Recorded Places, Experienced Places: The Holocene rock art of the Iberian Atlantic north-west 9781407314846, 9781407345109

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________ Ana M.S. Bettencourt is Professor of Archaeology at University of Minho, Braga, Portugal. Her main research interests are burial contexts and practices; rock art; metal depositions and archaeology and tourism, on which subjects she has led several research projects and published numerous books and articles. Manuel Santos-Estévez obtained a PhD in History in 2004 at the University of Santiago de Compostela. His main research focuses on rock art, sculpture and landscape archaeology. Since 2014 he has been a post-doctoral researcher at the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) at the University of Minho. He has directed 50 archaeological projects, and has published a number of papers in international reviews. Hugo Aluai Sampaio holds a PhD in Settlement and Landscape Archaeology and works in the School of Management at the Polytechnic Institute of Cávado and Ave, in Portugal. His research is dedicated to the Bronze Age, focusing on issues related to metallurgy and deposition of metallic objects, funerary practices and contexts, settlement and rock art. He also works in archaeology and cultural heritage. Daniela Cardoso obtained a PhD in rock art in 2015, at the University of Trás-osMontes and Alto Douro, Portugal. She works at the Sociedade Martins Sarmento in Guimarães, Portugal, where she participates on projects related to rock art and to rock art and tourism Contributors: Emilio Abad-Vidal, M. Isabel C. Alves, Ana M. Arruda, Ana M.S. Bettencourt, Cláudio Brochado, Álvaro Campelo, Daniela Cardoso, Joana Castro Teixeira, Nuno Coelho Gomes, Beatriz Comendador Rey, Maria de Jesus Sanches, Jorge Juan Eiroa, Ramón Fabregas Valcarce, Antón Fernández Malde, Gonçalo Ferreira, Manuel Antonio Franco Fernández, Félix González Insua, Joana N. Leite, Paulo A.P. Lemos, George H. Nash, Gabriel R. Pereira, Josefa Rey Castiñeira, Alda Rodrigues, Carlos Rodríguez-Rellán, Hugo A. Sampaio, Manuel Santos Estevez, António Manuel S.P. Silva, Isabel S. Silva, Pedro P. Simões, Luís Sousa, Manuel Valério Figueiredo, Alia Vázquez Martínez

BAR  S2878  2017   BETTENCOURT ET AL. (Eds)   RECORDED PLACES, EXPERIENCED PLACES

This book springs from the compilation of papers and posters presented in 2013 and 2014 at the 2nd and 3rd Enardas Colloquia, entitled ‘Living Places, Experienced Places’. The first part, in two chapters, is entitled ‘Concepts and tools to study rock art’. The second part, ‘From sub-naturalistic to Schematic rock art tradition’, discusses various expressions of recorded art in the hinterland area of northwest Iberia, as well as expressions of the schematic art tradition from north-central Portugal. The third part, ‘Atlantic tradition rock art’ comprises four chapters. The fourth part, ‘Other styles’, includes five chapters focusing on depictions that the book editors consider distinct from the best-known regional styles.

Recorded Places, Experienced Places The Holocene rock art of the Iberian Atlantic north-west Edited by

Ana M.S. Bettencourt Manuel Santos Estevez Hugo A. Sampaio Daniela Cardoso

BAR International Series 2878 B A R

2017

Recorded Places, Experienced Places The Holocene rock art of the Iberian Atlantic north-west

Edited by

Ana M.S. Bettencourt Manuel Santos Estevez Hugo A. Sampaio Daniela Cardoso

BAR International Series 2878 2017

Published in 2017 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 2878 Recorded Places, Experienced Places © The editors and contributors severally 2017 © Lab2PT - University of Minho 2017 Cover Image Cova da Bruxa, Muros (image, Josefa Rey Castiñeira). The Authors’ moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407314846 paperback ISBN 9781407345109 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407314846 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR titles are available from: BAR Publishing 122 Banbury Rd, Oxford, ox2 7bp, uk Email [email protected] Phone +44 (0)1865 310431 Fax +44 (0)1865 316916 www.barpublishing.com

Acknowledgements This book results from two projects: ‘Natural Spaces, Architecture, Rock Art and Depositions from the Late Prehistory of the Western Front of Central and Northern Portugal: from Actions to Meanings’ (reference PTDC/HIS-ARQ/112983/2009), financed by Operational Programme ‘Thematic Factors of Competitiveness’ (COMPETE) and the European Regional Development Fund (Fundo Europeu de Desenvolvimento Regional – FEDER), and ‘North-West Iberia Rock Art. Liminality and Heterotopy’ (reference SFRH/BSAB/114296/2016), financed by Science and Technology Foundation (Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia – FCT), within the framework of a sabbatical grant. This book has the financial support of the Project Lab2PT - Landscapes, Heritage and Territory Laboratory - AUR/04509 and FCT through national funds (PIDDAC) and when applicable of the FEDER co-financing, in the aim of the new partnership agreement PT2020 and COMPETE 2020 - POCI-01-0145-FEDER-007528.

Contents List of figures and tables.....................................................................................................................................................ix Recorded places, experienced places. Some remarks .......................................................................................................1 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................................1 2. The book structure.........................................................................................................................................................1

Part 1: Concepts and tools to study rock art Chapter 1. Contribution of the magical and religious geography to an anthropology of space. A case study in the north-west of Portugal (Álvaro Campelo) ...................................................................................................................7 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................................7 2. An anthropology of space..............................................................................................................................................8 3. The magical and symbolic geography.........................................................................................................................10 4. The symbolic space of the Portuguese north-west ......................................................................................................12 4.1 Mountains and boulders .......................................................................................................................................13 4.2 Springs and water sources ....................................................................................................................................14 4.3 Forests and places of passage ...............................................................................................................................14 5. Conclusion...................................................................................................................................................................15 Chapter 2. CVARN – Rock Art Virtual Corpus of North-Western Portugal. A multimedia tool to investigate and describe Post-Palaeolithic rock art (Ana M.S. Bettencourt, Emilio Abad-Vidal and Alda Rodrigues) .............19 1. Introduction .................................................................................................................................................................19 2. The database ................................................................................................................................................................20 3. CVARN as a social tool...............................................................................................................................................21 4. CVARN as a scientific tool .........................................................................................................................................22 5. Final considerations ....................................................................................................................................................25

Part 2: From sub-naturalistic to Schematic rock art tradition Chapter 3. Abstract and sub-naturalistic prehistoric rock art in the Trás-os-Montes and Alto Douro region of Portugal: the case study of the Passadeiro rock shelter – Palaçoulo (Miranda do Douro) (Maria de Jesus Sanches and Joana Castro Teixeira) ....................................................................................................29 1. Introduction and objectives .........................................................................................................................................29 1.1 Brief recap of ‘devil claw’ historiography ...........................................................................................................29 1.2 The Passadeiro rock shelter ..................................................................................................................................31 1.3 Objectives .............................................................................................................................................................31 2. Decoding gestures in Passadeiro’s panel 1..................................................................................................................31 2.1 Motifs and techniques ..........................................................................................................................................31 2.2 Figurative stratigraphy .........................................................................................................................................32 2.3 Temporal gesture hypothesis ................................................................................................................................32 3. Abstract and sub-naturalistic motifs in Passadeiro: approaching the chronological question ....................................34 4. Discussion and final remarks ......................................................................................................................................35 Chapter 4. The Lamelas rock art site as a fundamental contributor to the knowledge of post-glacier art in north-western Iberia (Maria de Jesus Sanches and Nuno Coelho Gomes) ..................................................................39 1. The rock art site of Lamelas: history of its research and objectives ...........................................................................39 2. Geographic location and synthetic description of Lamelas rock art site ....................................................................40 3. Recording of the site ...................................................................................................................................................41 4. Formal and stratigraphic analysis of Rock A ..............................................................................................................42 4.1 The panels.............................................................................................................................................................42 4.2 Recording techniques and figurative stratigraphy ................................................................................................44 4.3 Motifs and compositions ......................................................................................................................................44 5. Closing remarks ..........................................................................................................................................................46

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Chapter 5. Rock art of the upper Támega Valley (Galicia, Spain) (Beatriz Comendador Rey and Félix González Insua) ...................................................................................................49 1. Presentation of the study area .....................................................................................................................................49 1.1 Physical description of the region ........................................................................................................................49 1.2 Background ..........................................................................................................................................................49 1.3 Description of the archaeological actions and methodologies applied ................................................................51 2. Contextualisation of prehistoric rock art .....................................................................................................................51 3. Main rock art sites .......................................................................................................................................................52 3.1 Group of As Cuncas/As Ferradas (Covas Rubias, Santa Baia parish, Vences, Monterrei) ..................................52 3.2 Group of Penedo das Pisadiñas and Monte Lastredo (Laza) GA32039001 .........................................................54 3.3 Group of Penedo do Muro (Sandín, Monterrei, Ourense) GA32050002 .............................................................56 4. Comparative analysis ..................................................................................................................................................56 5. Schematic art or Schematic arts? ................................................................................................................................60 Chapter 6. Rock art places and contexts at Gralheira Massif (central north-west Portugal): a general overview (António Manuel S.P. Silva, Joana N. Leite, Paulo A.P. Lemos and Manuel Valério Figueiredo) .................................63 1. Presentation .................................................................................................................................................................63 2. The nucleus of Escariz ................................................................................................................................................64 2.1 The tombs of Aliviada and Alagoas .....................................................................................................................65 2.1.1 Dolmen of Aliviada 1 ...................................................................................................................................65 2.1.2 Alagoas 1 and Alagoas 4...............................................................................................................................66 2.2 Selada’s rock carvings ..........................................................................................................................................67 3. The nucleus of the lower Paiva River basin ................................................................................................................68 3.1 Fraga Marcada ......................................................................................................................................................69 3.2 Fraga dos Sete Riscos ...........................................................................................................................................70 3.3 Cando’s carved stone ............................................................................................................................................70 3.4 Fraga da Ferradura................................................................................................................................................71 3.5 Marca dos Mouros ................................................................................................................................................72 4. Final remarks...............................................................................................................................................................73

Part 3: Atlantic tradition rock art Chapter 7. Galician petroglyphs: distribution patterns in the province of A Coruña (north-west Spain) (Alia Vázquez Martínez, Carlos Rodríguez-Rellán and Ramón Fábregas Valcarce) ..................................................79 1. Introduction .................................................................................................................................................................79 2. Methodology and materials .........................................................................................................................................80 3. Results .........................................................................................................................................................................80 4. Conclusions .................................................................................................................................................................84 Chapter 8. The rock engravings of Cova da Bruxa (Galicia, north-west Iberia). A place of reiterated hunting scenes (Josefa Rey Castiñeira, Manuel Antonio Franco Fernández and Jorge Juan Eiroa) ......................................87 1. Archaeological intervention ........................................................................................................................................87 2. Repeated representation of hunting.............................................................................................................................89 3. Are these really depictions of hunting? .......................................................................................................................89 3.1 Scene 1: stalking scene? .......................................................................................................................................91 3.2 Scene 2: capture of a 10-point stag with net, during the rutting season, in a clearing? .......................................92 3.3 Scene 3: a stalking scene in the woods or by the water?......................................................................................93 3.4 Scene 4: a huntsman and his hound behind the chosen prey? ..............................................................................93 3.5 Scene 5: a herd of deer; and the ruse of an old deer? ...........................................................................................94 4. Why the hunting theme and not other types of scenes? ..............................................................................................95 5. Final conclusions.........................................................................................................................................................96 Chapter 9. The Atlantic rock art of Monte Eiró (Penhalonga, Marco de Canaveses, north-west Portugal). New background to its contextualisation (Luís Sousa) ...................................................................................................99 1. Introduction .................................................................................................................................................................99 2. Physical, environmental and archaeological context ..................................................................................................99 3. Rock art nucleuses.....................................................................................................................................................101 3.1 Monte Eiró I .......................................................................................................................................................101 3.2 Monte Eiró II ......................................................................................................................................................102 3.3 Monte Eiró III.....................................................................................................................................................102 vi

Contents

3.4 Monte Eiró IV ....................................................................................................................................................102 3.5 Monte Eiró V ......................................................................................................................................................105 4. Final considerations ..................................................................................................................................................106 Chapter 10. Respecting the ancestors? Iron Age life and 4th/3rd millennia BCE rock art within the hillfort of Briteiros (north-west Portugal) (Daniela Cardoso, Ana M.S. Bettencourt and George H. Nash)............................109 1. Introduction ...............................................................................................................................................................109 2. The data ..................................................................................................................................................................... 110 3. The Atlantic rock art of Mount São Romão’s ........................................................................................................... 111 4. The Atlantic rock art of Mount São Romão and the Iron Age/Roman period inhabitants of the Briteiros hillfort... 112 5. Towards an interpretative outcome ........................................................................................................................... 116

Part 4: Other styles Chapter 11. Post-Palaeolithic rock art of north-western Portugal: an approach (Ana M.S. Bettencourt) .............123 1. Introduction ...............................................................................................................................................................123 2. Atlantic rock art .........................................................................................................................................................124 3. Open-air Schematic rock art and its heterogeneity ...................................................................................................128 4. Other styles? ..............................................................................................................................................................132 4.1 Weapons .............................................................................................................................................................132 4.2 ‘Tools’.................................................................................................................................................................135 4.3 Internally segmented circles ...............................................................................................................................135 4.4 Boat like-motifs ..................................................................................................................................................136 4.5 Subnaturalist and Schematic quadrupeds ...........................................................................................................137 4.6 Palettes and similar objects ................................................................................................................................140 4.7 Podomorphs ........................................................................................................................................................140 5. Final considerations ..................................................................................................................................................141 Chapter 12. Shape and meaning: engraved weapons as materialisations of the Calcolithic/Early Bronze Age cosmogony in north-west Iberia (Manuel Santos-Estévez, Ana M.S. Bettencourt, Hugo A. Sampaio, Cláudio Brochado and Gonçalo Ferreira) .....................................................................................................................151 1. Introduction ...............................................................................................................................................................151 2. Methodology .............................................................................................................................................................152 3. Engraved weapons in the south-west of Galicia and north-west of Portugal ...........................................................153 3.1 Auga da Laxe and Pedra das Procesións (Gondomar) .......................................................................................153 3.2 As Chanciñas (A Cañiza)....................................................................................................................................154 3.3 Costa da Areira 1 and 2 (Valença) ......................................................................................................................156 3.4 Monte da Laje (Valença) ....................................................................................................................................158 3.5 Santo Adrião 1 (Caminha) ..................................................................................................................................159 3.6 Galga (Ponte de Lima) .......................................................................................................................................160 3.7 Chã da Laje das Cruzes 1 (Barcelos)..................................................................................................................161 4. Places with engraved weapons: discussion of the results .........................................................................................162 4.1 Places with weapons in active positions.............................................................................................................162 4.2 Places with weapons in passive positions ..........................................................................................................163 4.3 Places engraved with weapons: spaces, shapes and meanings...........................................................................163 Chapter 13. Where do the horses run? A dialogue between signs and matter in the rock carvings of Fornelos (Viana do Castelo, north-west Portugal) (Ana M.S. Bettencourt, Isabel S. Silva, M. Isabel C. Alves, Pedro P. Simões and Manuel Santos-Estevéz) ...............................................................................................................167 1. Introduction ...............................................................................................................................................................167 2. Administrative location, physical and archaeological context ..................................................................................169 3. The engraved locus ...................................................................................................................................................170 4. The carvings ..............................................................................................................................................................171 5. Interpretations ...........................................................................................................................................................172 Chapter 14. Pena Furada sanctuary: astronomical and ritual archaeological aspects (Coirós, A Corunha, Galiza) (Antón Fernández Malde) ...............................................................................................................................................179 1. Introduction ...............................................................................................................................................................179 2. Method ......................................................................................................................................................................180 2.1 Criteria of the programme of observations.........................................................................................................181 vii

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2.1.1 General criteria ...........................................................................................................................................181 2.1.2 Remains in the traditional calendar ............................................................................................................181 3. Field observations at Pena Furada.............................................................................................................................181 3.1 Previous considerations ......................................................................................................................................181 3.2 Archaeological and astronomical observations ..................................................................................................181 3.3 Synthesis of the observations .............................................................................................................................183 4. Conclusions ...............................................................................................................................................................185 4.1 Architectural structures and criteria for their disposition ...................................................................................185 4.2 Days ....................................................................................................................................................................185 4.2.1 First moment ...............................................................................................................................................186 4.2.2 Second moment ..........................................................................................................................................188 4.3 Technical qualification........................................................................................................................................188 4.4 Sacred territories.................................................................................................................................................190 Chapter 15. Boats carved on the Atlantic coast of the Iberian peninsula. Landscape, symbols and people (Gabriel R. Pereira and Ana M. Arruda).......................................................................................................................193 1. The Atlantic coast of the Iberian peninsula ...............................................................................................................193 2. Coastal geomorphology ............................................................................................................................................193 3. Paleoclimate data ......................................................................................................................................................195 4. Boats depicted at the Atlantic coastline of the Iberian peninsula..............................................................................196 5. Sailing boats: portable rock art at the city of Porto (Portugal) .................................................................................199 6. Interpretations and possible meanings ......................................................................................................................202

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List of figures and tables Chapter 2 Figure 1. Implemented relational model for CVARN database. ..........................................................................................20 Figure 2. Number of sites with engraved outcrops by municipality up to 2014. .................................................................22 Figure 3. Map showing the distribution of outcrops and sets of outcrops recorded before 2014. .......................................23 Figure 4. Spatial distribution map of outcrops and sets of outcrops recorded as Atlantic and Schematic rock art and the so-called Indeterminate category, up to 2014. .....................................................................................................................24 Chapter 3 Figure 1. Devil claw rock art sites in the Upper Douro and Trás-os-Montes regions (north-east Portugal). ......................30 Figure 2. General view (top) and closer view (bottom) of the Passadeiro rock shelter. The white arrow indicates the location of panel 1. (Photo by A. Santos.) ...........................................................................................................................31 Figure 3. Tracing of Passadeiro’s panel 1. ...........................................................................................................................32 Figure 4. Detail of the tracing in the area of the red deer motif. .........................................................................................33 Figure 5. Detail of panel 1 in the area of the red deer motif. (Photo by A. Santos.) ...........................................................34 Chapter 4 Figure 1. Location of the rock art site of Lamelas in the north of Portugal.........................................................................41 Figure 2. Platform of Lamelas displaying Rocks A and B. View from the entrance ‘access pavement’. ............................41 Figure 3. View of the Lamelas Rock A from the top of Rock B. On the upper left corner of the picture one can see the entrance to the platform. ......................................................................................................................................................42 Figure 4. Tracing of Rock A. Seven panels (Panels 1–7) can be seen on the rock’s surface. In order to illustrate Rock A’s topography, we have marked topographic lines (eg. 638,60 m; 638,70 m or 639,00 m, in absolute altitude). 01, older motifs; 02, later motifs; 03, area without a definitive tracing. ..............................................................................43 Figure 5. Complex motifs from Panels 1 and 2 (01, older motifs; 02, later motifs). ...........................................................43 Figure 6. Complex idoliform figures of Panel 1. .................................................................................................................44 Figure 7. Section of Panel 3 displaying multiple figures. We highlight two peculiar interconnected anthropomorphic figures, known as ‘halteriformes pluricirculares’ (01, older motifs; 02, later motifs). ........................................................45 Figure 8. Detailed view of the highest section of Panel 2. ..................................................................................................45 Chapter 5 Figure 1. Geographical position of the Galician Alto Támega in the Iberian north-west, and a view of the Támega depression from the Portuguese border (Mairos).................................................................................................................50 Figure 2. Distribution of Alto Támega late prehistory sites: 1, group of As Pisadiñas (Monte Lastredo, Laza); 2, group of As Cuncas/As Ferradas (Vences, Monterrei); 3, group of Penedo do Muro (Sandín, Flariz, Monterrei); 4, As Chas, Verín; 5, A Fraga do Zorro (Verín); 6, stele of A Pedralta (Castrelo do Val); 7, warrior statue of Outeiro do Muiño.................................................................................................................................................................52 Figure 3. Location of surveyed sites: (A) As Cuncas/As Ferradas (Vences, Monterrei, Ourense) and view of the site from the NW; (B) As Pisadiñas (Laza, Ourense), and view of the site from the NE; (C) Penedo do Muro 1 and 2 (Sandín, Monterrei, Ourense), and view of the site from the SW. .......................................................................................53 Figure 4. Panels 1, 2 and 3 from As Cuncas/As Ferradas (Vences, Monterrei, Ourense). Rubbings and profile. (A) General view from the south. (B) Modern alphabetiform. (C) Modern cross added to a cup mark. (D) Cruciform hapes and alphabetiform added in the southern end of the panel. (E) Engraved initials carved with metal tools. (F) Drainage channel and cruciform or anthropomorphic figure on the vertical wall. ........................................................54 Figure 5. Panels 1 and 2 from As Pisadiñas (Laza, Ourense). Rubbings and profile. (A) General view of the outcrop from the west. (B) General view of the site from the south-east. ........................................................................................55 Figure 6. Penedo do Muro 1 (Sandín, Flariz, Monterrei). Rubbings, profile and orthophotography. .................................56 Figure 7. Penedo do Muro 2 (Sandín, Flariz, Monterrei). Rubbings, profile and orthophotography. .................................57

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Recorded Places, Experienced Places Figure 8. Rock carving of Cro da Lairi – Fenestrelle, Val Chisone, Italy (3.50 × 2.80 m). GRCM tracing image, 1988....59 Figure 9. Footprint; hand-shape; zoomorphic figure............................................................................................................59 Table 1. Comparison of surveyed sites.................................................................................................................................58 Chapter 6 Figure 1. The area of study: the Gralheira Massif, in central north-west Portugal...............................................................63 Figure 2. Rock carvings and other monuments referred to in the text: the River Paiva basin (right), Gralheira’s northern slope and the Escariz region (left)..........................................................................................................................64 Figure 3. Painted motifs and engravings in the granite slabs of the Dolmen of Aliviada 1, Escariz, drawings according to Twohig (1974, 1981) and Pereira da Silva (1984a, 1997a). Legend: red, red paintings; black, black paintings; grey, carvings; ‘E’ means ‘esteio’ (slab)........................................................................................................................................66 Figure 4. Plan of Alagoas 4 (Escariz) passage grave, including a stone slab with a rectilinear composition engraving (cf. Pereira da Silva, 1989a, 1997a)......................................................................................................................................67 Figure 5. Selada 1: (A) general perspective; (B) central motif of the carved panel: a cup mark within a circle, onnected to three other external cup marks; (C) board game engraving..............................................................................67 Figure 6. Selada 4. Possible stone slab from a prehistoric tumulus (Urreira 3) with an anthropomorphic shape and engravings of wavy lines and cup marks (drawing over photo)...........................................................................................68 Figure 7. The Fraga Marcada rock engravings were made upon four different panels. (A) General view. (B) Detail of Panel 1...................................................................................................................................................................................69 Figure 8. Fraga Marcada. (Left) Partial drawing of Panel 2. (Right) Partial drawing of Panel 3.........................................69 Figure 9. Fraga dos 7 Riscos showing a set of linear engravings.........................................................................................70 Figure 10. Photograph and drawing of the engraved stele of Cando, a schist stone with at least two different carving phases....................................................................................................................................................................................71 Figure 11. Fraga da Ferradura. (A) General view of the three carved panels. (B) Detail of Panel 1...................................72 Figure 12. Fraga da Ferradura. Panel 3: carving of an anthropomorph................................................................................72 Figure 13. The rock engraving named Marcas dos Mouros, seemingly a solar motif. (A) General view of the rock. (B) Radiated circle................................................................................................................................................................73 Chapter 7 Figure 1. State of the knowledge about the distribution of rock art in the province of A Coruña as shown in Peña and Vázquez (1979).....................................................................................................................................................................80 Figure 2. Spatial distribution of petroglyphs in A Coruña province.....................................................................................81 Figure 3. Graphic with the correlation between different motifs..........................................................................................82 Figure 4. Spatial distribution of circular combinations........................................................................................................83 Figure 5. Spatial distribution of zoomorphs.........................................................................................................................83 Table 1. Number and percentage of sites where the different motifs are present.................................................................82 Table 2. The raw data............................................................................................................................................................82 Chapter 8 Figure 1. Three-dimensional images of Cova da Bruxa record, produced by Manuel Antonio Franco...............................88 Figure 2. General view of the rock art site of Cova da Bruxa..............................................................................................89 Figure 3. Scenes of hunting at the rock art site of Cova da Bruxa, as suggested by anthropological hunting parallels......90 Figure 4. (A) Tracing of a panel at Cova da Bruxa with figures that compose one of the hunting scenes. (B, C) Topography and flooded fissure of the scene. (D) A miniature from the hunting book of Gaston Phoebus........................91 Figure 5. (A) Tracing of a panel of Cova da Bruxa. (B) Miniature by Gaston Phoebus......................................................92 Figure 6. (A) Tracing of a panel at Cova da Bruxa. (B) A recreation in fabric Lerole.........................................................93 Figure 7. (A) The circle/corral, the trap and the water. Miniature from Gaston Phoebus. (B) Scene of a Roman mosaic (Blanchard-Lemée)...............................................................................................................................................................94 Figure 8. (A) Tracing of Cova da Bruxa. (B) Miniature by Gaston Phoebus.......................................................................94 Figure 9. (A) Tracing of a panel at Cova da Bruxa. (B) Miniature by Gaston Phoebus.......................................................95 Figure 10. Tracing of panel at Cova da Bruxa...................................................................................................................... 96

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List of figures and tables Chapter 9 Figure 1. Location of Monte Eiró in Portugal and the Iberian peninsula........................................................................... 100 Figure 2. Spatial distribution of the engravings nuclei of Monte Eiró (photograph taken in 2015)................................... 100 Figure 3. Overview of Panel 2; photographic record of Panel 1 and drawing of Panel 2s and 1 of Monte Eiró I (according to Brandão, 1961).............................................................................................................................................101 Figure 4. Photographic record of the Panel 3 of Monte Eiró I. (Some motifs are usually painted with chalk by the local population.)................................................................................................................................................................102 Figure 5. Photographic record and drawing of the rock engravings of Monte Eiró II (according to Brandão, 1961).......103 Figure 6. Photographic record and engraving graphic survey of Panel 1 of Monte Eiró III (according to Brandão, 1961) and an aspect of the same engraving, taken in 2015................................................................................................103 Figure 7. Photographic record of Panel 5 of Monte Eiró IV, taken in 2015.......................................................................104 Figure 8. Overview of Monte Eiró V and overview of the carvings, obtained from the north. (These motifs are usually painted with chalk by the local population.)..........................................................................................................105 Chapter 10 Figure 1. (A) Iberian peninsula map with Mount São Romão, in Guimarães, north-west Portugal. (B) Atlantic Rock art localization on Mount São Romão, Guimarães, on the Portuguese Military Chart No. 71, scale 1: 25.0000 (IGC).... 110 Figure 2. (Top) Aerial view of the summit and upper slopes of Mount São Romão. (Below) Aerial view showing the summit of the Briteiros hillfort........................................................................................................................................... 110 Figure 3 (A) General view of Panels 1, 2 and 3 of Quinta do Paço 1. (B) General view of Penedo dos Sinais outcrop. (C) General view of Bouça da Miséria outcrop. (D) Detail of the engravings in Bouça da Miséria outcrop...... 111 Figure 4. Types of motifs that are present on the summit and intermediate slopes of Mount São Romão. (1) São Romão Rock Nos. 2; (2 and 3) São Romão Rock No. 6; (4) São Romão Rock No. 10; (5) Quinta do Paço; (6) Penedo dos Sinais; (7) Bouça da Miséria; (8) Quinta do Paço; (9) Bouça da Miséria; (10–14) Quinta do Paço; (15 and 16) Penedo dos Sinais; (17) Quinta do Paço; (18 and 19) Bouça da Miséria........................................................ 112 Figure 5. (A) Context of the Rock No. 2 inside the hillfort of Briteiros, where we can see the ‘council house’ at the bottom. (B) Tracing of Romão Rock No. 2........................................................................................................................ 113 Figure 6 (A) Outcrop partially overlapped by pictures. (B) Detail of Rock No. 6. (C) Tracing of Rock No. 6................. 113 Figure 7. Out of context block, probably part of the so-called ‘Spiral House’................................................................... 114 Figure 8. (A) Footprint of rock No. 4. (B). Footprint of Rock No. 11................................................................................ 115 Figure 9. (A) General view of Panel No. 3 of Quinta do Paço. (B) Tracing of Panel No. 3 of Quinta do Paço................ 115 Figure 10. Detail view of the engraved double spiral on Rock No. 5................................................................................. 116 Figure 11 (A) Pedra Formosa (cf. Nash et al., 2013). (B) Iron Age ceramic from Briteiros hillfort (source: SMS). (C) Citânia de Briteiros helmet fragment (cf. Silva, 2007)................................................................................................. 117 Figure 12. (A) São Romão’s medieval chapel ruins (top left) (source: SMS). (B). Present-day chapel of São Romão (top right) (source: SMS). (C) Procession in honour of São Romão (side) (cf. Cardoso, 2015)........................................ 117 Chapter 11 Figure 1. Distribution map of outcrops and sets of outcrops recorded with Atlantic and Schematic rock art up until 2014............................................................................................................................................................................125 Figure 2. Distribution of rock engravings in the north-west and on the western slopes of Mount São Gonçalo, in Barcelos (squares) and other prehistoric contexts known in the area, as megalithic monuments (semicircles) and Bronze Age and Iron Age setlements (circles) (Bettencourt et al., 2016)..........................................................................126 Figure 3. Different surfaces with Atlantic art. (Top) Quinta do Paranho, Barcelos, with motifs engraved on the ground. (Bottom) Sinadora, Viana do Castelo, where the recorded motifs are found on elevated surfaces, inside the rocky set. Photograph taken from the north..................................................................................................................127 Figure 4. Several motifs of Schematic rock art. At the top, on the left: carved segmented squares and rectangles, a quadruped, anthropomorphisms in φ, among other motifs of Boucinha, Mondim de Basto (courtesy of António Dinis, dated 2005). At the top, to the right: schematic anthropomorphisms at Tripe, Rock 6 (Baptista, 1986). Bottom: U-shaped motifs, cup marks, some circles and footprints at Meal da Dona, Tondela (Santos, 2008).................129 Figure 5. Motifs of Early and Late Schematic rock arts.....................................................................................................131 Figure 6. Two motifs like horseshoes, near a grid and a horse-rider in Santo Adrião, Caminha (courtesy of M. Santos- Estévez)............................................................................................................................................................131

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Recorded Places, Experienced Places Figure 7. Halberds and shield (?) of Costa da Areira 1, in Valença....................................................................................133 Figure 8. (Top left) Panel 3 of Laje da Curra, Viana do Castelo, to the east of the outcrop (Santos, 2014). (Top right) Segmented circle and axe of Fieiral 2, Melgaço (Bettencourt 2013a). (Below) horses and horse-riders associated with a segmented circle oriented to the south-east, at Breia 5, Viana do Castelo.............................................136 Figure 9. (Top) Boat-shaped motifs of Santo Adrião, Caminha (the painting was done on the photograph). (Bottom) Panel 18 of the Laje da Churra............................................................................................................................137 Figure 10. (Top and centre) Subnaturalistic cervids from Escorregada, Valença (Courtesy of Cândido Verde). (Bottom) Schematic cervidae of the Penedos Gordos, Barcelos, on the left side of the photograph.................................138 Figure 11. Quadrangular and circular palettes of Campelo 1 (Dinis, 2011).......................................................................140 Chapter 12 Figure 1. Location of weapon engravings in north-western Iberia (dots) and location of the case studies: (1) Auga da Laxe, (2) As Chanciñas, (3) Costa da Areira, (4) Monte da Laje, (5) Santo Adrião, (6) Galga, (7) Chã da Laje das Cruzes 1..............................................................................................................................................................................153 Figure 2. Platform in the middle of the western slope of Monte Galiñeiro where the engraved outcrops of Auga de Laxe are located (photo by Manuel Santos Estévez)............................................................................................154 Figure 3. Photogrammetric survey of (1) Pedra das Procesións (Auga de Laxe 1) (top); (2) Auga da Laxe 3 (left); and (3) Auga da Laxe 4 (right)............................................................................................................................................155 Figure 4. Location of As Chanciñas at Monte Pedroso (top) and tracing of the carved motifs (bottom)...........................155 Figure 5. Santo Ovídeo hill viewed from Costa da Areira (top). Photogrammetry of Costa da Areira 1 (bottom)............156 Figure 6. The engraved outcrop of Costa da Areira 2 with three halberds (top) and details of the two halberds (bottom)...............................................................................................................................................................................157 Figure 7. Details of the two weapons (top) and tracing of Monte da Laje (bottom) (cf. Cunha and Silva, 1980).............158 Figure 8. The engraved outcrop of Santo Adrião 1 and its photogrammetric survey.........................................................159 Figure 9. Photogrammetric survey (top) and detail of the dagger (bottom).......................................................................160 Figure 10. Chã da Laje das Cruzes 1, viewed from the west (top), and its partial photogrammetric survey (bottom)......162 Chapter 13 Figure 1. Direct tracing of Fornelos (according Baptista and Magalhães, 1985, adapted). The scale has 10 cm..............168 Figure 2. Location of Fornelos on the Military Chart of Portugal, No. 27, scale 1:25,000 (IGC), and in the Iberian peninsula.............................................................................................................................................................................169 Figure 3. The ‘pocket beach’ at Fornelos (Google Earth)...................................................................................................170 Figure 4. (Top) Appearance of the site with the carvings (viewed from the south). (Bottom) Various perspectives of the carved outcrop of Fornelos (viewed from the south). Scale = 50 cm....................................................................... 171 Figure 5. Manual tracing of Panel 1 of Fornelos................................................................................................................172 Figure 6. Panel 1 (in the centre) and Panel 2 (on the right) observed at 8 o’clock in the morning, in October 2010........ 173 Figure 7. Manual tracing of Panel 2 of Fornelos................................................................................................................173 Figure 8. Motifs carved in interaction with the geoform....................................................................................................174 Figure 9. Two small salterns hollowed out in the rock, at a natural step in western part of the Fornelos outcrop.............175 Chapter 14 Figure 1. Incidence of the sun’s rays on the visibility of the figure of A Moura at Pena Furada: only visible at noon (A), imperceptible during the rest of the day (B).......................................................................................................180 Figure 2. Location of the Pedra Moura site........................................................................................................................181 Figure 3. Map of the site structures....................................................................................................................................182 Figure 4. Archaeological relationships at Pena Furada.......................................................................................................184 Figure 5. Incidence of sunrise on the podium and A Moura...............................................................................................184 Figure 6. Position of the moon on the festival of Samhain. (A) The previous night (29 October) the moon sets in the same place where the sun rises the next morning. (B) Likewise, on the night of 31 October the moon rises in the place where the sun had set the night before................................................................................................................185

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List of figures and tables Figure 7. (A) Balcony, architectural structure and incidence of the sun’s rays at sunrise on the festival of Imbolc. Structure: (A.1) opening, gate; (A.2) lateral enclosure; (A.3) internal space; (A.4) opening opposite Mount Gato; (A.5) large stone. (B) Incidence of the sun’s rays on the balcony on the festival of Beltaine............................................186 Figure 8. East–west perimeter wall. (A) Incidence of the sun’s rays at the sunset on the spring equinox, where the rays transit on the traces of the wall. (B) Overview from the south-west corner: (B.1) corner carved to meet the perimeter walls; (B.2) location of the lituus on the north–south perimeter wall................................................................187 Figure 9. Vertical sun on Pena Furada at noon on the summer solstice. (1) Gates aligned at noon on the summer solstice. (2) Podium with A Moura, not perceptible now; the figure exhibits grooves made by visitors to define its contour line due to its poor visibility..................................................................................................................................188 Figure 10. The anthropomorphic figure becomes visble. (A) Photograph taken on a day when only circles can be seen. (B) At dawn on the autumn equinox the sun makes the anthropomorphic figure visible. (C) Usual time of visibility in the evening sunsets. (D) Exceptional moment of visibility in the early morning of the spring equinox........189 Chapter 15 Figure 1. Places mentioned in the text on the western Atlantic coast of the Iberian peninsula..........................................195 Figure 2. Boat depictions found at the western Atlantic coast of the Iberian peninsula..................................................... 196 Figure 3. Boat carvings found along the north-western Atlantic coast of the Iberian peninsula. (A) Borna petrogliph (Guerreiro, 2008); (B) Auga de los Cebros 1 (Castro and Peña, 2011); (C) Auga de los Cebros 2 (Castro and Peña, 2011); (D) Auga de los Cebros 3 (Castro and Peña, 2011); (E) O Viveiro VI (Guerreiro, 2008); (F) Alto das Veigas II (Verde Andrés and Costas Goberna, 2009); (G) Laje da Churra – Panel 6 (Santos, 2014)................................. 197 Figure 4. Boat depictions found on south-western Atlantic coast of the Iberian peninsula. (A) Depiciton on pottery of a hippos, Lisbon (Arruda, 1999–2000). (B) Coroplastic fragments found at Rua dos Correeiros, Lisboa (Sousa, 2014). (C, D) Depictions on pottery from Quinta de Almaraz (Cardoso, 2004)................................................................198 Figure 5. Location of Largo dos Lóios (Porto) and the archaeological diagostic trenches (dark grey)............................. 200 Figure 6. Archaeological works at one of the trenches. Cross-section of the sedimentary deposits of silty/sandy characteristics...................................................................................................................................................................... 200 Figure 7. Portable rock art found at Largo dos Lóios......................................................................................................... 201 Figure 8. The occurrence of archaeological remains, dating from the Iron Age and the Roman period in part of the historic centre of Porto (adapted from Silva, 2009)............................................................................................................ 202

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Recorded places, experienced places. Some remarks Ana M.S. Bettencourt, Manuel Santos-Estévez, Hugo A. Sampaio and Daniela Cardoso Landscapes, Heritage and Territory Laboratory – Lab2PT, Department of History, University of Minho, Braga, Portugal E-mail: anabett @uaum.uminho.pt; [email protected]; hugoaluai@ gmail.com; [email protected] 1. Introduction

expressions of past agency to interpret, rock art sites were definitely lived and experienced places. Therefore, the rock art of the north-western Iberian peninsula is the main subject of this book, as well as the different methodological perspectives for studying this kind of materialization of past societies’ thought.

Landscapes result from the human condition of interaction with the world, and it is generally accepted that past evocation forms part of this phenomenon (Gosden, 1994; Bradley, 2000; Ingold, 2000; Brück and Goodman, 2001; Tilley, 2004). Whether the product of past generations’ agency or ascribed to inexplicable supernatural powers – underlining the importance of animism to past societies (Sahlins, 1972; Descola, 1996; Bradley, 2000; Ingold, 2000; Thomas, 2001; Tilley, 2004) – landscape is something mentally constructed, comprising both natural and artificial (or anthropic) elements (Ingold, 2000). As such, landscape can also be considered as the perception and experience that communities obtain and achieve from their contact with the surrounding world. In addition, the complex and permanent (re)construction of landscape has the power to act as an agent in certain circumstances.

2. The book structure This book, which results from the compilation of some oral presentations or posters, presented in 2013 and 2014 during the second and third Enardas Colloquia, entitled ‘Living Places, Experienced Places. The North-Western Iberia in Prehistory’ and  ’Recorded Places, Experienced Places in Iberian Peninsula Atlantic Margin’, respectively, is divided into four parts and 15 chapters. The first part, ‘Concepts and Tools to Study Rock Art’, comprises two chapters. The first chapter, authored by Campelo, concerns the interpretation of symbolic spaces in north-western Portugal through the perspective of the anthropology of space, which is important for understanding the pre-modern way of experiencing this landscape. The author stresses that the north-west, outlined by a particular orography, where boulders, springs and mountains are widespread, is symbolically organized in legendary narratives and cultural processes of appropriation and control of the space. This process confers properties on the natural elements of the landscape, conducting rituals in order to appease those forces and delimiting the uses and benefits of the men that dwell in such landscape, which Campelo regards as ‘cultural imbibed spaces’.

Also, due to the existence of landscape, people and communities often embody different kinds of loci (Campelo, 2009), contributing to the emergence of a network of places (Thomas, 2001). The experience and practice of landscape produce both a sense of belonging and social integration, creating what Feld and Basso (1996) refer to as ‘senses of place’. Its use and frequency stimulates a connection and interlinks with histories and memories, meanings and feelings, developing an increasingly emotive relation with those known loci. In many cases the materialization of these relations leaves ‘readable’ archaeological traces. Considering human consciousness, the socialness of things (Latour, 1991), the power of memory – also deriving from the subjective interaction materialized by being in the world (Bachelard, 1969; Merleau-Ponty, 2002) – especially the effect of social memory – the collective representation of the past associated with social practices (Connerton, 1989) responsible for the communal awareness of things (Halbwacks, 1975; Connerton, 1989) – and the importance of iconographic memory as a possible container of subjective, aesthetic and metaphorical understandings of the world (Thomas, 1991), the importance of rock art sites is undoubted. Even though they are one of the most difficult

The second paper, by Bettencourt, Abad Vidal and Rodrigues, introduces the Rock Art Virtual Corpus of the North-West of Portugal (CVARN), a database dedicated to post-Palaeolithic rock art in north-west Portugal that exhibits both its social and scientific potential. Part 2, ‘From Sub-naturalistic to Schematic Rock Art Tradition’, discusses various expressions of recorded art in the north-west Iberian hinterland, as well as expressions of the schematic art tradition from north-central Portugal. 1

Ana M.S. Bettencourt, Manuel Santos-Estévez, Hugo A. Sampaio and Daniela Cardoso The study of the latter kind of art has achieved particular importance, since it has been considered as belonging to prehistory. It should be stressed that in many regions of the Iberian north-west, particularly in Galicia, this type of rock art has not yet been studied in depth as it has been considered medieval or later. Thus we do not know its true spatial distribution, iconography, subtypes and interrelation with other types of rock art developed in the north-west. The fourth chapter included in this part addresses such issues in general studies, such as Comendador Rey and González Ínsua and Silva et al., or in monographs, as in the cases of Sanches and Teixeira and Sanches and Gomes.

Age, according to prehistoric engravings located in the area and in the vicinity of the fortified settlement of Briteiros. Its major objective is to discuss the implication of the ideology behind the concept of respecting previous rock art by a later group of inhabitants of Monte de S. Romão.

The third part of the book, ‘Rock Art of the Atlantic Tradition’, is subdivided into four chapters. The first of these corresponds to a rock art inventory in the northern area of Galicia, from Vázquez Martínez et al., which forms the basis of future interpretative works. By applying statistical analysis, the authors present some considerations about the spatial distribution of rock engravings, which is mainly littoral. Furthermore, they observe differences between the distribution of figurative (animals, weapons, etc.) and abstract motifs, and identify correlations between them.

The first chapter from Bettencourt reviews the rock art of north-west Portugal, discussing what is considered Atlantic and schematic art and proposing the existence of a new iconography that can be inserted, essentially, into the Bronze Age.

The fourth part of the book, ‘Other Styles’, includes five chapters. These focus on some depictions that the editors considered unsuitable for inclusion in the bestknown regional styles, i.e. in the traditionally considered schematic and Atlantic engravings addressed in Parts 2 and 3, respectively, of this book.

The chapter from Santos-Estévez et al. is about the context and meanings of engraved weapons dating back to the Late Chalcolithic/Early Bronze Age, located in the southwest of Galicia and north-west of Portugal. Based on the assumption that they can be carved in active and passive positions, some differences in the contextual location of each group were noted and lead to some interpretations. Taking into consideration both the physical context and the orientation of weapons in active positions, it appears likely that these materialise a cosmogony connected to the symbolic importance of the celestial world and of some hills that seem to have served as structuring places in the Bronze Age landscapes. The group of sites with passive engraved weapons, although more heterogeneous, seems to be related to intersection areas and several natural paths, indicating the importance of votive offerings to deities associated with outcrops, water sources and earth.

The next two articles seek to interpret Atlantic tradition rock art, although using different scales of analysis. Rey Castiñeira et al., using as a case study the rock engravings of Cova da Bruxa – an impressive outcrop that includes images of deer and abstract motifs – and giving special attention to the spatial location of the carved outcrops, to the internal positioning of the engraved motifs, and to the historical data available for hunting, hypothesize that these engravings appear to result from repeated carving episodes, during different times. As such, they may represent narratives of hunting scenes (related to forest or water) that could have been religiously meaningful – related with the sun – and could represent a ‘psychopomp’ animal that accompanies and protects individuals as they travel to the afterlife.

The chapter by Bettencourt and colleagues, which studies engraved places, is focused on the application of the concept of magical and symbolic geography (Campelo, 2017) and the interaction between the morphology of the outcrops and the motifs engraved or inscribed thereupon. The case study considered is Fornelos, in northern Portugal, carved mainly with schematic horses and horse-riders, interpreted as the materialisation of a Late Bronze Age or Iron Age mythical narrative, probably a rite of passage. This kind of place is also considered an ‘imbibed space’, a place of appropriation, control and integration of the elements of territory, in everyday life and in the social practices of communities.

Sousa, working on the rock art complex of Monte Eiró, parses the interrelation between motifs and their spatial context at different levels as an important guide to the interpretation of this complex. Using this case study, he highlights the accessibility of the site and the possibility of its being seen by a large audience, hypothesizing that this place hosted the celebration of rites regarding both water and the fertility, considering the site’s physical features and the kind of motifs represented there. According to what one can observe from the engraved locus (the impressive morphological appearance of Montedeiras sierra), this also raises the hypothesis that this ‘scenographic space’, with a deeply ‘symbolic’ character, would be ‘suitable for the most diverse rites and celebrations, involving the elements of the physical environment or the properties that inhabit them’.

The chapter by Malde concerns Pena Furada, considered an important Iron Age ceremonial site in north-west Iberia. To interpret this place the author focuses on the importance of archaeastronomy, the spatial and archaeological context at different scales of analysis, and the features of the ‘visible’ territory. According to this approach, Pena Furada is linked to the Celtic festival of Imbolc and to an Iron Age sacred territory, without hillforts and directly related to sunrise.

The last article in Part 3 is from Cardoso et al., and addresses the theme of past representation during the Iron 2

Recorded places, experienced places. Some remarks The last chapter, by Pereira and Arruda, concerns a stone plate, carved with several boat-like motifs, found in the city of Oporto, probably belonging to the Second Iron Age and the Roman period. In order to interpret this item, other representations of boats found along the Atlantic coast of the Iberian peninsula are analysed, with the aim of discussing the meaning of places via these kinds of depictions.

Thomas, J. ‘Archaeologies of Place and Landscape’, in Archaeological Theory Today, ed. I. I. Hodder, 165– 186. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2001. Thomas, N. Entangled Objects. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991. Tilley, C. The Materiality of Stone. Explorations in Landscape Phenomenology. Oxford/New York: Berg, 2004.

References Bachelard, G. The Poetics of Space. Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1969. Bradley, R. An Archaeology of Natural Places. London/ New York: Routledge, 2000. Brück, J. and Goodman, M. ‘Introduction: Themes for a Critical Archaeology of Prehistoric Settlement’, in Making Places in Prehistoric World, ed. J. Brück, M. Goodman, 1–19. London: UCL Press, 2001. Campelo, Á. ‘Espaço, construção do mundo e suas representações’, in Dos Montes, das Pedras e das Águas. Formas de Interacção com o Espaço Natural da Pré-história à Actualidade, ed. A.M.S. Bettencourt, L.B. Alves, pp. 191–206. Braga: CITCEM-APEQ, 2009. Campelo, Á. ‘Contribution of the Magical and Religious Geography to Anthropology of Space. A Case Study in the North-West of Portugal’, in Recorded Places, Experienced Places. The Holocene Rock Art of the Iberian Atlantic North-West, ed. A.M.S. Bettencourt, M. Santos-Estévez, H.A. Sampaio and D. Cardoso. Oxford: BAR, 2017. Connerton, P. How Societies Remember. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Descola, P. ‘Constructing Natures: Symbolic Ecology and Social Practice’, in Nature and Society: Anthropological Perspectives, ed. P. Descola and G. Palsson, 82–102. London/New York: Routledge, 1996. Feld, S. and Basso, K.H. Senses of Place. Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 1996. Gosden, C. Social Being and Time: An Archaeological Perspective. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. Halbwacks, M. Les Cadres Sociaux de la Mémorie [1925]. New York: Arno, 1975. Ingold, T. The Perception of the Environment. Essays in Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill. London: Routledge, 2000. Latour, B. Nous n´Avons Jamais Été Modernes. Essai d’ Anthropologie Symétrique. Paris: La Découverte, 1991. Merleau-Ponty, M. Phenomenology of Perception [1945]. London: Routledge. 2002. Sahlins, M. Stone Age Economics. Chicago: Aldine/ Atherton, 1972.

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Part 1 Concepts and tools to study rock art

Chapter 1 Contribution of the magical and religious geography to an anthropology of space. A case study in the north-west of Portugal Álvaro Campelo Center for Applied Anthropology Studies – CEAA, University Fernando Pessoa, Oporto, Portugal E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: All geographies inhabited by people have a magical and symbolic space organisation. It is a world georeferenced by natural elements that communities manipulate and organise into magical and religious narratives. Constructing residential spaces and sanctuaries, and defining access paths, although related to the extraordinary, is a common attitude towards perceiving and experiencing daily life. Therefore, this magical and symbolic geography helps us understand an anthropological theory of space. In the north-west of the Iberian Peninsula the world is outlined by a particular orography, where boulders, springs and mountains are widespread. The causes and consequences of this kind of organisation of ‘place’ (topos koinós; locus communis) are expressed in legendary narratives and cultural processes of appropriation and control of the space. That is how forces and capabilities are conferred on the natural elements of the landscape, while conducting rituals in order to appease those forces, and delimiting the uses and benefits of the people that dwell in such a landscape. If an individual builds his/her ‘body’ in space, so does society as an organised body that seizes it. 1. Introduction

Our interest in this chapter is not to denounce the historical, political and ideological processes of the construction of wider regional identities, but to treat reality as a microgeography, where the senses of place and connection between places are established throughout and are dependent on the daily life of the communities that exist there. It is through the particular prevalence of an organisational symbolic structure – identified in a human community by their constituents and by its appropriation and use – that the unity of a symbolic with a magical geography of a certain territory is achieved. All territories have that magical/symbolic geography, since all communities need to appropriate and dominate the territory in which they dwell. However, this appropriation and domination over the territory is performed by each community, using both different narratives and ritual practices. The fundamental issue here is that there are two relationships that take place between the individual and the space wherein he or she dwells. The first connects body with space where physical reality is experienced. It is a mutually dependent relationship inasmuch as the body suffers geographical conditions and uses the available resources, interfering in the physical reality where it acts. The second is that this individual body that acts within a given space materialises its existence within a social group with its own rules and meanings, shared over generations, by maximising an effective communication, even though it is open to other possibilities. Although they are necessary for communal change and dynamics, these other possibilities have to be considered as they can lead to error or conflict. However, there is a strategy to minimise the risks or to interpret and

When we refer to a known territory or region, we have a relatively clear ‘image’ (imago) of its geography. If the political and administrative organisation of the territory of the various countries has designations and classifications that allow the construction of relatively effective relations between geographic spaces, and social and cultural identities, much of that effectiveness is associated with the evocation of geographic and landscape specificities. Even the territorial organisation of the European space itself, within the administrative logic of economic efficiency, claimed by the EU, used the concepts of similarity/identity and proximity to establish the NUTS (Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics, of Eurostat) – a classification/management system that emerges from a wider connection experience and consequent knowledge established within different territories. Therefore, due to the current complexity deriving from mobility and from political and administrative references, a hierarchy of the spatial organisation of the territory to which we belong was established with different responsibilities and demands. However, this territorial organisation fails to convey the senses of ‘place’ and the experiential memory and traditions provided by the use of what we would term cultural spaces. In fact, the supposedly ‘symbolic stability’ of a place does not essentially depend on its political and administrative organisation. The latter, besides being founded on the senses of experience of a certain space, also rests on the historical events of the exercising power and its ideologies. 7

Álvaro Campelo process them, when they occur, in normal speech. This strategy integrates the extraordinary or unusual in daily experience, creating exceptional but predictable moments and spaces, which punctuate and demarcate daily life.

can be extracted from Lévi-Strauss’s writings. However, what we want to emphasise is neither the radicalism of apparent diversity nor the universalising ‘naturalness’ of the relationship of body or cultural group with space, but the cultural act of appropriation of real elements from the landscape. Such manifestation seeks their integration in terms of social practice, providing them with symbolic and practical meanings, organising a spatial and cultural cognitive world as referred by Clifford Geertz (1973), i.e. an ethos by which to read space and for the practice of space. Therefore, it seems that there is no pre-existing cognition manifested in the interpretation of space. Space interferes in the construction of the cognitive world, while the latter acts upon space, appropriating it and performing upon it the construction of its senses. We cannot agree with Lévi-Strauss (1964-1971), saying that despite differences, our mental structures work in the same way and could be explained mathematically, as the research he did on the myths.

2. An anthropology of space There is a current consensus to treat the ‘body’ as an integral part of the spatial analysis (Low, 2003; Low and Lawrence, 2002) as the influence of social structures and power over the body has already been acknowledged, for example, through Michel Foucault’s research (1975, 1984, 1986). Even the notion of habitus taken from Pierre Bourdieu (1972) shows how action and thought schemes are available to social groups. These are, at the same time, constructed structures and socially imposed on a social group in order to reproduce and legitimise social hierarchies. People unconsciously embody the imposed social structure while enacting and reproducing it, since they use the imposed representations and actions (marked by cultural and symbolic factors) as their own action strategy (their habitus). Here, we have the influence of Max Weber and the importance of the symbolic dimension in legitimising the social domination, as well as Émile Durkheim’s ideas based on the principle of causality, i.e. a certain social determinism. One cannot also forget the structuralism of Marcel Mauss and Claude Lévi-Strauss (1964–1971). However, I would like to point out the influence of the phenomenology of the body and the availability for action based on the experience of events, taken from the writings of Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1962) and Husserl. Habitus is not necessarily a mere ‘social condition’, which is mechanically reproduced, but a kind of ‘action grammar’ acquired by socialisation. In other words, an individual’s social behaviour does not only have one opportunity to ‘manifest’ itself, but a great variety of solutions in order to deal with situations. Therefore, habitus – as an available structure within a social system – generates by its self an infinity of practices – a variety materialised in similar ways of thinking, sensing and acting, unique to the members of a certain social class.

Language grammars show how space grammars can be: they are not purely formal but dependent on the social sphere. The idea that the body–space–culture intersection may have a cognitive and emotionally comprehensible experience is the basis of a theoretical analysis designated by Low (1996, 2009) as ‘embodied spaces’. In turn, this theory was influenced by the concept of ‘embodiment’ from Tom Csordas (1994). The main objective is to contribute to an anthropological theoretical foundation of space, dominated by contributions from geography and sociology. For some time we have been concerned about space and landscape anthropology (Campelo, 2010, 2013). It is our intention to use the concept of ‘embodiment’ from Csordas (1994: 12) as an ‘indeterminate methodological field defined by perceptual experience and mode of presence and engagement in the world’. And, at the same time, Low’s (2003: 10) exploration of the concept, concerning the intersection and interpretation of body, space and culture: ‘I have called this material/conceptual intersectionality embodied spaces.’ In other words, ‘Embodied space is the location where human experience and consciousness take on material and spatial form’ (Low 2003: 10). By linking body with space, Low explores, not only proxemics (Hall, 1968), but also phenomenology, spatial orientation and linguistic dimension. With the concept of ‘embodied space’, the author intends to achieve an understandable model about space creation, spatial orientation, movement and language. However, the author’s focus does not go further than the individual body, the perception an individual has of his daily living space, i.e. by the means an individual builds this space in his ‘living’ experience using the body in a conscious relation between body and space. Here are the bases of a multiple-space body: individual body, social body, political body, consumer body and medical body. These multiple realities of the spatial body lead us to ponder on the implications of genre, structure and architectural organisation, where culture and the world are incorporated by the ‘techniques of the body’ (Mauss, 1950). In fact,

Our interest in Bourdieu rests on the possibility of social agency being based on cognitively and symbolically constructed similarities of narratives and practices appropriated by a social group. This cognitive and symbolic appropriation and construction provides common sense to the socialised practice, and updates the available cognitive and symbolic possibilities, opening space to new senses and practices. If in Bourdieu the ‘action grammar’ rested on social structure, i.e. in the habitus of a social class – by reason of ‘distinction’ but universalising towards the same social and cultural rules – in our proposal the ‘action grammar’ lies in the organisation of spaces, each one distinct, but similar in different territories. Although with different narratives, there would therefore be an appropriation and domination of space possibly manifesting a universality of senses. One could speak about a structuralist perspective with a radicalism of difference, and the evidence of common cognitive mechanisms, which 8

Contribution of the magical and religious geography to an anthropology of space linking body with space is socially significant, since the latter is many times represented by corporal metaphors – such is the case of the Dogon, studied by Griaule (1941) – or it is space itself that provides the metaphors assigned to the body, such as memory and emotion (Bastien, 1985).

since learning is not a problem of ‘enculturation’, but instead of being able, skilled (Ingold, 1991: 371). Ingold’s focus on practical activities, and their disconnection in relation to knowledge transmission from generation to generation (enculturation), underlines the individual and his ‘capabilities’, ‘skills’ and creative abilities, making apprenticeship by practice a process of differentiating and constructing a person’s individuality by sociability rather than by socialisation. However, it is questionable whether the process of apprenticeship, which allows the development of knowledge and cognitive system, is merely constructed from the interaction between the individual with the environment or, on the contrary, if it is important to preserve a classic anthropological perspective, which defends that ‘environment’ is not simply available for the execution of ‘capabilities’, and thus develops a cognitive system. The latter itself is organised by history and culture, which also includes a communal anthropological heritage. Most concepts regarding contemporaneous individual and anthropological object development face the necessity of overcoming the aforementioned nature versus culture logic (biology in opposition to culture), knowing that to define human specificity it would not be possible to dispense with biology and evolutionary cognition developed within the physiology of the mind. Such a change is due to the current knowledge of the cognitive sciences, and to the knowledge production, storage and transmission ‘mechanisms’ obtained via computational science. However, must we take sides? Is it possible for a cultural and anthropological theory not to prescind from biology and cognitive evolution of the mind, where the physiological evolution and consequent complexity in the ‘capabilities’ of the individual are connected – as mutual case/effect – to social life and the construction of complex cultural and institutional systems, which not only last over time – beyond an individual’s lifetime – but also ‘contextualise’ the practice of the individual and his/her social group, making their interpretation possible?

Although it is important to comprehend the relation between body and space – overcoming both biology and geography through the sociopolitical and cultural sphere, which the concept of ‘embodied spaces’ synthesises – the relation with space should surpass both body and space. Moreover, it should include all fields of significances and experiences – both from body and space – prior to the existence of any relation established between a certain body and a certain space. Therefore, relations are not established between a body and a space, but between a body and a space with a ‘cultural background’, which arises from the use and practice of bodies and spaces. In this sense, one must assert that comprehending the ethos of a cultural community is essential to understanding an anthropology of space, underlining the social and cultural group – its macro and micro strategies of experience of/in a space, how they comprehend it and transform it over time – as the main reason of a theory on the practice of space. In other words, more than just ‘embodied spaces’, we would have ‘cultural imbibed spaces’: communal cultural practices and senses pervade the geographic space and at the same time its multiple physical features pervade – by influencing and constructing – communal cultural experiences and practices and the cognitive processes of its members. We must consider all reflections resulting from the dialogue between anthropology and cognitive sciences, and information sciences, towards a specific problematisation of differentiating culture from nature, especially when questioning the current sense of anthropological practice (Campelo, 2010) and its consequences in knowledge and mental representation. New information treatment devices question the relation between body and soul (Sperber, 1992), and reflect on overcoming the mind/body dualism. Thus, biology does not rupture the connection between culture and nature but instead creates continuity (Ingold, 1991). However, this ‘continuity’ has to go beyond an ecological psychology, stressing the specificity of human sociality when postulating about the integral processes of constituting a person as an organism – within a critique of Western ontological logic that placed culture in opposition to nature, and human in opposition to nonhuman, distinguishing subjective domains (the inner world of the mind and meaning) from objective domains (the external world of matter and substance). For Ingold (2004), the evolutionary development process comprises relations between organism and environment. Here, the development of an organism is also the development of an environment for an organism. Therefore, development would not result from the socialisation process. Thus, it is not something learned, but rather something received. However, it is something acquired by practice: learning and understanding is ‘understanding in practice’ and, in turn, linked to a context where ‘attention is educated’

When dealing with space we are naturally confronted with the data recovered, associating the individual’s ‘ability’ to practise a space – which requires specific and improved capabilities of adaptation and development in order to obtain greater advantage from that practice – with a cultural heritage, which the individual inherits and updates with collective social practices that exist beyond the capacities and abilities he holds or develops over time. This also means that by inheriting the practice of such space and its associated and culturally consolidated meanings, the individual acquires a ‘spatial cultural capital’ that favours him while developing his own abilities and capacities. Following the work of Allan Pred (1986), this is how spatial becomes social, and social becomes spatial. The anthropology of space provides an account of this interconnection, where space is not a merely physical environment available for a practice and transformed by the abilities/capacities of a practitioner, but also a ‘cultural place’ where the practitioner – individual or social group – is, at the same time, the creator of space and created by space, contributing to new senses and benefiting from present 9

Álvaro Campelo senses (through their interpretation). Consider Michel de Certeau’s (1990) ‘act of walking’ as a construction process of the sense of place through micro practices contrasting with strategies established by power. By analysing the ‘spatial tactics of orientation and movement’, Certeau (1990) shows how the creative interaction between the collectively defined strategies and opportunity tactics of individuals takes place in order to practise a space. Some function as ‘basis of action’ (Lefebvre, 1974), others as ‘movement expressions’. That is, each place, as practised space and socially constructed – representing a cultural practice of space – may be subjected to an anthropological analysis of its collective spatial culture. However, it may also represent a ‘manifestation’ of the possibilities of a tactical decision, where the social actor individualises himself, inscribing his mobility and decision in the interpretation and disruption of the collectively assumed social space. Any anthropological theory of space requires the combination of both dimensions of the practice of space: a practice that lies in a collectively assumed spatial culture, where established powers and common strategies are claimed, and in the tactics and capabilities of each individual to live and appropriate that spatial culture, interlinking physical space, mind and mores. That is, making this space ‘home’, where the individual feels integrated and moves. It is this sense of ‘home’ and ‘relational space’ that allows us to look at the analysis of the construction of the symbolic space – found in the ‘representations of residence’ (the place where the individual inhabits and celebrates life) and in the ‘representations of mobility’ (whether the means of access to resources on which the individual depends, or the means of reservation/exclusion/access to ‘others’ to which the individual is positively or negatively related). The theory of body/space/culture, within a microanalysis, that leads to the concept of ‘embodied space’, within a macro-analysis of social and political forces, can only be understood at an anthropological level by introducing the concept of ‘cultural imbibed spaces’. In this sense, if it is possible to distinguish between micro- and macro-analysis, then none of them would function without having the notion that they are ‘culturally imbibed’ in any space.

during field research. It was through a set of ‘constants’, recovered during our field research, that it was possible to synthesise some structural elements of a practice of space and its interpretative reading, which we call the ‘syntax of landscape practice’ (Campelo 2013). Interest in communication arises from human specificity. The final instance of human singularity is not the assertion that man is an animal using complex communication, but instead that his communicative culture is extremely complex. The difference lies in the complexity and variety of communicational practices and symbols throughout the history of man – when he is understood within a history of terrestrial ecology – as well as in the fact that man is able to construct – with all this complexity and variety – different communication systems, from people to people, from region to region, which are understood in the light of a certain social group. When transforming geographic space into a communication space (by practising it), cultural communities transform it into a place of memory and sociability. Its higher or lower importance – or relevancy, as suggested by Sperber and Wilson (2001) – in the daily life of communities varies according to physical structure, necessity or expectation of its practice. If in other works (Campelo, 2010) we were concerned with cognitive investment that justifies intentionality of action in a space due to expectations resulting from the practice of a place, we now want to analyse how certain expectations are fulfilled in order to construct a magical and religious geography. Geography, geomorphology and orographic elements, when practiced and when interpreted, are part of a cultural discourse, the symbolic senses of which do not escape any human community. Geography, geomorphology and orographic elements, when practised and when interpreted, are part of a cultural discourse, where the symbolic senses do not escape any of the human communities. Take the example of mountains, valleys or plateaus, distinguished by concrete geomorphologies, and cases of certain orographic forms, such as boulders and other landscape elements – water, trees, etc. When we speak about a ‘symbolic geography’, we associate the physical conditions of a particular specific geographic space with the social practices of that space, whilst practised space. From here emerges a shared experience where senses, both from fixed elements and from uses of that space, are shared by practitioners. These are the symbolic meanings that gave coherence to the practice of place, either in daily life experience or in exceptional rituals of space appropriation. This symbolic geography happens in either rural or wild/desert spaces, as well as in urban and more sophisticated and contemporary spaces. As a traditional community – as we would like to call it1 – practises and interprets its inhabited territory, so

3. The magical and symbolic geography It is worth underlining that organisation and ritualisation of symbolic and magical geography cannot be disjoined from human societies’ necessity to communicate in two geographic spaces: dwelling space and mobility space. Therefore, when organising a place, landscape or territory, human communities are integrating geography (between topos and oros) in their cultural and relational processes. This organisation of space and its practice is a language where ecological space, social construction, the adjustment of a body in space and the relationships developed therein are integrated. Thus, physical and human geography allows or prevents certain kind of practices in some places, and the specific concretisation of these practices in a particular space under analysis configures a cultural practice. The understanding of such practice resides in the possibility of ‘reading’ it within rules more or less verified

Traditional classification of community always depends on comparison terms and constructed meanings. We define as traditional communities previously classified as ‘primitives’, or rural communities from the Western world, even if there is a need to critique the sense of ‘rural society’ or even ‘farmer society’. The same applies to ‘community’ to which we cannot overlay any homogeneity or unifying consensus. This 1

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Contribution of the magical and religious geography to an anthropology of space levelled’ (Luke 3.5). The transparent Earth is shown as an image from another world in many cosmologies. This is the case for Uttarakuru, the golden earth of Buddhists, eternally clear, which manifests itself in four qualities. It is plain, silent, pure and has trees with no thorns. Made pure by Buddha and invoking the goddess of Earth, he expels demons and transforms it into a ‘diamond land’ (Eliade, 1954: 22s). It is not by chance that Hildegard, in Bingen, rediscovers the diamond, a symbol of perfection in the twelfth century, to be an absolute enemy of the Devil! However, the known space is far from being this ‘diamond land’! What one can verify is not continuity, but separation and a differentiated space. It is within this context that limits and frontiers arise, places linking differentiated spaces or the so-called excess spaces, such as forests and valleys, and spaces of negativity and absence, such as deserts (Dragan, 1999: 21). These are paradoxical spaces where the divine and demoniacal are manifested, sometimes in confrontation, at other times completely dominating present senses.

do communities from larger contemporaneous cities. The difference lies in the elements used due to geomorphological specificity, in the contribution to its organisation (in the case of rural spaces centred in orography, and in the case of cities centred in urbanism), and in the type of symbolic appropriation of space in narratives and practices (i.e. more stable in rural spaces and, for that reason, more supported in tradition; more hybrid in urban spaces, due to their greater dynamics). However, it is worth mentioning the establishment of symbolic geographies as the identities of cities, which use literature as a privileged means of revelation/construction. What characterises traditional societies, using the words of Mircea Eliade (1961), is their implicit recognition of a division between the surrounding inhabited2 territory and the unknown or undetermined spaces. The first represents the world (‘our world’), the cosmos; the rest represents the ‘other world’, the chaos. ‘Our world’ is always in the centre! Organising the cosmos is participating in the work of gods, by repeating cosmogony. The existence of man is only possible through this dialogue/action with the divine, through the organisation of the world. Organising the world is fighting constantly against chaos, the outlandish and demons. The universe is organised from this centre, the umbilicus of the world, the sacred mountain, etc.

All human societies are confronted with a geographic order. In some there is a unique geomorphology that dominates all, such as the case of the desert; in others the geomorphological diversity requires more from the cosmic order. Moreover, along with this cosmic order, communities have to construct an order of place. This is assumed to be a foundational act, through foundational rituals. The foundation of a village, a dwelling place, marks the relation of ownership between communities and the space they occupy. The village settles in the space and defines ownership by creating a foundation, the base of its legitimacy. Vergati (1990: 240–249) describes a Nepalese party in the city of Bhaktapur during which a post was buried in the ground, to which two red flags were tied. These flags represented two serpents killed by the prince, the founder of the city. If this ritual marked the mystical foundation of the city, it also defined the fertility of the earth. The foundational and fertility rituals are marked by sacrifice.4 Occupying a territory is always a conquest that implies a sacrifice, which can be materialised by a representative of the community. Therefore, if all foundations are a religious act, then these rituals establish a perfect circularity between territory and body, in the sense of using the term ‘foundation’ as a mediation notion. The body penetrates and is inscribed in the territory, in an intimate and cooperative relationship.

The mythological narrative from Roman cosmology is characterised by dramatic and fantastic, and sometimes humorous, adventures. After the ‘cosmic dive’,3 the Earth, emerging from deep waters, fluctuates at the surface. However, the Earth seems plain and without thickness, since God did not create mountains or valleys. Therefore, another auxiliary narrative emerges to explain the occurrence of orography. In the majority of narratives God sends a bee to ask advice from a hedgehog. In other variations the Devil is disguised as a hedgehog and it is on its advice that God initiates orogenesis (Eliade, 1981). The idea of a plain Earth is not a Roman exclusivity. From the Philippines – where God Kabigat walks on the face of a plain Earth with its dogs, instigating springs and promoting a flood that forms the relief of Earth – to Gâthâs (religious hymns that are part of the Avesta, assigned to Zarathoustra) – where Earth is plain in the beginning and would be in the end (Harva, 1959: 92–93) – this perception of terrain seeks to synthesise the concept of non-existence of an obstacle and differentiation in a primordium and to resolve the perfection that is embodied, for example, in the concept of ‘transparent Earth’. Lucas provides an image of this Earth, purified by the penitence of those awaiting the coming of Christ: ‘[T]he valleys will be filled and the mountains

Organised as the world is, and experiencing the centrality of ‘our world’, communities are confronted with all that surrounds them, seeking in inhabited spaces and places the elements that allow them to maintain the cosmos. This is where they interpret and act upon what they need to dominate, order and integrate in their daily life.

classification designates sociocultural communities that live in spaces where dependence on nature and spatial organisation is still very much influenced by narratives and practices previous to industrial and urban revolution. 2 ‘Inhabited’ means both dwelling space and practised space, where all daily activities are developed, including those that occur in exceptional occasions, such as certain festive and commercial rituals. 3 There are some traditions where it is not the Devil that ‘dives’ but God himself, or an animal.

The mountain, next to the vault of heaven (the inaccessible place, where the deity resides), acquires sacredness for During their foundational ceremony Dogon people fasten their gaze upon the head of a human being buried alive. 4

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Álvaro Campelo being the intermediate point and mediator between sky and earth. In turn, lower hills situated on the path between the inhabited place and the highest sacred mount are passageways that require from men the effort of ‘moving’ from where they reside and where the sacred ‘is’. It is not by chance that religious rituals are performed in these places, where we can also encounter sacrificial practices and ex-votos offered to sacred entities.

the Celts, associated with the there principal god Thor). Another feature of the tree is to establish a connection between the three levels of the cosmos: the subterranean world, where the roots are; the surface of the earth, from where the trunk and first branches erupt; and the heights and top of the world, to where the upper branches and summit are orientated, facing the light of heaven. However, James Frazier (1929) reminds us that the worship of trees is well proven in many Aryan European peoples, and this cult can be encountered across the Earth! It is the association of trees with springs that makes the notion of rebirth and paradise its manifest evidence. That is why rocks, earth, water or woodlands represent an inexhaustible supply of resources5 for animism. In fact – without reaching a new theoretical problematisation framework on the concept of nature and culture, or an ontological enhancement of that differentiation so dear to the Western world (Descola, 1994, 2005) – we feel involved and interact with the surrounding world in a dynamic relation which does not differentiate much from the animistic world, except in the extent of the manifested desecration.

In the water that dissolves, cleans, purifies and regenerates we find the germens of life or life itself, by antonomasia. The term ‘living water’ sums up all the sacred and ritual significances of this element! ‘Lustral water’ (into which a burning charcoal taken from the sacrificial altar was thrown) protects from deseases and changes the course of death. These charcoals thrown into seas and rivers aim to maintain order and peace against waters that promote disorder. In other words, the deposition of objects and metals in water could be for reading the future (hydromancy, different from pegomancy, which uses a sacred pool or spring), or for transferring wishes and desires through mimetic power (e.g. copper or gold pieces in basins where newborn babies are washed).

Communities organise extraordinary physical elements within a magical and religious spatial geography through the use of symbolic constructions in order to ritualise and cognitively assimilate them. And the best way to appropriate and display these physical elements in the spatial organisation was through the ritualisation of sacred practices amongst themselves, experiencing their primordial senses, forces and (positive and negative) energies assumed to be present and from which they radiated. And the best way to appropriate these experienced phenomena was to narrate them. Narration and oral discourse became to human communities the force of creation of their cosmos, a mental conception of the world (Augé, 2000), where the act of creation – ‘poetic’ (in the original sense of the term) – provides the satisfaction of a desire: an intelligible world, even if it means reinventing it.

On the other hand, the solidity of the world lies in the hardness and resistance of rocks. Their contours, whimsical shapes or varied colours suggest the reading of a message to be deciphered or manipulated. Moreover, rock symbolises ‘Mother-Earth’, and expresses wisdom. The launching and deposition of rocks also served divination, acting as mediators with the divine (lithomancy). Along the great rocks arises the divine (the association of rocks with Christian cults dedicated to Our Lady is therefore not surprising). It is a widely spread belief that rocks move. Contrary to their appearance of rigidity, it is believed that rocks travel and transport beings to other worlds, and they are often associated with magical rituals, such as fertility. Another frequent cult is the ritual of passing under great boulders or going through ‘internal’ passages between valleys, where the rock’s protuberances decide who has sins or who remains uncured. It is all about entering Mother-Earth to receive the energy that cures and forgives, in some kind of regeneration process. According to a number of beliefs, ‘lightning stones’, namely rock believed to be produced by thunderstorms (who are in fact the flint stones), are transformed into precious stones for amulets, and frequently positioned in the foundations of dwellings in order to protect them from thunderstorms. When the rock erupts from the interior of the earth, forming shapes and dimensions that hardly escape the gaze of those most distracted, human communities construct narratives about a world yet to unveil, or of access to secrets hidden in the ‘interior’ of the earth (Eliade, 1961).

4. The symbolic space of the Portuguese north-west Here, our line of work assumes an ethnographic analysis and a comparative anthropological interpretation. However, we should emphasise the fact that, contrary to archaeological research (Renfrew and Zubrow, 1994; Tilley, 2004), we are dealing with living communities. For that reason,

Resources that have later been used in Christianity, as one can attest by the frequent reprimands by the ecclesiastic authorities for the worship of trees and waters, classified as ‘pagan superstitions’. S. Martinho de Dume (6th century) denounced the custom of lighting candles near rocks, trees and water sources. The 12th Council of Toledo prohibited the veneration of rocks, the lighting of torches and adorning of water sources and trees (S. Martinho de Dume, De corretione rusticorum, 16; XII Concílio de Toledo, cânone XI). Escalante (1979) reports a 16th-century text from Villafañe that describes a fact from the end of that epoch: some Jesuit missionaries found at the heart of the Cantabric territory, in the socalled Montes de Paz, a region where non-Christianised communities worshipped oak trees. Since there were no constructed temples, the missionaries gathered the people from the surroundings to preach near the oak tree. After the death of one of the missionaries, the people constructed an altar near the oak tree as a tribute to him. This example shows how Christianisation of ancient places of cult worship took place. 5

Trees are integrated in this religious system of symbols, since they can also express life, whether through the periodic regeneration of their constituents (as in deciduous trees) or as a testament to immortality (as in the case of evergreen trees). Most of them have live beyond the birth and death (exemplified by the oak, a sacred tree to 12

Contribution of the magical and religious geography to an anthropology of space even working in ‘archaic’ contexts (landscapes, artefacts, architectures or lost traditions/memories), our approach is mediated by the living communities that currently not only inhabit and to a certain extent practise these contexts, but also provide an oral inheritance. Some of the elements discussed herein – where we analyse its appropriation by the communities through practices and discourses – are related to the magical and religious world, even though these communities are widely influenced by the Christian world or by an increasing desecration.

in all mountains. It is how the mountain stands out in the landscape – its height, shape or geological composition – that captures the neighbouring communities’ attention or leads them to it, from time to time, for extraordinary rituals. The legend of Serra d’Arga shows how the so-called ‘magical mountain’ could not escape such magical geography. The mountain is relevant for its dimension and preponderance at the bottom of the valleys of the rivers Lima and Minho. Although this is where the legend takes place, it is in the vicinity that we find the ritual places and magical celebrations, as well as the depositions of ex-votos and rock engravings. The chapels that substituted previous ritual places are located on the hillside, such as the Santa Justa Chapel, in S. Pedro d’Arcos, or the S. João d’Arga Sanctuary.6 These sites, usually visited by pilgrims who pass through the outcrops, mark the landscape and memory of those who experience it. There are many boulders in the sierra towards S. João d’Arga. Of particular significance is Penedo do Casamento (‘Wedding Rock’), at which single women would throw rocks. If the rocks did not fall from the top of the boulder, it was a sign that a wedding would soon take place; if not, better days would come! On the way to Santa Justa, one can see Penedo Furado (‘Rock with Hole’) or Penedo da Virgindade (‘Rock of Virginity’). The young women had to put their heads inside the ‘hole’ of the boulder and if they removed it easily, it was a sign of their virginity! The celebrated saint, Santa Justa, was a martyr and virgin, but also the patron of couples having fertility problems. In order to manifest itself the sacred prefers the paradox, demarcating itself from world rules and altering energies that cause its illness. The vigour of youth and virginity reinforces the sense of purity and incorruption that surpass the evil limits that prevent fertilisation. It is therefore not surprising that even today we can encounter ex-votos, expressions of a promise and a desire, near these boulders (some of which bear engravings).

Moreover, our approach to ritual elements (such as objects and artefacts) does not isolate them as the product of behaviours and as merely physical or cultural objects, but as interpreted and experienced ‘materialities’ and spaces, i.e. within a performative relationship that implies not only the object, but also the individual and community. And in this relationship the presence of the ‘word’ in the ritual narrative is paramount! In other words, the implied relationship between communities and certain orographic elements, and magical objects and spaces – from which they performed rituals and on which they acted, incorporating them in the ritualisation (such as inscribing signs, transforming or depositing objects close to them) – is always made with words and specific formulas (not necessarily unaltered), without which the action and interpretation ritual would lose meaning and effect. We try to re-create this appropriation and domination of the territory in the Portuguese north-west by analysing the world of legend of that region (Schulten, 1959; Campelo, 2002, 2007) and understanding how it is put into practice in a magical/symbolic geography. In the Portuguese north-west there is a set of legends that clearly define the practice of certain spaces and, at the same time, interpret the experiences of such places, as practised spaces. These legends refer to places that distinguished themselves by some geomorphologies: the mountains (particularly the rocky mountains or those that stand out in the landscape); the ‘natural paths’, i.e. pathways that are evinced by the physical organisation of the territory, and that have been used since prehistory until quite recently (valleys where one can walk without significant physical impediments; places of passage between valleys – borders (extremos) and laps (portelas); the banks where rivers would cross – ‘passageways’); springs; boulders that stand out in the landscape; forests. During our field research (Campelo, 2002), we realised that oral narratives about these spaces were so recurrent that when facing the extraordinary manifestations of the referred elements – even without the knowledge of any legend of the place where they were found – we immediately questioned local inhabitants. It was no surprise that we found a narration of such magical and religious world!

There are also mountains that stand out due to their constituents. This is the case for Monte Crasto, in the municipality of Monção, between Sago and Longos Vales. The extraordinary appearance of a great monolith could lead one to supposes it was indeed the work of witches, as stated in the legend. However, it is in the immediate proximity of the mount that the magical and cultural places were located, and so they remain to this day, although now marked by a cross and an statue of Our Lady on top of the mount. On the slopes we find the places of passage and their inherent risks, since witches leave the mount and attack passers-by, because they are disturbed in the proximities of the site, where access would be denied. Anything can happen: from being undressed and placed on top of the nearest boulders – where sexual dichotomy is evident (Campelo, 2004) – to even being taken to distant places through holes that link distinct worlds.

4.1 Mountains and boulders The mountain – as previously seen – is par excellence a space of manifestation/presence of what is sacred. However, this manifestation/presence does not take place

Nossa Senhora do Minho Sanctuary, on top of the mountain, is very recent. It was in the mid-20th century that a group of people – hunters – during their leisure time decided, due to the beauty of the place, to construct a chapel that later became the current sanctuary. 6

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Álvaro Campelo Finally, there are mounts that stand out due to their shape. The legend of the Lagarto de Lamas de Mouro gives sense to an animal figure of a boulder, at the top of the mountain. The petrified lizard not only assumes this form but also the shape of a fantastic animal, such as the snake, in this context. The serpent can be a young enchanted moor from Quinjo (a place of the village Castro Laboreiro), a manifestation of the devil, or the representation of fertility due to the phallic exuberance and the access to the depths of the earth.

This link is made not only through locating narratives in certain spaces and places full of mysteries – as if they were real primal uteri ready to give birth – but also because those figures populate the depths of the earth and their manifestation has consequences for the order of the earth. These figures can bring gold and sudden wealth, as well as water and fertility. These are evidences of an occult presence. And it is beside these evidences, springs, water sources and rivers that men establish narratives, celebrate rituals and deposit their ex-votos.

The boulder is the most present element in the legends of the Portuguese north-west. For many people rocks are the ‘bones’ of the earth (Eliade, 1971). In the Minho Valley boulders do not go unnoticed. They allow one to ‘enter inside’ and ‘leave from inside’! They are passageways into the depths of the earth, liminal places where the unknown can be manifested, although many such places are potentially dangerous. In the Minho Valley boulders are the ‘umbilici’ of the earth, the centres of space organisation. Interfering with them will certainly bring consequences to anyone with the courage to try it. One can either become rich, having open access to hidden treasures, or release the evil that brings death and misfortune!

The particular attention that communities pay to springs, water sources and great outcrops should not therefore surprise us. As water comes from the depths of the earth and the boulder gives us access to its depths, these sites become exceptional places of communication with the ‘other world’. It is an ambivalent world that can either offer us wealth and fertility, or bring us evil, trapped demons, or the fear of death. By placing ex-votos next to these places (lights, woven tapes, food, or other durable offerings, symbols of immortality and eternity associated with gods) we would be not only starting a dialogue between the forces of the underground world (because we depend on them: after all, it is from the earth that water emerges and fertility comes), but also exorcising the dangers that may arise from it.

4.2 Springs and water sources Springs are particularly significant places. They stand out due to their rare use or to the ‘impossibility’ of originating water. All legends of Nossa Senhora das Neves give account of the ‘miracle’ of snow in August, during the peak of summer, after which an endless supply of water then appears in the most inhospitable places. The miracle of the water source from the Santa Maria da Ínsua Convent, in Caminha, the Fonte da Nossa Senhora, in Paredes de Coura, or the Fonte da Porca, in Cerveira, show how the intersection between the magical and the sacred changes the natural order of the world. Water is a gift, and extraordinary places where it abundantly gushes out deserve attention and religious care, giving rise to narratives and signs that highlight man’s recognition of the miracle and the desire to perpetuate it. On the other hand, in Alto Minho, water and women are almost always in symbiosis. Both guarantee fertility, and reveal and hide themselves from the curiosity of men. The water of fortune and health gushes out from where femininity is manifested. From Nossa Senhora da Ínsua to the water source of Nossa Senhora (as it is known, even though the legend is associated with Queen Aragunta), in Valença, the miracle of the clear and crystalline water source unifies both femininity and water as inescapable references of local imagination. Sometimes on mountain tops, such as in Furna or Monte Faro, other times near rivers, as in the case of Senhora da Cabeça, femininity and water reveal themselves as necessary elements for the fertility of the entire valley. Everything leads to the legend of Mulher Marinha, a woman of exceptional beauty found near the River Minho.

4.3 Forests and places of passage The forests of the Portuguese north-west are dangerous and, at the same time, mysterious places. They have their own spirits and forces, and function in most cases as liminal spaces between communities, the safe dwelling place, and mobility towards a space that escapes the control of established communal norms. It is a space open to many uses and senses, whose resolution depends greatly on how the relationship is established with it. The strategy of the group to control any possibility of danger in these spaces was to use and set on them communal identity objects and signs in an attempt to organise experience and emotions of liminality. Another strategy was to celebrate rituals in those spaces, forcing the sacred to protect the space, or collectively traverse it during certain periods of the year. One inheritance of this ritual can be found in the processions organised by some parishes through the limits of the villages, raising awareness of the boundaries and inherent risks. The pathways that mark this territory have a hierarchy related to its use. From the ones leading to the fields near the inhabited places, to others that take us to external territories, away from the community, and passing through those that link sacred places (ritual places, churches, chapels, shrines, wayside crosses, etc.) with daily life sites; their ritualisation implies a connection with diverse senses and practices. Processions during religious festivities take the extraordinarily sacred to the spaces where daily life takes place; certain rituals, such as Pai Velho (‘Old Father’), in Lindoso, go through the fields and places of the village, calling out for the renewal of nature; the

The ‘Great Goddesses’ of fertility are expressed in these feminine figures, due to their complete relation with nature. 14

Contribution of the magical and religious geography to an anthropology of space The narration of a legend and its effective presence in a place that provides it with sense are, in fact, ‘speech acts’. These, once shared, describe the order of the world in its ‘locutionary’ dimension. However, at the same time, they propose not only to transform the state of things (its pragmatic appearance), its ‘illocutionary’ dimension, but also to engage listeners (the context, what is beyond the text, integrating social conventions), i.e. developing its ‘perlocutionary’ dimension. Therefore, the anthropological comprehension of the studied spaces requires an understanding of how humans perform an effective action in the space, how they create and are created by space, not simply because of their capabilities and techniques developed over time in their mind – caused by the challenges of certain geographic spaces – but because they are (as a social group, the inheritor of senses and experienced, shared and transmitted cultural practices) embedded and impregnated in/through the senses and practices of that space. The individual is no longer the only one absorbing all the dimensions of space, connecting culture, space and body. Space also absorbs body and the individual decisions and tactics, as well as the collective strategies, where we can identify in that space and in its physical constituents the ‘memories’ from human practice. By proposing the notion of ‘cultural imbibed spaces’ we are providing the possibility of finding in the mutual relation between the cultural practice of the space and the physical and symbolic humanised space the centre of analysis. Thus, nature, culture and biological evolution in the development of capabilities and enculturation cannot be seen as a relation of opposite fields, but of interdependent fields.

‘marking’ and control of ‘portelas’ (place of passage between valleys) that lead towards other places, to other valleys, and other communities, is the attempt to dominate transitional spaces and places of passage in order to seek safety and prevent any danger the outlandish may represent. Designating these places as ‘portelas’ is not enough; one must deposit an ex-voto in order to guarantee protection, whether it is a construction (shrine), or a deposit of objects or marks of presence and possession. The designation of ‘border’ is similar to boundary, the limit of the communal space of usual practice; the liminal place that opens and closes according to the established relation, whether it is regarding the normal or extraordinary world. This liminal place is also near a river and coastline – between land and sea – making it hard to transpose it. To inhabit and have sanctuaries in places along the coastline was to confront the unknown, communicate with it and seize it through sacred art rituals and manifestations. The notion of danger is always present when the unknown has to be faced. Such danger for human communities lay in the chaos of an unknown or surprising place that they did not dominate, whether it referred to an unusual landscape or spaces associated with other communities with whom there was no or hardly any contact, since it was around their cosmos (the centre of the world) that daily lives were organised. Located in other spaces or in other valleys, it was important to demarcate the space that mediated different communities. Therefore, narrow passageways or laps that delimited inhabited and dominated spaces were represented as dangerous places of passage (not so much between the underground and exterior world, but between the known and the foreign, i.e. the vertical order of communication – also problematic – was transposed into a horizontal order). It is not by chance that in these places of passage rituals were conducted and sacred objects constructed in order to guarantee safety and provide the communal spatial organisation with some sense. The boulders, springs and laps are places of passage and of communication that had to be continuously activated by symbols in order to ensure a safe geography that is known, practised and integrated in the regulation of the social space.

The magical and religious geography of Portuguese northwest shows how communities that inhabited and still inhabit the region assume an interdependent relation with the space where they dwell and move. They received a world but they continuously change it, not in a pre-established order or sense, but in multiple possibilities that can arise by being – as biological and cultural beings – impregnated in the space wherein they dwell. Both space and their individual and social bodies are constantly adjusted through creative narratives, transmitting simultaneously current experiences and inherited memories. It is this ‘cultural imbibed space’ that provides us with the emotions that associate us with the creative and challenging practice of a place.

5. Conclusion The legend enforces an initiation rite (Turner, 1990; Van Gennep, 1981), where listeners are invited to pay attention and become aware of the senses and practices of certain places. Legends are a cultural heritage, which is received and continuously transmitted, always reinterpreting the senses and the intervening actors. This heritage provides a collective appropriation of the senses present in space. The manners in which these referenced places are ritualised and practised over time through their narration do not exclusively depend on the capabilities/techniques of an individual to relate to the landscape and space where he/she inhabits and interacts. They force a culturally contextualised practice reflected in performances. These continuously updated performances transform the world while understanding it in an incessant sharing of inherited collective memory.

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Chapter 2 CVARN – Rock Art Virtual Corpus of North-Western Portugal. A multimedia tool to investigate and describe Post-Palaeolithic rock art Ana M.S. Bettencourt1, Emilio Abad-Vidal2 and Alda Rodrigues3 Landscapes, Heritage and Territory Laboratory – Lab2PT, Department of History, Institute of Social Sciences, University of Minho, Campus de Gualtar, 4710-057 Braga, Portugal E-mail: [email protected] 1

Public Foundation Galician Supercomputing Technology Centre of Galicia – CESGA, Santiago de Compostela, Spain E-mail: [email protected]

2

Landscapes, Heritage and Territory Laboratory – Lab2PT, Portugal E-mail: [email protected]

3

Abstract: The purpose of this chapter is to make more widely known the Rock Art Virtual Corpus of the Northwest of Portugal (CVARN) – a database dedicated to the theme of Post-Palaeolithic rock art in the north-west of Portugal, which has been available online since the end of September 2014. This software tool is being built and developed under the ENARDAS project, a scientific project financed by the Thematic Factors of Competitiveness Operational Programme and by the European Regional Development Fund, and has been ongoing since 2011, but is now open to the entire scientific community. Apart from being the first compilation of different ‘styles’ of rock art that occur between the western façade of Iberia, between the basins of the Minho and Vouga rivers, it will have both social and scientific functions. In social terms, the results obtained may contribute to regional development, especially regarding development from the perspective of tourism. In scientific terms, it will allow us to promote scientific research in this field of knowledge and to enable scientifically validated arguments for the integration of rock art sites into projects to evaluate tourism.

1. Introduction

system also allows the realisation of a series of predefined queries that allows it to function as a tool for exploitation and research on the data set.

The Rock Art Virtual Corpus of North-Western Portugal (CVARN) is a database dedicated to rock art. It was developed within the ENARDAS project (PTDC/HISARQ/112983/2009) between April 2011 and May 2014 and has been available online through a website (www. cvarn.org) since the end of October 2014.

The information to feed this database came from bibliographic sources; from the systematic collection of information queries in the Endovélico database, an archaeological heritage management and information system created for the General Direction of Cultural Heritage (DGPC), an institution that falls under the Ministry of Culture of Portugal (Bugalhão et al., 2002); and also from archaeological field surveys, not only to relocate previously documented rock carvings, but also to discover new ones and describe occasional findings by amateurs.

CVARN meets the need to have a repository with social and scientific functions, which integrates the georeferenced data and a series of open-air rock art site characterisations, which cover administrative information, physical context data, archaeological features, state of conservation, ethnographic data and others varieties of documentation associated with open-air rock art.

Taking into account the different sources of information, there are some specific problems in the description of each site, such as incomplete information about many of them, mainly in the Endovélico database, which will be resolved in the future, based on new projects that complete

In addition to providing a model that allows the storage of data within the categories described above, CVARN also contains an application that manages stored data, providing coherence and quality control. With this controlled data, the 19

Ana M.S. Bettencourt, Emilio Abad-Vidal and Alda Rodrigues

Figure 1. Implemented relational model for CVARN database.

field work and new collaborations with the archaeological community and municipalities. In this sense, apart from being an initial compilation of different  types of openair rock art with systematic and scientifically validated information, it is also open to new data, and will remain a work in progress.

datum is the one used in the inventory of Endovélico and is also a universal system from which geographical projections of the coordinates can be made to any other system. This storage of coordinates reqired the unification of the data of the engraving sites, since in many cases they were in different projections or recorded as sexagesimal coordinates. This unification of location format allows data to be treated uniformly by any software that can handle geographic information.

The objective of this chapter is to describe the features of this database and its possibilities as a tool of social and archaeological utility.

The administrative location is given through the field dicofre. It stores a six-digit alphanumeric code in which the first two digits refer to the district identifier, the next two to the municipality, and finally the last two to the parish. This field is derived from the table tabletb_caop_2012. CAOP is the official administrative designation of the Direção-Geral do Território (DGT) of Portugal, (General Directorate of the Territory) and the version used is the one corresponding to the official limits of 2012. The resulting table comes from a layer in shape-file format and has been used to generate the project mapping. The current version corresponds to the administrative division of the year 2015 and is available on the DGT website.1

2. The database CVARN is based on the implementation of a database in Microsoft Access format, where archaeological sites are stored as georeferenced points. This database is organised in a series of tables that allow us to characterise each of the elements based on the different characteristics that need to be defined. The general structure of the model is presented in Figure 1. The table d_gravuras (rock sites) is the main table of the model where the data that characterise each of the sites are stored. These are individualized by the creation of a unique identifier of the site, idgra, which works as the main index, as well as providing the name by which each one of the engraving sites is recognised. In addition to these identification data, a small description is also provided.

The engraving sites are also identified by the geographical location characteristics, the description of the altitude at which they are located, their topographic location and the hydrographic basin in which they are located. In the latter case, the basins are organised through a system of basin

The location of the sites is given using their geographic coordinates with datum WGS84 in decimal annotation (EPSG: 4326) as longitude data lon. and latitude lat. This

http://www.dgterritorio.pt/cartografia_e_geodesia/cartografia/carta_ administrativa_oficial_de_portugal__caop_/caop_em_vigor/ 1

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CVARN – Rock Art Virtual Corpus of North-Western Portugal and sub-basin, encoded in an identification system that allows control over the creation of the data and facilitates future data queries.

The recorded motifs described for each site are encoded in the table cl_motivo (cody list _motif). This coding is done in a hierarchical way, which allows the creation of three levels of description for each of the motifs. In the first level, the most general description of each of the motifs, e.g. circles, weapons, zoomorphs, is collected. In each of the following sub-levels the description of each motif is more detailed. Here, aspects not represented at each higher level are specified. As an example, if we wanted to document a halberd, its identification code would be 08.01.The first two digits belong to the first level of description, which in this case corresponds to the group Armas (Weapons), and the last two, to the specific case of halberds. This system allows us to make queries that answer specific questions, such as the distribution of sites where halberds are recorded. But with the same system, and taking into account only the first two digits of the code, we could run a query that represents the sites where any type of weapon appears.

The content of the main table of engravings is complemented by other data related to their state of conservation, such as their general condition, apparent alterations and their exposure to any obvious conservation risk. It also provides ethnographic information with data such as if the place is Christianised and if it features any kind of legend or other oral tradition. Finally, information is provided on access and if the sites are part of a tour or tourist route; In addition, the author of each site file is given as well as the institution to which they belong. Next to the table d_gravuras (carvings) containing all the information previously described, each of the sites has another series of information, which it is necessary to organise through secondary tables that allow the relations between them to be established. This is the case of documentation of various types such as bibliography or images, where each of the sites can have more than one related document. In this way, we can join each of the sites with more than one bibliographic document. In the case of images, depending on the case we can find more than one photograph or drawing.

The structure of the CVARN system allows the management and analysis of the stored information, so we can consider it as a tool to perform tasks on territorial management, or obtain results for scientific purposes. The engravings are treated as spatial data, so we can map them and get information about their location and the relationships that are established between the different elements. In an abstraction of reality, each element is treated as a point with latitude and longitude coordinates, on which we can carry out studies on specific geographical areas, applying different parameters and conditions. At the same time, we can pose research hypotheses not related to spatial aspects, but to their attributes: for example, why instances of a type of engraving are located where they are, why they have the characteristics they have, or what has changed in a particular aspect such as their state of conservation.

The drawings and photographs are in the table d_image (image). Each of the images is related to the site to which it belongs through an intermediate table that allows us to relate each of the sites to all their documents, through the codes for site and image identification. One of the purposes of the work consisted of the standardisation of all this documentation, so that through its codification, it could be more easily dealt with at a later time. The structure of the table collects data, such as the original name of the image, a description and the author of the same. The application also has the functionality of making a copy of each image, renaming it using a common system applicable for all cases, and providing a code that describes the identifier of each site and a correlative number corresponding to the number of images. This coding system, besides giving the database a greater coherence, facilitates the realisation of files, and their publication via the web.

3. CVARN as a social tool Rock art has an identity, a social and economic value in so far as it preserves the memory and identity of a region, generates business opportunities and can be converted, through the development of projects of evaluation and dissemination, into a product of cultural tourism capable of generating development and contributing to the improvement of the population’s quality of life.

One of the initial requirements of the database established that it should facilitate the possibility of making queries about the stylistic grammar to which the engraving sites belong. Each of them can belong to one or more stylistic groups, either to Atlantic rock art or to Schematic rock art. At the same time, each site may also have representations of a wide range of different motifs. For this reason it has become necessary to develop architecture that allows the storage of more than one stylistic group or motif for each of the engraving sites.

Thus, CVARN, by compiling, systematising and making accessible the scientific knowledge about the rock art of the western façade of central and northern Portugal, is a social tool at the community’s service and may become an instrument for the development of the territory. This is an important step for the integration of this heritage into the management programmes of the territory by the managing entities, namely districts, municipalities, parishes, local development associations and heritage defence associations, among others.

This is reflected in the tables u_gra_estilo (style) and u_ gra_motivo (motif), where each site code is stored with the corresponding style or motif code, which is represented.

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Ana M.S. Bettencourt, Emilio Abad-Vidal and Alda Rodrigues

Figure 2. Number of sites with engraved outcrops by municipality up to 2014.

in the parish of Âncora, municipality of Caminha, among other local actions and events to appreciate and promote this cultural heritage.

As examples, CVARN enables searches by the number of engraved outcrops within a municipality or district (Figure 2); searches by the official entity that classified the sites; searches by the state of preservation of engraved outcrops cross-referenced against municipality, or district, etc.

In addition to actions and products for promotion, dissemination and evaluation, CVARN also allows actions to protect rock art sites from several kinds of threat, because it allows a faster and more effective analysis of areas that might be affected by certain building or afforestation projects or natural phenomena.

Based on this collection of information and in order to test the functionality of the database, some groups or carving outcrops with tourist potential for the Minho, Lima, Cávado and Ave valleys have already been identified (taking into account their conservation conditions, diversity of motifs, lithological particularities of the rock surface, geoforms, accessibility and their surrounding landscape). This research has given rise to the proposal of several tourist itineraries (Cardoso and Bettencourt, 2015a,b; Sá, 2015; Sá and Bettencourt, 2015; Sampaio and Brochado, 2015)2, resulting in the patrimonial and tourist valorisation of the Chão do Cano rock engravings,

4. CVARN as a scientific tool As a scientific tool the CVARN also has many possibilities because it compiles and synthesises accumulated knowledge and will allow an updated literature review of north-western rock art, offering a means to understand

Within the project ‘Rota da Arte Rupestre do Noroeste. Um projeto de Turismo Cultural’ (Northwest Iberia Rock Art Route. A Cultural Tourism

Project), developed by Landscapes, Heritage and Territory Laboratory – Lab2PT, University of Minho, Portugal (Bettencourt et al., 2017a).

2

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CVARN – Rock Art Virtual Corpus of North-Western Portugal spatial or density trends of the different styles and thematic patterns, and so on.

1984); at Chã da Rapada, in Ponte da Barca, there are 15 recorded (Alves, 2012); in the Fial I, II, II e IV, in Tondela, 59 are recorded with prehistoric chronology, and, at Meal da Dona, also in Tondela, 5 (Santos, 2008), etc. Hence, the number of rock engravings is more than the 651. It was necessary to exclude from the database sites that are known from the bibliography but were not found during the archaeological survey work.

The available data indicates a considerable increase in the number of discovered open-air rock carvings in recent years, mainly because of this project and subsequent research. Out of a total of 408 engraved places (Figure 3), 142 (35%) were discovered in the context of this project, mainly within the western areas.

As this is the first census of only the north-west of Portugal, progress in archaeological research should allow rapid growth in its size. This has been particularly true since 2014, as more than 150 recorded outcrops have been found, although not yet updated within the database. For this purpose, a new project is expected be approved. We hence intend that this tool be permanently updated.

It is important to note that this total corresponds to a number of engraved places but not to the actual number of carved rocks. For example, at the Gião complex, in the municipality of Arcos de Valdevez, there are more than 100 outcrops recorded (Fontes 1932a, 1932b; Baptista, 1980, 1981, 1983–1984); in Outeiro de Tripe I e II, at Chaves, there are 28 carving outcrops registered (Baptista, 1983–

Figure 3. Map showing the distribution of outcrops and sets of outcrops recorded before 2014.

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Ana M.S. Bettencourt, Emilio Abad-Vidal and Alda Rodrigues The 408 carved mapped places were classified taking into account the two stylistic groups of rock art known in the region, i.e. Atlantic and Schematic, despite the subjectivity of this second group in relation to open air recorded sites, as has been mentioned by several authors (e.g. Jorge, 1986; Alves and Reis, 2009). An Indeterminate category was also created, to include a number of carving outcrops with motifs distinct from the two stylistic groups defined.

that were included in the Indeterminate group (Figure 4). Within this, the majority are those that only represent cupmarks, sometimes joined with grooves (18%), followed by isolated podomorphs (4%) and grid patterns, isolated and distinct from those of the Schematic art (4%). Also in this category were included zoomorphic depictions (2%), not associated with the Atlantic art motifs, weapons or tools isolated or associated with distinct iconographies of the two previously defined styles (2%), depictions of hands (1%) and game boards (1%). The remaining 16% include a great diversity of motifs that appear either isolated or in association with each other, and which also do not characterize the defined stylistic groups. These include ‘palettes’, boat shapes, simple grooves, sub-naturalistic anthropomorphic shapes, rock-mills, natural sinks joined by grooves, etc.

The sites with Atlantic art represent 40% of the total. The sets with Schematic art correspond to only 11%, although the number of outcrops recorded is clearly higher. There are also four sites (1%) that are considered as syncretic phenomena, between the Atlantic and Schematic arts. Thus it is verified that there are a large number of sites (48%)

Figure 4. Spatial distribution map of outcrops and sets of outcrops recorded as Atlantic and Schematic rock art and the socalled Indeterminate category, up to 2014.

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CVARN – Rock Art Virtual Corpus of North-Western Portugal Bettencourt, A.M.S. ‘The Post-Palaeolithic Rock Art of North-Western Portugal. An Approach.’ In Recorded Places, Experienced Places. The Holocene Rock Art of the Iberian Atlantic North-West, ed. A.M.S. Bettencourt, M. Santos-Estevez, H.A. Sampaio and D. Cardoso. Oxford: BAR, 2017

This collection of data was the starting point for research projects of a monographic nature (Santos, 2014; Bettencourt et al., 2017b) or of a wider spatial scope, at different scales (Cardoso, 2013a,b, 2015; Cardoso and Bettencourt, 2015; Moreira, 2017). It also allowed a new reflection on the rock art of the Portuguese north-west (Bettencourt, 2017).

Bettencourt, A.M.S. Sampaio, H.A. Cardoso, D. Sá, S. and Rodrigues, A. ‘Rota de Arte Rupestre do Noroeste Português. Um projeto para o desenvolvimento de uma prática turística sustentável,’ Holos 33(1) (2017a): 3–20. DOI: 10.15628/holos.2017.5469.

5. Final considerations The North-west Rock Art Corpus, CVARN, which underlies this work, has demonstrated its usefulness in social and scientific terms.

Bettencourt, A.M.S., Alves, M.I.C., Simões, P.P. and Silva, I.S. ’To Where Do the horses Run? A Dialogue between Signs and Matter in the Rock Carvings of Fornelos (Viana do Castelo, North-Western Portugal).’ In Recorded Places, Experienced Places. The Holocene Rock Art of the Iberian Atlantic Northwest, ed. A.M.S. Bettencourt, M. Santos-Estevez, H.A. Sampaio and D. Cardoso. Oxford: BAR, 2017b.

Its exploitation has already served to prepare a project aimed at protecting and enhancing rock art as a cultural heritage, as well as supporting the proposal of various itineraries for heritage and cultural tourism, although many other possibilities remain to be explored. In scientific terms it has already facilitated and continues to facilitate the development of projects in this field, which allows us to increase the knowledge of rock art in the north of Portugal; to bring to the discussion new proposals on north-west art; and to create scientifically validated arguments for the integration of some rock art sites into projects concerned with evaluating cultural heritage for touristic purposes.

Bugalhão, J., Lucena, A., Bragança, F., Neto, F., Sousa, M.J. and Gomes, S. ‘Endovélico. Sistema de Gestão e Informação Arqueológica,’ Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia 5(1) (2002): 277–283. Cardoso, D. ‘Unraveling Message through the PostPalaeolithic Rock Art of St. Romão Hill, Guimarães, Portugal.’ In XX Valcamonica Symposium 2013. Art as a Source of History, Capo di Ponti 2013, ed. E. Anati, 43–50. Capo di Ponti: Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici, 2013a.

Funding This work was accomplished within the scope of the project ‘Natural Spaces, Architecture, Rock Art and Depositions from the Late Prehistory of the Western Front of Central and Northern Portugal: from Actions to Meanings’ (reference PTDC/HISARQ/112983/2009), financed by the Operational Programme ‘Thematic Factors of Competitiveness’ (COMPETE) and by the European Regional Development Fund (Fundo Europeu de Desenvolvimento Regional – FEDER).

Cardoso, D. ‘Rock Engravings of Quinta do Paço, S. Salvador de Briteiros, Guimarães.’ In The Prehistory of the North-western Portugal, ed. A.M.S. Bettencourt, 222–228. Braga and Tomar: CEIPHAR and CITCEM, 2013b.

References

Cardoso, D. Arte Atlântica do Monte de S. Romão (Guimarães) no Contexto da Arte Rupestre Póspaleolítica da Bacia do Ave – Noroeste Português. PhD thesis, University of Trás-os-Montes e Alto Douro, 2015.

Alves, L.B. Génio e Talento do Passado – A Arte Gravada do Penedo do Encanto e da Chã da Rapada. Viseu: ADERE-PG Associação de Desenvolvimento and Arqueohoje, Lda, 2012.

Cardoso, D. and Bettencourt, A.M.S. ‘Arte “Esquemática” de ar livre na bacia do Ave (Portugal, NO Ibérico): espacialidade, contexto, iconografia e cronologia,’ Estudos do Quaternário 13 (2015a): 32–47.

Alves, L.B. and Reis, M. ‘No limiar das “artes”? – questões em torno da permeabilidade de fronteiras temporais e espaciais da “arte rupestre” de Trás-os-Montes Ocidental.’ In Actas do I Congresso Transfronteiriço de Arqueologia – Um Património sem Fronteiras. Chaves, Outubro de 2008, 45–92. Montalegre: Grupo Cultural Aquae Flaviae, 2009.

Cardoso, D. and Bettencourt, A.M.S. ‘Na Rota de Arte Rupestre do Noroeste de Portugal’: o concelho de Guimarães.’ Poster presented to CIT 2015. IV International Congress on Tourism, ESG/IPCA, Guimarães, Portugal, 3–5 December, 2015b (https:// uminho.academia.edu/AnaBettencourt/Posters).

Baptista, A.M. ‘Introdução ao estudo da arte pré-histórica do Noroeste Peninsular. Gravuras rupestres do Gião,’ Minia 3(4), 2ª série (1980): 80–100.

Fontes J. ‘Sobre algumas figuras rupestres do santuário pré-histórico do Gião,’ Revista de Arqueologia 1(1) (1932a): 75–82.

Baptista, A.M. ‘A arte do Gião,’ Arqueologia 3 (1981): 56–66. Baptista, A.M. ‘Arte rupestre do Norte de Portugal: uma prespectiva,’ Portugalia 34 (1983–1984): 71–88.

Fontes J. ‘Várias modalidades do sinal cruciforme no santuário pré-histórico do Gião,’ Revista de Arqueologia 1(1) (1932b): 235–243. 25

Ana M.S. Bettencourt, Emilio Abad-Vidal and Alda Rodrigues Jorge, V. O. ‘Arte rupestre em Portugal,’ Trabalhos de Antropologia e Etnologia 26 (1–4) (1986): 27–50. Moreira, J. Podomorfos na fachada ocidental do Noroeste de Portugal. Master’s thesis, Universidade do Minho, 2017. Sá, S. Turismo Arqueológico: um Projeto de Valorização da Arte Rupestre do Vale do Lima. Master’s thesis, Universidade do Minho, 2015. Sá, S. and Bettencourt, A.M.S. ‘Pensando uma Rota de Arte Rupestre para o Noroeste de Portugal: o vale do Lima.’ Poster presented to CIT 2015. IV International Congress on Tourism, ESG/IPCA, Guimarães, Portugal, 3–5 December 2015 (https://uminho.academia.edu/ AnaBettencourt/Posters). Sampaio, H. A. and Brochado, C. ‘Arte rupestre e turismo no concelho de Barcelos (Portugal): proposta de percursos temáticos no âmbito da Rota de Arte Rupestre do Noroeste.’ Poster presented to CIT 2015. IV International Congress on Tourism, ESG/IPCA, Guimarães, Portugal, 3–5 December 2015 (https:// uminho.academia.edu/HugoAluaiSampaio/Posters). Santos, A.C. A Lage da Churra (Carreço, Viana do Castelo). Estudo monográfico de um lugar gravado. Master’s thesis, University of Minho, 2014. Santos, A.T. Uma Abordagem Hermenêutica – Fenomenológica à Arte Rupestre da Beira Alta: o Caso do Fial (Tondela. Viseu). [Estudos Pré-Históricos 13]. Viseu: Centro de Estudos Pré-Históricos da Beira Alta, 2008.

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Part 2 From sub-naturalistic to Schematic rock art tradition

Chapter 3 Abstract and sub-naturalistic prehistoric rock art in the Trás-osMontes and Alto Douro region of Portugal: the case study of the Passadeiro rock shelter – Palaçoulo (Miranda do Douro) Maria de Jesus Sanches and Joana Castro Teixeira Transdisciplinary Research Centre “Culture, Space and Memory” – CITCEM, University of Porto, Oporto, Portugal E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] Abstract: Following the ‘discovery’ of the Passadeiro rock shelter, the fieldwork we have been doing there, in particular the tracing of Panel 1, allows us to develop the discussion that we have already initiated concerning the relation between the so-called sub-naturalistic rock art and abstract motifs such as ‘devil claw’ engravings. If the chronology of the first is more or less established (supported by more consubstantiated evidence), the debate regarding the chrono-cultural context of the second has been having little to no expression within rock art studies. It appears, moreover, that this kind of (devil claw) incisions, both the thinner and the deeper ones, configure abstract compositions in dozens of rock shelters that characterize the prehistoric communities of the eastern Trás-os-Montes and Alto Douro region (Douro Basin, Portugal). The study of the Passadeiro rock shelter, in articulation with some other sites of this region, is of great importance as it displays a unique stratigraphic relation between sub-naturalistic rock art and devil claw depictions. This evidence allows for some scientific debate. Such designs are, in our view, the result of a stylistic and social tradition that might have been originated in the Upper Palaeolithic and developed regionally during Epipalaeolithic/Mesolithic. However it should be added that the debate concerning the continuity of the devil claw engraving through the post-glacial period must remain open, at least regarding this particular region.

1. Introduction and objectives

expression and importance of ‘devil claw’ rock art sites, which are numerous along the schist benches of Mogadouro and Miranda do Douro, namely in Aguçadeiras, Vale de Palheiros and Vale de Espinheiros (Atenor), in Fragas do Diabo (Vilarinho dos Galegos) and Fonte do Prado da Rodela (Meirinhos) (Sanches, 1992).1

1.1 Brief recap of ‘devil claw’ historiography The so-called ‘devil claw’ motifs have been reported for some time in rock art studies from the Portuguese Upper Douro region and Trás-os-Montes. Moreover, panels engraved with this kind of depictions in rock shelters and along schist benches are perhaps the most repeated abstract expression in engraved rock art, at least in the eastern part of that territory, where the Mirandês Plateau is located.

Since then, and up until a few years ago, due to not being the object of systematic and contextual study, and by not being subject to more consistent argumentation, these deep linear motifs were generically attributed to late periods of prehistory such as the Bronze Age (Baptista, 1983–1984).

The expression ‘devil claw’ has its origin in popular traditions that associated rock art sites with this kind of motif with maleficent places where the devil used to sharpen his claws. This is a clear allusion to the motif’s shape made by repeated linear abrasive movements, creating deep grooves, with an internal V or U shape, that reach their maximum depth and width at the centre, and have narrower and shallower ends. These are also known as ‘fusiform’, ‘liptotripic’ or ‘deep linear motifs’.

More recently, the case of Foz in the Tua River rock shelter (Teixeira et al., 2010, 2016; Valdez-Tullett, 2013) reopened the debate around the chrono-cultural context of this expressive regional phenomenon (Sanches and Teixeira, 2013). In fact, devil claws, and the thin linear motifs generally associated to them, are graphically present in almost all the panels (Sanches and Teixeira, In spite of the very particular expression of devil claw engravings within Trás-os-Montes and the Upper Douro region, which is, for now, the main focus of our work, there are also in Portuguese territory other rock art sites presenting these motifs, e.g. Fraga Marcada (Figueiredo and Figueiredo, 2008) and Pedra das Letras (Henriques and Caninas, 2009), in the Beira Alta region. 1

It was Santos Júnior’s works on Ridevides stone that first emphasised engravings made according to this technique in the Trás-os-Montes region (Santos Júnior, 1963). Later, in the 1990s, Maria de Jesus Sanches highlighted the regional 29

Maria de Jesus Sanches and Joana Castro Teixeira these sites will certainly provide important data for any forthcoming scientific debate.

2013). However, more emphasis may be laid in panel 7 where, according to our interpretation, the devil claw type motifs are associated with the thin linear motifs and bundles that seem to be configured in the design of a fish, or fishes, attributed to the Late Magdalenian/Azilian Age or Epipalaeolithic (Sanches and Teixeira, 2013: 62). At that time, taking in consideration the diachronic transformation of the Foz Tua rock shelter during prehistory2 and also considering some data from northern Iberia, namely from La Viña and El Conde, where deep linear motifs similar to the ones in north-west Portugal, are dated from Aurignacian times (Fortea, 2000–2001), we proposed the hypothesis of a tradition of depicting these motifs rooted in Palaeolithic and going through Epipalaeolithic/Early Neolithic, recalling some interpretative suggestions already made by Maria de Jesus Sanches (Sanches, 1996: 10–11) and Mário Varela Gomes (Gomes, 2002: 170).

In 2014 Mário Reis (Reis, 2014) recognised the relevance of the regional debate around devil claw motifs and, taking into consideration also data from the Côa Valley, discussed the chronological arguments and finally suggested a chronology for these sites that spanned from Epipalaeolithic/Neolithic times to, possibly, the Chalcolithic period. Also in 2014, the ‘rediscovery’3 of the Passadeiro rock shelter made a fundamental contribution to the established discussion. Moreover, the study of this rock shelter, in articulation with other Mirandês Plateau sites, is of great importance as it presents, on panel 1, a stratigraphic relation between abstract depictions – such as devil claws and the thin linear dashes associated with them – and a sub-naturalistic red deer motif (Sanches and Teixeira, 2014). If the chronology of the latter, from Epipalaeolithic/ Early Neolithic, is more or less established and discussed (supported by more consubstantiated evidence), the chrono-cultural context of the former is still under scientific debate within rock art studies, as we have seen (Figure 1).

The archaeological fieldwork done as part of the Lower Sabor dam construction project, in the Sabor Valley, a tributary of the River Douro, revealed a considerable number of rock shelters engraved with devil claw motifs (Xavier et al., 2013; Teixeira et al., 2016a,b). These works stressed the regional expression of the phenomenon. The continuity of the contextual study and publication of

Figure 1. Devil claw rock art sites in the Upper Douro and Trás-os-Montes regions (north-east Portugal). Stated by Panel 31 with its Palaeolithic animalistic motifs, then by Panel 7, already mentioned, and finally by Panel 1 from the B section of the rock shelter, with its anthropomorphic red-painted figures from the Neolithic.

The site was already discovered in late 1990s (Bernardo, 2000) and also published in 2003, including the tracing of the main panels (Benito del Rey et al., 2003). However, at that time the authors did not see the animalist motif of Panel 1.

2

3

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Abstract and sub-naturalistic prehistoric rock art in the Trás-os-Montes and Alto Douro region 1.2 The Passadeiro rock shelter

designated by pecked ‘clouds’. All the motifs in panel 1 occur according to a more complex ‘stratigraphy’ that we will discuss further (Figure 2).

Passadeiro is a natural rock shelter located in Palaçoulo village, Miranda do Douro municipality, Trás-os-Montes region, north-east Portugal. The schist rock shelter is located close to the left margin of a little water stream named ‘Ribeirica’, a tributary of River Angueira, in the hydrographic basin of the River Sabor.

1.3 Objectives The main purposes of this chapter are: (i) to present and discuss the tracing of Passadeiro’s panel 1 and its complex ‘stratigraphy’; (ii) according to a chrono-cultural perspective, to take Passadeiro as a case study in order to evaluate the chronology of panel 1, i.e. to discuss the abstract and sub-naturalistic rock drawings in the context of the social practices of the prehistoric communities of the Mirandês Plateau.

Natural processes of erosion and the disintegration of the schist bench formed the hollow rock shelter. There, a huge fallen stone, with a curious anthropomorphic shape, creates a sheltered corner, protecting two of the engraved panels: panel 1 (which will be the centre of our discussion) and panel 2.

2. Decoding gestures in Passadeiro’s panel 1

In Passadeiro we can find five main engraved panels, all of them presenting dominant series of ‘devil claw’ depictions associated with the very typical thin linear motifs. Some dispersed pecked marks are also frequent. However, in panel 1, we can also find a sub-naturalistic pecked red deer and also some sub-circular groups of pecked marks

2.1 Motifs and techniques In order to record and to interpret the figurative sequence of panel 1, we carefully made a tracing of it. Taking into consideration the techniques used and the figures

Figure 2. General view (top) and closer view (bottom) of the Passadeiro rock shelter. The white arrow indicates the location of panel 1. (Photo by A. Santos.)

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Maria de Jesus Sanches and Joana Castro Teixeira

Figure 3. Tracing of Passadeiro’s panel 1.

configured by them, we have found five different kinds of motifs, as follows: (i) some groups of deep linear motifs (devil claws), generally vertical, associated with the thin linear dashes; (ii) the pecked red deer; (iii) clusters of pecked marks forming what we refer as ‘pecked clouds’, most of these presenting a kind of lower vertical appendix; (iv) some dispersed pecked marks, in general larger than the previous ones; and finally (v) some thin and light lines, reviving previous motifs, composed of parallel sequences, or reticulated ones (Figure 3).

pecking and scratching. Similarly to what we pointed out in our second consideration, the superimposition between thin linear dashes and pecked motifs can be difficult to perceive. In spite of that, motivated by the importance of those figurative relations, we made very careful observations and reviews of the tracing, on different days, in order to substantiate our assumptions (Figure 4). Our analysis of the figurative stratigraphy in the area of the zoomorphic figure showed us that the group of deep linear/ thin linear motifs is superimposed by the cervical–dorsal line of the pecked red deer4 that is then superimposed by the pecked clouds (visible in the animal’s front part) and, finally, all of the motifs are superimposed by the more recent pecked marks and scratches.

2.2 Figurative stratigraphy In order to propose a figurative stratigraphy for the composition of panel 1, we would like first to present some considerations: (1) We do not dissociate the devil claws from the thin linear dashes, which sometimes occur in a form of more dense bundles, connected to them. According to our interpretation both correspond to similar gestures. Some lines are deepened and others are not. Some of the thin dashes may be the accidental result of the gesture of deepening some devil claws; but in other cases they seem to be intentionally associated with them, emphasising the whole sequence of linear motifs. (2) It is very difficult, even impossible (in most cases), to perceive the superimpositions between non-continuous pecked motifs (like the pecked clouds) and the deep linear motifs, mostly due to the depth of the latter. (3) Given the previously noted conditions (point 2), and in factual terms, the figurative stratigraphy in panel 1 can only be analysed in the area of the zoomorphic motif. (4) The direct stratigraphic relation between devil claws/thin linear motifs and the pecked red deer occurs in a limited area and is also disturbed by more recent actions of

2.3 Temporal gesture hypothesis Taking into consideration the stratigraphic relations between motifs in the sub-naturalistic figure area, and extrapolating those relations to the panel’s whole composition, we

In the case of the isolated devil claw at the back of the zoomorphic depiction there is some ambiguity. Its stratigraphic relation with some of the red deer pecked marks is thin and, for the reasons pointed out before, difficult to achieve. As it is ambiguous, there is the possibility, in this case, of the devil claw being superimposed on the sub-naturalistic motif. We must also note that there is evidence, in Passadeiro as in other similar sites, of actions of reviving deep linear motifs through time. If the action is recent it can easily be detected by different patina. However, if this imitative behaviour had been occurring during a long time in the history of the place – which is a very realistic possibility according to the evidence found – that would introduce significant entropy in our figurative stratigraphic analysis. 4

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Abstract and sub-naturalistic prehistoric rock art in the Trás-os-Montes and Alto Douro region

Figure 4. Detail of the tracing in the area of the red deer motif.

propose two main interpretative hypothesis of the temporal sequence of the engraving of panel 1.

‘moment’ in prehistory. Hence, recent lines and pecked marks could be equivalent to the last moment of hypothesis A.

Hypothesis A assumes the engraving of devil claws/thin linear motifs as taking place prior to the depiction of the red deer. Hence, two possibilities can be considered: either the zoomorphic motif was made in isolation and therefore engraved in a previous moment in time to that of the depiction of the pecked clouds; or – taking into consideration the similarity in technique between the two motifs – the red deer and the pecked clouds were conceptually associated from the beginning, and therefore represent a single moment of the engraving of the panel. The last ‘moment’, probably a long ‘moment’ that lasts to the present day, is represented by the most recent thin lines and pecked marks, distinguishable by their whiter patina, and in some cases by the revival of previous motifs.

The first hypothesis is fundamentally based on the assumption that the different techniques and morphology of devil claws/thin linear motifs (arranged in groups which are distributed horizontally in the panel as a kind of frieze band) and the pecked sub-naturalistic figure (placed as a static motif in a featured part of the panel) determines such a conceptual cleavage between them that it has to correspond to distinct chrono-cultural moments. That hypothesis is also supported by the contrast between the wide occurrence of deep linear/thin linear motifs among the rock shelter’s panels and the single representation of a zoomorphic motif. The second hypothesis assumes the composition space as a unity, emphasised by the rhythm of the distribution of the pecked clouds for all the panel’s area and where the more complex composition of motifs occupies the central area, the natural featured area. In fact there seems to be a shape complementarity between the sub-naturalistic red

Hypothesis B assumes all the ancient motifs to be conceptually related, and the whole panel as a composition. Thus, according to our schematic interpretation, in this second hypothesis the devil claws/thin linear motifs, the red deer and the pecked clouds are understood as a unique 33

Maria de Jesus Sanches and Joana Castro Teixeira

Figure 5. Detail of panel 1 in the area of the red deer motif. (Photo by A. Santos.)

deer and the group of devil claw motifs. That makes the figurative stratigraphy even more difficult to perceive, as the two kinds of motifs seem to be associated. Furthermore, if the ambiguous deep linear motif placed on the back of the animal is superimposed on the pecked figure, that fact could be an argument for this second hypothesis (Figure 5).

Canada do Inferno that presents more formal resemblances with that in Passadeiro (Figure 5). It is, however, in the Tagus Valley that we observe engraved deer presenting similarities in style with Passadeiro’s motif regarding the internal lines segmenting the body. That is the case of the zoomorphs in rock F155 (Baptista, 1981, 2009: 210–215; Gomes, 2010) or the one in rock 181 from St Simão (Gomes, 2010: annex I, 72–74). There are also similarities between Passadeiro’s red deer and the ones in Lomba da Barca or Cachão do Algarve, also attributed to the Epipalaeolithic period (Gomes, 2010: 259–269, 481– 486).

3. Abstract and sub-naturalistic motifs in Passadeiro: approaching the chronological question The sub-naturalistic motif of the Passadeiro red deer has some regional parallels also located in the Upper Douro Basin, in terms of its style and technique. In fact, in the valley of the Sabor River, not so far from Passadeiro, we find some examples of pecked subnaturalistic cervids. The first one is the Cabeço do Aguilhão red deer to which a chronology spanning from the Epipalaeolithic and the Chalcolithic period has been attributed (Figueiredo, 2013: 76, 82). Close to that site one can also find the Santo Antão da Barca rock, also engraved with some zoomorphic figures, identified as cervids, which were attributed to the same period (Figueiredo, 2013: 76). The third example from the River Sabor is the Parada rock shelter where there are some zoomorphic motifs, cervids and caprinae, typologically suggested to be integrated in the Epipalaeolithic period (Teixeira et al., 2016a,b).

Regarding the F155 rock in Tagus Valley and also in regards to the sub-naturalistic figure mentioned above from Côa Valley, Martinho Baptista suggests an Epipalaeolithic chronology, adding that in the case of Côa this should be a ‘transitional’ style between the Magdalenian and the Epipalaeolithic periods (Baptista, 2009: 209-215).

In Côa Valley, also located in the Upper Douro region, there are examples of animalistic rock art from the Epipalaeolithic period as seen in rocks 4, 5, 33 and 36 from Canada do Inferno or in rock 1 from Vale de Cabrões (Baptista and Gomes, 1997: 269, 295, 297; Baptista, 2009: 182, 212, 214). Among these parallels from the Upper Douro region, it is perhaps the red deer from rock 33 in

In general, these are all sub-naturalistic motifs characterised by the design of sub-rectangular or oval-shaped bodies, presenting in some cases internal segmentation, like the one in Passadeiro. Indeed, we admit the depictions referred to appear to have an identical chronology. However, there seems to be ‘room’ for a certain degree of stylish variation among this sub-naturalistic rock art, in terms of it being

We believe that an Epipalaeolithic periodisation of both Passadeiro and the Côa or Sabor examples is moreover consubstantiated by the fact that the animals depicted are cervids and caprinae, which are precisely the two main species represented in Tagus Valley rock art (Gomes, 2007: 113).

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Abstract and sub-naturalistic prehistoric rock art in the Trás-os-Montes and Alto Douro region have been an intrinsic expansion of this form of expression (devil claws) during the transitional period spanning from Magdalenian/Epipalaeolithic to Epipalaeolithic/Mesolithic times. This may also be suggested by the alreadymentioned Parada rock shelter data, in Sabor Valley, where a little group of devil claw motifs also occurs, in a context of motifs mainly attributed to the Epipalaeolithic, even considering the possibility of a larger diachrony from the Magdalenian to the Neolithic/Chalcolithic for this site (Teixeira et al., 2016a,b). Hence, this hypothesis configures the regional coexistence of abstract and sub-naturalistic motifs in art, even though its ‘meanings’ and ‘symbolic roles’ within communitarian living practices may not totally be coincident. That is not in any case a strange fact since abstract signs have coexisted with naturalistic art since the beginnings of the Palaeolithic.

more naturalist or more schematic in design, or in terms of its general shape or body details. The meaning of the ‘degree of change’ among the relationships between communities is not easy to explain as it is a period not so well documented in the Trás-os-Montes and Upper Douro region (Sanches and Teixeira, 2014: 67–68), even if there is some excavation data, from Côa Valley and from Prazo (also in Foz Côa), attesting a continuous occupation at least between the 10th and the mid-5th millennia BC (Aubry et al., 2010; Monteiro-Rodrigues, 2012). We also consider the possibility of a more recent date for Passadeiro’s sub-naturalistic motif, which could be assigned to the ancient regional Neolithic,5 in the context of an economy still predominantly based on hunter-gathering activities. In any case, it would date from a period of time previous to the construction of Beira Alta’s megalithic dolmens whose zoomorphic painted iconography is much more schematic and smaller in size than Passadeiro’s (Sanches and Teixeira, 2014: 68).

In addition, it is important to consider the hypothesis of what we have been calling a ‘Palaeolithic rooted tradition’ concerning the devil claw/thin linear motifs (Sanches and Teixeira, 2013, 2014). In fact, if both in Foz Tua or Passadeiro, or in any other similar sites we know, we do not exclude that possibility,7 then we must also consider the data from northern Iberia, namely from Asturias, which dates the deep linear motifs to the Aurignacian period (Fortea, 2000–01). It is also relevant, when considering the Palaeolithic hypothesis, to pay attention to the stylistic correlation established between the Palaeolithic art from Côa and Asturias (Santos, 2012: 45–46) as Mário Reis suggests (Reis, 2014: 45).

If we consider that the Passadeiro red deer dates from the Epipalaeolithic or from the transition of the Magdalenian/ Epipalaeolithic to the ancient Neolithic, and if we also take into consideration our ‘temporal gesture hypothesis’ (discussed in section 2.3), we would attribute this same chronology to the devil claws/thin linear motifs found at Passadeiro (hypothesis B), or a chronology located in a period previous to the Magdalenian/Epipalaeolithic (hypothesis A). When considering the whole regional data, we would then interpretatively emphasise hypothesis B for Passadeiro.

A possible connection between devil claw sites and more recent prehistoric art, such as schematic painted art, from the Neolithic/Chalcolithic has been emphasized (Reis, 2014: 45–47). We think that the arguments presented may be taken into consideration and are an important contribution to the established discussion. Mário Reis highlights a certain coincidence between sites presenting devil claw type engravings and schematic painted art (Reis, 2014: 45–47). That is the case of the Foz Tua rock shelter, in Tua Valley, of Fragas do Diabo in the Miranda do Douro Plateau, of two rock shelters in Sabor Valley, and of generally all the devil claw rocks of Côa Valley and of Vale da Casa in Douro Valley. In our opinion, this coincidence may, however, be nuanced by some considerations.

4. Discussion and final remarks If there is a consensus in dating the sub-naturalistic rock art in Trás-os-Montes and the Upper Douro region to a period spanning from the Magdalenian/Epipalaeolithic transition, going through the Epipalaeolithic, Mesolithic and possibly extending to the ancient regional Neolithic, as we have discussed, the case of the devil claws motifs has, however, long been obscure. In our opinion this is due to its marked abstract character and to the fact that in most cases devil claw motifs occur in isolation, i.e. without any direct relation to other ‘kind’ of rock art. Moreover, it has been included in this group of incised motifs found at a heterogeneous range of rock art sites based only on the similar engraving techniques (deep incisions), and despite the compositional differences, with the group that we have been studying.6

1. In most cases, as we have already mentioned, devil claw panels occur in isolation. 2. In the case of Foz do Tua, the painted panel, located on part B of the rock shelter, is spatially disconnected from part A (the main hollow of the rock shelter) where devil claw panels are profusely observed. Part B is positioned adjacent to part A on the north-east side of the rock shelter and there one can observe both the painted panel and some other panels presenting undetermined pecked motifs (Teixeira et al., 2016a,b). However, there are no devil claws in part B. Thus,

Putting together the data found in the Upper Douro and Trás-os-Montes region, particularly after the considering the Foz Tua (with special relevance to the data from panel 7) and Passadeiro findings, we believe that there could Ranging from the late 6th to the first half of the 5th millennia BC (Monteiro-Rodrigues, 2012). 6 Which may be the case of, for example, Pedra Letreira de Góis (Nunes et al., 1959) and Molelinhos (Cunha, 1991), in Beira Alta, whose deep incised weapon motifs suggests a Bronze/Iron Age chronology. 5

7 Moreover, Foz Tua may slightly suggest that possibility (Sanches and Teixeira, 2013).

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Maria de Jesus Sanches and Joana Castro Teixeira when evaluating the proximity/separation of the devil claw relative to the other motifs, it is the schematic painted motifs that are found to be separated from those deep linear engravings.

Ending this chrono-cultural discussion, we would like to underline that – in spite of considering the arguments presented for the late prehistory hypothesis by way of comparison – the hypothesis of the prevalence of the ‘devil claw’ tradition during Neolithic and Chalcolithic times should not, just yet, be discarded until more data is available.

In the case of Fragas do Diabo we have a single painted panel (among dozens of devil claw panels and rock benches) that occupies a very distinct position when compared to devil claw panels.

References Aubry, T., Dimuccio, L.A., Mercé Bergadá, M., Sampaio, J.D. and Sellami, F. ‘Palaeolithic Engravings and Sedimentary Environments in the Côa River Valley (Portugal): Implications for the Detection, Interpretation and Dating of Open-Air Rock Art’, Journal of Archaeological Science 37 (2010): 3306–3319.

As far as the Sabor Valley is concerned, we are talking about a universe of 12 sites where devil claws are the predominant motifs, and between them only two share the space (but not the panels) with schematic painted motifs (Xavier et al., 1013). 3. In the case of Côa and Vale da Casa, we deem it wise not to consider these in depth given that we do not know these spaces very well, and furthermore the rocks, the distribution of the panels and their relative positions are unknown to us. It is important to consider that, as Mario Reis points out (Reis, 2014: 45–46), all the devil claw engravings in Côa have some (but not exclusive) proximity to late prehistoric motifs. But how should that proximity be ‘measured’? Is it the same panel? Is it the same outcrop? Is it a closed rock? How many meters away? Do they share a similar orientation or topographic position? All these variables must be well defined when doing a statistical evaluation, which indeed we believe must be done. Nevertheless the meaning of that apparent spatial coincidence may be one of a wide range of possibilities, including an intentional association based on beliefs and practices of late prehistoric communities seeking to relate themselves with ancient ‘sacred’ places. An indicator of that may be the two fragments of a schist slab engraved with devil claws/ thin linear motifs, placed in a secondary deposition on the Chalcolithic site of Castanheiro do Vento (Vale, 2012: fig. 2.16); that construction determines an ante quem chronology of these engravings. Indeed, the fact that in that case the type of schist of the slab is not the one found in the area of the settlement means that it was intentionally carried from some other place (Reis, 2014: 47). Hence, that probably can also suggest an associated meaning among these communities that may not be chronologically connected. 4. In the field of argumentation, if we take into consideration the ‘presence’ in general terms we may also consider the ‘absence’ in the same way. Therefore if the coincidence between devil claw sites and Palaeolithic rock art sites is minor when considering the whole universe of regional Palaeolithic rock art [as Mário Reis points out in the Côa case (Reis, 2014: 46)], it is also true that the coincidence between devil claw sites and schematic rock art is also small when considering the whole universe of regional schematic rock art. This goes to show that devil claw engraved sites have a very particular regional expression and should be contextually studied according to their own idiosyncrasy.

Baptista, A.M. A Rocha F-155 e a Origem da Arte do Vale do Tejo. Monografias Arqueológicas 1. Porto: GEAP, 1981. Baptista, A.M. ‘Arte rupestre do Norte de Portugal: uma perspectiva,’ Portvgalia, 4–5 (1983–1984): 71–82. Baptista, A.M. O Paradigma Perdido: O Vale do Côa e a Arte Paleolítica de Ar Livre em Portugal. Porto/Vila Nova de Foz Côa: Edições Afrontamento and Parque Arqueológico do Vale do Côa, 2009. Baptista, A.M. and Gomes, M.V. ‘Arte rupestre.’ In Arte Rupestre e Pré-história do Vale do Côa, ed. J. Zilhão, 211–406. Lisboa: Ministério da Cultura, 1997. Benito del Rey, L., Bernardo, H.A. and Sánchez Rodriguez, M. ‘Santuário do “Abrigo do Passadeiro” em Palaçoulo.’ In Santuários Rupestres Pré-históricos em Miranda do Douro (Portugal) e no seu Entorno de Zamora e Salamanca (Espanha), ed. L. Benito del Rey, H.A. Bernardo, M. Sánchez Rodriguez, 491–520. Miranda do Douro: Câmara Municipal de Miranda do Douro, 2003. Bernardo, H.A. ‘Para a carta arqueológica do concelho de Miranda do Douro.’ In Estudos Mirandeses. Balanço e Orientações, ed. J.F. Meirinhos, 187–221. Miranda do Douro: Granito, Editores e Livreiros Lda., 2000. Cunha, A.L. ‘Estação de arte rupestre de Molelinhos. Notícia preliminar.’ In Actas das IV Jornadas Arqueológicas (Lisboa, 1990), 253–265. Lisboa: Associação dos Arqueólogos Portugueses, 1991. Figueiredo, S.S. A Arte Esquemática do Nordeste Transmontano: Contextos e Linguagens. PhD thesis, Universidade do Minho, 2013. Figueiredo, S.S. and Figueiredo, M.V.S ‘Novos contributos para o estudo da arte rupestre na bacia do Baixo Paiva.’ In Actas das Sessões do III Congresso de Arqueologia de Trás-Os-Montes, Alto Douro e Beira Interior, Vol. 1, 151–167. Porto, 2008. Fortea Pérez, F.J. ‘Los comienzos del Arte Paleolítico en Asturias: aportaciones desde una arqueología contextual no posestilítica,’ Zephyrus, 53–54 (2000–2001): 177– 216.

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Abstract and sub-naturalistic prehistoric rock art in the Trás-os-Montes and Alto Douro region Gomes, M.V. ‘Arte Rupestre em Portugal – perspectiva sobre o último século,’ Arqueologia e História, 54 (2002): 139–194.

Funerários, ed. M.J. Sanches and D.J. Cruz, 41–70 [Estudos Pré-históricos 18]. Viseu: CEPBA, 2016a. Teixeira, J.C., Valdez, J.; Sanches, M.J. ‘O abrigo da Foz do Rio Tua – Alijó (Trás-os-Montes, Portugal). Identificação e estudo preliminar.’ In Atas da IIª Mesa Redonda Artes Rupestres da Pré-história e da Protohistória. Estudo, Conservação e Musealização de Maciços Rochosos e Monumentos Funerários, ed. M.J. Sanches and D.J. Cruz, 131–170 [Estudos Pré-históricos 18]. Viseu: CEPBA, 2016b.

Gomes, M.V. ‘Os períodos iniciais da arte do Vale do Tejo (Paleolítico e Epipaleolítico),’ Cuadernos de Arte Rupestre 4 (2007): 81–116. Gomes, M.V. Arte Rupestre do Vale do Tejo. Um Ciclo Artístico-Cultural Pré e Proto-histórico. PhD thesis, Universidade de Lisboa, 2010. Henriques, F.; Caninas, J.C. ‘Pedra das Letras: Uma rocha com gravações lineares (Proença-a-Nova),’ Açafa Online, 2 (2009): 2–18.

Valdez-Tullett, J. ‘O Abrigo rupestre de Foz Tua – A ampla diacronia de um espaço significante.’ In Actas das I Jornadas de Jóvenes Investigadores del Valle del Duero (Zamora 2011), 355–366. Colección Simposia-4, Madrid: Ediciones de la Ergastula, 2013.

Monteiro-Rodrigues, S. ‘Novas datações pelo Carbono 14 para as ocupações holocénicas do Prazo (Freixo de Numão, Vila Nova de Foz Côa, Norte de Portugal),’ Estudos do Quaternário, 8 (2012): 22–37.

Vale, A. Modalidades de Produção de Espaços no Contexto de uma Colina Monumentalizada: o Sítio Pré-histórico de Castanheiro do Vento, em Vila Nova de Foz Côa. PhD thesis, Universidade do Porto, 2012.

Nunes, J.C.; Pereira, A.N.; Barros, A.M. A Pedra Letreira de Góis. Góis: Publicações do Museu da Câmara Municipal de Góis, 2009.

Xavier, P.; Araceli, C.R.; Maciel J.; Figueiredo, S.S. ‘Do ver ao compreender as gravuras ‘fusiformes’ do Vale do Sabor.’ In Actas das II Jornadas de Jóvenes investigadores del Valle del Duero. Del Neolítico à la Antiguedad Tardia (León, 25–27 Octubre 2012), 97–98. Madrid, 2013.

Reis, M. ‘‘Mil rochas e tal...!’: Inventário dos sítios da arte rupestre do Vale do Côa (Conclusão),’ Portvgália, nova série, 35 (2014): 17–59. Sanches, M.J. Pré-história Recente no Planalto Mirandês, Monografias Arqueológicas 3. Porto: GEAP, 1992. Sanches, M.J. Ocupação Pré-histórica do Nordeste de Portugal. Monografias e Estudios, Zamora: Fundação Rei Afonso Henriques, 1996. Sanches, M.J. and Teixeira, J.C. ‘An Interpretative Approach to “Devil Claw” Carvings: The Case of River Tua Mouth Rock Shelter (Alijó, Trás-os-Montes, Northeast Portugal).’ In XXV Valcamonica Symposium: Art as a Source of History, 20–26 de Setembro, ed. E. Anati, 59-68. Capo di Ponte: Centro Camuno di Studi Prehistorici, 2013. Sanches, M.J. and Teixeira, J.C. ‘O Abrigo do Passadeiro, Palaçoulo (Miranda do Douro). Um caso de estudo de gravuras rupestres dos inícios do Holocénico no Nordeste de Portugal,’ Portvgalia, nova série, 35 (2014): 61–75. Santos, A.T. ‘Reflexões sobre a arte paleolítica do Côa: a propósito de uma persistente dicotomia concetual.’ In Iª Mesa Redonda Artes Rupestres da Pré-história e da Proto-história: Paradigmas e Metodologias de Registo, ed. M.J. Sanches, 39–67 [Trabalhos de Arqueologia, 54]. Lisboa: DGPC, 2012. Santos Júnior, J.R. ‘As gravuras litotrípticas de Ridevides (Vilariça),’ Trabalhos de Antropologia e Etnologia 19(2) (1963): 111–144. Teixeira, J.C. ‘O abrigo de Parada, um sítio de arte rupestre do vale do Sabor (Alfândega da Fé, Bragança, Trás-osMontes.’ In Atas da IIª Mesa Redonda Artes Rupestres da Pré-história e da Proto-história. Estudo, Conservação e Musealização de Maciços Rochosos e Monumentos

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Chapter 4 The Lamelas rock art site as a fundamental contributor to the knowledge of post-glacier art in north-western Iberia Maria de Jesus Sanches1 and Nuno Coelho Gomes2 1

Transdisciplinary Research Centre ‘Culture, Space and Memory’ – CITCEM, University of Porto, Oporto. Portugal E-mail: [email protected] Independent archaeologist E-mail: [email protected] 2

Abstract: Even though Lamelas has been known of, albeit vaguely, for almost a century and from the early 1980s has been at times held up by the scientific community as one of the most relevant sites for the study of post-Paleolithic art of north-western Iberia, it has never had its own monographic study. Although the absence of tracing made it impossible to establish consistent interpretative hypotheses, the place nonetheless came to be known as the rock art sanctuary of Lamelas (in Ribeira de Pena, Portugal). Lamelas is composed of two engraved granite outcrops. Rock A, the main focus of this paper, is a flat and shallow rock that slightly emerges from the ground, over an area of about 200 m2; rock B is a tall standing stone. Most of the almost 300 motifs engraved there can be clearly attributed to the Iberian schematic art tradition, and this paper will also discuss the complexity of the relation between (i) the ‘drawings’ and the topography of the rock, and between (ii) the motifs themselves. This idiosyncratic dialogue allows us to intuit some of the internal paths/courses that the people might have taken in ‘reading’ the motifs. Given that this site’s engraving chronology can be framed (for the most part) in between the late Neolithic and the Calcolithic/Bronze Age, and that Lamelas is located in a transitional geographic and climatic region between the coastline and the inner north-western Iberia, we will also discuss the chronological, symbolic and social connections with abstract art of the Atlantic tradition.

1. The rock art site of Lamelas: history of its research and objectives

tracing of a complex idoliform of what we now call Panel 1 (Martins, 1981: Draw 4). His pictures are, therefore, essential elements in the recognition of the richness and complexity of Lamelas, and were the basis for the visit of the archaeologist Domingos Cruz, who recognised that ‘[it is] without a doubt one of the most important rock art sites of Northern Portugal’ (Cruz, 1985: 404).3 Cruz defended the study of Lamelas and its classification as an ‘Imóvel de Interesse Público’,4 a status awarded, as noted above, in 1986; however, no other comprehensive study of Lamelas (as a whole) based on tracing and description had taken place at that time.

The rock art site with engravings at Lamelas (Ribeira de Pena, North of Portugal), hereinafter simply referred to as Lamelas, was classified by the Portuguese State Heritage Services as ‘Imóvel de Interesse Público’ in 1986.1 Lamelas was only revealed as a ‘rupestrian sanctuary’ in 1981 by Manuel J.C. Martins (Martins, 1981), an amateur archaeologist who ‘unveiled’ this site to the wider public and the scientific community. The site was formerly known by its local name ‘Eiras’;2 however, Martins chose to overestimate the importance of this place as a site for the past practice of collective religious actions and ‘baptized’ it as the Sanctuary of Lamelas (Martins, 1981: 17, 24). Even though his descriptions offer great detail concerning dating and interpretation of the main motifs and associations of motifs, the descriptive aspect of his approach is lacking. His approach mostly relies on photographs and on the

Other previous works on Lamelas (Cruz and Magalhães, 1995; Raposo 2010) have restated the importance of the site, though without contributing to a better understanding of it. The exceptions are two academic works, by Luis Sousa (2008) and Emília Abreu (2012: 280–282). Sousa describes and graphically represents the small platform of Lamelas

Decree no. 1/86, DR, 1st series no. 2 of 03/01/1986. Rock A, situated at ground level, has the appearance of an ‘eira’ – the local name for the place where the cleaning of corn and cereals is performed. 1

Our translation. ‘Imóvel de Interesse Público’, one of the important heritage protection categories of the Portuguese state.

2

3 4

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Maria de Jesus Sanches and Nuno Coelho Gomes The purpose of this chapter is the publication of the record of Rock A, as well as a preliminary interpretation of the rock art site of Lamelas in the context of the Schematic and Atlantic rock art tradition of north-western Iberia.

that he assumes to be a destroyed precinct; this is where he places Rocks 1 and 2 (with engravings) as well as other rocks affected by human actions throughout time. In addition to drawing the synthetic plan view of Rock 1 (our Rock A) he also proceeds to the partial tracing of Panels 1, 3 and 7 without, however, having previously cleaned the rock’s surface (Figure 2). Abreu has also performed the tracing of Panel 1 in great detail (Abreu, 2012: 280–282).5

2. Geographic location and synthetic description of Lamelas rock art site Lamelas is located in the parish of St Salvador, Ribeira de Pena municipality, district of Vila Real (western Trás-osMontes), Portugal. Its coordinates are as follows: 41º 30′ 46″, 24 N; 7º 48′ 27″, 17 W; the site has an absolute altitude of about 638-640 m7 (Figure 1).

As Lamelas is a very popular place it has been subject to continuous alterations and destructions. Martins mentions the existence of visits to Lamelas of a very particular and even peculiar nature (Martins, 1981: 37). About 50 years ago groups of people would depart from St Salvador and head to Lamelas in order to spend the night there together and to participate in a ritual that required a fearless person to read from the Book of St Cyprian so that a anthropomorphic animal (ox or horse) ‘would be called forth’ providing the location of a large gold treasure. It is possible that the fireplace remains that we have found there over the surface of the main engraved slab might have their origin in this ritual. The proximity to a much-used and wellknown path and the creation of an amusement park (Pena Aventura Parque) a few hundred meters away is placing a lot of pressure on Lamelas, and the abundance of curious people and adventurers is contributing to the continuous destruction of the site.

The site is located in an area that contains flattened zones that ‘break’ the very tilted hillside that descends from Alto do Facho (749 m)8 to the valley of the River Tâmega (200 m). Therefore it is located in the hydrographic basin of the River Tâmega, even though the site is facing the springs of Riverside of Carvalha Seca over which it enjoys a remarkable vista. In fact, Lamelas occupies the southern edge of the flattened area indicated above, and its current configuration simulates a ‘precinct’ as Sousa has noted (Sousa, 2008). Indeed, the site currently has a northern ‘entrance’, where an access ‘pavement’ seems to be depicted, formed in its flattened part by two main engraved granite rocks: Rocks A and B (Figures 2 and 3).

Additionally, about 100–150 m west of Lamelas used to stand a fortified settlement named Outeiro dos Mouros (Martins, 1981: 17); this no longer exists as industrial granite quarrying has resulted in its total destruction.

Rock A is a large slab displaying an approximately subrectangular outline, measuring 12 m in the N–S direction and 18 m in the E–W, occupying the most ‘useful’ area of the platform. It is located at ground level (or rises a little above it), though its peripheral part is still covered with sediments, which suggests that this rock might be larger (Figures 2 and 3). This is the rock that is the subject of this chapter.

In short, this archaeological place does not even have an information panel to describe the archaeological importance of the site and the necessity of its preservation. In July 2012 we noted widespread destruction: the removal of sediments from the south and southeastern periphery of Rock A by a metallic hoe and the scratching and re-engraving by metallic spikes of Panel 2. In addition to having informed the proper authorities (Heritage National Services, DGPC) we also requested permission to begin our research on the Lamelas site. However, a work programme for such a complex site would demand a transdisciplinary team, as well as financing that we did not have – mainly in order to include studies that involve archaeological excavations of the platform and its surrounding area.

At the south-western edge of the spur, an elevated outcrop, Rock B, which is about 4 m from Rock A, now stands about 2 m above the ground (Figure 2). This outcrop is located on the edge of the abrupt slope and at the same time, from its top, one can see the natural amphitheatre of the Riverside of Carvalha Seca situated on lower levels, as well as having a broad overview of both the platform and of Rock A and its motifs (Figure 3). On top of Rock B are some cup marks that appear to be human made, although other depressions seem to be natural in origin.

Hence, we decided that at this stage of the work programme a topographic mapping of Rock A, its thorough tracing as well as a photographic record of its motifs should be made, particularly since this rock is especially vulnerable to destruction.6

Both Rock A and B are surrounded by granitic blocks bearing various traces of stone extraction (by metallic pickaxe and gunpowder), which demonstrates that the site of Lamelas has been used as a granite quarry.

Her group’s tracing also displays some motifs that we were not able to visualise. 6 At the same time this archaeological study has served as the foundation for a much more extensive academic work than this one – a master’s dissertation – defended by one of the authors of this chapter (Gomes, 2014). 5

CMP, 1:25 000, sheet 73. Where five megalithic tumuli can still be found. (Endovelico_http:// arqueologia.patrimoniocultural.pt/index.php?sid=sitios) 7 8

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The Lamelas rock art site

Figure 1. Location of the rock art site of Lamelas in the north of Portugal.

Figure 2. Platform of Lamelas displaying Rocks A and B. View from the entrance ‘access pavement’.

Thus, what we find at the site nowadays, including the engravings that have been preserved to this day, or the possible access ‘pavement’, only provides us with a partial view of the creation and use of Lamelas over time. Considering the hypothesis that this area had a different original ‘architectonic’ physical setting – a precinct-like construction or other – it would be necessary to examine it completely, through the process of archaeologically excavating this whole area, in order to understand how this

highly appealing and paradigmatic site has transformed over time. 3. Recording of the site Given the lack of third-party financial resources available to us, two recording options were taken. On one hand, we proceeded to undertake a topographic synthetic survey of platform at Lamelas (the design of which is not included in 41

Maria de Jesus Sanches and Nuno Coelho Gomes

Figure 3. View of the Lamelas Rock A from the top of Rock B. On the upper left corner of the picture one can see the entrance to the platform.

the different contours, fissures, division of panels and other relevant ‘engraving stratigraphy’. After this phase we returned to the field in order to confirm or correct the previously made records, especially concerning recording techniques, overlaps, etc.10

this chapter). On the other hand, we went ahead with the cleaning and tracing of the motifs. The contour drawing, inner topography and fissures (that define the natural panels) of Rock A were made after cleaning it. On this rock we used wooden spatulas to remove sediments that that had been chaotically dug at the edge of rock (resulting from the 2012 vandalism), which revealed some motifs that had not been subject to erosion as well as the recent re-engravings (Panels 5 and 6) (Figure 4). Similarly, traces of recent fireplaces made on the rock surface over Panel 4 were removed.

4. Formal and stratigraphic analysis of Rock A 4.1 The panels The topographic plan of Rock A shown in Figure 4 will hereinafter be used for the general description of the outcrop, for the discussion of recording techniques and for figurative stratigraphy. Its great extent (approximately 200 m2), together with the microtopography and the internal division provided by diaclases, allows for a division into panels. It is the big X-shaped diaclase that divides the panels containing the majority of the recorded motifs: Panels 1, 2, 3 and 4. This division is supported by the rock’s internal topography since it exhibits two more prominent areas coinciding with Panels 2 and 3. Both these engraved panels lend volume and emphasis to these areas located at the NW and SW extremities (Figure 5).

However, to obtain a true view of the motifs and their execution techniques (where re-engraving was evident in many cases) it was necessary to remove the mosses and lichens from the surface. To achieve this a systemic biocide was applied. This did not have the desired effect because subsquent rainfall rendered the product useless. We ended up cleaning the rock using a low-pressure water sprinkler and even a dry cleaning method involving wooden spatulas and low-abrasion plastic brushes.9 Leaving aside the different photographic records, taken at different stages of the work, we proceeded to the direct tracing of the panels over a sheet of vinyl plastic. This tracing was done during the day under polarized light, but in some areas we also repeated it with nightlight. After the scanning and assembly of the different parts of the tracing we proceeded to the digital processing in order to separate, on each ‘layer’,

From a general overview the rock has a slight E–W slope, although the height difference between the highest and lowest areas does not exceed 70 cm. In the southern zone of

Many motifs are not described or numbered in this chapter due to restrictions of space. 10

9

The mayor of the parish of St Salvador provided the water.

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The Lamelas rock art site

Figure 4. Tracing of Rock A. Seven panels (Panels 1–7) can be seen on the rock’s surface. In order to illustrate Rock A’s topography, we have marked topographic lines (eg. 638,60 m; 638,70 m or 639,00 m, in absolute altitude). 01, older motifs; 02, later motifs; 03, area without a definitive tracing.

Figure 5. Complex motifs from Panels 1 and 2 (01, older motifs; 02, later motifs).

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Maria de Jesus Sanches and Nuno Coelho Gomes the rock other diaclases allowed for the creation of Panels 5, 6 and 7, which contain a reduced number of motifs.

by a metal spike, followed by deep abrasion, used in the engraving of the pentagram (Panel 3). (5) Very deep ‘cup marks’ (reaching up to 12 cm) spread over the entire rock, which must be related to the use of the site as a granite quarry. Other shallower cup marks without patina exist in the diaclases and are likely also be related to the extraction of stone. (6) The cruciform motifs that we have flagged as belonging to recent times [02] have a Sharp, V-shaped profile resulting from a continuous abrasive motion, made with a sharp, perhaps metallic, instrument. Their particular configuration (on Panel 3) shows us that they can be dated to the Modern Age.

Despite the large number of motifs and the considerable size of Rock A, the orientation and spatial distribution of the motifs formally attributed to prehistory suggests that a great composition on this rock was made during that time – a hypothesis that we will defend later. This early conceptualisation still admits that other motifs might have been added in prehistoric times. 4.2 Recording techniques and figurative stratigraphy Since the rock is granite, its surface is particularly subject to degradation by atmospheric agents. Thus, the state of conservation only allows for a poor approximation of the original recording techniques. On the other hand, we believe that the re-engravings of the grooves must have taken place throughout the history of the site, including in modern times since they have been observed by us over the last few years. Those re-engravings certainly changed the initial recording substantially, particularly in regards to some of the cruciform motifs of Panels 2 and 1.

The techniques listed above as (3)–(6) will, thus, date the motifs as belonging to a period of time later than prehistory [02]. As stated above, we suppose that over the course of time a re-engraving of these figures must have occurred in Lamelas, but at present it is almost impossible clearly to evaluate the respective degree of change. However, we have also found that the most recent main re-engravings have particularly affected the cruciform motifs, mostly on Panel 2 (and even 1) (Figures 6 and 8). Given that on both these panels the cruciform motifs spatially articulate themselves with the pre-existing composition, we assume that these cruciforms are also prehistoric in origin.

Considering these circumstances and looking at the plan shown in Figures 4, 5 and 7 we have decided to distinguish only two types of engravings: those drawn in ancient times [01], prehistoric, and those recorded in recent times [02]. Re-engravings of ancient figures were not considered in these plans but were taken into account in the spatial and chrono-cultural understanding of the rock.

4.3 Motifs and compositions Putting aside for the moment the ‘two pairs’ of idoliforms from Panel 1,11 the rock of Lamelas is dominated by motifs belonging to the Schematic Art tradition of the Iberian peninsula – systematized by Pilar Acosta (1968) and further developed by other researchers (Bécares Peres, 1987; Alves, 2003; Santos, 2008; Figueiredo, 2013) – which is expressed both by paintings and engravings.

The oldest motifs, which constitute nearly the entirety of the observable ones, have been made by the continuous pecking technique using a lithic instrument, with in some cases the groove having then been summarily smoothed by abrasion. We have considered two types of groove here: (1a) a deep, narrow groove, 18–30 mm wide and 5–10 mm deep, generally having an open, U-shaped profile; (1b) a wider groove than the previous, ranging between 25 and 50 mm wide, having a very open, U-shaped profile and depth ranging between 4 and 8 mm. A single motif from Panel 3 has been drawn with the latter type of groove. This is the major linear elongated motif that ‘blocks the access’ to the rock/Panel 3 by its more depressed side, i.e. by its northeastern side (Figure 4). Thus, almost the entirety of the panels have a large number of recorded motifs with a narrow shallow groove that we believe to have been performed according to the first technique (1a); hence we attribute their shallowness to the erosion of the rock. Other techniques used, being applied less frequently, are as follows: (2) ‘Excavation’ of the rock surface by light pecking and scraping. This technique is present in two motifs, one on Panel 2 (a segmented rectangle) and other on Panel 4 (a filled rectangle). We attribute both motifs to the ancient phase: [01]. (3) Grooves made by deep pecking with a metal spike and without internal abrasion (motif located next to the pentagram in Panel 3). (4) Deep ‘excavation’ of the rock surface,

Figure 6. Complex idoliform figures of Panel 1.

These kind of idoliforms are widely found in Atlantic art. As examples, we will only refer to the huge idoliforms of Monte da Laje, Gandra, Valença (Cunha and Silva, 1986). 11

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The Lamelas rock art site

Figure 7. Section of Panel 3 displaying multiple figures. We highlight two peculiar interconnected anthropomorphic figures, known as ‘halteriformes pluricirculares’ (01, older motifs; 02, later motifs).

Quantitatively speaking, motifs derived from circles are dominant: semicircles; simple circles, with or without a central cup mark; interiorly segmented circles, etc. These are followed by the anthropomorphic cruciforms, but there are also anthropomorphs with open arms and arched shaped legs. In third place the slab displays motifs derived from the square and rectangle, both predominantly having interior segmentation. Sometimes, these rectangles contain an external appendix and, in one case (Panel 3), the square is topped by an ornament, which gives it an anthropomorphic appearance. Bars, some serpentiforms, simple ‘halteriformes’ and phi-shaped figures (φ) are fewer in number (Figure 7). We would like to highlight a small eye-like figure (‘oculada’) found in Panel 4. Other schematic motifs are harder to name, though most of them seem to be closely related to the Schematic art tradition of the Iberian peninsula. Regarding the internal organisation, if many motifs seem to be ‘chaotically’ scattered, a closer interpretive look allows us to view some of the dominant orientations. Firstly, the four main Panels 1, 2, 3 and 4, when viewed individually, exhibit characteristics which allow for ‘readings’ that are both autonomous and complementary to each other. Thus, each panel appears to keep a part of the message (according to some circumstances of use) that will only be complete if associated with the remaining panels.

Figure 8. Detailed view of the highest section of Panel 2.

It would be from this very observation point that it would be possible to look at the complex composition which unfolds on Panel 2, located on top of the rock’s protuberance (at 639,20 m) (see Figures 4 and 5), surrounded by schematic anthropomorphs and cruciforms, which already occupy a steep surface. Thus, the aforementioned complex composition occupies the highest point of Rock A. On Panel 2 cruciforms and simple anthropomorphs are dominant, though some subcircular figures and subrectangular ones can also be found (Figure 8).

Our attention is drawn to Panel 1 since it has two pairs of idoliforms, very elaborate in design, two of them being quite similar to each other. In the same panel only small circles and cruciforms are to be found; additionally the orientation of the figures suggests that the observation would be done from east to west, which would force the audience and/or the ‘ritual supervisors’ to step on the rock. 45

Maria de Jesus Sanches and Nuno Coelho Gomes Panel 3 is the longest one of the rock and develops topographically, just like Panel 2, around a protuberance (639.00 m) going down towards the south-eastern direction. It exhibits two relevant features.

an archaeological research programme that would include the whole platform and its hillsides, accompanied by archaeological excavations, could contribute to a more detailed understanding of this place. In fact, the presence of a mound necropolis located at the top of Alto do Facho/ Portela de Santa Eulália could constitute an argument in favour of both the continuity of the occupation of that hillside during the Middle to Late Neolithic and the Chalcolithic/Initial Bronze Age, and of the development at Lamelas of a complex ‘monument’ during that extended period of time.

Regarding the motifs, it displays a pair of elongated figures associated with each other, which we can consider as having an anthropomorphic character. Pilar Acosta named them as a type C ‘halteriforme pluricircular’ (Acosta, 1968: 82, Fig. 24). Given their size and location, these seem to occupy the most hierarchically important point of the panel and may mark its main reading orientation.

The synthetic analysis performed in the spatial distribution of Rock A’s motifs has allowed us to verify that both the topography and diaclases were used to create various distinct zones. In other words, to create panels each of which was cumulatively individualised through the use of rare figures, which we may formally and individually assume to be tutelage figures of each panel.

In fact, they accompany the descent of the panel from its top, and it is below them that most of the remaining motifs are found scattered. Simultaneously, another incredibly large linear motif also accompanies the slope descending from that upper prominent area and establishing the division between the inside and outside of Panel 3. As stated before this ‘blocks the access’ to the rock from its north-eastern side. However, Panel 3 is too complex and quite difficult to grasp in such a synthetic analysis as the one we propose. On it subcircular figures are dominant, but all the other most common motifs and even snakeforms and other less common schematic drawings are also found.

This observation is particularly pertinent in the case of the main panels (Panels 1–4) where pairs of idoliform anthropomorphic figures (Panels 1 and 3) or complex figures (Panels 2 and 4) stand out due to their form, position, size and also by the reading orientation that they ‘impose’ upon the panel.

Panel 4 is unique in that both subcircular and subrectangular figures exist in similar proportions, though other common motifs such as cruciform, anthropomorphs and bars are also to be found. It is noteworthy that Panel 4 contains a complex motif and an eye-like (‘oculada’) figure, absent in other panels. The figures seem to be chaotically arranged over the panel’s surface, though despite this the cruciforms suggest a ‘reading’ guided from east to west.

This distinctive individualisation of Rock A’s panels leads us to suppose that a distinct period of graphic creation took place at which point complex motifs were used to organise and rank the main spaces and paths over the surface of the rock. However, although we admit that during the use of this site a few motifs might have been added, we believe that the majority belongs to the initial moments of the creation of the great composition that is Lamelas.

Panels 5, 6 and 7 are spatially marginal, but important enough for the most common motifs to be included on them: subrectangular motifs, a semicircle with a cup mark, a single circle and an anthropomorphic cruciform.

Regarding the cultural and chronological integration we verify that nearly all the motifs from the ancient phase were regionally dated from the Middle to Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic (from the mid 4th to the late 3rd millennia BC) (Sanches, 1997, 2006; Santos, 2008; Lima, 2008– 2009; Sanches et al., 2016).

Finally, it should be noted that there is no physical impediment to prevent the flow of a wide audience around the rock, and also that the best vantage point over it is, we repeat, the top of Rock B. Thus, given that it is the rock that allows for the best vantage point of not only Rock A but also the surrounding landscape, Rock B should be interpreted as the conceptual centre of this place.

It should be added that an engraved fragment of an outcrop found near Lamelas, in Pena village (Vila Real), exhibits, just like the Lamelas Panel 3, an anthropomorph idoliform (‘halteriforme pluricircular’) (Santos and Marques, 1999). However, given that in this case it is associated with a stair-like motif (‘escaleriforme’) it can be dated to the 3rd millennium BC since it can be compared with motifs from Serra de Passos (Sanches, 2006). Likewise the eyelike figure (‘oculado’) of Panel 4 would indicate the same chronology since an ‘oculado’ vase, found in the Buraco da Pala rock shelter, was C14 dated to the early 3rd millennium BC (Sanches, 1997).

5. Closing remarks Even though the topographic configuration of Lamelas and the disposition of the granite outcrops suggest that a constructed ‘precinct’ might have been created there – where the loose granite outcrops and some alignments of standing stones, the ‘entrance pavement’ and the engraved Rocks A and B would mutually articulate themselves to form a single conceptual and architectonic ‘monument’ – the uses of this place as a stone quarry have caused such a profound alteration that a detailed evaluation of the site is nearly impossible. Therefore, only the development of

Lastly, what seems noteworthy, from our point of view, is that Lamelas displays a motif organisation on some of 46

The Lamelas rock art site its panels (particularly Panels 1 and 2) that shares more resemblances to Atlantic rock art than to Schematic rock art. Its geographic location seems to be the main reason for this. In fact Lamelas is located in a transitional region between the littoral and inner northern Portugal (the Tâmega hydrographic basin), surrounded by rock art sites such as Castroeiro (Dinis and Bettencourt, 2009) whose motifs are organised according to Atlantic rock art parameters (Alves, 2003). Hence, Lamelas would share compositional schemes/patterns of this cultural tradition. Nonetheless it would, likewise, maintain a very diverse iconography rooted on the Iberian cultural tradition of Schematic rock art that so intensely manifests itself in Trás-os-Montes through rock paintings and engravings.

Sanches, M.J. Pré-história Recente de Trás-os-Montes e Alto Douro. Textos, 1. Porto: Sociedade Portuguesa de Antropologia e Etnologia, 1997. Sanches, M.J. ‘Abrigos com pintura rupestre esquemática da Serra de Passos/Sta. Comba.’ In História do Douro, ed. C.A. Brochado de Almeida, Vol. 1: 126–29. Porto: GEHVID, 2006 Sanches, M.J. Morais, P.R. and Teixeira, J.C. ‘Escarpas rochosas e pinturas na Serra de Passos/Sta. Comba (Nordeste de Portugal).’ In II Mesa Redonda Artes Rupestres da Pré-história e da Proto-história. Estudo, Conservação e Musealização de Maciços Rochosos e Monumentos Funerários, ed. M.J. Sanches and D.J. Cruz, 71–118 [Estudos Pré-históricos 18]. Viseu: CEPBA, 2016.

References Abreu, M.E.P.S. Rock Art in Portugal. History, Methodology and Traditions. PhD thesis, Universidade de Trás-os-Montes e Alto Douro, 2012.

Santos, A.T. Uma Abordagem Hermenêutica – Fenomenológica à Arte Rupestre da Beira Alta: o Caso do Fial (Tondela, Viseu), [Estudos Pré-históricos 13]. Viseu: CEPBA, 2008.

Acosta, P. La Pintura Rupestre Esquemática en España, Memorias del Seminario de Prehistoria y Arqueologia de la Universidad de Salamanca, 1. Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1968.

Santos, A.T. and Marques, J.N. ‘A rocha gravada da Corbela (Pena, Vila Real). Notícia preliminar e algumas considerações,’ Estudos Pré-históricos 7 (1999): 301– 302.

Alves, L.B. The Movement of Signs – Post Glacial Rock Art in North-Western Iberia. PhD thesis, University of Reading, 2003.

Silva, E.J.L. and Cunha, A.L. ‘As gravuras rupestres do Monte da Laje (Valença).’ In Livro de Homenagem a Jean Roche, 490–505. Lisboa: Instituto Nacional de Investigação Científica, 1986.

Bécares Pérez, J. ‘Arte rupestre prehistorico en la Meseta., In Arte Rupestre en España, 86–95. Madrid: Zugarto Ediciones, 1987.

Sousa, L.M.P. O Santuário Rupestre de Lamelas. Graduation thesis, Universidade do Porto, 2008.

Cruz, D.J. ‘A necrópole megalítica da Serra do Alvão,’ Trabalhos de Antropologia e Etnologia 25(2-4) (1985): 394–406. Cruz, M.C.; Magalhães, J.E. Ribeira de Pena – Monografia do Concelho. Câmara Municipal de Ribeira de Pena, 1995. Dinis, A.P.; Bettencourt, A.M.S. ‘A arte Atlântica do Castroeiro (Norte de Portugal): contexto e significados,’ Gallaecia 28 (2009): 41–47. Gomes, N.C. Estudo do Sítio com Gravuras Rupestres de Lamelas (S. Salvador-Ribeira de Pena). Master’s thesis, Universidade do Porto, 2014. Figueiredo, S.S. Arte Esquemática do Nordeste Transmontano: Contextos e Linguagens. PhD thesis, Universidade do Minho, 2013. Lima, A. ‘O outeiro rupestre da Botelhinha-Pegarinhos (Alijó): registo e análise do conjunto de rochas gravadas,’ Portugália nova série, 229–230 (2008–2009): 85–138. Martins, M.J.C. O Santuário Rupestre de Lamelas (Ribeira de Pena). Câmara Municipal de Ribeira de Pena, 1981. Raposo, J. ‘300 Sítios arqueológicos visitáveis em Portugal,’ Almadan 2ª série, 10 (2001): 100–157.

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Chapter 5 Rock art of the upper Támega Valley (Galicia, Spain) Beatriz Comendador Rey1 and Félix González Insua2 Area of Prehistory, Group of Studies in Archaeology, Antiquity and Territory – GEAAT, University of Vigo, Spain E-mail: [email protected]

1

Independent researcher E-mail: [email protected] 2

Abstract: The interior of Galicia has been repeatedly excluded from the general synthesis of rock art in the north-west Iberian peninsula as research has tended to focus on other north-western areas. However, work carried out shows the value of studies in this region, in terms of both the density and the complexity of the engravings recorded, which is increased because it is a border area between Schematic and Atlantic rock art styles. As an example, we present the rock art of As Pisadiñas (Laza), As Cuncas/As Ferradas (Monterrei) and Penedo do Muro (Monterrei), and analyse their own characteristics in order to define different styles.

Támega tributaries. From a geological point of view, the predominant materials are granite, slate and sediments.

1. Presentation of the study area 1.1 Physical description of the region

The relief and situation in the interior part of Galicia influences the climatic conditions. The Verin depression falls within an area of continental oceanic climate, with a dry weather of warm summers and cold winters as a result of the great distance to the sea, whereas the peripheral mountain areas feature a mountain oceanic climate, where the weather is more humid and presents colder temperatures and a higher rate of rainfall.

In this study we will use Alto Támega to refer to a geographical area in the south-east of the autonomous region of Galicia, itself located in the north-west of the Iberian peninsula. At an administrative level, this area consists of the municipalities of Castrelo do Val, Cualedro, Laza, Monterrei, Oímbra, Riós, Verín and Vilardevós. It borders northern Portugal (Trás-os-Montes region), where the Támega Valley continues1 (Figure 1).

1.2 Background

Alto Támega presents a marked internal contrast, with four great relief units: to the east the buttresses of the Sierra do Larouco, which continue to the north through the Alto das Estivadas (alt. 849 m). This is a mountain ridge in a S–N direction that functions as a division between the depressions of Verín and Limia. To the north we find the slopes of Ourense’s massif central, in particular the southern foothills of the San Mamede and Invernadoiro ranges (alt. 1000–1500 m). To the south we can see the southern part of the Fial das Corzas range, which nearing Alto de Fumaces spreads into several smaller sierras, among which the Serra das Peñas Libres (to the east of Vilardevós, alt. 800–1100 m) stands out. Finally, the fourth relief unit is the Verín depression, a flat surface crossed by the Támega River. This relief is characterised by the alternation of valleys and interriver areas that stand out due to the contribution of the

The so-called ‘Atlantic rock art’ style (‘Galician-style carvings group’ according to other sources) is well known in the literature on European archaeology, especially in the westernmost areas, where it has been defined by the presence of non-figurative motives – such as hemispheric cup marks and concentric circles – along with other figurative motives (zoomorphic motifs, weapons and anthropomorphic depictions). Despite this, maps of prehistoric rock art distribution in Galicia that appear in some of the classical studies (Peña Santos and Rey García, 2001) show a remarkable void, omitting not only the Alto Támega district but also the Ourense province in general, especially its eastern half. This situation is mainly the result of a lack of systematic archaeological studies in this area, but also reflects the border status of this part of the country, which complicates the overall interpretation with the north of Portugal. In addition, in the Ourense province we often find rock art sites composed of simple motives such as hemispheric cup

1 This paper was submitted in July 2015. We will limit this study to the Spanish part of the Alto Támega, from its source in Alberguería to the border. The Portuguese area of the same name is not included.

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Beatriz Comendador Rey and Félix González Insua

Figure 1. Geographical position of the Galician Alto Támega in the Iberian north-west, and a view of the Támega depression from the Portuguese border (Mairos).

emergency archaeological interventions and localised studies of particular sites (Delibes de Castro and Rodríguez Colmenero, 1976; Gómez Fernández et al., 2005; Prieto Martínez and Gil Agra, 2011; Prieto Martínez et al., 2009). Parallel to these studies, it was during these years that the first municipal cataloguing of archaeological sites was conducted, to be included in the General Municipal Development Plans.

marks, cruciform or horseshoe shapes, with practically no figurative motifs. Their consideration as carvings of historical times has resulted in the rejection of some of these rock art sites – which are little known and poorly recorded as genuinely prehistoric, and as a consequence not taken into account in studies on prehistoric rock art. For all these reasons, we consider that to date this region has not received the attention it deserves.2 However, the richness and singularity of the archaeological background of the Támega Valley is beyond doubt.

In the past few years the contributions of local agents have been of the utmost importance in the field of identification of new sites, due to their deep involvement with the territory (Rúa, 2007) – for example, the works published by the Anthropological Society of Galicia (Anon., 2012), and the information posted in different websites, blogs and social media networks. The recent combined work of both local collaborators and scholars has resulted in a significant increase in the catalogue of rock art sites, showing the

X. Taboada Chivite (1946, 1955, 1971) made the first systematic study of the region’s archaeological richness in the mid-20th century. After that period, there are only That is certainly not the case in the Portuguese section, where we can quote the works of Dinis on the Monte Farinha /Monte da Srª da Graça, Mondim de Basto (Dinis and Bettencourt, 2009). 2

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Rock art of the upper Támega Valley (Galicia, Spain)

In addition, among the field assignments, a pilot study on cup marks was designed and tested, which established a field protocol using morphometric and statistical techniques.5 The main objective of this action plan was to try to identify those cavities with a natural origin and distinguish them from those with an anthropogenic origin. A diagnosis of the degree of conservation was carried out to evaluate the risks and degree of vulnerability.6

lavish richness and interest of these regions, as well as their singularity (Comendador and González, 2014). 1.3 Description of the archaeological actions and methodologies applied The Alto Támega Project: Actions on Patrimonial Landscape (INOU13-02) was set up in 2013, and was developed in cooperation with the Alto Támega Cultural Association and the Anthropological Society of Galicia (SAGA), as well as different agents concerned about heritage management. The main objective was to encourage and strengthen the knowledge of the patrimonial resources of the Támega Valley, starting with the idea of integrated management with local communities, responsible for the revitalisation of little-known cultural heritage, as well as to report irreparable losses of heritage and landscape value. With this spirit in mind, a framework partnership was created for the development of an integrated interdisciplinary project conducted by professionals and students associated with the University of Vigo, along with the participation of the aforementioned collectives and agents.

All the information was integrated in a database so it could be managed using SIG tools. The results obtained encouraged the continuity of the work circumscribed in the project IDE-OU: Integration and Publication of GeoReferenced Archaea-Historical Information in the Ourense Province through the Net (INOU14-04), currently available online.7 2. Contextualisation of prehistoric rock art All the archaeological manifestations of late prehistory in the northwest of the Iberian peninsula can be found in the River Támega region. A series of settlements have been documented, which range from the Early Neolithic to the Bronze Age. On some occasions, the archaeological sites are difficult to observe in the landscape, due to the lack of monumentality, being configured from the dispersion of lithic industries and sherds of pottery. Sometimes there is a strong relationship with the rocks presenting cup marks, as is the case with the Penha type pottery in the Castelo das Chas site (Oímbra/Monterrei) (Figure 2).

One of the actions consisted of the revision of the catalogue of late prehistory sites by means of an extensive survey directed to specific points and their surrounding environment. At an earlier date the information from the Archaeological Site Inventory on the Province Delegation of the General Directorate of Cultural Heritage was included, and the fieldwork was carried out later with the collaboration of local agents. This task increased the number of catalogued sites, and enabled their correct georeferencing as well as the integration of the information with both material and intangible data. As for the catalogued rock art ensembles, the joint effort allowed a considerable increase in their number (from 31 to 106), with some remaining ensembles still to be catalogued.3

As far as burial mounds are concerned, there are to date 20 cases in the catalogue, located mainly in the region’s highlands, with the existence of an inner megalithic chamber in some cases. We can also find examples of Bronze Age necropolises, among which an example with pit graves in Fraga do Zorro (Verín) stands out (Prieto Martínez and Gil Agra, 2011), along with another with cists in Chedeiro (Cualedro) (Delibes de Castro and Rodríguez Colmenero, 1976) (Figure 2).

During the months of August 2013 and 2014 small-scale interventions were performed in three of the most important rock art sites: As Cuncas/As Ferradas (Vences, Monterrei), Penedo das Pisadiñas (Laza) and Penedo do Muro I and II (Sandín, Flariz, Monterrei). All around these carvings new inscribed rocks were also located and documented. A combination of several techniques was used: for the observation of the motifs, viewing under natural daylight was complemented with night viewing under directed artificial light; the worst-defined motifs were also scrubbed clean. For graphic recordings, manual tracings were made on transparent polyethylene film, and wax crayon rubbings on paper. The carvings were also recorded by non-invasive digital photogrammetry.4

The Támega Valley runs through a region known for its remarkable examples of prehistoric statuary on both sides of the border. A great number of the so-called anthropomorphic statue menhirs are well known, some with an evident phallic morphology, dated to different moments of late prehistory, from the Chalcolithic period to the Bronze Age (Figure 2). Some of them were even reused and reinterpreted in the Iron Age and the Galician– Roman period. Far more unusual is the occurrence of

F. González Insua (GEAAT). The archaeological interventions were conducted with the participation of volunteers and students of the Faculty of History of the University of Vigo (Ourense Campus). The collaboration of B. Rúa and others was fundamental to this archaeological field survey, which made it possible to catalogue new sites. 4 The material has been made public through open-access online publications: https://skfb.ly/BYLy (As Cuncas/As Ferradas) and https:// skfb.ly/BYM6 (As Pisadiñas).

Unpublished academic work by E. Rodríguez Gómez with the title ‘Rock Carvings Erosion Process in the Alto Támega: The CovasRubias Case’, which the author defended in 2014 at the University of Vigo. 6 Academic study carried out by I. Sinde Vázquez, following the methodology of her unpublished 2013 master’s dissertation: ‘Estimation of Risk in Rock Carvings. Diagnostic-Based Approach’, defended in 2012 at the University of Vigo. 7 http://idepatri.csga.es.

3

5

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Beatriz Comendador Rey and Félix González Insua warrior statues or stelae, such as the so-called Pedra Alta de Castrelo do Val (Reboreda Carreira and Nieto Muñiz, 2012), which can be related to the group of the Bronze Age stelae. Their situation reinforces the hypothesis that connects these types of monuments with passing places, although they have also been connected to tin mining.8 In this respect it is important to highlight the presence of numerous tin mines in this area, as well as important Bronze Age metallic findings (Comendador and González, 2014). 3. Main rock art sites 3.1 Group of As Cuncas/As Ferradas (Covas Rubias, Santa Baia parish, Vences, Monterrei) This consists of a two-mica, slightly inclined, granite outcrop. It was located after the construction of a forest track, which made its clearing necessary (Anon., 2012). It is located on a small hillock from which the River Támega can be seen, as it meanders from Arcucelos up to Verín (Figure 3A). The group is embedded in a narrow granite band delimited by schist, in which can be seen signs of quarrying, showing clear signs of manipulation due to stone extraction. The ensemble nowadays consists of three granitic blocks with 107 cup marks in total, connected to each other in the pit and groove style (Figure 4). Panel 1 is incomplete on its northern and eastern section. On the still-preserved part we can find 88 hemispherical cup marks interlinked with a complex groove system. Some of these grooves coalesce between themselves and with the fissures of the rock towards the lower central section that appears to have been intentionally reduced. This rock carving seems to have a long history behind it, due to the reuse of some grooves to make Latin crosses in a later yet indeterminate period, with a clearly different groove and faintly conserved letters. There might also be a relationship between this episode and a cruciform in the frontal vertical area, although it could also be interpreted as a possible schematic anthropomorphic figure (Figure 4). On an incomplete set of rocks of the outcrop we have Panels 2 and 3, which present a lesser number of motifs, mainly cup marks with some instances of grooves (3 in P1 and 18 in P2). A cup mark with a flat bottom and crossed by a groove stands out among them. Results from morphometric analysis of the cup marks show the absence of great differences in the dimensions or values of the indices according to their distribution across the panel. Therefore, as the marks are independent of variables such as the inclination or the surface state of the rock (granite containing two micas) this provides confirmation that they were made by human action in a period of time considerably shorter than that of a natural 8

Figure 2. Distribution of Alto Támega late prehistory sites: 1, group of As Pisadiñas (Monte Lastredo, Laza); 2, group of As Cuncas/As Ferradas (Vences, Monterrei); 3, group of Penedo do Muro (Sandín, Flariz, Monterrei); 4, As Chas, Verín; 5, A Fraga do Zorro (Verín); 6, stele of A Pedralta (Castrelo do Val); 7, warrior statue of Outeiro do Muiño.

process. At the same time, some evidence of the action of sub-aerial processes in the bigger cup marks (sand deposits, lichen colonisation, elliptical outlines and thinned sides when the connections to grooves are absent) allows us to

See the recent review in Rodríguez Corral (2015).

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Rock art of the upper Támega Valley (Galicia, Spain)

Figure 3. Location of surveyed sites: (A) As Cuncas/As Ferradas (Vences, Monterrei, Ourense) and view of the site from the NW; (B) As Pisadiñas (Laza, Ourense), and view of the site from the NE; (C) Penedo do Muro 1 and 2 (Sandín, Monterrei, Ourense), and view of the site from the SW.

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Beatriz Comendador Rey and Félix González Insua

Figure 4. Panels 1, 2 and 3 from As Cuncas/As Ferradas (Vences, Monterrei, Ourense). Rubbings and profile. (A) General view from the south. (B) Modern alphabetiform. (C) Modern cross added to a cup mark. (D) Cruciform shapes and alphabetiform added in the southern end of the panel. (E) Engraved initials carved with metal tools. (F) Drainage channel and cruciform or anthropomorphic figure on the vertical wall.

hypothesise that some of the cup marks might have been excavated at different times.

3.2 Group of Penedo das Pisadiñas and Monte Lastredo (Laza) GA32039001

Around this site, another incomplete rock was documented, presenting cup marks and single rings.

This rock carving differs from the previous one in that it was already catalogued, and it has been well known by 54

Rock art of the upper Támega Valley (Galicia, Spain) the local community for a long time, as is shown in the folklore associated with this rock art site, referring to the legend of the flight into Egypt and the symbolic ‘imprints’ of the Holy Family on the rock. It is situated at medium height on Mount Lastredo’s hillside, very close to the town of Laza. Visibility from this group is very wide, taking in all of the River Támega’s high watercourses (Figure 3B).

phallic symbols made up by two cup marks and a groove or half-cylindrical cup- mark. There are also footprint and handprint motifs carved in bas-relief. Amongst the carvings a motif that can be interpreted as a schematic zoomorphic figure, possibly a horse, stands out (Figure 9). The higher density of cup marks appears in the higher portion of the main panel, while the greater concentration of cruciforms, foot-shaped carvings, horseshoes and the three hand-shaped carvings are positioned in the inclined part and in the lowest part of the main panel. The orientation of most of the motifs follows the longitudinal axis of the panel. It is likely that more carvings could be found in the panel partially covered by earth.

The carvings are placed in an outcrop that is the superior part of a protrusion that defines a small shelter entirely made of schist, which dominates the surrounding area. The motifs are laid out through the two main panels, separated by a fissure in the rock and by a secondary panel located further to the east, in contact with the ground (Figure 5).

Around this site other rocks of lesser size were documented, presenting similar motifs to the main ones in As Pisadiñas.

The motifs are composed of more than a hundred pit marks, cruciforms, horseshoes and the so-called ‘scissors,’

Figure 5. Panels 1 and 2 from As Pisadiñas (Laza, Ourense). Rubbings and profile. (A) General view of the outcrop from the west. (B) General view of the site from the south-east.

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Beatriz Comendador Rey and Félix González Insua 3.3 Group of Penedo do Muro (Sandín, Monterrei, Ourense) GA32050002

Twenty meters to the north of the first rock we can find a second one, Penedo do Muro II (Figure 7). This is a granite outcrop of fine grain with veins of white quartz, with a curved profile and slanted towards the south-west. At this moment it is partially covered by an estate-closing wall that divides two areas with carvings. The inner panel presents two cups marks and a foot-shaped carving with a shoe (left foot) carved in groove. On the outer panel (flat face of the rock) it features cup marks, simple circles or circles with a central cup mark, and a snake-shaped carving. On the panel side slanting toward the west, it features four unusual motifs that look very much alike, identified as ‘keys’ in oral tradition. They are sinuous compositions arranged in ‘mirror-effect’, but playing with the asymmetry of the sinuous lines such as to also appear arranged with different ornamentations in an independent way.

The rock art ensemble of Penedo do Muro (also known as Penedo do Mouro) (Sandín, Monterrei) is located in a sierra area adjacent to the River Búbal, a tributary of the Támega. If we take emplacement into account, it consists of two rocks that do not stand out much in the landscape. They are placed in a relatively flat area, crossed by a rural track, and are linked to a basin or concave space with broad visibility. The area is a natural source of water 800 m above sea level that remains permanently wet on a regular basis, functioning as a pasture reservoir (Figure 3C). The rocks chosen for carving have a particular fine grain, delimited by thin quartz veins. From the rocks we can see the immediate landscape, from which a big referential outcrop stands out to the south-west, the direction to which Penedo do Muro II is slightly oriented. Apparently both rocks form a close ensemble, more so since no new sites were to be found in the immediate surroundings, with a granite type that offers worse conditions for carving. Nevertheless, we must point out that there are at least two engraved rocks nearby with similar motifs, although they have been cut and are now part of the fencing of two estates.

4. Comparative analysis In the present state of research we consider as prime objectives the study of the territorial distribution of rock art sites with respect to other archaeological manifestations and the analysis of the style into which these artistic manifestations could be integrated. In order to achieve this we begin with the documentation and study of these three complex sites, without losing sight of the totality of known manifestations. It is not only a matter of looking for iconographic references for carved figures, but several aspects are also taken into account, including the location of the site, disposition, etc. (Table 1).

The first site, Penedo do Muro I, is a fine-grain granite outcrop that results in a horizontal panel of great size. It features different motifs such as horseshoe shapes of different kinds, simple circles, cup marks, circles with a central cup mark and several linear paths. On its eastern end it presents a somehow similar and more complex motive, seemingly crossed on its inferior part by two deep grooves of recent making (Figure 6). This ensemble is well known by the local residents, and has a long oral tradition associated with the Christian legend of ‘the prints of Our Lord’. This carving is in relatively good condition, despite being affected by the fire that recently occurred in this area.

As a result of the preliminary analysis, we can suggest as a starting hypothesis that these sites represent at least two highly differentiated groups. Carvings with simple motives of the cup mark type form the first group; they present different sizes, with or without grooves. They are located in the superior part of outcrops

Figure 6. Penedo do Muro 1 (Sandín, Flariz, Monterrei). Rubbings, profile and orthophotography.

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Rock art of the upper Támega Valley (Galicia, Spain)

Figure 7. Penedo do Muro 2 (Sandín, Flariz, Monterrei). Rubbings, profile and orthophotography.

more or less visible in the environment, and sometimes are arranged around natural cavities or gnamas. We could include in this group the site of As Cuncas/As Ferradas.9 From our perspective, the site had an early period that we suggest was prehistoric, although the different kinds of grooves and figures present indicate a longer biography shown by the addition of new Christian carvings, or its use as a territory boundary (Figure 4).

complicated to establish a chronological proposal for this first period. A second group can be differentiated by the presence of abstract motives such as circles, horseshoe shapes, cruciforms or the so-called ‘scissors’. Amongst the figurative motives we distinguish carved rock footprints (all those documented in this area always feature shoes on either foot, and can be found as a bas-relief or with a simple groove), a possible zoomorphic figure and carved rock handprints (Figure 9). The sites of Penedo das Pisadiñas and Penedo do Muro are representatives of this style, being similar to sets of carvings with carved rock footprints of the Bragança district, with which they share the oral tradition referred to as Fraga das Passadas (Valpaços, Portugal) (Freitas et al., 1994) or Macedo de Cavaleiros (Figueiredo, 2008), and others in the Galician region such as A Ferradura (Amoeiro, Ourense) (Santos Estévez and SeoaneVeiga, 2005).

We note its location, which provides a commanding view over the Támega Valley, and the three-dimensional integration of the carvings with the medium, stressed by the presence of a great figure in the vertical wall. Although Panel 1 is incomplete, some cup marks and lowered rock areas function as containers, and the water contained there flows through the complex system of grooves and joints to coalesce in the lower central section, which seems to have been intentionally lowered.10 We find references in the north-western area, in hinterland carvings (Barandela Rivero and Lorenzo Rodríguez, 2004; Gavilanes Blanco, 2014), as well as in the coastal ones (Costas Goberna and Peña Santos, 2011). Based on their characteristics, we can point to the carvings’ similarity to other instances of ‘cup marks and rings’ style, especially in the British Isles. They present chronologies associated with them that go back to the Neolithic (e.g. Mazel et. al., 2007), although we should note the absence of concentric circles in the Támega region. We can also point to the similarity with the characteristics of far more distant rock art sites, such as the carvings from Cro da Lairi (Val Chisone, Valcamónica, Italia) (Arcá, 2001) (Figure 8), for which we suggest a connection with ritual activities and territory management, and a later chronology (Iron Age). Therefore, it is somewhat

Finally, a third element would be represented exclusively by the complex sinuous motives depicted in Penedo do Muro II, for which we do not know any direct iconographic reference. Its composition in uneven mirror symmetry could make us think of figurative Atlantic art, where we know the case of female and male deer figures from A Laxe das Lebres (A Caeira, Pontevedra) (Peña Santos and Rey García, 2001). But it seems that it is in the Iron Age where we find the closest stylistic references, especially in the decorative motifs of the ‘SS’ type, which are recurrent in the Iron Age figurative grammar that plays with symmetry and that we can find in rock art, precious-metal craftwork and pottery (González Ruibal, 2009). In the case of rock art, we can take a look at the motifs on the ‘Pedras Formosas’ from Briteiros or the engravings on a carved rock near the site (García Quintela and Santos Estévez, 2015), as well as in other engravings such as those at the Pedra Formosa de Ribalonga (Alijó, Vila Real) (Rodríguez Colmenero, 2012). They usually appear decorating architectonic elements and

Although it is necessary to deepen our study of the different characteristics and types of cup marks, since this set’s are superior to the average both in diameter and in depth. 10 The relation between cup marks and water has also been noted in the north of Portugal (Figueiredo, 2008: 53). 9

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Beatriz Comendador Rey and Félix González Insua

Table 1. Comparison of surveyed sites As Cuncas/As Ferradas (Vences, Monterrei)

As Pisadiñas (Laza) GA32039001

Penedo do Muro I (Sandín, Flariz, Monterrei) GA32050002

Penedo do Muro II (Sandín, Flariz, Monterrei) GA32050002

Coordinates/altitude

UTM/ETRS89 UTM/ETRS89 UTM/ETRS89 UTM/ETRS89 X: 627.019 Y: 4.651.175 X: 627.755 Y: 4.659.441 X: 617.798 Y: 4.645.304 X: 617.766 Y: 4.645.325 515 m above sea level 700 m above sea level 800 m above sea level. 800 m above sea level

Location

Small hill on the eastern slope of Mount Meda. Alongside a traditional path.

On the hillside of Mount Basin surrounded by Lastredo granite domes (nubbins) in a landscape of denuded mountains. Alongside a traditional path.

Basin surrounded by granite domes (nubbins) in a landscape of denuded mountains. Alongside a traditional path.

Visual relationship

Tamega Valley to the east

Tamega Valley to the south-west

Dominates the surroundings. Presence of a referential dome to the south-west

Dominates the surroundings. Presence of a referential dome to the south-west, where the panel is slightly orientated

Supporting material

Two-mica granite/shale in the environment

Quartzite-shale

Two-mica granite with thin quartz veins/coarsegrained granite in the surrounding area

Two-mica granite with thin quartz veins/coarsegrained granite in the surrounding area

Motives

Hemispherical and flatbottom cup marks, pit and groove cup marks, cruciform shapes, more recent alphabetiforms

Cup marks, clustered cup marks, foot-shaped figures (with shoes in bas-relief), cruciform, horse-shoe and handshaped motives, simple circles, ‘scissors’ and a possible zoomorphic figure

Hemispherical cup marks, horse-shoe shapes, simple circles and with a central cup mark, cruciforms, complex motives.

Hemispherical cup marks, snake-like figures and composite figures. Groove-made foot-shape. ‘Key’-like figures without known direct iconographic references

Layout and composition

Motifs arranged on a slightly sloping panel. The natural shapes of the rock are used as part of the composition, with a three-dimensional integrated approach

Motifs arranged on slightly sloping panel. Rock only acts as medium. Preferencial point of view

Layout over flat panel. Rock only acts as medium

Non-articulated disposition on sloping panel of snake-like figures of ‘key type’, and the rest of motifs over flat panel. Composition of the ‘key type’ motifs in unequal mirror symmetry

Syntax

The motifs are in many cases interconnected

The motifs are arranged independently

The motifs are arranged independently

The motifs are independently arranged with different orientations

Biography

New cruciform depicitions are articulated over the grooves. The inclusion of alphabetiforms refers to episodes of Christianisation and territorial delimitation of historical periods

There is no noticeable articulated association of new figures. Only modern diachronic episodes are visible

There is no noticeable articulated association of new depictions. Only modern diachronic episodes are visible. Complex figure deeply sanctioned

Possible diachronic episodes

Techniques

Percussion and abrasion. Probable use of metal Metal tools for modern tools for modern carvings carvings

Probable use of metal tools for modern carvings

Percussion and abrasion

Oral tradition associated

Unknown

Footsteps of Our Lord. Recent horseshoes cult. Legend referring to the dome in the visual environment

Legend referring to the dome in the visual environment

Symbolic imprints of the characters and belongings of the Holy Family. Recent cult

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Rock art of the upper Támega Valley (Galicia, Spain)

Figure 8. Rock carving of Cro da Lairi – Fenestrelle, Val Chisone, Italy (3.50 × 2.80 m). GRCM tracing image, 1988.

Figure 9. Footprint; hand-shape; zoomorphic figure.

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Beatriz Comendador Rey and Félix González Insua they generally appear chained. We could also relate them to those motifs found on ‘omphallic stones’ or ‘four-party decoration pillars’ with a possible chronology of Late Iron Age, as has also been considered the case for the Pedra da Póvoa, found in the Portuguese Alto Támega (Fonte et al., 2009). In this respect, the rock art site of Peñas de la Cerca (Zamora) with cruciform and horseshoe shapes must be considered to be from the Second Iron Age as a result of its relationship with the materials (Sastre and Vázquez, 2013).

has not been questioned in depth, as shown in the review by Santos (2008). In recent years, consideration of the sites as belonging to a historical period (at least in their entirety) has been both questioned (Barandela Rivero and Lorenzo Rodríguez, 2004) and reviewed (Santos, 2008; Alves and Reis, 2009; Cardoso, 2015). Carvings found in the Zamora and Salamanca regions are mainly made by picking or incising the rock, showing repeated figures integrated into a great regional variety (anthropomorphic figures, cruciform and horseshoe shapes, and geometrical figures) (Molina and Inés, 2014).

5. Schematic art or Schematic arts? The Támega territory is located in the geographical area that marks the ‘border’ between the areas of Atlantic art style carvings and those belonging to the painted Schematic rock art style (also know as the post-Palaeolithic Schematic painted rock art group) that exists in the rest of the peninsula (Bradley and Fábregas, 1998). To this day, no schematic paintings have been found in Galician territory, although some examples have been located in the nearby Tuela Valley, Vinhais, in the Bragança district (Trás-osMontes, Portugal) (Figueiredo and Baptista, 2013; Martins, 2013; Figueiredo, 2014) and in the neighbouring territory of Zamora (Sastre and Vázquez, 2013; Molina and Inés, 2014), all of them in the River Douro basin. The chronology of the Schematic painted rock art is still a controversial and much-debated issue; it is generally accepted that these paintings were made over a long time period stretching from the Neolithic to the Iron Age (Baptista et al., 2006). In the case of the paintings over the mountains, on the Duero’s northern riverside, they are largely associated with Chalcolithic settlements (Figueiredo and Batista, 2013). Martins (2013) differentiates a schematic ideographic stage between the end of the 5th millennium to the 3rd millennium BC.

Santos (2008) has recently suggested identification of the Atlantic Schematic style based on its structural analysis, hypothesising that it belongs to the end of the Iron Age, the period of flourishing hillforts. This raises questions about a set of carvings whose characteristics present a certain degree of coherence, and hence why we talk about a new style, different from both Schematic and Atlantic Art. Our starting point, at least with regards to some of their characteristics (and with some reservations) would be the integration of As Pisadiñas and Penedo do Muro into the Atlantic Schematic Art’s style scope, as designated by Santos. We are aware that it is necessary to complement the basic documentation and at the same time systematise and integrate this archaeological data with that coming from other areas. We hope that both new projects and a joint effort will allow us to know and preserve the different rock art traditions of those societies which left their symbolic mark on the landscape of the Támega Valley. Acknowledgments

Painted Schematic rock art style appears together with sites featuring ‘schematic carvings’, but both do not coincide in the same panels, although they have been described as related by different scholars (Bradley and Fábregas, 1998; Alves, 2012). As a consequence, more and more manifestations of different styles of rock art have been placed under the more general term of Schematic art (Schematic art group), forming a kind of fond de sac, with a much-needed revision and study of its Schematic diversity, as pointed out by Alves and Reis (2009).

This paper has been carried out in the scope of the projects Upper Támega: Actions in Heritage Landscape (INOU13-02 CITI131H 647) and IDE-OU: Integration and Publication of Geo-Referenced Archaea-Historical Information in the Ourense Province through the Net (INOU14-04 2014 CITI 131H 647.2). The research was conducted in cooperation with the Alto Támega Cultural Association, the Galician Anthropological Society and several individuals such as B. Rúa and J. L. Lozano, among others. In addition, E. Rodríguez, J. Silvares and I. Sinde also took part in the registration process. Our gratitude goes to Víctor Vázquez for making the drawings, and to Pablo Mato for his help in translating this paper. We thank each and every one of them for their excellent work and generosity.

In the 1980s, Portuguese specialist A. M. Baptista (1983– 84) defined Group II of north Portuguese rock art, in which he included cup marks, simple circles, segmented squares or rectangles, foot-shaped figures and cruciform shapes. He defended their prehistoric nature and their similarities with schematic paintings from the Iberian peninsula hinterland (see also Sanches et al., 1998; Alves and Reis, 2009; Figueiredo, 2014; Cardoso, 2015; Cardoso and Bettencourt, 2015). Nevertheless, in the Galician historiographical tradition, many of these carvings were rejected as truly prehistoric, and they were generally interpreted as ‘boundary-marks’ (or boundary-marking carvings), marking the limits between parishes. This claim

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Chapter 6 Rock art places and contexts at Gralheira Massif (central north-west Portugal): a general overview António Manuel S.P. Silva1,2, Joana N. Leite1,2, Paulo A.P. Lemos1 and Manuel Valério Figueiredo1,3 1

Archaeology Centre of Arouca, Portugal

Transdisciplinary Research Centre ‘Culture, Space and Memory’ – CITCEM, University of Porto, Oporto, Portugal E-mail: [email protected]

2

3

Geological Interpretation Centre of Canelas, Portugal

Abstract: Focused on a rather unknown, as far as rock art is concerned, region of central northwest Portugal, this chapter presents a first critical inventory of rock art sites and findings within the area of the Gralheira Massif, including a part of the basin of the River Paiva. The discussion focuses on a dozen sites, showing remarkable diversity in their supports and representations, as well as a significant chronological range, from Neolithic to historical periods. The simplicity of most of the motifs recorded on the rocks does not allow a clear integration of these petroglyphs into the main ‘style’ of Portuguese Atlantic rock art, as Schematic manifestations are largely predominant over Atlantic ones. Amongst the recorded sites and findings, almost entirely unpublished so far, it is worth highlighting Cando’s engraved stone, a unique schist slab profusely engraved with schematic motifs.

1. Presentation

the northern and eastern slopes of the Gralheira Massif, as well as in the nearby basin of the River Paiva, one of the main local streams flowing into the Douro River.

In this chapter we attempt the first general inventory of recorded Holocene rock art sites in a particular geographical area of the north of Portugal, broadly situated in the Gralheira Massif (which comprises Freita, Arestal and Arada Sierras), a region between the Douro and Vouga basins and administered by the municipalities of Arouca and São Pedro do Sul, about 40 km from the Atlantic Ocean (Figure 1). The highlighted rock art contexts are located on

Gralheira, which ranges in altitudes from 800 to 1200 m, is one of the erosion reliefs that marks the contact between the Hesperian Massif and the Mesocenozoic coastal abrasion platform. The geological substrate is defined by metasedimentary rocks of the Schist– Greywacke Complex, recently named the ‘super grupo

Figure 1. The area of study: the Gralheira Massif, in central north-west Portugal.

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António Manuel S.P. Silva, Joana N. Leite, Paulo A.P. Lemos and Manuel Valério Figueiredo

Figure 2. Rock carvings and other monuments referred to in the text: the River Paiva basin (right), Gralheira’s northern slope and the Escariz region (left).

dúrico-beirão’ (Rocha, 2008; Rocha and Monteiro, 2008: 20-21, with references); it is mainly composed of argillaceous schists, greywackes, conglomerates and grey quartzite, crossed by a large magmatic intrusion of medium-grained two-mica alkaline granitoids (Pereira et al., 1980). This double lithology, schists and granites, is most evident in the rock art of Gralheira’s eastern sector and the low Paiva basin.

Mamoa1 1 da Aliviada, Mamoa 1 de Alagoas and Mamoa 4 de Alagoas. The location of Selada is on a natural route from the highlands to coastal areas, and its meaning as such was recorded in a classical Portuguese ancient dictionary.2 The four engraved rocks are very close (20–100 m) to Urreira’s tumuli necropolis where about ten funerary tumuli were recorded by F. A. Pereira da Silva († 2010)3 (see Silva, 2004: 117–124 for an up-to-date inventory), who also excavated three of them (Urreira 3, 7 and 8).

Less than a dozen miles north-west, the nucleus of the parish of Escariz, set almost in the valley, was judged appropriate for inclusion in this regional assessment, namely because it includes not only some interesting rock engravings but also examples of megalithic art (Figure 2). This nucleus is located in an erosion corridor composed of complex alveoli, associated with water courses and linked to residual hills such as Serra Grande (Cordeiro, 2004), granites being its main lithology (Pereira et al., 1980). These sites are presented and discussed using the available data, though it should be borne in mind that some of them were discovered very recently and have not yet been fully recorded.

Urreira 7 is a large tumulus (22 m × 18 m) about 2 m high, but its excavation revealed that the funerary chamber was not preserved at all (Pereira da Silva, 1989b). Considering certain features of the grave and the uncovered artefacts, this author suggested that the monument was built up between the Middle Neolithic and the second half of third millennium BC (Pereira da Silva, 1989b: 317). Next to this monument, there is a very small and quite imperceptible mound, Urreira 8 (4 m meters diameter × 0.30 m high), which did not provide any artefacts, as was classified after its excavation as a Bronze Age cist (ibid). In 2005 F. Pereira da Silva, along with C. Maia, also excavated Mamoa 3 of Urreira’s nucleus, a very interesting monument because of its proximity to Selada’s rock carvings. However, the mound, which measured about 14 m in diameter by