropological level. In that transition, Protestant prayerbooks changed their function from prayer books, which guided readers to worship the divine, to more like spiritual books that focused on teaching readers something about spirituality manually. Early Protestant prayerbooks, in a sense, were books of confession, self-help, spiritual direction, and manuals on religiousmoral matters. God’s holiness and a holy relationship with Him were important conditions when the people approached God, which further drove the prayerbooks to instruct readers to think how to serve God well in prayer. Generally, based on this perspective, God’s holiness functioned as a frame of the items of daily prayer in Protestant prayerbooks with morning prayer honoring God and evening prayer seeking pardon or a mix of these themes. Prayerbooks were extended as multifunction spiritual books or DIY confessional books.

Conclusion Faith, which was brought to the forefront through the promotion of Protestant reformers, became a watershed between late medieval theology and Protestant Reformation thought in regards to salvation. Sola fide was a sign to turn down human being’s meritorious motivation in order to seek justification before God. It also redefined a method for people to approach God through evangelical prayerbooks. In faith, both the head and heart are needed, but the head leads the way as the knowledge of divine plays a role in framing the boundary for the heart to follow. The heart in the Protestant prayerbooks represents a trust toward God

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rather than the medieval love for God. Intellectual understanding of the divine also affected the practical issue of prayer. In a sense, evangelical prayerbooks richly reflected Protestant Reformation theology of faith in their teaching and practice including the purity of heart and self-confession, and prayer itself thus could be regarded as a meaningful medium to exercise one’s faith. In addition to being an agent to make use of faith through prayer, prayerbooks in its literary genre was transformed further to be valued as a spiritual reservoir to both collect author’s spiritual journeys and to offer resources for readers to improve their spiritual life.

Chapter 5: Reframing Holy Living – Prayer and This World

Introduction Johann Gerhard in his prayerbook stated, “Faith is the seede of all good works, and the foundation of holy life.” (Gerhard: 1653, fols. F 8 (r), p. 95; G 1 (r), p. 97; English version: 1625, fol. F 1 (r), p. 97). His idea depicted a notion that faith is the starting for one’s spiritual journey: anyone who has faith must then turn to concern of holy life in order to honor God. Morning prayer helped readers to set up their commitment to God and to regard their daily life as a meaningful service. From morning to evening, the daily cycle of prayers focused on committing one’s life to God and repeating the request for pardon every night. It directed readers to live a life centered on God, so as to mark every day as holy. Subsequently, those who attained salvation and an intimate relationship with God must then be inspired, or be required, to engage in transformation. Since Christians encountered the Holy One, they must reconfigure various aspects of their lives in accordance with the God who was revealed to them. Also, most prayerbook authors indicated that prayer was the principal way to improve a pious life. Hence, along with the theme of glorification of God, early evangelical prayerbooks emphasized the human being and worldly affairs as a way to exhort the piety of holy living. These two directions marked as the remarkable transformation of spirituality from the late medieval prayerbooks to the Protestant prayerbooks.

Prayer as Transformation of Human Dignity When addressing human dignity, instead of promoting self-esteem like the Renaissance humanists did, most authors of Protestant prayerbooks instructed virtues as the most important thing needed. The virtues listed in Gal 5:22–23, or other texts in the New Testament, are the characteristics of Christians that these authors followed. Christian virtues should be understood through salvation by grace and are thus products of the indwelling Holy Spirit. In the prayerbook

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authors’ minds, the transformation of the self was the important spiritual growth for people since they believed that sins have distorted the nature of human beings, and once anyone who received salvation from Christ, the next thing they have to work on was the renewal of characteristics. While prayerbook authors believed that improving a pious life was an important transformation in Christian life, they observed spiritually indifferent people rather than devoted ones, which spurred them to stir up people’s devotional engagement. Taylor was concerned that Christians spent many hours learning secular knowledge, but “little portion of hours that is left for the of piety, and religious walking with God.” (Taylor: 1650, fol. A 1 (v), p. 2). In his introduction, Taylor first declared that he wanted to help Christians spend as much time as they could in calling upon God, and as much money as they could upon the poor. His spiritual direction was practical in how to spend time, how to pray, and how to live soberly and religiously. In his view, such a piety was much more than only checking oneself for signs of salvation. His second intention was to direct readers to connect their human daily actions with the glory of God (Taylor: 1650, fols. A1 (v)–A 2 (r), pp. 2–3). He also wanted to help readers keep in mind that, “We always stand before God, acting, and speaking and thinking in his presence.” (Taylor: 1650, fol. A 2 (v), p. 4). Similar to Taylor, Cancellar’s prayerbook stated that the lack of prayer and fear of God were the main problems in the lives of Christians. He lamented that his people did not pray often, and even in difficult and sinful situations “the ordinarye vse and time and place of prayer [was] so much neglected.” (Cancellar: 1565, fol. A iii (v)). These teachings again illustrate that the piety of faith was the initiation of anyone’s holy living; seeking God was the primary task. Faith was the primary spiritual foundation and offered the resources for one to transform their life. In a sense, a pious life came from God’s assistance rather than from human’s effort by themselves. For this purpose, prayerbook authors also taught that prayer was the primary path to virtues, morality, and transformation, and they offered various related prayer texts for this purpose. While prayerbooks also encouraged general self-improvement practices in daily life, these differed from their instructions on achieving virtues. Prayer was regarded as the place for the transformation for human dignity. To seek human characteristics for living a pious life, most authors taught readers to pray for the self by asking God for growth in virtues like humility. Humility was the popular subject that authors addressed. For example, Habermann offered a prayer to be said for Christian humility [Demut]. His prayer for humility contained an insightful theology of humility as he considered that a proud heart was the crucial obstacle to God, which revealed the reason why humility was frequently mentioned in prayerbooks. He prayed:

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Almighty God, because a proud heart is an abomination, and may not go unpunished, because who ever is to be cast down before the fall is first made proud, and a proud spirit. You, O Lord of hosts, have always put arrogance to shame, and finally cast them down; you scatter the proud in the imagination of their hearts, but to the humble you give grace and lift up the lowly from the dust. So, I ask you to give me genuine Christian humility, that I may learn to be meek and humble in heart after the example of my Lord Jesus Christ, who, though he was in the form of God, thought it no robbery, to be equal with God, but emptied himself and took on the form of a servant, so that through him raised to eternal life, and also should I learn such humility from him. Keep me from all pride both be spiritual and fleshly. (Habermann: 1593, fols. G vii (r–v), pp. 103–104).

For Habermann, humility was not just a thing for human dignity but also an attitude before God. Without a humble heart, a proud heart would lead the way to offend both God and others. He hence prayed for the increasing of humility by way of imitating Christ’s Incarnation. Wheathill, another example, asked God for humility since she regarded humility as the most important and necessary virtue in her life before God. Unlike Habermann, who regarded Christ as example of humility, Wheathill’s prayer, especially in the last phrase, referred to Mary’s humility, which was regarded as one of the crucial views on Mary by Protestant reformers. Reformers, like Luther, did not accept the late medieval view that Mary played an important role in people’s salvation. Luther also disagreed that Mary’s superiority before God merited her “the privilege of bearing God’s Son.” (Kreitzer: 2003, 249–266). In Betbüchlein (1522), Luther declared, “No one should put his trust or confidence in the Mother of God or in her merits, for such trust is worthy of God alone and is the lofty service due only to him.” (WA 10.2:407; LW 43:39). In spite of that, Luther acknowledged Mary by saying, “Mary’s humility kept her from the sin of pride. Her humility was not a virtue which somehow merited her position as Christ’s mother, but rather a belief in her own lowliness and unworthiness.” (Kreitzer: 2003, 256). This acknowledged Mary’s lowliness and trust in God and praised God’s blessing and grace to Mary through his goodness rather than through Mary’s merits (Johnson: 1987, 410). Wheathill’s prayer for humility highlighted the typical Protestant view of Mary as an example of a pious woman who deserved admiration and following. It also showed that Protestant piety did not ignore the importance of Mary in the incarnation but attempted to regard her as a role model of “humble faith.” (Johnson: 1987, 410). Other virtues such as love, obedience, honor, diligence, mildness, and gentleness were also highlighted in many prayer texts. Taylor emphasized that Christian sobriety, chastity, humility, and righteousness were important virtues. He also named Christian justice and charity as outward characteristics that were vital to good relationships with others. On the other hand, prayerbook authors also recognized the negative side of human nature that could impede the growth

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of one’s spiritual life. Generally, according to prayerbooks, the faults that should be avoided included the spiritual wrongs of sins and temptations, as well as moral faults including idolatry, swearing, pride, whoredom, covetousness, gluttony, drunkenness, idleness, slandering, and backbiting. In addition to general readers in Protestant circle, since prayerbooks were used as school texts in some places of England, evangelical prayerbooks also offered specific guidelines for youth and students regarding prayers for spiritual transformation. These prayers focused both on virtues and moral behaviors. Etiquette was the important moral theme in writers’ teachings. In his prayerbook, Seagar (1582) concentrated on children developing soft and tender characteristics. He taught them how to pray for these virtues, and also instructed them how to behave properly. Like Seagar, Ken (1675) instructed the youth to pray for chastity, temperance, humility, teachability, and diligence in their studies; obedience to their superiors; and charity to others. Here, Ken’s prayers focused on moral behaviors and reflected on the characteristics he thought a young person needed in order to be pious. Moreover, Ken taught youth to pray, asking God to keep them from all youthful lusts, sloth, idleness, ill company, and dangers to the body. He suggested that youth meditate on the child Jesus as a role model for improving virtues. Ken also made the practical suggestion that they fast once a week in order to save money for the poor as a form of charity and as an expression of love for their neighbors. He connected personal virtues and social concern together as the proper illustration of holy living. Hawkins’ (1692) moral discipline for students also taught them how to be polite. A proper manner toward others was also regarded as pious within prayerbooks. For instance, he instructed students to salute anyone they met by taking off their hats. Hawkins’ conception of holiness was also tied to cleanliness. He asked students to keep their hands clean and hair combed. Generally, in the instructions directed to youth and students, prayer for spiritual transformation was communicated more through asking God to spare them from the failings generally ascribed to young people than to develop specific virtues. The teaching was practical, even technical, about what not to do, rather than leading them into a conceptual understanding of virtues. Prayerbook authors believed that prayer was the means to improve virtues. The Protestant perspective of obtaining virtues was different from the ideas of ancient philosophers. Although there were various views on the subject in ancient teachings, Aristotle, for example, considered that virtues or moral virtues could be obtained by daily exercise and merit. For Aristotle, “Virtue… of two kinds, intellectual and moral, intellectual virtue… increased by instruction, and therefore requires experience and time; where as moral or ethical virtue is the product of habit (ethos), and has indeed derived its name, with a slight variation of form, from that word.” (Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 2.1. Loeb, 73 [1999],

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70–71). Aristotle regarded that virtue was required not only in principle but also in exercises. Virtue in Aristotle’s mind came from perpetual learning, as he wrote, “For one swallow does not make spring, nor does one fine day.” (Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1.7. Loeb, 73 [1999], 32–33). Outside resources were not necessary for virtues, and learning and practice were the only ways to become virtuous. Unlike classical philosophical ideas, prayerbooks taught that virtues should beseech God for help. God was the source of virtues, and the most effective deterrent of vice. Seagar in his prayerbook affirmed that prayer was the way to grow virtues and to wither vices. Becon (1550) kept the same view since prayer for him was an important channel to promote a godly life and prevent moral vices. Prayer was regarded as a channel and vehicle that reshaped people. Prayer helped people to experience spiritual and moral transformation. Cancellar wrote, “Who therefore that will persist and continue in Prayer, shall not onely bee vnto God dailye more and more gratefull and acceptable, but shall also dailye proceede further and further from vertue to vertue, and shall be made lyke vnto the heauenly and Angelicall mindes, which daily behold the presence of God.” (Cancellar: 1565, fols. A v (v)–vi (r)). Protestant prayerbooks taught readers to pray for themselves by asking for humility and growth in various virtues. The language that prayerbooks used instilled the idea that God could be trusted while humans were weak and vulnerable. They also depicted virtuous living as the way to glorify God. Virtue, as expressed in Seagar’s prayerbook, was not an end in itself, but the way to honor and glorify God. Prayer for virtues in the early Protestant prayerbooks was another principal teaching as virtues and morals were regarded as the core elements of inner transformation. Inner growth relied on confession and prayer to assess the progress of the spiritual life. Spiritual transformation was not an independent topic that only focused on the growth of human beings. Instead, it should be regarded as part of the sequence of prayer in faith that we discussed previously. In sum, spiritual transformation in virtues and morals was the outcome of faith, which was highly regarded in prayerbooks as an important element of Protestant piety.

Prayer as Loving Fellowship with Others Besides the teaching of improving inner quality through prayer, prayerbooks also appealed to charity [caritas] and a vocation for readers to care for the needs of others. Service and obedience were means to live out one’s humanity because “every man is wholly God’s own portion by the title of creation, so all our labours and care, all our powers and faculties must be wholly imployed in the service of

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God, even all the dayes of our life, that this life being ended, we may live with him for ever.” (Taylor: 1650, fol. A 1 (r), p. 1). Based on this perception, Protestant prayerbooks provided various directions on how to pray for others such as for governors, the poor, parents, schoolteachers, and the like. The extensive list showed that the Protestant prayerbook theology of worldly piety was different from that of the late medieval prayerbooks. In the practice of praying for others, people were directed to take care of others in their personal devotional time, to learn to share others’ burdens, to show fellowship, and, most of all, to live out a pious life for the purpose of the glorification of God. In evangelical prayerbooks, prayers requested for others reflected a development of social matters and demonstrated a model for fellowship among human beings that was different from the late medieval social experience. According to John Bossy, the later medieval society was a religious phenomenon. One’s social life was heavily bound by St Anselm’s theory of salvation and the way of seeking satisfaction of redemption. As Christ was born as man for the redemption, but “just as the offence of Adam and Eve was great that the whole world was inadequate to compensate for it,” (Bossy: 1985, 4) Christ requested that the Father transfer the debt to His people. Thus, “Man was able at length to make satisfaction, to abolish the state of offence between himself and God, and to be restored to favour and furture beatitude.” (Bossy: 1985, 4). A meritorious theory was thus developed by way of a party [Christ], “who undergoes painful or disagreeable experiences acquired, in respect of the first [God], a credit in a moral currency which he may then spend himself or transfer to a third [human beings].” (Bossy: 1985, 4–5). Based on Anselm’s theory, various kinds of relationships were developed within the late medieval society, for example, the saints were seen as Christ’s friends, as “God’s extensive affinity.” (Bossy: 1985, 11). Thus, to connect with any saint would satisfy one’s requirement of salvation. Another one was “kinship,” which was a Christian relationship that functioned “in the commission and resolution of offences those who are related to the offender by generation are involved.” (Bossy: 1985, 5). Through kinship, the merits of anyone could be transferred to another. In addition, marriage and fraternity were other kinds of social relationships with religious meanings that connected the social lives of late medieval people. Since people were bonded by various relationships, Bossy also regards greeting as a social emotion since “[It] was a formal social act implying relationship.” (Bossy: 1985, 57). Furthermore, social greeting developed into charity to show people’s social participation and the acknowledgement of caring for the needs of others. Overall, Bossy’s statement that “salutation was the beginning, salvation the end” (Bossy: 1985, 57), well points out that late medieval people’s social matters concerned kinds of relationships, and these relationships could not escape from the purpose of seeking satisfaction in salvation.

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Protestant piety presented an atmosphere of social matters, however, in contrast to the late medieval piety that was portrayed by Bossy. Protestant piety prayer the requests for the needs of others, involved were not motivated by any meritorious intention for salvation like that in late medieval society. Rather, Protestant piety confidently shared Christians’ care for their neighbors without the need for any reason or relationship. Worldly concern in Protestant prayerbooks covering both the ideas of charity and vocation revealed the biblical message of loving others. It is among one of the three virtues with hope and faith as the greatest virtue according to St Paul (Jeanrond, Article, “Charity,” NWDCS, 2005, 187–188). Charity, in reality, is the work of doing good things for others; it was about “doing” or the “outcome” of one’s faith. In fact, charity is Christ’s teaching to all his followers in Matt 10:40–42, a passage which expressed that caring for another’s needs is regarded as hospitality to Christ himself. St James’ teachings also affirmed that pure religion cannot ignore charitable works: “Religion that is pure and undefiled before God, the Father, is this: to care for orphans and widows in their distress, and to keep oneself unstained by the world.” (Jas 1:27, NRSV) The biblical message affirms that Christian charity originates in the love of God and acts in the world as a witness to show God’s love through charitable works. God is the original resource and reference of charity. The exercise of worldly love in Protestant piety was not for achieving salvation but a sign of one’s conversion. For this understanding, Luther sharply criticized the idea of the “imitation of Christ.” “Christ,” he warned, “is not to be imitated by us, but rather to be accepted in faith, because Christ also had his special office for the salvation of man, an office which no one else has.”1 Although a person’s vocation was assigned by God, the subject of vocation was a person’s neighbors. In fact, “it is one’s neighbor, not one’s sanctification that stands at the heart of the ethics of vocation.”2 In Luther’s theology, a person’s vocation was not for himself but for the sake of his neighbors as an expression of God’s love. Thus, unlike medieval ideas that defined vocation as occurring between God and spiritual persons in a two-subject relationship, Luther added “others,” or “neighbor,” so that vocation was a three-way relationship. Luther graphically illustrated the idea that vocation placed obligations on Christians to care for others. Christian responsibility to the world and a commitment to the needs of neighbors were core values in Luther’s doctrine of vocation. The same idea lay behind Luther’s views regarding enemies. Vocation was not just responding to God in love but also to others – even enemies – in love. Hence, 1 Luther (1523), Von Welltlicher Uberkeytt, wie weyt man yhr Gehorsam schuldig sey. [Aland 540]. WA 11: 258; English text quoted from Wingren: 1957, 172. 2 WA 11:258; English text quoted from Wingren: 1957, 180, 182.

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Luther insisted that Christians pray for their enemies, the Turks. In Vom Kriege widder die Türcken (1529) and Table Talk, Luther refused to pray to God to oppose the Turks for the sake of the German people. He regarded such a prayer to be weak and unpleasing to God and thus unheard by God.3 Luther’s attitude towards enemies in prayer was picked up in other Protestant prayerbooks. In Ken’s prayerbook in 1675, for instance, he taught his students to pray for Jews, Turks, Infidels, Atheists, and Heretics. He counseled his readers not to pray against them but to pray for their spiritual needs, i. e., conversion. Such prayers challenged young people to see unbelievers and strangers as more than enemies and invited readers to have compassion on their enemies, rather than opposing them. Similarly, Queen Katherine made her prayers for the king by asking for God’s Spirit to help the king fear God, thus the monarch might “incline to thy will and walke in thy waie.” She also encouraged readers to ask God to grant the king health, wealth, and a long life (Parr: 1545, fol. D ii (r)). Queen Katherine’s prayer for the king focused on the monarch’s attitude, namely his fear of God, as the most important thing. She also included a prayer for soldiers entering battle during the conflict between England and Spain. Her prayer specifically mentioned David’s battle with Goliath, through which she encouraged soldiers to take a passive attitude as they faced their enemies just as David had done. Katherine’s prayer requested that her enemies should desire peace. A positive answer to such a prayer would avoid splitting Christians between England and Spain, and would avoid significant injuries (Parr: 1545, fols. D ii (v)–D iii (r)). Whether ruling or fighting, Queen Katherine believed the fear of God and the pursuit of peace were illustrations of godly living. Protestant prayerbooks promoted a positive view toward the world and of others, and changed how and about what one prayed. Early Protestant prayerbooks instructed people to pray for charitable works. However, this teaching did not intend to allow people to escape the Christian duty of meeting worldly needs. Instead, they were to intercede for their neighbors. Taylor stated, “As every man is wholly Gods own portion by the title of creation: so all our labours and care, all our powers and faculties must be wholly imployed in the service of God, even all the dayes of our life, that this life being ended, we may live with him for ever.” (Taylor: 1650, fol. A 1 (r)). Caring for others’ needs was equally important, whether in prayer or in action according to prayerbooks. Gerhard in his Meditation shared the same view: “Charitie is the outward act of the inward life of a Christian man… Let Charitie move thy Heart to Compassion, and thy Hand to 3 WA 30.2:147; WA Tischreden 2:217, (No. 1797, 1532); Eine Predigt Mar Luther, das man Kinder zur Schule halten solle (1530) [Sermon on Keeping Children in School]. [Aland 675]. WA 30.2:585–586.

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Contribution: Compassion is not sufficient unlesse there bee also outward Contribution: Neither is outward Contribution sufficient, unless there be also inward Compassion.”4 Becon’s prayer for the poor illustrated that he regarded them as appointed by God, just as were the rich: “As riches, so likewise poverty is thy gift, O Lord. And as thou hast made some rich to dispose the worldly goods, so hast thou appointed some to be poor, that they might receive thy benefits at the rich men’s hands.”5 Both German and English editions of Protestant prayerbooks shared this common feature of instructing readers to regard neighbors’ needs as an equally important element of the Christian faith. By using biblical figures like David as examples of praying for other people’s corporal afflictions, Melanchthon encouraged people to care for worldly needs and stated that such a kind of prayer would not be in vain (Melanchthon: 1543, CR 21:962; English version: 1553, fols. D 2 (v)–D 3 (r); cf. LC (1543): 199). In his argument for the supplication for others, Gerhard promoted meditating on our neighbors’ needs and the church’s common good and welfare as if they were our own. Gerhard believed that concern for the common good would bring about the fruit of true and sincere charity, through which Christians would be bound “all together into one mystical body, under one Head.” (Gerhard: 1653, fol. I 3 (r), p. 133; English version: 1625, fol. G 11 (v), p. 144). For Gerhard, Christians had to pray for worldly needs since they were entrusted by the Lord to manage the earth and to take care of neighbors as they cared for themselves. Thus, they needed to pray for divine blessings and assistance. As for the concern of worldly duties, Becon’s prayers for many estates are examples of prayers for others. The people his readers were to pray for covered most common estates in sixteenth-century England, such as the government (king, king’s council, judges, all magistrates), churches (bishops and ministries), social elites (landlords, merchants, lawyers), laypeople (rich and poor people), and the household (unmarried and married, women with child, fathers and mothers, masters, servants). He also included prayers for different occasions (e. g., sickness, death, trouble, travelers, soldiers, enemies, and men in their vocation and calling). Becon’s prayer for the Bishop for example, focused on accurate ministry. Prayers beseeched God to grant the Bishop “ministry with godly doctrine,” “with godly conuersacion and a lyfe agreable to the doctrine,” and “with hospitality… that thy pore people may be fed both body and soul.” (Becon: 1550, fols. E ii (r–v) or fols. xxvi (r–v)). His prayer for magistrates implored: 4 Gerhard: 1616, fols. X i (r–v); English version: 1627, fol. P 10 (v), p. 356; fol. P 11 (v), p. 358. 5 Becon, “Prayers and other pieces of Thomas Becon,” quoted from modern textual edition in Internet Archive, http://www.archive.org/stream/prayersandother00becogoog/prayersando ther00becogoog_djvu.txt (accessed 03.05.11).

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We besech the, vnto all ciuile Magistrates, head rulers and commo[n] officers thy holy spirit, which may so rule them in al their doings, that euery one of them according to their vocation: may trulye and faythfullye do that, whyche appertayneth vnto their office. Kyndle in theyr mindes a feruent desyre of redynge thy holye lawe both day and nyghte, that they maye do al thynges accordynge vnto that. (Becon: 1550, fol. D ii (v)).

Becon’s prayer for these estates was concerned with a godly witness of people’s vocations and worldly things. This implies that in “godly things,” there was no difference between sacred and secular. Both religious ministry and government politics should demonstrate godly witness. Not only was the public career seen as a godly vocation, Protestant prayerbooks also regarded household duty as a godly assignment. In Mathesius’ prayer, a housefather’s ministry was parallel to those of Christ and Christendom to take care of family members’ faith and daily work. His prayer also indicated that, although a housefather took the role of governing, he acknowledged that it was indeed Christ who was the chief lord of his household. Bentley’s prayer in Lamp Five of his prayerbook approached godly relationships from a different perspective. His material was written for women, so he constructed his prayers according to different stages of women’s lives, such as childbearing, widowhood, and old age. In Lamp Six, Bentley organized “duties” of all sorts of women, such as virgins, married women, mothers, handmaids, widows, and aged women. Bentley’s inclusion of a prayer from a daughter-in–law for her mother-in–law was unique, and is instructive: Grant O God, I beseech thee, that my mother in lawe for hir part may be content, that hir soone my husband doo loue me his wife as his deere mate, and inseparable companion, with whome he ought to dwell, without anie displeasure. Againe, that I hir daughter in lawe for my part, knowing my husband and I am all one, may not onlie take and repute his parents to be my parents, but also may be willing, and verie well pleased that my husband doo loue hir also as his owne mother, as unto whome he is greatlie bound, and oweth much louing kindnesse for these great benefits receiued of hir… Grant I saie, O gratious God, that my mother in lawe may loue me hir daughter in lawe, no lesse than Naomie loued Ruth & Drpha, and that she may giue me good counsell, teach me, instruct me, praie for me, and doo all such things as may be an example vnto me, both of godlines, chastitie, and sobernesse. (Bentley (1582), Book II, The Fift Lampe of Virginitie, fols. C vi (r–v), pp. 41–42).

Bentley’s prayer dictated the attitude that a daughter-in–law should have. Prayer for love between one another, and the desire for a kind of master-disciple relationship were two points that Bentley encouraged. He believed such a prayer and attitude would help a daughter-in–law continue to grow in piety. Early Protestant prayerbooks portrayed a loving fellowship among Christians to care for the needs, vocations, and relationships of others. Based on care for each other’s needs and worldly duty, early Protestant prayerbooks encouraged

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their readers to pray for social benefits. In prayer, worldly affairs and others’ needs were remembered and were concerned, which underlined a specific feature of fellowship with others in evangelical prayerbooks.

“This World” as the Hallmark of Pious Living Protestant prayerbooks promoted a different view of the world and of others, and changed how and what one prayed. It also highlighted the values of the human being and world service as important subjects for their study. Briefly, this world was sacred. Originally, the nature of the late medieval prayerbooks was inspired by monasticism, tracing their origin back to the Benedictine tradition of the Opus Dei (divine office, or “the Work of God”) (Duffy: 2006, 5). Their teaching was more internally and monastically oriented as a cloister pattern of piety concerned the intimacy with God. It is fair to say that the traditional prayerbooks directed people to view the heaven as the utmost hallowed place. However, in Protestant prayerbooks, authors intended to encourage people to turn from imitating monastic piety to regarding worldly affairs as also sacred. Hence, when seeking a pious life, prayerbooks writers offered a guide to instruct readers to live a sober and sincere life before God, as well as to live a life that honored God in their daily affairs. Taylor was concerned with the inner quality of the holy life and provided detailed advice on how to live piously. He believed that human beings obtained “an excellent nature, wisdom, and choice, an understanding soul, and an immortal spirit” from God, and obtained the assignments of work and service from God (Taylor: 1650, fol. A 1 (r), p. 1). Through prayerbook authors’ instructions, holy life was not just one’s inner growth but also good works for others. Instead of focusing on cloister’s piety in the late medieval prayerbooks, the early Protestant prayerbooks redirected readers’ eyes on worldly piety to uphold a person’s self-transformation in virtues, concern for social affairs was indispensable for a pious life. This nuanced perspective changed expectations about piety during the early modern period. The piety of holy living concerned the growth of personal virtues and appraised worldly affairs as sanctuary as in priory. Worldly piety dominated the contents as another important theme next to the glorification of God in early evangelical prayerbooks. Protestants emphasized the importance of virtue as well as the importance of living in the earthly world and caring for others, the latter two being influences of Renaissance humanism. Renaissance humanism influenced thinking about human dignity and humanity’s privileged place in universe (Kristeller: 1979, 30–31). Humanism changed the way of thinking about the human being by integrating classical and

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medieval thoughts on the matter. Charles Trinkaus claims that, “Renaissance humanists evolved and elaborated significant new conceptions of human nature, utilising both the unspoken precedents of the medieval attitudes that were built into their culture and the more self-consciously borrowed classical views.” (Trinkaus: 1995, 3). In a sense, an anthropological orientation was a chief characteristic of Renaissance humanism, as it promoted a human being’s inner feelings, thinking, and experiences as unique and worthy of high regard (Kristeller: 1979, 30). In light of this, people, they recognized, were only marred by sin after the Fall, since originally they were beings created in God’s image. This more nuanced perspective changed expectations about piety during the early modern period. The highest rank, or the best spiritual life, was no longer contemplation in the cloister, but a life of loving and serving others (Bouwsma: 1987, 238). Reformers’ humanist thoughts about the world directed people to see this world as the primary field of human activity. Erasmus’ proclamation of worldly service as an essential duty of all Christians was an important message influencing his contemporary Christians. He argued, Do not tell me therefore that charity consists in being frequently in church, in prostrating oneself before signs of the saints, in burning tapers, in repeating such and such a number of prayers. God has no need of this. Paul defines love as: to edify one’s neighbor, to lead all to become members of the same body, to consider all one in Christ, to rejoice concerning a brother’s good fortune in the Lord just as concerning your own, to heal his hurt just as your own; compassionately to rebuke the erring, to teach the ignorant, to lift up the fallen, to console the downhearted, to help the toiler; to support the needy, in the highest degree to bring all your wealth, all your zeal, all your care to bear on this that you may benefit as many as possible in Christ.6

Erasmus warned his readers not to look for a Christian piety that was based on the church’s regulations, but on a practice of loving God and neighbor. He wanted Christians to live out charity realistically according to people’s needs and to demonstrate a piety of fellowship in Christ. In the aspects of Bible reading and Christian worldly service, Erasmus demonstrated a typical Christian humanist approach to Christianity. He attempted to redefine the Christian faith according to a detailed study of Scriptures, and to pursue a meaningful Christian practice of loving God and neighbor, which was in accord with biblical passages rather than with medieval church tradition. Humanism influenced early modern spiritual leaders’ piety of charity regardless of their faith preferences. Although Catholic and Protestant reformers’ descriptions of piety toward the world differed slightly and their views of vocation were distinct, in a broader sense, their teachings were part of a larger con6 Erasmus, Enchiridion, Fifth Rule, in Advocates of Reform, 345. Cf. Enchiridion, Chap. XIII, “The Fyfth rule,” in Erasmus, Enchiridion Militis Christiani, ed. O’Donnell, 126/30–127/10.

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fluence of ideas. In fact, when describing the Christian’s relationship to the world, Luther and Calvin expressed notions not too different from those of some of their Catholic contemporaries, like Erasmus and Francis de Sales (1567–1622). It is arguable that humanism reconnected the Protestant and Catholic ways of piety in terms of worldly concern. For the piety of charity, both Luther and Calvin agreed that good works could not be counted as merit for salvation. Instead, good works were the outcome of salvation. However, Luther and Calvin diverged in their details regarding this matter. For Luther, good works were a matter of Christian piety: “A Christian is the servant of all and made subject to all. Insofar as he is free he does no works, but insofar as he is a servant he does all kinds of works.”7 Here, Luther declared that good works were charged to every Christian who was justified by faith. He also stated that, “The works themselves do not justify him before God, but he does the works out of spontaneous love in obedience to God.” (WA 7:60; LW 31:359). For Luther, the reason for Christians to do good works was simply out of the love for God and one another. Calvin’s approach was slightly different, arguing that good works are the testimonies of God’s indwelling and rule. He wrote, “[Good works] are proofs of God dwelling and reigning in us. Since, this confidence in works has no place unless you have previously fixed your whole confidence on the mercy of God. They are the fruits of the regeneration, or even the evidence (or sign) of God’s election… which shows that we have received the Spirit of adoption.” (Calvin: 1997, 86–87). Moreover, although both Luther and Calvin published catechisms, Luther’s intention was to teach the law and the Ten Commandments while Calvin’s was to enforce moral discipline (Ozment: 1980, 367). Generally, the piety of charity, for Luther, was the natural expression of salvation; for Calvin, however, charity was the sign or evidence of salvation that needed to be maintained or controlled. Practically speaking, the programs of both Luther and Calvin on social welfare also shared similarities and differences. Both put their emphasis on the establishment of a public education system. Luther’s Address to Christian Nobility and Calvin’s Geneva Academy (Ozment: 1980, 372) each emphasized the importance of religious education. They both made efforts to relieve the poor in their societies. The 43 thesis of Luther’s 95 Theses maintained that preaching should focus on the structure of poverty relief, and that poverty – despite a long tradition that claimed otherwise – was not a peculiar form of blessedness. Eventually, a Lutheran group issued the Leisning Order in 1523. This prohibited all begging and, moreover, launched job training to enforce people’s working ability, or offered 7 Luther (1520), Epistola Lutheriana ad Leonex X. Summum Pontificem. Tractatus de Libertate Christiana [Address to the German Nobility Concerning Christian Liberty]. [Aland 413]. WA 7:59; LW 31:358.

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loans to give people business resources. Calvin’s system assigned deacons to gather and dispense alms to the poor (Calvin, Ecclesiastical Ordinances, 1541). Steven Ozment believes that Calvinist activism in society showed its concern with people’s motivation for doing good, which not only corrected Luther’s theology of sola gratia that focused more on God’s mercy and less on good work but also “adjusted from original Protestant teaching to more traditional religious expectations: good works and charity.” (Ozment: 1980, 374). Although Luther and Calvin provided their own distinct theologies, their promotion of charity was common in following the biblical message and humanist concerns. In addition, although Protestant reformers carefully distinguished their ideas from Catholic teachings and practices, both Protestant and Catholic groups regarded charity and vocation as important worldly piety. Luther and Sales, for example, shared similar notions about vocation. In his use of the term “vocation” (vocatio in Latin, or Berufung in German), Luther was not referring to monastic vows as the term had come to be used in the medieval church. Instead, based on the idea of the priesthood of all believers, he declared that the states [Stände] of priest, marriage, and temporal authority were all settings for vocations.8 Each state could be viewed as a priestly office, so there could be no spiritual hierarchy. Each vocation was equal and ordained by God. Regardless of the state, a person only rightly entered it by God’s calling. Luther also believed that Christians offered their service to those in need because love motivated them to care for the burdens of others (WA 26:505b). Zwingli echoed Luther’s view on vocation in his idea of “service to the World.” He reaffirmed that people had responsibilities as promise-makers, promise-keepers, and upholders of the covenant in a universal community (cf. Lienhard: 1985, 268– 299). In sum, for Luther and the reformers, vocation was the layperson’s priestly office in the world, eschewing medieval social and spiritual classes. Vocation also included charitable works for society in obedience to God’s will and out of love for others. Sales offers a Catholic’s view on vocation revealed a similar tone with the Protestant. In the Introduction to the Devout Life,9 Sales clearly explained that his instructions were for people who lived within this world, “and by their state of life are obliged to live an ordinary life as to outward appearances.” (Sales: 1972, 33). Sales developed his teaching from the perspective of recognizing the value of the world, God’s will in God’s creation, and individual vocation in the world. He regarded vocation as the outcome of devotion. Thus, Sales believed that devotion was possible everywhere in any vocation (1.3) (Sales: 1972, 43–45). 8 Luther (1528), Vom Abendmahl Christi, Bekenntnis,13. [Aland 2]. WA 26:504b. 9 Francis de Sales (1972), Introduction to the Devout Life, trans. John K. Ryan, New York, NY: Image Books.

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The significant teachings firstly revealed in Sales’ claim that to live a devout life, people did not need to go into the cloister; instead, this world was the proper stage for people to practice their piety. Sales believed that everyone shared the goal of wanting to live a devout life although how that was practiced might vary. He went on to say that living in the cloister was one way of seeking the devout life, but to live in the world was also an acceptable way of pursuing a godly life. Although Sales agreed that seeking a devout life in the world was a difficult task, he insisted that it was feasible. Sales was confident that God’s love and grace can sustain people, so they may achieve their dream of piety in the world. Second, in order to practice devotion correctly, Sales claimed that everyone should live devoutly according to his “position and vocation” that was appointed by God. He stated that, “Devotion must be exercised in different ways by the gentleman, the worker, the servant, the prince, the widow, the young girl, and the married woman… the practice… must also be adapted to the strength, activities, and duties of each particular person.” (Sales: 1972, 43). In this sense, caring for family life was as important as the rule of a prince. Every vocation provided a specific way for a specific person to perform his or her transformative mission – a unique vocation that no one else can fulfill. Sales’ notion of vocation thus found harmony with the teachings in Protestant circle. Last, Sales’ teaching on the devotional life contained a strong commitment to the transformation mission of this world (Sales: 1972, 42). In fact, it was this commitment that allowed Sales to believe that it is possible – even necessary – to live devoutly in the world. Charity, for Sales, was the core meaning of the practice of devotion in this world. He defined devotion as charity: “When [charity] has reached a degree of perfection at which it not only makes us do good but also do this carefully, frequently, and promptly, it is called devotion.” (Sales: 1972, 40). Real devotion required that a person not only obey God’s commandments, but also that he or she enthusiastically embrace God’s will to do good. Thus, Sales concluded that the relationship between charity and devotion was like that of the “flame from the fire.” The action was the substance. Charity was the way to perform God’s commandments and love in this world. Although Sales recognized bitterness, suppression, and painful experiences in this world, he believed that devotion was like “spiritual sugar” that could remove and change bitterness so that mortification becomes something “most sweet and delicious.” Thus, Sales enthused, “Devotion is the delight of delights and queen of the virtues since it is the perfection of charity.” (Sales: 1972, 43). Sales’ spirituality of worldly vocation was given as an alternative practice of devotion to that of the cloister. This clearly differed from Luther’s vision. Nonetheless, Luther and Sales found agreement in their belief that vocation included a mission to transform this world, and a commitment to take care of others. For both of them, their social mission sprang from the love of God and

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eagerness to do God’s will. They recognized worldly affairs as being important in Christian life. They both regarded vocation as the essence of Christian piety. However, differences did appear between the two. Luther treated spiritual and corporal things as equal elements of Christian life and insisted that loving or serving others were the outcomes of salvation. Sales, on the other hand, considered vocation in the world as an alternative devotion, but devotion initiated charity. In other words, Sales believed that only a complete obedience to God’s will in devotion would lead to real piety. The teachings of Luther and Sales on vocation were based on humanist thought and thus demonstrated similar views on the subject. Despite their differences, the Protestant worldly piety did not diverge too far from Catholic teachings. The concern for charitable work and vocation that appeared in the Protestant prayerbooks, therefore, was not unique but was the legacy of Christian tradition and humanism. Nevertheless, the Protestant prayerbooks writers confirmed this world and reframed the notion of holy living and thus, distinguished their teaching from the traditional prayerbooks was visible.

Conclusion As early Protestant prayerbooks represented a humanist cultural product, which offered a new style and renovated contents to shape readers’ private devotional lives, its language adopted a more human perspective although these prayerbooks – like traditional ones – remained a divine-centered spiritual literature. Unlike the traditional prayerbooks that were directed to the sacred objects of God, Christ, or Mary, people were the focus of these evangelical prayerbooks. Expressed from the perspective of human beings, anything about humans, their surroundings, or social connection was covered in Protestant prayerbooks. Early evangelical prayerbooks gradually began to supply the needs of their various readers. Protestant prayerbooks regarded pious life as the result of a justified life. Piety was not only a matter of faith, a heartfelt trust in God as we have discussed in previous chapter, but, furthermore, a concern of holy living in self transformation and in caring for one’s neighbors in daily life. Protestant prayerbook authors constructed their framework of prayer on subjects within the anthropological perspective to direct readers to pray in order to demonstrate a loving fellowship that witnessed God’s salvation. The concern of this worldly matter on both self and others was also an alternative piety of the sacred. Such a teaching was promoted by reformers, and flowed naturally from biblical material and of humanism, and represented their distinctive message from the traditional prayerbooks.

Chapter 6: Godly Companionship – Women’s Piety in Early Evangelical Prayerbooks

Introduction Prayerbooks were popular and highly regarded among laywomen in both the medieval and early modern periods. Although only wealthy and literate women could afford a Book of Hours in the late medieval era, an interesting story composed by the poet Eustache Deschamps (1346–1406) illustrates how prayerbooks were meaningful for women. He described a bourgeois wife who felt she was not properly outfitted unless she owned a Book of Hours. The prayerbook needed to be beautifully made, illuminated in gold and blue, arranged neatly, painted well, and bound with gold clasps in a pretty binding (cf. Hamel: 1995, 168). This was a typical view about prayerbooks among women in the late medieval period and suggests how popular and indispensable they were in women’s lives although presumably only a certain class of women could own prayerbooks. In the early modern era, since the development of the printing press contributed to the affordable price of prayerbooks for the common people,1 prayerbooks continued to be valued as an essential accessory for women. Johann Michael Moscherosch (1601–1669) captured the idea well: “In the hands of a maiden belong two things, a prayerbook and a spindle.” (Cf. Moore: 1987, 78). While there are different perspectives on the role of women and female spirituality in early Protestantism, women were able to participate and engage in spirituality through prayerbooks. Christian prayerbooks were made by or intended for female readers from the beginning of the Reformation onwards, and women viewed them as their best companions – both for spiritual and social reasons. Prayerbooks opened opportunities for women to have their own devotional sphere and to participate in a spiritual ministry of sharing their faith with others. “Godly companionship” is the best term to describe the relationship between prayerbooks and early modern women, as prayerbooks contributed to 1 Luther’s prayerbook, for example, was sold for only twenty pfennig for a paperback copy, see LW 43:7.

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promote women’s role and identity, as well as the development of female spiritual literature in the early modern era.

Traditional Prayerbooks and Women In Religious Movements in the Middle Ages (1995), Herbert Grundmann shows that during the thirteenth century there “arose a religious literature in the vernacular.” (Grundmann: 1995, 187). Grundmann analyzes the reasons for this development by pointing to laypeople’s, especially laywomen’s, enthusiasm for reading religious materials even though they frequently lacked adequate literacy in Latin. In Grundmann’s view, “The sole German prayer-book of the early Middle Ages of any importance, was, notably, prepared for a woman, and quite possibly compiled by a woman as well.” (Grundmann: 1995, 188). The rise of vernacular religious literature might come from the religious movement in the twelfth century. For the sake of communicating faith and doctrine to the laity, those new orders’ preachers felt the need to translate the biblical message into the vernacular for their own oral use although these preachers did not contribute to promoting people’s vernacular religious reading (Grundmann: 1995, 191). Furthermore, some lay groups in Liège gathered together to read religious texts after Sunday services. This lay enthusiasm for religious reading resulted in their spiritual advisors to work on vernacular translations for them (Grundmann: 1995, 193). However, for Grundmann, the vital point of the development of vernacular religious literature was reliance on the German Dominicans’ ministry to women’s religious communities especially for those women who could not read Latin well. Thus, Grundmann declares, “A vernacular religious literature was being created by Dominicans in the first half of the thirteenth century by retranslating Latin sermon-drafts back into German.” (Grundmann: 1995, 196–197). Along with the opportunity to read religious texts in the vernacular, laypeople’s religious lives were changed from being ecclesiastically centered to being a private, individual, and popular experience (Grundmann: 1995, 188–193). The texts of the prayerbooks in the late medieval period show that the major languages were Latin, French, and English. They reveal that English women, especially the educated, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were either bilingual or trilingual. Although the first printed primer in English did not appear until c.1529–1531 (Butterworth: 1953, 11), we can still find an increased demand for English vernacular prayerbooks in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Helen White believes that this was due to the self-awareness of the educated laity, who only spoke English and demanded English prayerbooks (White: 1951, 67). Henry Littlehales offers corroborating evidence in his The Prymer or Lay Folks’

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Prayer Book (1895–1897), in which he found only one surviving manuscript primer produced in both Latin and English but found thirteen in English, which he covered in another book (1891–1892) (Littlehales: 1891–1892, 2). Moreover, the invention of printing in the fifteenth century made it possible to meet this demand. Hoskins argues, “By the time that printing was invented…manuscript Prayerbooks had become rich storehouses out of which devotions both in Latin and in English could be taken.” (Hoskins: 1901, xv). Although Mary Erler does not believe that printing created a “fresh interest” in private religious reading (Erler: 2002, 135), she does acknowledge that printing contributed to the abundance and popularity of vernacular prayerbooks in the sixteenth century. At this time, the price of vernacular materials decreased due to the large amounts of vernacular materials available. Unlike the development of vernacular prayerbooks in continental Europe, where, as in the example of Germany, vernacular prayerbooks appeared rather early, the appearance of English vernacular prayerbooks took much longer due to the custom of speaking Anglo-Norman French and the suspicion of the Lollards. Regardless, the appearance of French and English in prayerbooks in the thirteenth century may be viewed as the first phase of vernacular prayerbooks although the real English language prayerbooks appeared in the sixteenth century. Generally, women’s use of the prayerbooks took on three forms: personal devotion, education, and sharing with other women. The De Brailes Hours (c.1240) is an excellent example because it was created to satisfy Susanna’s personal devotional needs. In fact, personal devotion was the primary reason that the prayerbooks were produced. The second intention of prayerbooks was for women to educate their children. Studying the schooling at York Diocese, England, Jo Ann Hoeppner Moran suggests the possibility that prayerbooks were used in elementary school. She considers, “The more complex Books of Hours were commonly used by the laity as a devotional manual during the church service, but they could also be used as school-texts, as Bishop Grandisson’s 1357 circular, which instructed teachers to parse the Matins and Hours, illustrates.” (Moran: 1985, 44). Nevertheless, Moran agrees that as English manuscript prayerbooks were expensive and might be licensed, the common use of prayerbooks as school-texts were not possible though suggested by some evidence in her study (Moran: 1985, 46). Kathryn Smith’s study on the De Lisle (c.1320–1325), The De Bois Hours (c.1325–1330), and The Neville Hours (c.1335–1340) affirms that women used prayerbooks to teach children at home. She regards the prayerbooks as educational texts for children, especially for girls (Smith: 2003, 264). In fact, the use of prayerbooks for children’s education could be dated back to the thirteenth century even when the psalters were still more welcome than the Books of Hours; but, “the Hours of Virgin were regarded as one of the fun-

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damental texts to be learned early in childhood.” (Smith: 2003, 265). For many wealthy families who could afford to own a prayerbook, the mothers would use it to teach their children probably when they were three to four years old (Smith: 2003, 264). The third use of prayerbooks was for women who shared them with other women. In studying women’s reading between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries, Erler indicates that De Worde’s Sarum Primer became the common standard form for women. By gathering various printed prayerbooks from 1476 to 1499, she discovers that almost over half of nuns’ names were found in these first English printed books while actually it was aristocrats and upper class women who owned the books (Erler: 2002, 117). Erler believed that, “The female audience for early English printing had been developed in the fifteenth century – nuns and aristocrats with an admixture of gentry.” “These incunabula continue a tradition of books as tokens exchanged between women.” (Erler: 2002, 133). Moreover, some women owned more than one primer, and even a female servant owned a primer (Erler: 2002, 120, 156). Thus, women, through social networking, used the prayerbooks as a gift or exchange item with other women. Women played an important role not only in collecting but also in circulating prayerbooks. Apart from women’s personal devotional needs, it is fair to say that women’s use of prayerbooks contributed to social improvement. The spirituality that women learned from traditional prayerbooks was no different from that learned by men. However, as a social phenomenon, women’s use of prayerbooks did improve English society by providing children with education and social connection. Late medieval prayerbooks were important spiritual resources for the laity especially during the crisis of the late medieval church. Their contributions were not limited to people’s private spiritual lives. The Books of Hours were important to the vernacular development and social development in the late medieval world by shaping people’s religious customs, social lives, and relationships. Of significant note, cultural-social contributions were reliant on women’s use of prayerbooks, as medieval women played a key role in the improvement of medieval society. The late medieval prayerbooks should be viewed as books containing social dimensions on faith, the self, and others for religious discipline and for the social improvement of laypeople. The prayerbooks gave the laity opportunities and freedom to enrich their spiritual lives. The prayerbooks meant laypeople were no longer passive recipients of the ministrations of the clergy. Laywomen’s enthusiastic usage assisted the development of the vernacular prayerbooks. Through the Books of Hours, women became valuable religious and social carriers who helped to move Christian doctrine from being centered on the church and clergy

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to a private focus while paradoxically, freeing a person to be part of the community and not just trapped in the house.

Protestant Women’s Piety under Debate During the Reformation era, reformers claimed that men and women were equal from the perspective of religion, and that all believers were part of a universal priesthood. However, scholars’ works on the subject of women’s religious role they attempt to indicate the concept of women’s piety in sixteenth century was based on patristic expectations through contextual and textual studies. They consider that women’s lives remained centered in the household, and reformers maintained that they should be silent in the public sphere. Some scholars argue that the Reformation restricted women’s roles to the household, and thus the Protestant reformers did not launch new ideas of piety to women. Others argue that Protestant women were still able to express their spirituality and play an important role in the lives of those around them. Steven Ozment’s When Father Ruled: Family Life in Reformation Europe (1983) is a case that praises domestic piety. Ozment gives a detail interpretation of the discipline of marriage, the relationship between husband and wife, and the discipline of child bearing and education. In regards to marriage, the Protestants proclaimed that marriage is God’s creation and God’s command; family is the place that provides “the cradle of citizenship, extending its values and example into the world around it”; and “the children were raised to be god-fearing, obedient, and virtuous” by general discipline and catechism (Ozment: 1983, 8–9). Thus, the Protestants also believed they had “released women into the world, put them at the center of the home and family life.” (Ozment: 1983, 49). Based on these teachings of domestic life, a pious woman is a wife who is “mother of the house,” and a mother who is “bearing and nurtur[ing] of children.” (Ozment: 1983, 54, 100). According to Ozment’s study, the idea of domestic piety concerns women’s roles and relationships with their husband and children; the subject of piety should relay these understandings rather than those on women’s independent devout life. Similar to Ozment, Christopher Brown discusses women and Lutheranism in Joachimsthal. He states, “women enjoyed a place of special prominence within the religious life of the household.” (Brown: 2005, 113–114). In the household, women exercised religious leadership and instructed their family members to read and sing the hymns. Margaretha von Hassenstein was praised as a “mirror and example of all womanly virtue,” “she led daily devotions with prayer, reading, and singing for the female members of her household and liked to talk about God’s Word.” Sibylla, a pious wife, also demonstrated a model of domestic

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piety. Her piety shows in “her habit of reading the Bible out loud at the family table, her faithful attendance at sermons and interest in discussing them afterward, and her love for the Lutheran hymnal… served as ‘housepastor’ to her husband.” (Brown: 2005, 114). Pious women in Brown’s study were active females concerned with the spiritual growth not only of themselves but also of their family members and neighbors. Generally, both Ozment and Brown provide a positive picture of the model of domestic piety by German women. As for the idea of godly ministry, E. Macek assesses the feminine spirituality in the Book of Martyrs (1563) and criticizes John Foxe’s work and its contradiction between women’s experience in both spirituality and morality. He believes it was due to Foxe’s “patriarchal expectations” of women that provided his own voice to say something about women (Macek: 1988, 65). Macek carefully analyzes female experiences in Foxe’s writing and indicates that the shared conversion experience was one of female’s spiritual activities, which maintains the people’s belief (Macek: 1988, 67). The feminine spirituality also includes the action of selftranscending, which worked as a way of spiritual transformation by way of study, prayer, and community support. Females empowered themselves through prayer and learning, which is assessed as an exercise of an equal position with men (Macek: 1988, 69). In addition, Macek believes that women used community groups to encourage and bind to one another as well as to serve as the important place to foster female piety and to nourish the knowledge of Scriptures and doctrine (Macek: 1988, 70). Macek considers that martyrs provided women with the final step toward spiritual revolution because martyrs “discovered autonomy and spiritual maturity” that was not realized by Foxe (Macek: 1988, 77). In general, Macek’s study on female’s spiritual growth highly values the function of “female community,” since it provides a place for praying, studying beliefs, and encouragement with each other. Women’s piety should be viewed from the perspective of female community and public pastoral ministry rather than domestic life only; their spiritual maturation or piety was different from male’s traditional understanding. Although scholars consider that Protestant women’s roles could be both domestic and public, there is a different study by other scholars who illustrate women’s “striking” to seek for public ministry along with domestic devotion. Paul Russell’s “Female Pamphleteers: the Housewives Strike Back” (2002) is an example. His study examines to what extent these three women were seen as pious and by what model they demonstrated their piety. Russell traces his study back to the historical development of women’s piety from the thirteenth-century church and finds that “there were few models for married women with religious vocations.” (Russell: 2002, 187). However, the thirteenth-century’s female contemplatives functioned as model of piety. This was “a distinctive ‘female piety’ that emerged to describe a devotion to the human side of the lives of Christ and

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the Virgin, special devotion to the wounds of Christ, and to the Eucharist.” In the fifteenth century, women’s model of piety extended to the intellectual, women hence could be active in writing devotional literature, teaching children, and even painting the Virgin Mary (Russell: 2002, 187). Russell states that during the Reformation, the Protestants gave married women new role models from the Old Testament such as Esther, Sarah, Deborah, and Judith. These women were married and needed to take care of their families. In actuality, the role of the pastor’s wife was also created for laywomen. Thus, married women in the Reformation find the possibility of being “active both at home and in theological discussion.” (Russell: 2002, 189). Although the women he studied were active in public ministries, Russell considers that this resulted in a negative ending for these women and their husbands due to “the fact that women’s social position was inferior to males and their education was equal, or even better, than many males added extra frustration.” (Russell: 2002, 210). Since he appreciates that Southwest Germany was not as negative place for the Protestant Reformation as other scholars view it, Russell’s condemnation of the fault of the societal idea of women’s inferiority sounds too generalized and does not provide detailed analysis. In the end of his writing, Russell justifies that lay women demonstrated alternative models of piety which “includes a vigorous defense of lay activity, but their spirituality is not especially meditative” like the traditional idea of piety (Russell: 2002, 210). Moreover, Russell declares that both reading devotional literature and going outside to care for the poor were valued as piety by connecting them to the late medieval model of piety that concerned the affective sense in German context (Russell: 2002, 210). Russell believes that Protestant women’s piety was “in the world, not in enclosed convents, where they had to more actively fight the social conventions of their own time.” (Russell: 2002, 211). In the German context, modern scholars give us two different directions: one praises the model of domestic piety, this model, like Ozment and Brown appreciates, women’s piety in being a good wife and good mother, and even a good neighbor. This model also recognizes women’s private spiritual devotion and their caring ministry to others. The second direction is that women attempted to argue for further public participation along with the domestic model. However, scholars like Russell indicate that this public involvement was not a well-accepted model of piety by their contemporaries, especially by Protestant males. Apart from scholars’ study on women’s roles and piety, a survey on three reformers’ wives about their religious lives offers a window for us to understand how the reformers’ views concerning women and how these were reflected in reality. Each had an important role in the Reformation even if their influence and piety are often debated.

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First, Luther’s wife, Katherine von Bora (KB, 1499–1552) was an ex-nun. Influenced by Martin Luther’s reformation writings, she fled from her nunnery in Nimschen to Wittenberg with some other nuns in 1520 (Bainton: 1973, 23–24). KB married Luther in 1525. As the wife of the pioneer of the Reformation, KB was a typical figure who deserves our attention concerning her conduct in the domestic household. Roland Bainton indicated that KB and Luther’s marriage portrayed the Reformation’s idea of being in partnership with each other (Bainton: 1973, 26). Although there are few biographical and primary sources about how KB thought about her partnership with Luther, most historiographical writings agree that KB lived as the model housewife, mother, and domestic provider. KB’s model of sharing can also be seen in her support of Luther’s ministries such as orphans, refugees, Luther’s students and friends’ needs. This ministry not only consisted of her hospitality and care, but she also took charge of finances (Bainton: 1973, 30). It seems that KB used these skills to produce material security for her family and friends. Although Bainton regards KB as a figure lacking of her own voice, and a figure that stood “in the offing like Joseph at the Nativity.” (Bainton: 1973, 27). He saw KB as a woman of “character and courage” and “presided over the first well-known Protestant parsonage to give the tone to German domestic lifeauthoritarian.” (Bainton: 1973, 42). Unlike Bainton’s view of KB’s domestic model as sharing and reflecting Luther’s Reformation idea for women, Kirsi Stjerna argues that KB’s case simply exemplified the contradiction of Reformation’s promise and failure towards women. Stjerna states that Luther’s theology not only promised “the priesthood of all believers, the holiness of all realms of life, and the created and spiritual equality of men and women,” but also promised “women equal participation in religious life.” (Stjerna: 2002, 28). However, KB, as a woman with many talents, was constrained within the household by being wife and mother to fulfill her religious roles (Stjerna: 2002, 34). In addition, in the reality of a women’s life, she was not allowed to preach or teach and not allowed to be a prophet or a visionary lay theologian. Eventually, the reformers’ rejection of monastic life made women not only lose their public role in religious activities but also caused them to lose the opportunity to develop their own identity. Thus, Stjerna argues that Reformation’s idea for women was ambiguous in liberating women’s position in the ideal and restricting women’s roles in reality. Therefore, Stjerna believes KB showed “how no story or voice is insignificant.” (Stjerna: 2002, 35). Unfortunately, it is difficult to imagine how KB would respond to Stjerna’s argument since she never left her opinion regarding her religious roles after her marriage to Luther. Another notable woman is Katherine Schütz (KS, 1498–1562), the wife of Matthew Zell. She was a lay woman born in Straßbourg and well-educated in

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German and religion. Coming from an urban family, KS obtained professional training, Heidnischwerk, which allowed her live independently. Unlike Katherine von Bora who entered a convent, KS dedicated herself to the church and a celibate religious life as a private act of a devout lay Christian (McKee: 1999, 28). Like Luther’s wife, KS changed the substance of her life from celibacy to marriage through the influence of Martin Luther and Matthew Zell, the reformer and later her husband. According to Elsie Anne McKee’s study, KS demonstrated a model of “partnership-marriage” after she married Matthew (McKee: 1999, 49). This model of partnership was based on her view on celibacy and marriage. For KS, celibacy could not give her a place to serve God and to practice her piety and dedication. Thus, “she was convinced that she was called to marry Matthew Zell as an expression of her faith in God and her love for others.” (McKee: 1999, 48). McKee also points out that marriage, for the Zells, was a place to express “shared faith and commitment to knowing and confession God, and the expression of this purpose through serving God in the church and their neighbors.” (McKee: 1999, 51). Based on their common vision of marriage and ministry, KS was active and visible in public ministry. McKee believes that KS created “Strasbourg’s version of the new female religious vocation, ‘the pastor’s wife.’” (McKee: 1999, 55). The religious activities that KS engaged in included writing letters and tracts, hosting refugees, protesting theological ideas, and publishing hymnbooks. In a study of working women in Germany, M. E. Wiesner points out Katherine’s service in a hospital contributed to social welfare (Wiesner: 1986, 41–42). In sum, KS’s religious ministry was visible and various. For her, the role of the pastor’s wife could not be stopped by the pastor’s death. Instead, KS continued her pastoral responsibilities and even supported Rabus’ succession to follow Matthew though KS’s “partnership” with Rabus was full of conflict. Nevertheless, KS’s visible role was supported by her husband, and they were in harmony with each other. KS’s ability to devote herself completely to her work was due to Matthew’s support and their childless state (Wiesner: 1986, 59). Perhaps, this was the reason that KS could fulfill her public role exclusively. In this sense it is important to note that if KS had domestic responsibilities like Katherine von Bora, she would not have been able to maintain contribute her public life since they lived in different contexts. Although Stjerna argues a woman like KS was not allowed to preach or teach (Stjerna: 2002, 28), through McKee’s study we can find KS was busy and committed her life to God completely. The last woman is Katherine Parr (KP, 1514–1548), Henry VIII’s last wife. Although Henry VIII’s religious intention was not clear, his separation of England from the authority of the Pope makes it possible for him to be listed as one of “reformers.” KP, being a reformer’s wife, exemplified an independent religious model in England. As a noblewoman and Queen, KP’s life could be viewed from

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the aspect of political achievement (Martienssen: 1974, ix–x). In deed, KP did demonstrate her political capability in her successfully put Cromwell downfall (Martienssen: 1974, 165). However, KP’s contribution to the English Reformation was what caught scholars’ attention. Since KP was a queen, she played a different religious role than Katherine von Bora’s domestic support and Katharine Schütz’s ministry partnership models with their husbands. KP’s independent model is demonstrated chiefly in her piety. John King describes KP as practicing a daily schedule of household worship, prayer, meditations, and studying Psalms (King: 1985, 46). KP’s piety also influenced other people through her writing, Lamentation of a Sinner. Diarmaid MacGullouch states, KP’s writing emphasized “justification by faith alone” and Christ’s crucifix, through which to express her piety and faith (MacGullouch: 2001, 187). Since KP‘s writing fully demonstrated the Reformation idea of piety, she was regarded as the “nursing mother of the Reformation.” (Zahl: 2001, 42). Secondly, KP’s independent religious contribution was shown in her patronage. KP’s Protestant stand was influenced by Thomas Cranmer. In his study of the life of Thomas Cranmer, MacGullouch indicates that, through Cranmer, KP engaged her religious roles in several areas such as publishing her writing as the text of daily mediation, lobbying the King Henry VIII for Cambridge University, and sponsoring English translation of Erasmus’ Biblical Paraphrase, which became an official text under Edward VI. (MacGullouch: 1996, 326). KP also supported the translation of religious texts and published them in the vernacular (King: 1985, 43). KP’s patronage in John Foxe’s view was a “divine providence.” (King: 1985, 44). In sum, Katherine Parr’s piety and patronage were the two significant religious roles in Reformation. However, KP’s active involvement in religious ministry was charged with heresy by Gardiner in 1546. Both J. J. Scarisbrick and King assert that gender conflict was the reason that KP was charged with heresy. Based on Gardiner’s Catholic traditional view, women in nature were inferior and they were not allowed to participate in religious ministry, hence he accused KP (King: 1985, 45– 46). However, this accusation did not matter to Henry VIII. Although we do not have clear evidence to suggest why Henry declined Gardiner’s accusation, Henry’s support of KP’s public religious works was clear. Besides, in regards to domestic life, KP “had served Henry well,” and united the three royal children and provided them with a good religious and general education (Scarisbrick: 1969, 457). Katherine Parr contributed herself not only in public but also in domestic life and had a harmonious relationship with her husband. These three reformers’ wives demonstrated different piety in domestic, church ministry, and public patronage, which may not be the role of the traditional housewife. However, along with the increasing scholarly inquiries of women’s spiritual opportunities in the notion of the Reformation, there have been dif-

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ferent interpretations regarding their roles and piety. For example, due to Luther’s promotion of marriage and family lives, scholars’ studies on women’s piety mostly focus on domestic practices in a German context. Scholars’ works show either a recognition of the model of domestic piety for women or support for women. This shows that piety was more in domestic life and public engagement was an alternative model of piety. The general image of women and piety in the Reformation was one of obedience and faithfulness. By focusing on historical-contextual factor, different scholars indicate that women’s religious lives can be wildly different and varied. Nevertheless, modern scholars’ rethinking and reconstruction of women’s piety in the Reformation challenges our traditional idea of women’s piety as enthusiastic in prayer and virtue only.2 Scholars’ studies on women’s religious role illustrate that domestic devotion and public ministry were both possible for women.

Protestant Prayerbooks and Women’s Identity Along with scholars’ debate of reformers’ view on women’s role and identity, the dispute is also extended to the subject of early Protestant paryerbooks on women’s piety, especially the concern of centering women’s role in domestic filed in prayerbooks. First, concerning the piety designed for women in Protestant prayerbooks, the elements of spiritual transformation described in them reinforced traditional understandings of female piety, especially in those prayerbooks dedicated to women. These prayerbooks asked women to pray to God that they would be godly or for help in specifically domestic virtues. Mathesius’ prayer to be said by a pregnant woman is an example: Eternal son of God, creator and savior of the world, who commanded Adam and Eve to increase and to multiply and have drawn from their blood all races on the earth. I thank you that I too have become a partaker of your blessing in honor. Therefore, I praise your grace and blessing, and ask you of tender mercy in the name of your only-begotten, your little Son who was also laid in the virgin’s womb, that you would preserve the fruit of my body, and grant me in it a happy hour to sprinkle it with your son’s blood and Spirit, and accept it as a child of God. Let me delight my dear husband, and raise up for you an eternal servant. For you sanctified the patriarch Jacob and John the Baptist in their mother’s wombs. For you are highly praised with the Father and with the Holy Spirit. Amen. (Mathesius: 1580, fols. D ii (r–v)).3 2 New Advent, Aticle, “Virtue and Religion,“ in http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/12748a.htm (accessed 10.08.11) 3 English translation by author.

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In light of Mathesius’ prayer, a pregnant woman not only felt honor in partaking with God’s commandment to produce offspring but also considered having a child to be a way to please her husband. Modern scholars have thus, likewise, carefully scrutinized the theology of the reformers. Several concluded that the reformers’ teachings on women’s roles did not match their theological proposition of equality among the priesthood. Instead, reformers framed a boundary that located women inside the household. In Protestant prayerbooks, men’s portrayal of women’s piety was restricted to godly marriage and good ministry in their housework although in reality, domestic piety was not the only choice for women. Colin B. and Jo B. Atkinson’s study on the Monument of Matrones analyzes the genre and contents of the book and attempt to argue that this book was given to women in order to “reaffirm women’s traditional subordinate roles within patriarchy.” (Atkinson: 1992, 277–289).4 The Atkinsons examine the printers, author, and preface, and find that the original idea of compiling this book was “to collect out-of-print women’s writings” and “to register…as perfect presidents of true pietie and godliness in women kind to all posteritie” to the devout female readers (Atkinson: 1992, 277–289).5 Thus, the Atkinsons suspect that the change of Christian traditions from Catholicism to Protestantism caused the Monument to pursue the intention “to define women’s role in the new Anglican Church.” (Atkinson: 1992, 277–289).6 In addition, the Atkinsons rely on the historical context in Elizabeth I as the time establishing the church’s authority, as the time that militant Puritan women were actively public, and as the time concerning the social-religious issues, so they strongly believe that this book was produced by “a male-dominated state and church” in order to “put women where they wanted her to be” – a submissive woman (Atkinson: 1992, 277–289).7 Another article that the Atkinsons present about the theme of “subordinating Women” in the Monument of Matrones also supports the view above. In the first section, they discover that the essential function of portraying the images of women’s piety was to give the image of “subordinating women” as pious. The Atkinsons believe that they “use biblical women to shape women’s behavioral models suitable to the patriarchal world of late sixteenth century England (Atkinson: 1991: 292). It conditioned the image of piety towards a more behavioral and traditional orientation. Thus, the Atkinsons conclude that the Bently’s book was a “patriarch discourse of female subordination… contains material addressed to the particular needs of women, ‘to rewrite the text to direct women 4 5 6 7

Electronic source, page 1 of 12. Electronic source, pages 2–3 of 12. Electronic source, page, 3 of 12. Electronic source, page, 8 of 12.

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toward submissive.” (Atkinson: 1991, 298–300). Generally, the Atkinsons’ two articles illustrate that women’s piety in the context of Elizabeth I was traditional and conservative. It concerned the domestic model of piety, such as subordination and obedience as women’s important characteristics of piety. Although some prayerbooks restricted women’s role as some modern scholar’s assessment, prayerbooks also functioned to equip women’s identity by accompanying them by spiritual reading, by offering female reading only materials, even granting them exercising spiritual activities at home. All which balanced our understanding of women’s piety in early Protestant prayerbooks. First, prayerbooks were women’s spiritual companion. In The Maiden’s Mirror (1987), Cornelia Moore makes an effort to collect and examine the reading materials of German girls in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, includes girls’ religious literature including catechisms, prayerbooks, and general devotional materials. Moore discovered, “The new prayerbooks that originated during the sixteenth century were intended for all but were deemed especially appropriate as girls’ reading.” (Moore: 1987, 78). In German tradition, prayerbooks were given to girls to guide their devotional life and to be their “life-long companions” when they were confirmed in their faith (Moore: 1987, 79). The most popular prayerbooks for girls included Habermann’s Christliche Gebett (1567) (Habermann (1567), see Moore: 1987, 79), which provided fruitful prayer texts for different occasions, devotion and meditation guides, and moral instruction as well. Prayerbooks functioned to offer women a model of piety. Moore describes it this way: “The prayerbook belongs in a girl’s hand and gears her toward piety.” (Moore: 1987, 78). Next, prayerbooks not only played an important function in girls and women’s reading habits but also contributed to the acknowledgement of female identity through specific female reading materials. Moore state, “It was the first genre that moved away from the confessional and canonical writing of catechism and Bible to offer girls at every age original prose for their own personal meditation. One’s relationship to God was determined by one’s earthly station and situation.” (Moore: 1987, 78). Her argument is supported by many prayer texts that concerned women in different situations, like childbirth or prayers offered while unmarried, all of which implied that women’s various life stages and responsibilities were important and deserved attention. Bentley’s Monument of Matrones, although criticized by modern scholars, did more than teach female virtues and duties. The book also listed specific prayers that pertained specifically to female occasions. In doing this, Bentley marked off part of life as being under the domain of women. Many prayerbooks, such as Habermann’s, also inserted prayer texts that were for women only although such books were not necessarily restricted to female readers. This move granted women a clear status – independent of men – and

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their particular needs were recognized in most early modern prayerbooks. Some prayerbooks even offered prayers for girls who did not have a boyfriend and prayers for those who did! (Moore: 1987, 81). Becon’s prayer texts for the unmarried also showed his equal concern for women’s needs. Even Bentley, who has been so roundly criticized, offered a prayer to be used equally by men and women right before they married: We beseech thee, by and for the same thy sonne, so to change and confirme our hearts by thy spirit, that adorned with the wedding garments of righteousnesse, faith, holie loue, chaste minds, and good conscience, and without all hypocrisie, dissimulation, and without the sinne against our owne conscience, wee may approach to this honourable estate of matrimonie, and be found in the number of thine elect.8

Prayerbooks shaped women’s specific identity, leading women to recognize themselves as unique persons who should take care of their own needs. Thus, contrary to the negative view of Protestant prayerbooks by modern scholars, the contents of early evangelical prayerbooks with their emphasis on women’s identity and prayer texts for women were inarguable realities. Furthermore, since household was the main site for early modern women, many texts like prayerbooks offered spiritual activities for women to practice at home. For this sense, women could exercise their spiritual role at home without the need to go out publicly. In the early modern German context or even beginning from the late fifteenth century, the Seelenführer (1498) guided the opinion that, “The Christian home was the first school and the first church for children.” Such a concept of homeschooling was supported during the Reformation (Moore: 1987, 42). As for girls, many spiritual leaders, like Luther, maintained that “a girl’s place is in the home. The consensus about the domestic place and duties of a girl transcended time, boundaries, and confessional differences.” (Moore: 1987, 40). Moreover, girls’ spiritual materials used at home included the Bible and small catechisms with question-and-answer dialogue on “Christmas, Easter, baptism, and the Lord’s justice, prayer, heaven and earth, salvation, and other topics.” (Moore: 1987, 60). In Lutheran circles, some catechisms could be exclusively made for girls’ use at home. For example, the Torgauer Catechism was prepared for girls by their teacher Georg Zollner and contained “an adaptation of Luther’s Small Catechism, Biblical proverbs, and many prayers (non gender-specific.)9 Besides, apart from different authors’ catechisms, there were also the confessional materials for girls at home, the “religious-pedagogical writings.” Georg Rhaw’s works for his children, such as 8 Bentley: 1582, Book II, the Fifth Lamp of Virginity, fol. D ii (r), p. 49. 9 Georg Zollner (1618), Christliche und Nützliches Handbüchlein Vor Fürstliche und andere Gottfürchtige Kinder… Durch Georg Zollner / Jenens. (Torgau in Vorlegund Abraham Lambergs und Caspar Klosemans Anno 1618), see Moore: 1987, 62, fn. 211.

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Hortulus animae (1545), was seen as “the first one in a long line of writing parents.” (Moore: 1987, 64). Prayerbooks were also important spiritual texts for girls in German households and could be traced back to the late medieval period. Eike von Repkow, an author of Sachsenspiegel (1215), advised, “‘Daughters should inherit from their mothers yarn, bedding, golden jewelry, rosaries, prayerbooks, and all books pertaining to church services and which are usually read by women’ (Book I, Art. 24).” (Moore: 1987, 78). Moore indicates that the early modern German prayerbook was “the first genre that moved away from the confessional and canonical writing of catechism and Bible to offer girls at every age original prose for their own personal meditation.” (Moore: 1987, 78). Although German prayerbooks for girls were all written by male authors, Moore considers that early modern prayerbooks for female readers in all situations served the function of providing girls with “ready-made language to be directed to God. Moreover, by putting language into a girl’s mouth, the author hoped to put thoughts into her head and reinforce the kind of behavior that the girl was promising to God.” (Moore: 1987, 79). Habermann’s Christliche Gebett (1567) was the example of this. Another case was Johann Arndt’s Paradiß=Gärtlein (1612) [Paradise-garden] as it was presented to girls for being “full of Christian virtues.” (Moore: 1987, 80). Through prayerbooks, women’s identity was encouraged especially during the beginning of Protestant Reformation when the Protestant leaders declared the traditional idea of female subordination and prohibited women’s public ministry opportunities. For example, in 1543, there was a prohibition issued by Act of Parliament in England to ban all women from reading the Bible. Protestant leaders prohibited women from reading the Bible, organizing confraternities, and attending church ministries. Noblewomen were also prohibited from reading the Bible to others. Women were restricted in the domestic or private world, as well as prohibited women from getting together to discuss the Faith (Wiesner: 1993, 223). In fact, the discrepancy of reformers’ views on women was the issue that reformers restricted women’s role in reality. Through the traditional view, people discriminated against the female as physically weak with uncontrollable emotions and less intellectual ability. Thus, women were naturally weaker and inferior to the male. This idea was applied to distinguish female’s role in society and church. Females, then, were restricted to do only housework. John Knox, as a Scottish reformer and a follower of Calvin, announced his theology that there was nothing but evil in women’s nature! Knox’s prejudice was demonstrated in his speech as well as his direct attack on both Mary Tudor, a Catholic queen and Elizabeth of England, a Protestant (Douglass: 1985, 95). Although early modern prayerbooks have been criticized for their patriarchal expressions and expectations regarding women, they also opened new and val-

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uable spiritual opportunities for women. Prayerbooks promoted a new female identity by opening opportunities for them to read and write devotional literatures, or to pen advice for their children. Women used prayerbooks for personal devotion and education, which offered them chances to engage in religious matters and shape the spiritual lives of their family members. In that way, early modern prayerbooks granted women new power although not in the same way that contemporary scholars speak of power and liberation. Perhaps it was due to the period of religious transition that the Protestant’s idea of the priesthood of all believers was under development, and the transformation of women identity and opportunity was also under construction, hence, early Protestant women experienced few religious ministries from reformers. Nonetheless, in reality, it was during this transitional period that prayerbooks continued to help women exercise their spiritual duty and enthusiasm to God, to themselves, and to others.

Prayerbooks and Female Spiritual Literature Apart from the fact that prayerbooks valued female identity and offered many prayer texts devoted to women only, prayerbooks provided women with opportunities to develop spiritual literature that could not be replicated by male authors. Women’s use of prayerbooks sparked the emergence of “advice materials” in prayerbooks, which evolved into “spiritual direction,” “spiritual diaries,” or “mothers’ advice books” – new subgenres within devotional literature. Generally, these prayer-advice books had two different purposes and audiences. First, spiritual direction focused on women giving spiritual guidance to other women. These books frequently appeared in the form of a diary, biography, or autobiography. Second, mothers’ advice books focused on the next generation and offered spiritual counsel in a female voice to both men and women on religious, moral, and public affairs. Through the production of this new literature, women extended their relationship with prayerbooks. They were no longer only used for personal spiritual benefit but also as a vehicle for cultural contributions. Wheathill’s Handful of Herbs (1584) is an example of spiritual text written by women to guide women’s spiritual growth in their various stations. It is believed that Wheathill’s Handful of Hearbs was the first English prayerbook written by a woman for women readers. In which she addressed about sin and forgiveness, honoring the Trinity, obeying the Lord’s will, fighting against temptation, God’s justice and mercy, asking for humility, and the prosperity of the Church (Atkinson: 1996, 659–672). The purpose of offering many prayerbooks by female writers was to provide spiritual direction for their readers. Prayerbooks urged their readers to confess, to ask for pardon, or to ask for grace before going to bed. Women were frequently the ones who most actively followed the author’s advice.

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As the manuals of self-examination were inserted into prayerbooks, women advised other women, especially younger ones, to keep prayerbooks along with them. The books could serve as a reminder for any occasion, so women were advised to “carry your prayer-book in your pocket, or anything that may decently keep you from conversing with men.”10 Early modern prayerbooks were transformed into books that guided readers’ behavior and advised women to examine their private lives frequently. Furthermore, in the early modern era, women used prayerbooks to educate their children. For this purpose, Grymeston used authoritative language to direct her son on spiritual and social matters. Grymeston’s Miscellanea was part of a new subgenre of mothers’ advice books: “It is perhaps the most learned and polished of these tracts of pious advice addressed by a mother to her child.” (Travitsky: 2004, ODNB) The role of women in instructing their children points to ways that they were authorized to act as part of the priesthood of all believers, providing instruction for their children in religion. Although women were taught to be silent during public worship and when the Bible was read, they took an active role at home. Scholarly works have not reached an agreement on women’s spiritual roles in the Reformation, but mothers’ advice books demonstrate that women were active in providing spiritual advice to their children and other household members. Women also used prayerbooks to promote their new spiritual ministry and literature by appealing to a mother’s privilege to offer advice to her children. Hence, most mothers’ advice books were produced when women approached the end of their lives and wanted to leave their reflections on what was most important for their children. As Jennifer Heller states, “Women’s work within the genre is intensely personal, for they write to comfort themselves as they approach death, to establish their authority within their families, to articulate the nuances of their faith, to guide specific children with unique needs, or to secure their family’s social status.” (Heller: 2011, 3). For example, in the preface, Cramond told her daughters that the greatest happiness was “true feare, constant love, and faithfull service of Almighty God.” (Cramond: 1645, fol. A 1 (v), p. 2). She also declared that virtue and piety were the greatest treasures that deserved their attention. She wrote, “I present this little Booke unto you all, which being mine, I hope you will carefully receive it, as comming from my love and affection towards you, and that you will please for my sake, the more to imploy it to your good; to which I will (while I live) daily adde my prayers and blessing for your present and future happinesse.” (Cramond: 1645, fol. A 1 (r), p. 1). The significance of Cramond’s Ladies Legacie was its intention to pass a family’s spiritual legacy to the next generation as well as 10 Margaret Godolphin’s words, cited from Botonaki: 1999, 3–21.

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represent the rise of a matriarchal piety that was an acceptable spiritual treasure in early modern society. Overall, Cramond wanted her daughters to achieve spiritual happiness. This did not mean that she ignored temporal matters in her instructions; in fact, spiritual and temporal terms both appeared frequently in her book. Her work was similar to male expressions of devotion in the early modern period. Both exhibited a distinctly Protestant way of thinking about the divine, salvation, human nature, and worldly witness. Although her prayerbook only had two editions published in 1645, it represented women’s spiritual work in the early modern Protestant period and provides an important source for us to uncover the character of early modern female piety. As more women had access to education and were encouraged to read prayerbooks, devotional literature became a major arena in which women could contribute. Prayerbooks gave women an opportunity to express their particular voice. Authoring a book gave a woman new power as she gave religious advice to other women and children. In addition, since the reformers promoted domestic piety and the status of motherhood, their teachings gave women the specific privilege of addressing their own sphere. Their world was their own, and their reflections and writings about proper piety could not be prohibited or replaced by writings by contemporary men, or even by the church fathers. This development of prayerbooks generated new subgenres of spiritual literature and mothers’ advice books. The result was that prayerbooks in the hands of women as readers and workers became prayer-advice books – a subtle, but important, shift in their nature. The way prayerbooks turned into spiritual books is a significant point that deserves our attention. Scholars’ studies point out that mothers’ advice books were not innovative feminist books but faithfully passed on what women learned from prayerbooks, doctrine, patristic teachings, and their experiences. According to Marsha Urban, English mothers’ advice books emerged around the 1640s during the English Civil War. At that time, many men were absent from home to attend to the fighting. Encouraged by the Commonwealth government, mothers were inclined to shoulder all household duties including bearing the role of spiritual leader for their children. In other words, political and religious reasons gave women the opportunity to develop their mother-priesthood role. Thus, they produced prayer-advice books in order to nourish the next generation’s religious and ethical lives. In this situation, mothers’ advice books changed early modern prayerbooks. They were no longer general prayerbooks for both sexes but were written specifically about spiritual matters from the perspective of mothers. Within the early modern context, reformers attempted to promote education in order to discipline godly citizens and to equip believers to read their Bibles. In this context, women commonly obtained an education although not everyone could read and write. For the majority of women, however, it was not a problem to

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read spiritual materials since to read. Piety was the goal of the time. Reading prayerbooks offered women a pious life by affirming their self-identity, encouraging their inward spiritual growth, and helping them fulfill their priestly duty of caring for others. Furthermore, along with the development of subgenres of devotional literature that were produced especially for or by women such as spiritual diaries, mothers’ advice books, or girls’ reading materials, early modern prayerbooks provided alternative spiritual opportunities for women. Since these subgenres all have close connections with prayerbooks, whose users or authors were women, prayerbooks played an essential role in increasing women’s priestly ministries. Early modern prayerbooks developed opportunities for women to study; this contribution meant that women had more opportunities to be actively involved in shaping their spiritual lives through the prayerbooks, or even in inspiring women to write new ones. This, in turn, led to a steady flow of women’s literature from printing presses. As Marsha Urban observes, “The seventeenth century was indeed a century of revolution for women writers, whose numbers vastly increased, in conjunction with their rising educational opportunities, increasing literacy rates, and the changing social and economic conditions.”11

Conclusion Personal devotion was the primary focus of prayerbooks beginning in the late Middle Ages. As users of prayerbooks, women shared their cultural and social life. They made the development of vernacular literature possible; they gave prayerbooks important pedagogical functions in the household. During the Reformation women were the most meaningful readers and users of Protestant prayerbooks. Because society in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was still patriarchal, opportunities for women were very limited, and their spiritual roles were often relegated to the domestic household. However, women still found ways to express their piety and spirituality through the use of prayerbooks. Through prayerbooks, the female identity was recognized, and the priestly domestic ministry of women was supported. Modern prayerbooks offered opportunities for women to shape their vocations, and women or mothers’ advice books became a subgenre of devotional literature. In addition, within the spectrum of early modern prayer literature, women could address their own spiritual journeys or share their own experiences by producing spiritual diaries, spiritual guidance books, or mothers’ advice books. If women were regarded as carrying 11 Urban: 2006, 2. More resources for English women’s writings from 1526 to 1850, see Women Writers Project at Northeastern University, http://www.wwp.northeastern.edu/wwo/ (accessed 10.09.15).

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traditional prayerbooks from their private use to a social use in the late medieval period, then early modern women should be seen as cultural transformers in their own right, who turned prayerbooks into advice-prayer books, a new form of literature. Prayerbooks and women experienced a positive relationship from their beginnings up to the early modern era. Prayerbooks not only encouraged their audience to approach God but also instructed readers how to be pious. They were concerned with individual needs and also encouraged taking care of others. Together, prayerbooks and women were spiritual-cultural carriers and transformers. Women actively carried on prayerbooks for private and communal use from the late medieval to early modern period. In terms of spirituality, women’s religious role was not limited to the domestic or public. Instead, women demonstrated their spiritual enthusiasm and contributions existentially and contextually by way of prayerbooks. Women and prayerbooks demonstrated an example of godly companionship.

Chapter 7: Holy Reading in Transnational Perspective

Introduction In both late medieval and early modern piety, prayerbooks were important private spiritual handbooks for laypeople. Although images in medieval prayerbooks functioned as important visual instructors, early Protestant prayerbooks removed the images and focused exclusively on sacred texts as the channel to guide laypeople’s personal practice. As the text focused on different aspects of spirituality, some authors produced prayerbooks that centered on instruction; others catered to children, providing them educational materials to study and lessons in behaviors; and some prayerbooks reached out to women. Prayerbooks had multiple impacts on early modern society. They influenced the printing market, created a new style of devotional literature, and intensified a culture of self-examination as we have already explored in previous chapters. Regarding some other legacies of prayerbooks, limited by both space and resources, this chapter will focus on the reception of prayerbooks in religious translation and reading. Protestant piety was extended through translation and the practice of reading in different vernacular languages to both men and women without any limitations.

Translating Protestant Prayerbooks Translation played important role for promoting new faith from Germany to England when Reformation project began. It also contributed to spread Puritan piety from England to German Pietism during the post Reformation. Translation was a meaningful tool for the transmission of Protestant piety, through which one can understand the reaction of people and religious groups to prayerbooks in the early modern Europe. Translation made it possible to transfer mindsets and piety among different kinds of vernacular devotional literature. German prayerbooks were translated into English, and English devotional literature into

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German. These translations and their translators influenced the development and extent of piety shared within Protestant religious groups. As seen from Herbert Grundmann’s work, medieval prayerbooks contributed to the rise of vernacular religious literature (Grundmann: 1995, 187). From that time onward, along with the vernacular religious literature, translation gradually appeared as an important tool for sharing information between different vernaculars and places. The first phenomenon related to this was that German prayerbooks were translated into English to support English reformers’ reconstruction of English medieval prayerbooks. The renovation of traditional prayerbooks began with Luther’s Betbüchlein in 1522, almost twenty years before the English Reformation began. When the Church of England sought to renew their traditional primers, Luther’s work first appeared in English in Marshall’s prayerbook in 1534. Marshall’s book presented a strong Reformation message that stemmed from Luther’s teaching; it also offered evangelical faith to shape the piety of its English readers. After the death of Edward VI and under the reign of Queen Mary, Protestants in England were persecuted and the Catholic faith was restored. Those circumstances persuaded Bradford to translate Melanchthon’s De Invocatione (1543) into English in 1553, in part, to stop the losses of Protestant faith. He confessed that both German and English Protestant groups had corrupted prayer during this period of time. He thus eagerly attempted to change the spiritual atmosphere in England by introducing and translating Melanchthon’s works. He viewed Melanchthon’s teaching as a vehicle for sustaining Protestant piety: It teacheth thee what God thou shouldeste call upon, it teacheth thee wherefore he heareth thee, it teacheth thee wherefore thou shouldelte call vpon him: it teacheth thee what things thou shalte aske, and in what order, it teacheth thee howe to honoure the Saynctes, and what is theys worshyppe, it teacheth thee to be thankefull and geueth thee occation to be thankefull yf thou wylte reade it, waye it, carye it alwaye, and practyse that which it teacheth. (Melanchthon: 1553, fol. A v (r )).

Bradford strongly considered that a true concept of evangelical faith was the most important message that English readers needed. He not only translated Melanchthon’s work but also offered his own prayerbook to share the biblical message and evangelical faith while he was imprisoned between 1553 and 1555.1 Bradford’s prayerbook focused mainly on what should be observed regarding

1 Bradford’s prayerbook was published in 1562 after his death. John Bradford (1562), Godlie meditations vpon the Lordes prayer, the beleefe, and ten commaundementes with other comfortable meditations, praiers and exercises. Whereunto is annexed a defence of the doctrine of gods eternall election and predestination, gathered by the constant martyr of God Iohn Bradford in the tyme of his imprisonment. The contentes wherof appeare in the page nexte folovvyng, ([London]: Rouland Hall, 12. of October 1562). [STC (2nd ed.) 3484].

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prayer. In these two works, Bradford’s translation of Melanchthon’s prayerbooks reflected concern about a true knowledge of God and prayer while his own prayerbook emphasized more of the practical instructions about prayer. Theologically, Bradford represented a personal mix of Lutheran, Anglican, and Puritan prayer traditions as he was portrayed as “a leading representative of what was becoming the theological mainstream among Edwardian evangelicals, with a bent decidedly, if not radically, Calvinistic, and increasingly influenced by ideas from Geneva and Straßbourg adapted to English circumstances.” (Penny: 2004, ODNB). He translated German prayerbooks into English when English Protestant prayerbooks subjected to the Catholic resurgent period. He also gravitated toward Puritan ideas but did not declare his theological position openly as numerous other authors did during the second half of the sixteenth century when Puritans had not yet been established publicly as a group. In the history of English Protestant prayerbooks, Bradford should be highly regarded and deserves further investigation for his evangelical piety and contributions. Apart from Bradford, Richard Robinson (1544/1545–1603), Citizen of London,2 also translated another of Melanchthon’s Latin prayerbooks into English, titled, Godly Prayers, meete to be used in these later times in 1579. Robinson was a scribe and translator especially of Latin and French. Job’s testimony in the Old Testament and his word: “We will pray still vnto the Lorde, who reproueth the wise worldlings in their crafttinesse, and confounde the counsels of the wicked, Job 5” (Melanchthon: 1579, fol. * iiii (v)), was the incentive for him to translate Melanchthon’s Latin collection of prayer, so as to make readers do their best in worshiping God (Melanchthon: 1579, fol. * iiii (v)). He recalled Melanchthon as a “Fatherly Phinees” in Melanchthon’s time due to his “faythful zeale to Godwards, and aduauncement of the Gospell.” (Melanchthon: 1579, fol. * v (r)). Unlike Bradford’s reformist motivation, Robinson’s translation was based on his desire to produce general spiritual nourishment for his readers. Another translating work happened during the reign of Elizabeth I, Thomas Rogers (1553–1616) translated Habermann’s Christliche Gebett (1567) from German to English in 1579.3 Rogers was a clergyman and religious controversialist, who graduated with an M.A. degree from Oxford in 1576. While 2 Robinson used “Citizen of London” to distinguish himself from the contemporary poet Richard Robinson of Alton. See Sgroi (2004), Article, “Robinson, Richard (1544/5–1603),” ODNB. 3 Johann Habermann (1579), The enimie of securitie or A dailie exercise of godly meditations drawne out of the pure fountaines of the holie Scriptures, and published for the profite of al persons of any state or calling, in the German and Latine tonges, by the right reuerende Maister Iohn Auenar, publike professor of the Hebrue tonge, in the famous Vniuersitie of VViteberge; In Englishe by Thomas Rogers Maister of Artes and student in Diuinitie, trans. Thomas Rogers ([London: H. Denham], 1579). [STC (2nd ed.) 12582.3].

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keeping some Catholic teachings, Rogers was determined to be generally Protestant. In fact, Rogers maintained his sympathy for the Puritan movement until the controversy over the interpretation of Rom 12:6–8 in 1607 (Craig: 2004, ODNB). He engaged in much translation of religious literature, like Thomas à Kempis and Augustine’s meditation materials. His translation of the Imitation of Christ from Kempis’ Latin volume in 1580 became one of the bestsellers in press. Rogers thus “claimed he had left nothing out ‘but what might be offensive to the godlie.’” (Craig: 2004, ODNB). The reason for Rogers’s translating Habermann’s work into English was “a booke certes most necessarie in respect of the extreeme securitie wherein we liue.” (Habermann: 1579, fol. b 2 (v)). However, in order to contribute to a profitable life, Rogers added faith, charity, zeal, and humility as the necessary qualifications in prayer and in use of the book (Habermann: 1579, fols. b 2 (v)–b 3 (v)). It was Rogers’s view that the translation of Habermann’s work functioned as a spiritual resource that conveniently offered an updated spiritual practice. Habermann’s prayerbooks played a transitional role in the development of early modern prayerbooks. The introduction of Habermann’s prayerbook in England also inspired the prayer cycles that appeared later in other English prayerbooks. The later prayerbooks of the German theologian Gerhard were translated from Latin into German and other languages. During the Jacobean period (1603– 1625), Ralphe Winterton (1600–1636), a Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge, translated Gerhard’s writings into English. Winterton studied medicine and was appointed by the English King Charles I as Regius Professor of Physic (also called Medicine) from 1635 to his death in 1636 (Rolleston: 1932, 149). There is little information regarding Winterton’s background except his humanist training in classic and scientific professions. Winterton translated into English Gerhard’s Exercitium pietatis (1612) in 1625 and Meditation Sacrae (1606) in 1627.4 He indicated that his purpose in translating Gerhard’s works was to encourage his English readers to develop their virtues and piety in their practices (Gerhard: 1627, fols. ❡ 2 (r)–4 (v)).

4 Johann Gerhard, Ralph Winterton, and William Marshall (1625), Gerards Prayers: Or, A Daily Exercise of Piety Diuided Into Foure Parts. Wherein Are Contained Certaine Formes of Heauenly Prayers. 1 of Confession of Sinnes. 2 of Thanksgiving for Benefits. 3 of Petitions for Our Selues. 4 of Supplications for Others. Written Originally in the Latine Tounge, by Iohn Gerard Dr of Diuinitie, and Superintendant of Heldburg. And Translated Into English by R. Winterton Mr of Arts, for the Benefit of the English Reader (London: R. Jackson, 1625). [STC (2nd ed.) 11780]. And Johann Gerhard, Ralph Winterton and William Marshall (1627), The Meditations of Iohn Gerhard Doctr of Divinitie, and Superintendent of Heldburge. Written Originally in the Latine Tongue. Newly Translated Into English by Ralphe Winterton Fellow of the King’s Colledge in Cambridge ([Cambridge]: Thomas Bucke and John Bucke, 1627). [STC (2nd ed.) 11772].

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The four German prayerbooks discussed above were translated into English in the early years of the English Reformation, along with Luther and Melanchthon, to assist in the renovation of English prayerbooks; and, in the seventeenth century, with Gerhard, to offer the example of Christian virtues and piety. These translators came from different professional backgrounds such as clergyman, professional translator, or professor of medicine, but all received the same training in humanism and shared an interest in Protestant spiritual growth and prayer. With strong humanist training, these English translators all offered margin notes in their translation versions, either to indicate the sources of original authors mentioned, or to offer a guide for the text. Their works represented them not only as translators, but also commentators or annotators. A few decades later, the characteristics of Anglican prayerbooks were passed onto Puritan devotional literature and encouraged its development. Taylor’s Holy Living (1650), for example, was both a prayerbook and a Puritan devotional book. From the perspective of a prayerbook, Puritans highly regarded the heart and head in piety (Spurr: 1998, 5), which was similar to the characteristics of German and English prayerbooks. Through Anglican Calvinist-Puritan authors, English prayerbooks and Puritan literature were interwoven as English devotional literature. Scholars like Richard Lovelace traced the origin of Puritan devotional materials directly back to traditional English prayerbooks. He concludes that the shift from the one to the other was rooted in different ideas about Christology, especially “emphasis away from the human life of Christ (closely connected with the person of his mother) to a focus on his mediatorial, redemptive function.” (Lovelace: 1989, 299). Although Lovelace does not refer to the influence of German prayerbooks on the development of English prayerbooks, his regard for prayerbooks as a continuing “vehicle of semi-Puritan devotional expression” (Lovelace: 1989, 298) is a meaningful indication. Not only were German devotional books introduced into the English readers, conversely, German translation of English devotional literature also appeared before German eyes. It is noted that much of the devotional materials provided by English Protestants, especially Puritans – whether prayerbooks, treatises, or other devotional literature – found its way to Germany during the reign of Queen Mary. The exportation of Puritan devotional literature further nourished the nascent German Pietism beginning in the second half of the seventeenth century. Pietism may generally be described as a devotional movement. However, since the rise of Pietism was primarily defined by its negative reaction against the prevailing Protestant establishment, it can be difficult to give a positive definition of Pietism. Modern scholars’ works identify numerous reasons for the emergence of Pietism, ranging from culture to politics. Peter Erb traces the origin of Pietism to the Lutheran tradition in Saxony (Erb: 1983, 2). Over time, Lutheran theology had arguably moved closer to Scholastic ideas about promoting doctrinal for-

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mulations, rather than focusing on Luther’s justification by faith. The Pietists regarded this spiritual phenomenon as “dry, polemical, and intolerant, lacking concern with practical piety,” and in need of renewal (Erb: 1983, 3). Furthermore, as the Roman Catholic Church regained strength in Western Europe, a real possibility of change in a prince’s religious stand toward Roman Catholicism caused religious uncertainty among the Protestant Christians until the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia’s guarantee of religious tolerance. Amid this sense of religious crisis, political-religious factors forced some Lutheran church leaders to challenge the traditional Protestant Church in the name of what came to be called Pietism. Pietism appeared as a devotional movement for the promotion of spirituality. Carter Lindberg argues against regarding Pietism as just “experiential-expressive” and “short of theology.” (Lindberg: 2005, 1). In fact, the theology of Pietism, which was developed over eighty years, can be summarized by a few central points that were not just experiential phenomena. First, Pietism highly emphasized the Bible. Their emphasis on Bible reading made Pietism a Bible movement (Lindberg: 2005, 8). Second, Pietism inculcated a sense that the Christian life is not just about seeking justification, but also includes rebirth and sanctification as vital to living a godly life (Lindberg: 2005, 8). Pietism thus sought ethical renewal in people’s daily lives in order to promote religious perfection. This was a holy movement highly concerned with the practice of faith as well as with the witness of moral holiness. Third, most Pietists upheld the idea of millenarianism. Johannes Albrecht Bengel (1687–1752) declared that Christ would arrive in 1836 was a typical case. Finally, Philip Jacob Spener (1635–1705) introduced the idea of “ecclesiola in ecclesia” (a little church within the church) to initiate a strategy of church reform for “the gathering of those godly to promote a renewal movement for the church.” (Cf. Lindberg: 2005, 8). For Spener, church reform was not just an institutional endeavor but also an individual matter of personal discipline. This idea was adopted by the Moravian Brethren in 1727, and it influenced their overseas missions to the Caribbean islands and Greenland in 1732–1733. In sum, the framework for Pietist theology comprises the concern for Bible reading and eschatology, the experience of repentance and sanctification, individual spiritual discipline, and moral holiness. Scholars like Erb and Lindberg contribute to the understanding of the rise and characteristics of Pietism. However, their works are based more on the interaction of Pietism with its contemporary church and culture and on the teachings of Pietist leaders. Although this approach helpfully surveys important features of Pietism, it cannot answer important questions such as why Pietism’s theology and practice were different from its surrounding church and why Pietism’s teachings looked similar to Puritan ideas of, for example, biblical and devotional readings, personal spiritual growth, and social witness.

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Based on the study of devotional literature, Edgar McKenzie gave an alternative and helpful perspective on Pietism in his Ph.D. thesis (1984). According to McKenzie, more than 300 pieces of Calvinist English devotional literature were introduced into Lutheran churches beginning in the seventeenth century (McKenzie: 1984, abstract). By 1750, more than 690 books of English devotional material appeared in Germany (McKenzie, 319). Among these materials, Puritan William Perkins’ work was the first to be introduced in Germany. Edmund Bunny’s edition of Book of Resolvtion by Robert Bunny was translated into German in 1612 and went through 48 editions by 1750. Lewis Bayly’s Practice of Pietie5 was published in Basel in 1628 and had 68 editions by 1750. Joseph Hall’s Arte of Divine Meditation appeared in Germany in 1631, and by 1728 was republished twenty times. After these abundant materials had been introduced into Germany, the works of later writers, like Jeremy Taylor, Richard Baxter, and John Bunyan were also welcomed in German readers (McKenzie: 1984, abstract). McKenzie affirms that English devotional literature “was some kind of factor in the development of Pietism.” (McKenzie: 1984, 3). Later, McKenzie goes further and declares, “German translations of English devotional books were a major and decisive factor in the rise and development of the Pietistic movement in Germany.” (McKenzie: 1984, 325). McKenzie provides several important facts to support his view. First, the data about the translations of English devotional literature warrant attention. Second, works of Pietist leaders like Spener’s Pia Desideria (1675)6 and August Hermann Francke’s referred to English devotional literature in their writings or personal reading lists (Spener: 2002, 318). These facts sparked a controversial debate among Germans who were eager to defend their Lutheran faith. Such arguments signified the reality of the presence of English devotional literature and how effectively it crossed geographic and linguistic boundaries in the early modern era (Spener: 2002, 281–295). McKenzie’s work is supported by Peter Damrau’s The Reception of English Puritan Literature in Germany (Damrau: 2006, 17–21).7 Damrau explores the same subject from the perspective of theological similarities. He states, “Without considering the theological background and the impact that the doctrine of predestination had on writers and readers of Puritan books, the appearance of 5 Lewis Bayly (1613), The practise of pietie directing a Christian how to walke that he may please God, London: John Hodgets. [STC (2nd ed.) 1602]. The third English edition (1613) is available on EEBO: STC (2nd ed.) 1602. 6 Philipp Jacko Spener, Pia Desideria (1675), English edition (2002), Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers. 7 Damrau regards McKenzie as pioneer in the research on German translations of British devotional literature. After carefully discussing McKenzie’s work, Damrau in page 21 concludes, “After [McKenzie’s] thesis, there have been no further literary studies considering the reception of this literature in Germany in detail.” Thus, Damrau’s goal of his work is to “fill the gap” on this subject.

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Pietist self-analysis and religious sentimental language in Germany cannot be fully appreciated.” (Damrau: 2006, 190). Although many scholars believe that Luther’s writings, the reform group within Lutheran orthodoxy, and mystical spiritualism were dominant resources that influenced the rise of Pietism (McKenzie: 1984, 318), Damrau’s study argues that, “The new forms of individualism and subjectivity that were rooted in religious experience derive not from a mystical union with God, but are reactions based on the Puritans’ interpretation of the doctrine of predestination.” (Damrau: 2006, 190). Both McKenzie and Damrau’s approaches to the rise of Pietism from the aspect of spiritual texts are valuable. Since literature was adopted as the key to studying popular religion, alternative ways of understanding Pietism become open. Their research provides answers to why Pietism, in its theology and practice, was so different from the established Lutheran churches in Germany at that time. From their perspective, English devotional literature, especially Puritan materials and Puritan theology, played a decisive factor in the rise of Pietism. Their argument is convincing insofar as it relies on the literature that these Pietists used and addressed. Although Pietism developed a unique devotional movement in continental Europe its antecedents lay in England. From German prayerbooks to English prayerbooks, English prayerbooks to Puritan devotional materials, and from Puritan devotional literature to Pietism, a phenomenon of literary sharing and mutual influence during the eras of the Reformation and Post-Reformation can be discerned. This phenomenon also reveals that early modern devotional literature was an important spiritual resource and a force that could be used to assist spiritual movements that crossed geographical and theological boundaries. In light of this, further inquiry may be necessary to explore how Pietism digested sources from Puritan and Lutheran literature to develop its own spirituality. One also needs to explore the influence of Pietism literature on John Wesley and the rise of Evangelicalism.

Spiritual Reading as Piety Itself Naturally, prayerbooks are offered for reading although their content is about prayer. As prayerbooks developed in their original languages or through translated versions, reading and teachings on prayer became more and more the purpose of Protestant prayerbooks. This led the way to an emphasis on piety in relation to both reading and prayer. Since reading connected to prayer texts, when people read the texts they were in praying essentially. Reading might not be viewed as an exercise for obtaining information only, it was also regarded as piety itself in terms of prayerbooks.

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Reading and prayer have had a long-term partnership in the Christian tradition. John Cassian’s spirituality has been summed up with the later Latin mark, “totus in lectione totus in oratione, the whole man in reading, the whole man in praying.” (Chadwick: 1985, 23). Reading and prayer were the two core spiritual exercises in the lectio divina. Reading functioned as food to be eaten for the sake of performing proper prayer. Reading and prayer in Christian tradition were two sides of one coin to work together in spiritual exercise. The authors of early Protestant prayerbooks expanded this expression in reading, which may be seen through Protestant prayerbooks explored in this project and the fourteen authors or translators who directly or indirectly regarded their books as for reading. With this self-identification, prayerbooks shifted their function to offer reading for learning piety rather than for leading prayer like in the traditional prayerbooks. The promotion of reading in the early modern period was an important contribution of the reformers and their followers, and religious reading became a more important aspect of Protestant piety. The change from reciting spiritual texts to religious reading did not occur on a whim but as a gradual process. At the beginning, people used prayerbooks for both reciting and reading. In his A Simple Way to Pray, Luther stated that the Ten Commandments, the Creed, and the Lord’s Prayer were inserted into his prayerbook for recitation (LW 43:194). However, Luther clarified that his purpose in using spiritual texts was not for reciting but rather for warming up the reader’s heart in prayer: I do not want you to recite all these words in your prayer. That would make it nothing but idle chatter and prattle, read word for word out of a book as were the rosaries by the laity and the prayers of the priests and monks. Rather do I want your heart to be stirred and guided concerning the thoughts which out to be comprehended in the Lord’s Prayer. These thoughts may be expressed, if your heart is rightly warmed and inclined toward prayer, in many different ways and with more words or fewer. I do not bind myself to such words or syllables, but say my prayers in one fashion today, in another tomorrow, depending upon my mood and feeling. I stay however, as nearly as I can, with the same general thoughts and ideas. (WA 38:362–363; LW 43:198).

According to Luther, late medieval people were taught to view prayerbooks in specific ways, i. e., reciting word for word in order to obtain spiritual credits or protection in their lives. Thus the intention of early evangelical prayerbooks was to promote a different use of prayerbooks by focusing on advising or teaching as Luther had promoted. When reading prayer texts became a way of engaging prayerbooks, for some people, religious reading and prayer became perceived as interdependent elements of piety. Luther once mentioned that he used his Psalter, the Ten Commandments, and the Creed to improve his prayer (WA 38:358; LW 43:193).

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Luther’s experience shows that he sometimes declined to pray and read spiritual materials instead as a way of deeper engagement. Early modern Protestantism brought an intensified emphasis on reading and prayer as coexisting elements of piety. Spener indicated, “The first means to proper Bible reading is heartfelt prayer; as Luther says, ‘Two things belong together: active reading of the divine Word and prayer.’” (Erb: 1983, 21). Both Luther and Spener promoted a view that reading and prayer were the intertwined paths to becoming a pious person. Aside from regarding catechism itself as prayer, the consideration of reading and prayer as interdependent elements of piety is another confirmation that religious reading itself is piety. The influence for reading as a pious practice distinct from prayer can be seen in Bayly’s The Practise of Pietie (1613). On the book’s title page, an illustration depicts the two separate pillars of the pious person: “To Read” and “To Pray.” This book was well received in Europe and New England and had gone through at least 57 editions by 1728 (Cambers: 2011, 243), as well as at least 69 editions in German by 1743 (Damrau: 2006, 66). The Practise of Pietie was also a hallmark of the shift in Protestant devotion from reading prayers to reading pious treatises. The Countess of Morton, who instructed her contemporary ladies in religious reading, implied that she treated reading as an independent activity, when she advised, “Spend some while before Night in Reading, and read with attention: But let your Books be chosen with advice and care, for your Instruction and Knowledge in all good things, and specially for your Spiritual Benefit.” (Morton: 1666, fols. C vii (v)–viii (r)). In the same regard Puritans also encouraged reading. For example, Jeremy Taylor’s Holy Living suggested a person should only read the Scriptures because he regarded any sermon or spiritual book as merely human words. However, if reading spiritual materials was wanted, he considered it acceptable to read preaching or doctrine, if it is according to godliness, and he accepted it “as a message from God, and the Minister as his Angel in that ministration.” As for choosing spiritual books, Taylor suggested a person should follow a spiritual or prudent man’s advice, so that a person might find books “which may be of use and benefit for the edification of the spirit in the ways of holy living.” (Taylor: 1650, fol. M 1 (r), p. 265). Although Luther kept different views on religious reading from those of Taylor and Morton in regards to content, Protestant prayerbooks shifted gradually from leading prayer to offering a treatise on prayer and piety. This suggested that reading, rather than praying, became the main activity when one used these prayerbooks. Charles Stranks offers a clear description of Protestant devotional materials: “To the Protestant a devotional book meant a treatise on elementary theology, with careful teaching on the nature of prayer which would enable him to form his own petitions in his own words, and specimen devotions and meditations to guide him in doing so, together with directions for his public

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and private duties.” (Stranks: 1961, 35). Based on this description, it becomes apparent that the purpose of reading was to obtain a clear knowledge of God and of self. Reading became an important vehicle for the improvement of faith; it was no longer primarily for the sake of prayer (Stranks: 1961, 41). Reading itself should be viewed as piety. Prayerbooks moved from encouraging the reading of prayers as the practice of prayer to devotional handbooks that encouraged reading treatises for the improvement of one’s piety. Scholars have recently shown increased interest in reading as a practice of piety. However, as Andrew Cambers points out, what historians know about reading has been only “fragments of information.” (Cambers: 2011, 27). Scholarly works on this subject can be referred to as examples to broaden our understanding on religious reading and its relationship with piety. The first one is Cambers’ Godly Reading (2011), which examines the influence of reading on Puritan piety by studying private and collective reading within Puritan public meetings and household gatherings in the seventeenth century. Early modern Puritan readings occurred in places like the private closet: “a small room earmarked for devotional activity. Often adjoining the bedchamber, and sometimes enveloped by it, the closet was a notable feature of aristocratic and socially aspiring households.” (Cambers: 2011, 43). There were also readings in public places like family gatherings, the library, the parish, and commercial stores. He states that collective reading was not chiefly intended to unify Puritan belief, but, instead, by carefully choosing texts, they attempted to provide a “practical method by which the godly tried to channel the Holy Spirit into believers and through which they hoped to be able to discover whether they had been saved.” (Cambers: 2011, 258). Another function of collective reading was to create a comfort zone within which followers could live and maintain patterns of theology and life different from those of their neighbors (Cambers: 2011, 258). Communal reading was very significant for Puritans as it offered them a place to practice “orality and literacy” through the Bible, sermons, and spiritual books. By such an interplay of spiritual literature, collective reading offered a place to “deliberate and cultivate” their spiritual lives (Cambers: 2011, 259). Cambers believes that communal reading was a “social dimension” that formed the unique Puritan spiritual culture and cultivated the Puritan faith (Cambers: 2011, 261). Moreover, Cambers indicates that reading was one of the reformers’ gifts to women. Through reading, people were equipped with knowledge, which inspired their views, both sacred and secular. Reading thus paved the way for the opportunities for women to create and, most importantly, to be pious. Women’s reading habits and spaces were concerned with the promotion of piety. Cambers points out that the closet was the Puritan woman’s favorite room for personal devotion and reading. He writes, “Although Catholics and conformist Protes-

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tants also used closets as devotional spaces, they were particularly associated with godly women.” (Cambers: 2011, 44). The closet, as one’s quiet place in the early modern period, was not only a space of individual privacy, but it was also a place for devotional exercises in prayer, reading the Bible and devotional materials, writing diaries or notes, and meditation. For example, Lady Hobart prayed, shed tears, read the Bible, read good books, and wrote notes on sermons there (Cambers: 2011, 43–44). In the closet, a woman’s interior spiritual life was private and secure. From his study of the notes women wrote in the margins of their literature, Cambers believes that reading was an important spiritual practice meant to equal spiritual transformation: pious reading “helped to shape models of godly religiosity.” (Cambers: 2011, 212). Pietism was also a religious movement that emphasized reading and learning and contributed to the promotion of reading among its followers. According to Cornelia Moore, “The Pietists wanted women to read more than just their prayerbooks and wished them to have a more thorough education in religion beyond catechism and weekly sermons.” (Moore: 1987, 27). Thus, Spener stated, “Household duties should never be taken as an excuse for not learning.”8 Women’s spiritual reading in Pietism is a topic that could be explored further. Besides, Pietism’s promotion of reading was also introduced to Greenland, its mission field, and thus contributed to the development of a printing press and written Greenlandic in the mid-eighteenth century (Appel and Fink-Jensen: 2011, 2). This is another subject worthy of exploration as one looks at the characteristics and piety of Pietism through its devotional literature. In Religious Reading in the Lutheran North (2011), the editors, Charlotte Appel and Morten Fink-Jensen, provide a broader view on the Nordic region and indicate that religious reading is a worldly and historical phenomenon that deserves to be regarded as an important subject for study. In the Nordic region, religious books were increasingly demanded in the book market of the early modern period. Religious reading was also a requirement for children by Lutheran clergyman, schoolteachers, and parents. As a result, both men and women possessed a basic reading capability in the vernacular by the end of the eighteenth century. Appel and Fink-Jensen thus believe that, “Religious reading had an even greater significance in the North than in many other parts of early modern Europe.” (Appel and Fink-Jensen: 2011, 1). The religious books used by Nordic readers were mostly Lutheran catechisms, prayerbooks, and hymnals, as well as devotional books by Pietist writers (Appel and Fink-Jensen: 2011, 5). Since religious materials dominated the book world of the Nordic region, both editors declare, “There are many indications that the acquisition of literacy skills and a 8 Philipp Jokob Spener (1741), Tugend Spiegel Christlicher Jungfrauen, in: Kleine Geistliche Schriften, I, Magdeburg & Leipzig, 1268–1294. English text quoted from Moore: 1987, 27.

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familiarity with books took place in, and were profoundly influenced by, religious environments that focused on a limited selection of religious texts… it is possible to identify ‘interpretive communities’ as well as more specific ‘textual communities’ in the Lutheran North.” (Appel and Fink-Jensen: 2011, 6). Their work connects community and texts together as a way to interpret religious reading and its influences on them. Although Appel and Fink-Jensen’s book is a compilation that cannot exhaust the historiography of religious reading, the authors do offer another possible approach to the study of religious reading: to treat religious reading as a whole, so as to explore its significant features and patterns of piety within faith communities. This way also resonates with this project, which examines the characteristics of prayerbooks and their patterns of piety. The benefits of religious reading are not only helpful for understanding a faith group’s spirituality, but could also extend to connect with other faith groups or the larger Christian history. This method encourages looking for similarities and differences and highlights both continuity and change. Like other spiritual exercises, religious reading is a tremendously significant research subject in Christian spirituality.

Conclusion Early modern prayerbooks encouraged the development of devotional materials by transforming them gradually, from offering fixed prayer texts to being treaties on prayer. In addition, early modern spiritual materials were shared among Protestant circles in different vernacular languages. Through their translations, these texts crossed geographical boundaries to assist spiritual growth in other groups. As translations and texts moved throughout Europe, the place of piety shifted from the domestic to the international. Spiritual texts made important connections, and they offer a possible research resource for discovering more about the development of Protestant history in the post-Reformation era. Although early Protestant prayerbooks did not play an exclusive role in the entire historical development of the Reformation, they offer a convenient and incisive vantage point from which to explore sharing in spirituality. Further, reading in the Reformation and Post-Reformation – particularly among the Puritans and Pietists – played a part in shaping popular piety. The connection of devotional literature to faith movements like the Puritanism and Pietism might open a window to extend our understanding of how readings and religious movements interact. The legacy of early modern prayerbooks provided abundant texts for prayer, the subsequent development of reading becomes an important subject for further investigations about Protestant piety. Such an inquiry would also echo

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Kathryn Edwards’ idea that literature is a key to understanding popular piety (Edwards: 2008, 331–354, 342).

General Conclusion

The Protestant piety illustrated in post-Reformation prayerbooks was a spirituality that focused on the Scriptures and worldly lay concerns, while medieval prayerbooks emphasized Marian devotion and imitation of clerical prayer. Laypeople played a crucial role in making Christian piety available through prayerbooks in both medieval and early modern periods. Amid different cultural-religious currents in the late medieval and Reformation eras, laypeople adopted different spiritual interests, expectations, or expressions. As a result, various formats and contents of prayerbooks emerged in different places and time periods. Thus, Christian prayerbooks expressed a fundamental shift in piety from the late medieval to the early modern period though they remained centered on laypeople’s spiritual intentions and practices. These characteristics help to explain the development of early modern Protestant prayerbooks. Christian piety should be understood not only from the theological perspective but also as people’s response to contemporary cultural-religious conditions. These characteristics of prayerbooks can be described with regard to the recipients and the contributors to Protestant prayerbooks in the early modern period. First, the emergence of early Protestant prayerbooks was an initiative of reformers and spiritual writers. Their humanist-trained authors contributed to the development of Protestant prayerbooks and the development of early Protestant piety. The authors of Protestant prayerbooks were trained in Renaissance humanism, which influenced them to adopt a different writing style and language, and to borrow from different sources than had the traditional prayerbooks. Regarding the sources, various new materials were introduced in the prayerbooks. Early Protestant prayerbooks might have included passages from the Bible or teachings from the patristic fathers or ancient philosophers. They included works of their Protestant contemporaries, and sometimes even Catholic sources. The authors of Protestant prayerbooks embraced all kinds of sources independently to the development of Protestant piety. As humanism encouraged individual interests, the contents that authors arranged in the early Protestant prayerbooks did not follow any specific form as

164

General Conclusion

traditional prayerbooks had; they were free to construct sections dedicated to prayers, meditations, or treatises, all according to the authors’ intentions. In general, the contents covered prayers to God asking for protection and pardon of sins, prayers for one’s own spiritual growth and advancement in virtues, and prayers for others. In Protestant prayerbooks, these contents demonstrated a spirit of diversity that was dependent upon each author’s motivation and purpose. The tasks of Protestant prayerbooks were also different from medieval materials, as they were used to promote the Reformation, to correct wrong doctrine and practices, and to encourage people’s spiritual growth according to their author’s theological views. In specific cases, prayerbooks were made for women or students to assist them in their own spiritual welfare. Although the sources, contents, and tasks were many, the teachings of prayerbooks were consistent in terms of the authors’ Protestant beliefs. Prayerbooks authors instructed readers how to exercise proper prayer and piety. The popular piety that early Protestant prayerbooks depicted was concerned with an evangelical concept of faith, personal spiritual transformation, and a visible transformation of the world. Thus, Protestant prayerbooks were not necessarily viewed as prayer manuals or as guidebooks for regular prayer times; instead, they were spiritual books that were part of a broader base of devotional literature. As spiritual books that featured abundant biblical texts, Protestant prayerbooks could be viewed as a concise Bible in the early modern period, one that accompanied people all day long, as had traditional prayerbooks. The patterns of Protestant piety that prayerbooks authors intended to communicate were both inward and outward, as well as heavenly and worldly. They suggested that both the heart and head, as well as learning and action were important for piety. Protestant prayerbooks were not only concerned with selfsanctification, virtues, and personal morality, but they also encouraged fellowship both spiritually and materially. In these books, prayer and spiritual reading served as the dominant vehicles to achieve and express piety. Apart from prayer, the contributions made by spiritual texts can be seen in how they encouraged laypeople in advising, sharing, and reading about piety. In sum, the piety that emerged from Protestant prayerbooks emphasized individual, evangelical, cultural, and social themes. They regarded a right concept of faith, spiritual transformation, and social commitment and fellowship as critical to spirituality. Protestant piety required an intellectual and sober mind, a humble and heartfelt attitude to approaching God, and an enthusiastic exercise of prayer and reading. It not only valued prayer as the most important way to be pious but also encouraged reading as another channel for this pursuit. Last, but not least, early Protestant prayerbooks shaped their readers so they would understand that instead of a routinized or mechanical piety of meritorious works as

General Conclusion

165

in the late medieval period, Protestant piety valued a wholehearted, sincere approach focused on the biblical understanding of prayer. Protestant piety was the product of humanist cultural force in the early modern era. It also valued the traditional spiritual heritage from the Christian tradition, and yet transformed it to fit early modern theological commitments. This project has integrated social-religious history and the discipline of spirituality in exploring popular piety in the Reformation by way of a particular kind of literature: early Protestant prayerbooks. In light of the discipline of spirituality, this study has affirmed that the historical-contextual approach to spirituality or piety is a meaningful method for investigation. Such an approach can identify both theological matters like doctrines and anthropological issues concerned with human reactions and experiences; therefore, this approach contributes to the understanding of Protestant prayerbooks as being distinctive from traditional prayerbooks. Moreover, Protestant prayerbooks expressed a fundamental transformation in piety from the late medieval prayerbooks to the early modern period: a shift concerned more with the sense of inner union with God to a sensibility on responding to God’s Word; an adjustment from seeking spiritual satisfaction from heaven to sharing spiritual blessings with the material world; and a change of piety from practicing in a collected format to an open possibility according to the writers’ preferences. In these ways, they became clearly distinguishable from the traditional medieval prayerbooks. In light of this, this study disagrees with Althaus’s and Duffy’s view that Protestant prayerbooks were so dependent upon medieval and contemporary Roman Catholic models that they failed to convey a distinctly or faithfully “Evangelical” theology or piety. Instead, this study has affirmed the Protestant prayerbook as a distinctively evangelical transformation, or innovation, that reflected on theological topics such as basic doctrine, the priesthood of all believers, the theology of prayer, and the exercise of self-examination. All of these were, in fact, products of a kind of Reformation understanding and show marks of the humanist impact. It also indicates that early Protestant piety was individual, evangelical, social, and encompassed the whole heart and intellect. Turning to social-religious history, as an historical study it intends to offer a wider view than merely chronicling phenomena – it tends to explore issues in terms of similarities or differences. The approach of an historical study in this project has contributed to the understanding of early Protestant spirituality or piety, and demonstrated its continuity and change, highlighting its contribution or unusual occurrence in the Reformation era, which has not been hitherto revealed by the study of spirituality. This project has examined early Protestant prayerbooks and identified it as an altered spiritual teaching. In terms of spirituality, traditional prayerbooks and early Protestant prayerbooks were in-

166

General Conclusion

dependent spiritualities that emerged in different periods of time and Christian traditions, though the Protestant prayerbooks drew on the traditional forms in some ways. However, in terms of historical study, both traditional prayerbooks and early Protestant prayerbooks had spiritual and sociocultural connections and consequences. Protestant piety did show some continuity with the earlier Christian tradition. Protestant prayerbooks written by humanist authors were part of the order of Christian tradition that passed into Protestant piety; this is because they offered many self-examination guides and prayer texts to help readers to practice confession, a spiritual exercise whose beginnings lay in the early Christian tradition. Protestant prayerbooks represented new instantiations of the ancient Christian spiritual heritage, as they transmitted ideas about the importance of a concept of the faith, humility, purity of heart, and the necessity of caring for others. It was Renaissance humanism and the Reformation movements that caused the change in prayerbooks. As traditional prayerbooks and early evangelical prayerbooks had their commonalities but demonstrated different kinds of piety, historical study offers a way to interpret the reasons for the change. Early Protestant prayerbooks were grounded in specific cultural and religious contexts of humanism and Reformation, which caused the change from the traditional formulation to early modern interests. Although they kept the spirit of laypeople’s spiritual handbooks, Protestant prayerbooks represented an alternative to medieval prayerbooks in their contents, tasks, sources, and teachings on prayer. Through their humanist trained authors, Protestant prayerbooks were transformed into spiritual devotional books that focused on “texts” as the only vehicle for communicating piety without involving images or mystical practices. In promoting a textual approach, Protestant prayerbooks encouraged readers to see “spiritual reading” as prayer itself. Thus, prayerful reading became a spiritual exercise that combined reading and prayer. Through Protestant prayerbooks, lectio divina was restored. Later on, Puritans regarded “prayer” and “reading” as two separate, but essential, elements of piety. This distinction led Protestant devotional literature to change so that the focus of the books turned from prayer to reading. Social-religious history also highlights the influence that specific spiritual teachings brought to the fore. The examination of early Protestant prayerbooks spotlights the contribution of spiritual texts to women’s identity and religious ministry. These findings help balance the scholarly study of women in the Reformation that centers too narrowly on their domestic role. Women and prayerbooks developed a godly companionship, and through that the genre evolved to include books of advice, spiritual diaries, autobiographies, and biographies. Women’s spiritual literature in the early modern period deserves further exploration so as to open our understanding of women’s piety.

General Conclusion

167

Historical study also points out that Protestant prayerbooks contributed to the education of contemporaries, because they were used as school textbooks and were shared among different countries. This study also acknowledges the contribution of spiritual materials in enhancing valuable networks among Protestant circles. German and English prayerbooks were shared in order to spur laypeople’s spiritual growth, English devotional literature was offered to quench Pietists’ spiritual hunger, and spiritual texts encouraged the habit of devotional reading among Protestant laity. This study opens a window for understanding the influence of prayerbooks on the rise of Pietism, which suggests further inquiry into the development of post-Reformational spiritual sources – particularly in regards to their domestic and international connection. Finally, historical study helps to shed light on the shared phenomena among different spiritual schools and their teachings; for example, Renaissance humanism influenced both Catholic and Protestant spiritualities, while providing a model of its own. Erasmus’ theology of prayer upheld the necessity of heart and head, which was in harmony with Protestant teaching, though Erasmus himself did not cease in Marian devotion in the Catholic tradition. In addition, since humanism promoted the value and meaning of the world across confessional lines, the Catholic spirituality of de Sales and Protestant worldly commitments find accord with each other. These cases illustrate that humanism linked Erasmus’ and de Sales’ piety and that of the Protestants, though Catholics and Protestants addressed different theological understandings of the Christian faith on some levels. These facts also point out that humanism offered a method for the investigation of Christian spirituality in the Reformation era that deserves attention and further study, so as to find and understand the factors and significance of Reformation and Counter-Reformation spirituality. In sum, social history opens a better possibility for scholars to do their research. It produces various and vivid windows through which to understand and interpret the past by exploring history from below, and does so with great detail. However, social history does not guarantee that its methodology can create a coherent statement or a comprehensive picture since, by its nature, it is concerned with very localized data, and therefore tends to work at the micro level. Applying social history to the Reformation, especially to the topic of popular piety, requires working with an additional, and ideally a bigger, lens. In this way, a more comprehensive understanding of the subject may emerge. This is not a rejection of social history, but is rather the adoption of another discipline in conjunction with social history in studying popular piety. Interdisciplinary research is an essential to the study of popular piety. In the past five decades, social history enriched historical research on the Reformation and contributed to the study of popular piety. Yet even as popular piety has increasingly caught scholars’ attention, scholarship on popular piety has not yet

168

General Conclusion

developed a specific research method that can go deeper than can the observations of social historians. The present study thus meets a need to explore alternative methodological possibilities in order to study popular piety appropriately. In the scholarship of the twenty-first century, the discipline of spirituality provides a new vehicle by which one may examine early modern piety. For example, spirituality classified different spiritual groups and teachings in the Christian tradition, which benefits historical research to understand various kinds of spirituality in a concise manner. Moreover, as different academic methods of studying spirituality have been developed, they help historians precisely to grasp the nature of different kinds of spirituality, and thus enable greater profundity and precision in the historical study of popular piety. Besides, the study of various types of spiritual teachings offers historian scholars resources to reconstruct elements of popular piety from their own perspectives, and thus discover Christian spirituality fruitfully. Christian spirituality has gradually emerged as an important academic discipline, which concerns the community, the laity, and spiritual teachings. It offers significant research resources for studies in church history, especially when examining the popular piety of the Reformation. In addition to acknowledging the importance of spirituality in historical study, it is important to place spirituality properly within the field of Christian history. Since the 1990s, spirituality has been viewed as both a “multidisciplinary and an interdisciplinary field” in academic circles (Sheldrake: 1998, 5). This demands that spirituality associates with other disciplines such as theology, hermeneutics, or history to investigate specific spiritual teaching and grasp new meanings. History, as one of spirituality’s cognate disciplines, is viewed as a necessary partner. Working in tandem, they provide valuable contributions to the subject under study. In light of the promise of transformation and transmission for Christian piety in early Protestant prayerbooks, we may concur with Adrian Hastings’s comment, Christianity as “many-faced” in history but yet “unifying characteristics” in Jesus Christ on the whole history of Christianity, hence “Christianity has been such a chameleon and so varied in its manifestation that most people fail to begin to understand either its nature or its history.” (Hastings: 1999, 1). Hastings’ idea of transformation of Christianity can also be applied to this project on the Reformation era, which concludes that Christian prayerbooks depicted a multifaceted piety in both the late medieval and the early modern periods. This piety was centered on Christ’s teaching but different followers, who either requested their own private spiritual materials for devotion as the recipients or provided their own pious spiritual instructions to their readers as the producers. The laity was the factor that both caused and embraced the rise of prayerbooks in their various forms. During this period, Christian piety was various and diverse in its pro-

General Conclusion

169

motion by laypeople. In fact, it was the enthusiasm of the laity for a spiritual journey toward the divine that spurred the development of prayerbooks. It was also the reformers who were eager to shape their readers with an evangelical concept of belief and prayer, and laypeople, who were devout in the promotion of holy living, that brought about the Protestant prayerbooks. Protestant piety that was demonstrated in their respective prayerbooks was the product of well-trained humanists, who created their pieties according to their own understandings and passions, and thus laid out the signs for us to trace their fruitful spiritual heritage, to investigate, and to imitate.

Appendix

Name

University of Erfurt, University of Wittenberg University of Heidelberg, University of Tübingen

University of Jena, University of Wittenberg

Philipp Melanchthon (1497–1560)

Translator: John St Catharine’s ColBradford lege, Cambridge (c.1510–1555) University of Wittenberg

Martin Luther (1483–1546)

Veit Dietrich (1506–1549)

Johann Habermann (or Johan Avenar) (1516–1590)

Luther, Betbüchlein (1522)

Melanchthon, De Invocatione (1543)

English version of De Invocatione: A Godly Treaty of Prayer (1553)

Dietrich, Gebetbuch (1545)

Habermann, Christlich Gebet (1579)

Academic Training

Author /Translator

Texts made by German Authors

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 1: Authors, Audiences, and Dedications

Lutheran

Lutheran

Theology Orientation

Lutheran Theologian, Preacher, Lutheran Scholar, Superintendent

English Protestant Preacher, Calvinism Accountant, Translator Lutheran Theologian, Preacher, Lutheran Pastor

Augustine monk, Lutheran Theologian, Professor, Pastor Lutheran Theologian, Philologist, Educator

Vocation

“German Prince, Duke Augustus, High marshal of the Roman Empire”

__

German Christians and Children German Christians

__

__

“Masters and Brothers”

Dedication

English Christians

German Christians

German Christians

Audience

172 Appendix

Name

University of Wittenberg, University of Jena

King’s College, Cambridge

University of Wittenberg, University of Jena

Johann Gerhard (1582–1637)

Translator: Ralphme Winterton (1600–1636)

Johann Gerhard (1582–1637)

English version of Meditatione Sacrae: The Meditations (1627)

Gerhard, Exercitium Pietatis (1630/1653)

Lutheran

__

Theology Orientation

Anglican

Lutheran Theologian, Lutheran Polemicist, Writer

Professor of Greek and Medicine

Lutheran Theologian, Lutheran Polemicist, Writer

Teacher, Minister

University of Wittenberg

Gerhard, Meditatione Sacrae (1616)

Priest

Vocation

Christ Church College, Oxford

Academic Training

Author /Translator

Translator: English version of Christlich Thomas Gebet: The Enimie of Securitie Rogers (1579) (c.1553–1616) Johann Mathesius, Oeconomia (1580) Mathesius (1504–1565)

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 1 (Continued)

German Christians

English Christians

German Christians

German Christians

English Christians

Audience

“Lord John Casimere Duke of Saxony, Gulickland, Cliue”

“Lord Consulls and Exconsuls, Senate of the Halberstad” “Mr. John Bowie, Doctor of Divinity and Dean of Salibury, the Lady Coppen and her family, Sir John Hanbrme of Kelmash in Northamptonshire”

__

“Sir Frances Walsingham Knight”

Dedication

Appendix

173

James Cancellar, Alphabet of Prayers Cancellar (fl. 1542– (1565) 1564) __

John St Catharine’s ColBradford lege, Cambridge (c.1510–1555)

Bradford, Godly Meditations (1562)

Cambridge

Thomas Becon (1512–1567)

Dominican House at Bristol

__

King’s College, Cambridge

Translator: Ralphme Winterton (1600–1636)

William Marshall (d.1540?) John Hilsey (d. August 4, 1539)

Academic Training

Name

Author /Translator

Becon, Flower of Prayers (1550)

Hilsey, Manual of Prayer (1539)

Marshall, Primer (1534)

Texts made by English Authors

English version of Exercitium Pietatis: Gerhard’s Prayer (1625)

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 1 (Continued)

Religious writer, Lay Clerk

English Protestant Reformer and Theologian, Clergyman English Protestant Preacher, Accountant, Translator

Bishop of Rochester

Printer, Translator

Professor of Greek and Medicine

Vocation

Anglican

Calvinism

Changed from Lutheran to Zwinglian

Anglican

Anglican

Anglican

Theology Orientation

English Christians

English Christians

English Christians

English Christians

English Christians

English Christians

Audience

“Robert Dudley, patron of this book”

__

__

__

__

“Lady Lucy, Countesse of Bedford” (dedication by printer, R. Iackson)

Dedication

174 Appendix

Jeremy The Perse School at Taylor Gonville and Caius (c.1613–1667) College

Taylor, Holy Living (1650)

Bentley, Monument of Matrones (1582)

Thomas Bentley (c.1543/6– 1585) Anne Wheathill, Handful of Hearbs Wheathill (1584) (fl. 1584)

Parr, Prayers or Meditations (1545)

Anglican

Theology Orientation

Literary Compiler, Warden Writer

__

__

Calvinism

Anglican

Anglican

Spiritual Writer, Principle, Chaplain, Bishop of Puritan Down and Cannor in Ireland

Soldier, Writer

Vocation

Katherine Parr Educated at home by Queen of (or Catherine her mother, Maud England Parr) Parr (1512–1548)

__

Sir John Conway (1535–1603)

Conway, Meditation and Prayers (1569)

Texts made by or for Women

Academic Training

Author /Translator

Name

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 1 (Continued)

“Queen Elizabeth”

All Ladies

English women

__

“Christopher, Lord Hatton”

__

Dedication

English women

English Christians

English Christians

English Christians

Audience

Appendix

175

__

Elizabeth Richardson (1576/77– 1651)

Cramond, Ladies Legacie (1645)

Francis Seagar (fl. 1549– 1563)

Tomas Ken (1637–1711)

Seagar, School of Virtue (1556)

Ken, Manual of Prayers (1675) New College, Oxford

__

__

Well educated in English literature and paraphrases

Elizabeth Grymeston (c.1563– c.1601/4)

Grymeston, Miscellanea (1608)

Anne Douglas, Morton, Daily Exercise (1666) Countess of Morton (d.1700) Texts for Students

Academic Training

Author /Translator

Name

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 1 (Continued)

Chaplain, Prebendary, Bishop

Translator, Poet, Educator

__

Writer, Peeress

__

Vocation

Anglican

Anglican

Anglican

Anglican

Catholic and Anglican

Theology Orientation

__ “Young Philotheus, Winchester College students”

Children and Youth Students at Winchester College

“Bishop of Durham in London”

Cramond’s daughters

Cramond’s female children and daughterin–law Noble women

Grymeston’s son, Bernye Melch

Dedication

Grymeston’s son, Bernye Melch

Audience

176 Appendix

__

__

John Hawkins (c.17th century)

Hawkins, School of Master (1692)

Academic Training

__

Name

Author /Translator

Cobham, College’s Prayers (1687)

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 1 (Continued)

Anglican

Theology Orientation

English School MasAnglican ter, Literary Compiler

__

Vocation

Dedication

Children and Youth

__

Students at Cobham Col- __ lege

Audience

Appendix

177

Printing Place: Printer

English version of De Invocatione: A Godly Treaty of Prayer (1553) Dietrich, Gebetbuch (1545)

Melanchthon, De Invocatione (1543)

Luther, Betbüchlein (1522–1546)

2

20

Nürnberg: Ulrich Neuber

1

48

English (1553)

English (1522), Danish (1526), Swedish (1529), French (1529), Latin (1529, 1543)

*

Corpus Reformatorum, Vol. 21 (1854); Loci Communes 1543 (1992).

WA 10.2:375– 452; LW 43:11– 45

Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery

Luther House and Museum (Lutherhaus), Wittenberg, Germany

BSB

EEBO

Luthers Werke in WWW

Digitized Center

Language (Year)

16thc. 17thc. Modern

EEBO- Individual Holding TCP Published Work Library

Translations Modern Textual Editions Modern Collection

Numbers of Edition

London: John Wight

Wittenberg: Johann Grünenberg

Texts made by German Authors

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 2: Editions

VD16 D 1685

[STC (2nd ed.) 17791

VD16 L 4084, VD 16 L4086–7, Aland 80

Bibliography Number

178 Appendix

25

Nürnberg

Mathesius, Oeconomia (1580)

59

5

Nürnberg

Habermann, Christlich Gebet (1579)

5

4

Latin, English (1579), French, and other languages

*

Folger Shakespeare Library

BSB

EEBO

BSB

Digitized Center

Language (Year)

16thc. 17thc. Modern

EEBO- Individual Holding TCP Published Work Library Rausch, Emil. Morning and Evening Prayers for All Days of the Week. American edition. Chicago: Warburg, c.1918.

Translations Modern Textual Editions Modern Collection

Numbers of Edition

English version of Christlich Gebet: London: The Enimie of Henry Denham Securitie (1579)

Printing Place: Printer

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 2 (Continued)

VD 16 ZV 10495

STC (2nd ed.) 12582.3

VD 16 H 15

Bibliography Number

Appendix

179

Printing Place: Printer

Jenae: Lippoldt

Cambridge: Thomas Bucke and John Bucke

1630 Lugd. Bat.: Elzevier. 1653: Amstelodamum

Author, Short Title (Year)

Gerhard, Meditatione Sacrae (1616)

English version of Meditatione Sacrae: The Meditations (1627)

Gerhard, Exercitium Pietatis (1630/ 1653)

Table 2 (Continued)

10

6

115

2008: 1

*

British Library

STC (2nd ed.) 11772

VD 17 7:688391P

Bibliography Number

1630 [BSB 10262945]; BSB, BVB 1653 [BVB BV 001 424868]

EEBO

DFG

Digitized Center

Language (Year)

16thc. 17thc. Modern

EEBO- Individual Holding TCP Published Work Library Lund, Eric translated into German, modern English English, and version in Sev18thc.: 51 12 other enteenth-Centh 19 c.: 31 tury Lutheran vernacular languages. Meditations and Hymns. Paulist, 2011.

Translations Modern Textual Editions Modern Collection

Numbers of Edition

180 Appendix

Printing Place: Printer

London: John Byddell

London: John Waylandon

Marshall, Primer (1534)

Hilsey, Manual of Prayer (1539)

English version of Exercitium Pie- London: tatis: GerR. Jackson hard’s Prayer (1625) Texts made by English Authors

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 2 (Continued)

1

3

3

*

*

Burton, Edward, ed. Three Primers Put Forth in the Reign of Henry VIII. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press,1848. Burton, Edward, ed. Three Primers Put Forth in the Reign of Henry VIII. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press,1848.

Folger Shakespeare Library

Bodleian Library

Cambridge University Library

EEBO

EEBO

EEBO

Digitized Center

Language (Year)

16thc. 17thc. Modern

EEBO- Individual Holding TCP Published Work Library

Translations Modern Textual Editions Modern Collection

Numbers of Edition

STC (2nd ed.) 16011

STC (2nd ed.) 15986

STC (2nd ed.) 11780

Bibliography Number

Appendix

181

Taylor, Holy Living (1650)

Cancellar, Alphabet of Prayers (1565) Conway, Meditation and Prayers (1569)

4

3

London: H. Wykes

London: R. Norton

6

London: Henry Denham

London: Rouland Hall

Bradford, Godly Meditations (1562)

18

1

2

5

1650– Five 2007:415 languages

*

*

*

EEBO

Cambridge University Library

EEBO

EEBO

EEBO

EEBO

Digitized Center

Bodleian Library

Folger Shakespeare Library

Carroll, Thomas K. Carroll, ed. Jeremy Taylor: Selected Works, British Chapter five. Library New York: Paulist Press, 1990.

CCEL

Bodleian Library

Holding Library

Language (Year)

16thc. 17thc. Modern

EEBO- Individual TCP Published Work Parker Society’s edition in 1844 * in Google eBook. Internet Archive

Translations Modern Textual Editions Modern Collection

Numbers of Edition

5

Printing Place: Printer

Becon, Flower London: of Prayers John Day (1550)

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 2 (Continued)

Wing (2nd ed.) T371

STC (2nd ed.) 5651

STC (2nd ed.) 4558

STC (2nd ed.) 3484

STC (2nd ed.) 1719.5

Bibliography Number

182 Appendix

Printing Place: Printer

1

London: Henry Denham

London: Bradwood

1

13

1

4

1

Latin (1546), French, Italian

*

*

Staub, Susan et al. Mother’s Advice Books. Al- British Lidershor, Engbrary land: Ashgate, 2000.

Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery

Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery WWO at Brown Folger University in Shakespeare 2001 Library

Bodleian Library

EEBO

EEBO

EEBO

EEBO

EEBO

Digitized Center

Language (Year)

16thc. 17thc. Modern

EEBO- Individual Holding TCP Published Work Library

Translations Modern Textual Editions Modern Collection

Numbers of Edition

London: Henry Denham

Cramond, LaLondon: dies Legacie Tho. Harper (1645)

Grymeston, Miscellanea (1608)

Bentley, Monument of Matrones (1582) Wheathill, Handful of Hearbs (1584)

Texts made by or for Women Parr, Prayers London: or Meditations Thomas (1545) Bertheletin

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 2 (Continued)

Wing (2nd ed.) R1382

STC (2nd ed.) 12408

STC (2nd ed.) 25329

STC (2nd ed.) 1892

STC (2nd ed.) 4818.5

Bibliography Number

Appendix

183

Printing Place: Printer

Cobham, College’s Prayers (1687) Hawkins, School of Master (1692)

Ken, Manual of Prayers (1675)

*

*

Furnivall, Frederick James et al. The Babees’ Folger Book: Medieval Shakespeare Manners for the Library Young. London: Chatto and Windus, 1923. Cambridge University Library

British Library

British Library

1

2

*

London: A and I Dawks 2

15

7

22

British Library

3

5

EEBO

EEBO

EEBO

EEBO

EEBO

Digitized Center

Language (Year)

16thc. 17thc. Modern

EEBO- Individual Holding TCP Published Work Library

Translations Modern Textual Editions Modern Collection

Numbers of Edition

London

London: John Martyn

Seagar, School London: of Virtue Henry (1556) Denham

Morton, Daily London: Exercise R. Roystonat (1666) Texts for Students

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 2 (Continued)

Wing (2nd ed.) H1175

Wing (2nd ed.) M2803 A

Wing K 267

STC (2nd ed.) 22136

Wing (2nd ed.) M2817

Bibliography Number

184 Appendix

GosCaHours pel lenof Lesdar Virgin sons

Passion of Christ

Ave Maria

*

*

Luther, Betbüchlein (1529)

Luther, Betbüchlein (1545)

Melanchthon, De Invocatione (1543)

Ave Maria

Luther, Betbüchlein (1522)

(12)

Litany

Hours of Cross & Holy Spirit

Only Psalm 103

Luther’s 8 Psalms (10, 12, 20, 25, 51, 67, 79, 103)

Luther’s 8 Psalms (10, 12, 20, 25, 51, 67, 79, 103)

7 Penitential Psalms (6, 31, 37, 50, 101, 129, 142)

Elements Following from the Late Medieval Prayerbooks

Texts made by German Authors

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 3: Elements of Early Protestant Prayerbooks

Dirige Hymn

*

*

* (50 pages passion history)

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

* (D,C,L) Nicene and Athanasian Creeds * (L)

*

*

*

(3)

(5)

(4)

(2)

Treaty/ PrayMediOthInstruc- er tation ers tion Texts

* (D,C,L)

* (D,C,L)

Oth- Pre- Epis- Cateers face tle chism (1)

* (50 pages passion history)

Images for Devotion

Elements in Protestant Pryerbooks

Appendix

185

*

Hymn

Images for Devotion

*

*

Gerhard, Meditatione Sacrae (1616)

*

*

*

*

* (L)

* (L)

Oth- Pre- Epis- Cateers face tle chism (1)

*

Dirige

Mathesius, Oeconomia (1580)

7 Penitential Psalms (6, 31, 37, 50, 101, 129, 142)

*

Litany

English version of Christlich Gebet: The Enimie of Securitie (1579)

Passion of Christ

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

Treaty/ PrayMediOthInstruc- er tation ers tion Texts

Elements in Protestant Pryerbooks

*

GosCaHours pel lenof Lesdar Virgin sons

Hours of Cross & Holy Spirit

Elements Following from the Late Medieval Prayerbooks

Habermann, Christlich Gebet (1579)

English version of De Invocatione: A Godly Treaty of Prayer (1553) Dietrich, Gebetbuch (1545)

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 3 (Continued)

186 Appendix

GosCaHours pel lenof Lesdar Virgin sons

*

*

Marshall, Primer (1534)

Hilsey, Manual of Prayer (1539)

*

Ave Maria

*

*

Passion of Christ

*

1535

Litany

Hours of Cross & Holy Spirit

*

*

7 Penitential Psalms (6, 31, 37, 50, 101, 129, 142)

Elements Following from the Late Medieval Prayerbooks

Texts made by English Authors

sion of Exercitium Pietatis: Gerhard’s Prayer (1625)

English ver-

English version of Meditatione Sacrae: The Meditations (1627) Gerhard, Exercitium Pietatis (1630/1653)

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 3 (Continued)

Hymn

*

*

1535 *

Dirige

Images for Devotion

(7)

(6) *

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

* (D,C.L) Athanasius Creed

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

Treaty/ PrayMediOthInstruc- er tation ers tion Texts

* (D,C,L)

* (D)

* (D)

Oth- Pre- Epis- Cateers face tle chism (1)

Elements in Protestant Pryerbooks

Appendix

187

GosCaHours pel lenof Lesdar Virgin sons

Parr, Prayers or Meditations (1545)

Passion of Christ

(12)

(12)

Litany

Hours of Cross & Holy Spirit 7 Penitential Psalms (6, 31, 37, 50, 101, 129, 142)

Elements Following from the Late Medieval Prayerbooks

Texts made by or for Women

Taylor, Holy Living (1650)

Conway, Meditation and Prayers (1569)

Cancellar, Alphabet of Prayers (1565)

Becon, Flower of Prayers (1550) Bradford, Godly Meditations (1562)

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 3 (Continued)

Dirige

*

*

Hymn

Images for Devotion

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

* (L)

* (L)

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

* (D, L)

*

* *

(9)

(8)

Treaty/ PrayMediOthInstruc- er tation ers tion Texts

* (L)

Oth- Pre- Epis- Cateers face tle chism (1)

Elements in Protestant Pryerbooks

188 Appendix

GosCaHours pel lenof Lesdar Virgin sons

School of Virtue (1556)

Seagar,

Passion of Christ

(12)

Litany

Hours of Cross & Holy Spirit

*

7 Penitential Psalms (6, 31, 37, 50, 101, 129, 142)

Elements Following from the Late Medieval Prayerbooks

Texts for Students

Morton, Daily Exercise (1666)

Cramond, Ladies Legacie (1645)

Grymeston, Miscellanea (1608)

Bentley, Monument of Matrones (1582) Wheathill, Handful of Hearbs (1584)

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 3 (Continued)

Dirige

*

*

*

Hymn

Images for Devotion

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

* (D, L)

* (C, L)

* (C, L)

Oth- Pre- Epis- Cateers face tle chism (1)

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

(10)

Treaty/ PrayMediOthInstruc- er tation ers tion Texts

Elements in Protestant Pryerbooks

Appendix

189

GosCaHours pel lenof Lesdar Virgin sons

Passion of Christ

Litany

Hours of Cross & Holy Spirit 7 Penitential Psalms (6, 31, 37, 50, 101, 129, 142)

Elements Following from the Late Medieval Prayerbooks Dirige Hymn

Images for Devotion

*

*

*

* (D,C,L)

* (D)

Oth- Pre- Epis- Cateers face tle chism (1)

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

(11)

Treaty/ PrayMediOthInstruc- er tation ers tion Texts

Elements in Protestant Pryerbooks

(1) D: Decalogue; C: Creed; L: Lord’s Prayer. (2) Psalms, Book of Titus. (3) Prayer of Manasseh. (4) Sermons on “Prayer and Processions in Holy Week,” “Contemplating the Holy Suffering of Christ,” “the Holy, Revered Sacrament of Baptism,” and “Confession and Sacrament, on Preparation for Death.” (quoted from LW43:8) (5) Luther’s “Great Confession” (1528), and “On the Councils and the Church” (1539). (6) “O bone Jesu, Conditor Coel.” (7) The XV Oes. (8) The Twelve Articles of the Christian Faith; Defense of the doctrine of the holy election and predestination of God; A Dialogue or Communication between Sathan and our Conscience. (9) The Consolation, Sentences out of the Scriptures. (10) St Augustine’s psalter; Susannas psalter; The Articles of Christian Faith. (11) Vocabulary, arithmetic. (12) Unlike the Litany in the traditional prayerbooks that was used to pray for the saints, this is Protestant style of Litany, a series of petitions to God.

Hawkins, School of Master (1692)

Ken, Manual of Prayers (1675) Cobham, College’s Prayers (1687)

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 3 (Continued)

190 Appendix

8 Hours a Day

Quoted Prayers Daily 7 Days from the a Week Bible or People

Prayer Cycle

English version of De Invocatione: A Godly Treaty of Prayer (1553) Dietrich, Gebetbuch (1545)

Luther, Betbüchlein (1522) Melanchthon, De Invocatione (1543)

Texts made by German Authors

Author, Short Title (Year)

*

*

*

*

Prayer to God and about the increasing of Faith

*

Prayer for the opponents of Faith

*

Prayer for Church, Congregations

*

*

Con- Thanks- Prayer for fes- giving Attending sion Sacrament (S) or for Public service (P)

Collections of Prayers

Table 4: List of Prayer in Early Protestant Prayerbooks

*

*

*

*

Prayer Prayer for self for (needs, people virtues)

*

Prayer to be said by various people

Prayer for occasions

Appendix

191

Mathesius, Oeconomia (1580) Gerhard, Meditatione Sacrae (1616)

Habermann, Christlich Gebet (1579) English version of Christlich Gebet: The Enimie of Securitie (1579)

Author, Short Title (Year)

*

*

*

*

Prayer Cycle 8 Daily 7 Hours Days a Day a Week

Table 4 (Continued) Quoted Prayers from the Bible or People

*

*

*

*

*

* (P)

* (P)

Collections of Prayers Con- Thanks- Prayer for fes- giving Attending sion Sacrament (S) or for Public service (P)

*

*

Prayer for Church, Congregations

*

*

Prayer for the opponents of Faith

*

*

Prayer to God and about the increasing of Faith

*

*

*

*

Prayer Prayer for self for (needs, people virtues)

*

Prayer to be said by various people

*

*

*

Prayer for occasions

192 Appendix

English version of Exercitium Pietatis: Gerhard’s Prayer (1625)

English version of Meditatione Sacrae: The Meditations (1627) Gerhard, Exercitium Pietatis (1630/1653)

Author, Short Title (Year)

*

*

Prayer Cycle 8 Daily 7 Hours Days a Day a Week

Table 4 (Continued) Quoted Prayers from the Bible or People

*

*

*

*

*

Collections of Prayers Con- Thanks- Prayer for fes- giving Attending sion Sacrament (S) or for Public service (P)

*

*

Prayer for Church, Congregations

*

Prayer for the opponents of Faith

*

*

Prayer to God and about the increasing of Faith

*

*

Prayer Prayer for self for (needs, people virtues)

Prayer to be said by various people

Prayer for occasions

Appendix

193

Prayer Cycle 8 Daily 7 Hours Days a Day a Week

Bradford, Godly Meditations (1562) Cancellar, Alphabet of Prayers (1565)

Hilsey, Manual of Prayer * (1539) Becon, Flower of Prayers (1550)

*

*

*

Texts made by English Authors Marshall, Pri* mer (1534)

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 4 (Continued)

*

*

Quoted Prayers from the Bible or People

*

*

*

*

* (S,P)

* (S, P)

Collections of Prayers Con- Thanks- Prayer for fes- giving Attending sion Sacrament (S) or for Public service (P)

*

Prayer for Church, Congregations

*

*

Prayer for the opponents of Faith

*

*

*

Prayer to God and about the increasing of Faith

*

*

Prayer Prayer for self for (needs, people virtues)

*

*

Prayer to be said by various people

*

Prayer for occasions

194 Appendix

*

Prayer Cycle 8 Daily 7 Hours Days a Day a Week

Bentley, Monument of Matrones (1582) Wheathill, Handful of Hearbs (1584)

*

*

Texts made by or for Women Parr, Prayers or Medi* tations (1545)

Conway, Meditation and Prayers (1569) Taylor, Holy Living (1650)

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 4 (Continued)

*

Quoted Prayers from the Bible or People

*

*

*

*

*

Prayer for Church, Congregations Prayer for the opponents of Faith

Prayer to God and about the increasing of Faith Prayer Prayer for self for (needs, people virtues)

Prayer to be said by various people

* (S, P)

* (S, P)

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

Author’s prayers consisted by the letters of “ELIZABETH REIGN”

Collections of Prayers Con- Thanks- Prayer for fes- giving Attending sion Sacrament (S) or for Public service (P)

*

Prayer for occasions

Appendix

195

Seagar, School of Virtue (1556) Ken, Manual of Prayers (1675)

*

*

*

*

*

*

Prayer Prayer for self for (needs, people virtues)

*

* (S, P)

*

*

Prayer to God and about the increasing of Faith

*

*

* (S)

* (S, P)

Prayer for the opponents of Faith

* *

*

*

Prayer for Church, Congregations

*

*

*

*

Collections of Prayers Con- Thanks- Prayer for fes- giving Attending sion Sacrament (S) or for Public service (P)

*

Quoted Prayers from the Bible or People

*

*

Prayer Cycle 8 Daily 7 Hours Days a Day a Week

Morton, Daily Exercise (1666) Tests for Students

Grymeston, Miscellanea (1608) Cramond, Ladies Legacie (1645)

Author, Short Title (Year)

Table 4 (Continued)

*

Prayer to be said by various people

*

*

*

*

Prayer for occasions

196 Appendix

Cobham, College’s Prayers (1687) Hawkins, School of Master (1692)

Author, Short Title (Year)

*

*

*

Collections of Prayers Con- Thanks- Prayer for fes- giving Attending sion Sacrament (S) or for Public service (P)

*

Quoted Prayers from the Bible or People

*

Prayer Cycle 8 Daily 7 Hours Days a Day a Week

Table 4 (Continued)

Prayer for Church, Congregations Prayer for the opponents of Faith

*

*

Prayer to God and about the increasing of Faith

*

Prayer Prayer for self for (needs, people virtues)

*

Prayer to be said by various people

Prayer for occasions

Appendix

197

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Melanchthon, De Invocatione (1543) Dietrich, Gebetbuch (1545)

Habermann, Christlich Gebet (1579) Mathesius, Oeconomia (1580)

Gerhard, Meditatione Sacrae (1616) Gerhard, Exercitium Pietatis (1630/1653)

Texts made by English Authors Marshall, Primer (1534)

Hilsey, Manual of Prayer (1539) Becon, Flower of Prayers (1550)

Bradford, Godly Meditations (1562) Cancellar, Alphabet of Prayers (1565)

Conway, Meditation and Prayers (1569) Taylor, Holy Living (1650)

Texts made by or for Women Parr, Prayers or Meditations (1545)

Bentley, Monument of Matrones (1582) Wheathill, Handful of Hearbs (1584)

Grymeston, Miscellanea (1608) Cramond, Ladies Legacie (1645)

Bible

Texts made by German Authors Luther, Betbüchlein (1522)

Table 5: Sources of Early Protestant Prayerbooks

* *

*

*

* *

*

*

Patristic

*

*

*

*

Classical

*

*

*

*

* *

*

*

Medieval

*

* *

*

*

*

*

*

*

* *

Contemporary

198 Appendix

* * * *

Ken, Manual of Prayers (1675) Cobham, College’s Prayers (1687)

Hawkins, School of Master (1692)

Bible *

Morton, Daily Exercise (1666) Texts for Students Seagar, School of Virtue (1556)

Table 5 (Continued) Patristic

*

Classical

Medieval

*

Contemporary

Appendix

199

Abbreviations

Aland

Kurt Aland. Hilfsbuch zum Lutherstudium. 4th ed. Bielefeld: Luthersermon number (Pr), or letter number (Br). ASD Opera omnia Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami. Edited by C. Reedijk, et al. Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1969–. BSB Bayerische StaatsBibliothek. http://www.bsb-muenchen.de. BVB BibliotheksVerbund Bayern. https://www.bib-bvb.de. CCEL Christian Classics Ethereal Library. http://www.ccel.org. CHD Center for Håndskriftstudier i Danmark. http://manuscripts.org.uk/chd.dk. CR Corpus Reformatorum. Volumes 1–28: Philippi Melanthonis Opera quae supersunt omnia. Edited by C. G. Bretschneider and H. E. Bindseil. Halle: C. A. Schwetschke, 1834–1860. Volumes 29–87: Ioannis Calvini Opera quae supersunt omnia. Edited by W. Baum, E. Cunitz, E. Reuss. Braunscweig: C. A. Schwetschke et filius, 1863–1900. Volumes 88–: Huldreich Zqinglis Sämtliche Werke. Edited by Emil Egli et al. Leipzig: Heinsius, 1900–. CWE Collected Works of Erasmus. Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press, 1974–. DFG Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. http://www.dfg.de. DNB Deutsche NationalBibliothek. http://www.dnb.de. EEBO Early English Books Online. http://eebo.chadwyck.com. EEBO-TCP Early English Books Online, the Text Creation Partnership. http://eebo.chadwyck.com. ESTC English Short Title Catalogue 1473–1800. London: British Library, 1998. http:// estc.bl.uk. FC Fathers of the Church. Edited by Ludwig Schopp. Washington [etc.]: Catholic University of American Press [etc.], 1947–. HAB Herzog August Bibliothek. Wolfenbüttel. http://www.hab.de. LB Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami Opera omnia.10 vol. Edited by J. Leclerc. Leiden, 1703–1706. LC Melanchthon: Loci Communes 1543. Modern English translation by J. A. O. Preus. St Louis, MO: Concordia, 1992. Loeb Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1912–.

202

Abbreviations

LW

Luther’s Works: American Edition. Volumes 1–30: Edited by Jaroslav Pelikan. St Louis, MO: Concordia, 1955–1976. Volumes 31–55: Edited by Helmut T. Lehmann. Philadelphia/Minneapolis: Muhlenberg/Fortress, 1957–1986. Volumes 56–74: Edited by Christopher Boyd Brown. Saint Louis, MO: Concordia, 2009–. Münchener DigitalisierungsZentrum Digitale Bibliothek. http://www.digitalesammlungen.de/index.html?c=startseite&l=en&projekt=. Neue Deutsche Biographie. http://www.deutsche-biographie.de. A Select Library of the Christian Church: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Second Series. Edited by Philip Schaff and Henry Wace. 14 vol. New York, 1890–1900. Reprint, Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1994. The New Westminster Dictionary of Christianity Spirituality. Edited by Philip Sheldrake. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2005. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. http://www.oxforddnb.com/. Patrologiae cursus completus: Series Latina. 221 vol. Edited by J.-P. Migne. Paris: Garnier Fratres, 1844–64. A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, & Ireland and of English Books Printed Abroad, 1475–1640. Edited by A. W. Pollard, G. R. Redgrave, G. F. Barwick, et al. 3 vol. 2nd ed. rev. & enl. London: Bibliographical Society, 1976–1991. Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des XVI. Jahrhunderts. Edited by Irmgard Bezzel. 25 vol. Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1983– 2000. http://vd16.de. Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachraum erschienenen Drucke des XVII. Jahrhunderts. http://www.vd17.de. D. Martin Luthers Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe. 73 vol. Weimar: H. Böhlau, 1883–. Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, Ireland, Wales, and British America, and of English Books Printed in Other Countries, 1641– 1700. Edited by Donald Goddard Wing, A. W. Pollard, and P. G. Morrison. New York: Index Society, 1945. The Works of St Augustine: A Translation for the Twenty-first Century. In three series. Edited by Edmund Hill and John E. Rotelle. Hyde Park, NY: New City Press, 1990–.

MDZ NDB NPNF2

NWDCS ODNB PL STC

VD16

VD17 WA Wing

WSA

Bibliography

Primary Sources Manuscripts THE BOOK OF HOURS (c.1460–1465), France, about 140 × 210 mm, 124 fols, in French caption, Huntington Library, Los Angeles, HM 1173. The owner of this book was undetermined, but the artistry was attributed to Simon Marmion. THE DE BOIS HOURS (c.1325–1330), England, 315 mm × 205 mm, trimmed, about 196 fols, in Latin and vernacular, Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, MS M.700. Made for Hawisia de Bois, Gyffard family. THE DE BRAILES HOURS (c.1240), England, 150 × 120 mm, [unknown fols], in Latin with French captions, British Library, Additional MS 49999. Painted and made by William de Brailes for the request of Susanna, an Oxford lady. THE DE LISLE HOURS (c.1320–1325), England, 170 mm × 110 mm, 164 fols, in Latin and vernacular, Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, MS G. 50. Made for Margaret de Beauchamp, wife of Robert de Lisle. THE GREY-FITZPAYN HOURS (c.1300–1308), use of Sarum, England, 24.5 × 17 cm, 93 fols, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, UK, MS 242. Made for Sir Richard de Grey as his wedding present to his bride, Joan FitzPayn. THE NEVILLE OF HORNBY HOURS (c.1335–1340), England, 168 mm × 113 mm, 190 fols, in Latin and vernacular, British Library Egerton, MS 2781. Made for Isabel de Byron, wife of Robert I de Neville of Hornby. THE TAYMOUTH HOURS (c.1325–1340), England, 170 × 115 mm, 195 fols, in Latin and French captions, British Library, London, Yates Thompson 13. It was made for a female noble, Joan, and Roger of Waltham was the artist of this book.

Printed Works AMBROSE, De Virginibus, in: PL 16:187–232; NPNF2 10:361–373. ANSELM, De Conceptu Virginali, in: PL 158:431–464.

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Bibliography

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Index

Abba Agathon 91 Act of Parliament (1543) 143 ad fontes 61 seq., 67 allegory 63, 69 Allot, Robert 72 – England’s Parnassus (1600) 72 Althaus, Paul 13, 16, 53 seq., 165 Ambrose 68 Anne Askew 42 Anselm, St 38, 118 Appel, Charlotte 160 seq. Aquinas, Thomas 38 Aristotle 38, 66 seq., 69, 116 seq. Arndt, Johann 37, 70 seq., 143 – Garden of Paradise 70 – True Christianity 70 Atkinson, Colin B. and Jo B. 15, 44, 72 seq., 140 seq., 144 Augustine, Saint 14, 32, 38, 68, 73, 108, 152, 204 autobiography 22, 108, 110, 144 Bainton, Roland 136 Baumann-Koch, Angela 14, 51 Bayly, Lewis 155, 158 – Practice of Pietie 155 Becon, Thomas 29 seq., 117, 121 seq., 142 – Flower of Prayers 29 Benedictine monasticism 59, 98, 123 Benedict of Nurisa, St 59, 65 Bengel, Johannes Albercht 154 Bentley, Thomas 15, 41 seq., 65, 72, 88, 122, 141 seq.

– Monument of Matrones 15, 41 seq., 140 seq. Bernard of Clairvaux, St 38, 70 seq., 94–98 – On Loving God 94–97 – Sermons on the Song of Songs 94 seq. – spiritual love 96 – spiritual marriage 95, 97 Bible 11, 15–17, 21, 26, 28 seq., 31–36, 38, 41–42, 44–46, 48, 57–66, 68, 81, 85, 89– 91, 93–98, 100–102, 107, 109, 119, 124, 134 seq., 141–146, 154., 158–160, 163– 164 Bible reading 41, 59, 64, 124, 136, 145, 154, 158, 160 Bishop’s Primer 28, 72 Book of Martyrs 134 Bossy, John 12, 118 seq. Botonaki, Effie 44, 109 seq., 145 Bouwsma, William 108, 124. Bradford, John 30, 33 seq., 72, 77, 79, 102, 150 seq. – Godly Meditations 27 seq., 30, 35, 77, 79, 151 Brown, Christopher 5, 11, 13, 25 seq., 35, 44, 53 seq., 60, 65, 72, 87, 133–135, 202 Bucer, Martin 30 Burton, Edward 14, 28 seq., 103 Butterworth, Charles 15, 28, 130 calendar 26, 28 seq., 57 Calvinist 109 seq., 126, 153, 155 Calvin, John 20, 62, 64, 78–81, 108–110, 125 seq., 143 Cambers, Andrew 158–160

226 Cancellar, James 31, 72, 101, 114, 117 – Alphabet of Prayers 31 Cassian, John 59, 104–105, 157 catechism 11, 13, 20, 28, 36, 38, 48 seq., 59– 61, 72, 89, 125, 133, 141–143, 158, 160 Cato 69 Christ 27–32, 35, 54, 60, 68–70, 78, 80, 82, 84–87, 89–92, 94–100, 102, 104, 105, 107, 114 seq., 118 seq., 122, 124, 128, 134 seq., 153 seq., 168 – child Jesus 99, 116 – humanity 86, 95 seq., 104, 117, 123 – Incarnation 83, 94 seq., 97, 115 – intercessor 102 – mediator 102 – passion 26, 28, 32, 37, 38, 57, 69 seq., 94– 98, 169 – sorrow 98, 100, 106 – suffering 25, 34, 88, 94–98, 100, 107 Christopher, St 99 seq. Chromatius of Aquileia 79 Chrysostom, St John 84 seq. church 15, 17 seq., 20–23, 26 seq., 29–32, 35, 38 seq., 49, 54 seq., 59 seq., 63 seq., 66–70, 79, 82, 88, 94, 100, 106, 109 seq., 121, 124–126, 132 seq., 134, 137 seq., 140, 142–146, 150, 154–156, 168 – and salvation 19, 67, 109 – as “a faire Lillie” 68 – as a mother on earth 68 – “God’s daughter, spiritual mother” 68 – spiritual ark 68 church fathers 5, 26, 32, 34, 38, 41, 61 seq., 66–68, 74, 79, 81, 84, 146 Cicero 67, 69 Climacus, John 84 Cobham College 48 seq. confession 15 seq., 18, 20, 24, 26, 30, 32, 36, 38 seq., 43–46, 50, 60, 69, 74, 80, 93, 100, 104–112, 117, 137, 142, 143, 152, 166 – private confession 106, 108–110 – self-examination 106, 108–111, 145, 149, 165 seq. contemplation 57, 59 seq., 83, 95–97, 123 seq. Conway, John 31 seq., 102

Index

– Meditation and Prayers 30 seq., 42, 72 Cousins, Ewert 85 Cramond, Elizabeth 46 seq., 145 seq. – Ladies Legacie 46, 145 – spiritual happiness 146 Cranmer, Thomas 28–30, 43, 138 Creed 25 seq., 36, 45, 60, 99, 157 – the Apostle’s Creed 49, 109 Cyprian of Carthage, St 67 seq. Cyril of Alexandria 79 Damrau, Peter 155 seq., 158 Decalogue 25, 30, 48–50, 60, 109, 125, 157 devotio moderna 59 Dietrich, Veit 34 seq., 39, 65, 101 dirige 25, 28 seq., 69 Drehsen, Volker 18 seq. Duffy, Eamon 13, 16, 27 seq., 98 seq., 123, 165 earthly piety 40 seq., 48, 77 seq., 84, 86, 92 seq. ecstasy 97 Edwards, Kathryn 13, 162 Edward VI 27, 29, 43, 47, 138, 150 Erasmus, Desiderius 38, 52–54, 62–64, 67, 124 seq., 138, 167 – Modus Orandi Deum 52 – worldly service 124 – Precationes 38, 52 seq. – Precationes Aliquot Novae 52 Erb, Peter 153 seq., 158 Erler, Mary 131 seq. eros 94–98 Eustache Deschamps 129 Evelyn, John 40 faith 11 seq., 16, 18, 20 seq., 23 seq., 27, 29– 33, 36, 39, 43, 48, 50 seq., 53, 55, 57, 63 seq., 66 seq., 73 seq., 80–83, 86, 88, 90, 93 seq., 100–102, 104–106, 108 seq., 111– 115, 117, 119, 121 seq., 124 seq., 128, 129, 130, 132, 134, 137 seq., 139, 141–143, 145, 149 seq., 152, 154 seq., 159, 161, 164, 166, 167 seq. – fides quae (faith as knowledge) 101

227

Index

– fides qua (faith as trust) 101 – foundation of holy life 113 – God’s commandment 102, 127 seq.,140 – God’s holiness 93, 104–106, 108, 111 – God’s promises 93, 102 seq. – true knowledge of God 81, 101 seq., 153 Felch, Susan 15, 51 Fink-Jensen, Morten 160 seq. Foxe, John 134, 138 Francke, August Hermann 155 Gerhard, Johann 37–39, 65, 68–72, 102 seq., 109, 113, 120 seq., 152 seq. – Confessio Catholica 38 – Exercitium Pietatis 38 seq., 152 – Loci Theologici 38 – Meditatione Sacrae 37, 70 – spiritual therapy 38 – The Meditations 37, 152 glory of God 21, 78–80, 84, 92 seq, 113 seq., 123 gospel lessons 28 Gray, Hanna H. 62, 67 Green, Ian 13 Grieb, Katherine 83 Grundmann, Herbert 130, 150 Grymeston, Elizabeth 45 seq., 66, 69, 72, 111, 145 – Miscellanea 45, 145 Guigo II 59 Habermann, Johann 14, 35–37, 39, 54, 61, 72, 87 seq., 109, 114 seq., 141, 143, 151 seq. – Christlich Gebet 14, 35 seq., 54, 141, 143, 151 – Morning and Evening Prayers for All Days of the Week 35 seq. – The Enimie of Securitie 35, 151 Hadewijch of Brabant 94–98 – Letters to a Young Beguine 94 – Visions 94 Hail Mary 25 seq., 69 Hall, Joseph 155 Hamm, Berndt 19 seq., 94, 98–100 – theology of piety 19 seq.

Hammerling, Roy 78 seq. Hastings, Adrian 168 Hawkins, John 49 seq., 65, 72, 116 Heidnischwerk 137 Hendrix, Scott 12, 15, 51, 90 Henry VIII 14, 27–29, 43, 137 seq. Hexaemeron 72 Hilsey, John 28 seq., 69, 88 – Manual of Prayer 14, 28, 69 Holt, Bradley 86 Horace 44, 67 Hortulus Animae 14, 51, 72 seq., 143 Hoskins, Edgar 99, 131 Hours of Divine Office 25 Hours of Mary of Burgundy 98 Hours of Virgin 131 human dignity 113–115, 123 – God’s image 124 – loving and serving others 124 Hunsinger, Deborah Van Deusen 86 hymn 25, 28 seq., 31, 45, 48, 57, 90 seq., 133 indulgence 24, 79, 99 seq., 109 Isocrates 69 Jerome, St 59, 107 Josiah (in the Old Testament) Julian of Norwich 82 – Showings 82 Jungmann, Josef 59

29

Kempis, Thomas à 38, 43, 69, 154 – The Imitation of Christ 43, 69, 152 Ken, Thomas 48, 88, 109, 116, 120 – Manual of Prayers 48 King, John 47, 138 kinship 118 Knox, John 89, 143 Koch, Traugott 14, 16, 35, 87 Kristeller, Paul Oskar 62, 66 seq., 123, 124 Lady Frances Aburgauennie 42 laity 11–14, 16, 19, 23–25, 33, 50 seq., 55, 98 seq., 107, 110, 130–132, 157, 167–169 lay piety 21, 61

228 lectio divina 21, 57–61, 74, 157, 166 Lindberg, Carter 154 Littlehales, Henry 130 seq. – The Prymer or Lay Folks’s Prayer Book 130–131 Lord’s Prayer 21 seq., 25, 30–32, 34, 36, 45, 48 seq., 60, 65, 68, 77–81, 84–87, 91 seq., 93, 104, 109, 157 love 12, 21, 69, 81–83, 85 seq., 88, 92–101, 105, 112, 115 seq., 119, 122, 124–127, 134, 137, 145 Lovelace, Richard 153 Lund, Eric 15, 37 seq., 70 Luther, Martin 11, 17 seq., 24–28, 34–36, 38 seq., 51–53, 57, 60–62, 64 seq., 67–69, 71 seq., 74, 89 seq., 100, 108–110, 115, 119 seq., 125 seq., 128, 131, 136 seq., 139, 142, 150, 153 seq., 156–158 – A Simple Way to Pray 53, 157 – Betbüchlein (Ein Betbüchlein der 10 Gebote, des Glaubens, des Vater unsers und des Ave Maria) 14, 24–26, 36, 51– 53, 115, 150 – Der erste Teil der Bücher D. M. Luthers über etliche Epistel der Apostel. Vorrede Luthers 60 – Die Schmalkaldischen Artikel 17 – Eine Predigt, daß man Kinder zur Schule halten solle 120 – Einer aus den hohen Artikeln des päpstlichen Glaubens, genannt Donatio Constantini 68 – Epistola Lutheriana ad Leonex X. summum pontificem. Tractatus de libertate christiana 125 – on catechism 36, 60, 61, 89, 125, 142, 160 – on prayer 26, 60, 157–158 – on vocation 126–128 – on women 44, 132 seq., 135, 139 seq., 142–145 – Personal Prayer Book 24 seq., 60 – Vom Abendmahl Christi, Bekenntnis, 13 126

Index

– Wochenpredigten über Johannes 16–20. Das 17. Capitel Johannis von dem Gebete Christi gepredigt und ausgelegt 89 Macek, E. 134 MacGullouch, Diarmaid 138 Manschreck, Clyde 33 seq. Marshall, William 27 seq., 37, 65 seq., 69, 72, 103, 150, 152 – Primer 14 seq., 28 seq., 66, 69, 72 Martha and Mary 82 seq. Mathesius, Johannes 36 seq., 39, 122, 139 seq. – Oeconomia 36 seq. Matta El-Meskeen 84, 91 McGinn, Bernard 17 seq., 86 McGrath, Alister 61, 64, 66 McKee, Elsie Anne 137 McKenzie, Edgar 155 seq. medieval mysticism 70 seq., 73, 82, 96 medieval prayerbook 11, 16, 22 seq., 26– 29, 31, 45 seq., 57, 61, 65, 69, 72, 77, 98 seq., 110, 113, 118, 123, 132, 149 seq., 163, 165 seq. – traditional prayerbook 12, 15, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 32, 47, 52, 57, 60, 65, 66, 74, 77, 84, 87, 89, 93, 98, 101, 123, 128, 150, 157, 163, 164, 165, 166 – traditional prayerbooks and women 130–133, 148 meditation 21, 30–32, 41–43, 46–49, 51, 54, 57–61, 65 seq., 72, 77, 87, 94, 96 seq., 104, 110, 138, 141, 143, 150, 151, 158, 160, 164 Melanchthon, Philipp 33 seq., 39, 65, 72, 79–81, 87 seq., 90, 101–103, 121, 150 seq., 153 – De Invocatione 33 seq., 65, 101, 150 – Fatherly Phinees 151 Michaelis, Petrus 53 seq. – Serta Honoris 53 seq. Moeller, Bernd 12 seq. monasticism 59, 123 – monastic piety 123 Moore, Cornelia 51, 129, 141–143, 160 Moran, Jo Ann Hoeppner 131 Moravian Brethren 154

Index

Morton, Anne 44 seq., 78, 80, 89, 105 seq., 158 – Daily Exercise 38, 44 seq. Moscherosch, Johann Michael 129 mother’s advice book 22, 46 mysticism 19, 39, 70 seq., 83, 98 opus dei 123 overseas missions 154 – Caribbean islands 154 – Greenland 154, 160 Ozment, Steven 12, 125 seq., 133–135 patterns of piety 55, 77, 161 – heart and intellect 12, 58, 79, 165 – heart and vocation 16 – intellectual and practical 80, 92 – inwardly and outwardly 16 – learning and action 16, 83, 164 penance 98 seq., 107, 109 Penitential Psalms 25, 28 seq., 46, 65, 99 Pennington, M. Basil 59 Perkins, William 155 Petroff, Elizabeth, A. 94–97 Pietism 16, 70, 149, 153–156, 160 seq., 167 piety 11–24, 26, 28, 32 seq., 35, 38, 40, 45– 48, 50, 52–55, 57, 59, 61, 63, 66, 69, 71, 74, 77 seq., 80–87, 89 seq., 92–94, 97 seq., 101, 104, 108, 111, 113 seq., 122–125, 127–129, 131, 133–135, 137–141, 145– 147, 149–154, 156–162, 163–169 – medieval piety 93, 98, 119 – pious living 16, 92, 123 – popular piety 13, 18 seq., 85, 161 seq., 164 seq., 167 seq. – Protestant piety 11, 13, 15–22, 26, 31, 33, 39, 80 seq., 84, 93 seq., 102, 115, 117, 119, 149–150, 157, 161, 163–166, 169 Plato 17, 67, 69 Plutarch 67 Pope Boniface VIII 67 – Unam Sanctam 67 Pope Clement VII 100 Posset, Franz 71 prayer 11–16, 20–49, 51 seq., 54 seq., 57– 61, 63–65, 69–74, 77–80, 82–93, 96,

229 98 seq., 101–106, 109–124, 128, 132, 134, 138–142, 144 seq., 147 seq., 150–153, 156–161, 163–167, 169 – as prudent and sober 102 – attitude 22, 77 seq., 87–89, 91 seq., 101, 110, 115, 120, 122, 124, 164 – based on concept of God’s essence and promises 101, 102, 104 – evening prayer 31, 36, 48 seq., 80, 87, 105, 111 – God’s commandment 102, 127 seq., 140 – in purity of heart 104, 105, 106, 112, 166 – internal prayer 59 – in true knowledge 81, 101, 102, 151 – mental prayer 89–91 – morning prayer 49, 80, 111, 113 – posture and gesture 88 seq. – reciting word 157 – remedy 91, 105, 107 – to experience spiritual and moral transformation 117 – to improve virtue 116 – to promote a godly life and prevent moral vices 117 – vocal prayer 89 seq. – with trusting heart 93, 102–103 prayerbook 5, 11–17, 19–55, 57 seq., 60 seq., 63–67, 69–74, 77–80, 84, 87–89, 91–93, 98–106, 109, 111–118, 120, 122 seq., 128 seq., 131–132, 139, 140– 153, 156–161, 163–169 – Catholic prayerbook 13, 51, 53 seq., 69 – English prayerbook 11, 14 seq., 20, 27– 29, 31, 40 seq., 66, 130, 144, 152 seq., 156, 167 – German prayerbook 11, 13–15, 37, 40, 66, 72, 143, 149–151, 153, 156 prayer cycle 87 seq., 152 – daily cycle 30 seq., 41, 44–46, 48, 113 – weekly cycle 36 – prayer for church common good and welfare 121 – prayer for bishop 121 – prayer for ministries 121 prayer for common estates

230 – government (king, king’s council, judges, all magistrates) 121 seq., 146 – laypeople and household (unmarried and married, women with child, fathers and mothers, masters, servants) 13, 15, 16 seq., 20, 20–24, 26, 33, 36, 39, 50, 55, 57, 63, 66, 107–109, 121 seq., 130, 132, 133, 136, 138, 140, 142 seq., 145–147, 149, 159 seq., 163 seq., 166 seq., 169 – social elites (landlords, merchants, lawyers) 121 prayer for different occassions – a daughter-in–law for her mother-in– law 122 – death 26, 91, 105, 121, 145 – enemies (Jews, Turks, Infidels, Atheists, Heretics) 63, 91, 119–121 – for girls who did not have a boyfriend 142 – men and women right before they married 142 – relationship with others 41, 77, 80, 115 – sickness 121 – soldiers 120 seq. – travelers 37, 100, 121 – trouble 84, 121 prayer for self – attending sacraments 46 – fear of God 31, 114, 120 – humility 41, 47 seq., 89, 114–117, 144, 152, 166 – inner transformation 117 – thanksgiving 36, 38 seq., 44, 60, 85, 87, 152 prayer for worldly needs – godly vocation 122 – neighbors’ needs 121 – peace 79, 83, 105, 110, 120 Protestant prayerbook 11–17, 20–25, 27, 29, 32 seq., 47, 50 seq., 53, 55, 57–61, 63– 67, 69, 71–75, 77 seq., 80, 84, 86–88, 91– 93, 101–104, 106, 108, 110–113, 116–123, 128, 131, 139–142, 147, 149, 151, 156– 158, 161, 163–169 Psalms 25 seq., 28, 29, 30, 43, 46, 60, 65 seq., 99, 131, 138, 157

Index

purgatory 98 seq. Puritan 20, 41, 140, 142, 149, 151–159, 161, 166 Quakers 83 Queen Elizabeth 31, 42 seq. Queen Katherine Parr 42 seq., 65, 69, 72, 111, 120, 137 seq – Prayers or Meditations 42 seq. Queen Mary 27, 30, 47, 150, 153 reformers’ wives 135, 138 – Bora, Katherine von 34, 136–137 – Schütz, Katherine 136, 138 reciting texts 12, 48, 61, 87, 91, 98, 157 Reinis, Austra 20 religion 13, 20, 29, 41, 50, 78, 81, 119, 124, 133, 137, 139, 145, 156, 160 religious reading 6, 11, 15, 21 seq., 30, 35, 45, 49, 58–67, 71, 73 seq., 77, 130, 132 seq., 135, 141, 143, 147, 149, 154–161, 164, 166 seq. – as piety 22, 135, 156, 159 – communal reading 159 – in Nordic region 160 – private and collective reading 159 – Puritan reading 159 Renaissance humanism 16, 21 seq., 34, 57 seq., 62, 66 seq., 73 seq., 123–125, 128 seq., 153, 163, 166 seq. – humanist 11, 16 seq., 19, 55, 61–63, 66– 68, 73 seq., 113, 124, 126, 128, 152 seq., 163, 165, 166, 169 Rittgers, Ronald 108 seq. Robinson, Richard 151 Rogers, Thomas 35, 72, 151 seq. Ruffing, Janet 83 Russell, Paul 25, 134 seq. Sachsenspiegel 143 Sales, Francis de 125–128, 167 – Introduction to the Devout Life 126 Scotus 67 Seagar, Francis 47 seq., 65, 69, 116 seq. – School of Virtue 47 secularization 16 seq.

Index

– household 13, 16 seq., 36, 39, 121 seq., 133, 136, 138, 140, 142 seq., 145–147, 159 seq. – worldly vocations 16 seq. Seelenführer 142 Sheldrake, Philip 18, 85 seq., 168 Smith, Kathryn 99, 131 seq. Socrates 69 sola fide 94, 100, 111 sola gratia 104, 126 sola scriptura 64 Solomon, King 50, 65, 94 Song of Songs 94 seq., 97 Spener, Philip Jacob 154 seq., 158, 160 – “ecclesiola in ecclesia” 154 – Pia Desideria 155 spiritual diary 108 spiritual direction 107, 111, 114, 144 spiritual discipline 58, 107, 154 Starr, Mirabai 83 Steiger, Johann 70 Strauss, Gerald 13 Suffrages 32 table talk 34, 36, 120 Taylor, Jeremy 40 seq., 88 seq., 91, 105 seq., 110 seq., 114 seq., 118, 120, 123, 153, 155, 158 – Golden Grove 40 – Holy Dying 40 – Holy Living 40 seq., 113 seq., 153, 158 – The Great Exemplar 40 Tentler, Thomas 106–108 Teresa of Avila 82 – The Interior Castle 82 seq. Tertullian 38, 78 the Book of Concord 18 the Fourth Lateran Council 107 the Order of Penitence 107 Treaty of Westphalia 154 Trinkaus, Charles 124 tripartite fellowship 77, 80, 82, 84–88, 92, 117 seq., 122–124, 128, 164 – Trinitarian fellowship 86 Turner, Denys 96 Tyndale, William 28, 64, 66

231 vernacular 37, 47, 58, 63 seq., 66, 99, 130– 132, 138, 147, 149 seq., 160 seq. vernacular Bible 15, 64, 66 – Bishops’ Bible 66 – Coverdale Bible 66 – Geneva Bible 66 – King James Bible 66 – Luther’s vernacular Bible 66 Virgin Mary 11, 27, 29, 42, 52, 115, 128, 135 – Mary’s humility 115 virtues (piety) 32, 36, 41 seq., 46, 48, 54 seq., 69 seq., 105, 113–117, 119, 123, 127, 139, 141, 143, 152 seq., 164 – charity 41, 45, 46, 49, 83, 105, 115–119, 121, 124–128, 152 – chastity 41, 115 seq. – Gal 5 – 22–23 113 – giving alms 41 – humility 41, 47 seq., 89, 114–117, 144, 152, 166 – justice 41, 46, 83, 115, 142, 144 – peace 79, 83, 105, 110, 120 – products of Holy Spirit – righteousness 100, 115, 142 – sobriety 41, 115 – spiritual growth 23, 33, 37, 47, 50, 58, 61, 64, 70, 81, 87, 92, 107 seq., 114, 134, 144, 147, 153 seq., 161, 164, 167 – temptation 39 seq., 47, 60, 77, 79, 88, 91, 105, 116, 144 – through salvation by grace 113 vocation 16, 17, 19, 117, 119, 121 seq., 124– 128, 134, 1379, 147 Vulgate Bible 66 Wheathill, Anne 44, 72 seq., 79, 115, 144 – Handful of Hearbs 144 White, Helen 14, 130 Wiesner, M. E. 137, 143 Wild, Johann 53 seq. – Christliches sonder schönes und katholisches Betbüchlein 53 Winterton, Ralphe 37–39, 152 Wittenberg 24–26, 34–37, 60, 71, 136 Wolfteich, Clarie 5, 18, 85, 91

232 women 15 seq., 22 seq., 33, 36, 41 seq., 44 seq., 50, 55, 65, 72 seq., 88, 107, 110, 121 seq., 129–149, 159 seq., 164, 166 – laywomen 15, 107, 129 seq., 132, 135 – women’s domestic piety 42, 46, 133, 134, 135, 139, 140, 146 women in the Bible – Abigael 42 – Barak 42 – Canaanite woman 35, 42, 65 – Deborah 135 – Esther 135 – Hagar 42 – Hanna 42 – Judith 42, 135 – Naomy 42 – Queen Hester 42 – Sarah 135 – Sarra (Tobit’s wife) 42 – Susanna 42 – The Blessed Virgin Mary 11, 42 women in the early modern period – Lady Elizabeth Trywhit 42 – Lady Margaret Queen of Navarre 42 – Queen Elizabeth 31, 42 seq. – Queen Katherine Parr 42 seq., 65, 69, 72, 111, 120 women spirituality 41 seq., 129, 133–135, 139–141, 166 – domestic devotion 134–135, 139 seq., 146 – public ministry 134, 137, 139, 143 – women’s identity 139, 141, 142 seq., 147, 166 – women’s religious lives 139

Index

– women’s roles 133 seq., 136, 140 women’s use of prayerbooks 132, 144 – as gift or exchange item 132 – educational texts for children 131 – for female occasions 141 – as mother’s advice books 22 – personal devotion 69, 118, 131, 144, 147, 159 – prayer-advice books 144, 146 – school-texts 131 – spiritual companion 141 worldly piety 18, 63, 79, 113, 118 seq., 121, 122–126, 128 – charity 41, 45, 46, 49, 83, 105, 115–119, 121, 124–128, 152 – prayer for others 118, 164 – service 63, 82, 83, 113, 115, 117, 120, 123, 124, 126, 137 – to take care of others 118, 127 Wycliffe, John 30 youth piety – charity 115–116 – chastity 115 seq. – cleanliness 116 – diligence in studies 116 – etiquette 48, 116 – fast 116 – obedience 50, 115–116 – polite 116 – social concern 116 – teachability 116 – temperance 116 – to salute anyone 116