Reclaiming Zimbabwe: The Exhaustion of the Patriarchal Model of Liberation [pbk. ed.] 1592210929, 9781592210923

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The Exhaustion of the Patriarchal Model of Liberation

Horace Campbell

Reclaiming Zimbabwe

The Exhaustion of the Patriarchal Model of Liberation

Horace Campbejfl

Africa

World Press,

P.O. Box 1892 lienton, N|

08607

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opyright S 2003 Horace Campbell Printing 2003

First

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocop) ing, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.

m ID' on 1' Stone Sent Page design b) Helanna rypesetters \rr design In Damian ( ribbs

Set

•

1

(

Permissions (

hapter hapter

photograph

12:

map

oi petrol

queue by Thomas Deve.

map

of land pressure based on 'Report of the Commission Inquiry into the Agricultural Industry*, Government of Zimbabwe, 1982; wetlands ol Zimbabwe map based on Wetlands l cology




forces.

15

en years after independence, the Mozambique military had not become a

disciplined force.

ZANLA's

leaders

had

lived in

Maputo

for three years

and

had noted the short-term problems of developing a professional army that was guided politically. In order to maintain stability and quickly develop the professional standards of the former guerrillas, the British were given a mandate to oversee the integration of the armed forces. This programme began in March 1980, and by June 1982, 43 battalions of more than 45 000 soldiers had been integrated.

The 120 British officers engaged in the integration exercise went to Zimbabwe with their own conception of the guerrilla fighters. Some saw it as their task to depoliticise them, and their very language showed their concep-

when they called the exercise a 'sausage machine'. Training began with 600 ZANLA and 600 ZIPRA divided into two camps. The timetable was to produce a fully trained battalion in six months. The British helped select the officers for training on the basis of a minimum educational standard. Senior officers were sent on four-month training courses tion of the process

52

The integration of the

armed forces

in

Zimbabwe

Chapter

in management and administrative skills, which were supposed to be 'orientation courses in the organisation and procedure of the national army'.

A major problem was how to train senior guerrilla commanders who did not have a minimum educational standard. The British attempted to maintain a level of parity despite the departure of some key ZIPRA officials from the army. 16 Staff courses started in September 1980, with six-week courses for junior officers, followed by four-month intermediate courses for middlelevel officers. The government did not depend entirely on the British, as officers were also selected for training in Nigeria, Yugoslavia and Romania, by the Fifth Army Brigade and by a team of North Korean instructors at Nyanga barracks. The Fifth Brigade has been nicknamed Gukurahundi (the Shona word

for 'storm') and formed a special artillery unit of the Zimbabwe National Army. A special parachute and commando battalion has been formed at the headquarters of the former Selous Scouts and Rhodesian Light Infantry. In these new units, former guerrillas have in fact benefited from the British training mission. The artillery regiment, the armoured car regiment and the signals corps were the smoothest areas of integration. Proving most difficult were the specialised intelligence units, the psychological operations unit and the air force.

The

air force The integration of the air force remained problematic because the guerrilla army had none. When they took control of most of the countryside, the Rhodesian Combined Forces built up its air force, since most operations were dependent on surprise attacks by air. Aircraft that had been deployed against Mozambique and Zambia were handed over to the independent government, and the South African air force shuddered at the new military balance of Zimbabwe possessing one of the best-equipped air forces in Africa. Both the Zimbabwean and the South African government recognised the

constraints of the new air force insofar as there were not five trained black pilots or flight personnel in the country, although it possessed over 150 aircraft types. The new political leadership attempted to gain the loyalty of the air force while accelerating the training of African pilots, ground staff and skilled personnel. Air Work Services continued to service the air force, while the government sent large numbers of youth to train at the Air Services Training School in Perth, Scotland, so that Zimbabwe could become more self-sufficient in aviation maintenance engineers. In 1982, Zimbabwe acquired eight new Hawker Hunter aircraft, which could be used for training and ground attacks. Less than ten days after the government took possession of the new aircraft, the main air force base at Thornhill was rocked by an explosion, resulting in damage to some of the new planes. This attack coincided with the increased military activity of the apartheid army against the frontline states. Similar to the major blast at Inkomo barracks in 1981, these acts of sabotage, along with the banditry of ex-guerrillas, strengthened the military capacity of the apartheid army in its 'Total Strategy'. Robert Jaster, a military analyst, noted the increased acts of subversion by South African proxy groups when he argued: It is unlikely

that Pretoria's leaders expect the MNR, which is a non-political to overthrow the government of Samora Machel. The

band of mercenaries,

t

53

Reclaiming Zimbabwe

MNR

is

useful, however, as a

menus of pressuring Mozambique

into denying

aid or sanctuary to groups hostile to South Africa. South Africa has a reserve force that could be reinforced by South African troops should the need arise to destabilise Mozambique, or even to invade the country to support a Tree Mozambique' in the southern half 17

same philosophy that was behind the extensive destabilising efforts in Zimbabwe, with acts of sabotage increasing in proportion to the claim of supporting secession in Matabeleland. These episodes of war dictated that the changes in the specialist areas of intelligence and psychological operations had to be handled with more attention and seriousness than the undefined methods that had led to the problems of 'Operation Seed'. It

was

this

Intelligence and psychological warfare units hiring the war of liberation, the masses were the eyes and ears of the I

guerril-

Those guerrillas whose special tasks involved intelligence work also had ,\nc\ mobilise the people to recognise counter-insurgency operators posing as guerrillas. Ranged against them was the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), an intelligence unit that operated in conjunction with military intelligence and the Special Branch. The Special Branch concentrated almost exclusively on political work, its interrogation centres around the country gaining particular notoriety for torture. The military intelligence section of the Rhodesian forces was responsible tor a wide range of information on the guerrilla bases and the movement ot guerrillas. Linked directly to South African military intelligence, army intelligence worked closely with SAS and those units that operated in Zambia and Mozambique, providing information for the targets to be bombed by the air force. When the news of the victory of ZANU-PF settled, the Special Branch and the intelligence apparatus flew planeloads of files, papers and documents of the Zimbabwean forces to South Africa. he South Africans operated freely in Zimbabwe, using their agents and South African citizens to collect information. The South Africans are not the only hostile forces collecting information in the region. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the USA increased its information-gathering capabilities by setting up a new monitoring station in Mbabane, Swaziland, in April L982. Operating under the aegis of the Department of Commerce, the foreign broadcast information service unit complements the work of British Intelligence based in Botswana with a special communications unit linked to Signals Intelligence Headquarters at Cheltenham in the UK. These intelligence sources use the most advanced technology in espionage activities in Africa. Zimbabwe cannot hope to acquire the sophisticated technology, electronic surveillance, wire-tapping or radio electronic equipment used by the South Africans and their Western allies. 18 It is for this reason that the tasks of mobilising and educating the people took on extra meaning. The intelligence activities of a frontline state at war with South Africa require an alert, politically aware and conscious population. las.

to educate

I

Psychological operations The crucial problem of political mobilisation cal choice,

54

but

is

is

not simply a matter of

linked directly to the nature of the

armed

politi-

forces. Clear polit-

The integration of the

armed forces inZimbabwe

Chapter

4

mobilisation not only serves as a foundation for the armed forces, but forms an organised and clear leadership for the masses. Thus far, this clarity has been subsumed under the politicisation of ethnicity and the quest by the Mugabe administration to hold onto power. The psychological operations section of the army has not yet recovered from the process of change that took place at the end of the war. During the war, the 'psych ops' section of the Rhodesian forces was a wellequipped section of the army that carried out work among the civilian population as well as the army. Equipped with mobile cinemas and unlimited supplies of other communications equipment, the psych ops units operated a clandestine radio station in central Zimbabwe, which was beamed to guerrillas in Mozambique. When the independent government took over in March, this radio station disappeared along with the sophisticated equipment used in the campaign of intimidation, which was called 'the hearts and minds campaign'. ical

also

The army and society The questions

development of an intelligence unit and the psychological operations unit of the new Zimbabwe National Army were directly linked to the problem of relations between the military and society. These questions continue to focus on the crucial question of political direction and leadership of society. The experience of Mozambique's economic crisis and political destabilisation has been a useful lesson to understand that economic dislocation can enhance political instability and subversion. However, maintaining economic stability is not merely an internal problem, but is linked to the relations between South Africa and Zimbabwe. National security in South Africa is conceived of not only in military terms but is a total raised in the

combining military, economic, political and intelligence objecThe apartheid war machine that is the violent expression of this total strategy bombs Angola daily, militarily occupies Namibia and supports a counter-revolutionary force in Mozambique. Apartheid represents a naked form of capital accumulation, which needs an expanding space. The total strategy then of the apartheid regime must, in

strategy tives. 19

future, intensify

its

military activities against the people of an independent

Zimbabwe. Mugabe and

his party,

from their experience

at Lancaster

House,

should recognise the hollowness of the commitment to liberation of certain members of the frontline states. Some proclaim support for the liberation of South Africa and Namibia when, in their own societies, workers live in conditions similar to those of Namibian workers. Some have developed advanced authoritarian practices under the guise of one-partyism or the

supremacy of the

party.

ZANU-PF needs

to distinguish itself from such practices, for the era of nationalist politics has now exhausted its capacity for fundamental changes in Africa. The future of the national army in Zimbabwe cannot be separated from the political questions of the day, such as the resettlement of the disposed rural population and the question of a one-party state. One-partyism in Africa has been used as a tool for the dictatorship of the petty bourgeois over their opponents and, ultimately, over the masses. Kenya is the most recent example of where the legal instruments toward one-party dictatorship have led to the trampling of democracy, the violation of human rights, repression and the incarceration of intellectuals. Once this form of politics

55

Reclaiming Zimbabwe takes root, the army is usually involved, for as A.M. Babu asserted: 'When politicians become Commandist, they too become redundant, because who 20 is better fitted to giving command than the army?'

Conclusion For Mugabe and the

present leaders to maintain the positive legacies of the victory over Ian Smith, they must unleash the creative potential of the society, such that it is reflected in all sectors, including the military. Now that the holding action of using the British integration team to prevent South African intervention is coming to an end, the high command needs to take some firm decisions about what kind of army is wanted, how to train it and what are to be external sources of military capital. Zimbabwe cannot commit itself to a socialist path and yet continue its dependence on the West for tanks, armoured cars and artillery. The future role of the air force also needs re-examination. An independent Zimbabwe cannot afford to maintain a well-equipped counter-insurgency air force equipped to bomb neighbouring states. The failures of intense bombings in Vietnam, Mozambique and Angola should alert the regime to the usefulness of expensive jet bombers. Undoubtedly, the air force needs to equip d\]d maintain its transport, training and rescue squadrons, but there should nvv

r

and education

Religion

in

Africa The

official

opening of Africa University

Africa University: A Pan-African institution On 23 April 1994, President Mugabe officially opened Africa University in Mutare, Zimbabwe. This first private

institute

of higher learning in

related to the United Methodist

Zimbabwe

Church. That

is

this

would be Pan-African in scope was clear its mission statement. The mission statement from published by the Development Office in Nashville, university

Tennessee, declared that the purpose of the university was to help to train African Christian leaders for their

churches and their societies. The other positive aspect of this institution was the fact that the United Methodist Church defied the orthodoxy of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) who said that university education is a luxury that Africa and Africans could not afford. Africa University, by its very nomenclature and the composition of its staff and students, is a PanAfrican institution of higher learning. Whether it will be a Pan-African religious institution will depend, in the long term, on how it deals with the interrelationship between African religions and those such as Islam, Christianity, Judaism and Buddhism, and the other religions that are now important in Africa. The groundbreaking ceremony of this university took place in 1 992 and the university was chartered by the Zimbabwean government in the same year. The formal opening, by President Mugabe, took place in 1994. Initially there were 106 students, 26 of whom were women, drawn from 12 African countries. The first group of students graduated in December 1994. first two faculties were Theology and Agriculture, with plans to expand into Management and Administration, Education, Medicine and Humanities and Social Sciences. The United Methodist Church underwrote the financial base of the university. Apart from the thousands of Zimbabweans from Mutare region who celebrated the opening of the university, the cer-

The

emony drew one

of the largest gatherings of Methodbishops in Africa. The spirit of joy that permeated the gathering must be tempered by the realities of the contradictions of ist

58

Religion

and education

in

Africa

Chapter

5

the university in Africa. A university that is related to a religious institution raises fundamental questions about the relationships between spiritual reflection and knowledge production. This relationship is also pertinent in light of the positive and negative legacies of missionary education in Africa. The formal opening in April 1994 was clearly Pan-African in scope, marked by the voices of the choirs, the languages of the songs, and the clear acknowledgement of many speakers that the university was an attempt to fulfil the dreams of leaders such as Julius Nyerere and Kwame Nkrumah who had wanted to build Pan-African institutions.

The Methodist tradition

in

Africa

Questions about the intellectual integrity of the institution have been raised, as the principal task of the Faculty of Theology is to provide well-trained life of the church. The questions were pertinent raised directly in Mugabe's speech, bringing to the fore many of the contradictions relating to the traditions of missionaries, and their role in culture

Christian leadership for the

and

religion in Africa. The Methodist church has been known for its farsightedness, especially when it comes to the links between religion and political oppression. The church itself grew out of a tradition of ideological struggle against religious tyranny. John Wesley, one of its founders, had rebelled against the hierarchy and corruption of the established Church of England. He broke with the dominant Christian ideas of the eighteenth century when it was clear that the Church of England and other high churches were instruments of state oppression. Wesley and the Methodists were at the forefront of the kind of spiritual reflection that uplifts human beings. This kind of religious practice is now known as liberation theology. The traditions of the church in England were different from the church in the United States, where slavery and institutional racism were rampant. African Americans broke from the Methodists to found the African Methodist Episcopalian (AME) church. The leaders of the AME church were at the forefront of the anti-slavery and anti-lynching movements. They realised that the church could not preach equality before God yet support segregation and inequality on earth. In some senses, the AME church was a radical religious institution in the USA and their missionary work in Africa was to support opposition to the partitioning and colonial domination of Africa. The AME church in southern Africa is one of the oldest Pan-African institutions linking the struggles of Africans in the USA to Africans on the African continent. The United Methodist Church was aware of the strides made by the AME church in the African-American community and some sections of the church attempted to separate from the segregation practices of American society. The Methodist church was one of the first churches outside of the African-American churches to ordain female religious leaders. In recent years, other churches have also ordained women, but the issue of whether a woman could be an intercessor between God and human beings touches on the core of patriarchy. Because religion has been used as a sanctuary for justifying the domination of women and children, the Methodists can claim to have been progressive when it comes to gender questions. In the United States, the church has taken consistent positions on the questions of the rights of women, abortion, human rights and social justice.

and

59

Reclaiming Zimbabwe Despite this radical history in Europe and the Americas, the Methodist church in Africa vacillated when it came to colonial plunder. The British South Africa Company bequeathed the land on which Africa University stands to the church. The land had been seized by the colonialists and bequeathed to the missionary Bishop Hartzell in 1898 by Earl Grey, the

administrator of Rhodesia. Africa University, as a fledgling Pan-African religious institution, stands in

shadow of both the benign colonial past of the United Methodist Church Africa and the challenges of developing a university consistent with the

the in

requirements of African peoples in the 21st century. Many speakers openly stated this challenge and it remains as such for the new intellectual leaders of this university. The university will be shaped by the generation of African youths who have grown up unencumbered by colonialism or apartheid.

What

is

an African

university?

brochure announcing the opening of Africa University, the mission statement proclaimed: In the

Education is the fundamental means of fulfilling individual needs and personal development, achieving the goals of society, and advancing culture and momy. The mission of the Africa University is to provide higher education of high quality, to nurture students in Christian values, and to help the nations of Africa achieve educational ami professional goals. Africa will play a critical role in educating the new leadership of African nations.

bold claim, the objectives were to pursue and transmit knowledge, empower students, create a sense of public responsibility, and promote an understanding of the practical applications of knowledge including historical origin, purpose and meaning of life, a sense of value to lite, a balance of intellectual and spiritual health, an identification with In addition to this

and integration of various cultures'. he boldness of the mission statement is contradictory in many ways - not least because, in the past, the Christian church was hostile to African culture. In 1994, in opening a new university, to be bold, one needed to break from the cultural domination of Euro-American education. A new university in Africa needed to explore new uses of communication, the most advanced methods of pedagogy, break the reverence for European ideas, develop the most advanced techniques and respect the intellectual heritage of Africa and Africans. This meant that at least one of the languages of instruction should be an African language. Another major contradiction is the position of women in higher education in Africa. Prior to the opening, there was a two-day conference in Mutare on the role of women in higher education in Africa. Through the newspaper, Church Sews, the Methodists had proclaimed: 'In traditional African society, it used to be more preferable to spend more money educating boys and less for girls ... We agree that men and women, boys and girls, and sons and daughters deserve equal rights. We support our women leaders in their fight to bring this equality about.' This sentiment of equality must be linked to developing the intellectual capacity to challenge the dominant male-centred ideas of what equality means. The meeting of women in higher education did not advance the theAfrican culture, 1

60

«

R eligion and e ducation

in Afric

a

Chapter

5

oretical level of the gender issue. For some, singing and praying was sufficient for God to empower women. Gender hurdles in the training of women are real and raise fundamental questions about the nature of the family, sexuality, the raising of children, and the entire process of production and

reproduction. Female students are intimidated on campuses across the African continent and the structure of the university and its curriculum must reflect the struggle for equality. That the thinkers behind the university did not have this in mind was reflected in the fact that the dormitories were built for men and this is most evident in the urinals. 1

Mugabe's presentation Mugabe brought out the contradictions in the university's mission in his speech. He defended the length of time taken to charter the university by pointing to the fact that the government had to scrutinise the Inadvertantly,

intellectual integrity of private universities in Africa. However, the more significant aspect of the speech was that, in 1972, African educators had stip-

ulated the characteristics of a university that could be called African. Mugabe reported on the meeting of the Association of African Universities in Accra, Ghana, in 1972, which defined the identity of an African university. One of the clear ideas that came out of the workshop was the formulation of a philosophy of university education for Africa 'to evolve institutions that are not only built, owned and sited in Africa, but are of Africa, drawing inspiration from Africa, and intelligently dedicated to her ideals and aspirations'. 2

Mugabe also raised the question of the links between the university and the environment. He went into a long history of missionaries in Zimbabwe. For those who knew of the role of the missionaries in the plot to kill Lobengula, the subtext of this historical reference was significant. Old Mutare was one of the first colonial settlements and the missionaries had supported the appropriation of land in the name of Christianity and civilisation. The fact that a university is now located on the land of the ancestors of the Africans raised questions about how this university would draw inspiration from Africa. How would the university's Faculty of Theology train a Christian leadership that would promote authentic African theology and methodology? In Zimbabwe, spirit mediums and the ancestral spirits are celebrated in all aspects of daily association. How would the university deal with the realities of African religious practices? Would it treat African religion as witchcraft? To its credit, the university had embarked on a major project to write the history of Christianity in Africa from the birth of Christ. This is a multimillion dollar project involving leading theologians throughout the Christian world. One of its tasks is to repair the tension between organised religions and African religious and spiritual appreciation. The other faculty was the Faculty of Agriculture. To what extent would agricultural training be consistent with the agricultural skills of the African farmers, especially women? Would the university promote crops and natural resources tied to the infrastructures of the settler agricultural apparatus? Agricultural planning with respect to the use of fertiliser, water and electricity has discriminated against Africans. This form of agriculture privileges private accumulation rather than collective forms of farming and animal husbandry. Current research at the International Crops Research Institute

61

Reclaiming Zimbabwe

Bulawayo has shown how the state apparatus has discriminated against crops, such as sorghum and millet, where there is real African experience and knowledge. This university must develop the skills to process these crops, to promote real food security in southern Africa. Mugabe also raised the question of academic freedom in universities in general and in Africa University in particular. He warned the university that an academic couldn't claim immunity from counter-attack by political opponents on the basis of academic freedom. For the Zimbabweans present it was intriguing to listen to proclamations of academic freedom in the context of the University Act of 1990 that stripped universities of the kind of creativity and integrity that would allow freedom and intellectual development. The fact that Abel Muzerowa was a bishop of the United Methodist Church and a leader of one of the opposition parties in Zimbabwe could be an underlying factor behind the warning that university lecturers and students may not hide behind academic freedom to engage in politics. The fact that, throughout Africa, the university is one of the only places for students and teachers to oppose structural adjustment is one of the realities ot the contemporary experience. for Semi-Arid Tropics in

Africa University in Mutare he opening of Africa University in Mutare was historic in many ways. Firstly, Mutare could see tremendous growth over the next 30 years. The border with Mozambique will be a major transportation, commercial and agricultural hub in Zimbabwe. Mutare will also become an important educaI

huh in southern Africa. The endowment of US$20 million ensures that the students and teachers at this university will be drawn from a wide cross section of African youth. Secondly, this is one of the most exciting periods in African history and the university cannot escape the changes in the region and the world. The United Methodist Church has initiated many universities in the past, only to come to terms with the realities of the changes in the student body. Renowned universities in the United States that started off as Methodist institutions are Boston, Duke, Emory, Southern Methodist and Syracuse tional

universities.

As a member of staff at Syracuse University, New York, I am aware of how the secularisation of a university can take place. This is positive in the sense that the university can become a home for students and teachers of all religions, but can be negative when, as a private university, market forces drive the business of education. An African university in this period must offer spiritual leadership to a world corrupted by the worship of market forces. Africa University stands at a historical crossroads. The urgent need for places in higher education in Zimbabwe will dictate that its growth will be faster than the plans drawn up by the first board of directors. Its future is bound up with the struggles against the re-colonisation of Africa and, as an institution of higher learning, the direction taken will be determined by the nature of the students and the wider cultural and ideological struggles in Africa.

In an era when religious fundamentalism was on the rise world-wide, the opening of this university was an important opportunity for Africans everywhere to re-examine the place of the university in relation to the search by

62

Religion

and e ducation

in

Africa

Africans to break with the ideological

America.

Chapter

and

cultural oppression of

5

Europe and

63

The

SADC

Organ on

Politics,

Defence and Security In June 1996, at the summit of heads of state of the SADC region, President Mugabe of Zimbabwe was elected as the first chairperson of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security (hereinafter referred to as the Organ'). This meeting took place in the context of heightened concern for peace and security in

between the first official meeting Organ and the September 1997 summit in Malawi, there were dramatic developments on the African continent, particularly the war of liberation to remove the Mobutu regime in Zaire. One commentaAfrica. In the period

of the

writing in the New Yorker of 27 July 1997, remarked that the scale of the war and the diversity of the combatants were such that, if such a war had taken place in Europe, it would have been termed a World War. This statement emanated from the reality that there was Pan-African cooperation in the war. There was participation in the military and diplomatic activities by the states and governments of nearly all the countries of east and central Africa, with the exception of Kenya. The removal of Mobutu opened new prospects for economic and political cooperation and this was underlined when the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) was accepted as a member of the SADC community at the Malawi summit. This marked another episode in the long process of liberation of tor,

Since the assassination of Patrice 1961, Mobutu had cooperated with external elements and the forces of settler colonialism to destabilise the region, shamelessly accumulate wealth and loot the national coffers. This was most manifest in his relations with conservative forces in the USA in the wars against the people of Angola. A related event was the US Secretary of State travelling to Africa to seek to establish an Africa Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI). President Mandela, who argued that the security of Africa was the responsibility of the African peoples, properly rebuked this call by Warren Christopher.

the

continent.

Lumumba

in

Mandela's words remain significant and it was in the spirit of developing the most suitable framework for the development of the Organ that the 1997 meet-

64

The SAD C: Org an on

Politics,

Defence and Security

Chapter 6

ing of the SADC in Malawi sought to clarify the institutional framework where the peoples of southern Africa could respond to the issues of peace, security and defence. This is only one manifestation of the larger concern in the world about the questions of reconstruction and renewal in southern Africa. It is generally accepted that the peoples of the region need to dismantle the structures of repression and apartheid to be able to move to a new mode of politics. The SADC is particularly burdened with the legacies of destruction and destabilisation that had been unleashed by the apartheid military. However, far from

accepting the reality of this destruction, the apologists for militarism wrote books to celebrate the clear policies of white settler rule. General Geldenhuys, in his book The General's Story, wrote about how he was fighting for peace by fighting against communists. Ian Smith, in his recollection, The Great Betrayal, wrote about how the West betrayed the confidence of those who were fighting for white civilisation by selling out to black terrorists. Ideological institutions that were deployed to unleash disinformation and psychological warfare have been restructured as peace institutions. These think tanks attempt to formulate policies for the South African government and seek to transform the memories of the people to present a benign view of destabilisation

and apartheid.

Elements who were in defence policy institutes and institutes of strategic studies are involved in a new form of misinformation that has as its ultimate goal the discrediting of real participation of new intellectual forces in southern Africa. Certain sections of the media magnify petty differences in order to undermine the great potential opened by the coming of majority rule. For these elements, majority rule came from the miracle of the negotiating techniques of Nelson Mandela and F.W. de Klerk. In this way, there is an attempt to rewrite history to remove the sacrifices made by the peoples of the region, especially of Mozambique and Angola, for the changed political situation in southern Africa. So bold are the forces of destabilisation that, even in the face of a democratic government in South Africa, they were still able to provide supplies for Jonas Savimbi and UNITA in Angola, to prevent peace and democracy from taking root. It is in this context that this chapter seeks to understand the issues of

debate on the Organ.

The Organ a long and rich history that is obscured by the jokes about the performance of Mugabe and the Organ. The existence of the Organ came under public scrutiny after the 1997 meeting in Malawi. At that meeting, differing views on the long-term security and defence of the region were debated intensely. The secrecy surrounding meetings of this nature led to speculation of a rift between Mandela and Mugabe. Coverage of the issue in most media reflected an attempt to trivialise the issues of Pan-African cooperation. The reality is that there is an opportunity to develop new concepts of security, and it is urgent that African scholars and researchers engage the issue so that the security and well-being of the peoples of the region remain the primary focus. This concept of security must be different from that of General Smuts of South Africa, who wrote that South Africa must be able to defend itself by projecting its military power as far north as Kenya. These ideas, which were articulated by General Smuts at

The evolution of the Organ has

65

Reclaiming Zimbabwe the end of World War II, were rearticulated in the context of the search for a Constellation of Southern African States (COSAS) by the apartheid government. The whole region was seen as a large Bantustan, a reserve of cheap labour and a market for the products that were manufactured by this cheap .\nd coerced labour. The creation of the SADC community was precisely to break this image of the domination of minority elements in South Africa. The formalisation of the Organ was a major step in security cooperation. here had been cooperation among the peoples of the region for the defeat of the rulers of apartheid, which was most dramatically manifest in the military defeat of the armed forces of apartheid at Cuito Cuanavale in Angola in >i the SADF who were writing for journals like Strategic Review and in the papers of the Institute for Security Studies. i

Criticisms from South Africa appropriate to underline the source of the criticisms before exploring them. Strategic Review, which published the first major critique in May 1997, is the official mouthpiece of the Institute for Strategic Studies in Pretoria. During the period of destruction in the region, it was the most crude in its justification of the strategic threat from guerrillas in the region. Also critical of the role of Zimbabwe as the centre for peacekeeping was the Institute for Security Studies, which had supported the apartheid military when previously known as the Institute for Defence Policy (IDP). To disguise the continuity of its mandate, so that researchers could not see the continuity after the coming of majority rule, the IDP changed its name to the Institute of Security Studies and adopted an aggressive campaign to ingratiate itself with the donor community, especially those in the social democratic states of Europe who wanted to see genuine changes in the intellectual culIt

is

ture of South Africa. In an article based on the realist

paradigm of international relations, StrateReview explored the emerging security framework in southern Africa and used this medium to discredit Zimbabwe. In essence, its principal view was

gic

70

The

SADC Organ on :

Politics,

Defence and Security

Chapter

6

that the Organ should not function at the level of the heads of state of the region, but at the level of the council of ministers. Strategic Review presented four main criticisms of the 1996 decision to establish the Organ. The first was that there was a lack of a political institution for the Organ and too much reliance on political and diplomatic mechanisms for mediating conflicts. Yet, it was precisely this kind of loose consultation and coordination that had minimised the penetration of the meetings of the FLS by the South African military and their allies in the West. This same consultation and coordination allowed members of the SADC to work closely with Uganda, Rwanda, Ethiopia and Eritrea to defeat Mobutu in 1997. The second criticism was that the exact place and nature of a regional early

warning system had not been finalised, meaning that much of what security is about could not be properly attended to. This ignored the efforts by the ISDSC to cooperate with Zimbabwe to establish machinery for peacekeeping and humanitarian intervention for the region in Zimbabwe. The call in the article was for an early warning system to be attached to the council of ministers and the ISDSC of the SADC secretariat. In fact, the early warning system of the present Organ is in place. The more appropriate criticism is that military and security considerations still define security, although there have been attempts to deal with disaster relief. The third criticism was the lack of horizontal links in the SADC. South Africa bemoaned the fact that there was a lack of connection and formal interaction between the social and economic wing and the politics and security wing of the Organ, except at the summit level where the chair is located. Put in its simplest terms, the international donor community that operated in the structures of the SADC system did not have immediate access to the decision-making processes of the Organ.

The fourth and

principal criticism related to the absence of civil society

involvement in the workings of the Organ. References were made to the human rights record of President Mugabe, and the stifling of civil society in parts of the region. This criticism of the human rights record of the leaders of SADC is important, not simply in terms of the constitutional framework of human rights, but in the essential issue of the social and economic rights of the peoples of southern Africa. Moreover, very few of the societies of the region seek to implement the 1979 Vienna Declaration on the elimination of discrimination of all forms against women. The spirit of the call for civil society involvement by the former defenders of apartheid is simply another call for an alliance with the international NGOs that have been criticised by Joseph Hanlon in the book Mozambique: Who Calls the Shots?-'' Indeed, the ideologues in the ISS went beyond criticism of Mugabe and Zimbabwe, and placed their own recommendation for a fivetiered organ, with a defence committee, a committee for conflict resolution,

Zimbabwe and other

a

crime prevention unit, an institute for democracy and

human

rights,

and

a

permanent multi-national secretariat. The elaborate proposals of the ISS need closer examination but the document (ISS Paper No. 19) is insulting in tone and the language is very offensive to anyone who understands the role of disinformation. Three examples deserve to be highlighted. This document consistently used the word confusing to refer to the workings of the FLS during the period of the anti-apartheid struggle. Secondly, it consistently used the tribal subtext of civil war to refer to the wars of destabi-

71

Reclaiming Zimbabwe

and the support for Jonas Savimbi in Angola. Thirdly, the paper sees coming from large-scale population movements. The implicit basis of this argument was to support the heightened xenophobia and to support the criminalising of economic migrants who believe in the concept of Africa for lisation

threats

the Africans.

The end of Mugabe's tenure as chairperson of the Organ The SADC Organ became operational in a very elementary form and could not escape the processes of political degeneration in Zimbabwe. The masculinist conception of peace of the political leadership emerged slowly but firmly as the conditions of the Zimbabwean people deteriorated. At the time of the start of the SADC there had been heightened expectation that the new era of peace would bloom but the wars in the Congo and Angola affected the decision-making process in the SADC and in the SADC Organ. War, executive lawlessness and patriarchal concepts of liberation affected Zimbabwe and the SADC Organ. From the outset there had been the necessity for a definition of security that placet! peoples' security at the forefront of decision-making. In order to move in this direction there had to be more open discussion beyond the think tanks and more direct engagement with the ordinary people. Apart from the need to give teeth to the three standing committees of the Organ, there was the need for cooperation in the areas of clearing landmines, com-

munications ,\nd logistics, disaster relief, humanitarian work, combating information warfare and preventing genocide in southern Africa and indeed on the African continent as a whole. This necessity was exposed in the period ol the devastating Hoods in Mozambique in February and March 2000. \lter 20 years of the pedantic process of consultation that had been established by Julius Nyerere in the FLS, the political leadership in Zimbabwe slowly moved towards a decision-making process that met the needs of the political leaders ot Zimbabwe. This was best exemplified in the decision to intervene to support the government of Laurent Kabila in August 1998. Images ol South African helicopters rescuing villagers from trees in the flooded areas exposed the ways in which the military could be used for humanitarian work. The other image was that of the Zimbabwean jets flying bombing missions to support the government of Laurent Kabila. These conflicting images exposed deep differences in the SADC region after August 1998.

The Organ became enmeshed

Mugabe used

in the

war in the Congo as President Organ to mobilise support for

his position as chairperson of the

Angola and Namibia to join in a military coalition to support the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Of the 14 SADC members, there were only two others that agreed with the position of President Mugabe. intervention in the DRC to support Kabila the SADC directed the council of ministers to review the operations of all SADC departments, including the Organ, and report back within six months. With the raging war in the DRC clearly at the fore of the deliberations, an extraordinary meeting of the SADC ministers of foreign affairs and the ISDSC then met in Swaziland on October 26-27 1999. The assembled conference recommended that the Organ should be part of the SADC structures and report to the summit.

One

year after the

SADC

August 1999 Maputo summit of the

72

The SADC:

Organ

on

Politics,

Defence and Security

Chapter

6

By this time the popular opposition to the Mugabe government had led to mass demonstrations in Zimbabwe. A country known for supporting peace and security was now being accused of executive lawlessness and repression. It was against this background that the meetings of the SADC Organ deliberated on the restructuring of the Organ. Finally, in August 2001, the meeting of heads of government agreed that the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security would be restructured and integrated into the regional bloc structures. At a previous meeting in March 2001 the heads of government had reaffirmed the position of rotating the head of the Organ. A communique issued following a one-day extraordinary SADC summit in Windhoek said the Organ would now be integrated into the SADC structures and would be coordinated on a troika basis. 'The chairperson of the Organ shall be on a rotational basis for a period of one year.' 4

Conclusion The

responsibility for peace and security ultimately lay in the hands of the producers. The present reality is that there are two layers of power in the southern African region. The first lay in the economic and financial power of the settler and corporate elements in the region (along with their local African allies), and the second lay in the power for democratic intervention by the people to change the history of Africa. These two forces are delicately balanced, with the IMF and the World Bank supporting the first group with the kind of economic policies that would reward those who historically plundered the resources of the region. The policies of structural adjustment remain a permanent threat to the peoples of the region. Behind the international financial organisations lay those forces that want to see the recolonisation of Africa. The SADC in its present form remained in the middle of the tussle but the balance towards deeper reflection on security was tipped by the explosion of the war in the Congo. The war in the Congo and the involvement of Zimbabwe in that war coincided with the extension of executive lawlessness and repression in Zimbabwe. It is to these questions that we now turn.

73

Section

3 Executive Lawlessness and the Politics of Intolerance

75

Executive lawlessness and the land question in Zimbabwe Preface

One

many

challenges in grasping the contours of the exhaustion of the patriarchal model of liberation is to be able to develop a conceptual framework that breaks the simplistic preoccupation with land ownership. This section seeks to do this in two chapters. Chapter 7 provides an in-depth discussion on issues relating to land, labour, seeds and water and Chapter 8 links the lawlessness to homophobia and the politics of intolerance. Chapter 7 is divided into five parts. Part 1 provides the background to the conception of land and the ideations systems that guided the violence and plunder of the Rhodesian enterprise. The second part examines the ways in which the Mugabe government extended the subsidies to the large-scale commercial farmers, which deepened the polarisation between wealth and poverty. Part 3 brings the question of the delivery of water and water management to the centre of the debate on land. The fourth part examines the relations between economic nationalists and farm workers in the society. Questions of the health, safety and working conditions are brought to the centre of the discussion. The fifth and final part seeks to understand whether the African elite could undertake a land reform programme to benefit the majority of the peasants in Zimbabwe. Here, the full extent of executive lawlessness emerges as well as the firm connection between democratic gender relations in society and the strugof the

gle for bio-democracy.

76

Chapter

Executive lawles sness

wvV'X I

On

The land question 7

£=31

>.*:>•-.

in

June 2001, the Wall

7 -rf-Al

perspective

Street Journal carried

an

article

on Zimbabwe entiwas about

tled Traditional healers fight for intellectual property'. This story

the root bark of the snake bean tree that had the properties to treat everything from ulcers to skin cancer and had been used for centuries by traditional healers in Zimbabwe. This knowledge of the land, seed, water and genetic resources is the heritage of the peoples of Zimbabwe. A narrow focus on individualised land tenure systems had directed attention away from the simple reality of how cultural dimensions in every society contain fundamental resources for wealth creation. While the government of Zimbabwe was directing the fast track land invasions (pursuing nineteenth century conceptions of land), the executive lawlessness of the government was directing energies away from the interconnectedness of plants, land, seeds, water and, most importantly, the human labour and knowledge that made wealth from the earth. The Wall Street Journal story brought to international attention the intellectual property issues that emanated from the manner in which international gene hunters had gone to Zimbabwe and learned of the medicinal properties of the plant. Global corporations have been fighting for the imposition of a uniform intellectual property regime, so that major corporations in the advanced capitalist countries could recombine genetic materials from Africa and other third world societies and take out patents on them. The story shed light on how Swiss scientists took out a patent on the compound of the snake bean tree in collaboration with a US company in Worcester, Massachusetts. In July 1999, the US government granted the Swiss scientists Patent 5 929 124, which applied broadly to antimicrobial uses of snake bean tree compounds (derived from tests in Zimbabwe). Zimbabwean traditional healers and officials were never informed that a Swiss group had patented a compound taken from Zimbabwe. The snake bean tree is simply one example of medicinal plants that have been pirated from Africa in the past two decades. Global corporations, organised in a coalition to determine the rules of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), are seeking to impose on every country a binding intellectual property rights (IPR) regime. This will give transnational corporations free access to genetic materials in all parts of the world. At the same time, these corporations establish rules to protect their products and the new genetically modified products that are developed in the laboratory. There are over 50 000 traditional healers (known as Ng'anga) in Zimbabwe, and in the age of biotechnology, the knowledge of these traditional healers is worth billions of dollars. 2 This fact has been reiterated in the book The Biotech Century? In response to the heightened struggles over knowledge, there are many initiatives across Africa by activists seeking to sharpen popular awareness of the importance of the continent's genetic resources and the knowledge that has maintained these resources. In August 2000, a modest effort was initiated when the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) established the African Knowledge Network Forum. The objective was to strengthen the capacity of the African people to protect their resources and resist the plunder of African knowledge. 4 1

*

77

Reclaiming Zimbabwe

The Zimbabwe Daily News

carried the information

on the snake bean

tree,

of how

researchers at the University of Zimbaoutlining the essential details bwe had been shut out of the patenting of this plant, even though researchers in Zimbabwe had carried out the initial testing to isolate the compounds. The episode of the snake bean tree was a small example of the ways in which the resources of Zimbabwe were now being viewed in the context of the international divide over intellectual property rights. African governments have been resisting the patenting of life forms and the intellectual rights regime of the WTO. In most parts of Africa, genetic materials are considered part of the common knowledge of humanity and, hence, not subject to private ownership. The Africa paper at the Conference held in Seattle in 1999 articulated the opposition to the plans for patenting life forms. Zimbabwean society had not followed the debate over the patenting of life forms, despite the fact that one of the leading intellectuals tor the defence of indigenous knowledge resided in Zimbabwe. 5 The absence of focused attention to the debates on the had been determined by the manner in which the question of land occupations and the violence of the political process had taken centre stage. By the start of the new millennium, Zimbabwe was at the centre of international attention because of the massive violence and social upheaval that had accompanied the farm occupations and land invasions. The issue of the ownership of land by whites had been a burning question for the African peoples throughout the twentieth century. For 20 years of its independence, Zimbabwe had followed the most timid land reform programme of any part ot the world, concentrating on paying market prices for land in the expectation that there would be donor support for the creation of a class of African

WTO WTO

WTO

commercial farmers. International experience of land reform after World War II had been that governments from South Korea to Taiwan, and from Algeria and Kenya, had used legal and political instruments for compulsory land acquisition. By the end of the century, the struggles of indigenous peoples in areas as far apart as North America and Australia focused attention on the ways in which states ot conquest had illegally seized land from native inhabitants. Zimbabwe had been one of the few countries that had attempted to use the market-based weapons of willing buyer, willing seller to acquire land that had been illegally seized. When the Zimbabwean government had begun to lose popularity and the ruling party lost political legitimacy, it unleashed violent

War

Veterans Association to seize white farms. Spontaneous seizures by landless persons had occurred throughout the previous ten years, but after the referendum for a new constitution had been rejected in February 2000, the ruling party supported the occupation of land belonging to the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU). The violence became internationalised as the saturation coverage by the media sought to mobilise international sympathy for the large-scale farmers and their 'private' property. While ten whites were killed in the invasions there were more than 100 blacks killed in the violent upheavals. Despite the fact that the number of blacks killed far outnumbered whites the media was concerned about the whole process of land reform and did not write about the conditions of black farm workers who worked on the land of the white

elements organised

farmers.

78

in the

Exe cutive lawle ssness

Chapter

7

The violent land occupations of Zimbabwe were not the only ones taking place internationally. In the same period, in both South Africa and Brazil, the issue of landlessness and spontaneous land occupations had reached the international news. But it was the extent of state-supported lawlessness that gripped the attention of people everywhere. Three broad schools of thought exist on the issue of the land invasions in Zimbabwe. On one side were those who considered the farm seizures a continuation of the liberation struggle. 6 Then the political opposition in Zimbabwe interpreted the land seizures as a cynical attempt by a discredited government to use a legitimate grievance to 7 its advantage in order to attempt to hold on to power. The third point of view is that the interests of the farm workers and the rural poor should take priority and, more importantly, that society should begin the process of transformation away from the enclave economy that was established after the Cecil Rhodes' period. In the author's view, the first two positions are flawed insofar as the land reforms are conceived of on the basis of the European ideation system. Neo-liberal based concepts and models of economic organisation involving agriculture (land, water, seeds, soil) are based on the perpetuation of colonial and settler-derived principles, modes of thinking and views of relations between humans and nature. The perpetuation of these modes of thinking not only contradicts the purpose of national liberation, but also contradicts the very same African ideation system (concepts and values) that sustained the Zimbabwean peoples and environment against colonialism and which holds the keys to new modes of economic transformation and wealth creation in the twenty-first century. A 'successful' land reform process, based on colonial derived concepts of agricultural production and embedded in neo-liberal models of free markets, could not be sustainable, and failed to address the structural legacies of colonial-based land, seed and water systems. The failure of the Zimbabwean political leadership to learn this simple lesson after 21 years led to repeated failures and the belief that the programme would be successful if there was more international aid for 'land reform'. This failure was compounded by the disruption and lawlessness unleashed by the political establishment. None of the relevant social forces in Zimbabwe agreed on the solution to the crisis, but there was generalised opposition to the lawlessness in the country. Agricultural workers, human rights groups in Zimbabwe, opposition forces, women's organisations, the independent media, international organisations dedicated to human rights, and numerous other organisations, brought to world attention the political violence that created enormous political and psychological damage to society. The use of violence and torture had become a campaign strategy of the ruling party and the war veterans. War veterans disrupted normal life as farms, businesses and homes were occupied with elements from the ruling party meting out beatings, burning, electric shocks, rape and murder. The use of rape as an instrument of coercion and violence against women came out in the rape of nine schoolteachers prior to the 2000 elections. Even though fewer than ten whites lost their lives, the attention of the media had focused on the violence directed at white commercial farmers. This media attention brought the government of Britain into the centre of the dispute, followed by the US Congress, with legislation entitled the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act of 2001, the intent of which 79

Reclaiming Zimbabwe for the government of Zimbabwe to follow a land reform process based on 'acceptable' principles free of violence. This threat of sanctions against the political leadership brought even more support for President Mugabe and the ZANU-PF leaders from Africans outside Zimbabwe. Many of these (especially in West Africa and North America) interpreted the land invasions in terms of the wrongs suffered by Africans, the general international demand for reparations and an end to colonial economic relations. Mugabe's government worked hard to mobilise these sentiments within the SADC region, promoting itself as the alternative to South African domination, and demanded solidarity from neighbouring states. Inside Zimbabwe, the ruling party gave the president sweeping powers to bypass the courts and the legal system in order to support the land seizures after the elections of June 2000. The Presidential Powers (Temporary Measures) Act was enacted in November 2001 to get around provisions of the Land Acquisition Act passed by parliament in 1992 and amended in 2000. This gave the president unlimited powers and sanctioned the lawlessness that had overtaken the countryside. Numerous newspaper accounts of the destruction in the country called what was going on 'lawlessness'. 8 By the end of 2000, this lawlessness had been given the respectable name 'fast track kind reform'. This chapter considers executive lawlessness to be an appropriate way to characterise the use of state violence against the political opposition, especially against the farm workers. From Cecil Rhodes to Ian Smith, this violence had been a part of the political landscape. In the dying days of colonialism, it escalated and became interwoven with the institutions of state power. Flection campaigns became vehicles for driving terror into sections of the population. On the eve of independence, ZANU-PF was on the defensive in the face of state violence. But after 1980, this same party used violence with disastrous consequences, as in the case of the Matabeleland repression. After the violent electoral struggles of June 2000, the government had intensified the use of extra-legal coercion and thuggery. By the end of 2001, the primitive accumulation of capital by the political leaders, and their crude enrichment, had been accompanied by a focus on the needs of a small class of African capitalists, regardless of the social costs to the rest of the population. More than 60% of the population were unemployed and the official inflation rate was over 100%. The currency had been devalued beyond meaning (from officially Z$54 to over Z$500 to the US dollar). Some 2 000 Zimbabweans were dying of AIDS every week because of the absence of proper access to health care. This exploitation and deprivation was especially harsh on the urban poor and the millions who were eking out an existence in the communal areas. Agozino Biko has noted that executive lawlessness exists when the politics of law and order is mainly rhetorical, given the widespread disregard for the law by those who are empowered to uphold it. Biko went on to argue that: 'the major democratic crisis in Africa is the crisis of hegemony or a situation where the ruling classes have failed consistently to win the ideological struggle on the continent'. 9 Biko and other African scholars focused on the military activities of General Sani Abacha and the complete disregard for all decent norms by the dictatorship in Nigeria from 1993 to 1998. The ways in which the government ignored the environmental crisis in the Delta and killed Ken Saro Wiwa have been used as examples of this lawlessness.

was to introduce incentives

80

Executive lawlessness

Chapter

,

The expulsion of Asians and the massive destabilisation of Uganda between 1971 and 1979 is another example of executive lawlessness in Africa. The political leadership under the military destroyed the economy, and the violence left more than a quarter of a million Africans dead. Yet there were some Africans who considered this lawlessness appropriate insofar as the violence was supposed to have corrected a wrong of colonialism by seizing the property of non-citizen Asians. Idi Amin, the military leader of Uganda, evoked the same contradictory responses at the international level as Mugabe and the ZANU leadership. The author characterised the Idi Amin regime as commandist, militarist and lawless. 10 Unlike Nigeria under Abacha and Uganda under Idi Amin, the government of Zimbabwe held regular parliamentary and presidential elections. For a short period, Zimbabwe was presented in the media as a model of democracy. Yet Zimbabwe represents an excellent example of a country where the political leadership failed to win the ideological struggle and turned to lawlessness to achieve its political objectives. Although in the early years of independence there had been no notable opposition to the government, a new political party had emerged out of the mass popular protest. One section of this movement registered itself as a political party in 1999 and called itself the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Within one year, this party came close to defeating the government in the general elections held in June 2000. The MDC won 57 seats (out of 120 contested seats), taking all the urban seats in Bulawayo and Harare. 11 The rise of an opposition party in Zimbabwe that could mobilise the urban employed and unemployed, and the middle and capitalist classes, created a situation where the ruling party was on the defensive. It was from this defensive position that government launched a constitutional process to give more powers to the president, arguing that the objective of the new constitution was to break the constraints imposed by the Lancaster House Agreement. In reality, the ten-year clause that reserved 20 seats for whites had elapsed in 1990, so the government's argument was bogus. Lawlessness reinforced militarism, patriarchy, homophobia, gender violence and the general oppression of the working poor, especially women. The convergence of these forms of oppression in Zimbabwe was all the more striking because there had been so much promise in this society of structural transformation of the colonial legacies. It was in the context of the promise of social transformation that there was a respectable body of literature on

Zimbabwe politics, especially on the land question. From the thesis of James Mutambirwa in the 1970s to that of Sam Moyo in the 1990s, Zimbabweans have been writing on the land issue. 12 Yet the more one reads the books, articles and newspaper commentaries, the clearer it issue was not simply about land, but about land tenure and individual land ownership. While studies on land ownership are numerous, those on agricultural wage labour in Zimbabwe are few and far between. 13 Even fewer are studies on the question of women's labour and agricultural production. In general in the nationalist period, it could be said that the extensive literature suffered from four broad deficiencies: (a) the focus on land tenure and on one form of ownership of land; (b) the focus on land without corresponding attention to water, plants, soil and the environmental destruction carried out by the settlers; (c) very little attention paid to the lives of farm workers; and (d) the limited attention paid to the gendered

becomes that the

81

Reclaiming Zimbabwe^

dimensions of the land question and the centrality of women in the agricultural sector.

most exciting aspects of the new political process in Zimbabwe has been the emergence of a vibrant women's movement and the struggles

One

of the

women, including the right to citizenship, the right to land collective forms of ownership, the right to health care and the right to bodily integrity. 14 Feminist scholars inside and outside Zimbabwe have been for the rights of

and

the forefront of exposing the patriarchal basis of the land policies of the government. 15 These feminists (with the Women and Law in Southern Africa \\ ISA) organisation at the forefront) have taken the lead in drawing attention to the complex intersection of race, gender, class and ethnicity in the struggles over land in Zimbabwe. at

i

Merle Bowen has built on this body of scholarship in the context of Mozambique by outlining the impact of the emerging land reform programmes on black women. She argues forcefully that, in the context of local and global pressures for land reform, the reforms and the concepts of ownership are highly patriarchal in character, with all the consequences

inherent in such arrangements. Bowen is especially critical of the human rights approach taken by the Land Tenure Centres, which seek to exploit the struggles of women for land in order to focus research on individual land tenure systems and the concept of individual land ownership. The Land enure Centres view private land ownership as modern and collective ownership as anathema to progress and development. 16 It is in this intense struggle where the international development agencies sick to retain the moral high ground on the question of women's land rights in Zimbabwe. 17 The challenge of how to defend the rights of women while retaining the positive aspects of the African ideation system (when these positive attributes had been deformed by colonial structures) remains one of the major tasks of political transformation in Africa. This is one component ol the major political divide between individual rights and collective rights, between the social ethic of individualism and the ethics of social collectivism. ( heik Anta Diop identified the ethic of social collectivism as one of the principles that survived the tussle between matriarchy and patriarchy in I

Africa. 18

An extensive review of the

literature

and the

intellectual

framework for the

major research programmes on land in southern Africa will reveal the harsh truth that the conceptual framework for examining the land question remained within the context of the European ideation system of patriarchy, the male-headed household, domination over nature and the separation of the land from soil, from water and from the relations between humans and nature. These issues bring the whole question of twenty-first century attitudes to land and plants, and to intellectual property rights, to another level from the preoccupation of the Zimbabwean political leaders. While these leaders were preoccupied with entrenching nineteenth century relations to the land, international gene hunters were mining the rural areas, seeking the

knowledge of the traditional healers. It is the effort to escape this conceptual incarceration that inspires this intervention. Additionally, the giant international conglomerates involved in food production and the pharmaceutical industry were surveying southern Africa to pave the way for the kind of farming associated with the production of genetically modified seeds and foods. In the midst of this uncertainty over the future of African biological

82

Executive lawlessness

Chapter

USAID started discussions on the kind of liberalisation and agricultural techniques that should be supported in the next 50 years in southern Africa. The model of farming promoted at the 1996 Southern Africa Agribusiness Conference in Harare did not include the sharpening of the agriculture,

skills, knowledge and techniques of the African farmers, and their knowledge of the land, plants and water, but was based on the entrenchment of large-scale farms that were integrated into the global agribusiness and chemical firms that were destroying the family farm in North America. 19 The European Union started to finance farmers from apartheid South Africa in Mozambique in pursuit of this new model. 20 Three key points emerged from the 'donor' conception of land reform in southern Africa: Firstly, the World Bank and USAID concepts (hence programmes that they financially support) for the purposes of regional integration, cooperation and integration processes were not to structurally transform agricultural systems, models and structures in southern Africa. The purpose of regional integration and cooperation was to further integrate the region into the global economy (i.e. to make regional decisions based on the logic of global capital expansion). Secondly, no session in the forum dealt with African women in agriculture. And thirdly, the regional economic body, the SADC, was not invited to the deliberations. This chapter on the exhaustion of the patriarchal model brings to the fore the ways in which the approach to knowledge represented one other component of the European ideation system by the African elite. Who are the 'knowers' in society? Who produces knowledge? These are some of the issues that have been thrown up in the contestations over life and the definition of human beings in this century. Issues of land, seeds, water and genetic resources form another contested domain. One of the core tasks will be the exploration of the 'nationalist' rhetoric of reclaiming land for black people while failing to recognise the resource development and wealth-creating potentialities of African knowledge in the brains of ordinary Africans, espe-

cially

the traditional healers.

The appropriation of land and the process of land reform followed the logic of the European conception of land and the exploitation of natural resources. In the debate on land, it will be argued that the Zimbabwean elite starts from the position that elite African men can be 'knowers' and that world is not radically different from the gendered construction of knowledge by 'rational' European males. 21 This chapter builds on the rich literature of southern African scholars, Zimbabwean intellectuals, especially the radical feminists. These feminists have focused attention on the struggles of women against patriarchy and gender violence in their conception of the

Zimbabwe.

Women constitute the majority of farm workers, 80% of which work the land in the communal areas. This reality helps our understanding of how the fast track land policies of the Zimbabwean government represent one more component

of patriarchal politics. In addition, hundreds of thousands of rural women who are married to migrant workers risk losing their citizenship

under the laws

now being considered by the Zimbabwean government. One

of the conclusions that will be drawn from this study is that the government is providing the space for large-scale international agribusiness companies to move into the agricultural sector in Zimbabwe in order to intensify the exploitation of farm workers.

83

Reclaiming Zimbabwe

Land, the European ideation system tenure in Zimbabwe

II

and concepts

of land

Africa, land was considered held in trust on behalf of the ancestors for those unborn. Those who made their existence on the land were mere guardians of the land for the ancestors. Land was distributed by community leaders and was never com modified, except in small pockets of feudalism, such as in Ethiopia. The spiritual attachment to land, plants, water and all the elements of nature, exposed one of the core aspects of the African ideation system that considered humans part of nature. This was best expressed in the concept of totem, which recognised that humans had direct relations to plants and animals. Since the end of apartheid, the concept of ubuntu has been used to under-

Prior to the

by those

European incursion into

who were

alive

score the principal tenets of the African ideation system. Ubuntu, loosely means forgiveness, reconciliation and willingness to share. 22 (In

translated,

the Shona language it is called hunhu.) In the Atrium ideation system, humans were not only observers of the planet, but part of the planet and a larger universe. The earth provided the life-giving qualities to sustain human health: emotional, physical, spiritual and mental. Ownership of the soil, water and air was unthinkable for Africans. Community access and community rights to land and biological resources formed the kernel of the African worldview. The unwritten law

embodied relation

in rituals

and

cultural practices gave rights

to the usage of resources.

Those

in the

and

responsibilities in

community who were

entrusted with the guardianship of resources were not owners of the land and plants, but acted as a form of trusteeship for the collective. 23 It is in the relationship to land and plants where the moral ethic of social collectivism

was strongest. he other important component of the ideation system was the fierce contestation between the remnants of matriarchy and the patriarchal structures of power. It was in the relationship to the land where the powers of women were retained, and this led to what Ifi Amadiume called 'the flexible gender principle'. In the book Male Daughters, Female Husbands Amadiume outlined how this flexibility manifested itself in different forms of land ownership and relations between males and females. The very formulation 'male daughters and female husbands' broke through the barriers of thought created by the rigid patriarchal family concept and brought to the fore the numerous family forms, along with the autonomy and independence of women in what Amadiume called the matricentric production unit. The flexibility of family and gender roles was also replicated in the co-existence of differing land tenure systems, both communal and individual. 24 Amadiume was careful not to generalise her observations, but the key aspects of the African ideation system that emerged from her work were the ideas of the flexible gender system and the matricentric production unit. Samir Amin, in his analysis of land in pre-capitalist Africa, noted that: 1

is the product of human labour repeated over several generaFor the peasant, land is not different from the plough or the cow; it is an instrument of labour. Moreover, no productive process takes place in a void, it always calls into play the forces ofnature. 25

Agricultural land tions.

84

Executive lawlessness

The and

Chapter

7

were always material and spiritual. Water were not simply two parts hydrogen and one part oxygen (H2O), but also contained spiritual forces. Similarly, plants were pipes through which hidden forces of the future flow to life on earth. It is in the interconnectedness between plants, water and life that the land took on significance forces of nature for the African rivers

in African societies. Land was integral to the self-reference of a community and the recursion process that would link them to their ancestral past. Ron Eglash, who has

been investigating the importance of recursion in relation to fractal geometry, explained that 'the ability of a system to reflect on itself is at the heart of both the limits of mathematical computation as well as our subjective experience of consciousness'. 26 An investigation of the importance of mathematical computation would take us beyond the scope of this study, but this reference is being drawn in order to emphasise the point of the cultural con-

and life in relation to kinship, community and descent. 27 Ancesland was at the core of the self-identity of a community and it was the

text of land tral

ancestors who protected the land. This feedback loop links the community to the ancestors by placing land and relations to the land at the centre of consciousness of the African. Hence, the defence of the land was central to the defence of the community. One of the essential characteristics of the African ideation system and social relations (throughout most of the continent), was the inalienability of land, seeds and water. Kia Bunseki Fu-Kiau

contends

that:

no valuable condition that could change this inalienability of the Land was not a commodity to be bought and sold. Land was inalienable in the traditional system. Each domain was owned by a certain matrilineage which could indeed grant the use of a part of its area to a relative or even foreign matrilineage, but this did not mean that it gave up its land There

is

ancestral land.

rights. 2 *

The

centrality of land to the principles of life and living was uniform throughout most of sub-Saharan Africa, and the relationship of humans to plants, water and animals was elevated to the spiritual plane. Bunseki FuKiau wrote about the relationship between land and plants in this way:

Being one with nature, it is only healthy, but knowing the self-healing power as well. Being one with nature and knowing the self-healing power of nature are among the key aspects of African teaching and African ethics. And plants among others have a great impact on this philosophy. 29

This conception of the relationship between the soil, water and plants led to the preservation of African genetic material and ensured that the biodiversity of Africa was conserved for centuries. Throughout the world, in the present struggles against globalisation, anti-globalisation forces and organisations use the term 'commons' to conceptualise the opposition to the privatisation of the gifts of nature. A commons is a resource to which everyone within a relevant community has equal access. It is a resource that is not, in an important sense, 'controlled'. Private or state-owned property is a controlled resource that may be used as the owner specifies. But a commons is not subject to this sort of control. Neutral or equal restrictions may apply to

85

Reclaiming Zimbabwe^ it (an entrance fee to a park, for example) but not the restrictions of an owner. A commons, in this sense, leaves its resources 'free'. It is the sense of the collective commons that guarded the land and plants that was considered primitive and backward by the 'rational' Europeans. The concept of commons was also present in Europe before the enclosure movement and the commodification of land. Rational capitalists changed the social relations and these rational humans were considered superior. The concept of private ownership of land was at the core of the European ideation system, while the African concept of collective ownership of land was considered pre-rational and superstitious.

of today's knowledge economy is that it is the same 'pre-rational' African concept of the relationship between life and the land that has protected the resources and knowledge systems that the biotech companies now recognise as sources of tremendous wealth. In the case of the leadership of Zimbabwean post-independence politics, the concepts of liberation (internalised Western ideas) did not include the retention of the wisdom of Mbuya Nehanda and the gendered concepts of gods and goddesses, the earth and the universe that is communicated in the national symbol, the Zimbabwe bird. In the present era of biotechnology, it is the same knowledge and conception that created the symbol of the bird (uniting heavenly and earthly forces) that is being pirated and plundered by gene hunters who are patenting African medicine under the intellectual property rights laws of the WTO. 27 Morrell, R. (ed) (2001) Changing Men in Southern Africa. Zed Books, London. _s 28 In the book Gendered States, Spike Peterson (2002) spelt out the ways in which patriarchy became the basis for state ideological reproduction. See the chapter 'Security and Sovereign States'. Lynn Rienner Publishers, Boulder. 29 For an examination of how the Zimbabwean state sought to xedomesticate uya Nehanda, see Gaidzwana, R. (1992) 'Bourgeois Theories of Gender and FeminisrrfanTi" their Shortcomings with Reference to Southern African Countries.' Meena, R. (ed.) (1992) Gender in Southern Africa. SAPES Books, Harare. 30 Some. 'Guardians of the gates.' (3f) Aarmo, M. (1999) 'How Homosexuality became Un-African.' Blackwood, E. and S.E. Wieringa (eds) (1999) Female Desires: Transgender Practices Across Cultures. Columbia University Press, New York. 32 McFadden, P. (1999) 'Problematising Nationalism in Southern Africa.' Mimeo. Syracuse University Harare Centre. 33 Bunch, C. (1986) 'Lesbians in Revolt.' Pearsall, M. (ed) (1986) and Values. Wadsworth Publishing Company, Belmont, California. 34 Pharr, S. (1988) Homophobia: A Weapon of Sexism. Chardon Press, Little Rock, ArkanShuster,

26

Mb

Women

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35

36 37 38

Rich, A. (1980) 'Compulsory Heterosexuality and the Lesbian Existence.' Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. Vol. 5, No. 4, p. 648. McFadden, P. (1993) 'Sex, Sexuality and the Problem of AIDS in Africa.' Meena, R. (ed) (1993) Gender in Southern Africa. SAPES Books, Harare. Ibid.

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African,' p. 258.

39

40 41

Matory, J.L. (1994) Sex and the Empire that is No More. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis. Katz, J. (2001) 'The Invention of Heterosexuality.' Rothenberg, S. (ed) (2001) Race, Class and Gender in the US. Worth Publishers, New York, p. 67. Warner, M. (1999) The Trouble with Normal: Sex, Politics and the Ethics of Queer Life. The Free Press,

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42

Murray, and Roscoe. Boys Wives. See also Phillips, O. (1999) Sexual Offences in Zimbabwe: Fetishism of Procreation, Perversion and Individual Autonomy. Institute of Criminol-

43

Two volumes which

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(1993) The Invisible Ghetto. Gay Men's Press, London. Human Rights and HomosexualSouthern Africa by Chris Dunton and Mai Palmberg (1996) outlines struggles and debates in South Africa, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Botswana. Almqvist and Wiksell, Stockholm. Murray and Roscoe's Boy Wives offers reviews of the ethnographic literature and research articles on the topic. See 'Homosexuality in Africa.' Encarta Africana (2nd ed.) Microsoft Corporation (CD ROM) 1999. ity in

44

45 Ibid. 46 Katz. 'The Invention of Heterosexuality.' 47 Murray and Roscoe. Boy Wives, p. xvi. 48 .Epprecht, M. (1998) 'Good God Almighty, What's This! Homosexual 'Crime' in Early Colonial Zimbabwe.' Murray and Roscoe. Boy Wives. 49 Amin, S. (1997) Imperialism and Unequal Development. Monthly Review Press, New York, p. 93.

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Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. White, Beverley. 1976. A Pride of Eagles: The Story of Rhodesia's Air Force. Salisbury: Graham Pub. Co. Winter, Gordon. 1981. Inside Boss. London: Penguin. Wright, George. 1997. "Mobutu Was Chaos." Z Magazine, June. Wrong, Michela. 2001. //; the Footsteps of Mr Kurtz. New York: Harper Collins. Young, Crawford. 1965. Politics in the Congo. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

341

Reclaiming Zimbabwe Zeleza,

Tiyambe. 1992. A Modern Economic History of Africa. Dakar: Codesria Books. of Trade Unions. 1996. Beyond ESAP: The Framework for a Long-Term Development Strategy in Zimbabwe Beyond Structural Adjustment. Harare.

Zimbabwe Congress

Zimbabwe Defence Forces. 1982. Harare: Public Relations Directorate, Zimbabwe National Army. Zimbabwe: Notes and Reflections on the Rhodesian Question. 1979. Maputo Centre for African Studies. Mozambique. Zimbabwe: Towards

342

a

New

Order. 1980.

UNDP.

February.

Index Please note: Page

numbers

in italics refer to figures.

Abacha, General Sani (Nigeria) 80-81 Abuja agreement 148 Affirmative Action Group (AAG) 103, 206 Africa Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI) 64 Africa University (Mutare) 16, 58-63, 175-176 African capitalists 288-289 in the DRC 234-236 enrichment of 277 farmers 104, 121-130 as soldiers in business 230-234 African churches 175-176 African ideation svstem 17, 84, 304

and nature 86, 243-244, 290-291 and European ideation system 88-89 African knowledge system 17, 271, 276, 295 African middle class 277-278 African National Congress (ANC) 261-262, 281

African Federation 24 African Republic 188 Intelligence Agency (CIA) 54 Intelligence Organisation (CIO) 54, 250 Chimurenga (war of liberation) 282 China and military equipment 231 Christian religion 87, 132, 173 circumcision, female 160 citizenship and women 285-286 collective ownership of land 86-87 colonial background

Central Central Central Central

land and water 110-112 militarism and warfare 264 colonialism 9-14, 93-94, 289, 299-301 Commercial Farm Settlement Scheme 123 commercial farmers 17, 79-80, 96, 100, 104-105, 124, 144 Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) 78, 104, 138, 275 Commission of Inquiry into the Agricultural Industry

(1982)96,98-99

African religious practices 61 African Union 302 African women

debate on liberation 279

independent Zimbabwe 283-284 by 269 see also under women, feminists in

intellectual discourse

agriculture 61-62, 96, 97, 116-117, 127

AIDS (Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome) 4, 16, 128, 133, 158, 169-170, 269, 287-288, 293-294 Amani Trust 147, 307 Amin, Idi (Uganda) 81, 152 ancestral land and self-identity 85 androcentrism 168, 269 Anglo American Corporation 48, 100 Annan, Kofi 108 anti-globalisation 87-88, 121-122, 293 anti-retroviral drugs 293 apartheid 40, 55, 161, 188, 268 armed forces 6, 15, 40-56 armed militias (DRC) 189 Arusha Declaration 149 Arusha peace talks 224, 256-257 Association for the Defence of Human Rights (AZADHO) 202 Association of Southern African States (ASAS) 69, 70 Banana, Canaan (president) 38, 176 Beijing Conference (1995) 18 Belgian colonialism 186, 233

biodemocracy 17, 153, 292 biodiversity 304 bioengineering 305 biological resources 243-244 biotech century 148-151, 301-303 biotechnology 107, 304-305 Black Panther Party 164-165 Black Radical Congress 156-157, 179-180 Bretton Woods institutions 289

Commonwealth Conference (Lusaka) 27 communal areas 98, 146 Communal Areas Act (1982) 96 communism 232 Community Management Programme for Indigenous Resources (Campfire) 108-109 Confederation of Zimbabwean Industries (CZI) 104 Congo, see also under Democratic Republic of the Congo Congo-Desa and parallel market 237-238 Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) 152 conservation paradigm 244 Constellation of Southern African States (COSAS) 66 Constitutional Amendment Bill 286 Constitutional Commission 134, 140-141 constitutional reform 140-141 Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda 194 cultural artists 269, 297-298 cultural unity in Africa 66 currency devaluation 129

dambos

cultivation 113 debt burden 121, 287 Deeds Registry Act 139, 284 Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) 64 intervention in 134

looting of 244-255 of 1 87 member of SADC 203-204 military deployment in 140 Zimbabwean troops in 16, 18, 24b, 2-^7-252, 294-

map

295 diamond(s) 196, 217, 230, 239 disaster relief industry 193 dodaism 17, 18, 131-154, 281 donor agencies 67-69

Dos Santos, President (Angola) 69 Draft National Land Policy 140-141

Britain

complicity with UDI 24-25 and large-scale agriculture 101 reparation from 153 British education system 276-277 British Military Advisory Training

Team (BMATT)

235, 265, 273

companies 45 South Africa Company 45-46 training mission 52-53

economic liberalism 122 economic reconstruction 41 Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) 128-129, 286, 287-289 economics, male-centred concept of 234 education 60-61, 153, 276

British oil

election(s) 23

British

anti-democratic politics 306-307, 308-309 and land invasions 140-141 popular, first 31-34 presidential (2002) 307-308 and repression 30-31 electricity 112-114, 116-117,237

British

Dam 113, 116 Cabral, Amilcar 264-265, 276, 280, 298 capital accumulation and militarism 244-245 capitalist thought 40, 91 Cabora Bassa

Carrington, Lord 23, 28 Catholic Church 107, 157, 169, 174, 176

emancipation, politics of 310-312 Emergency Powers Act 250 'empty land', concept of 92-94

343

3

1

enclave economy 95-120 endangered species 243-244 endemic plant species 24^-244

imperialism 93-94 independence 13-14, 22-34, 35-39, 276, 310 Indigenous Business Development Centre (IBDC) 103,

entrepreneurs 193, 231

275 indigenous knowledge 304, 311-312 individualism 89-92

ntumbane

273 ethnicity, manipulating 279 eugenics 305 uropean ideation system 17 and Vfrican ideation system 88-89 1

SI,

inflation

232

informal sector and women 132 information warfare 217, 249-252

1

and land tenure 84-4 and Ubuntu 88 and University of Zimbabwe 277 exchange rate 2. female-headed households female teligiOUS leaders 59 feminism 14, 17 IN temimstisi 156. 2-0-271, 279-280, 296, 297 1

financial markets, international

Jackson, Reverend Jesse 163-164 Joint Political

Commission UPC) 225-226

241-243 (DRC) 18, 185, 193, 199, 248, 295 assassination of 258-259 differences with supporters 204-206

Kabila, President Laurent

shortages 278, JOS Forces t'>r Development and Democracj (Burundi) 189, 256, 25" foreign investmenl

freedom fighters

1

1

22.

l

ii

DDi

2 Ui 11-1 12

7,

freehold land tenure s\ stems 87 ront for the IberatJon of Mozambique (FBJ 10, 17, 4". 281 frontline states (FLS) 6 68 69 I

I

I

l\H>i

'

2s2 288

fuel crisis

Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ)

155, 170 lecamlnes 241 gender 1 99, 271 gene hunters, international 292 generic drugs 29 i genetic materials 77, 151,290-292, -504-305 Genetically Modified Organisms Bill (1997) 106 genetically modified seeds 17, 82-83, 105-108 geno< ide

and Ikela siege 219-220 inducements for assistance 200 and Kinshasa 262-263 and Mobutism 234 Kariba Dam 113, 116,290 Kaunda, President Kenneth (Zambia) Kindu, loss of 208-209 Kinshasa 198-202, 207-208 Kisangani 227-229, 248

28, 69

i

l

in

Ruanda

IK.

201, 204. 2\\, 221-224

deaths 24H Global Pan-African Movement 186. 221 as war-related

>>2 globalisation 87, 121, gorilla, mountain 216, 243 l i, reat Zimbabwe 7- ». 27b l

guerrilla(s)

Guevara,

(

15-1 42-46, he 180, 186

iiiikitriiluniili

l

16,

280

271-274

Harare Declaration 161 health 127-128. 232, 287-289, 293 Home, sir Met Douglas 24

homophobia

18,

Ml

and UDS 293-294 and (.hurt lies 173-176 and intolerance 155-160, 171-173, 283 as unAfrican 170-171 and World Council of Churches 177-178 homosexuality 170-171, 172-173 huBaba (male guardian) 167 human rights $4, 178, 202,307 hunhu 7. 84, 276, 290 Hun/vi, Chenjerai 'Hitler' 136-137 Hutus (Rwanda) 213 1

ideation systems 16-17 Ikela

344

labour 125, 234, 288 Lancaster House Agreement 15, 22, 23, 27, 30, 41, 132 land distribution of 95, 145-147 division of (1992) 99 liberation and transformation

290-292 and water 109-112 Land Acquisition Act (1992) 80, 96, 103 Land Acquisition Amendment Bill (2002) 96, 143-145 Land Apportionment Act (1930, 1968) 96, 101, 123 land invasions 78 constitutional reform and 140-141 or executive lawlessness 131-154 and resettlement 137-140 schools of thought 79 by war veterans 290 land question 16 in biotech century 148-151 perspective of 77-83

and

structural adjustment

128-130

land reform

donor conception of 83 and resettlement 142-143 Land Reform and Resettlement Programme (LRRP) 138 land tenure and European ideation system 84-94 Land Tenure Centres 82 language(s) 4 African 31

dominance of English 276 research in Zimbabwean 283-284 and symbols 273 Law and Order Maintenance Act 162, 250, 251 lawlessness 143-145, 147-148 Lesotho, invasion by SA Defence Force 261

217-229,218

—

National Oil

liberation

armed

Companv

of

Zimbabwe (NOCZIM) 288-

289

struggle for 15, 41

continued quest for 279-281 indices of democratic politics 309-310 and emancipation 268 land and transformation 290-292 songs of 297-298 theology 59, 174 women 'and 158, 265, 281-283 Lumumba, Patrice (DRC/Zaire) 64, 187, 225 Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement 19, 28, 189, 190, 218, 219-220, 222-224, 256 Lusaka Peace Accords 193, 211, 222

national parks 244-245

National Resistance Movement 224 National Union for Total Independence for Angola, see under UNITA National Working People's Convention 306-307 Native Husbandry Act (1951) 96 Nehanda, Mbuya 8, 282, 311 neo-classical

economies 287

neo-colonial violence 271-274 neo-Iiberalism 135, 287, 309-310 New African Partnership for Development (NEPAD)

302 Machel, Samora (Mozambique) 26, 36, 68-69, 280, 281 male breadwinner, myth of 132, 157 male citizen, concept of 91 Mandela, President Nelson 64, 65, 186, 221, 256-257,

297 manufacturing sector 275 Mapfumo, Thomas 297-298 market 103, 122, 287 Marlev, Bob 15, 16, 37, 271, 298 Marxism 13-14, 49, 135 Masakela, Hugh 298

Nujoma, Sam (Namibia) 179, 212 Nyerere, Dr Julius (Tanzania) 22, 59, Nyerere Foundation 222

matiicentric production unit 84, 105 Mbeki, President Thabo (SA) 148, 220-221, 266, 308 Mbuji Mayi, diamond market in 238-240 Patricia 168, 170, 271,

296

250-252, 298 medicinal plants 77-78 medicine and IMF 287-288 Methodist Church 175-176 Methodist tradition in Africa 59-60 migrant labourers 291 militarism 12, 190-193 and anti-democratic politics 306-307 and capital accumulation 244-245 embedded in colonialism 195-196 and modernisation 195, 230, 232-234 military vs social expenditure 231-232 11, 135,

mineral(s) in Africa 191

from 236-237

wealth in DCR 192 ministers, ordination of lesbian and gay 175-176 missionaries 13, 59, 93 Mobutu Sese Seko, Joseph-Desire (Zaire) 64, 185, 199, 282, 295 185, 199, 232

Mobutism

Mohamed, Dr Mahathir

(Malaysia) 157-158

Moi, Arap (Kenya) 179 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 81, 251, 278 Movo, Jonathan 140, 163 Moyo, Sam 81, 86-87, 99, 101-102, 122, 290-291 Mozambique National Resistance Movement

(MNRM/RENAMO)

16, 22,

280

Mtukudzi, Oliver 298 Mugabe, Robert (ZANU-PF) 22, 32-33, 38 homophobia and 133, 155-156, 172 and Rhodesian state 274-275 support for Kabila 263 Musasa Project 133-134, 168 Museveni, Yoweri (Uganda) 179, 204, 221, 224 Muzorewa, Bishop Abel (UANC) 5, 22, 23, 27 assassination attempts 33-34 interregnum 123

promotion of 31-32 United Methodist Church 62

Namibia

69,

22, 23

59, 270, 279 nuclear family 157, 166, 167

and modernisation 230 and sovereignty 9-14 Masters and Servants Act 124, 126 Matebeleland Zambezi Water Project (MZWP) 115-116

profits

Nkiwane, T. 125 Nkomo, Joshua and ZAPU

Nkrumah, Kwame

masculinity central concepts of 131-154, 165-167 and liberation discourse 160-161

McFadden, media 5-6,

ng'anga, see traditional healers NGOs, international 138, 283, 291 Nigeria 80

212

National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) 162, 306-307 nationalism 275-278, 280

oil-trading network, international

Open General Import

69, 121,

262

288

Licence System 129

operational deployment in DRC 206-207 'Operation Clean-up' 284, 297 'Operation Seed' 50-51 Operation Sovereign Legitimacy, see under Osleg 'Operation Turquoise' 189 Organ, see under Southern African Development Community

(SADC)

Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe

(OSCE) 67-68 Organisation of African Unity (OAU) 176, 186, 199-

200 Organisation of American States (OAS) 67-68 Osleg (Operation Sovereign Legitimacy) 230, 236-237, 238-239, 241-243

Padare/Enkundleni 156, 168, 283 Pan-African cooperation 65-67 patriarchal model of liberation 19 patriarchal order and ex-combatants patriarchal state patriarchs and elections 306-307 patriarchy 96, 283 European and African 289 European ideation system 82-83 impact on African politics 271

289-290

and independence 13-14, 19 and land and water 110 and nuclear family 91, 165-166 and state power 1-2, 9-14 under structural adjustment 287-289 Patriotic Front 22, 27, 34, see also under Zimbabwe

Afri-

can National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) peace 134, 195-197, 301-303, 303-306 personality politics, cult of 270 petty bourgeoisie, African 279 pharmaceutical companies 82-83, 149, 311-312 Pierce

Commission 24-25

plant and animal resources 149-150, 290-292 Popular Democratic Front (PDF) 5 Portuguese colonialism 113 precolonial Zimbabwe 7-9 Presidential Powers (Temporary Measures) Act (2001) 80, 96, 148 private property 89-92

psychological operations 54-55 Pweto, battle of 194, 256-258

racism in USA 163-164 Raftopolous, Brian 103, 269 rain forests, plunder of 243-245 Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD), 188, 202-203, 219, 221, 222-224, 227, 257

rape 79, 283

345

University of Rhodesia 45 University of Zimbabwe 104, 277 US Agency for International Development (USAID) 234, 292-293

Rastafari culture 15, 37, 132 R( D-Goma 189, 219. 224. 22" rebel groups in Congo 187-190. 202-203 religious differences, exploiting 279 Kl

\

Wio

Mozambique National

xi under

Resistance

Bunny 15 Wamba, Wamba dia

Movement

VVailer,

reproductive rights of women 157-158, 174 resettlement 137-140, 142-143 Rhodes. ( edl 16, 40. 92-94. 230 Rhodesia, conquest of 92-94 Rhodesian \ir Force 43-44, 252-256

Zimbabwean war 25-27 in

the

225, 294-295

as peace

concept 193-195 79, 133, 135-136, 290

war veterans water

control over 290-292 distribution (map) 112

Ruanda 18. 188. 262-266 Rwandan Patriotic Vrmj (RPA) 194,200 Rwandan refugee camps 185

and

electricity

112-114

reforms 109

and

spirit

109-110

user-pay principle 105, 108-109, 117-120, 277 Water Act' (1998) 17, 109, 114, 117-120, 277 Water Catchment Councils 17, 109, 114, 118, 119, 277 West, Michael 93, 277 white commercial farmers 79-80 wildlife schemes 108, 117 witches, women as 91 Wiwa, Ken Saro 80

sanctions 80 Sankoh, Fodaj (Sierra Leone) 16, 280 Savimbi, lonas Angola) 16, 65, 69, 265, 280 Selous Scouts (SS i

234-236 and subsidies 95-99 support tor alter Independence 99-102

settler(s) 24.

sex education 158, 160, 169, 174 smith. Ian 24. 08. 230, 2S< Soames, lord 29, $3, $4, J6, 48. 4"

women access to water

socialism 101

1

19

as agriculturalists 99,

28"-288 business' 288-289

social services, right to 111

DRC

outcomes of 262

Rhodesian forces 41 Rhodesian Front 16, 22. 24. 2". 44 Rhodesian Ridgeback 12"- 128 Rhodesian state and Mugabe's leadership 274-275 rooster, concept ot 281-2N2

soldiers

185, 188, 189, 202-203, 221,

234, 279 war 217, 230

"' 10,162 163, 261 south Vfri( South Vfrican-supported militar) groups 235 Southern African Development ( ommunity (SAD( 16 186, 294 DR< as member 203-204 Mean on Politics, Defence and Security 64-73, 264, 294 treat) principles 66 Southern Vfrica Regional Institute lor Policy Studies SARIPS) 17 18, 1 Sovereign National onference 185, 199, 239, 2