Readings in Russian civilization: Vol. 2: Imperial Russia, 1700-1917 9780226718446, 9780226718552

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| Readings in Russian Civilization

RK ad | VOLUME II

IMPERIAL RUSSIA, 1700-1917

|R]

C | lf | [ | EDITED, WITH INTRODUCTORY NOTES, BY

THOMAS RIHA

SECOND EDITION, REVISED

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO AND LONDON

THe UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO Press, CHICAGO 60637

The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 1964, 1969 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. First published 1964 Second edition, revised, 1969

08 07 06 05 12 13 14

Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 0-226-71855-7 (paperbound) LCN: 69-14825 (©) The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992.

CONTENTS VOLUME Il

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION xi PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION | xi

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS XV 18 RUSSIA UNDER PETER THE GREAT Joun Perry 233

19 LOMONOSOV Boris MENSHUTKIN 238 20 CATHERINE THE GREAT’S “INSTRUCTIONS” 252

21 *THE LEGISLATIVE COMMISSION OF 1767 256

: SERGEI SOLOV’EV

22 A JOURNEY FROM ST. PETERSBURG TO MOSCOW 261 ALEXANDER RaDISHCHEV

23 MEMOIR ON ANCIENT AND MODERN RUSSIA 280 NicHOLAS KaRAMZIN

24 THE DECEMBRISTS 295 25 APOLOGY OF A MADMAN PETER CHAADAEV 303

26 LETTER TO GOGOL VIsSARION BELINSKY 315 *Items added in 2d edition. V

vl Contents 27 YOUNG MOSCOW ALEXANDER HERZEN 321 28 WHAT IS OBLOMOVISM? NikoLa! DoBRoLYUBOV 332 29. GOING TO THE PEOPLE KATERINA BRESHKOVSKAIA 344,

30 *FROM A VILLAGE DIARY GLEB USPENSKII 358

31 KILLING AN EMPEROR Davin FooTMaNn 368 32 A SLAVOPHILE STATEMENT Ivan AKSAKOV 378

33 THE SLAV ROLE IN WORLD CIVILIZATION 383 NikoLar DANILEVSKY

34 THE FALSEHOOD OF DEMOCRACY 390 KONSTANTIN POBEDONOSTSEV

35 RUSSIAN LIBERALS PauLt MILyuKov 402 36 “INDUSTRIAL WORKERS IN THE 1880’s _ 409 87 AN ECONOMIC POLICY FOR THE EMPIRE 416 SERGE! WITTE

38 THE NATIONAL PROBLEM IN RUSSIA 430 RicHarp Pipes

39 *THE SPEECH FROM THE THRONE - Nicuotas II 445 40 *THE GOVERNMENT'S DECLARATION

TO THE FIRST DUMA 450

41 *WE NEED A GREAT RUSSIA PETER STOLYPIN 456 42 MEMORANDUM TO NICHOLAS II PETER DurRNovo 465

Contents Vi 43 THE NATURE OF IMPERIAL RUSSIAN SOCIETY 479 Cyrit BLack; Hucu SEToN-WATSON

CHRONOLOGY xvi CORRELATION TABLES Xxili

INDEX xxix

BLANK PAGE

CONTENTS VOLUME I 1 THE RUSSIAN PRIMARY CHRONICLE 2 MEDIEVAL RUSSIAN LAWS

3 THE CHRONICLE OF NOVGOROD

4 *THE DIG AT NOVGOROD Valentine Yanine

9 RUSSIAN EPICS 6 FEUDALISM IN RUSSIA

| George Vernadsky; L.V.Cherepnin 7 THE KURBSKY-IVAN THE TERRIBLE CORRESPONDENCE

8 IVAN GROZNY ~— Robert Wipper

9 *THE DEBATE ON IVAN THE TERRIBLE IN 1956

10 THE LIFE OF ST. SERGIUS — St. Epiphanius 11 AVVAKUM’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY

12 THE RUSSIAN CHURCH SCHISM _ Serge Zenkovsky

13 THE LAW CODE OF 1649 14 *MUSCOVITE-WESTERN COMMERCIAL RELATIONS

15 THE MONGOL IMPACT ON RUSSIA — George Vernadsky 16 THE FRONTIER ~— B.H. Sumner

17 THE PROBLEM OF OLD RUSSIAN CULTURE

CHRONOLOGY CORRELATION TABLES , Georges Florovsky; Nikolay Andreyev; James Billington

INDEX *Items added in 2d edition. 1X

CONTENTS ~~ VOLUME III

44 *TESTIMONY ON THE FEBRUARY REVOLUTION General Sergei Khabalov 45 *THE RUSSIAN VILLAGE, SUMMER 1917 46 RUSSIA’S ONE-DAY PARLIAMENT _ Victor Chernov

47 DAYS WITH LENIN Maxim Gorky

48 “DOWN WITH FACTIONALISM! Nikolai Bukharin

49 THE HISTORY OF A SOVIET COLLECTIVE FARM Fedor Belov

20 A DAY IN MAGNITOGORSK

John Scott; Valentin Katayev

91 SOCIALIST GOLD = John Littlepage o2 THE SOVIET CONSTITUTION 93 ON THE CONSTITUTION — Joseph Stalin 04 THE SOVIET SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT — John Hazard 599 I SPEAK FOR THE SILENT — Vladimir Tchernavin

296 THE PURGE TRIALS :

o7 “THE BLOCKADE OF LENINGRAD — Dmitri Pavlov 98 *THE SECOND WORLD WAR _— Grigori Deborin 59 THE PARTY AND THE ARTS Andrei Zhdanov; Nikita Khrushchev

60 THE ADVENTURES OF AN APE Mikhail Zoshchenko 61 MY WORTHLESS AND VICIOUS FILM Sergei Eisenstein 62 THE DESTRUCTION OF SOVIET GENETICS Herman J. Muller

63 STALIN’S COFFIN 64 “PILFERING THE PEOPLE’S WEALTH” 65 FROM NEW YORK TO LOS ANGELES G. Burkov and V. Shchetinin

66 IS THE SOVIET UNION A WELFARE STATE? Alec Nove

67 *STANDARD BEARERS OF COMMUNIST LABOR 68 *SOVIET NATIONALITY POLICY Bobodzhan Gafurov; Richard Pipes 69 *SOVIET RELIGIOUS POLICY Liudmila Anokhina and Margarita Shmeleva; Harry Willetts 70 *ARE WE FLIRTING WITH CAPITALISM? Evset Liberman 71 +*ON THE EVENTS IN CHINA

72 *WHITHER THE SOVIET UNION? Zbygniew Brzezinski; Frederick Barghoorn CHRONOLOGY CORRELATION TABLES INDEX *Items added in 2d edition. Xx

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

This new and enlarged version of Readings in Russian Civilization is the result of fairly extensive revisions. There are now 72 instead of 64 items; 20 of the selections are new. The first volume has undergone the least change with 3 new items, of which 2 appear in English for the first time. In the second volume there are 6 new items; all of them appear in English for the first time. The third volume has undergone the greatest revision, with 11 new items, of which 6 are newly translated from the Russian. It is the editor’s hope that items left out in the new edition will not be sorely missed, and that the new selections will turn out to be useful and illuminating. The aim, throughout, has been to cover areas of knowledge

and periods which had been neglected in the first edition, and to include topics which are important in the study of the Russian past and present. The bibliographical headnotes have been enlarged, with the result that there are now approximately twice as many entries as in the old edition. New citations include not only works which have appeared since 1963, but also older books and articles which have come to the editor’s attention.

The editor would like to thank several persons who have contributed to the improvement of the text. Some sixty professors answered a questionnaire sent out by the University of Chicago Press and suggested changes or improvements in the Readings. Most of these suggestions have been heeded, and the editor is grateful for this generous cooperation by his colleagues. Professor Josef Anderle should be

singled out, since he offered particularly detailed comments and had been most helpful in the preparation of the first edition as well. Professors Richard Wortman and Richard Hellie suggested new documents and, in the case of Mr. Hellie, translated them as well. Howard Goldfinger, Sylvia Fain, and Walter Gleason helped with the translations. Once again I should like to dedicate this new version of my work to my students at the University of Chicago and at the University of Colorado. They have made this enterprise not only a duty but also a pleasure.

June, 1968 THomas RIHA BouLpDER, COLORADO

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BLANK PAGE

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

In selecting the readings for these volumes, I was guided by several considerations. The selection, first of all, was to be important for the period of Russian history under consideration. Second, it was to lend itself fairly easily to class analysis—if possible, by the discussion method. This meant that polemics were preferable to de-

scriptions, though I could not, and indeed did not wish to, manage without the latter. The selection was to stimulate curiosity to the point where the reader would wish to pursue the subject further.

All things being equal, I tended to lean toward primary sources. Thus, of the final sixty-four items, forty-six, or 70 per cent, are of this nature. Nevertheless, this remains a book of readings, not a collection of documents. I did not want snips and, pieces, no matter how important; each essay is intended to be of sufficient length to develop a point of view or an argument reasonably and sensitively. I

wanted my selections to be readable; there is not all that much good writing in this often turgid field, and I made a deliberate attempt to hunt for those authors who took pride in their language and exposition. At certain crucial points [ made a deliberate effort to bring a Soviet point of view into play. This I found to be not only healthy for argument’s sake but sometimes quite enlightening in its own right. I carried this principle into the bibliographies as well. These were intended to provide a few guideposts to those who might wish to investigate an individual problem. Paperback editions were indicated because they might lead to the building of small private libraries. One could, these days, build quite a respectable collection of paperbacks on Russia. I tried to give each period of Russian history its due. The order of selections will

be found to be approximately chronological, though in a few places items are grouped topically for the sake of convenience. Each volume concludes with a general

assessment of the period where more than one point of view is presented. It was _ my hope that Russian civilization would thus be given certain stages and a definable shape. If the general contours turn out to be approximately accurate, my aim will have been achieved.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

My thanks are due, to begin with, to the College at the University of Chicago, which conceived of the Russian civilization course and gave it elbow room to develop. Donald Meiklejohn, Warner Wick, and Alan Simpson were sympathetic initiators and tolerant supervisors. For a colleague they provided Meyer Isenberg, whose warm participation was essential to the first years of the enterprise and who always reminded me of the aims of general education. Chicago’s Russian specialists —Michael Cherniavsky, Leopold Haimson, Arcadius Kahan, and Hugh McLean— gave their time to make improvements in the selections. Richard Hellie, Jean Laves, and Marianna Tax Choldin acted as able assistants. Elizabeth Ireland and Wells Chamberlin first suggested publication. Michael Petrovich inspected the volumes and made valuable suggestions. Ruth Jensen piloted the manuscript through its many stages over three years and proved to be the ideal secretary. Last, but most important, my students at the University of Chicago supplied the curiosity and enthusiasm which is their valued hallmark. To them these three volumes are dedicated.

CHICAGO ,

THOMAS RIHA

XV

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RUSSIA UNDER PETER THE GREAT By John Perry Beginning in the fifteenth century and down to the present, Western technicians have gone to Russia in search of employment. Often they were hired by the government to help modernize the country. Peter the Great hired more of them than any previous ruler. Below is a passage from the account of one of them who served in Russia as a hydraulic engineer for fourteen years, 1698-1712. He had been hired by Peter during his historic embassy to London. Fhe work is filled with enthusiasm for the potential riches of Russia, respect for the labors of the great Tsar, and condemnation of the backwardness of Russia’s

(1759).

population. Perry’s rather disappointing experiences are representative. It should be remembered, too, that he was not entirely innocent in his dealings with the Rus-

sians. His book exerted a good deal of influence at the time of its appearance; Voltaire used it as a source for his own two-volume History of the Russian Empire

For a brief sketch of Perry, see Peter Putnam (ed.), Seven Britons in Imperial Russia, 1698-1812. Another account of Anglo-Russian encounters is M. S. Anderson, Britain’s Discovery of Russia, 1553-1815. A contemporary of Perry, Charles Whitworth, wrote Account of Russia As It Was in the Year 1710. For a biography of Peter, see Vasily Kluchevsky, Peter the Great (paperback), and the much larger Peter the Great of Eugene Schuyler. For an analysis of the Soviet view of Peter’s reforms, see Cyril Black, Rewriting Russian History. For nautical matters during this period, see Sir Cyprian Bridge, “History of the Russian Fleet during the Reign of Peter the Great,” Publications of the Navy Records Society (London), Vol. XV (1899). Voltaire, who saw Peter in Paris during the second of the Emperor’s visits to western Europe, wrote a History of the Russian Empire under Peter the Creat which was commissioned by the Empress Elizabeth. The reader should also consult the Memoirs of Peter Henry Bruce, who served in Peter’s armies from 1710 to 1724.

AN ACCOUNT OF RUSSIA, PARTICULARLY OF THOSE REMARKABLE THINGS DONE BY THE PRESENT TSAR

In the year 1698, his Tsarish Majesty artificers etc. whom he was then pleased being then in England, making his ob- to entertain, I was recommended to him servations of our arts in building and From John Perry, The State of Russia under equipping out our fleets, among sever al the Present Tsar (London, 1716), pp. 1-13.

233

234. Russia under Peter the Great by the then Lord Marquis of Carmar- on these small rivers sluices were to be then, Mr. Dummer (then Surveyor of placed to make them navigable, and a the Navy), and some others, as a person canal of near 4 Russ miles to be cut capable of serving him on several occa- _through the dry land where the said sions, relating to his new designs of es- _ two small rivers come nearest together; tablishing a fleet, making his rivers nav- which work, if finished, would be of igable, etc. After his Majesty had him- very great advantage to the Tsar’s coun-

self discoursed with me, particularly try, especially in case of any war with touching the making of a communica- __ the Turks or the Crimean Tatars, or with

tion between the river Volga and the Persia or any of the countries bordering Don, I was taken into his service by his _—_on the Caspian Sea. A draught of which Ambassador Count Golovin, who agreed _intended communication, I laid down.

with me for the Salary of 300 pounds The said work was first begun by one sterling per annum, to be paid me, with Colonel Breckell, a German, who was a my travelling charges and subsistence colonel in the Tsar’s army, and who had money upon whatsoever service I should _ the reputation of a very good engineer be employed; besides a farther reward as to fortifications, and the like; but he to be given me to my satisfaction at the very little understanding this business conclusion of any work I should finish. _ which he had taken upon him, and havSoon after my contract was made, the ing unaccountably designed the canal, Tsar going from hence to Holland, took _and the first sluice which he placed beme along with him thither, and after I ing blown up, that is having given way

had made such observations as | had at the foundation, and the water taking there an opportunity to do, | was sent its course underneath, at the first shutdirectly to Moscow, with orders for my _ ting of the gates, he therefore, upon his

being immediately dispatched from coming to Moscow the winter following, thence into the province of Astrakhan, obtained a pass to be given as for one about.a thousand versts (or Russ miles) of his servants, whom he pretended to beyond Moscow, to survey a work, which send for necessaries for the work, and his Tsarish Majesty had before designed, _ himself went off with the said pass, and and another person been employed upon _—made his escape out of the country.

for the making of the abovesaid commu- The Tsar had advice of this whilst he

nication for ships of war as well as was in England and therefore he was trading vessels of burden, to pass be- _ pleased to send me immediately forward tween the Caspian and the Black Sea, by _ to examine whether the work was practi-

way of the said two great rivers, the cable or not. Accordingly I went and Volga and the Don. The first of which surveyed it the same year. His Majesty rivers, after running between 3 and 4000 _ was pleased to order me to take it upon

Russ miles through the Tsar’s country, me, and to begin the canal in a new falls into the Caspian Sea; and the other, _ place, that I proposed as more practi-

after running near half as far, falls into cable for it. :

the Black Sea. Upon which work I was employed The distance of which communication three summers successively, having debetween the said two rivers is about 140 manded 30,000 men for it, but never had

Russ miles by way of two other small half that number, and the last year not rivers, the one called the Lavla, which 10,000 men given me, nor the necessary falls into the Don; the other the Kami- __artificers and materials that were want-

shinka, which falls into the Volga; up- ing, sufhciently provided. Of which I

Russia under Peter the Great 235 every winter, at my return to Moscow, abroad; and the Tsar having accused gave a list into the Tsar’s own hand, the said Lord, on his coming home, as setting forth the necessity of being bet- not having discharged the trust that was ter supplied with what was wanting. But reposed in him, he thereupon became the Tsar having about this time lost the irreconcilable to the work, and made rebattle of Narva, and the war with Swe- _ flections upon it, as a thing impossible

den being like to continue, which re- to be done by the hands of men.. He quired more ithmediate supplies of men represented it as burdensome to the and money; in the latter end of the year country by the number of men that were 1701 I received orders to let that work employed in it, and used all his endeav-

stand still. I was sent to do another ors to have had it given over as impracwork, at Voronezh. And Prince Alexei ticable, declaring it as his opinion that Golitsyn, who had the government of God had made the rivers to go one way, the province of Astrakhan, where the and that it was presumption in man to work was situated, was displaced by the _ think to turn them another.

Tsar from his command, for his having As soon as I arrived in Moscow, by discouraged the work, and not having order as aforementioned, | petitioned supplied me with the necessary men and for my salary that was then due to me, materials; for which the said prince ever and which I was in hopes to have reafter became my irreconcilable enemy, ceived, having as yet not been paid a

and by his interest (being allied to the penny of it, but only my subsistence greatest families) influenced the next money. lord, under whose command I after- At this time my Lord Apraxin (whom wards served, very much to my preju- the Tsar had a little before sent to super-

dice. vise the said work, and who had then

Besides the general dislike which most the chief inspection of building the of the old boyars had to all new under- Tsar’s Navy, and is since made Lord takings which the Tsar, by the advice of | High Admiral) was pleased to discourse

strangers, engaged in, beyond what his me concerning his Majesty’s ships at predecessors ever had attempted to do, Voronezh, which being built of green one occasion which made the Lord timber, were in a very short time so deGolitsyn particularly dissatisfied with cayed that they were ready to sink in the the said work, was this: after the afore- river. I told his lordship that there was said Breckell had unskillfully fixed his a method which I believed might be put first sluice, which upon the first trial of in practice upon that river, or somethe waters gave way, fearing the danger- where near it, without careening, or the

ous consequence that might fall upon least straining of the ships, to place hin in an arbitrary government, deserted them upon the dry land to be refitted by as aforesaid, and afterwards writ a letter damming up the course of the river... of complaint to the Tsar against the said which his lordship told me would be a Lord Golitsyn, alleging that he had not very acceptable service. Assuring me that

been supplied with necessaries for the I should be better assisted with men work, and particularly complained of the and materials than I had been with ill usage that he had received from the Prince Golitsyn; and that he would not said Lord, who was then an enemy to only justly pay me my wages but that he the work, and who had struck him with would be my Patron, and help me to all his cane, and threatened to hang him. my arrears which I then petitioned for,

This happened whilst the Tsar was as soon as I had done this work which

230 Russia under Peter the Great would be of great use to the Tsar in es- |§ promises made to me, was but little retablishing his navy designed against the garded. For I was again put off as be-

Turks. fore, and was as far from receiving my

Accordingly, in the year 1702 I was money as ever. . . . However, after persent down to Voronezh, and pitched up- forming each of the said works, his on a place at the mouth of the river, Lordship, to keep me in some temper, which I found most proper for raising § gave me a small present to the value of

the water to the height that was re- about 250 pounds sterling. quired . . . which in little more than 16 The fixing of sluices that are to bear months I performed to satisfaction, and _ but little weight of water, for the making

the first time that the sluices were shut, rivers and streams navigable for small I placed 16 ships (some of them of 50 vessels for inland carriage, where the guns) upon the land, to be refitted, fit- floods are not great, is easy and practing upright upon blocks as in our dry _ ticed everywhere, but I do not know of

docks in England.... any river that has before been made But although this work was performed _ navigable for ships of near so great di-

to their full satisfaction, yet when I de- mensions. And the ground where I was manded my salary and arrears that was __ obliged to place the last sluice being exdue to me I was again farther put off by _—_ tremely bad, when I came to dig below the said Lord Apraxin, until I had done __ the surface of the river, | met with such

another work which I was ordered to do extraordinary force of springs that all on the same river and that then I should the pumps that could be placed could not fail of having all my money together not discharge the water . . . which

given me. obliged me to let the works stand still The Tsar at the time when the afore- _ six weeks, till I had made an engine on

said work was finished came himself to purpose for throwing out the water, Voronezh, and gave directions for re- which wrought night and day for several pairing his said ships that sat upon the months together, and would easily disland; and was then farther pleased to charge ten or twelve tons of water in a command me to survey the river, whether minute. The Tsar happening to come

by the fixing of another large sluice again to Voronezh, when I was obliged higher up upon the Voronezh, the same __to use this engine, he came several times could be made navigable the whole way __ to see it work with several of his lords

from the city, for ships of 80 guns (such with him, and was extremely pleased as he intended to build) to be launched _ with it, it being an improvement of an

and come down into the river Don at engine which I first made at Ports-

any time of the year. mouth dock above 23 years since. .. . Accordingly when I had surveyed and Whilst I was doing this last work at made my report to his Majesty that the Voronezh . . . a person was ordered to same was practicable, he was pleased to make a new kind of docks on the river command me to take it in hand, which Voronezh for building his Majesty’s 80I began in 1704. And the year following —_gun ships, with chests fixed to the bot-

I finished the same to satisfaction, as I tom of them, to float them down the

was commanded... . Don and over the bar at Azov, being When this last work at Voronezh was’ from the mouth of the river Voronezh

also finished to satisfaction, I again (as the stream runs) above 1000 Russ moved my Lord Apraxin for my wages, _ miles... .

but I found the honor of his word and It being then in winter, and his Maj-

Russia under Peter the Great 237 esty, upon the arrival of a courier from the ill consequences . . . that upon the Poland, going suddenly from thence, he coming down of the floods the foundawas pleased the night before he went to tion of the work would blow up, and leave orders with my Lord Apraxin in perhaps destroy the ships when they writing for my making some particular _were half built (as it afterwards hapobservations at the coming down of the _ pened). But his Lordship thinking me floods, and that my opinion, together perhaps only desirous to advance my

with his three master ship-builders own opinion ... and adhering also to (which were two English and one Rus) the persuasion of the Tsar’s aforesaid should be taken, touching the place to Rus builder and another person of the be pitched upon for the building of the same nation who had their private insaid docks. But quite different from my __ terest in it, having a small village in the

opinion a place was chosen for it, and place that was marked out for the said the work was resolved to be carried on work, for which they were to have a in a sandy foundation, and by a method much better given them in the room of that was no way proper for it; I there- it: I found his Lordship did not mind fore verbally urged to my Lord Apraxin my words....

LOMONOSOV~ ExceERPpTs By Boris Menshutkin

Mikhail Lomonosov (1711-65) was certainly one of the greatest Russians of all time. “Historian, rhetoretician, mechanician, chemist, mineralogist, artist and poet, he scrutinized and fathomed everything,” Pushkin said of him. Today Moscow University, the greatest educational institution of the Soviet Union, is named after him. Excerpts from a biography of this man of genius will illustrate his many talents. The author was a leading Russian chemist who devoted much of his life to the study of Lomonosov’s heritage. For another biography of Lomonosov, see B. Kudryavtsev’s The Life and Work of M. V. Lomonosov. There is an interesting article by Chapin Huntington, “M. Lomonosov and Benjamin Franklin,” Russian Review, XVIII, 294-306. On Lomonosov as a literary figure, see Boris Unbegaun’s “Russian Grammars before Lomonosov,” Oxford Slavonic Papers, VII, 98-116. For a sample of Lomonosov’s poetry, see Leo Wiener’s Anthology of Russian Literature, Vol. I. For Lomonosov’s place

in the Russian eighteenth century, see Hans Rogger, National Consciousness in Eighteenth Century Russia. The first volume of Science is Russian Culture by Alexander Vucinich covers the eighteenth century. See also Luce Lengevin, ‘Lomonosov and the Science of His Day,” Impact of Science on Society, XIII, No. 2 (1963), 93-120; L. Maistrov, “Lomonosov, Father of Russian Mathematics,” Soviet Review, March, 1962; and Philip Pomper, “Lomonosov and the Discovery of the Law of the Conservation of Matter in Chemical Transformations,” Ambix, X, (1962). The topography of Lomonosov’s native it to the east, on the river Kholmogorka,

land deserves brief mention. Fighty is Kurostrov. There, in the beginning of kilometers from Archangel, just where _ the eighteenth century, were as many as the Northern Dvina flows into the White twenty villages, settled almost exclusive-

Sea, the river branches out into a num- ly by coast dwellers and encircling the ber of arms which form many islands _ highland center of Kurostrov. In one of

and islets. Each of these arms has its these, the village of Denisovka, lived own name, such as Kholmogorka, Rovdogorka, Bystrokurka, and so on, as has Reprinted from B. Menshutkin, Russia’s Loevery island. On one of these islands, monosov (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University ten kilometers from where the Northern 10 exe on we 11-24, 73-75, 81, 84-89, 134Dvina begins to split into branches, is University Press. Copyright, 1952, by Princeton

; ; _ : ; . Used by permission of Princeton

situated the city of Kholmogory. Facing —_ University Press.

238

Lomonosov 239 Vasily Dorofeyev Lomonosov, the father | Even then Lomonosov, the future schol-

of the future scholar and academician. ar, revealed himself. Everywhere he Vasily Dorofeyev was a typical coast made careful observations, noticed all dweller of his time and one of the most the details of his surroundings, and rewell-to-do and enterprising. He owned tained exact -recollections of what he several ships and traded on the Mur- saw. Although it is known that he could mansk shore, but often, in quest of not have traveled in the northern seas profit, penetrated far into the Arctic after 1730, here, for example, is what he Ocean. A pioneer among the coast folk, | writes in one of his letters of 1761: “The

he was the first to build a new ship Lapps are distinguished both by poor there and rig it in the European man- _— growth and weakness because they rare-

ner. It was a galiot of considerable size ly eat bread and meat, feeding almost named the Sea Gull. Ownership of such exclusively on fish. I, being then four-

vessels enabled him to engage in the teen, towered above and outweighed transport of government supplies and strong Lapps of thirty. Even though they private goods from Archangel to Pusto- are always sumburned in summer and zersk, Solovky, Kola, and on the river _ do _ not know either rouge or white paint, Mezen and along the shore of Lapland. | when I chanced to see them naked I was

At that time he owned a considerable surprised at their whiteness, in which amount of land. Thus he was able to they surpass the freshest codfish, their accumulate substantial wealth. This is chief daily food.” indicated by the fact that the Dmitriev- During the winter Lomonosov spent sky stone church at Kurostrov was built with his books all the time he had free chiefly with money which he contributed. | from business duties. From his early

Vasily Dorofeyev’s only son, Mi- years he had studied reading and writkhailo Vasilyevich, was born in 1711 to ‘ing with Ivan Shubny, his neighbor in

his wife by his first marriage, Yelena the village, and later probably studied Ivanovna Sivkovka, daughter of the with the deacon of the village church, deacon of the village of Nikolayevsk. 5. N. Sabelnikov. I. I. Lepehkin writes: Matigory. The exact day of his birth is “Even as a twelve-year-old boy he loved

unknown, but accepted opinion sets itas to read the Psalms and services in the eighth of November. The education church and, in accordance with the cusof young Lomonosov differed in no way tom here, the Lives of the Saints as from that given to other coastland chil- _ printed in the Prologues. In this he was

dren. Until the age of ten he remained very clever and endowed with a proin the village. Then his father began to found memory. When he had read some take him out on business every year so _ biography or discourse, after the chant-

that he might be trained from youth to ing he would recite it accurately in assume the responsibilities which would shortened form to the old men sitting in

be his when his father grew old. These the refectory.” Undoubtedly in. these voyages continued until Lomonosov was youthful years, Lomonosov became almost nineteen years old. During these much occupied with religious matters years he made himself thoroughly con- because of the influences of ecclesiastiversant with the life of the coast dwell- cal and other religious books—the only ers, learned about shipbuilding and the _— ones he had at his disposal. Another in-

manufacture of salt and other coastal fluence was that of the religious disproducts, and became acquainted with _senters and Old Believers, who were the most diverse areas of north Russia. | very numerous at that time in the North-

240 Lomonosov ern Dvina region and were naturally Lomonosov. As he himself writes: “AlIvery much preoccupied with discussions though I had a father who was a good

on the “true faith... .” man by nature, though brought up in

However, as far as we are able to the utmost ignorance, I had a wicked judge, the attraction of religion did not and jealous stepmother who tried in last long. About 1725 Lomonosov was _ every way to arouse anger in my father.

able to obtain his first nonreligious She made out that I was always idly sitbooks from one of the villagers, Christo- ting at my books so that I was constant-

for Dudin. These were the Slavic Gram- ly obliged to read and study what I mar of Smotritsky and Magnitsky’s could in solitary and desolate places, Arithmetic. Smotritsky’s Grammar went and to suffer cold and hunger.”

through a series of editions in the seven- Later, people who knew (Lomonoteenth century and was considered at sov’s closest relatives at that time were the time the best book of its type. Gram- serving in the Archangel customhouse) mar, defined as “the well-known art of explained to him that in order to study teaching how to read and write well,” science it was indispensable, first of all,

was a broader subject than it now is. to learn the Latin language, through The Grammar was provided with a pros- which at that time all scholars comody in which were explained the rules municated, in which scientific books “‘of the meter or quantitative measure of | were written almost exclusively, and by

the composition of verses.” The Arith- means of which all teaching was conmetic of Magnitsky, published in Mos- ducted. But it was impossible for Lomocow in 1703, was “for the sake of in- nosov to study this language in his nastruction of wisdom-loving boys and __ tive land. Although a Slavo-Latin School girls.” It represented not only what we was founded in Kholmogory in 1723 by

would now consider a book on arith- the Archbishop Varnava, as a general metic, but also a popularly expounded _ rule peasants subjected to a poll tax, as collection of all sorts of exact and nat- was Lomonosov, were not admitted.

ural sciences: geometry, physics, geog- Oppressive family tyranny, constant raphy, astronomy, and so on. All of this outbursts by the second stepmother information was so presented as to against the “ne’er-do-well” Lomonosov, apply to the Russian life of this time, brought him to a decision to leave his and in such a way that the reader could family and try to obtain elsewhere by understand everything without a teacher _his own efforts the knowledge and edu-

if only he were industrious and zealous. cation he desired. Quite naturally his Magnitsky’s point of view was expressed _ thoughts settled on Moscow, the center

in the maxim, “the faculty of speech of the cultural life of the day, where it and writing should be drilled in the would be easiest to realize his ambition. knowledge and glorification of God.” As already pointed out, the active trade These two books probably also had a_ relations of the Northern Dvina region decisive significance in directing Lomo- with the capital of the time, then only nosov’s intellectual activity toward the beginning to yield its supremacy to the

exact sciences. But it was not easy for young St. Petersburg, naturally resulted him to pursue them. His father married in the constant presence there of many again in 1725, for the third time, to coast dwellers. They had lived there a Irina Semyonovna Korelskaya of Niko- long time, knew the city well, and had layevsk Matigory. This second step- their offices and shops there. The clerks mother was not well disposed toward of these shops were sent as escorts of the

Lomonosov 241 long winter wagon trains of goods. Un- they did not demand an immediate presdoubtedly Lomonosov was able to learn entation of full proof of Lomonosov’s

from them all that interested him. noble origin and admitted him to the He realized his aims at the end of the academy. year 1730. We have documentary evi- A higher institution of learning in the dence on the subject, for in the record early eighteenth century had little in of the Kurostrov district is the following | common with what we are now accus-

memorandum: “In 1730, on the seventh tomed to understand by that appelladay of November, Mikhailo Vasilyev tion. The Slavo-Graeco-Latin Academy, Lomonosov was allowed to go to Mos- founded in 1684, consisted of eight cow and to the sea until the month of classes: four lower ones (grammar, synSeptember of the following year, 1731, tax); two middle classes (poetry, rhetand Ivan Banev signed the guarantee of _ oric) and two higher (philosophy, reli-

payment of his poll tax.” gion). The instruction in the lower Further on, another statement, which classes was concentrated chiefly on the is provided by Lomonosov himself, will study of Latin, learned so thoroughly be adduced as to the circumstances of _ that at the end of the fourth year the his departure from Denisovka. He inter- _ students could read and write it, and on rupted his journey for a few days at the the study of the Slavonic language. In Antonievo-Siisky monastery, where he addition, they had to know geography,

served temporarily as psalm reader. history, the catechism, and arithmetic. From there he set out directly with one In the middle classes, the students were of the numerous caravans which was already obliged to speak Latin. The stuhastening to make use of the established _ dents’ scholarship was entrusted to audisledge route to deliver goods to Moscow. _ tors chosen from the most diligent pu-

Lomonosov arrived in Moscow in the _ pils, and then later to teachers. General middle of January. He stayed with a fel- _ recitations were conducted on Saturlow villager, the clerk Pyatukhin, and days, when the lazy were subjected to immediately petitioned for admission to _floggings. one of the Moscow schools. At first he The middle classes, poetry and rhettried to settle in the accounting school _ oric, were for a time devoted to proso(the school of navigation, according to dy, composition, and eloquence, and other sources). But at the end of Janu- _ then to the chief subject, theology: the ary he submitted to Archimandrite Her- _ older classes also were given up to reliman of the Zaikonospassky monastery a gion and philosophy. Once they had

petition for admission to the Moscow progressed into the upper classes, the Slavo-Graeco-Latin Academy connected pupils were made “students” and fin-

with the monastery. ished the course as “learned theoloIn order to be enrolled, Lomonosov — gians.” Thus the academy was, essen-

concealed his peasant origin in the tially, a specialized theological faculty. examination and represented himself to Lomonosov’s position in the academy be the son of a nobleman of Kholmo- was a fairly difficult one, and only his gory. In a decree of the synod of July 7, | unquenchable thirst for learning enabled 1723, an order had been promulgated him to endure the severe environment in “to dismiss and henceforth not to admit which he was obliged to study. In one of

people belonging to estate owners and his letters he describes his life in the the sons of peasants, as well as the academy in the following terms: “When stupid and the malignant.” Evidently studying in the Spassky School I was

242 Lomonosov subjected on all sides to powerful influ- barely to a few rubles a year) compelled ences, which in those years were almost _ him to search for a chance to change his irresistible, hindering me from knowl- position. Such an opportunity came in edge. On the one hand, my father, hav- 1734.

ing no other children than myself, said Early in the eighteenth century the that I, being the only one, had aban- expansion of Russian dominions to the doned him and had abandoned all the southeast was in progress. In 1734 the fortune (measured by local conditions) government equipped an_ expedition which he had amassed for me by bloody _ under the leadership of I. K. Kirillov sweat and which, after his death, others and Colonel Tevkelev to secure the eastwould plunder. On the other hand there _ ern frontier definitely. With this in view was inexpressible poverty: since [| had it was proposed to found a new city (the

only an altyn (three kopeks) a day for present Orenburg) in order both to wages, I could not have more for food _ enter into trade relations as actively as each day than a half a kopek’s worth of _ possible with the inhabitants of the

bread and half a kopek’s worth of kvas, province and to spread Orthodoxy and the rest for paper, shoes, and other among them. To realize the latter aim, necessities. In such a manner I lived for an indispensable member of the expedifive years and never abandoned learn- tion, in addition to “officers, artillerying. On the one hand they wrote that, men, engineers, naval officers, and other

knowing my father’s means, the good people of varied ranks,” had to be a people at home set their daughters’ caps _ learned priest of the Slavo-Graeco-Latin

for me—they had proposed even while Academy; hence all the “learned” I was yet there. On the other hand, the priests in Moscow at the time received schoolboys, little children, used to cry an invitation to join the expedition. Not out and point at me with their fingers, one of them, however, was favorably ‘Look, what a blockhead to be studying disposed toward leaving the capital to

Latin at twenty!’ ” go into the hinterland, and all declined Lomonosov’s astounding talents were the opportunity. Thereupon Kirillov apnot slow in making themselves felt. He _pealed to the archimandrite of the Zaiwent through the first three classes in konospassky monastery with the proposone year, during which he applied him- al that one of the students of the older self especially to Latin. At the end of a classes be ordained as a priest. Lomonoyear he could compose Latin poems of sov turned out to be the one who was

moderate length. However, he obvious- willing. | ly could not find in the academy what Again at the “candidate’s table” of he so yearned for, the exact sciences. the Slavo-Graeco-Latin Academy, LoThe longer he remained there and the monosov was subjected to a detailed more he developed, the less it satisfied cross-examination on his origin, since him; he felt no inclination toward those at that time they were very strict on the scholastic and theological sciences point that only those possessing legal which alone made up the curriculum. qualifications should be made priests. This spiritual dissatisfaction, together This time, on September 4, 1734, “‘he with the impossibilty of approaching said in the questioning that his father the goals he had projected and his ex- _was the priest Vasily Dorofeyev of the tremely difficult material circumstances Church of the Presentation of the Most (the state scholarship was only an altyn Holy Mother of God in Kholmogory,

a day—and outside presents amounted and that he, Mikhailo, had lived with

Lomonosov 243 his father and had never lived elsewhere, nothing that was not theological and, had not enlisted as a dragoon or a sol- _thoroughly dissatisfied, returned to dier or in the service of Her Imperial Moscow before the year elapsed to finish Majesty, had not been sent into exile his education there.

with the carpenters; that he had been But Lomonosov was not to become a correctly recorded as the real son of his _ learned cleric. At the end of 1735 an

father and was exempt from taxes. He extraordinary event occurred which had separated from his father to go to severed immediately his connection Moscow in the first days of December with the Slavo-Graeco-Latin Academy 1730. Having arrived in Moscow in the and fully satisfied all his aspirations in month of January 1731, he was enrolled a way which he had probably never in the above-mentioned academy, where dreamed. His stay in the academy was he had since remained, and had pro- fruitful in that, besides providing Latin gressed as far as rhetoric in his studies. and other studies, it enabled him to He, Mikhailo, being still unmarried, was make up to some degree what he lacked only twenty-three years old....He had —a general education—and logic and no heresy, sickness, deafness, or injury philosophy contributed to that clarity in any member. He could write cursivee of thinking and exposition which is ly. And in case he had spoken falsely, manifest in all his scientific works.

then his priestly rank should be taken The cause of the unexpected change from him, he should be shaven, and be in Lomonosov’s position lay in St. sent into cruel servitude in a distant Petersburg at the Academy of Sciences,

monastery. which had been founded some years be“To this examination the student of fore and with which he was inseparably the Moscow Slavo-Graeco-Latin Acad- connected from that time until his death. emy, Mikhailo Lomonosov, has set his The Academy of Sciences owed its ori-

hand... .” gin to Peter the Great, who discussed Quite as would be expected after the possibility of founding it with the

Lomonosov’s real origin was discovered, famous philosopher Leibnitz as early as

any possibility of his promotion to the 1711-16. However, not until 1720 did priesthood or of his participation in the _ Peter take steps to realize his plans, con-

Orenburg expedition fell through. Ex- cerning which he wrote to Leibnitz’s pulsion from the academy was threat- closest colleague, the philosopher Chrisened him, but it did not take place, evi- tian von Wolf, whom he knew persondently because he enjoyed the good will _ally....

of all the persons in authority. That Those few years in the life of the much is clear not only from the fact that academy during which Peter I and the inquiry remained without harmful Catherine I reigned were the years of its consequences for him, but also that, in flowering. But when Peter II ascended answer to a special petition from Lomo- the throne the capital was moved back nosov, the archimandrite ordered him to Moscow and the academy fell upon to Kiev after (in December 1734) he _ evil days. For years at a time it received had entered the class in philosophy. He _no grants of money and was obliged to was to stay there a year to complete his carry on -its numerous institutions—

education in the Kiev Ecclesiastical printing office, type foundry, graver’s Academy, then considered the foremost plant, workshop for making precision of the Russian educational institutions. instruments, and the like—as best it In Kiev, however, Lomonosov found could by running into debt. Since the

944 Lomonosov academy had no officially ratified stat- Siberia. The foremost representatives of

utes, all power in it belonged to the the natural sciences were members of chancellery, of which the director (and _ the expedition, but there was no chemist

librarian) was Johann Daniel Schu- who was also acquainted with metalmacher, the actual head of the entire lurgy and mining. No foreigners of this academy. The gymnasium and univer- type were available, at least not any sity also declined during this period, who wished to travel to Russia. Theresince many families had moved to Mos- _ fore, on the advice of one of the well-

cow in the wake of the court. In 1734 known’ metallurgists of Germany, I. A. Korff was appointed chief director I. Henckel of Freiburg, Baron Korff, the of the Academy of Sciences. He was an chief director of the academy, decided energetic man who had done everything __ to send him three students best prepared

he could to better the condition of the to study chemistry and metallurgy. The

academy. In order to fill up the gym- academy selected three Muscovites, nasium and the university, he petitioned | Lomonosov, Vinogradov, and the son of the senate in 1735 to issue a decree re- the mining councillor, Reiser. When the

quiring that students with sufficient elder Reiser learned of this, like a pracpreparation to listen to the professors’ tical man he pointed out to Baron Korff lectures be sent from the monasteries the necessity of acquainting the chosen and the schools of Russia to the gym- _ students in at least an elementary way

nasium of the academy. with those theoretical studies on which

_ The senate issued a decree in con- metallurgy and mining are based:

formity with this petition, and among mathematics, mechanics, physics, phiother things the rector of the Zaikono- _losophy, and chemistry. This intelligent

spassky academy was instructed to suggestion was adopted and, having choose and send to St. Petersburg twen- _changed its original decision, the acad-

ty students in the eminent sciences. emy resolved to send the students to However, they found only twelve in all Marburg to learn the elements of the of such students, since the best scholars necessary basic sciences. They were to were quickly snatched up from the sen- go to Professor Christian Wolf, who ior classes by the hospital and other in- gave his consent to their instruction in stitutions. These students, “in our opin- — the University of Marburg. ... ion by no means of the least keenness of

mind,” as the archimandrite wrote, were II outfitted for the road. The best of all of . Soon after his return from abroad, them was Mikhailo Lomonosov. They Lomonosov had already won renown as left Moscow on December 23, 1735, and _a_ poet who fulfilled excellently the obliarrived in St. Petersburg on New Year’s __ gation of presenting festival odes—odes

Day, 1736; they were enrolled at once _ on the occasion of the birthdays, name-

as students of the University of St. days, and the accession to the throne of Petersburg and immediately began their ruling personages. His reputation bestudies. Thus was the opportunity to came established as a poet who was alstudy the exact sciences presented to ways ready to present specimens of his

Lomonosov. art. For this reason he was sometimes However, this was little in comparison given extra commissions by the court, with what awaited him in the very near _for which he had to lay aside all other

future. A great exploring expedition business. from the academy was then at work in When in the year 1750 the Russian

Lomonosov 245 theater and plays written exclusively by professors should not be less than Russian authors came into fashion, it twelve; three on the medical faculty, was decided by the authorities to make ‘three on the faculty of jurisprudence, up for the paucity of the repertoire of | and six on the philosophical faculty. the time with tragedies by Lomonosov. In all probability, the elaborately conAnd here we find a note of September ceived project which was presented by 29, 1750, in the journal of the chancel- Shuvalov to the senate also belonged to lery of the Academy of Sciences; “On Lomonosov. All necessary legal steps

this date the Lord President of the were taken without delay, and the uniAcademy announced an oral ukase from _- versity was formally opened by Shuva-

Her Imperial Majesty by which it was lov on January 12, 1755, St. Tatiana’s ordered him, the Lord President: that day. Unquestionably, Lomonosov was professors Tredyakovsky and Lomono- _ the real founder of the oldest Russian

sov should compose tragedies and re- university, although evidently he took port thereon to them in the chancellery.” | no part in the opening itself. The first Lomonosov applied himself forthwith to professors of the new university were the commission: in the notebook of his _ several of his students. One of the first first tragedy, Tamira and Selim, stands books published by the printing house the inscription: “Begun on September founded in connection with the Univer29 after dinner.” He finished it in four sity of Moscow was the second edition weeks, and on November 1 the academy of a collection of Lomonosov’s works,

directed that six hundred copies be printed by the order of Shuvalov. (The printed at once. Since a new edition was _ first volume appeared in 1757; the sec-

required as early as January 1751, the ond in 1759.) This showed how highly tragedy evidently pleased the contempo- _he esteemed Lomonosov. . . .

rary public. ... In 1756 Lomonosov came into free

Another of Lomonosov’s noteworthy possession of six burned-out places on achievements was his contribution to the _ the right bank of the Moika canal, not founding of the University of Moscow. far from the present Pochtamsky bridge,

In his incessant labors for the propaga- with the stipulation that within five tion of education in Russia, he often years he build a stone house on the pointed out to Count Ivan Shuvalov that site. Lomonosov set about building at — it was necessary to found a university in _— once, and erected a stone house of mod-

Moscow, and on principles as liberal as _ erate size, with a laboratory and a flight possible. Shuvalov, in the fulfillment of | of wide steps, where he always dined in this noble project, constantly asked ad- | summer and entertained his fellow coun-

vice of Lomonosov, who drew up de- trymen from the seacoast, who never tailed notes for him. According to failed to visit him when they are arrived Lomonosov’s view, the plan of the uni- in St. Petersburg with their wares. He versity should be broad enough so that moved into his own house in 1757. in the future, when the university had ‘During this period of Lomonosov’s developed, there should be an adequate _ scientific activity his electrical experistaff of professors, although at first it | ments were of outstanding significance. would only be possible to invite a part In North America, about the middle of of them. Thus there would be left a sum __ the eighteenth century, Benjamin Frankof money free to use on auxiliary insti- _lin was actively studying the nature and tutes, and above all on a library. There- _ properties of electricity. His experiments fore it was proposed that the number of _led him to realize the truth of the idea

246 Lomonosov expressed by many before him that and both prepared to speak on electricthunderclouds are electrically charged ity in the formal session of the acadand that there is in them the same kind emy. During a session of the academy of electricity as that generated by ma- conference on July 26 of that year, chines or produced in the Leyden jar, Richmann observed that a thundercloud which was discovered about 1745. was coming close, and hastened to his Franklin proposed to decide the ques- home, which was on the corner of the tion as to whether clouds were electri- _ fifth line and Grand Avenue on Vailyevfied in this manner: A man standing iso- sky Island. He wanted to show the elec-

lated on a high spot would hold a piece trical phenomena to the master of enof iron which had been drawn to a_ graving at the academy, Sokolov, in orsharp point. If, when pointed directly at der to have a drawing made. Sokolov the overhanging cloud, the iron became _ tells what happened later thus: “When

electrified, that would be proof of the the professor had looked at the electric

presence of electricity in the cloud. indicator he judged that the thunder Franklin himself did not perform this was still far off and believed that there

experiment, but the French physicist was no immediate danger; however, Dalibard set up near Paris an iron pole when it came very close, there might be

forty feet high, partly insulated by a danger. Shortly after that the professor, wooden support. When on May 10, who was standing a foot away from the 1752, a thundercloud came over this iron rod, looked at the indicator again; pole, it was electrified so strongly that just then a palish blue ball of fire, as big it discharged sparks four centimeters in as a fist, came out of the rod without length. In June of the same year (1752) any contact whatsoever. It went right to

Franklin, knowing nothing of Dali- the forehead of the professor, who in bard’s experiments, released a silk kite that instant fell back without uttering a below a cloud. A metal point was made sound onto a box standing behind him.

fast to the kite, and to the point was At the very same moment followed a tied a hemp rope by which the kite was _ bang like the discharge of a small can-

held. On the lower end of the rope was non, whereat the master of engraving attached a key, and to the key a silk _ fell to the ground and felt several blows string, which insulated the whole sys- on his back. It was later discovered that tem. When the rope became wet with they came from the wire, which was rain, sparks could be drawn from the torn to pieces and which left burned key. In this manner it was proved that stripes on his caftan from shoulder to clouds are electrified and that lightning skirt.”

is an electric spark. Lomonosov described this event in a

People in St. Petersburg learned very _ letter to Shuvalov in such beautiful clear soon of Franklin’s experiments, and one _ language that it ought to be quoted.

of the academicians, G. V. Richmann, “Gracious sir, Ivan Ivanovich, you who had long worked on electricity, re- will consider what I am now writing to peated them and inserted a description _ your excellency a marvel, since the dead

of them in the St. Petersburg News.... do not write. I still do not know—at In the next year, 1753, Richmann least I doubt whether I am alive or dead. continued his experiments and submit- I see that Professor Richmann was ted accounts of them to the St. Peters- killed by thunder under circumstances burg News. Lomonosov, as Richmann’s precisely like those under which I was closest friend, also took part in them, working at the very same time. On the

Lomonosov 247 26th of this July at one o’clock in the blow from the suspended ruler with the afternoon, a thundercloud came up from thread fell on his head, where a cherrythe north. The thunder was remarkable — red spot was visible on his forehead; for its force, without a drop of rain. _ but the electric force of the thunder had Looking at the thunder machine which passed out of his feet into the floor had. been set up, I saw not the slightest boards. His feet and fingers were blue

indication of the presence of electricity. and his shoe torn but not burned However, while they were putting the through. We tried to restore the movefood on the table, I obtained extraordi- ment of the blood in him, since he was nary electric sparks from the wire. My _ still warm; however, his head was inwife and others approached and they as jured and there was no further hope. well as I repeatedly touched the wire And thus he verified, by a lamentable and the rod suspended from it, for the experiment, the fact that it is possible to reason that I wished to have witnesses draw off the electric force of thunder;

see the various colors of fire about this must be by directing it, however, which the departed Professor Richmann onto an iron staff which should stand in

used to argue with me. Suddenly it an empty place where the thunder can thundererd most violently at the exact strike as much as it wishes. Nonetheless, time that I was holding my hand to the Mr. Richmann died a splendid death,

metal, and sparks crackled. All fled fulfilling a duty of his profession. His away from me, and my wife implored memory will never die; but his poor that I go away. Curiousity kept me widow, his mother-in-law, and his fivethere two or three minutes more, until year-old son, who has shown much they told me that the soup was getting promise, and his two daughters, one cold. But by that time the force of elec- about two years old and the other about

tricity greatly subsided. I] had sat at six months, weep both for him and for table only a few minutes when the man their own preat misfortune. Therefore, servant of the departed Richmann sud- your excellency, I implore you as a true denly opened the door, all in tears and lover and patron of science to be their out of breath from fear. I thought that gracious helper in order that the poor some one had beaten him as he was on _—widow of the estimable professor shall

the way to me, but he said, with difh- have sustenance until her death, and culty, that the professor had been in- that she may educate the little son of jured by thunder. Going to his home Richmann to be such a lover of the sciwith the greatest possible speed my ences as was his father. Richmann’s salstrength allowed, I arrived to see him ary was 860 rubles; most gracious sir, lying lifeless. His poor widow and her obtain this pension for the poor widow mother were just as pale as he. The or for her children until death! The Lord death which I so narrowly escaped and God will reward you for this good deed,

his pale corpse, the thought of our and I would esteem it more than if it

friendship, the weeping of his wife, his were for myself. Furthermore, in order children, and his household, affected me that this incident should not be public-

so deeply that I could say nothing and ly interpreted to the detriment of the give no answer to the great number of growth of the sciences, I most humbly people who had assembled as I looked beg you to have pity upon science and at that person with whom I had sat in upon your excellency’s very humble conference an hour ago and discussed _ servant, Mikhail Lomonosov, who is our future public convocation. The first now in tears... .”

248 Lomonosov Ill Morozov stole the uniform cloak of anLomonosov managed the gymnasium other student, Kosov. For these misdeand the university connected with the ™eanors Morozov was forced to serve in Academy of Sciences until his death. He the army in 1763. In general, thefts also

built a dormitory for the students, and WT frequent among the students even did everything he could to make certain though severe punishment was prethat the money apportioned for the scribed for this; thus it was ordered that maintenance of the gymnasium students the student Ar senyev, convicted of would be paid on time (each received drunkenness and thievery, should be exthirty-six rubles a year); he took care pelled and “have severe punishment by that the number of students should also rods inflicted on him in front of all the equal the quota of forty; and, in 1759, students and gymnasts, and should be he established rules for them, some ex- SEF, with an explanatory note, to the cerpts of which are interesting. It was War Collegium [Ministr y] to be conrecommended “to apply the utmost dili- scripted as a soldier.”

gence to the sciences and not to heed The gymnasium was located at that any other inclination”; to get along po- time in a rented building which had litely with the teachers, not to quarrel, fallen into complete disrepair. In the not to prevent others from studying, not winter the dough froze in the kneading to use “words base and vulgar” in con- trough in the kitchen and the ink froze versation. “When someone is reciting a in the rooms. Broken panes in classroom lesson in response to a question of the windows were patched with paper. The teacher and does not know it thorough. ™anner in which lessons proceeded is ly, the comrade sitting near him should © described thus in the report of the innot whisper advice to him and thus en- ‘Spector: “The teachers in winter give courage his sloth. An abettor of this lectures while dressed in fur coats, mov_ kind is subject to just the same punish- ing back and forth in the classroom, but ment as the one who does not know.” the students, not equipped with warm Cleanliness should be observed “not Clothes and not having the freedom to only in irreproachable work but also at rise from their places, shiver, whereby table, and in caring for books, bed, and arises an obstruction all through the

clothes.” Sloth is of all things most body and the mange and scurvy set in;

harmful to students “and on that ac- because of these illnesses they are count should be overcome in every way obliged to give up attendance at classes. by obedience, temperance, watchfulness, Thus it is not remarkable if the progress and patience.” It was necessary to guard of the students is not in proportion to

against “low, bad company, which the effort of the teachers.” .. . might soon lead to a do-nothing and idle The department of geography, of life as well as truancy from school.” which Lomonosov became the head in Regardless of these excellent rules, the 1757, was founded at the Academy of students undoubtedly led a hard life, Sciences “for the study of matters which and we frequently find descriptions of pertain to Russian geography,” and its flights from the institution by students chief task was the preparation of accuin which even teachers took part. Thus, rate maps of Russia, constantly checkhaving fled in December 1762, the stu- ing and revising them by means of new dent Morozov and the teacher Golovin information coming into the department. were in hiding more than a month with The department consisted of professors counterfeit passports. Before escaping, and instructors with students working

Lomonosov 249 under their direction. In 1745 this de- vations.” These expeditions, however, partment brought out an atlas of Russia, _ were not equipped in spite of all Lomothe maps of which later proved to be in- _nosov’s attempts. During his life, like-

accurate in many respects. For twelve wise, the replies to the questionnaire years previous to 1757 nothing had been __ that were received were not put to use,

done to correct them, and when Lomo- and the undertaking, which he had set nosov entered upon his duties he de- _up on such a large scale, thus failed to cided first of all to undertake the prepa- _yield results—certainly, not without the

ration of maps as nearly exact as pos- _help of his enemies. ... sible. To this end a questionnaire of

thirt drawn up. These IV Y ints poiwas as Pp

points were carefully examined in ses- Today we value Lomonosov primarily

sions of the conference, and later, to- aS an outstanding philosopher and ward the end of 1759 and 1760, the _ thinker. While still a student, he divined

questionnaire was sent through the the basic theme of investigation which senate to all towns for an early reply. was most of all to further the developThe questions related to “the size of the ment of physics and chemistry: the study

cities, the number of stone and wooden of the minute particles of which all houses, on what river or lake they bodies are composed and of their propstand, when the fairs take place, what erties. Connecting all phenomena with sort of businesses and crafts there are, the properties of the particles which what sort of workshops, factories, mills, | make up matter, he himself came to some

. arable land, and forests; on which hand, remarkable conclusions and foretold the looking downstream the hilly [bluff] | general conditions and paths of the deside of the river lies, where the landing velopment of both physics and chemistry places are, when the rivers open up and down to our time. In many other sciwhen they freeze over; at what distance _ ences, too, he expressed extremely im-

the neighboring towns are situated; portant ideas which were not proved to where there are notable and high moun- __ be correct until many years later. His tains; what kinds of grain are sown many-sided genius made itself felt everymore than others and which ones yield _ where, and in everything he was years, best,” and a series of other economic decades, or a century ahead of his time.

problems. If there are any plans or A consequence of this was that he records in the town, copies of them could not bring his remarkably vast should be sent. The Kammerkollegia projects to actual completion. The stage (Government department with functions of development of the sciences in the of a finance ministry) was asked to fur- middle eighteenth century by no means nish the number of souls in each village _ corresponded to the lofty demands which

so that the large ones should not be Lomonosov made upon them. There was omitted and the small recorded and the neither the requisite apparatus nor even proportion thus be lost. Information on __hints as to the method of those research-

the monasteries and churches was re- es which he wished to undertake. He quested of the holy synod. Appropria- did what he could himself—he invented tions for travel and subsidiary expenses a multitude of new apparatus, a multiwere obtained from the senate for two tude of methods which were new for the geographical expeditions to “determine time—but of course he could not acthe longitude and latitude of important complish everything alone. If informaplaces, by means of astronomical obser- __ tion had been preserved for us of all the

250 Lomonosov new devices and instruments which were tition for the prize offered by the Berlin

constantly born in his head and ordered Academy of Sciences in 1749 on the to be built by the workmen of the acad- subject, The Production and Composiemy and later by his own craftsmen, tion of Saltpeter. (This Lomonosov did, then we should have an amazing gallery but he did not receive the prize.) .. .

of Lomonosov’s inventions. Lomonosov constantly united with his

A second consequence was the fact love for the sciences the urge to propathat almost none of his contemporaries, gate them as widely as possible among even the academicians, could understand the Russian people. This was yet anwhat he did or appreciate it at its true other trait of his character which Pushvalue. That, we are barely able to do kin fully discerned. “Lomonosov was a

today, after a century and a half or great man,” he says. “Between P eter I more. Not grasping the significance of and Catherine II he was the only org: his work in chemistry and physics, they inal champion of the Enlightenment. He thought it not worth special attention. founded the first university ; rather, he

ng onosov’s life, so ey h Lo. can judge, y ,; . . just due; very few Durine Lomonosov’s life. so far as w himself was our first university.” We ‘we. there was only one man who ave seen many times what steps Lo

. ; monosov took toward this end and we

appreciated him fully, who understood must accord him his ;

all the significance of what he did, who people can take credit for such a feat as

was initiated into all the details of his the founding of a university. And alscientific thought. This was the famous though Lomonosov took no part in the mathematician, Academician Leonhard work of the University of Moscow after Euler, and I think it necessary to devote its foundation, he did not cease to de-

a few words here to their relations, yote attention to events taking place which undoubtedly exercised no small there. It was not for nothing that his influence on the development of Lomono- works were printed at the press of the

sov’s creative activity in science. University of Moscow from 1757 to Leonhard Euler, a member of the 1759.... Academy of Sciences since 1727, prob- But the propagation of learning was ably saw Lomonosov when the latter one component part of Lomonosov’s was a student of the university in the vastly broader plan by which he sought academy in 1736. Then, we know that to promote the welfare of the entire Euler on May 4, 1739, read Lomonosov’s Russian people. Indispensable to that dissertation which was sent from Mar- end were profound economic reconstruc-

burg, and that he left St. Petersburg tions in the way of life prevailing in his three days before Lomonosov returned time and he intended to write—and from abroad. We know also that Euler probably wrote—a series of letters and returned to St. Petersburg a year after reports on these themes. They have not Lomonosov died, in 1766, and remained come down to us, and we must assume there until his own death, September 7, that G. G. Orlov confiscated them imme1783. Thus after 1736 they could not diately from among the papers Lomonohave seen each other. Their correspond- _ sov left. Only a letter to Shuvalov conence began at the beginning of 1748, cerning the increase of the Russian popafter Euler had sent to the academy very ulation has been preserved, but it disgood reports on Lomonosov’s first dis- closes Lomonosov’s basic points of view sertations. Later he asked that Lomono- as a statesman. This over-all national sov be urged to write a work in compe- scale of his activity became especially

Lomonosov 201 marked in the last five years of his life, able to bring to completion everything when he had attained the highest degree I undertook for the benefit of my counof fame and influence and when his _ try, for the increase of learning, and for voice was undoubtedly listened to. “How the greater glory of the academy, and joyful to work for the welfare of soci- that now, at the end of my life, I realize ety,” he says in the ode dedicated to that all of my good intentions will vanCount Shuvalov, the inventor of new ish with me.”

types of cannon (1760). But if Lomonosov had been able to How correct is his opinion of his own _ foresee the future, he would not have verse as a diversion in comparison with given way to such somber reflections, matters dealing with the welfare of the for the projects which he began were whole nation! And yet the great major- __ realized sooner or later. Already during ity of his contemporaries saw him only _ the reign of Catherine II far-reaching as a poet, a philologist, an orator, the _ reforms took place for the expansion of

founder of the Russian language. These education. The end of the eighteenth services, of course, were tremendous, century saw the foundation of the School the more so as they were in the last anal- —_ of Mines (now the Mining Institute) and

ysis evident to all and were preserved the Academy of Medicine and Surgery, in toto for posterity. Lomonosov himself while the universities of Kharkov, confessed that his scientific innovations Kazan, and St. Petersburg were founded would have no immediate propagators at the beginning of the nineteenth cenamong the Russians; that his efforts to tury. Parallel to these, there quickly do everything possible to ameliorate the developed a network of elementary and condition of the people, his efforts to secondary schools. raise the level of culture, for the propa- In surveying Lomonosov’s scientific gation of enlightenment, would find no _activity, which he always considered by response in the ruling class. He realized far the most important aspect of his that his beloved mosaics and the glass | work, we have already had occasion to factory, on the development of which he point out the close connection of the had expended so much strength and en- development of chemistry from 1790 to ergy, putting forth all his genius, would 1800 with those quantitative methods of cease to exist after him. All this he ex- research which he constantly advanced pressed on his death bed to Academician and applied. His physical chemistry was

Stahlin: “Friend, I see that I must die revived more than a century after his and I look on death peacefully and in- death, and in a very short time came to differently. I regret only that I was un- _ luxuriant flower.

CATHERINE THE GREAT’S “INSTRUCTIONS” EXCERPTS Catherine II was the only intellectual ever to sit on the Russian throne. Before she issued her /nstructions, of which parts appear below, she had consulted the works of the great legal authorities—Montesquieu, Beccaria, and Blackstone—from whom she borrowed liberally. The sentiments expressed in her document are quite noble, but little came of them in practice. Voltaire, who took them at face value, declared the document “the finest monument of the century.” Within four years of its appear-

ance (1767), it was published in twenty-four foreign versions. France forbade the entry of the document, which was considered too radical, and later the Russian emperor Paul forbade its circulation within Russia. The Memoirs of Catherine the Great (paperback) , edited by Dominique Maroger, are a source of prime importance. The Memoirs of Princess Dashkow relate the views of a close associate of the Empress. The Correspondence of Catherine the Great, edited by G. Ilchester, describes her contacts with Europe’s foremost minds. William Tooke’s View of the Russian Empire during the Reign of Catherine the Second (3 vols.) is an account by a contemporary visitor. An Account of Russia in 1767 by George Macartney was written by the British ambassador to Catherine’s Court. Some five hundred pages of diplomatic reports by British envoys covering

the years 1762-69 are printed, in the original English, in Volume XII of the Sbornik Russkogo Istoricheskogo Obshchestva. ‘“‘Beccaria in Russia,” by T. Cizova,

Slavonic and East European Review, 1962, describes the great Italian jurist who influenced Catherine. Basil Dmytryshyn analyzes “The Economic Content of the 1767 Nakaz of Catherine II,” in the American Slavic and East European Review for 1960. Soviet work on Catherine is summarized by Leo Yaresh in “The Age of Catherine II,” Research Program on the USSR, LXXVI (1965), 30-42. Perhaps the best monograph on Catherine is still G. P. Gooch, Catherine the Great and Other Studies.

THE INSTRUCTIONS TO THE has taken, or ought to take Root in the COMMISSIONERS FOR COM- Hearts of the whole People; we cannot POSING A NEW CODE OF but suppose, that every honest Man in

“LAWS the Community is, or will be, desirous 1. The Christian Law teaches us to _ of seeing his native Country at the very

do mutual Good to one another, as much From W. Reddaway (ed.), Documents of

as possibly we can. Catherine the Great (Cambridge University 2. Laying this down as a fundamental _ Press, 1931), pp. 21516, 249, 257-58, 293-94, Rule prescribed by that Religion, which Used by permission of the publisher.

252

Catherine the Great’s “Instructions” 293 Summit of Happiness, Glory, Safety, in that Person who rules over it. It is

and Tranquillity. expedient so to be, that the quick Dis3. And that every Individual Citizen patch of Affairs, sent from distant Parts, in particular must wish to see himself might make ample Amends for the Deprotected by Laws, which should not lay occasioned by the great Distance of distress him in his Circumstances, but, — the Places.

on the Contrary, should defend him 11. Every other Form of Government from all Attempts of others, that are | whatsoever would not only have been repugnant to this fundamental Rule. prejudicial to Russia, but would even 4, In order therefore to proceed to a __ have proved its entire Ruin. speedy Execution of what We expect from 12. Another Reason is: That it is bet-

such a general Wish, We, fixing the ter to be subject to the Laws under one Foundation upon the above first-men- Master, than to be subservient to many. tioned Rule, ought to begin with an In- 13. What is the true End of Monquiry into the natural Situation of this archy? Not to deprive People of their

Empire. natural Liberty; but to correct their Ac-

o. For those Laws have the greatest tions, in order to attain the supreme Conformity with Nature, whose partic. Good.... ular Regulations are best adapted to the 210. Proofs from Fact demonstrate to Situation and Circumstances of the us, that the frequent Use of capital PunPeople, for whom they are instituted.... | ishment never mended the Morals of a

6. Russia is an European State. People. Therefore, if J prove the Death 7. This is clearly demonstrated by of a Citizen to be neither useful nor the following Observations: The Altera- necessary to Society in general, I shall tions which Peter the Great undertook — confute those who rise up against Huin Russia succeeded with the greater manity. J repeat here, to Society in genFase, because the Manners, which pre- eral; because the Death of a Citizen can

vailed at that Time, and had been intro- only be useful and necessary in one duced amongst us by a Mixture of dif- Case; which is, when, though he be deferent Nations, and the Conquest of _ prived of Liberty, yet has such Power foreign Territories, were quite unsuit- by his Connections, as may enable him able to the Climate. Peter the First, by to raise Disturbances dangerous to the introducing the Manners and Customs __ publick Peace. This Case can happen of Europe among the European People only, when a People either loses, or re-

in his Dominions, found at that Time covers their Liberty; or in a Time of

such Means as even he himself was not Anarchy, when the Disorders themselves

sanguine enough to expect. hold the Place of Laws. But in a Reign 8. The Possessions of the Russian of Peace and Tranquillity, under a Gov-

Empire extend upon the terrestrial ernment established with the united Globe to 32 Degrees of Latitude, and to | Wishes of a whole People; in a State

165 of Longitude. well fortified against external Enemies,

9. The Sovereign is absolute; for and protected within by strong Supports; _ there is no other Authority but that that is, by its own internal Strength and which centers in his single Person, that —_ virtuous Sentiments rooted in the Minds

can act with a Vigour proportionate to of the Citizens; and where the whole

the Extent of such a vast Dominion. Power is lodged in the Hands of a 10. The Extent of the Dominion re- Monarch; in such a State, there can quires an absolute Power to be vested _be no Necessity for taking away the Life

254 Catherine the Great’s “Instructions” of a Citizen. The twenty Years Reign vent this fatal Evil by proper Regulaof the Empress ELIZABETH PETROVNA tions!

gives the Fathers of the People a more 267. You must add to this, that two illustrious Example for imitation than a Hundred Years are now elapsed, since a Reign of the most shining Conquests. Disease unknown to our Ancestors was 211. It is not the Excess of Severity, imported from America, and hurried on nor the Destruction of the human Spe- _ the Destruction of the human Race. This cies, that produces a powerful Effect in Disease spreads wide its mournful and the Hearts of the Citizens, but the con- destructive Effects in many of our Prov-

tinued Duration of the Punishment. inces. The utmost Care ought to be

212. The Death of a Malefactor is not taken of the Health of the Citizens. It so efficacious a Method of deterring from would be highly prudent, therefore, to Wickedness, as the Example continually stop the Progress of this Disease by the remaining of a Man, who is deprived of Laws. his Liberty for this End, that he might 268. Those of Moses may serve here

repair, during a Life of Labour, the for an Example. LEVITIC. chap. xiii. Injury he has done to the Community. 269. It seems too, that the Method of The Terror of Death, excited by the exacting their Revenues, newly invented Imagination, may be more strong, but by the Lords, diminishes both the /nhas not Force enough to resist that /abitants, and the Spirit of Agriculture Oblivion, so natural to Mankind. It is in Russia. Almost all the Villages are a general Rule, that rapid and violent heavily taxed. The Lords, who seldom Impressions on the human Mind, dis- or never reside in their Villages, lay an turb and give Pain, but do:not operate Impost on every Head of one, two, and

long upon the Memory... . even five Rubles, without the least Re264. Of the Propagation of the hu- — gard to the Means by which their Peas-

man Species in a State. ants may be able to raise this Money. 265. Russia is not only greatly defi- 270. It is highly necessary that the cient in the number of her Inhabitants; | Law should prescribe a Rule to the but at the same Time, extends her Do- Lords, for a more judicious Method of minion over immense Tracts of Land; raising their Revenues; and oblige them which are neither peopled nor improved. to levy such a Tax, as tends least to And therefore, in a Country so circum- _ separate the Peasant from his House and

stanced, too much Encouragement can Family; this would be the Means by never be given to the Propagation of | which Agriculture would become more

the human Species. extensive, and Population be more in266. The Peasants generally have creased in the Empire. |

twelve, fifteen, and even twenty Chil- 271. Even now some Husbandmen do

dren by one Marriage; but it rarely not see their Houses for fifteen Years happens, that one Fourth of these ever together, and yet pay the tax annually attains to the Age of Maturity. There to their respective Lords; which they must therefore be some Fault, either in procure in Towns at a vast Distance their Nourriture, in their Way of Living, from their Families, and. wander over or Method of Education, which occa- the whole Empire for that Purpose. sions this prodigious Loss, and disap- 272. The more happily a People live points the Hopes of the Empire. How under a government, the more easily the flourishing would the State of this Em- Number of the Inhabitants increases. . ..

pire be, if we could but ward off, or pre- 519. It is certain, that a high Opin-

Catherine the Great’s “Instructions” , 290 ion of the Glory and Power of the Sov- _ true, they will not be readily understood

ereign, would increase the Strength of by every Person, after one slight Pehis Administration; but a good Opinion _ rusal only; but every Person may com-

of his Love of Justice, will increase it prehend these Instructions, if he reads

at least as much. them with Care and Attention, and se020. All this will never please those —_lects occasionally such Articles as may

Flatterers, who are daily instilling this serve to direct him, as a Rule, in whatpernicious Maxim into all the Sover- ever he undertakes. These Instructions eigns on Earth, That their People are ought to be frequently perused, to rencreated for them only. But We think, der them more familiar: And every one and esteem it Our Glory to declare, may be firmly assured, that they will “That We are created for Our People; certainly be understood; because, and, for this Reason, We are obliged to 024, Assiduity and Care will conquer Speak of Things just as they ought to every Difficulty; as, on the Contrary, be. For God forbid! That, after this Indolence and Carelessness will deter Legislation is finished, any Nation on from every laudable Attempt. Earth should be more just; and, conse- o20. To render this difficult Affair quently, should flourish more than Rus- _— more easy; these Instructions are to be sia; otherwise the Intention of Our Laws _— read over once, at the Beginning of

would be totally frustrated; an Unhap- every Month, in the Commission for piness which I do not wish to survive. composing the New Code of Laws, and o21. All the Examples and Customs in all the subordinate Committees, which

of different Nations, which are intro- depend upon it; particularly the respec- , duced in this Work, ought to produce tive Chapters and Articles intrusted to no other Effect, than to co-operate in their Care, till the Conclusion of the the Choice of those Means, which may Commission. render the People of Russia, humanly 926. But as no perfect Work was ever speaking, the most happy in themselves —_—yet composed by Man; therefore, if the

of any People upon Earth. Commissioners should discover, as they

022. Nothing more remains now for proceed, that any Rule for some particthe Commission to do, but to compare —yJar Regulation has been omitted, they every Part of the Laws with the Rules aye Leave, in such a Case, to report it

of these Instructions. to Us, and to ask for a Supplement.

ConcLUSION | The Original signed with Her Impe023. Perhaps some Persons may ob- rial Majesty's own Hand, thus, ject, after perusing these Instructions, CATHERINE. that they will not be intelligible to every | Moscow, July 30.

one. To this it may be answered: It is 1767.

THE LEGISLATIVE COMMISSION OF 1767 By Sergei Solov’ev “The assembly of the deputies,” wrote the English diplomat Henry Shirley to the Foreign Office from Moscow on August 13, 1767, “is become at present the great favourite occupation of the Empress, and excludes, at least in appearance, all other business from her Cabinet. The Russians think and talk of nothing else . . . and

it would be the most useless attempt to endeavour to persuade them that this assembly is far from being a check to the despotic power of their Sovereign. A man, however, who will consider with attention their manner of proceeding, what they are permitted to deliberate upon, and how far they are allowed to extend their reformations, and will compare it with what is practised in those countries blest with a mixt Government, will soon perceive that this is nothing more than a certain number of men sent by every province of the Empire, and by those Nations under __

the protection of Russia, to be in some respect the Empress’ councillors in the drawing up the laws of this country. . . .” Additional reports by British diplomats on the Commission are in Volume XII of the Sbornik Russkogo Istoricheskogo Obshchestva, pages 304-7, 326-31, and 357-61. Volume V of Vasily Kliuchevsky’s History of Russia has an account of the Commission; there is an essay on the institution in Maxim Kovalevsky’s Russian Political Institutions. The economic views of the deputies are analyzed at great length in A History of Russian Economic Thought, edited by John Letiche, which is a Soviet textbook translated into English. Marc Raeff’s Origins of the Russian Intelligentsia (paperback) refers fairly often to the Commission; his article “State and Nobility in the Ideology of M. M. Shcherbatov,” American Slavic and East European Review, October, 1960, discusses one of the figures quoted below. K.

Papmehl writes on “Civil Liberties in the Records of the Great Commission,” Slavonic and East European Review, June 1964. Sergei Solov’ev, who was a great

Russian historian of the second half of the nineteenth century, is discussed in Anatole Mazour’s Modern Russian Historiography.

For studies of the Russian nobility in the eighteenth century see Paul Dukes, Catherine the Great and the Russian Nobility; a chapter in The European Nobility in the Eighteenth Century (paperback), edited by Albert Goodwin; and Marc Raeff, “Home, School and Service in the Life of the 18th Century Russian Nobleman,” Slavonic and East European Review, June, 1962. Translated by Walter Gleason from S. Solo- XIV (Moscow, 1965), 75, 77-78, 79-80, 83, vev, Istoriia Rossiis Drevneishikh Vremen, 87-88, 89, 92, 95, 104-6, 119.

296

Legislative Commission of 1767 207 Catherine wanted to hear the frank forced Peter the Great to create, in the opinions of the various classes of the interests of our own welfare, situations Russian people, to acquaint herself, in which now, because of the change in the contemporary idiom, with the customs, are not only useless, but might “mood” of the population among whom become harmful. The aforementioned she wanted to spread the principles of _ laws contain the principle by which any-

contemporary thought; she wanted to one rising to officer rank is considered become familiar with the views of the a noble, and his children are automatipopulation in order to explore the soil cally entered on the nobility rolls. In before the planting, to discover what the circumstances of Peter’s times such was possible to accomplish, to what the privileges for those rising to officer people would respond, and what was as__ rank were necessary in order to force yet impossible to undertake. Her inter- the nobles to enter service; but now,

ests in this case were practical; our in- when it is evident that the Russian terest, as her heirs, is no less, it is his- nobility, through its singular love of the torical. The representatives of the various fatherland, of glory, and because of its classes were gathered together for the zeal toward its monarchs is sufficiently joint discussion of affairs of the highest inclined toward both service and the interest. This was an assembly of vari- sciences, it would seem that the law ous estates, and we must, therefore, ex- equating this class with anyone who, by pect from each a desire to define their any method, attains officer rank, should relations toward the other classes to their be abolished. .. .”

own advantage, especially as each dep- Other deputies repeated the same uty received instructions in that sense thoughts, supplementing them with defrom his electors, and considered it to tails. Ignat’ev, deputy of the Rzhevo— be his duty to justify their confidence. Volodimir nobility, said: “Many of the As for the noble class, it was divided lower clerks, burghers, and others of the into two parts, the old nobility, and men same type, holding governmental and

of the newly ennobled families. . . . general-oficer rank, and serving in And thus the Assembly heard voices various official posts, buy large villages, against the law of Peter the Great where- multiply factories and plants, and thus by those attaining certain ranks were limit the ancient nobility’s ability to purthereby ennobled. It was the turn of the chase villages. When a nobleman, endeputy of the Yaroslav nobility, Prince gaged in farming and earning his keep

Mikhail Shcherbatov, soon to draw the by his own labor, wishes to buy a _ attention of the meeting upon himself neighboring village at a moderate price,

by his erudition, the literary polish of he finds that individuals not of the his speeches, and the ardor with which nobility, having large sums of money, he delivered them. One of his opponents __raise their price by three or more times, made the following comment about him: and acquire the villages for themselves.

“I noticed that in his opinions Prince In this way the noble, deprived of the Shcherbatov very rarely bases himself means of increasing his own estate, on former laws, but supports his views falls into difficulties and his villages fall by the most reasonable arguments, with into decay. It is my opinion that those which he was richly favored by God.” who have achieved high rank in the serShcherbatov said: “The circumstances vice and are not of noble origin should of the times and various developments be banned from the enjoyment of noble

258 Legislative Commission of 1767 status and the right to buy villages. toward the achievement of the highest Some of them may say: if they are not _ level of honor, noble status and its privpermitted to enjoy the nobility’s status _ileges not be heritable, but that everyone

and the right to buy villages how will “attempt to attain it by merit... .” they earn their sustenance when they re- The ancient nobility, aroused against tire from the service and no longer the easy attainment of noble status by receive salaries? To this one must an- people of low birth, stressed their own swer that the same money with which — superior education and higher learning. they buy villages could be lent out, and, But the means of giving their own chilreceiving a percentage on their capital, dren such an education was not always

they could use it as if it were income accessible to all of them, and they peti-

from the villages. .. .” tioned for the establishment of schools. The deputy of the Mikhailov nobility, ... The nobility of Kostroma in their Semen Naryshkin, attempted to define instructions to their deputy petitioned: what differences, in his opinion, had to “Many poor nobles are unable not only be established between the officers’ corps _ to educate and train their children in the and the nobility. Promotion to officers’ sciences necessary to a nobleman, but on

rank serves as a reward for good be- account of dire poverty they are not even havior in lower ranks, while elevation able to take the children to distant state into the nobility is a reward for excep- schools, so that the children grow up in tional service to the fatherland. Nary- ignorance and laziness, and not only beshkin also expressed the nobility’s atti: come incapable of service, but do not tudes toward the possession of peasants: have the faintest idea of the conduct of

“We consider the dignity of the noble a nobleman. In order to maintain the as something sacrosanct, separating him —_ usefulness of such people for the state,

from the rest. It gives him and his de- _ schools and seminaries should be estabscendants the right to own others, and lished in the provincial and district cities

to look after their well-being.” But de- for their education and training in litfenders of Peter the Great’s legislation eracy and the basics of mathematics and

did not yield and one of them, the dep- foreign languages, and especially for uty of the city of Ruza, Smirnov, pro- their decent upbringing. .. .”

posed to limit the inheritance of the The nobility demanded that the right nobility: “Since rank is received not to own peasants be reserved to them: through inheritance, but through ser- selves; the merchants demanded the exvices to the fatherland, and since it dies _clusive right to trade. Alexei Popov, dep-

together with the person holding it, I uty of the Rybinsk merchants, said: “Inpropose that, so as not to enable heirs stead of the expected improvement we to enjoy the fruits of someone else’s perceive with deepest distress from the labor, so as not to promote passivity in _— opinions given in the Commission by the

the acquisition of rank through individ- many distinguished deputies that greater ual effort, so that those who deserve re- burdens are in store for Russian mer-

wards not hope to receive the ranks chants, as if they were quite unessential earned by their forefathers, in order to to the state. Instead of confirming the de-

strengthen the zeal for service in the crees of Emperor Peter the Great bedescendants, to oppose despondency, stowing upon the merchants their rights negligence, and despair, and to encour- and liberties, and strictly forbidding per-

age persons of the very lowest position sons of any other calling to conduct

Legislative Commission of 1767 259 trade, through which the merchants could __ it until it crumbles into pieces, is mixed

achieve the greatest prosperity, the afore- with sand and dirt, and completely lost.

mentioned distinguished deputies pro- Not more than twenty years ago the pose injuries to the merchants, asking nobles, having realized that a substantial that the well-born nobility, and the peas- _ profit could be made on sailing cloth, and ants as well, be allowed to enjoy the mer- _ not thinking that a great many such fac-

chants’ privileges. These distinguished tories had already been built, so that deputies insist that merchants be forbid- sailmakers hardly knew what to do with

den to own factories and mining estab- their cloth, also began to build faclishments. To justify such moves they say tories of this kind, and did not realize

that the maintenance by the merchants their error until they were entirely

of the factories and plants is not useful ruined. . . .” | to society, and that it would be much The demand for the improvement of more useful to leave the possession of law courts was recurrent in the petitions these to nobles who have retired and are of the state, or black, peasants. The peasliving in the villages. To this they add ants of the Kazan district wrote: “We,

that peasants who have brought their as a people mute and ignorant of the products into the city should have the laws, selling everything we own, hire right to sell them retail. Should all this lawyers for the prosecution of our lawbe confirmed the merchants would in- suits, but these deceive and betray both evitably fall into ruin, and with them parties; in addition, these suits require commerce also might come to a com- many witnesses, a great deal of informaplete halt. For although peasants and_ tion is demanded, and due to this the people of no rank are as yet forbidden suit is drawn out, the petitioner and the

, by law to trade, the merchants, in spite defendant are ruined, and reach the | of this, put up with many injuries and point where they cannot pay the governhindrances from them. What will hap- ment’s fee, nor even feed themselves. . . .” pen when everyone will be permitted to As should have been expected, vehe-

trade? . ..” 7 , - ment complaints as to the state of law Apropos of these arguments, the dep- enforcement were heard in the Commisuty of the College of Commerce Mezheni- sion. The nobles charged that complaints nov expressed a curious opinion: “Sev- against ecclesiastics must be lodged with eral distinguished deputies have argued the diocesan authority, against manufacas to whether nobles and merchants turers with the College of Manufacturing, should own factories and plants, and against mine-owners with the College of whether such commerce would not bring Mines, against merchants with the city

disrepute to the calling of a noble. It authorities, against mailmen with the would seem that discussion on this point Post Office; should it not be ordered that is completely unnecessary. Let each look everyone be judged equally in all law

out for his own well-being, and in this courts? When complaining in law suits way no one will be ashamed of anything, about “impious extortion and cursed provided that one does not hinder the usury,” should it not be ordered that the other. It would be best of all if nobles officials concerned, the secretaries and would found factories of the type which _ state servitors, in all cases swear an oath

do not yet exist in Russia. But in this that they have not taken a bribe; those respect our Russian people are like birds, guilty of venality, no matter how small who, finding a piece of bread, fight over _ the bribe, should be subject to the death

260 Legislative Commission of 1767 penalty. Lermontov, deputy of the Gali- The Suzdal nobility complained abou! cian nobles, spoke against the College of _ the elimination of the death penalty and

Justice: “From the innumerable quan- the limitations on the use of torture, for tity of business in the aforementioned “some people,when they do not see murCollege, rare is the petitioner who can der punished by torture and execution receive, without incurring substantial commit crimes more freely, and peasants loss, satisfaction in the time allowed by murder their lords; for this reason, cruel law. It is known to everyone in this as- outrages, robberies, plunderings, and lar-

sembly that in the College of Justice ceny of this type seem to be on the slanderers derive great advantage from increase.” . . . the delay of suits. They draw out the Catherine had the right to be dissatistime, and lead the petitioners to the point fied with certain individual developof exhaustion and complete ruin. It also ments, but she could not help admithappens that the College, having held up _ ting that the general goal for which she

a case a long time, refers it for decision had created the Commission, had been

to another judicial organ... .” achieved. “The Legislative Commission,” We have seen how the author of the she said in one of her notes, “having “Instruction” forcefully opposed tortures, met, gave me insight and information and how earlier her restrictions were in- about the entire empire with which we © troduced by decrees, but in the instruc- have to deal and about which we should tions to deputies from their electors we care. It gathered all the laws and anameet requests for the abolition of these lyzed the materials, and would have done innovations, these restrictions. Thus, in more of this had not the Turkish war the instructions of the Vereisk district begun. Then the deputies were dispersed, nobility it is said: “Will it not be per- and the military went into the army. The mitted to judge arrested criminals and /nstruction to the Commission introduced thieves by the former laws for greater a unity of rules and discussion unparalfear and a final elimination of crimes? leled in the past. Many began to judge Without torture crime cannot be rooted colors as colors and not as blind men out; criminals must be frightened. Many judge colors. At least they came to know thieves, caught with the stolen object, the will of the law-giver, and acted in confess only to that particular theft, and harmony with it.” previous robberies are concealed.” . . .

A JOURNEY FROM ST. PETERSBURG TO MOSCOW EXcERPTS By Alexander Radishchev Radishchev (1749-1802) is often called the father of the Russian intelligentsia. Dedicating his work to a friend, he wrote: “I looked about me—my heart was troubled by the sufferings of humanity.” His famous book, suppressed by the censor unitl 1905, is today a Soviet classic. He was the first to raise his voice on behalf of causes which generations of the intelligentsia after him continued to plead. Like Uncle Tom’s Cabin, the Journey is an abolitionist tract. It was translated into English by the late Leo Wiener of Harvard; we reproduce excerpts from the edition of Roderick Page Thaler. There are several biographies of Radishchev: Alexander Radishchev: The First Russian Humanist, by Boris Evgeniev; The First Russian Radical, by Dayid Lang; A Russian Philosophe, by Allen McConnell; and The Philosophical Ideas. of Alexander Radishchev by Jesse Clardy. The Soviets view the man as the first Russian revolutionary; see John Letiche (ed.), History of Russian Economic Thought, pp. 549-646, for an extended Soviet analysis; see also Allen McConnell, “Soviet Images of Radishchev’s Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow,” Slavic and East European Journal, Spring, 1963. Two studies of Russian thought which examine Radishchev are Vasily Zenkovsky’s A History of Russian Philosophy, Vol. 1, and Stuart Tompkins’ The Russian Mind from Peter the Great through the Enlightenment. See also

Roderick Thaler, “Radishchev, Britain and America,” Harvard Slavic Studies, Vol. IV, and a chapter on Radishchev in Max Laserson’s The American Impact on Russia (paperback).

Aleksandr Nikolaevich Radishchev was seems to have been liked and trusted ' born in Moscow on August 20/31, 1749, both by his own peasants and by the three days after Goethe, six years after gentry of his district. His peasants proJefferson, ten years before the younger tected him during the Pugachev RebelPitt. Until he was eight years old, he —_ lion, when many peasants were only too

lived on his father’s estate at Verkhnee happy to murder their proprietors. In Oblyazovo in what was then Saratov province (now in Penza oblast’), some Reprinted by permission of the publishers three hundred miles north of present- from A. Radishchev, A Journey from St. Peters-

day Stalingrad, two hundred miles south Uneretty Proce 1968). pr 7, 9.19, 46 48, of Kazan’, and one hundred miles west —_ 15860, 164-71, 187-90, 201-10, 239-41, 248-49.

of the Volga River. His father was a Copyright 1958, by The President and Fellows well-educated landed gentleman who of Harvard College. 261

262 A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow 1787 he was elected marshall of the ences as he wishes.” Accordingly Ragentry of his district, Kuznetsk, in Sara- | dishchev studied many of the French

tov province. philosophers, not only Montesquieu, From 1757 to 1762, between the ages _—- Voltaire, and Rousseau, but the now less

of eight and thirteen, Radishchev lived well-known Bayle, Fénelon, Helvétius, in Moscow with his mother’s relatives, | Mably, and Raynal. the Argamakov family. The head of the In 1771 Radishchev returned to RusArgamakov family was the curator of _ sia and entered the Civil Service as a the newly founded Moscow University, clerk of the Senate. He was transferred and their home was always full of teach- to the Military Service, to the staff of

ers and students. From 1762 to 1766 General Bruce, in 1773. In this same

Radishchev was in the Corps des Pages _—year, when he was twenty-four, he pub-

in St. Petersburg, where he may have _lished his first book: a translation, with acquired some of his intense dislike for introduction and notes, of Mably’s Obthe Court Service. He was in St. Peters- servations sur histoire de la Greéce. burg in 1765 when Mikhaylo Vasil’evich What I have seen of this translation is a

Lomonosov, the Russian Benjamin very fair rendering of the original, not Franklin, died there. Lomonosov, a very _ slavishly literal, but certainly close to different sort of man from most of those | Mably’s meaning. Perhaps the most at court, embodied many of the qualities striking passage in the work is one in Radishchev most admired, and to him which Radishchev renders Mably’s word

Radishchev devoted the last chapter of | “despotisme” by the Russian word

his Journey. “‘samoderzhavstvo,” which means “auIn 1766 Radishchev was one of twelve __tocracy.” The Russian government at

Russians sent by the government to this time, and down to 1917, officially study at the University of Leipzig. called itself an autocracy. In one of his _ Among his fellow students at Leipzig numerous notes, Radishchev comments were Aleksey Mikhaylovich Kutuzov, to _at length on this word. “Autocracy,” he whom the Journey was dedicated; Pyotr _ says, “is the state of affairs most repug-

Ivanovich Chelishchev, who figures nant to human nature... . The injustice prominently in the Journey; Matvey of the sovereign gives the people, who Kirilovich Rubanovsky, whose niece are his judges, the same or an even great-

Radishchev later married; Fyodor er right over him than the law gives him Vasil’evich Ushakov, whose biography _ to judge criminals. The sovereign is the Radishchev later wrote, telling particu- _first citizen of the people’s common-

larly about their years at the University ; wealth.” | and Goethe. Like Goethe, Radishchev In 1775, the war with Turkey won

particularly enjoyed Professor Christian and the Pugachev Rebellion suppressed, Furchtegott Gellert’s lectures on poetry §_Radishchev received his honorable dis-

and rhetoric, and Professor Ernst Plat- charge with the rank of second major. ner’s lectures in philosophy and physiol- | He married Anna Vasil’evna Rubanovogy. The Russian students had been sent _skaya, with whom he was very happy

“to study the Latin, German, French, until her death in 1783. In 1777 their and. if possible, Slavonic languages,... _ first child, Vasily, was born, and Ramoral philosophy, history, but particu- dishchev went back into the Civil Servlarly natural and international law, as _ ice, in the Department of Commerce. He well as the law of the Roman Empire. had a successful career in the Service, Each one is free to study the other sci- | was promoted in 1780, 1782, 1784, and

A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow 263 finally, in 1790, became Chief of the St. count of a sale of serfs as recruits for Petersburg Custom House. He won hon- the army, and his particular rejoicing or as well as rank, being made a Knight at Russian victories over the Turks in of the Order of St. Vladimir in 1785. _ earlier wars.

_ When he resigned from the Service in Much the greater part of his book, 1775, Radishchev made a journey from _ however, was written by 1788. It would St. Petersburg to Verkhnee Oblyazovo have been better for Radishchev had he to ask his parents’ blessing for his mar- _ published it then, before the French Rev-

riage. On the way, he traveled through olution had gotten under way at all. It some of the country ravaged by the had not yet gone very far by 1790, but

Pugachev Rebellion in the past two it had gone far enough to frighten years. When he reached home, he was Catherine II, to make her expect to see

told how his father’s peasants had its poisonous, subversive contagion helped his father hide out safely in the everywhere. “The purpose of this book,”

woods and had disguised his younger she wrote in her Notes on the Journey, brothers and sisters as peasant children “is clear on every page: its author, inwhile Pugachev’s men were near their fected and full of the French madness, estate. But he also heard of things that __ is trying in every possible way to break

had happened to many another land- down respect for authority and for the lord. less enlightened and less generous _ authorities, to stir up in the people in-

to the peasants than his father. In the dignation against their superiors and Journey Radishchev, referring morethan against the government.” In one of his once to the Pugachev Rebellion, warns two brief references to the French Revhis fellow serf-owners, in vivid and _ olution, Radishchev had simply listed

striking language, that a far worse and Mirabeau, along with Demosthenes, more terrible rebellion awaits them. Cicero, Pitt, Burke, and Fox, as a great Only by prompt and substantial reforms orator to whom Lomonosov was com-

—above all, by freeing the serfs—can parable. The Empress was furious at they hope to avert revolution. .. . Radishchev’s “praise of Mirabeau, who Radishchev worked at the Journey in- deserves not once but many times over termittently over the course of ten years, to be hanged... . .”

beginning part of it as early as 1780. At the end of the book was the usual One of his own footnotes, which refers imprimatur, the statement that it was to the death of the Austrian Emperor printed “With the permission of the Joseph II, must have been written after Department of Public Morals.” The Em-

February 20, 1790. Part of the chapter press, noting this, said: “This is prob“‘Podberez’e” was written no later than ably a lie, or else carelessness.” It was 1782, while another chapter, “Torzhok,” actually carelessness. Radishchev had contains a reference to “the late Fred- submitted the manuscript to the censor, erick II, King of Prussia,” who died in who had cut out substantial parts of it. 1786. There are only two brief references But Radishchev had nevertheless printed to the French Revolution, which in any _ it all, on his own press. He then submitcase was only in its early stages by the _ ted the whole thing to the police, who time the Journey was published, in May _ gave it their official stamp of approval

1790. Russia had been at war with Tur- without reading it again. It never ockey since 1787 and with Sweden since curred to them that anyone would dare 1788, a fact which should be kept in to print anything they had cut out.

mind when reading Radishchev’s ac- Radishchev had printed the Journey

264. A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow anonymously, but it was a very simple _ peace in the Treaty of Verela. In honor matter for the Empress to discover who _ of the peace, the Empress, on September had written it. Frank, straightforward, 4/15, mercifully commuted Radishchev’s outspoken, Radishchev had none of the sentence to banishment for ten years to

instincts of a revolutionary. In 1789 he _ Ilimsk in eastern Siberia, some three

had dedicated his Life of Fyodor Vasi- hundred miles north of Irkutsk and evich Ushakov to Aleksey Mikhaylovich forty-five hundred miles east of St. Pe-

Kutuzov, whom he addressed as “my tersburg. She also deprived him of his best beloved friend.” In 1790 he dedi- status as a member of the gentry, of his cated the Journey “To A.M.K., My Best rank in the service, and of his order of Beloved Friend,” using exactly the same = knighthood. But she did not confiscate

words. He went on to say: “Everything his property, and she permitted him to my mind and heart may wish to pro- travel without wearing fetters, after the duce shall be dedicated to you, my com- _ first day....

rade.” Radishchev and Kutuzov were Less than a month after the commuboth well known in St. Petersburg, and _ tation of Radishchev’s sentence, Count

Catherine herself had sent them off as Semyon Romanovich Vorontsov, the comrades to the University of Leipzig. Russian ambassador to England, wrote They had been good friends ever since. _a letter to his brother, Count Aleksandr If this were not enough, the author of | Romanovich Voroutsov, President of the the Journey calls himself an inhabitant Commerce Collegium, Radishchev’s su-

of St. Petersburg and later speaks of perior officer in the service and lifelong walking down the customs pier and look- _ friend. The ambassador wrote from ing at the ships, with more than a mere _ Richmond, England, on October 1/12,

layman’s knowledge of the ships and 1790: “The condemnation of poor their cargoes. It was earlier in this very | Radishchev hurts me deeply. What a year 1790 that the Empress had made sentence and what a commutation for a Radishchev Chief of the St. Petersburg mere blunder! What will they do for a Custom House. If it be objected that an crime or for a real revolt? Ten years of editor with nothing else to do might no- _— Siberia is worse than death for a man

tice such details in a book, but that an who has children from whom he must

Empress with two wars to fight and a part, or whom he will deprive of an fair-sized country to govern would hard- —_ education and a chance to enter the

ly have time, the editor must ruefully service if he takes them with him. It reply that the Empress found time to makes one shudder.” But now, in time write ten closely printed pages of notes of trouble, Radishchev was very fortu-

on the Journey, and that she noticed nate in his family and friends. His some things in it which he had missed. brother, a government ofhcial in ArchThe Empress’s private secretary, Alek- angel, took care of his two elder sons. sandr Vasil’evich Khrapovitsky, noted | His deceased wife’s sister, Elizaveta in his diary that “She was graciously —_ Vasil’evna Rubanovskaya, took care of pleased to say that he [Radishchev] was _ his youngest son and his only daughter, a rebel, worse than Pugachev.” On June = and with them followed him into exile.

30/July 11, 1790, Radishchev was ar- In 1791 she married him, and they had rested and imprisoned in the Fortress of __ three children in Siberia: two girls and

St. Peter and St. Paul. On July 24/ a boy. Count Aleksandr Vorontsov August 4, he was condemned to death. _ proved to be a faithful friend, sending Ten days later, Russia and Sweden made money, books, and news, and using his

A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow 265 influence to make things easier for the to work more than three days a week on exile. It was Vorontsov who prevailed their master’s land. Radishchev, in the upon the Empress to allow Radishchev Journey, had particularly attacked landto travel to Siberia unfettered, and who lords who required their peasants to

persuaded the governor of Ilimsk to Jet give all their time to work on their Radishchev go off on long walks and master’s land and allowed them no time

hunting trips... . to work their own. Now Radishchev Fortunately for Radishchev, the Em- hoped that under the reputedly more press Catherine II died, November 6/ liberal Emperor Alexander I it would be 17, 1796. Her son and successor, the possible to take further steps to protect Emperor Paul, had been treated abomi- the peasants... . nably by his mother and hated every- Two statements made by Radishchev thing that she had done. Accordingly, on as a member of the Commission have November 23/December 4, 1796, Paul been preserved. The Commission deissued an Imperial rescript permitting bated at length the question of recomRadishchev to leave Siberia and to live mending a change in the law regulating on his estate in European Russia, where the compensation to be paid to a serfhis “conduct and _ correspondence” owner whose serf had been unintentionwould be “under observation” by the ally killed. The Commissicn, including governor of the province. Radishchev _Radishchev, finally recommended a sub-

therefore went to live on his estate of stantial increase in the amount of comNemtsovo, near Maloyaroslavets in Ka- _ pensation. But Radishchev also sent to

luga province, some seventy-five miles the Senate his own supplementary southwest of Moscow, where he arrived “minority report,” in which he said that in June 1797. His wife had died on the if a serf were killed, money should be way back from Siberia, but in January _ paid, not to his owner, but to his par1798 Radishchev and all his children— _ ents, wife, or children. Although he apfour sons and three daughters—set off proved of the increase in compensation,

for Verkhnee Oblyazovo to see his par- he wrote that “the value of human ents. He stayed with them for a whole blood cannot be measured in terms of year, returned to Nemtsovo in 1799, and money.” Again, Radishchev disagreed

remained there until 1801.... with the rest of the Commission as to

The Emperor Paul was assassinated the proper methods of trying persons on March 11/23, 1801. Four days later, accused of blasphemy, acts of rebellion,

the Emperor Alexander I freed Radi- murder, robbery, and other capital ofshchev from being “under observation” fenses. The Commission recommended and restored to him his status as one of — that the law should remain as it was, the gentry, his rank in the service, and and specifically, that such accused per-

his order of knighthood. On August 6/ sons should neither be permitted to 18, 1801, on the recommendation of challenge their judges nor be given a Count Aleksandr Vorontsov, Radishchev _ list of the charges against them. Radiwas appointed a member of the Com- shchev, in a dissenting opinion worthy of mission on Revision of the Laws. Four Holmes or Brandeis, held that in every years earlier, the Emperor Paul, at his such trial the accused should be allowed coronation, had issued one new law of _ to choose someone to defend him, and

whose purpose Radishchev had heartily that if he could find no one, the court approved. On April 5/16, 1797, Paul _ itself must provide someone to defend had forbidden that peasants be required him; that the accused should have the

266 A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow right to challenge his judges; and that A JOURNEY FROM ST. PETERSno one should be condemned to death BURG TO MOSCOW by less than a two-thirds majority of

the judges. ... LYUBANI

In short, Radishchev had very high I suppose it is all the same to you

hopes for reform, but he was deeply = whether I traveled in winter or in sumdiscouraged and depressed by the atti- mer. Maybe both in winter and in sumtude of the other members of the Com- __ mer. It is not unusual for travelers to set

mission, especially the chairman. Count _ out in sleighs and to return in carriages. | Zavadovsky. One of the best Russian au- = In summer. The corduroy road tortured

thorities on Radishchev, Professor my body; I climbed out of the carriage Borozdin, accepted as “very probably and went on foot. While I had been lycorrect” Pushkin’s account of Radi- ing back in the carriage, my thoughts shchev’s death. Pushkin said that the had turned to the immeasurable vastEmperor Alexander I ordered Radi- ness of the world. By spiritually leaving

shchev | the earth I thought I might more easily to set forth his ideas on certain questions bear the jolting of the carriage. But of government. Poor Radishchev, carried Spiritual exercises do not always distract away by the subject, ... remembered the —_us from our physical selves; and so, to old days and, in a project presented tothe = save my body, I got out and walked. A government, revealed his old opinions. few steps from the road I saw a peasant Count Z[avadovsky | was astonished at the ploughing a field. The weather was hot.

youthfulness of his gray hairs and said I looked at my watch. It was twenty to him in friendly reproof: “Eh, Aleksandr . Nikolaevich, do you still want to talk the minutes before one. | had Set out on same old nonsense? Or didn’t you have Saturday. It was now Sunday. The enough of Siberia?” In these words Radi- ploughing peasant, of course, belonged shchev saw a threat. Distressed and terrified, to a landed proprietor, who would not he went home, remembered the friend of Jet him pay a commutation tax [obrok]. his youth, the student at Leipzig [probably ‘The peasant was ploughing very careFyodor Vasil’evich Ushakov] who had first fully. The field, of course, was not part

suggested to him the thought of suicide... of his master’s land. He turned the

and took poison. He had foreseen his end lough with astonishine ease long before and had prophesied it himself! _P'OUG") Wit) astonish - _

| God help you,” I said, walking up to

The Journey is full of Radishchev’s view _ the ploughman, who, without stopping, of suicide. In one place he advised his _ was finishing the furrow he had started.

sons: “If there is no refuge left on earth “God help you,” I repeated. | for your virtue, if, driven to extremes, “Thank you, sir,” the ploughman said you find no sanctuary from oppression, to me, shaking the earth off the ploughthen remember that you are a man, call _ share and transferring it to a new fur-

to mind your greatness, and seize the row. ee

crown of bliss which they are trying to “You must be a Dissenter, since you take from you. Die. As a legacy I leave _ plough on a Sunday.” you the words of the dying Cato.” When = = “No, sir, I make the true sign of the

he had committed suicide, Cato had cross,” he said, showing me the three said: “Now I am my own master.” And fingers together. “And God is merciful

so, on September 12/24, 1802, Radi- and does not bid us starve to death, so shchev became his own master... . long as we have strength and a family.”

A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow 267 “Have you no time to work during _ ter than having to work on the master’s the week, then, and can you not have _ fields. Nowadays it’s getting to be the any rest on Sundays, in the hottest part custom to let villages to tenants, as they

of the day, at that?” 7 call it. But we call it putting our heads “In a week, sir, there are six days, in a noose. A landless tenant skins us

and we go six times a week to work on _ peasants alive; even the best ones don’t the master’s fields; in the evening, if the leave us any time for ourselves. In the weather is good, we haul to the master’s _—_— winter he won’t let us do any carting of

house the hay that is left in the woods; —_ goods and won’t let us go into town to and on holidays the women and girls go _— work; all our work has to be for him, walking in the woods, looking for mush- __ because he pays our head tax. It is an rooms and berries. God grant,” he con- _ invention of the Devil to turn your peas-

tinued, making the sign of the cross, ants over to work for a stranger. You “that it rains this evening. If you have can make a complaint against a bad peasants of your own, sir, they are pray- steward, but to whom can you complain

ing to God for the same thing.” against a bad tenant?”

“My friend, I have no peasants, and “My friend, you are mistaken; the

so nobody curses me. Do you have a laws forbid them to torture people.”

large family?” : “Torture? That’s true; but all the “Three sons and three daughters. The same, sir, you would not want to be in

eldest is nine years old.” my hide.” Meanwhile the ploughman “But how do you manage to get food _ hitched up the other horse to the plough enough, if you have only the holidays and bade me goodbye as he began a new

free?” , furrow. :

“Not only the holidays: the nights are The words of this peasant awakened

ours, too. If a fellow isn’t lazy, he won't in me a multitude of thoughts. I thought starve to death. You see, one horse is _ especially of the inequality of treatment resting; and when this one gets tired, | within the peasant class. I compared the

Pll take the other; so the work gets crown peasants with the manorial peas-

done.” , ants. They both live in villages; but the “Do you work the same way for your _‘ former pay a fixed sum, while the latter master ?” must be prepared to pay whatever their “No, Sir, it would be a sin to work master demands. The former are judged

the same way. On his fields there are a _ by their equals; the latter are dead to the hundred hands for one mouth, while I law, except, perhaps, in criminal cases.

have two for seven mouths: you can A member of society becomes known figure it out for yourself. No matter how to the government protecting him, only

hard you work for the master, no one when he breaks the social bonds, when will thank you for it. The master will he becomes a criminal! This thought

not pay our head tax; but, though he made my blood boil. ,

doesn’t pay it, he doesn’t demand one Tremble, cruelhearted landlord! on sheep, one -hen, or any linen or butter the brow of each of your peasants I see the less. The peasants are much better your condemnation written. .. . off where the landlord lets them pay a ysyny VoLocHoK

commutation tax without the interfer- |

ence of the steward. It is true that some- --- The story of a certain landed protimes even good masters take more than prietor proves that man for the sake of three rubles a man; but even that’s bet- his personal advantage forgets human-

268 A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow ity towards his fellow man, and that to _ themselves; leggings they received from find an example of hard-heartedness we their master; while in summer they need not go to far-off countries nor seek § went barefooted. Naturally these serfs miracles through thrice-nine lands; they had no cows, horses, ewes, or rams. take place before our eyes in our own Their master did not withhold from these

country. serfs the permission, but the means to

A certain man who, as they say inthe have them. Whoever was a little better vernacular, did not make his mark in off and ate sparingly, kept a few chickthe government service, or who did not ens, which the master sometimes took wish to make it there, left the capital, ac- for himself, paying for them as he quired a small village of one or two hun- pleased.

dred souls, and determined to make his With such an arrangement it is not living by agriculture. He did not apply surprising that agriculture in Mr. 5ohimself to the plough but intended most = and-So’s village was in a flourishing vigorously to make all possible use of condition. Where the crops were a failthe natural strength of his peasants by _ ure elsewhere, his grain showed a four-

applying them to the cultivation of the fold return; when others had a good land. To this end he thought it the sur- crop, his grain had a tenfold return or est method to make his peasants resem- _ better. In a short time he added to his ble tools that have neither will nor im- — two hundred souls another two hundred pulse; and to a certain extent he actual- _as victims of his greed, and, proceeding

ly made them like the soldiers of the with them just as with the first, he inpresent time who are commanded in a_ creased his holdings year after year, mass, who move to battle in a mass, and ~—thus multiplying the number of those

who count for nothing when acting groaning in his fields. Now he counts singly. To attain his end he took away __ them by the thousand and is praised as from his peasants the small allotment of | a famous agriculturist.

plough land and the hay meadows which Barbarian! You do not deserve to noblemen usually give them for their bear the name of citizen. What good bare maintenance, as a recompense for does it do the country that every year a all the forced labor which they demand _ few thousand more bushels of grain are

from them. In a word, this nobleman grown, if those who produce it are forced all his peasants and their wives valued on a par with the ox whose job and children to work every day of the it is to break the heavy furrow? Or do year for him. Lest they should starve, he we think our citizens happy because our

doled out to them a definite quantity of | granaries are full and their stomachs bread, known by the name of monthly empty? Or because one man blesses the

doles. Those who had no families re- government, rather than thousands? ceived no doles, but dined according to The wealth of this bloodsucker does not the Lacedaemonian custom, together, at belong to him. It has been acquired by the manor, receiving thin cabbage soup __ robbery and deserves severe punishment

on meat days, and on fast days bread _according to law. Yet there are people and kvas, to fill their stomachs. If there | who, looking at the rich fields of this was any real meat, it was only in Easter hangman, cite him as an example of

Week. perfection in agriculture. And you wish These serfs also received clothing be- _ to be called merciful, and you bear the

fitting their condition. Their winter name of guardians of the public good! boots, that is, bast shoes, they made for Instead of encouraging such violence,

A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow 269 which you regard as the source of the partment of Public Morals may do the country’s wealth, direct your humane _ greatest harm to enlightenment and may vengeance against this enemy of society. for years hold back the progress of rea-

Destroy the tools of his agriculture, $0n: he may prohibit a useful discovery, burn his barns, silos, and granaries, and @ new idea, and may rob everyone of scatter their ashes over the fields where something great. Here is an example on he practiced his tortures; stigmatize him 4 small scale. A translation of a novel is

as a robber of the people, so that every- brought to the Department of Public one who sees him may not only despise Morals for its imprimatur. The transhim but shun his approach to avoid in- lator, following the author, in speaking

fection from his example. of love calls it “‘the tricky god.” The censor in uniform and in the fullness of

TorzHOK piety strikes out the expression, saying, _ . .- Everyone in our country is now per- “It is improper to call a divinity tricky.”

mitted to own and operate a printing He who does not understand should not press, and the time has passed when they __ interfere. If you want fresh air, remove

were afraid to grant this permission to the smoky brazier; if you want light, private individuals, and when, because remove that which obscures it; if you in free printing offices false statements do not want the child to be timid, throw might be printed, they renounced the the rod out of the school. In a house general good and this useful institution. where whips and sticks are in fashion, Now anybody may have the tools of the servants are drunkards, thieves, and printing, but that which may be printed _ worse.’

is still under watch and ward. The cen- Let anyone print anything that enters sorship has become the nursemaid of his head. If anyone finds himself inreason, wit, imagination, of everything sulted in print, let him get his redress at great and enlightened. But where there law. I am not speaking in jest. Words are nurses, there are babies and leading are not always deeds, thoughts are not strings, which often lead to crooked legs; crimes. These are the rules in the /nwhere there are guardians, there are struction for a New Code of Laws. But minors and immature minds unable to _an offense in words or in print is always

take care of themselves. If there are al- an offense. Under the law no one is ways to be nurses and guardians, then allowed to libel another, and everyone the child will walk with leading strings has the right to bring suit. But if one for a long time and will grow up to bea tells the truth about another, that can-

cripple. ... not, according to the law, be considered Having recognized the usefulness of a libel. What harm can there be if books

printing, the government has made it |

open to all; having further recognized 1 They tell of a censor of this sort who would that control of thought might invalidate not permit any works to be published in which its good intention in granting freedom _ God was mentioned, saying, “I have no business to set up presses, it turned over the cen- with Him.” If in any work the popular customs sorship or inspection of printed works he considered this inadmissible, saying, “Russia to the Department of Public Morals. Its has a treaty of friendship with that country.” duty in this matter can only be the pro- If a prince or count was mentioned anywhere,

. . : . of this or that foreign country were criticized,

hibition the sale of objectionable he did not permit for that to be have pr inted,princes saying, , .ofaor That is a personal allusion, we works. But even this censorship is super- and counts among our distinguished person-

fluous. A single stupid official in the De- _ ages.” ,

270 A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow are printed without a police stamp? Not stretch forth his audacious but mighty

only will there be no harm; there will and fearless arm against the idol of be an advantage, an advantage from the _ power, will tear off its mask and veil,

first to the last, from the least to the and lay bare its true character. Everygreatest, from the Tsar to the last citi- one will see its feet of clay; everyone

zen... , will withdraw the support which he had The dissenters from the revealed reli- given it; power will return to its source;

gion have so far done more harm in the idol will fall. But if power is not Russia than those who do not acknowl- _ seated in the fog of contending opinedge the existence of God, the atheists. _ions, if its throne is founded on sincerThere are not many of the latter among __ ity and true love of the common weal, us, because few among us are concerned _ will it not rather be strengthened when about. metaphysics. The atheist errs in its foundation is revealed? And will not

metaphysics; the dissenter in crossing the true lover be loved more truly? himself with only two fingers. Dissenters | Mutuality is a natural sentiment, and or raskol’niki is our name for all those __ this instinct is deeply implanted in our Russians who in any manner depart _ nature. A solid and firm building needs from the common doctrine of the Greek only its own foundation; it has no need

Church. There are many of them in _ of supports and buttresses. Only when Russia; hence they are allowed to hold it is weakened by old age does it have divine services. But why should not need of‘lateral support. Let the governevery aberration be permited to be out ment be honest and its leaders free from in the open? The more open it is, the —_ hypocrisy; then all the spittle and vomit quicker it will break down. Persecutions __ will return their stench upon him who

have only made martyrs; cruelty has has belched them forth; but the truth been the support of the Christian reli- will always remain pure and immacugion itself. The consequences of schisms _ late. He whose words incite to revolt (in

are sometimes harmful. Prohibit them. deference to the government, let us so They are propagated by example. De- denominate all firm utterances which stroy the example. A printed book will are based on truth but opposed to the not cause a raskol’nik to throw himself ruling powers) is just as much a fool as into the fire, but a moving example will. | he who blasphemes God. Let the govern-

To prohibit foolishness is to encourage ment proceed on its appointed path; it. Give it free rein; everyone will see then it will not be troubled by the empty what is foolish and what is wise. What is | sound of calumny, even as the Lord of

prohibited is coveted. We are all Eve’s Hosts is not disturbed by blasphemy.

children. | | : , But woe to it if in its lust for power it , But in prohibiting freedom of the offends against truth. Then even a

press, timid governments are not afraid thought shakes its foundations; a word of blasphemy, but of criticism of them- of truth will destroy it; a manly act will selves. He who in moments of madness _ scatter it to the winds. does not spare God, will not in moments A personal attack, if it is unjustly

of lucidity and reason spare unjust offensive, is a libel. A personal attack power. He who does not fear the thun- __ which states the truth is as admissible ders of the Almighty laughs at the gal- _as truth itself. If a blinded judge judges lows. Hence freedom of thought is terr- unjustly, and a defender of innocence fying to governments. The freethinker _ publicizes his unjust decision and shows who has been stirred to his depths will _up his wiles and injustice, that will be a

A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow 271 personal attack, but one that is permis- nor dishonor to the publication of a sible; if he calls him a venal, false, work. The curtain rises, and everyone stupid judge, that is a personal attack, eagerly watches the performance. If they but it is admissible. But if he begins to _ like it, they applaud; if not, they stamp

call him dirty names and slanders him and hiss. Leave what is stupid to the with offensive words such as one hears judgment of public opinion; stupidity in the marketplace, that is a personal will find a thousand censors. The most attack, but it is offensive and inadmis- vigilant police cannot check worthless sible. But it is not the business of the ideas as well as a disgusted public. They government to defend the judge, even will be heard just once; then they will though he may have been criticized un- die, never to rise again. But once we

justly. Not the judge, but the person have recognized the uselessness of the offended, should appear as plaintiff in censorship, or, rather, its harmfulness this case. Let the judge justify himself, in the realm of knowledge, we must also before the world and before those who recognize the vast and boundless use-

appointed him, by his deeds alone.? fulness of freedom of the press. ... Thus one must judge of a personal attack. It deserves punishment, but in MEDNOE print it will do more good than harm. If _... Twice every week the whole Russian everything were in order, if decisions Empire is notified that N.N. or B.B. is were always rendered in accordance unable or unwilling to pay what he has with the law, if the law were founded borrowed or taken or what is demanded on truth, and all oppression were barred of him. The borrowed money has been then perhaps, and only then, a personal spent in gambling, traveling, carousing,

attack might be injurious to the state. eating, drinking, etc.—or has _ been

tae given away, lost in fire or water, or N.N. I will close with this: the censorship _ or B.B. has in some other way gone into

of what is printed belongs properly to debt or incurred an obligation. Whatsociety, which gives the author a laurel ever the circumstances, the same story wreath or uses his sheets for wrapping 1s published in the newspapers. It runs paper. Just so, it is the public that gives like this: “At ten o’clock this morning, its approval to a theatrical production, by order of the County Court, or the and not the director of the theater. Simi- Munivipal Magistrate, will be sold at larly the censor can give neither glory _ public auction the real estate of Captain

2 Mr. Dickinson, who took part in the recent ve getty Vie a house located in. revolution in America and thus achieved fame, ? ° ? ’ and later became President of Pennsylvania, male and female. The sale will take did not disdain do battle those accusations who place at said attacked him.toThe mostwith heinous . house. Interested parties against him were published. The first officer A@Y CXamine the property before the of the. state went into the arena, published auction. his defense, justified himself, overthrew the There are always a lot of customers contentions of his opponents, and put them +). 4 bargain. The day and hour of the ‘to shame. ... This is an example worth imi- 8 Yy tating, of the way one ought to take revenge auction have come. P rospective buyers wnen publiclyi attacked by another in print. are gathering. In the hall where it is to inted word, one on leads others te conclude that what ie printed take place, those who are condemned to is true, and that he who seeks revenge is pre- be sold stand immovable. An old man, cisely such a man as he is described in print. seventy-five years of age, leaning on an

272 A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow , elmwood cane, is anxious to find out you not finally use deception, and, havinto whose hands fate will deliver him, ing married her to the companion of and who will close his eyes. He had your abominations, did you not in his been with his master’s father in the guise enjoy the pleasures she scorned to Crimean Campaign, under Field Mar- share with you? She discovered your shal Munnich. In the Battle of Frank- deception. Her bridegroom did _ not furt he had carried his wounded master touch her couch again, and since you on his shoulders from the field. On re- _ were thus deprived of the object of your turning home he had become the tutor _lust, you employed force. Four evildo-

of his young master. In childhood he _ ers, your henchmen, holding her arms had saved him from drowning, for, and legs—let us not go on with this. On jumping after him into the river into __her brow is sorrow, in her eyes despair. which he had fallen from a ferry, he had _—_She is holding a little one, the lamentasaved him at the risk of his own life. In _ ble fruit of deception or violence, but the

youth he had ransomed him from _living image of his lascivious father. prison, whither he had been cast for Having given birth to him, she forgot

debts incurred while he was a subaltern _his father’s beastliness and her heart of the Guards. The old woman, his wife, began to feel a tenderness for him. But is eighty years of age. She had been the _ now she fears that she may fall into the wet-nurse of the young master’s mother; — hands of another like his father. The later she became his nurse and had the little one—. Thy son, barbarian, thy supervision of the house up to the very blood! Or do you think that where there hour when she was brought out to this _—_— was no church rite, there was no obliga-

auction. During all the time of her serv- _ tion? Or do you think that a blessing

ice she had never wasted anything be- given at your command by a hired longing to her masters, had never con- preacher of the word of God has estab-

sidered her personal advantage, never lished their union? Or do you think lied, and if she had ever annoyed them, that a forced wedding in God’s temple

she had done so by her scrupulous can be called marriage? The Almighty honesty. The forty-year-old woman is a _ hates compulsion; He rejoices at the

widow, the young master’s wet-nurse. wishes of the heart. They alone are To this very day she feels a certain ten- pure. Oh, how many acts of adultery derness for him. Her blood flows in his —and violation are committed among us veins. She is his second mother, and he _ in the name of the Father of joys and owes his life more to her than to his nat- —_ the Comforter of sorrows, in the pres-

ural mother. The latter had conceived ence of His witnesses, who are unworthy him in lust and did not take care of him __ of their calling! The lad of twenty-five,

in his childhood. His nurses had really her wedded husband, the companion brought him up. They part from him as and intimate of his master. Savagery from a son. The eighteen-year-old girl and vengeance are in his eyes. He reis her daughter and the old man’s grand- _pents the service he did his master. In daughter. Beast, monster, outcast among his pocket is a knife; he clutches it firm-

men! Look at her, look at her crimson ly; it is not difficult to guess his cheeks, at the tears flowing from her thought—. A hopeless fancy! You will beautiful eyes. When you could neither | become the property of another. The ensnare her innocence with enticements master’s hand, constantly raised over and promises nor shake her stead fast- his slave’s head, will bend your neck to ness with threats and punishments, did _his every pleasure. Hunger, cold, heat,

A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow 973 punishment, everything will be against Who will return my body to our comyou. Noble thoughts are foreign to your mon mother, the moist earth? Who will

mind. You do not know how to die. You come to remember me at my grave? will bow down and be a slave in spirit Your warm tears will not fall upon it; I as in estate. And if you should try to _ shall not have that consolation.”

offer resistance, you would die a lan- Near the old woman stood a grownguishing death in fetters. There is no up girl. She, too, was sobbing. “Farejudge between you. If your tormentor well, friend of my heart; farewell, my does not wish to punish you himself, he shining sun. I, your betrothed, will will become your accuser. He will hand never know comfort or joy again. My you over to the governmental justice. friends will not envy me. The sun will Justice! Where the accused has almost not rise for me in joy. You are leaving no chance to justify himself! Let us pass me to pine away, neither a widow nor

by the other unfortunates who have a wedded wife. If our inhuman village

been brought out for sale. .. . elders had only let us get married, if

you, my darling, could have slept but

GoRopNYA one short night on my white breast. Per- | haps God would have taken pity on me

As I drove into this village, my ears and given me a little son to comtort were assailed not by the melody of me.”

verse, but by a heart-rending lament of The lad said to them: “Stop weeping, women, children, and old men. Getting stop rending my heart. Our Sovereign out of my carriage, I sent it on to the calls us to service. The lot fell on me. It post station, for I was curious to learn __ is the will of God. Those not fated to die

the cause of the disturbance I had no- will live. Perhaps I will come home to

ticed in the street. you with the regiment. I may even win Going up to one group of people, I rank and honors. Dear Mother, do not learned that a levy of recruits was the grieve. Take care of my Praskov’yushcause of the sobs and tears of the people ka.” This recruit was drafted from an crowded together there. From many vil- Economic village. lages, both crown and manorial, those From another group standing nearby

who were to be drafted into the army [I heard altogether different words.

had come together here. Amidst them I saw a man of about thirIn one group an old woman fifty ty, of medium size, standing erect and years of age, holding the head of a lad looking happily at the people around of twenty, was sobbing. “My dear child, him.

to whose care are you committing me? “The Lord has heard my prayers,” he To whom will you entrust the home of _ said. “The tears of an unfortunate man your parents? Our fields will be over- have reached the Comforter of all men. grown with grass, our hut with moss. I, Now I shall at least know that my lot your poor old mother, will have to wan- may depend on my own good or bad beder about begging. Who will warm my havior. Heretofore it depended on the decrepit body when it is cold, who will arbitrary whims of a woman. I am conprotect it from the heat? Who will give me food and drink? But all that does 3A village of serfs, formerly belonging to a

not weigh so heavily upon my heart as pour ins the sulaaton of mona this: who will close my eyes when. I die? longed to the state and were administered by Who will receive my maternal blessing? — the Economic College.

274. A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow soled by the thought that hereafter I they will never again call me Van’ka or shall not be flogged without a fair any other offensive name, that they will

trial!” never again call me like a dog by whis-

Having gathered from what he said tling. My old master, a kindhearted, that he was a manorial serf, I was curi- reasonable, and virtuous man, who ous to learn the cause of his unusual '— often lamented the fate of his slaves, joy. To my question he replied: “Dear wanted, on account of my father’s long sir, if a gallows were placed on one side _ service, to do something special for me; of you and a deep river ran on the other, _—_ so he gave me the same education as his

and you, standing between these two son. There was hardly any difference perils, could not possibly escape going _ between us, except that the cloth of his either to the right or to the left, into the = coat was perhaps better. Whatever they

noose or into the water, which would taught the young master, they taught you choose? Which would sense and me, too; our instruction was exactly the | impulse make you prefer? I think same, and I can say without boasting everyone would rather jump into the _ that in many things I did better than my

river, in the hope of escaping from young master. peril by swimming to the other shore. ““Vanyusha,’ the old master said to No one would willingly investigate the — mé, ‘your happiness depends entirely on

strength of the noose by putting his you. You have more of an inclination neck into it. This was my situation. A for learning and morality than my son. soldier’s life is a hard one, but better | He will be rich by inheritance and will than the noose. Even that would be all know no want, while you have known it right, if that were the end, but to die a _— from birth. So try to be worthy of the lingering death under the cudgel, under _ pains I have taken for you.’ When my the cat-o’-nine-tails, in chains, ina dun- young master was in his seventeenth geon, naked, barefooted, hungry, thirsty, year, he and I were sent to travel abroad

under constant abuse—my lord, al- with a tutor, who was told to look upon though you look upon your peasants as me as a traveling companion, not a your property, often less regarded than _— servant. As he sent me away, my old cattle, yet, unfortunately, they are not master said to me: ‘I hope that you will without feeling. You appear to be sur- _ return to give me and your parents joy. prised to hear such words from the lips | You are a slave within the borders of of a peasant; but why, when you hear _ this country, but beyond them you are them, are you not surprised at the cruel- free. When you return, you will not find

ty of your brothers, the noblemen?” fetters imposed upon you because of And in very truth I had not expected _—your birth.’ We were away for five years

such words from a man dressed in a and then returned to Russia, my young gray caftan and with his head shaven. master happy at the thought of seeing But wishing to satisfy my curiosity, I his father, and I, I must confess, flatterasked him to tell me how, being of such —ing myself that I would obtain what | a low estate, he had arrived at ideas had been promised. My heart was atremwhich are frequently lacking in men im- _ble as I again entered the borders of my

properly said to be nobly born. country. And indeed my foreboding was “If it will not tire you to hear my not false. In Riga my young master restory, I will tell you: I was born in ceived the news of his father’s death. He slavery, the son of my master’s former _—_ was deeply moved by it; I was thrown

valet. How happy I am to think that into despair. For all my efforts to win

A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow 275 his friendship and confidence had been must not permit any serfs to sit there. in vain. Not only did he not love me, He looked at me and, at her instance, but—perhaps from envy, as is charac- sent word to me that | should leave the

teristic of small souls—he hated me. table and eat my supper in my room. “Observing the anxiety produced in Imagine how deeply this humiliation me by the death of his father, he told hurt me! I suppressed the tears that me he would not forget the promise that came to my eyes, and withdrew. I did

had been made to me, if I would be not dare to make my appearance the worthy of it. It was the first time he had _ next day. They brought me my dinner

ventured to tell me so, for, having re- and supper without saying anything to ceived control of his property through me. And so it went on succeeding days. the death of his father, he had dismissed One afternoon, a week after the wedhis tutor in Riga, paying him liberally ding, the new mistress inspected the

for his labors. I must do justice to my house, and, after apportioning the former master: he has many good quali- duties and living quarters to all the ties, but timidity of spirit and thought- servants, entered my rooms also. They

lessness obscure them. had been furnished for me by my old “A week after our arrival in Moscow, master. I was not at home. I will not my master fell in love with a pretty girl, repeat what she said there, to ridicule but one who with her bodily beauty me, but when I returned home they gave combined a very ugly soul and a hard me her order, whereby I was sent down and cruel heart. Brought up in the con- to a corner on the ground floor with the ceit of her station, she respected only unmarried servants, where my bed and external show, rank and wealth. In two my trunk, with my clothes and linens, months she became my master’s wife, had already been placed; all my other and I became her slave. Until then I _ things she had left in my former rooms, had not experienced any change in my _ in which she installed her serving maids.

condition and had lived in my master’s “What took place in my soul when I house as his companion. Although he heard this is easier to feel, if you can, never gave me any orders, [ generally than to describe. But so as not to detain anticipated his wishes, as I was aware you with superfluous details: my misof his power and of my position. Scarce- _ tress, after taking control of the house

ly had the young mistress crossed the and finding that I had no aptitude for threshold of the house, in which she was service, made me a lackey and decked determined to rule, before I was made me out in livery. The least, imaginary aware of my hard lot. On the first eve- | remissness in my duties led to my ears ning after the wedding and all next day, being boxed, beatings, and the cat-o’-

when I was introduced to her by her _ nine-tails. O, my lord, it would have husband as his companion, she was oc- _ been better if I had never been born! cupied with the usual cares of a bride; | How many times did I complain against but in the evening, when a fairly large my dead benefactor for having fostered company came to the table and sat down _a_ responsive soul in me. It would have to the first supper with the newly mar- been better for me if I had grown up in ried pair, and I sat down in my usual ignorance and had never learned that I| place at the lower end of the table, the © am a man, equal to all others. Long,

new mistress said to her husband in a_ long ago I would have freed myself fairly loud voice that if he wished her from my hateful life, if I had not been to sit at the table with the guests, he held back by the prohibition of our Su-

276 A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow preme Judge. I determined to bear my _ ing; but I was brought before my mislot patiently. And I endured not only __ tress again. ‘I will forgive you your imbodily wounds, but also those which she _ pudence of yesterday,’ she said; ‘marry

inflicted upon my soul. But I almost my Mavrushka; she begs you to, and I broke my vow and cut short the miser- _ want to do this for her, because I love

able remains of my woeful life as a ree her even in her transgression.” ‘You

sult of a new blow to my soul. heard my answer yesterday,’ I said; ‘I “A nephew of my mistress, a young- _ have no other. I will only add that I will ster of eighteen years, a sergeant of the complain to the authorities against you Guards, educated in the fashion of Mos- for compelling me to do what you have

cow dandies, became enamored of a _ no right to.’ ‘Then it’s time for you to chambermaid of his aunt’s, and, having _ become a soldier!’ my mistress screamed

quickly won her ready favors, made her in a fury.—A traveler who has lost his a mother. Although he was usually quite — way in a terrible desert will rejoice less unconcerned in his amours, in this case _ when he finds it again than I did when I

he was somewhat embarrassed. For his heard these words. ‘Take him to be a , aunt, having learned about the affair, soldier!’ she repeated, and the next day forbade the chambermaid her presence, it was done. Fool! She thought that beand gently scolded her nephew. She in- ing made a soldier would be a punishtended, after the fashion of benevolent ment for me, as it is for the peasants. For mistresses, to punish the one whom she me it was a joy, and as soon as they had had formerly favored by marrying her shaved my forehead, I felt like a new off to one of the stable boys. But since man. My strength was restored. My they were all married already, and since, | mind and spirit began to revive. O hope, for the honor of the house, there had to | sweet solace of the unfortunate, remain

be a husband for the pregnant woman, _ with me!” A heavy tear, but not a tear she selected me as the worst of all the of grief and despair, fell from his eyes. servants. In the presence of her hus- I pressed him to my heart. His counteband, my mistress informed me of this _ nance was radiant with new joy. “All is as though it were a special favor. I could __ not yet lost,” he said; “you arm my soul

not stand this abuse any longer. ‘Inhu- against sorrow by making me feel that man woman!’ I cried. ‘You have the my misery is not endless.” power to torment me and to wound my From this unfortunate man I went to

body; you say the laws give you the a group in which I saw three men fetright to do this. I hardly believe it, but _ tered in the strongest irons. “It is amazI know full well that no one can be forced ing,” I said to myself as I looked at to marry.’ She listened to my words in __ these prisoners, “now they are downcast, ominous silence. Then I turned to her _—_ weary, timid, and they not only do not husband and said: “Ungrateful son of a _— want to become soldiers, but the greatest

generous father, you have forgotten his _ severity is required to force them into last will and testament, you have forgot- _ that status; but as soon as they become ten your own promise; but do not drive —_ accustomed to the execution of their to despair a soul nobler than yours! Be- _ hard duty, they grow alert and spirited, ware!’ I could say no more, because, by and even look with scorn upon their command of my mistress, I was taken to former condition.” I asked one of the the stable and whipped mercilessly with bystanders who, to judge from his unithe cat-o’-nine-tails. The next day could form, was a government clerk: “No hardly get up out of bed from the beat- doubt you have put them in such heavy

A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow 217 fetters because you are afraid they will do not freely wish to enter the army, no

run away?” one can now compel you to do so?”

“You guessed it. They belonged to a “Stop making fun of poor wretches, sir. landed proprietor who needed money Even without your jesting, it was hard for a new carriage and got it by selling | enough for us to part, one from his poor them to crown peasants, to be levied into _ old father, another from his little sisters,

the army.” a third from his young wife. We know I.—‘‘My friend, you are mistaken. that our master sold us as recruits for Crown peasants can’t purchase their a thousand rubles.”

brothers.” “If you did not know it before, you

He.—“It isn’t done in the form of a must know now that it is against the law sale. Having by agreement received the to sell men as recruits, that peasants canmoney, the master sets these unfortu- not legally buy men, that your master nates free; they are presumed to be ‘vol- _ has set you free, and that the purchasers

untarily’ registered as crown peasants intend to register you in their commune, of the commune which paid the money as though of your own free will.”

for them; and the commune, by com- “QO, sir, if that is really so, we do mon consent, sends them to be soldiers, thank you. When they line us up for They are now being taken with their muster, we will all say that we do not emancipation papers to be registered in want to become soldiers and that we are

our commune.” free men.”

Free men, who have committed no “Add to it that your master sold you

crime, are fettered, and sold like cattle! | at a time when such a sale was not legal, O laws! Your wisdom frequently resides and that they are delivering you up as only in your style! Is this not an open _ recruits in violation of the law.’”* One mockery? And, what is worse, a mock- can easily imagine the joy that lighted ery of the sacred name of liberty. Oh, if up the faces of these unfortunates. Leapthe slaves weighted down with fetters, ing up from their places and vigorously raging in their despair, would, with the shaking their fetters, they seemed to be

iron that bars their freedom, crush our _ testing their strength, as though they heads, the heads of their inhuman mas- would shake them off. But this conversa-

ters, and redden their fields with our tion could have gotten me into serious blood! What would the country lose by trouble, for the recruiting officers, havthat? Soon great men would arise from ing heard what I said, rushed toward among them, to take the place of the me in violent anger, and said, “Sir, don’t murdered generation; but they would be meddle with other people’s business, and of another mind and without the rightto get away while the getting’s good!” oppress others. This is no dream; my When I resisted, they pushed me so vio-

vision penetrates the dense curtain of lently that I was forced to leave this time that veils the future from our eyes. crowd as fast as I could. ...

I look through the space of a whole THE E ,

century. I left the crowd in disgust. MPRESS CATHERINE IPS NOTES ON THE JOURNEY

But the fettered prisoners are free now. If they had any fortitude, they [The starred pages here refer to the

could put to naught the oppressive in- Pages of Radishchev’s original edition

tentions of their tyrants. Let us go back of the Journey. ] to them.—“My fr iends,” [| said to the 4 During the time of a levying of recruits, captives, these prisoners of war in their was illegal to make any contract for the sale

own country, “do you know that if you of serfs.

978 A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow

No. 1 “The murder called war”: What do This book was printed in 1790 without ‘they want, to be left defenseless to fall mention of the printing press and with- captive to the Turks and Tatars, or to be out any visible permission at the begin- | conquered by the Swedes?

ning, although at the end it says: “With In criticizing the poor execution of the permission of the Department of | our commands, they are accusing themPublic Morals.” This is probably a lie, or selves.

else carelessness. The purpose of this Pages *77, *78 are written with a book is clear on every page: its author, _ seditious purpose, and the care taken in infected and full of the French madness, _— rooting out an evil is criticized adis trying in every possible way to break versely. . . .

down respect for authority and for the Page *81 is full of abuse, invective, authorities, to stir up in the people in- and evil-minded interpretation of things. dignation aganst their superiors and This villainy continues through the fol-

against the government. lowing pages: *82, *83, *84, and *85. He is probably a Martinist or some- But withal they were unable to censure thing similar. He has learning enough, the intentions, and so were obliged to and has read many books. He hasamel- __ turn to their fulfillment; hence they are

ancholy temperament and sees every- criticizing society, and not the Soverthing in a very somber light; conse- eign’s good heart or intentions. .. . quently he takes a bilious black and yel- Page *88. He refers to “information:

low view of things. what I have had the good luck to learn.” He has imagination enough, and he is I think that information was picked up

audacious in his writing. .. . in Leipzig; hence the suspicion falls on The author is maliciously inclined on = Messrs. Radischev and Chelishchev, the

page *60. This is particularly evident more so since they are said to have esfrom the following pages. Pages *72, tablished a printing press in their house. *73. They show clearly enough the pur- Pages *92, *93, *94, *95, *96, *97 pose for which this whole book was writ- _ preach the doctrines of the Martinists ten. It is a safe bet that the author’s mo- —_ and other theosophists.

tive in writing it was this, that he does Page *08 1S sO indecent that it can-

not have entrée to the palace. Maybe he not even be mentioned. had it once and lost it, but since he does *99, *100, *101. Speaking of Novgonot have it now but does have an evil __ rod, of its free government, and of Tsar and consequently ungrateful heart, he is —_ Ioann Vasil’evich’s cruelty to it, he does

strugeling for it now with his pen. On not say anything about the cause of this page *75. Our babbler, is timid. If he punishment, which was that, having acstood closer to the sovereign, he would cepted the union, Novgorod had surpipe a different tune. We have seen a lot __ rendered to the Polish Republic; conse-

of such humbugs, especially among the quently the Tsar punished the apostates Schismatics. The firmer their hearts, the and traitors, in which, to tell the truth, more they change when the time comes. he did not keep within bounds.

I do not know how great the lust for *102. The author cries: “But what

power is in other rulers; in me it is not right did he have to rage against them?

great. What right did he have to take NovgoPage *76. The fledglings teach the rod for himself?” Answer: the old right

mother bird. M alice is in the malicious; of sovereignty and the law of Novgorod

I have none of it. and of all Russia and of the whole world,

A Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow 279 which punishes rebels, and apostates is not a true Christian. And it seems | from the Church. But the question is probable that he has appointed himself raised here only to deny monarchical — the leader, whether by this book or by rights, and should therefore be left with- other means, in snatching the scepters

out an answer. from the hands of monarchs; but, since

On *103. The questions brought up one man alone could not do this, and here are the ones over which France is since there are indications that he has

now being ruined. a few accomplices, he should be ques-

No. 5 tioned on this matter, as well as on his Tell the author that I have read his eal intentions. And, since he himself book from cover to cover, and that in WTites that he loves the truth, he should the course of reading it I have come to be asked to say how the matter stood. wonder whether I may in some way have If, however, he does not write the truth, offended him. For I do not want to judge = shall be compelled to seek evidence, him without hearing him, although he and things will be worse for him than judges sovereigns without hearing their _ before.

justification. .. . On *453 the author promises a con*410, *411, *412, *413, *414, *415, tinuation of this book “‘on our return *416 continue to describe the miserable journey.” Where is this work? Was it

condition of the peasants. begun, and where is it? | On *418 begins the eulogy on Lomo- Of the line “With the permission of nosov, which continues to the end of the _ the Department of Public Morals” I will book. This contains praise of Mirabeau, say that it is a deceitful and contemptible

who deserves not once but many times act to add anything to a book after the over to be hanged. Here the Empress permission has been signed. It must be Elizabeth Petrovna is treated with dis- | determined how many copies were pubrespect. Here it is evident that the author __ lished and where they are.

MEMOIR ON ANCIENT

AND MODERN RUSSIA EXceERPTs | By Nicholas Karamzin Born into a middling gentry family near Samara, Karamzin (1766-1826) first made a name with his Letters of a Russian Traveller (1792-96), one of the best pieces of Russian prose of the period. A short story in the sentimental style, Poor Liza (1792), brought him fame overnight. In 1803 he was appointed Historiographer of the Russian Empire. His multivolume History of the Russian State achieved great popularity in his lifetime. His Memoir, presented to Alexander I in 1811, was a conservative’s attempt to stem the tide of change in the Russian government. It was a debate with the reformer Speransky, though the latter is not mentioned by name. Though the Memoir had no practical effect, it is of interest as a sample of the thinking of an important segment of literate Russia. The book is in three parts: a survey of Russian history to 1800; a consideration of several aspects of Alexander’s regime; and Karamzin’s recommendations for action. Sectious of the last two parts are reproduced here in the translation of Professor Richard Pipes of Harvard. Karamzin’s Letters of a Russian Traveller is available in an English translation. Professor Pipes’s Introduction to the Memoir is an excellent biography of the man; the same author has written “Karamzin’s Concept of Monarchy,” Harvard Slavic Studies, IV, 35-58. See also R. McGrew’s “Notes on the Princely Role in Karamzin’s History of the Russian State,’ American Slavic and East European Review, XVIII, 12-24, and Horace Dewey, “Sentimentalism in the Historical Writings of N. Karamzin,” American Contributions to the Fourth International Congress of Slavicists (Moscow, 1958). There is a chapter on Karamzin in Anatole Mazour, Modern Russian Historiography. Marc Raefi’s Michael Speransky is a study of the man whom Karamzin was attacking. Speransky also appears in Leo Tolstoy’s War - and Peace, Vol. II, Part III, chap. 18. See also A. Cross, “Karamzin and England,” Slavonic and East European Review, December, 1964, and his “Karamzin Studies,” ibid., January, 1967. Henry Nebel has written Karamzin: A Russian Sentimentalist. THE REIGN OF ALEXANDER I So far I have spoken of bygone reigns, Reprinted by permission of the publishers now I shall turn to the present reign, irom R. Pipes (ed.), Karamzin s Memoir on to my conscience and 471"! and Modern Russia (Cambridge, Mass: addressing g my myself y Harvard University Press, 1959), pp. 138-40,

to my sovereign, to the best of my un- 449.56, 158-67, 192-95, 200-204. Copyright

derstanding. What entitles me to do so? —_1959, by The President and Fellows of Harvard

My love for the fatherland and for the College. , 280

Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia 281 monarch, and some knowledge culled thority is nothing. Autocracy has foundfrom the chronicles of the world and _ ed and resuscitated Russia. Any change from conversations with great men, that __in her political constitution has led in is, from their works. What do I want? _ the past and must lead in the future to To test in good faith Alexander’s mag- her perdition, for she consists of very

nanimity, and to say what I consider many and very different parts, each of just, and what history some day shall = which has its own special civic needs;

confirm. what save unlimited monarchy can proTwo schools of thought predominated duce in’such a machine the required at the time of Alexander’s accession. unity of action? If Alexander, inspired Some urged that Alexander, to his eter- | by generous hatred for the abuses of nal glory, take steps to bridle the un- — autocracy, should lift a pen and prelimited autocracy which had had such scribe himself laws other than those of disastrous consequences in the reign of | God and of his conscience, then the his father. Others, dubious of the prac- _—‘true, virtuous citizen of Russia would

tical value of such an undertaking, presume to stop his hand, and to say: wanted him only to restore the ruined “Sire! you exceed the limits of your system of Catherine, which appeared so _— authority. Russia, taught by long disas-

happy and sound in comparison with _ ters, vested before the holy altar the Paul’s. In point of fact, can one limit | power of autocracy in your ancestor, autocracy in Russia without, at the same asking him that he rule her supremely, time, emasculating the tsar’s authority, indivisibly. This covenant is the foundasalutary for the country, and if so, how? — tion of your authority, you have no Superficial minds lose no time and an- _— other. You may do everything, but you swer: “Yes, one can. All one has to do may not limit your authority by law!”

is to establish the supremacy of law But let us assume that Alexander actuover all, including the monarch.” But ally prescribes royal authority some whom shall we entrust with the author- kind of statute based on the principles

ity over the inviolability of this law? | of public good, and sanctions it by a The Senate? The Council? Who will sit | sacred oath. Would such an oath be in these institutions? Will they be offi- capable of restraining Alexander’s succials selected by the sovereign or by cessors unless it were strengthened with the country? In the former event they other means, means which in Russia are will be an assembly of the tsar’s syco- either unfeasible or dangerous? No, let phants; in the latter they will want to us be done with schoolboy sophistries, argue with the tsar over authority—I and affirm that there is only one true see an aristocracy, not a monarchy. method for a sovereign to make certain Furthermore, what will the senators do that his successors do not abuse their ~

should the monarch violate the law? authority: let him rule virtuously, let Will they expostulate with His Majesty? | him accustom his subjects to goodness!

And should he have a good laugh at In this manner he will engender saluthem, will they declare him a criminal? tary customs, principles, and _ public Will they incite the people? ... Every | opinions which will keep future sovergood Russian heart shudders at this eigns within the bounds of legitimate frightful prospect. Two political authori- | authority far more efficiently than all ties in one state are like two dreadful the ephemeral forms. How? By inspiring

lions in one cage, ready to tear each them with a fear of arousing universal other apart; and yet law without au- hatred with a contrary system of gov-

282 Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia ernment. It may be safe occasionally for __ the political system of foreign countries,

one tyrant to follow another, but it is established ministries. To begin with, let never safe for him to follow a wise king! us call attention to the excessive haste

“The sweet repels us from the bitter,” with which this move was made. The said Vladimir’s legates after becoming ministries were created and set in moacquainted with kuropean religions. tion before the ministers had been proRussia was then unanimous in its’ vided with an Instruction, that is, with high esteem of the young monarch’s a dependable, clear guide to help them qualities. He has now ruled for ten carry out their important duties! Let us years, and there is no reason to change _ next inquire into their utility. Ministerial

this opinion. I will go further: there is bureaus have replaced colleges. Where general agreement that no monarch per- work had been carried out by eminent haps ever exceeded Alexander in his officials such as a president and several love for and dedication to the public assessors, men with long training and good, that none was as impervious to with a strong sense of responsibility for the lustre of his office, or as capable of _ their whole office, we came to see insigretaining simple human virtues on the _ nificant officials, such as directors, filing throne. But here I need spiritual forti- clerks, desk heads, who, shielded by the tude to speak the truth. Russia is seeth- minister, operated with utter impunity.

ing with dissatisfaction. Complaints are It may be countered that the minister heard in the palaces and in the cottages; did everything and answered for every-

the people lack confidence as well as thing; but in fact only ambition has no enthusiasm for the government, and bounds. Human capacity and ability are condemn strongly its aims and policies. quite narrowly circumscribed. For exAn amazing political occurrence! Usu- ample, was the Minister of the Interior, ally, the successor of a cruel monarch who appropriated for himself nearly all easily wins for himself general accept- of Russia, capable of gaining a good ance when he softens the political ré- insight into the endless stream of papers gime. How then shall we explain this flowing through his office? Could he

woeful condition of public opinion understand at all subjects of such diamong a people who have been calmed versity? [As a consequence of his inby Alexander’s gentleness, whom he had _ ability to do so] committees began to freed from the threat of unjust persecu- mushroom; they were like a parody of tion by the Secret Chancery and Si- the ministries, and demonstrated the latberian exile, and to whom he has given _ ter’s inability to provide an effective the freedom to enjoy all the pleasures government. At last the government realpermissible in civil societies? By the un- ized the excessive complexity of the

fortunate situation in Europe, and by Ministry of the Interior . . . and what what I consider to be important mis- did it do? It added a new ministry, one takes of the Government. For, alas, it is | whose structure was as complex and in-

possible with good intentions to err in comprehensible to Russians. What? the choice of means. Let us see. .. . Wardship comes under the Ministry of the Police? And medicines too? Etc.,

POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS etc. ... This ministry is either a mere Alexander, inspired with love for the department of the Ministry of the Incommon good, and with the best inten- terior, or it has been misnamed. And tions, took counsel, and, in accord with can this second reorganization be said the ideas of Field Marshal Miinnich and to have enhanced the government’s rep-

Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia 283 utation for wisdom? First it acts, and tends to acquire the habit of complaithen it says: “Sorry, we have made a __ sance himself.

mistake; this matter belongs not to this “Patience,” reply the royal counsebut to that ministry.” Such subjects lors, “we shall yet devise a method of must be the first thought over, for other- _ curbing ministerial authority” —and they

wise people lose confidence in the firm- issue the act establishing the Council.

ness of laws. Catherine II, too, had a council folIn the second place, the ministers, lowing the precept that two heads are having emerged upon the ruins of the better than one. What mortal can do colleges (since the isolated colleges of | without advice where important matters War and of Admiralty are of no signifi- are involved? Sovereigns need it most cance in this order), wedged themselves _ of all. In questions of war and peace, between the sovereign and the people, which call for an unequivocal yes- or no, eclipsing the Senate, and divesting it of | Catherine took the advice of certain se-

its power and greatness. And although lect lords. This was her council, one the ministers are subordinate to the — essentially secret, that is, special, the Senate insofar as they must submit re- empress’ own. She did not transform it ports to it, yet by being able to say: “I —_ into a formal state council because she had the pleasure to report to His Majes- did not want to destroy Peter’s Senate, ty!” they can silence the Senators, with which, as we have shown, cannot exist the result that so far this alleged respon- alongside another supreme governing

sibility has proven but a meaningless institution. What is to be gained from ritual. Edicts and laws submitted by the debasing the Senate in order to elevate ministers and approved by the sovereign another organ of government? If the are communicated to the Senate only for Senators are unworthy of royal trust, promulgation. From this it follows that they need only to be replaced. The SenRussia is governed by ministers, that is, ate cannot govern as long as the Counthat within his own department every _ cil, acting in lieu of it, reviews affairs minister may act at will. We ask: who formally and also in its own name, and, deserves more confidence: a single min- __ to boot, issues laws jointly with the

ister, or an assembly of most eminent sovereign. Nowadays, royal decrees statesmen, which we have to come to read: “having considered the Council’s regard as the supreme government, the opinion. . . .” Thus, the Senate is left principal instrument of royal power? out? What is it then? Will it stay asa True, the ministers constitute a Commit- mere court of law? ... We shall see, tee which is to approve every new estab- _ because we have been instructed to stand

lishment before its confirmation by the by for more supplementary state statmonarch. But does not this Committee utes, reforms of the Senate, gubernii, resemble a council of six or seven dif- _etc. “A monarchy,” writes Montesquieu,

ferent nationals, each of whom speaks ‘must have a repository of laws.” The his own language, and cannot under- points we have raised here cannot be stand the others? Must the Minister of materially affected by the impending the Navy grasp the subtleties of juridical changes: the Council will either perform

science, on the principles of political the functions of the Senate, or it will economy and trade, and so forth? What serve as its moiety, its department. All is even more important is that every _ this is playing with names and forms, it minister needs complaisant colleagues to _is to ascribe to them a significance which

satisfy his‘ own needs, and _ therefore objects alone possess. I congratulate the

284 Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia person who invented this new formula might have done was to have explained or preamble to laws: “Having consid- the advantages of these new institutions.

ered the Council’s opinion”—but the I read and see nothing but dry forms. Russian sovereign will take wisdom un- They draw lines for my eyes, leaving

der consideration wherever he happens my mind undisturbed. Russians are to find it: in his own mind, in books, in told: “So far it has been thus—now it the judgment of his best subjects. In an will be different.” Why? This they fail autocracy laws need no confirmation to say. Whenever Peter the Great carsave the signature of the sovereign; the ried out important political reforms, he

totality of power is his. The Council, used to give the nation an account;

the Senate, the committees and ministers take a look at his Church Statutes, in are nothing more than the agencies by which he opens to you his whole heart, means of which this authority operates, in which he reveals to you all the mothey are the sovereign’s proxies—where _ tives, all the causes as well as aims of he himself acts, they are not consulted. this statute. On the whole, Russia’s new The expression: “le conseil d’état en- legislators are distinguished more for

tendu” is meaningless to a Russian; let the art of clerkship than for that of the French, rightly or not, use it! ... statesmanship. They issue a project of

True, in Russia it also used to be writ- Ministerial Instruction. What could be ten: “The sovereign commanded, and _ more important or interesting? Here, no the Boyars concurred,” but this legal doubt, one can find defined the compeformula had been for some time a sort tence, purpose, method, and obligations of requiem for the defunct boyar aris- of every minister? . . . But nothing of

tocracy. Shall we revive the form when _ the kind! A few words are tossed out on both the thing and the form itself have _ the principal matter, and everything else

long ago been destroyed? consists of secretarial trivia: they tell The Council, it is said, will curb the how ministerial departments are to corministers. The emperor is going to sub- respond with each other, how papers are mit to the Council for its consideration to come and go, how the sovereign is to the most important ministerial proposals. open and close his rescripts! MontesIn the meanwhile, however, the minis- quieu suggests the symptoms which inters will continue to govern the country dicate the rise and decline of empires— in the sovereign’s name. The Council the author of this project provides with does not intercede in the normal course similar airs the criteria with which to of events, because it is consulted only on gauge the success or failure of a chanextraordinary occasions, and yet it is cery. I sincerely acclaim his knowledge this everyday course of political activity of this matter, but I condemn the folwhich determines whether our time is lowing resolution: “If the sovereign is-

blessed or cursed. sues an edict which is contrary to the Only those laws are salutary which judgment of the minister, then the min-

had for long been desired by the best ister is free not to countersign it.” It minds of the country, and of which, so follows that in an autocratic state the to say, the people have had a premoni- __ minister has the legal right to advise the

tion, insofar as they represent the read- public that in his opinion an edict is iest remedy for an acknowledged evil. harmful? The minister is the monarch’s The establishment of the ministries and arm, and nothing else! the arm does the Council was not anticipated by any- _ not judge the head. The minister affixes

one. The least the authors of this reform his signature to Personal Imperial

Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia 285 Edicts not for the benefit of the public benefits do not wholly inspire confibut for the emperor, as assurance that dence. The reforms accomplished so far they are written, word for word, as he _ give us no reason to believe that future has commanded. Such mistakes in funda- _ reforms will prove useful; we anticipate

mental political conceptions are scarcely them more with dread than with hope, excusable. In defining an important min- _for it is dangerous to tamper with anisterial responsibility the author writes: cient political structures. Russia, after “The minister is tried in two instances; all, has been in existence for a thousand when he oversteps the bounds of his years, and not as a savage horde, but as

authority, or when he fails to make use a great state. Yet we are being conof the means at his disposal to forestall stantly told of new institutions and of harm.” But where are these bounds of | new laws, as if we had just emerged authority and these means defined? One from the dark American forests! We re-

should first make the law, and then quire more preservative than creative speak of punishing the offender. And wisdom. Peter’s excesses in imitating can this notorious ministerial responsi- foreign powers are justly condemned by

bility really be a subject of trial in a history, but are they not worse yet in

Russian solemn court? Who selects the our own time? Where, in what Euroministers? The sovereign. Let him then pean country, do the people prosper, reward with his favor those who deserve where does justice flourish, where does

it, and dismiss those who do not, with- good order prevail, where are hearts out ado, quietly and discreetly. A bad content and minds at rest? In France? minister is the sovereign’s mistake; such _ It is true, they have a Conseil d’Etat,

mistakes ought to be corrected, but in Secrétaire d’Etat, Sénat conservateur, secret, so that the nation retains trust in Ministres de l’Intérieur, de la Justice, the personal choices of the tsars. des Finances, de l’Instruction publique, This is the light in which our good de la Police, des Cultes; it is equally Russians view the new political institu: true that Russia of Catherine II had tions; realizing how unripe these insti- _ neither these institutions nor these offtutions are they long for the old order. _cials. Yet where do we find a civil soci-

In the brilliant reign of Catherine II, ety fulfilling its true mission—in the when we had a Senate, colleges, and a _— Russia of Catherine II, or in the France

Procurator-General, our affairs made of Napoleon? Where do we find more satisfactory progress. Prudent legisla- arbitrary power and absolutist whim? tors of the past, when compelled to in- Where are the affairs of state handled troduce changes into the political sys- with greater legality and order? We tems, tried to depart as little as possible perceive in Alexander’s beautiful soul a

from the old. “If you have no choice fervent desire to institute in Russia the but to alter the number of officials and rule of law. He could have attained this their authority,” says the sage Machia- aim more readily, and made it more velli, “then, for the sake of the people, difficult for his successors to deviate do at least keep their titles unchanged.” from the lawful order, had he left the We do quite the opposite; leaving the old institutions intact but imbued them, thing itself unchanged, we invent titles, so to say, with a constant zeal to serve and contrive different methods to pro- the public interest. It is far easier to duce the same effect! An evil to which change new things than old ones. Alexwe have grown accustomed bothers us _ander’s successors are much more likely

much less than a new evil, while new to be impressed with the power which

286 Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia is heightened in the Senate than that Roman laws. Our priests are given an which is attributed to the present Coun- education of sorts at the seminaries, and cil. Novelties breed novelties, and en- proceed no further. As for the academic

courage despotic licentiousness. profession, its rewards are yet so unLet us say once and let us say again familiar in Russia, that it will be a long that one of the main reasons for the dis- | time before parents will decide to presatisfaction of Russians with the present pare their sons for it. Instead of the government is its excessive fondness for sixty professors whom we had called political changes, changes which shake from Germany to Moscow and the other the foundations of the empire, and the cities, ] would have invited twenty at advantages of which are still an open most, but I would have spared no ex-

question. pense to increase the number of government scholarships at the gymnasia;

EDUCATION needy families, enrolling their sons The intentions of Alexander demonstrate there, would bless the sovereign’s genconsistently his desire to promote the erosity, and thus, poverty aided by charpublic good. Abhorring the senseless ity, would produce in Russia in a decade principle which holds that the tranquil- or two a profession of scholars. I dare

lity of the sovereign entails the igno- say no other method can be as effective rance of his subjects, he has spent mil- in bringing this undertaking to a suclions to found universities, gymnasia, cessful conclusion. The constructing and schools. ... Alas, these measuresturn and purchasing of buildings for univerout to cause greater loss to the treasury _ sities, the founding of libraries, cabithan they bring benefit to the fatherland. nets, and scholarly societies, and the The professors have been invited before calling of famous astronomers and phithere were students to hear them, and _lologists from abroad—all this is throwthough many of these scholars are prom- _ing dust in the eyes. What subjects are

inent, few are really useful; for the stu- not being taught today even at such dents, being but poorly acquainted with places as Kharkov and Kazan! And this Latin, are unable to understand these at a time when it takes the utmost effort _ foreign instructors, and are so few in _ to find in Moscow a teacher of Russian, number that the latter lose all desire to _ when it is virtually impossible to find in

appear in class. The trouble is that we the whole country a hundred men who have built our universities on the Ger- know thoroughly the rules of orthogman model, forgetting that conditions in raphy, when we lack a decent grammar,

Russia are different. At Leipzig or Got- when imperial decrees make improper | tingen a professor need only to appear use of words; the important Bank Act, on the platform for the lecture hall to for instance, says: “to give money with-

fill with an audience. In Russia there out time limit,” instead of “a perpeare no lovers of higher learning. The tuite,” “without repayment,” and the gentry perform service, while the mer- Manifesto on Commercial Tariffs speaks

chants care only to obtain a thorough of “shortening the importation of merknowledge of mathematics or of foreign _chandise,” etc., etc. Let us also call atlanguages for purposes of trade. How _ tention to certain strange features of this many young men in Germany study to _ new educational system. The best profes-

become lawyers, judges, pastors, pro- sors, who should devote their time to fessors! Russian scribes and judges, on science, are busy furnishing candles and

the other hand, have no need to know firewood to the university! Their eco-

Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia 287 nomic responsibilities comprise also the the past, functionaries of the most en-

upkeep of the one hundred or more lightened states had been required to schools which are subordinated to the know only what was essential to their University Council. In addition, the pro- work: the engineer, engineering, the fessors are required annually to travel judge, law, and so on. But in Russia, around the provinces to inspect schools. _ the ofhcial presiding in the Civil Court How much wasted money and effort! Pre- | must know Homer and Theocritus, the viously, the economy of the university Senate Secretary—the properties of oxy-

was entrusted to the care of a special gen and all the gases, the Deputy Govuniversity chancery, and properly so. ernor—Pythagorean geometry, the suLet the superintendent of schools inspect _perintendent of a lunatic asylum—Rothe district schools in his province once _—_man law, or else they will end their days

every three years, but it is absurd as as Collegiate or Titular Counselors. Nei-

well as pathetic to see these poor pro- ther forty years of state service nor fessors being shaken up and down in _ important accomplishments exempt one kibitkis on their annual peregrinations! from the obligation of having to learn They can learn the condition of every things which are entirely alien and use-

gymnasium or school from the latter’s less for Russians. Never before had reports, without ever stepping outside love of knowledge led to an act so conthe Council: well-attended schools are trary to the spirit of knowledge! It is good, poorly attended schools are bad, amusing that the author of the Instrucand bad schools are almost always the tion which commands everyone to masresult of one and the same cause, namely, __ ter rhetoric, should himself be guilty of

poor teachers. Why not appoint good grammatical errors! . . . But let us leave

ones? Are there none? Or are they in alone the ridiculous, and turn to the short supply? ... What is responsible harmful prospects of this act. Heretofor this? The inactivity of the local fore, the gentry and the other classes of Pedagogical Institute (I speak only of | Russia sought in the service either disthe one in Moscow, with which I am _tinctions or emoluments. The former acquainted). Professorial jaunts will not _ motive is harmless; the latter dangerous, remedy this shortcoming. Altogether, so since inadequate salaries expose covetfar the Ministry of so-called Education ous men to all the temptations of graft. in Russia has done nothing but slumber, Under conditions now in force, what

as if it were unaware of its importance can provide a Titular or Collegiate and wanting a course of action, waking Counselor with an inducement for servup from time to time only to demand of __ ice in case he happens to be ignorant of the sovereign money, distinctions, and physics, statistics, or the other sciences?

medals. ‘The better, i.e., ambitious officials, will Having done much to promote in retire; the inferior, i.e., greedy ones will

Russia the cause of learning, and noting _ remain in the service to fleece the living with displeasure the gentry’s lack of in- _and the dead. Instances of this are occur-

terest in university studies, the govern- ring already. Instead of enacting this ment resolved to make academic pur- new decree, one need only have enforced

suits mandatory, and issued the ill- the provisions of the University Act, advised Examination Act. Henceforth, which requires young men, prior to enno one is to be promoted to the rank of _ try into the service, to show proof of Counselor of State or Collegiate Asses- studies. From beginners one may ask sor without a certificate of studies. In anything, but it is unfair to confront an

288 Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia old official with new conditions of serv- chase a recruit, so as to keep his family ice; he has turned gray on his job, re- _ intact. Now he has lost his most powerlying on the rules of honor, and hoping _ful incentive to engage in beneficent

some day to obtain the rank of Coun- hard work and stay sober. Of what use selor of State, promised him by law— is wealth to a parent if it cannot save and now you violate this state contract. his beloved son? Yes, inn-keepers reMoreover, instead of general knowledge, joice, but the heads of families weep. every man should be required to know ‘The state must have its recruits—it is only that which is necessary for the better to draw them from miserable than service to which he wants to devote him- from happy people, for the latter are self. Examine the lower officials of the incomparably worse off in the army College of Foreign Affairs in statistics, than they were before. I would like to history, geography, diplomacy, and lan- _ask whether the peasants of a tyrannical

guages; others only in their native landlord—one whose greed is such that tongue and in Russian law, and not in — he would be capable of selling them as Roman law, which is of no use to us; —_—recruits—prosper from the prohibition

others yet in geometry in case they as- of such sales? If anything, their lot may pire to becoming surveyors, etc. To seek _ be less miserable in the regiments! But

the superfluous is as bad as to reject as for the landowners of modest means,

the necessary. , they have now lost an opportunity of ridding themselves of unsatisfactory

SERFDOM AND THE PROBLEM peasants or household serfs, to their

OF EMANCIPATION own and to society’s benefit; under the

The Examination Act was everywhere old system the lazy intemperate peasant greeted with sarcastic ridicule. The act would mend his ways in the strict milito which I want to turn next has of- tary school, while the diligent, sober one

fended many and gladdened no one, would remain behind the plow. Morealthough the sovereign, when he issued _ over, the example itself exercised a saluit, was inspired by the most sacred hu- tary effect, and other peasants swore off manitarianism. We have heard of mon- _ the bottle knowing the master’s rights to strous landowners who engaged in an _ sell them as recruits. What means has a inhuman traffic with people. Having pur- _— petty landowner nowadays with which chased a village, these men picked the _ to frighten his dissolute peasants when

peasants fit for military service, and it is not his turn to furnish recruits? then sold them without land. Let us The cane? Backbreaking labor? Is it assume that there still are such beasts _not more useful to have them frightened today. Trade of this kind should then be of the cane in the ranks of the military outlawed by a strict decree, containing company? One may argue that our sol-

a proviso that the estates of the un- diers have improved as a result of this worthy landowners engaging in it areto _—_ decree, but have they indeed? I inquired

be placed under guardianship. The en- _ of generals—they have not noticed it. At

forcement of such a law could be en- any rate; it is true that the village peastrusted to the governors. Instead of do- ants have deteriorated. The father of ing this, the government outlaws the three or even two sons readies in good

sale and purchase of recruits. In the time one of them for the draft, and past, the better farmer toiled gladly for keeps him unmarried; the son, knowing ten, twenty years in order to accumulate what awaits him, drinks, because good

700 or 800 rubles with which to pur- behavior will not save him from mili-

: Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia 289 tary service. The legislator should view between serfs and kholopy disappeared things from a variety of angles and not _ entirely. It follows: (1) that the present-

merely from one; or else, extirpating day proprietary serfs were never landone evil, he may occasion yet greater owners; that is, they never had land of

evil. their own, which is the lawful, inalienThus we are told that the present able property of the gentry; (2) that the government had the intention of eman- serfs who are descended of the kholopy

_ cipating proprietary serfs. One must are also the lawful property of the genknow the origins of this bondage. In try and cannot be personally emanciRussia in the ninth, tenth, and eleventh pated without the landlords’ receiving centuries the only bondmen were the some special compensation; (3) that kholopy, i.e., either foreigners captured only the free peasants who were bound to

in war or purchased, or criminals de- their masters by Godunov may, in jusprived by law of citizenship, together tice, demand their previous freedom; with their descendants. But rich men, but since (4), we do not know which of disposing of a multitude of kholopy, pop- _ them are descended of the kholopy, and

ulated their lands with them, and in this which of free men, the legislator faces manner arose the first serf villages in no mean task when he tries to untie this the modern sense of the word. Further- Gordian knot, unless he is bold enough more, proprietors also admitted into to cut through it by proclaiming all to servitude free peasants on terms which _ be equally free: the descendants of war more or less constrained the latter’s nat- captives, purchased, lawful slaves, as ural and civil liberties; some of these well as the descendants of enserfed peaspeasants, upon receipt of land from the ants, the former being freed by virtue proprietor, committed themselves and of the law of nature, and the latter by the children to serve him forever. This virtue of the power of the autocratic was the second source of slavery in the monarch to abrogate the statutes of his countryside. Other peasants—and they predecessors. I do not want to pursue constituted the majority—rented land this controversy further, but I should from the owners in return for a pay- like to point out that as far as the state ment consisting only of money or a set is concerned, natural law yields to civil quantity of cereals, while retaining the _law, and that the prudent autocrat abroright to move on elsewhere after the ex- gates only those laws which have bepiration of a fixed period of time. These come harmful or inadequate, and which free movements, however, had their can be replaced by superior ones. drawbacks, for great lords and wealthy What does the emancipation of serfs men lured free peasants away from weak _in Russia entail? That they be allowed landlords, and the latter, left with de- to live where they wish, that their masserted fields, were unable to meet their ters be deprived of all authority over state obligations. Tsar Boris was the them, and that they come exclusively unfirst to deprive all peasants of this free- der the authority of the state. Very well. dom to move from place to place, that But these emancipated peasants will is, he bound them to their masters. Such have no land, which—this is incontrowas the beginning of general bondage. _vertible—belongs to the gentry. They This law was changed, limited, and made __ will, therefore, either stay on with their

subject to exceptions; it was tried in present landlords, paying them quitrent, courts for many years; at last it attained _—_ cultivating their fields, delivering bread to full force, and the ancient distinction | where necessary—in a word, continuing

290 Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia to serve them as before; or else, dissat- ond. Alexander wishes to improve the isfied with the terms, they move to an- lot of the peasants by granting them other, less exacting, landlord. In the first freedom; but what if this freedom

case, is it not likely that the masters, should harm the state? And will the relying on man’s natural love for his peasants be happier, freed from their native soil, will impose on the peasants masters’ authority, but handed over to the most onerous terms? Previously they their own vices, to tax farmers, and to

had spared them, seeing in the serfs unscrupulous judges? There can be no their own property, but now the greedy question that the serfs of a sensible land-

among them will try to exact from the lord, one who contents himself with a peasants all that is physically possible. moderate quitrent, or with labor on a The landlords will draw up a contract, desiatina of plowland for each housethe tiller will renege—and there will be hold, are happier than state peasants, lawsuits, eternal lawsuits! In the second for they have in him a vigilant protector case, with the peasant now here, now and defender. Is it not better quietly to there, won’t the treasury suffer losses in _ take measures to bridle cruel landlords?

the collection of the soul-tax and other These men are known to the governors. revenues? Will not agriculture suffer as If the latter faithfully fulfill their oblliwell? Will not many fields lie fallow, gations, such landlords will promptly and many granaries stay empty? After become a thing of the past; and unless all, the bread on our markets comes, for Russia has wise and honest governors, the most part, not from the free farmers _ the free peasants will not prosper either.

but from the gentry. And here is one I do not know whether Godunov did more evil consequence of emancipation: well in depriving the peasants of their

the peasants, no longer subjected to freedom since the conditions of that seignorial justice from which there is time are not fully known. But I do know no appeal and which is free of charge, that this is not the time to return it to will take to fighting each other and liti- them. Then they had the habits of free

gating in the city—what ruin! ... Freed men—today they have the habits of from the surveillance of the masters who slaves. It seems to me that from the dispose of their own zemskaia isprava, point of view of political stability it is or police, which is much more active safer to enslave men than ty give them than all the Land Courts, the peasants freedom prematurely. Freedom demands

will take to drinking and villainy— preparation through moral improvewhat a gold mine for taverns and cor- ment—and who would call our system rupt police officials, but what a blow to of wine-farming and the dreadful prevmorals and to the security of the state! alence of drunkenness a sound prepIn short, at the present time, the gentry, aration for freedom? In conclusion, we dispersed throughout the realm, assist have this to say to the good monarch: the monarch in the preservation of peace “Sire! history will not reproach you for and order; by divesting them of this the evil which you have inherited (assupervisory authority, he would, like suming that serfdom actually is an unAtlas, take all of Russia upon his shoul- equivocal evil), but you will answer ders. Could he bear it? A collapse would before God, conscience, and posterity be frightful. The primary obligation of for every harmful consequence of your the monarch is to safeguard the inter- own statutes.” nal and external unity of the state; bene- I do not condemn Alexander’s law fiting estates and individuals comes sec- permitting villages to gain their freedom

Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia 291 with their masters’ permission. But are dence spot such men even from afar, many of them sufficiently rich to avail and appoint them to the very highest themselves of it? Will there be many positions. Appointments must be made prepared to surrender all they have in _ strictly according to ability not only in return for freedom? The serfs of hu- republics, but also in monarchies. Some mane landlords are content with their men are gradually led, others are lifted lot; those who serve bad landlords are _ to great heights by the omnipotent arm impoverished—the situation of both cat- of the monarch; the law of gradual egories renders this law ineffectual. progress holds for most, but not for all men. A person endowed with a ministe-

THE IMPORTANCE OF FINDING rial mind must not end up as a head PROPER MEN FOR GOVERN- clerk or secretary. Rank depreciates not

MENT SERVICE from the rapidity of promotion, but from

The main trouble with the legislators of | the stupidity or disrepute of the dignithe present reign is their excessive rev- _taries who hold it; and as for the envy erence for political forms. This weakness which a meritorious person provokes, it

accounts for the invention of various dissipates quickly. You do not form a ministries, the founding of the Council, useful ministry by composing an inand so forth. The work itself is per- struction, but by preparing good minformed no better—it is merely per- isters. Although it is true that their proformed in offices and by officials of a _posals are examined by the Council, yet different designation. Let us follow a what assurance have you of the wisdom different principle, and say that what of its members? Over-all wisdom comes

matters are not forms, but men. Retain only of individual wisdom. In short, the ministries and the Council: they will | what we need now above all, is men!

prove useful as long as they are staffed But these men are needed not only throughout with wise and honest men. for the ministries and Council, but also Thus, our first good wish is: may God and particularly for the office of govfavor Alexander in the successful choice —_ ernor. Russia consists not of Petersburg

of men! The greatness of the internal and not of Moscow, but of fifty or more policies of Peter was due to his ability subdivisions know as gubernii. If all _to make such choices, and not to the es- — goes well there, then the ministers and

tablishment of the Senate or the col- the Council can rest on their laurels; leges. This monarch was passionately and it will go well there if you find in

fond of able men. He looked for them _ Russia fifty wise and conscientious indiin monastic cells and in dark ship cab- _ viduals to devote themselves zealously to

ins: there he found Feofan and Oster- the well-being of the half million Rusmann, men celebrated in our political sians entrusted to each of them, to curb history. Alexander is faced with differ- the rapacious greed of minor officials ent circumstances and endowed with and cruel landlords, to re-establish jusdifferent spiritual qualities of modesty tice, pacify the land-tillers, encourage and serenity from Peter, who went merchants and industry, and to protect everywhere alone, spoke to everyone, _ the interests of the exchequer and the listened to everyone, and ventured to nation. If the governors cannot or will assess the quality of a person from a not accomplish these things, they are single word, a single glance. But let the badly chosen; if they lack the means to

rule remain the same; seek men! Let do so, then the structure of gubernahim who enjoys the sovereign’s confi- torial authority is unsound. (1) What

292 Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia manner of men are most contemporary nors who answer to the sovereign for | governors? Men without talent, who al- the tranquillity of the country, and do so

low their secretaries to profit from al] to a far greater extent than all the minkinds of wickedness, or men without _ isters, counselors, and Senators living in conscience, who derive profit from wick- St. Petersburg. Is this one consideration edness themselves. One need not leave not proof enough that we must raise the Moscow to be aware that the head of a_ dignity of the governor’s office by encertain province is a fool, and has been dowing it with universal respect? Model one for a long time! While in another your governors on the viceroys of Cathhe is a thief, and has been one for a_ erine; give them the dignity of senators,

long time! ... The land buzzes with and reconcile their authority with that rumor, but the ministers either do not of the ministers, whose true function know it, or do not want to know it! should be merely to serve as secretaries What is the use of your new ministerial of the sovereign in the various branches institutions? Why do you write laws— of government—and then all you will for posterity? Men, not documents, gov- _ need to know is how to choose men!

erm ®) In theonly past,tothe was THE ROLE OF THE GENTRY subordinated thegovernor Senate; now, he must, in addition, deal with various IN THE RUSSIAN SYSTEM ministers. How much bother and writ- Autocracy is the Palladium of Russia; ing! And, worst of all, many branches _ on its integrity depends Russia’s happiof the provincial administration are out- ness. But from this it does not follow side his competence, such as schools, — that the sovereign, in whose hands rests imperial domains, state forests, high- the plenitude of power, should degrade ways, waterways, and the mail. What a _ the gentry, who are as ancient as Russia great diversity ond profusion! In con- _ herself. The gentry were never anything

sequence of this arrangement, the gu- except a brotherhood of outstanding bernia has not one chief, but many, men serving the grand princes or tsars. some of whom reside in Petersburg and __ It is bad when a servant obtains mastery

some in Moscow. Such a system of gov- over a weak lord, but a prudent lord ernment is in violent conflict with our respects his choice servants, and consid-

ancient, truly monarchic system, in ers their honor his own. The rights of which unity and forcefulness of power the well-born are not something apart was attained by having it concentrated from monarchical authority—they are in the hands of the viceroy. Each gu- its principal and indispensable instrubernia represents Russia in microcosm. mentality by means of which the body _ We want the whole country to be gov- politic is kept in motion. Montesquieu erned by a single authority, and its said: “point de Monarque—point de noconstituent parts by many. We fear blesse; point de noblesse; point de Moabuses in the central government, but narque!” The gentry are a hereditary do they not exist in the local govern- estate. Some people must be trained to ment? As a large house cannot be run fulfill certain obligations so as to main-

in an orderly fashion unless it has a_ tain order and provide the monarch steward who accounts for everything to with a source whence to draw the servthe master, so the gubernii will be put ants of the state. The people labor, the

in order only when we terminate the merchants trade, and the gentry serve, regime which permits so many officials for which they are rewarded with disto function independently of the gover- _ tinctions and benefits, respect and com-

Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia 293 fort. Personal changeable ranks cannot powerfully attracted to distinctions replace the hereditary, permanent no- which his ancestors have earned and he bility, and, necessary as they are to himself will earn by his own accomplishmark grades in the state service, in a ments. These attitudes and feelings im-

sound monarchy they must not be al- bue him with that nobility of spirit lowed to encroach upon the fundamental _ which, among other things, was the rea-

rights of the nobility, or to acquire its son for the institution of the hereditary privileges. Noble status should not de- _ nobility. It is an important excellence pend on rank, but rank on noble status; = which the natural gifts of a commoner

that is, the attainment of certain ranks can but seldom supplant, because a should be made unconditionally depend- | commoner, dreading scorn even when ent on the candidate’s being a gentleman, _he enjoys an eminent status, usually dis-

a practice we have failed to observe likes the gentry, and hopes with perfrom the time of Peter the Great, an sonal arrogance to make others forget officer being ipso facto a nobleman. Su- __his base origin. Virtue is rare. You must

perior talent, which is not related to seek in the world common rather than class origin must not be barred from _ superior souls. It is not my opinion, but higher office—but let the sovereign that of all deep-thinking statesmen, that knight a person before bestowing upon a monarchy is buttressed by firmly eshim high rank, and let him do so with tablished rights of the wellborn. Thus, I some solemn ceremony, on the whole wish that Alexander would make it a seldom, and with utmost selectivity. The rule to enhance the dignity of the gen-

advantages of such a practice are evi- try, whose splendor may be called a ' dent: (1) Frequent promotion of com- __ reflection of the tsar’s aureole. This aim moners to the rank of minister, lord, or _is to be attained not only by means of general must be accompanied by a grant __ state charters, but also by those, so to of wealth, which the aureole of eminent say, innocent, effortless signs of consid-

office requires. This drains the treasury. eration, which are so effective in an ... The gentry, on the other hand, hav- _—autocracy. For instance, why should the

ing inherited wealth, can manage even emperor not appear occasionally at solin the higher posts without financial | emn assemblies of the nobility as their assistance from the treasury. (2) The chairman, and not in the uniform of a gentry feel offended when they find the guards officer, but in that of a noblesteps of the throne occupied by men of | man? This would be far more effective low birth, where, since the days of old, than eloquent letters and wordy assurthey had been accustomed to see digni- ances of royal esteem for the society of

fied boyars. This is unobjectionable the wellborn. But the most effective when these men are distinguished by method of elevating the gentry would be uncommon and sublime talents; but if a law admitting every nobleman into they are men of ordinary ability, then _ military service in the rank of an officer, it is better that their positions be given _ conditional only on his knowing well the

to gentlemen. (3) The mind and heart _ essentials of mathematics and of Rus-

are furnished by nature, but they are sian. Limit the payment of wages to formed by upbringing. A gentleman, fa- _recruits—and all the wellborn, in acvored by fortune, is accustomed from cord with the interests of the monarchy

birth to feel self-respect, to love the founded on conquests, shall take to fatherland and the sovereign for the ad- swords instead of the penholders with

vantages of his birth-right, and to be which the rich and poor alike among

294 Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia them equip their sons to serve in chan- heroes! ceries, archives, and courts, much tothe THE ROLE OF THE CLERGY detriment of the state; for at present the As with the gentry, so with the clergy: gentry feel a revulsion to the barracks its usefulness to the state is proportionwhere their youths, sharing with com- ate to the general respect which it enmon soldiers menial work as well as joys among the people. I do not propose menial amusement, may suffer corrup- to re-establish the Patriarchate, but I tion of health and morals. Indeed, what should like to see the Synod have a is there among things necessary for the more important body of members and service that one cannot learn in an ofh- sphere of action. I wish it consisted encer’s rank? And it is much pleasanter tirely of archbishops, and that it met in for a noble to acquire learning at this joint sessions with the Senate on imporrank than as a noncommissioned officer. _ tant occasions when the state issues new Were this done, our armies would profit fundamental laws in order to hear them

from the influx of young, well-educated read, to accept them into their reposinobles, who now, waste away as court tiones of law, and to promulgate them clerks. The guards would remain an —of course, without any contradiction. exception—in the guards only would Efforts are being made right now to innobles begin service as noncommissioned _ crease the number of clerical schools,

officers. But in the guards, too, a ser- but it would be better yet to pass a geant of gentle birth should be distin- law which would prohibit the investiture guished from the son of a soldier. Mili- of eighteen-year-old pupils, and introtary discipline which does not help us duce a strict examination as a prerequiwin victories can and ought to be re- site of every investiture whatsoever ; allaxed. Severity in trifles destroys the °° One which would insist that bishops zeal for work. Keep the warriors busy show greater concern for the morals of

. thegames parishioners, employing fornot this: purwith or guard parades, but . . pose the sensible and efficacious means

to the point of exhaustion. Work on the furnished them bj y the Synod, and con

soul even more than on the body. The ceived as well by Peter the Great. The heroes of the guard parade turn into character of these important spiritual cowards on the battlefield; how many dignitaries is always a good indicator

examples have we known! In Catherine’s of g people’s moral condition. Good govtime, officers sometimes went about in ernors are not enough. Russia also needs

evening clothes, but they went bravely good priests. Having both we shall reinto battle as well. The French are no quire nothing more, and envy no one pedants, and win. We saw the Prussian _in Europe.

THE DECEMBRISTS EXTRACTS FROM DOCUMENTS

The Decembrist uprising in 1825 is sometimes called the first Russian revolution. Though unsuccessful, it lived on in the minds of those who would some day overthrow the autocracy forever. Our selections will suggest some of the thoughts, plans, and programs of those who wanted to reorganize Russia along more democratic lines. The statements are taken from the testimony of several Decembrist leaders before the investigation commission charged by Nicholas I to reveal the causes and nature of the conspiracy designed to topple his throne. The Decembrist Movement (paperback), edited by Marc Raeff, has additional documents on the topic. Mikhail Zetlin’s The Decembrists is a portrait of the men and their venture. Marc Raeff’s Michael Speransky has an account of their trial. Constantin de Grunwald’s Nicholas I is a biography of the monarch against whom the movement was directed. Franco Venturi’s Roots of Revolution (paperback) begins with the Decembrists. Sergei Utechin’s Russian Political Thought (paper-

back) considers them also. There are chapters on the Decembrists in Thomas Masaryk’s The Spirit of Russia; Stuart Tompkins’ The Russian Mind; Avram Yarmolinsky’s The Road to Revolution (paperback) ; Max Laserson’s The American

Impact on Russia (paperback); and Sidney Monas’ The Third Section. See also two articles on Pestel: “The Character of Pestel’s Thought,” by Arthur Adams, in the American Slavic and East European Review, Vol. XXII, and “Pavel Pestel: The Beginnings of Jacobin Thought in Russia,” in the [nternational Review of Social History, Vol. III (1958). There is a Soviet study by V. Tarasova, “The Decembrist Nikolai Turgenev and the Struggle against Slavery in the USA,” Soviet Studies in History, Summer, 1964.

EXTRACTS FROM PESTEL’S ficult to answer, for it must go beyond

TESTIMONY the realm of discussion about the secret

Question 6: How did the revolution- Society. However, in order to fulfill the ary ideas gradually develop and become demand of the Committee I shall try so

implanted in men’s minds? Who first far as I can explain it. conceived these ideas and continued to From A. Mazour, The First Russian Revolupreach and spread them throughout the jon, (Berkeley: University of California Press,

State? 1937), pp. 273-85. Footnotes have been omitted, ANSWER 6: This question is very dif- _ Used by permission of the publisher.

295

296 The Decembrists Political books are in the hands of ' result of causes related above. I see, everyone; political science is taught and Your Excellency, that the Committee political news spread everywhere. These established by His Majesty is making a

teach all to discuss the activities and great effort to discover all the members conduct of the Government, to praise of the secret Society. But the governone thing and assail another. A survey ment will not derive any notable benefit of the events of 1812, 1813, 1814, and from that. We were not trained within 1815, likewise of the preceding and fol the Society but were already ready to lowing periods, will show how many work when we joined it. The origin and thrones were toppled over, how many _ the root of the Society one must seek in others were established, how many _ the spirit of the time and in our state kingdoms were destroyed, and how of mind. I know a few belonging to the many new ones were created; how many _ secret Society but am inclined to think Sovereigns were expelled, how many _ the membership is not very large. Among

returned or were invited to return and my many acquaintances who do not adwere then again driven out; how many — here to secret societies very few are revolutions were accomplished; how opposed to my opinions. Frankly I state many coup d’états carried out—all these that among thousands of young men events familiarized the minds of men _ there are hardly a hundred who do not with the idea of revolutions, with their passionately long for freedom. These possibilities, and with the favorable oc- youths, striving with pure and strong casions on which to execute them. Be- _love for the welfare of their Fatherland, sides that, every century has its peculiar © toward true enlightenment, are growing

characteristic: ours is marked by revo- _mature. lutionary ideas. From one end of Europe The people have conceived a sacred to the other the same thing is observed, _ truth—that they do not exist for govern-

from Portugal to Russia, without the ments, but that governments must be exception of a single state, not even Eng- organized for them. This is the cause

land or Turkey, those two opposites. of struggle in all countries; peoples, The same spectacle is presented also in after tasting the sweetness of enlightenthe whole of America. The spirit of re. ment and freedom, strive toward them; form causes mental fermentation [faire and governments, surrounded by milbouillir les esprits]. Here are the causes, _ lions of bayonets, make efforts to repel

I think, which gave rise to revolution. these peoples back into the darkness of ary ideas and which have implanted ignorance. But all these efforts will prove them in the minds of people. As to the in vain; impressions once received -can cause of the spread of the spirit of re. never be erased. Liberty, that torch of form through the country, it could not _ intellect and warmth of life, was always be ascribed to the Society, for the or- and everywhere the attribute of peoples ganization was still too small to have emerged from primitive ignorance. We |

any popular influence. are unable to live like our ancestors, like barbarians or slaves.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF But even our ancestors, though less KAKHOVSKY TO GENERAL educated, enjoyed civil liberty. During

LEVASHEV the time of Tsar Aleksei Mikhailovich

Your Excellency, the National Assembly, including repre- _

Dear Sir! sentatives of various classes of the peoThe uprising of December 14 is a ple, still functioned and participated in

The Decembrists 297 important affairs of the State. In his for that. The revolution in France shook | reign five such Assemblies were sum- ll the thrones of Europe and had a moned. Peter I, who killed everything greater influence upon the governments national in the State, also stamped out and peoples than the establishment of our feeble liberty. This liberty disap- the United States. peared outwardly but lived within the The dominance of Napoleon and the hearts of true citizens; its advancement war of 1813 and 1814 united all the was slow in our country. Wise Catherine European nations, summoned by their II expanded it a little; Her Majesty in- | monarchs and fired by the call to free-

quired from the Petersburg Free Eco- dom and citizenship. By what means nomic Society concerning the value and were countless sums collected among consequences of the emancipation of citizens? What guided the armies? They peasants in Russia. This great beneficial preached freedom to us in Manifestoes, thought lived in the heart of the Em- Appeals, and in Orders! We were lured

press, whom the people loved. Who and, kindly by nature, we believed, among Russians of her day and time _ sparing neither blood nor property. Nacould have read her INSTRUCTION with- poleon was overthrown! The Bourbons out emotion? The INSTRUCTION alone were called back to the throne of France

redeems all the shortcomings of that and, submitting to circumstances, gave —

time, characteristic of that century. that brave, magnanimous nation a conEmperor Alexander promised us stitution, pledging themselves to forget much; he, it could be said, enormously the past. The Monarchs united into a stirred the minds of the people toward Holy Alliance; congresses sprang into the sacred rights of humanity. Later he existence, informing the nations that changed his principles and intentions. they were assembled to reconcile all The people became frightened, but the classes and introduce political freedom.

seed had sprouted and the roots grew But the aim of these congresses was deep. So rich with various revolutions soon revealed; the nations learned how

are the latter half of the past century greatly they had been deceived. The and the events of our own time that we Monarchs thought only of how to retain

have no need to refer to distant ones. their unlimited power, to support their We are witnesses of great events. The shattered thrones, and to extinguish the discovery of the New World and the _ last spark of freedom and enlightenment.

United States, by virtue of its form of Offended nations began to demand government, have forced Europe into what belonged to them and had been

rivalry with her. The United States will romised to them—chains and prisons

any became their lot! Crowns transgressed

. . pledges, the constitution of France

shine as an example even to distant gen- their pled h ae FE

erations. The name of Washington, the was violated at its very base. Manuel, friend and benefactor of the people, will the representative of the people, was pass from generation to generation; the dragged from the Chamber of Deputies memory of his devotion to the welfare by gendarmes! Freedom of the press of the Fatherland will stir the hearts of | was restricted, the army of France, citizens. In France the revolution which _ against its own will, was sent to destroy began so auspiciously turned, alas, atthe the lawful liberty of Spain. Forgetting end from a lawful into a criminal one. _ the oath given by Louis XVIII, Charles However, not the people but the court X compensates émigrés and for that purintrigues and politics were responsible pose burdens the people with new taxes.

298 The Decembrists The government interferes with the elec- | These are the incidents which enlight-

tion of deputies, and in the last elec- ened their minds and made them realize tions, among the deputies only thirty. that it was impossible to make agreethree persons were not in the service ments with Sovereigns... . and payment of the King, the rest being The story told to Your Excellency sold to the Ministers. The firm, coura- that, in the uprising of December 14 the

geous Spanish people at the cost of rebels were shouting “Long live the blood rose for the liberty of their coun- =‘ Constitution!” and that the people were

try, saved the King, the Monarchy, and asking “What is Constitution, the wife

the honor of the Fatherland; of their of His Highness the Grand Duke?” is own volition the people themselves re- _ not true. It is an amusing invention. We

ceived Ferdinand as King. The King knew too well the meaning of a constitook the oath to safeguard the rights of | tution and we had a word that would the people. As early as the year 1812, equally stir the hearts of all classes—

of Spain. *_ * *

Alexander I recognized the constitution LIBERTY! |

Then the Alliance itself assisted The events of December are calami-

France by sending her troops, and thus __ tous for us and, of course, must be dis-

aided in dishonoring her army in the _tressing to the Emperor. Yet the events invasion of Spain. Ferdinand, arrested of this date should be fortunate for His in Cadiz, was sentenced to death. He Imperial Highness. After all, it was necsummoned Riego, swore to be once essary sometime for the Society to begin more loyal to the constitution and to its activities, but hardly could it have expel the French troops from his terri- been so precipitate as in this instance. I tory, and begged Riego to spare his life. | swear to God, I wish the kind Sovereign Honest men are apt to be trustful. Riego —_— prosperity! May God aid him in heal-

gave guaranty to the Cortes for the ing the wounds of our Fatherland and to King, and he was freed. And what was _ become a friend and benefactor of the

the first step of Ferdinand? By his or- people. . . . der Riego was seized, arrested, poisoned Most obedient and devoted servant of and, half-alive, that saint-martyr hero Your Excellency.

who renounced the throne offered to Peter KAKHOVSKY

him, friend of the people, savior of the 1996 King’s life, by the King’s order is now February, 24th day taken through the streets of Madrid in the shameful wagon pulled by a donkey, EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF and is hanged like a criminal. What an A. BESTUZHEV TO act! Whose heart would not shudder at NICHOLAS I it? Instead of the promised liberty the Your Imperial Highness! nations of Europe found themselves Op- Convinced that You, Sovereign, love pressed and their educational facilities the truth, I dare to lay before You the curtailed. The prisons of Piedmont, Sar- historical development of free thinking dinia, Naples, and, in general, of the i, Russia and in general of many ideas whole of Italy and Germany were filled which constitute the moral and political with chained citizens. The lot of the basis of the events of December 14. I people became so oppressive that they pay] speak in full frankness, without began to regret the past and to bless the concealing evil, without even softening memory of Napoleon the conqueror! expressions, for the duty of a loyal sub-

The Decembrists 299 ject is to tell his Monarch the truth dangerous when pressed. Many cherwithout any embellishment. | commence. ished the hope that the Emperor would

The beginning of the reign of Em- grant a constitution, as he himself had peror Alexander was marked with bright stated at the opening of the Legislative hopes for Russia’s prosperity. The gen- Assembly in Warsaw, and the attempt try had recuperated, the merchant class of some generals to free their serts endid not object to giving credit, the army _ couraged that sentiment. But after 1817 served without making trouble, scholars everything changed. Those who saw evil studied what they wished, all spoke what or who wished improvement, thanks to they thought, and everyone expected _ the mass of spies were forced to whisper

better days. Unfortunately, circum- about it, and this was the beginning of stances prevented the realization of the secret societies. Oppression by the these hopes, which aged without their government of deserving officers irrifulfillment. The unsuccessful, expensive tated men’s minds. Then the military war of 1807 and others disorganized our _men began to talk: “Did we free Europe

finances, though we had not yet real- in order to be ourselves placed in ized it when preparing for the national chains? Did we grant a constitution to war of 1812. Finally, Napoleon invaded France in order that we dare not talk Russia and then only, for the first time, about it, and did we buy at the price of did the Russian people become aware of blood priority among nations in order their power; only then awakened in all that we might be humiliated at home?” our hearts a feeling of independence, at The destructive policy toward schools first political and finally national. That and the persecution of education forced is the beginning of free thinking.in Rus- _us in utter despair to begin considering sia. The government itself spoke such some important measures. And since the words as “Liberty, Emancipation!” It grumbling of the people, caused by exhad itself sown the idea of abuses result- haustion and the abuses of national and ing from the unlimited power of Napo- civil administrations, threatened bloody leon, and the appeal of the Russian revolution, the Societies intended to preMonarch resounded on the banks of the vent a greater evil by a lesser one and Rhine and the Seine. The war was still began their activities at the first oppor-

on when the soldiers, upon their return tunity. ... home, for the first time disseminated You, Sovereign, probably already grumbling among the masses. “We shed know how we, inspired by such a situa-

blood,” they would say, “and then we tion in Russia and seeing the elements are again forced to sweat under feudal ready for change, decided to bring about obligations. We freed the Fatherland a coup d’état. . . . Here are the plans we from the tyrant, and now we ourselves had for the future. We thought of creare tyrannized over by the ruling class.” ating a Senate of the oldest and wisest The army, from generals to privates, Russian men of the present administraupon its return, did nothing but discuss tion, for we thought that power and how good it is in foreign lands. Acom- ambition would always have their atparison with their own country natural- traction. Then we thought of having a ly brought up the question, Why should (Chamber of Deputies composed of na-

it not be so in our own land? tional representatives. . . . For enlightAt first, as long as they talked with. enment of the lower classes we wished

out being hindered, it was lost in the evérywhere to establish Lancasterian air, for thinking is like gunpowder, only schools. And in order to bring about

300 The Decembrists moral improvement we thought of rais- | who served or serve now in the Guard

ing the standard of the clergy by grant- hold the same opinions. Who of the ing to them a means of livelihood. Elim- young men, even somewhat educated,

ination of nearly all duties, freedom have not read and have not been fascifrom distillation and road improvement nated with the works of Pushkin, which for the state, encouragement of agricul- breathe freedom? Wo has not cited me

ture and general*protection of and industry as o Peet 5 Pe har. suc wn 1S f.3 ‘Head Feet”? Perhaps among those would result in satisfying the peasants. he have the fortune t - . ° Your Assurance and stability would attract to H ° ah © fortun S froun Russia many resourceful foreigners. Fac- onor, there are such. ooverelen. An

: yn , s order to eradicate free thinking, there is - . i no other means than to destroy an .enfor commodities, while competition ; , . tire generation, born and educated in would stimulate improvement, which . eye es tories would increase with the demand

. th th rity of the the last reign. But if this is impossible,

veo] a fot he ; 7 Peogdn iti f there remains one thing—to win hearts people, tor the need of commodities 10r by kindness and attract minds by decilife and luxury is constant. . . . sive and evident means toward the fuMost devoted servant of ture prosperity of the state.

Your Imperial Highness, Most devoted, ALEXANDER BESTUZHEV BARON VLADIMIR IVANOV STEINGEL

1826 ,

[no date] January 11th day EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF

V. STEINGEL TO EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF

NICHOLAS I A. YAKUBOVICH TO . . . No matter how many members NICHOLAS I there may be found of the secret Society Your Highness!

or those who had only known of it; no . . . In describing the condition of matter how many may be deprived of | Russia I did not reproach the authorifreedom on account of it, there still re. _ ties, but pointed out the source of pres-

main a great many people who share ent-day evils and those which threaten those ideas and sentiments. Russia is US 1n the distant future. Sovereign! The already so educated that even shopkeep- antiquated structure of the state adminers read newspapers and newspapers re- The Een demands important changes.

a ears since it emerged from the dark-

port what is said in the Chamber of © Shoe it. the ave bro a hundred Deputies a Paris. Is not the first thought ness of crude i norance has undergone

to occur in everyone’s mind,of“Why can8,8 3 every quarter a century complete. not we discuss our rights?” The greater , and ; changes in the formation of ideas

number of professors, literary men, and_.in moral demands. Grant equal advan-

journalists have to adhere wholeheart- taces to Yo ldiers by 1 ‘ne th

dly toterm those who wish a constitutional 6 Tee) Wer ie edly of military service; by decisive government, for freedom of the press is legislative measures and strict executo their personal advantage. So do book- tion make everyone fulfill his duties, sellers and merchants. Finally, all those spread the light of science and educawho were in foreign countries, and some tion, give liberty to commercial activiwho were educated there, and all those _ ties, and the restless or the Carbonari

The Decembrists 301 will vanish like darkness in the face of it with hellish torment; let the moment the sun. You will be the benefactor and _ of my life that is injurious to my friends,

savior of the Fatherland from many be the last one; let my existence be calamities, and the love of Your grateful transformed into a chain of unheard fifty-two million subjects will only be misery from the fatal moment that I forthe beginning of Your immortal glory. 8° ™Y pledge. May I see all that is dear Devoted subject of Your ‘0 ho heart perish by this weapon and

Imperial Highness, in orn e suilering, and this weapon,

ALEXANDER YAKUROVICH reac ing me, the criminal, cover my ody with wounds and cast infamy up-

1825, December 28 on me; and the accumulated burden of

Peter and Paul Fortress physical and moral evil shall impress on

Cell No. 3 my forehead the sign of a monstrous THE OATH FOR MEMBERS son of Nature.

WHO ENTER THE A MANIFESTO, DRAWN BY “DIC.

UNITED SLAVS TATOR” TRUBETSKOI ON THE

Upon joining the United Slavs for the EVE OF DECEMBER 14, 1825 liberation of myself from tyranny and The Manifesto of the Senate should pro-

for the restoration of freedom, which is claim: .

so precious to the human race, I sol- (1) abolition of the former governemnly pledge on these arms brotherly ment; love, which is to me divine and from (2) establishment of a Provisional which I expect the fulfillment of all my Government until a permanent one is desires. I swear to be always virtuous, decided upon by representatives; always loyal to our aim, and to observe (3) freedom of the press, hence abothe deepest secrecy. Hell itself with all — Jstion of censorship:

its horrors will not be able to compel me (4) religiou ey to all faiths:

to reveal to the tyrants my friends and (5) ab ° th “ he ann their aims. I swear that only when a abolition of the right to own man proves undoubted desire to become ee ;

a participant, will my tongue reveal the (6) equality of all classes before the Society; I swear, to the last drop of my law and therefore abolition of military blood, to my last breath, to assist you, courts and all sorts of judicial commis-: my friends, from this sacred moment. S!09S from which all cases proceed to Special activity will be my first virtue, civil courts; and mutual love and aid my sacred du- (7) announcement of rights for every ty. I swear that nothing in the world citizen to occupy himself with whatever will be able to move me. With sword in he wishes and_therefore—nobleman, hand [ shall attain the aim designated merchant, middle-class man, peasant— by us. I will pass through a thousand all to have equal right to enter military, deaths, a thousand obstacles—I will pass __ civil, or clerical service, trade wholesale

through, and dedicate my last breath to or retail, paying established taxes for freedom and the fraternal union of the such trade; to acquire all kinds of propnoble Slavs. Should I violate this oath, erty such as land, or houses in villages then let remorse be the first vengeance and cities; make all kinds of contracts for my hideous offense, let the point of among themselves, or summon each this sword turn against my heart and fill _ other for trial;

302 The Decembrists (8) cancellation of poll tax and ar- (5) equalize recruiting obligations

rears: among all classes; (9) abolition of monopolies on salt (6) abolish a permanent army;

and alcohol; permission for free distil- (7) establish a form of election of lation and for the procuring of salt with representatives to the Lower Chamber

. which will have to ratify the future of

payment of tax according to the respec- C '

duced: AN APPEAL

tive amounts of salt and alcohol pro- overnmen"

(10) abolition of recruiting and mili- The Lord took pity on Russia and sent

tary colonies. ... death to our tyrant. Christ said: “You The Provisional Government is in- shall not be slaves of men, for you were structed to: redeemed by my blood.” The world did

(1) equalize all classes; not listen to this sacred command and (2) form all local, Community, Coun- _fell into misery. But our suffering moved

ty, Gubernia, and Regional administra- the Lord, and today He is sending us

tions; freedom and salvation. Brethren! Let us (3) form a National Guard; repent of our long servility and swear:

(4) form a judicial branch with a let there be a sole Tsar in Heaven and jury; , on Earth, Jesus Christ. |

APOLOGY OF A MADMAN EXcERPTS By Peter Chaadaev Chaadaev (1794-1856) was the grandson of the eighteenth-century historian Prince Mikhail Shcherbatov. In 1811 he became an officer and served in the campaigns

against Napoleon. He was involved in the societies which led to the Decembrist uprisings but left Russia in 1823. Upon his return in 1826 he was arrested and interrogated, but released. He settled in Moscow where he remained till his death, one of the most prominent thinkers of his generation. He was a member of no camp, though he must be considered a Westernizer. Because of his admiration for Catholicism, however, he believed in a different order from that desired by most

Westernizers.

His literary heritage comprises eight essays and a large number of letters, all in French, the language in which he felt most comfortable. Only one essay, “A Philosophical Letter,” was published during his lifetime, in 1836. Herzen described it as

“a shot that rang out in a dark night; it forced all to awaken.” While all literate Russia discussed the essay, the Moscow Telescope, which had printed it, was suppressed, its editor N. I. Nadezhdin exiled, and the censor who had passed it dismissed. Chaadaev was declared insane by order of Nicholas I and put under police supervision. For a year he had to endure daily visits by a physician and a policeman. His next essay was entitled “Apology of a Madman”; reprinted below is an excerpt entitled “The Legacy of Peter the Great.” The first two excerpts are taken from his letters. For a text of additional “Philosophical Letters” of Chaadaev see Tri-Quarterly, Spring, 1965, and Volume I of Russian Philosophy, edited by James Edie et al. Eugene Moskoff has written The Russian Philosopher Chaadaev. There are chapters

on the man in The Spirit of Russia by Thomas Masaryk and in Richard Hare’s Pioneers of Russian Social Thought (paperback). See also Alexander Koyre, “Chaadaev and the Slavophils,” Slavonic and East European Review, March, 1927,

and Janko Lavrin, “Chaadaev and the West,” Russian Review, 1963. Raymond McNally has written several articles on the man: “Chaadaev’s Evaluation of Peter the Great,” Slavic Review, 1964; ‘“‘Chaadaev’s Evaluation of the Western Christian

Churches,” Slavonic and East European Review, June, 1964; “The Significance of Chaadaev’s Weltanschaung,” Russian Review, October, 1964; “The Books in Chaadaev’s Libraries,” Jahrbiicher fiir Geschichte Osteuropas, Vol. XIV (1966) ; and “Chaadaev versus Khomiakov,” Journal of the History of Ideas, 1966. From Hans Kohn (ed.), The Mind of Modern _ by The Trustees of Rutgers College in New

Russia (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Uni- Jersey. ,

| 303

versity Press, 1955), pp. 38-57. Copyright 1955

304. Apology of a Madman RUSSIA AND THE WORLD tional power. We have not known an From “LETTERS ON THE PHILOSOPHY age of exuberant activity and of the

OF History,” 1829-31 , exalted play of moral forces among the One of the most deplorable things in people as others have. The period in our our strange civilization is that we still social life which corresponds to this mohave to discover the truths, often very | ment was characterized by a dull and trivial ones, which other, even less ad- dreary existence, without vigor or enervanced peoples discovered long ago. We gy, which was enlivened only by abuse have never moved in concert with other and softened only by servitude. There peoples; we do not belong to any of the are no charming recollections and no great families of mankind. We are not gracious images in our memory, no lastpart of the Occident, nor are we part of _ ing lessons in our national tradition. If the Orient; and we don’t have the tradi- you look over all the centuries in which tions of the one or of the other. Since we _—_—-we have lived and over all the territory

are placed somewhat outside of the which we cover, you will not find a times, the universal education of man- single fond memory, or one venerable

kind has not reached us... . monument which forcefully speaks of

All peoples undergo a time of violent bygone times or retraces them in a vivid agitation, of passionate restlessness, of | or picturesque manner. We live in the

action without thought. At that time most narrow present, without a past or men wander around in the world like a future, in the midst of a flat calm. And bodies without a soul. It is the age of if at times we strive for something, it is

the great emotions, of the large under- not with the hope and desire for the takings, of the grand passions of the common good, but with the childish people. People then move vehemently, frivolity of the baby who stands up and without any apparent aim, but not with- stretches out his hand to grasp the rattle

out profit for posterity. All societies which his nurse is holding. ... pass through these periods, and from The peoples of Europe have a comthem receive their most vivid reminis- mon physiognomy, a family resemcences, their miracles, their poetry, and _ blance. Despite their general division in-

all their most powerful and most fruit- to Latins and Teutons, into southerners ful ideas: these reminiscences are the and northerners, it is plain to anyone necessary bases of societies. Otherwise who has studied their history that there the societies would not have any fond is a common bond which unites them memories to cling to; the dust of their into one group. You know that not too “earth would be their only tie. The most long ago all of Europe considered itself _ interesting epoch in the history of man- to be Christian, and this term had its kind is that of the adolescence of the na- _ place in public law. Besides this general

tions, for that is the moment when their character, each of these peoples has its

faculties develop rapidly, a moment own character, but all that is only hiswhich lingers in their memories and _ tory and tradition. It is the ideological serves as a lesson once they are mature. patrimony inherited by these peoples. Over here we have nothing like it. The There each individual is in full possessad history of our youth consists of a sion of his rights, and without hardsiP brutal barbarism, then a coarse super- OF work he gathers these notions whic stition, and after that a foreign, savage, have been scattered throughout society, and degrading domination of the spirit and profits from them. Draw the paralwhich was later inherited by the na- lel yourself and see how we can profit

Apology of a Madman 305 from this interchange of elementary opment, and not this or that trait in its ideas, and use them, for better or for character. worse, as a guide for life. Note that this The masses are subject to certain is not a question of studying, of lec- forces at the summit of society. They do tures, or of anything literary or scientif- not think for themselves; but among ic, but simply of a relation between them there is a certain number of thinkminds; of the ideas which take hold of ers who do think for themselves, and a child in his crib, which are surround- thus provide an impetus to the collective

ing him when he plays, which his intelligence of the nation and make it mother whispers to him in her caresses; move onward. While the small number

of that which in the form of various meditates, the rest feel, and the general sentiments penetrates the marrow of his movement takes place. This is true for bones, the very air he breathes, and all the peoples of the earth with the exwhich already permeates his soul before ception of a few brutal races whose only he enters the world and society. Do you human attribute is their face. The primi-

want to know what these ideas are? tive peoples of Europe, the Celts, the They are the concepts of duty, justice, Scandinavians, and the Germans, had law and order. They are derived from their druids, their scalds, and_ their the same events which have shaped soci- bards; all were powerful thinkers in ety; they are the integral elements of the their own way. Look at the people of

social world in these countries. North America who are being destroyed This is the atmosphere prevailing in by the materialistic civilization of the the Occident. It is more than history, it United States: among them are men of is more than psychology; it is the physi- great depth. ology of the European man. What do Now, I ask you, where are our sages, you have to put in its place over here? where are our thinkers? Which one of

I don’t know whether one can deduce us ever thought, which one of us is anything absolute from what we have thinking today? And yet we are situated just said, or whether one can derive between the great divisions of the world, strict principles from it. But it is easy to between the Orient and the Occident, see how this strange situation of a peo- one elbow leaning on China and the

ple which cannot link its thought to other one on Germany. Therefore, we any progressive system of ideas that should be able to combine the two prinslowly evolve one from the other within ciples of an intelligent being, imaginaa society, of a people which has partici- tion and reason, and incorporate the pated in the general intellectual move- histories of the whole globe into our ment of other nations only by blind, own. However, that is not the role assuperficial, and often clumsy imitation, signed to us by Providence. Far from it, must be a strong influence on each indi- she doesn’t seem to have concerned her-

vidual within that people. ... self with us at all. Having deprived the God forbid! I certainly do not claim hearts of our people of her beneficent that we have all the vices and that influence, she has left us completely to Europe has all the virtues. But I do say ourselves; she did not want to bother that one has to judge a people by study- with us, and she did not want to teach ing the general spiritual attitude which us anything. The experience of the ages is at the base of its existence, and only means nothing to us; we have not profthis spirit can help it to attain a more _ ited from the generations and centuries perfect moral state or an infinite devel. which came before us. From looking at

306 Apology of a Madman us it seems as though the moral law of _ order to give a great lesson to a remote

mankind has been revoked especially posterity which will understand it; tofor us. Alone of all the peoples in the day, despite all the talk, our intellectual world, we have not given anything tothe achievements are nihil. I cannot help world, and we have not learned any- but admire this astonishing blank and thing from the world. We have not _ this solitude in our social existence. It added a single idea to the pool of hu- contains the seeds of an inconceivable man ideas. We have contributed nothing _— destiny, and doubtlessly also man’s share

to the progress of the human spirit, we of that destiny, as does everything have disfigured it. From the first mo- which happens in the moral sphere. Let ment of our social existence we have not _ us ask history: she is the one who excreated anything for the common good plains the peoples. of man. Not a single useful thought has What did we do during the struggle grown in the sterile soil of our father- between the energetic barbarism of the

land; no great truth has been brought northern peoples and religion’s high forth in our midst. We did not take the _ ideals, a struggle out of which rose the trouble to devise anything for ourselves, edifice of modern civilization? Driven and we have only borrowed deceptive by a fatal destiny, we searched unhappy appearances and useless luxuries from Byzantium for the moral code which

the devices of others. was to educate us, and thus we incurred A strange fact! Even in the all-inclu- _ that people’s utter contempt. Shortly be-

sive scientific world, our history is not fore that, an ambitious spirit [Photius] connected with anything, doesn’t ex- had led this family away from universal plain anything, doesn’t prove anything. brotherhood; thus we adopted an idea

If the hordes of barbarians who con- which had been disfigured by human vulsed the world had not crossed the passion. At that time everything in country in which we live before swoop- _ Europe was animated by the vital prin-

ing down on the Occident, we could ciple of unity. Everything was derived hardly have filled one chapter of world _ from it, and everything converged on it. history. In order to be noticed we had to The whole intellectual movement of the

expand from the Bering Straits to the time tended to bring about the unity of

Oder. Once, a great man wanted to human thought, and all activity origicivilize us, and, in order to give us a__ nated in this driving need to arrive at a taste of the lights, he threw us the man- _ universal idea, which is the essence of tle of civilization; we picked up the modern times. Strangers to this marvelmantle, but we did not touch civiliza- ous principle, we became a prey to contion. Another time, a great prince, in quest. Once we were freed from the yoke associating us with his glorious mission, _ of the foreigner, we could have profited

led us to victory from one end of Europe from the ideas which had blossomed to the other; when we returned from forth during that time among our Occithis triumphal march across the most dental brothers, if we had not been sepacivilized countries of the world, we rated from the common family. Instead brought back only ideas and aspirations __we fell under a harsher servitude, one which resulted in an immense calamity, which was sanctified by the fact of our

one that set us back half a century. deliverance. There is something in our blood which How many bright lights had already repels all true progress. Finally, we have _ burst forth in the Europe of that day to

only lived, and we still only live, in dispel the darkness which had seemed

Apology of a Madman 307 to cover it! Most of the knowledge on you believe that these absurd aberrawhich humanity prides itself today had tions from the divine and human truths already been foreshadowed in men’s — will make heaven come down to earth?

minds; the character of society had al- ..-- ,

ready been fixed; and, by turning back All the nations of Europe held hands to pagan antiquity, the Christian world while advancing through the centuries. had rediscovered the forms of beauty Today, no matter how many divergent that it still lacked. Relegated in our paths they try to take, they always find schism, we heard nothing of what was _ themselves together. One does not have happening in Europe. We had no deal- _to study history in order to understand ings with the great event taking place —_ the family development of these peoples. in the world. The distinguished qualities | Just read Tasso, and you will see them

which religion has bestowed on modern all bowing down before the walls of peoples have made them, in the eyes of | Jerusalem. Remember that for fifteen sound reason, as superior to the ancient _—_ centuries they spoke to God in the same peoples as the latter were to the Hotten- _ language, lived under a single moral au-

tots or the Laplanders. These new thority, and had the same belief. Re-

forces have enriched the human mind; member that for fifteen centuries, each these principles have made submission _ year, on the same day, at the same hour, to an unarmed authority as gentle as it | with the same words, they all together was brutal before. Nothing of all that raised their voices towards the Supreme took place over here. Despite the fact Being, to extol his glory. A wonderful that we were called Christians, we did concert, a thousand times more sublime not budge when Christianity, leaving the than all the harmonies of the physical

generations behind it, advanced along world! Moreover, since that sphere the path which its divine Founder had where the Europeans live, the only one indicated in the most majestic manner. _ where the human race can fulfill its final While the world entirely rebuilt itself, destiny, is the result of the influence that

we built nothing; we stayed in our religion had on them, it is clear that up thatched hovels. In one word, the new [0 now our lack of faith or the insufhfortunes of mankind did not touch us. ciency of our dogmas has kept us out Christians, the fruit of Christianity did of this universal movement, in which

not ripen for us... . the social ideal of Christianity has been In the end you will ask me: aren’t we formulated and developed. We have Christians, and can one become civilized thus been thrown into that category of only in the way Europe was? Unques- peoples who will profit only indirectly

tionably we are Christians; aren’t the from Christianity’s influence, and at a Abyssinians Christians as well? Certain- much later date. Therefore, we must try

ly one can be civilized in a different to revive our faith in every possible way manner than Europe was: haven’t the and give ourselves a truly Christian enJapanese been civilized, even more so thusiasm, since it is Christianity which than the Russians, if we are to believe is responsible for everything over there. one of our compatriots? Do you believe That is what I meant when I said that that the Christianity of the Abyssinians this education of the human race has to or the civilization of the Japanese will begin once more for our benefit. ... bring about that order of things of which Fundamentally, we Russians have I just spoke, or that they constitute the nothing in common with Homer, the ultimate goal of the human race? Do Greeks, the Romans, and the Germans;

308 Apology of a Madman all that is completely foreign to us. But = forward to him. The idea of writing to

what do you want! We have to speak him came to me from something you Europe’s language. Our exotic civiliza- once said about him in one of your lettion rests so much on Europe’s that even ters to her ladyship, your cousin. The though we do not have its ideas, we have letter is open, read it, and you will see

no other language but hers; hence we what it is about. Since I talked about are forced to speak it. If the small num- you in it, I wanted it to reach him ber of mental habits, traditions, and through -you. It would give me great memories we have do not link us to any __ pleasure if, when you send it to him,

people of this earth, if, in effect, we do you could let him know that I undernot belong to any of these systems of — stand German; because I am anxious the moral universe, we still, because of for him to write to me (if he does me our social superficialities, belong to the that honor) in the language in which he Occidental world. This link, which in so often revived my friend Plato, and in

truth is very feeble, which does not which he transformed science into a unite us so closely to Europe as is com- — combination of poetry and geometry,

monly thought, and which fails to let and by now perhaps into religion. And every part of our being feel the great heavens! It is time that all this became movement taking place over there, still one thing... . makes our future destiny dependent on Please don’t be offended, but I prefer

this European society. Therefore, the your French letters to your Russian

more we try to amalgamate with it, the | ones. There is more free rein in your

better off we shall be... . _ French letters, you are more yourself. Certainly we cannot remain in our Moreover, you are good when you are

desert much longer. Let us do all we can completely yourself. . . . Besides, you to prepare the way for our descendants. are essentially a European. You know

We are unable to bequeath them that that I know something about it. You which we do not have—beliefs, reason should really wear the garb of a French-

molded by time, a strong personality, man.... opinions well-developed in the course of Like all peoples, we too are galloping a long intellectual life that has been ani- today, in our own way if you like, but mated, active, and fruitful in its results we are speeding, that is certain. I am —but let us at least bequeath them a sure that in a little while the great ideas, few ideas which, even though we did not once they have reached us, will find it find them ourselves, will at least have a easier to realize themselves in our midst traditional element in them, if transmit- and to incarnate themselves in our indited from one generation to the next. By —_— viduals than anywhere else, because here

this very fact they will have a certain they will find no deep-rooted prejudices, power and a certain profundity which no old habits, no obstinate routines to our own ideas did not have. We shall fight. It seems to me that the European thus be worthy of posterity, and we thinker should not be totally indifferent shall not have inhabited this earth use- to the present fate of his meditations

lessly. among us....

RUSSIA’S INTERCOURSE WITH What? You live in Rome and don’t

EUROPE understand it after all that we htoId From Letters To A. I. TURGENEV, ave 1833 AND 1835 and retold each other about it! For Here, my friend, is a letter for the once, understand that it is not a city like illustrious Schelling which I ask you to all the others, a heap of stones and of

Apology of a Madman 309 people; it is an idea, it is an immense That great play which is put on by fact. One should not look at it from the the peoples of Europe, and which we top of the Capitol or from the gallery of attend as cold and impassive spectators, St. Peter, but from that intellectual sum- = makes me think of that little play by Mr. mit which brings so much delight when = Zagoskin whose title is The Dissatisfied,

one treads on its sacred soil. Rome will which is to be given here and will be then be completely transfigured right attended by a cold and impassive audibefore your eyes. You will see the large ence. The dissatisfied! Do you undershadows by which these monuments pro- stand the malice of that title? What I ject their prodigious teachings over the don’t understand is where the author whole surface of the earth, and you will found the characters for his drama. hear a powerful voice resound from this Thank God, here one sees only perfectly

silent body and tell you ineffable mys- happy and satisfied people. A foolish teries. You will know that Rome is the _ well-being and a stupid satisfaction with

link between ancient times and new ourselves, those are our outstanding times, because it is absolutely necessary _ traits at the present time; it is remarkthat there be one spot on earth to which, able that at the moment when all that

at times, every man can turn in order to the Christian peoples inherited from rediscover materially and physiological- _ paganism, the blind and excited nation-

ly all the memories of the human race, alism which makes them each other’s something sensible, tangible, in which enemies, is fading away, and when all the thought of the ages is summed up in the civilized nations are beginning to a visible manner—and that spot is give up their self-complacency, we take Rome. Then these prophetic ruins will it upon ourselves idiotically to contemtell you all the fates of the world; their plate our imaginary perfections. . . . tale will be a whole philosophy of his- Take any epoch you like in the history for you, a whole doctrine, and more tory of the Occidental peoples, compare than that, a living revelation....Butthe it to the year we are in now [1835], and Pope, the Pope! Well, isn’t the Pope an- _you will see that we do not embrace the other idea, a completely abstract thing? — same principle of civilization that those Look at the figure of that old man, car- peoples do. You will find that those naried on his litter, under his canopy, al- —_ tions have always lived an animated, in-

ways in the same manner for thousands telligent, and fruitful life; that they of years, as though it were nothing. were handed an idea at the very beginSeriously, where is the man in all that? ning, and that it is the pursuit of that Isn’t he an all-powerful symbol of time, idea and its development which make not of that time which passes but of the up their history; and finally that they time which does not move, through have always created, invented, and diswhich everything else passes but which covered. Tell me, what idea are we deitself remains motionless, and in which veloping? What did we discover, invent, and by which everything happens? Tell or create? It is not a question of runme, don’t you absolutely want a single ning after them; it is a question of an intellectual monument on the earth, one _ honest appraisal of ourselves, of looking which lasts? Don’t you need something _at ourselves as we are, to cast away the more in the way of human achievement __ lies and to take up the truth. After that

than the pyramid of granite which we shall advance, and we shall advance knows how to fight the law of death, but more rapidly than the others because we

nothing else? have come after them, because we have

310 Apology of a Madman all their experience and all the work of | rope; for three hundred years she has the centuries which precede us. The taken her most serious ideas, her most people in Europe are strangely mistaken fruitful teachings, and her most vivid about us. There is Mr. Jouffroy, who delights from there. For over a century tells us that we are destined to civilize Russia has done better than that. One Asia. That is all very well; but, I beg hundred and fifty years ago the greatest you, ask him what Asian peoples have of our kings—the one who supposedly we civilized? Apparently the mastodons began a new era, and to whom, it is said, and the other fossilized populations of we owe our greatness, our glory, and all

Siberia. As far as I know, they are the the goods which we own today—disonly races we have pulled out of obscu- avowed the old Russia in the face of the rity, and that thanks only to Pallas and — whole world. He swept away all our inFischer. Some Europeans persist in hand- _ stitutions with his powerful breath; he ing us the Orient; with the instinct of a dug an abyss between our past and our

kind of European nationalism they present, and into it he threw pell-mell

drive us back to the Orient so as not to _ all our traditions. He himself went to

meet us any longer in the Occident. Let —_ the Occidental countries and made him-

us not be taken in by their involuntary _ self the smallest of men, and he came

artifice; let us discover our future by pack to us so much the greater; he ourselves, and let us not ask the others prostrated himself before the Occident, what we should do. It is evident that the and he arose as our master and our Orient belongs to the masters of the sea; ruler. He introduced Occidental idioms we are much farther away from it than — into our language; he called his new the English, and we no longer live in an capital by an Occidental name; he reage when all Oriental revolutions come —_ jected his hereditary title and took an from the middle of Asia. The new char- Occidental title; finally, he almost gave ter of the India Compan y will hence- up his own name, and more than once forth be the true civilizing element of he signed his sovereign decrees with an

Asia. On the contrary, it is Europe to Occidental name. whom we shall teach an infinity of

things which she could not conceive Since that time our eyes have been

without us. Don’t laugh: you know that constantly turned towards the countries this is my profound conviction. The day of the Occident; we did nothing more,

will come when we shall take our place so to speak, than to breathe in the in the middle of intellectual Europe, as emanations which reached us from we have already done in the middle of there, and to nourish ourselves on them. political Europe; and we shall be more |§ We must admit that our princes almost powerful, then, by our intelligence than always took us by the hand, almost al-

we are today by our material. forces. ways took the country in tow, and the That is the logical result of our long country never had a hand in it; they solitude: great things have always come themselves prescribed to us the customs,

from the desert. the language, and the clothing of the Occident. We learned to spell the names

THE LEGACY OF PETER of the things in Occidental books. Our

FROM par“APOLOGY eanaie .OFown history was taught to us by one of A Mapman,” 1837 the Occidental countries. We translated For three hundred years Russia has as- the whole literature of the Occident, we

pired to consort with Occidental Eu- learned it by heart, and we adorned

Apology of a Madman 31] ourselves with its tattered garment. And shaped by Peter the Great, and never finally, we were happy to resemble the has a people been more successful and Occident, and proud when it consented more glorious in its progress. The high

to count us as one of its own. intelligence of this extraordinary man We have to agree, it was beautiful, guessed exactly the point of our departhis creation of Peter the Great, this ture on the highway of civilization and powerful thought that set us on the road the intellectual movement of the world. we were to travel with so much fanfare. | He saw that lacking a fundamental his-

It was a profound wisdom which told torical idea, we should be unable to us: That civilization over there is the Duild our future on that important founfruit of so much labor; the sciences and ‘dation. He understood very well that all the arts have cost so much sweat to so We could do was to train ourselves, like many generations! All that can be yours the peoples of the Occident, to cut across

if you cast away your superstitions, if the chaos of national prejudices, across you repudiate your prejudices, if you the narrow paths of local ideas, and out are not jealous of your barbaric past, if of the rusty rut of native customs; that you do not boast of your centuries of “© had to raise ourselves, by one sponignorance, if you direct your ambition taneous outburst of our internal powers,

to appropriating the works of all the by an energetic effort of the national peoples and the riches acquired by the COMSCience, to the destiny which has human spirit in all latitudes of the globe. been Pesery ed for US. Thus he freed us And it is not merely for his own nation from previous history which encumbers

that this great man worked. These men ancient societies and impedes their of Providence are always sent for the P*°8T®SS: he opene d on minds to all the

good of mankind as a whole. At first one great and beautiful ideas which are people claims them, and later they are prevalent among mens he handed us the absorbed by the human race, like those whole Occident, such as the centuries

, . ve | have fashioned it, and gave us all its

great rivers which first fertilize the coun- history for our history. and all its fut

tryside and then pay their tribute to the for oe future sory, an us suse waters of the ocean. Was the spectacle Do vou b li that if he had found which he presented to the universe upon on hij y reve - 7 f ° ile hi hor leaving his throne and his country to go liv; ° headitin ae ld Pp. ;

(July, 1939), 300-323. gress Poland all enjoyed a degree of 7 Jerome Blum, Lord and Peasant in Russia

from the Ninth to the Nineteenth Century 8G. Pavlovsky, Agricultural Russia on the (Princeton, 1961), provides a comprehensive Eve of the Revolution (London, 1930), and account of the origins and development of serf- | Geroid T. Robinson, Rural Russia under the

dom. Old Regime (New York, 1932).

484 The Nature of Imperial Russian Society autonomy during parts of the period sense Russian statesmen favored a conunder consideration, and the Grand _ tinental policy, resembling perhaps that Duchy of Finland had substantial privi- of China in earlier times and of the _ leges except for the short period be- United States in the nineteenth century, tween 1903 and 1905. Similarly as re- and did not undertake to create an exgards social stratification and the agrar- tensive overseas empire such as those ian system, there were many differences carved out by the seafaring societies of in the position of the various minority | Western Europe. peoples. Indeed, it was long the practice

of the imperial government to respect Ii

the diverse institutions of the peoples It has already been noted that the instiannexed in the course of the expansion __ tutions of imperial Russian society un-

of the empire, and it was only toward derwent many changes in the course of the end of the nineteenth century that a | two centuries, and indeed, the history rigorous policy of administrative and of this period is punctuated with nucultural Russification was attempted.® merous reforms, revolts, assassinations, The multinational character of im- Wars, territorial issues, and social conperial Russian society also had grave flicts reflecting the continuing readjustconsequences in the realm of foreign ments in the structure of Russian socipolicy. The chief concern of Russia in ety as well as the idiosyncrasies of its annexing these peoples, located almost leaders. At the same time it was underentirely on her borders with Europe and going a more fundamental transformaWestern and Central Asia, was for her _ tion, which was stimulated primarily by

own security. The territories they in- the example of the societies of Western habited either blocked Russian access to and Central Europe. These societies the Baltic and Black seas; or, as was the — were in the forefront of a revolutionary

case with Poland and Central Asia, process intellectual in its origins and might have come under the rule of other __ political in its initial impact, accom-

preat powers to the detriment of Rus- panied by economic growth and social sia’s interests; or again, as was the case change of unprecedented proportions. with the Ukraine and Georgia, actually The levels of achievement attained in

sought Russian protection against the course of this revolutionary transneighbors they feared more. It would _ formation, which may be referred to in doubtless be going too far to say that _—_ general terms as “modern” or at least Russia had no imperialist ambitions, for | “modernizing,” were the prototypes of numerous proposals for annexing non- - those which were eventually to become contiguous territories can be found in __ the goal of virtually all societies. her diplomatic records. The ambitions The initial reaction of Russia’s politiof Russia’s statesmen were nevertheless cal leaders to this momentous develop-

limited, by the standards of the time, | ment was to adopt, or at least adapt, and were concerned principally with ad- _ those modern institutions which seemed

jacent territories of strategic signifi- best suited to preserving the traditional cance for commerce or defense. In this | Russian society from the increasingly threatening competition of its neigh® These developments are reviewed in L. I. bors. This reaction is represented typiStrakhovsky, “Constitutional Aspects of the cally by the reforms of Peter the Great, Imperial Russian Government’s Policy Toward . . . _ “1s National Minorities,” Journal of Modern His- which rationalized the civil and military tory, XIII (December, 1941), pp. 467-92. structure of the central government and

The Nature of Imperial Russian Society 485 tightened the control of the state over phenomenal expansion of knowledge the noble landowners and the towns- which had its roots in the Middle Ages, men, and of the landowners over the and _ its initial impact on Russia was peasants. No attempt was made, how- similarly intellectual. This impact may ever, to adapt to Russian society the be traced back to the movements favoreconomic and social institutions which ing the revision of religious texts and

were being developed in the more doctrine in the fifteenth and sixteenth

modern societies. Peter’s reforms were centuries, and to the appearance in the explicitly defensive in their motivation seventeenth century of isolated nobles and implications, and they were suc- with a Western outlook.!° It was nevercessful in preserving the traditional so- theless not until the eighteenth century cial structure of the country with rela- that there was a general turning to the tively few changes for a century and a_ West on the part of the state and the half. In the course of time the gap be- nobility, and only in the nineteenth cen-

tween a relatively static Russia and an tury did the problem of “Russia and increasingly dynamic West grew to a Europe” come to absorb the full attenpoint where it could not fail to cause tion of Russian intellectuals. The diverconcern to Russian leaders, and during _ sity and brilliance of Russian political the reigns of Alexander I and Nicho- and literary thought concerning the re-

las I many plans and proposals for re- lationship of traditional to modern form were considered and some actually values and institutions is probably undertaken. Nevertheless, human nature matched only by that of China and being what it is, they preferred the cer- J apan among non-European peoples. It tainty of problems which they under- produced a wide spectrum of interpreta-

stood and felt confident in handling to tions, ranging from the strongest rethe uncertainties of a thoroughgoing so- _ affirmation of the rightness and sanctity

cial transformation. It took the defeat of the Russian way of doing things to in the Crimea to shift the balance of the view that the imperial state was a ofhcial opinion in favor of reform, and form of “oriental despotism” which it has become customary to regard the must be destroyed to make way for the emancipation of the serfs in 186] as the _ socialist society toward which mankind turning point between the passive and was alleged to be moving ineluctably.

the active phases of the attitude of Rus- This rich body of thought moved in _ sia’s political leaders toward modern _ two currents, which were continually in-

ideas and _ institutions. It will of termingling but which remained reasoncourse be recognized that 1861 is in ably distinct. The first was represented most respects simply a symbolic date, by the political leaders and high offsince some segments of Russian soci- cials, starting with Peter the Great and ety felt the breath of reform a genera- ending with Witte and Stolypin, who tion or more earlier, while others were sought to adapt imperial Russian socirelatively unaffected until a good deal ety in one degree or another to the relater. Indeed, it was not until the end of | quirements of the modern world. Their the nineteenth century that Russian so-

ciety as a whole was gripped by thora . . oughgoing change. 10 Dmitrij Cizevskij, History of Russian LitIt has alrea dy been noted that the eratureoffrom the Eleventh Century to the End the Baroque (The Hague, 1960), chaps. vi modern revolution was intellectual in and vii, provides a valuable discussion of early

its origins, resting as it did on the European influences. ,

486 The Nature of Imperial Russian Society views were set forth in speeches, re- which are not hard to find, and Western ports, memoranda, and statutes, and scholars are only now beginning to ex-

perhaps in deeds more than in words. plore it. Interest in intellectual history The second source of intellectual activ- seems to have been concerned principality was that represented by the intelli- ly with a desire to study the background gentsia, who almost by definition were of the political revolution of 1917, and disassociated and not infrequently alien- this has resulted in a serious neglect of

ated from the poverning circles. The the fundamental process of political, intelligentsia left a fascinating heritage — gcgnomic, and social change as a central of speculation and interpretation which — jggue in Russian thought."

reflected a broad understanding of In the political sphere the adoption

European sociely and a deep concern —_ of modern institutions in Russia can be for the destiny of the Russian people. seen in the many reforms which had the They had a profound influence on the purpose of rationalizing the system of development of Russian society during law and administration, integrating the the period of the empire, since their various territories and social strata, and. works were read and discussed by all establishing a closer ‘rapport between educated people. They nevertheless re- state and society to the end that political mained until the end alienated from = gecisions could be effectively formuofficial Russia, which bore the burden lated, communicated, and implemented. of responsibility and deserves much of The reforms of the eighteenth century the credit for the extent to which Rus- = pag performed a similar function for sian society Was - transformed by the the state itself, and it was now a questime of the First World War. The intel- tion of extending this process to the enligentsia aS a group did not gain access tire society. The codification of the laws — to political power until the fall of the by Speransky was the first significant empire, and this access was terminated step in this second phase, and it was for all but a few when the Bolsheviks followed in the 1860’s by an extensive began to Suppress deviations from or- reform of the judiciary and local gov-

thodoxy in the early 1920 Se In the ernment and of the administrative sysrealm of scholarship Russia joined the tem of the central government. As late world of modern knowledge in the as 1905, however, the state had relativecourse of the eighteenth and nineteenth ly few direct administrative contacts centuries and made distinguished orig- with the peasants except for a rather

inal contributions. scanty police force and the land capThe history of Russian thought in the tains established in 1889. Peasant nineteenth century as a general phe- affairs were handled largely by the

nomenon has yet to be written. Much peasants themselves. The administration able work has been done on individual writers and on the leading intellectual movements, such as the Decembrists, 11 The literature on this subject is virtually

the Slavophiles the Populists, and the exhale Among vest American, con Marxists. The thought of the reforming trialization of Russia in the Writings of Sergej

officials has not, however, received Witte,” American Slavic and East European

comparable attention. Neither the pre- Review, X (October, 1951), 177-90, and Marc

revolutionary intelligentsia nor the Raeff, Michael Speransky: Statesman of Imperial Russia, 1772-1839 (The Hague, 1957), writers of the Soviet Union have been are examples of a renewed interest in the attracted to this subject, for reasons thought of reforming bureaucrats.

The Nature of Imperial Russian Society —— 487 of the Stolypin land settlement required them with a more or less acceptable the government for the first time in its basis for action and there was a signifihistory to establish organs for admin- cant degree of continuity from the four istering directly at the local level poli- successive Dumas to ‘the Provisional cies ultimately affecting a large propor- Government. Included also in this catetion of the population and involving the gory were the leaders of the national | co-ordination of several ministries. This ™morities who demanded a degree of was a very late development, however, self-government. Only the Poles insisted and the weakness of the imperial bu- unconditionally on independence. This reaucracy was soon revealed in the Ssue has been beclouded by war, revo-

harsh test of war. lution, and civil war, but it appears that The effort to transform the political under “‘normal” circumstances the leadsystem of imperial Russia along the ers of the other minority peoples would

lines pioneered by the societies of ™ all likelihood have been satisfied on Western Europe provoked a struggle the eve of the First World War with among several trends of thought. One °° form of federalism. was that of the supporters of the tradi- A third trend was composed of those

tional system as it had been consoli- who had no faith in evolutionary dated in the eighteenth and early nine- changes within the framework of the teenth centuries. This was the view of °™pire. This was the view of the Bolthe imperial family and its immediate sheviks and many Socialist Revolutionentourage, and it had strong support in aries, who saw their political role printhe army and bureaucracy and in the cipally as a destructive one so long as

cabinet, even when that body was the empire survived. The final arbiter headed by a reforming minister. The among these various approaches, as it

reforms of the 1860’s had indeed been ¥™ned out, ‘was the First World War. launched by the emperor himself, but The Strains of the conflict eroded the more in the Petrine spirit of trying to political structure of the empire, and in achieve a new conservative stability °° doing undermined the prospects for than with a view to a thoroughgoing evolutionary change within its framesocial reconstruction. This approach the - The collapse of the empire opened continued to have strong official support the way for a tevolutionary approach, until the end, and one may well at- and the revolutionaries were much more tribute the catastrophic character of the at home than the liberals in the ensuing

fall of the empire to the stubbornness chaos. , with which one group of its leaders re- Among the changes which occurred sisted change. during the last half-century of the emAnother main trend was the very P!° those in the intellectual and polit-

large one represented by those both th ical realm have attracted the most atten-

the government and among the intelli- tion, but the remarkable economic

gentsia who favored fundamental change by evolutionary means and 12 The adaptation of Marxism to the Russian looked to models ranging from England environment is a matter of particular interest.

i iti 1 . ole of Marxism an e€ oovie stem, or

and France to Prussia and Japan. The ee especially Adam om ane Historical

vr of ;their vaio programe ol Mote Me), View MCANY aa ; Karl A. Wittfogel, “The Marxist of Rusgroups in a single category, but the sian Society and Revolution,” World Politics, Fundamental Laws of 1906 provided XII (July, 1960), 487-508.

488 The Nature of Imperial Russian Society erowth in its later decades deserves World War, what is significant is that equal emphasis. Agricultural produc- by the 1880’s it was launched on a pattion, which had not been able to keep _ tern of economic growth comparable in up with the growth of the population _rate and dimensions to that of the more during the first half of the century, in- advanced societies. It should also be creased much more rapidly, especially noted that this was very largely the after the 1880’s. Not only did agricul- achievement of the imperial governtural production surpass the rate at ment, which took the initiative and bore which the population was growing, but the main burden of building railroads it was also significantly diversified to and supplying capital to industry, and include industrial crops and potatoes. also provided the principal market for The expansion of industrial production the output of heavy industry. No doubt was of course much more rapid, with an _— the sovereign and the conservativeannual average rate of growth of some- minded courtiers and ministers, like

what over 5 per cent for the period Peter the Great in his day, still thought 1885-1913. The rate for the 1890’s, the of industrialization principally as a period of most rapid growth, was sur- means of bolstering the autocratic syspassed only by that of Japan, the United tem. The leading cabinet members and States, and Sweden. Underlying the in- high officials, however, had a vision of creased rates of growth in agriculture a Russia transformed into a modern inand industry was the construction of an _ dustrial society. Their goal may be said extensive railroad network, which grew to have been of a West European char-

from 1,000 miles in 1860 to 40,000 acter, but their methods were quite difmiles at the time of the First World ferent. Little attention was devoted to War. In terms of national income, the agriculture, and such income as it norRussian rate of growth for the period as mally provided was channeled into in-

a whole was higher than that of the dustry. Railroads and heavy industry

United Kingdom, France and Italy, were favored as against consumer somewhat below that of Germany, and goods. Modern technology was imconsiderably below that of the United ported from the West to make up for States and Japan. On a per capita basis _— deficiencies in skilled labor, and econo-

Russia’s position was of course less mies were made in management and favorable, owing to the rapid growth of | supervision by concentrating producher population. By the time of the First tion in large plants. A not inconsiderWorld War real income per capita was _ able role in this growth was played by about the same as that of Italy, which private entrepreneurs and small busimeans that it was still a great deal lower | nessmen, but the pace was set by the than that of the advanced industrial government and by the large enterprises

societies.}4 which it controlled or patronized. InAlthough Russia had thus in no sense ___ deed, it was the role of the government

attained a leading position as an indus- _as planner, investor, entrepreneur, and

trial society at the time of the First consumer which distinguished economic 13 Alexander Gerschenkron, “The Rate of growth an Russia from that in the sociIndustrial Growth of Russia since 1885,” Jour- eties which started earlier. nal of Economic History, VII, Supplement 14See Alexander Gerschenkron, “Problems (1947), 144-74; and Raymond W. Goldsmith, = and Patterns of Russian Economic Develop“The Economic Growth of Tsarist Russia, ment,” Transformation of Russian Society, esp. 1860-1913,” Economic Development and Cul- pp. 42-61, for a discussion of the underlying tural Change, IX (April, 1961), 441-75. economic policies of the imperial government.

The Nature of Imperial Russian Society 489 This economic growth was accom- portion to the population increased plished by fundamental social changes. more than nine times between 1885 and The urban population grew from 7 to 1914. The increase in secondary-school 20 million during the last fifty years of | enrollment was even greater, and by

the empire, the rigid system of social the time of the First World War Russia stratification disintegrated rapidly, and had made substantial progress toward the foundations were laid for a new a system of universal elementary educastratum of professional people, business- _ tion. The social mobility accompanying

men, and officials. This “middle class” the growth in higher education is rewas drawn from all of the traditional flected in the fact that the proportion of strata. The nobles, clergy, and towns- children of peasants, craftsmen, and

men were naturally the principal workers enrolled in the universities sources of recruitment for this new grew from 15.7 per cent in 1880 to 38.8 stratum at the start, but the peasantry per cent in 1914, and in the higher techand workers were gradually drawn into nical institutes was 54 per cent in the it and represented in the long run its _ latter year.’® The officer corps was no principal reserve of manpower. The doubt the most conservative branch of nobles lost much of their distinctive po- the bureaucracy, but it appears that by sition in the last decades of the empire _ the end of the empire a majority of the and, with the exception of the relatively | new officers came from non-noble famifew families of great wealth, did not lies as did some of the leading generals

gain much advantage from their re- in the First World War.’" In recording _ maining formal privileges in the evolv- these changes it should be noted that ing industrial society. At the same time this rapid growth in educational opporthe industrial working class grew apace, tunities and social mobility was not and numbered some 3.5 million at the achieved without a momentous struggle. end of this period. In 1913, according In the central government the reformers to the official classification, 70.2 per waged a constant battle with the tradicent of the population were farmers, tionalists, and were strongly aided by 16.7 per cent were wage and salary _ the increasingly effective support which workers, 7.2 per cent were craftsmen, they received from the local government 3.6 per cent were self-employed towns- institutions, the municipalities, and the men, and 2.3 per cent were military and Duma. At the time of the First World

others.15 | War, Russia was still a country where The institutions of higher education 78 per cent of the population was agriwere the chief training ground for this cultural and rural illiteracy was high. new class, and their enrollment in pro- The changes of the last half century had

15 Warren W. Eason, “Population Changes,” been so rapid, however, that contempoTransformation of Russian Society, pp. 72-90, Tary reforming statesmen could look

. SS our TO - . ° °

summarizes and interprets Russian statistical forward with confidence to the day materials; Valentine T. Bill, me F orgotten when the empire would attain the level liest Beginnings to 1900 (New York, 1959), has __, -° Nicholas Hans, History of Russian Educa-

f d ful service j i tention tional Policy (1701-191 7) (London, 1931), pp.

Performed & usetul se in calling atrento 229-42, provides a convenient summary of eduto the role of the entrepreneur; Gaston V. , sas Rimlinger, “Autocracy and the Factory Order cational statistics. in Early Russian Industrialization,” Journal of 17 Raymond L. Garthoff, “The Military as a Economic History, XX (March, 1960), 67-92, Social Force,” Transformation of Russian Sodiscusses the status of the workers in the last clety, pp. 326-27, reviews the available evidence

decades of the empire. on the changing social] status of the officer corps.

490 The Nature of Imperial Russian Society of achievement of Western societies. from earlier decades to draw on. One Something should also be said about may argue that Chekhov, Gorky, and the personality changes which may have their literary colleagues did a pretty accompanied this general process. Na- good job of reporting social change at tional character in the sense that it is the family level without benefit of proused by the social psychologists is a fessional training in the behavioral scicontroversial concept which is still in an ences, but it is difficult for a historian to

early stage of formulation, and one generalize on the basis of their findings. hesitates to venture into a territory so It is also clear that the impact of social ridden with pitfalls. Yet it is clear that change on personality was at its very the personality of the individual reflects _ earliest stages in the last decades of the

the character of his upbringing in the empire, and that one would not expect

family setting, which in turn depends to find general manifestations of a on the larger social context. When the transformation of national character in latter undergoes the drastic changes Russia until well into the twentieth cenrepresented by urbanization, one would — tury. Under the circumstances the best

expect the family and its individual one can do is to call attention to this members to be vitally affected. In the important aspect of social history and case of the Great Russian people, for to regret that one cannot do it justice.'® example, it has been maintained that the

characteristically patriarchal peasant Iv family tended to produce a personality ... The prevailing Western approach which was markedly ambivalent. This is | between the two world wars to Russian to say that the Great Russian personal- developments was to assume that the inity contained simultaneously elements _ stitutions characteristic of the more adof great vitality and serious depression, vanced societies of the West represented

which may be explained as resulting the model which other societies were from a family setting in which an awe- destined to follow. There was therefore

some father was both feared and re- a tendency to judge the empire as well sisted. As a peasant society with these as its successors by the extent to which characteristics is urbanized, with the they adopted the Western pattern in mother as an urban worker gaining a such matters as civil liberties, repreposition of authority:more nearly equal sentative government, education, and to that of the father, an altered family the role of the state in economic growth.

setting is produced in which the chil- By this standard the empire was reacdren are exposed to somewhat different tionary, the Provisional Government influences and will develop correspond- had liberal aspirations, and the Soviet ingly different pers onalities. This exam- 18 A valuable introduction to this subject ple suggests what is meant by the effects yi) he found in Clyde Kluckhohn, “Recent of social change on personality, and it Studies of the National Character of Great Rusalso reveals the difficulties which con- _ sians,” Human Development Bulletin (Februfront one in trying to deal with Russia ND 5, 1955), pp. 39-60; Henry V. Dicks, “Some

; : otes on the Russian National Character,

in these terms. Russia was a vastly com- Transformation of Russian Society, pp. 636-52; plex empire with many tr aditional cul- and Alex Inkeles and Daniel J. Levinson, “Natures, of which the Great Russian was tional Character: The Study of Modal Person-

only one. Moreover, the available ality and Socio-cultural Systems, Handbook

. . . ; of Social Psychology, ed. Gardner Lindzey

studiesand dealthere mete Soviet vols; Cambridge, Mass. 1954), II, 977period, \is with little the factual data (2 —_1020. \

The Nature of Imperial Russian Society 49] Union represented a bewildering com- 1917 the autocracy in Russia put into bination of modern and traditional ele- effect a series of reforms which resemments. In the course of the past quarter ble in many respects those achieved by of a century many other societies have very different methods in France beentered and some have completed the tween 1789 and 1848—if one may risk experimental phase of adapting the fra- an historical analogy.'® To extend the ditional to the modern, and the process _ analogy a step further, one may suggest of transformation can now be seen as a __ that the autocratic state in Russia played much more complex matter than one of a _ role similar not only to that of the simply duplicating Western institutions. middle class and the Napoleonic empire

It seems clear that there are certain in France but also to that of the samurai functions which all modern societies in Japan, the Young Turks in the Otto-

must perform—political decision-mak- man Empire, the army officers in Egypt,

ing effective for the entire population, and the European-educated politicians sufhcient savings to permit a reason- in Africa today. Modernizing political able rate of economic growth, educa- leadership may take many forms, and tion, social mobility,,and so on—and _ the alternatives available to political perhaps most important of all, a value leaders cannot fail to be profoundly system compatible with the necessary affected by the traditional political ininstitutional changes. It is also clear, stitutions which a society has inherited however, that there is a wide degree of | from earlier centuries. This is not to variety in the extent to which the di- assert an intitutional or a cultural deverse traditional institutional systems terminism. It is rather to suggest that, are adaptable to the functions of however similar the ultimate functional modern societies. No society can avoid goals, political leaders in different socivery profound changes as it modernizes, _ eties are likely to proceed by different

but some traditional institutions are routes. much more adaptable than others. It would be outside the limits set for What is significant in the case of Rus- this paper to venture beyond the fall of

sia is that its traditional institutional the empire in February/March, 1917, system was different from those of the but it is relevant to discuss the bearing societies of Western Europe, as indeed it on subsequent developments of the was from those of non-European soci- changes which the empire was undereties as well. In Western Europe modern going in its final decades. It is wel]

political institutions, for example, enough to attribute the fall of the emevolved from those of feudalism into a pire to the strains of the First World characteristic form of liberal govern- War, for the connection between the two

ment in which political power was is clear, but it is also necessary to note shared by elected representatives and a that the crisis was not so great that a permanent civil service. In Russia, by more effective government might not contrast, the starting point was not a have been able to cope with it. The vital feudal system but an autocratic state struggle in the last decades of the emwhich had characteristically exercised pire was that which was going on within very extensive political functions. It was the government between those who sup-

not difficult for this state, in the genera- . tion after the defeat in the Crimea, to 19 Isaac Deutscher, The French Revolution

oe . and the Russian Revolution: Some Suggestive

initiate a very fundamental reorienta- Analogies,” World Politics, IV (April, 1952), tion of national life. Between 1861 and 469_81.

492 The Nature of Imperial Russian Society ported the traditional autocracy to the in the West, or even that something rebitter end, and those who favored the | sembling such a system may not yet detransformation of Russia into a modern _ velop in Russia at some future time. It bureaucratic and constitutional state. means only that, at the time the empire The Wittes and Stolypins were still collapsed, the balance of domestic pollitseparated by a wide gap from the __ ical experience weighed heavily in favor liberals, but the gap was perhaps no of those leaders who were prepared to wider than that which separated them employ authoritarian methods. from the emperor. The lines dividing the various conservative and liberal SETON-WATSON: RUSSIA AND conceptions of an evolutionary constitu- MODERNIZATION tionalism were becoming increasingly | My own approach to this subject is very blurred in the last years of the empire, much the same as Professor Black’s. and much would have depended on the _—‘Imperial Russia, it seems to me, was the leadership which might have emerged. _ prototype of the “underdeveloped soci-

The war came at a time when'these — ety” whose problems are so familiar a

conflicts between the emperor and his theme in our own age. The study of critics within the government were still _ nineteenth-century Russia is the study unresolved, and in fact it only served to _ of a society in process of modernization, make them more bitter. The fragmenta- and probably the most useful service tion of Russian politics at this stage was = which non-Russian historians can rensuch that the collapse of the autocracy _ der is to try to regard this process as a in 1917 resulted in a situation in which _—_ whole, and particularly to differentiate

no alternative had any wide support. between those aspects of Russia’s modThere was of course a significant group _ernization process which are common to

of leaders favoring parliamentary de- several known historical cases and those mocracy who had gained political expe- | which are peculiar to Russia. The folrience in the Duma and in local govern- lowing comments on Professor Black’s

ment, but the political methods which article are offered from this point of they favored were not generally under- _ view. stood or accepted. Where parliamentary The physical setting, rightly stressed democracy has been successful it has in _ by Professor Black at the outset, may be fact been a value system widely sup- regarded as a peculiarly Russian aspect.

ported by many elements of a society Here human and physical geography rather than one reflecting the interests are closely interrelated. Other nations of a particular social stratum. The vast besides the Russians have lived in forest majority of Russians—whether peas- areas where it was desperately hard to ants, workers, bureaucrats, officers, or make a living. Some similarities could professional people—were not generally probably be found with the earlier hisfamiliar with the values and techniques __ tory of the Germans, Poles, and Swedes, of parliamentary democracy. To this ex- _ though the still greater severity of the

tent the task of leaders favoring parlia- Russian climate should be taken into

mentary methods in 1917 was infinitely account. But surely the case of the south more difficult than that of those prepared = Russian steppes is unique. Here is much

to rely on force. This does not necessar- of the most fertile grain land in the ily mean that the empire might not under _— world, which for centuries was barely other circumstances have developed into cultivated, being in fact Durchmarscha political democracy of the type familiar gebiet for successive waves of nomadic

The Nature of Imperial Russian Society 493 invaders. Indeed it was only after the with the destruction of independent rulfinal subjugation of the Crimean Tatars ers in the Balkan Christian countries by Russia in the late eighteenth century | by the Ottoman Turks. (Incidentally, a that its agricultural wealth began for comparison of the status of the Orthothe first time in history to be systemati- dox Church under the Tatars and the cally exploited. In the previous cen- Turks, based on a detailed study of both turies, Russia south of the forest zone with the use of Moslem documents, had two “open frontiers,” to the west would be a task of great value.) In the and to the southeast. But whereas the period following the removal of the “open frontier” in North America was Tatar yoke the Church of course became a factor of opportunity, and so of liber- extremely powerful, while from Peter ty, in Russia it was a factor of insecu- the Great onwards it declined. Neverrity, and so of despotism. The constant theless, it seems to me that the role of need of Russia for protection against the Orthodox Church even in nineteenthenemies held back by no natural fron- _ century Russia has hitherto been grossly tier—no Pyrenees, no English Channel underrated. There is surely more to be

—is surely a major factor in the de- said of it than is found in that fine exvelopment of autocracy. A strong cen- ample of anticlerical rhetoric, Belinsky’s tral military command was indispensa- Letter to Gogol. One may sympathize ble. In fact Russian society as a whole _ with Belinsky in his particular argument became so militarized that—paradoxi- with Gogol, and admit that the picture cally—army officers as a separate cate- of obscurantism and superstition which gory never acquired a special status, he paints is an important part of reality. though the profession of arms of course _ But it is only a part. Religion cannot be

had high prestige. It is true that the simply dismissed from modern Russian “open frontier” did offer opportunities history, as has been the fashion for the to enterprising individuals, especially in _last hundred years. This is true not only Siberia. But the autocratic state caught of Bolshevik historians, but of the radiup with them in time. Unlike the Ameri- cal bien pensants who dominated Rus-

can pioneers, they had no ocean be- sian historical literature long before

tween them and their monarch. To sum (1917. up, the vastness, the absence of natural- It seems to me that Professor Black ly defensible frontiers, and the vulner- somewhat overrates the power of the

ability to incursions from west, east, oligarchy, and underestimates that of and south for more than a thousand _ the autocracy, in the period following years constitute an exceptional, if not the death of Peter the Great. It is true

unique, environment. that the following rulers were weak. But Another factor, also to some extent the astonishing fact remains that none peculiar to Russia, has barely been men- _ of the disputed successions, or reigns of

tioned by Professor Black. This is the foreign women, were used to establish Orthodox Church. Orthodoxy came late any institutions that would give the no_ to Russia, but Russia is the only Great _ bility a regular share in central governPower since the great age of Byzantium ment. The failure of Golitsyn’s project which has been Orthodox. It is true that at the accession of Anna Ivanovna is the under the Tatar yoke the church suffered most striking example. The Guards ofhindirectly from the restrictions placed on _ cers objected to particular claimants to the sovereignty of the Russian princes. the throne, and particular favorites, but But these were at no time comparable they never sought to limit the power of

494, The Nature of Imperial Russian Society the autocracy as such. The tsars con- same is true of Russian-protected Tatar tinued to wield arbitrary powers, though traders in Central Asia and the conquest

of course their practical ability to put of Turkistan in the 1860’s. Russian exthem into practice depended on the pansion seems to me to have exact parstrength of their characters and the abil- allels in the history of other nations, ity of their advisers. The nobility were being morally neither better nor worse. “independent” in the sense that they It differs only in that it combines many controlled the lives of their serfs. They different forms, roughly comparable were themselves pocket autocrats on with the expansion of the Ile-de-France, their estates. But they left central power the Spanish reconquista, French acquito the monarch. This situation is surely sition of Burgundy, North American basically different from that in Europe. conquest and extermination of the Red European “absolute monarchies” had Indians, and British occupation of con-

arisen in the course of centuries of tinental India.

strugele between the monarchs and the The last problem raised by Professor nobility, which had its own corporate Black which I should like to discuss, institutions and its own corporate con- and at greatest length, is the problem

sciousness. Even Louis XIV _ ruled’ of the middle classes. Here I do not through the regular channels. This was think that I significantly disagree with also the case in Prussia. It was not so in Professor Black, but I should like to Russia. Surely this is what Speransky urge that definitions should be further meant when he said that “monarchical developed, and to emphasize the comgovernment” did not exist in Russia. plexity of the subject.

I am also unable to agree with Pro- It seems to me that it is a mistake, in fessor Black’s implication that there is discussing nineteenth-century Russia, to

any sense whatever in which Russian speak of “a middle class.” In Russia expansion was “less imperialistic” than there were three separate “middle clasthat of any other Power. What is “im- — ses” —the businessmen, the government perialism” anyhow? Were the Arabs servants, and the intellectual elite. These imperialists when they conquered Spain _ three categories exist to some extent in from the Visigoths, who had themselves almost any organized society. In tradiconquered it from Rome three centuries __ tional societies of course the intellectual

earlier? Or the Christian princes when _ elite is provided by a priesthood, while they drove the Arabs out of Toledo and the category of government servants is Cordoba? Or the Tatars when they con- _not very well developed, and the busiquered southern Russia, or the Russians —_ nessmen are merchants with rather small

when they captured Kazan? The Volga capital. Modernization increases the im-

is russkaia reka in the song, but from portance of all three groups. This is the early Middle Ages until the eight- characteristic of all underdeveloped soeenth century it was a Turkic river, and cieties, including post-Petrine Russia.

largely remained so even until the What is not characteristic of all is a 1920’s. Acquisition of border territories tendency for the three groups to become

in the interest of security is how vir- fused into a single “middle class,” unitually all empires have arisen. British fied by a common ethos. This did in fact traders in India seized land in order to _ happen in post-Reformation Europe, and

ensure their right to trade. They had the process was accelerated by the ingot there in the first instance in the dustrial revolution. In the period after pursuit of trade, not conquest. Much the the Reformation the “bourgeois ethos”

The Nature of Imperial Russian Society 495 —individualism, in matters of religion, political role of the intelligentsia as a of business enterprise, and later also of _ peculiarly Russian phenomenon. Yet it political opinion—became widespread. 1s nothing of the sort. The national and It was this bourgeoisie—a social and cul- social revolutionary movements of the tural category rather than an economic Christian peoples of the Ottoman Emone—which carried out the industrial pire were created and led essentially by revolution. This bourgeoisie was espe- the intelligentsia. So also have been and cially strong in the Protestant countries are the similar movements in Asia and —England, Scotland, Holland, and then Africa. President Nasser is an example the United States of America—but it of this category (intelligentsia-in-uniwas also to be found in France, northern form, as were the Russian Decembrists, Italy, western and southwestern Ger- but none the less intelligentsia for that). many. In Russia, however, it did not Again, though the intellectual qualities exist. Russia had capitalists and bureau- of the two men, if measured by tradicrats (including professional army off- tional academic standards, are clearly cers), and from the 1830’s or so it ac- very diverse, both Leopold Senghor and quired also a secular intellectual elite, Patrice Lumumba must be regarded as the intelligentsia. But these categories examples of intelligentsia.

remained clearly distinct from each Even the “populist outlook”—the deother, and certainly none of the three termination to “serve the people,” to pay

had anything which can remotely be one’s debt by devoting one’s special described as a bourgeois ethos. In all skills and knowledge not to enriching this, however, Russia was not exceptional _ oneself but to raising the masses up out

but typical. This difference between of squalor and poverty—is not confined three middle classes, and this absence of _ to Russian history. This outlook (as bourgeois ethos—and so, of a bourgeoi- opposed to the particular political idesie—is typical of all the underdeveloped _ ologies or political tactics adopted at societies which have been modernized particular periods in the face of particsince the mid-nineteenth century in ular needs) is shared, to take only some many parts of the world. It is northwest examples at random, by the Yugoslav Europe and North America which have Marxist students of the 1930’s, the Ru-

been exceptional. manian Iron Guardist students of the The role of the intelligentsia in Rus- same period, the early pioneers of Apris-

sian political history is of course very mo in Peru, and the early followers of well known. Even so, too little attention Sun Yat-sen. The difference between the

has been paid to the intelligentsia as a Russian intelligentsia and these later social group. Historians, whether Soviet | examples is a matter rather of nuance or pre-Soviet, Russian or foreign, have than of clear distinction. It seems to me studied their ideas in meticulous detail, that the Russian revolutionary intelli-

but have on the whole neglected their gentsia, at least in the second half of emergence as a specific social group. the nineteenth century, was marked by Should one dare to brave Marxist and an exceptional spirit of selfless devotion quasi-Marxist wrath by describing them __ to the cause and of indifference to its as a “class”? Historians have also made _ own interests. Revolutionary fervor and too little effort to distinguish the general heroism are of course to be found in all from the peculiarly Russian features of | such movements, but the Russians had, the intelligentsia. There is indeed a wide- _I think, an overdose of idealism above spread tendency to consider the great and beyond the normal ration. It would

496 The Nature of Imperial Russian Society be interesting to explore this question. modernization is deliberately adopted I suspect that the explanation might be and _ artificially pursued, the ways of found in the direct and indirect influ. handling the problem may and do vary. ence of Orthodox Christianity on Rus- And here again there is an undoubted

sian thinking. The disproportionate element of the unique in the Russian number of popovichi among early Rus- _ story.

sian revolutionaries has often been Alexander I intended to create a sysnoted. This was probably due to the tem of education which would give every fact that children of priests, being able able child the chance to improve himto get a rudimentary education in semi- self and to rise. But the absence of naries, were more favorably placed for schools and teachers, and the poverty

developing what talents they had than of the Russian state, greatly increased were other raznochintsy. But the popo- by the burden of the wars against Na-

vicht may have introduced into the poleon, prevented the achievement of growing intellectual elite a peculiarly his aims. In the following reign, under religious way of thinking. It would be Count S. S. Uvarov, educational policy interesting to know to what extent popo- = acquired a definite class bias. It was vichi predominated among the Balkan intended that higher education should revolutionaries. Professor Black, with be available only to the upper classes. his thorough knowledge of modern Bul- | However, the resources available were garian history, would be well placed to __ still so small, and the desire for educainvestigate, and draw conclusions from, _ tion still comparatively so restricted,

this matter. that even without Uvarov’s class bias, it Modernization in Western Europe _ is clear that those who would have benewas a more or less spontaneous process, _fited from education would have been resulting from social development. It | overwhelmingly the children of nobles was accelerated or retarded by individ- and rich merchants. In fact the reign of

ual monarchs or cardinals, but it was Nicholas I was in a sense a period of not deliberately initiated by them. Mod- _ genuine educational progress. The disernization in Russia, Asia, and Africa _astrous trend came in the second half of

has been deliberately initiated. Every the century. The famous circular from government which sets out forcibly to the Minister of Education, recommendmodernize has to create a modern secu- ing that children of “cooks, washer- _ lar intellectual elite. It has to create a | women, coachmen and suchlike people” system of modern education. In the ear- _ should not be given an education above ly stage of modernization, there is bound __ their station, was issued in 1887—near-

to be a profound gulf between the new ly a century after Alexander I had creintellectual elite and the majority of the —_ ated the Ministry of Education. Thus in

nation. This “cultural gap” is inevitably Russia the “cultural gap” was kept artia cause of frustration to the elite and a __ficially wide for an inordinately long

source of weakness to the state. This time, in the belief that to educate the

dangerous period of transition cannot be _ people was dangerous. The classical ex-

avoided unless the government and the ample of a contrary course is Japan, society are willing to accept stagnation, | whose reformers decided that an eduleading to conquest by more progressive _cated people would be stronger than an

nations. uneducated people, and that mass eduBut if the problem of the “cultural cation would not weaken but strengthen gap” is common to all societies in which the regime. They accomplished their

The Nature of Imperial Russian Society 497 task in about thirty years, and the re- little importance in imperial Russia, by sults justified their expectations. It is contrast with the Muscovite period, is true that Japanese boys and girls were its formal theology, structure, and ponot brought up to be liberal democrats. _ litical role. The church was thoroughly

But the “cultural gap” in Japan was subordinated to the state in an adminisnarrowed, and this contributed enor- trative sense, and in its official capacity mously to the brilliant successes of Ja- it was not a particularly fertile source pan in the first four decades of the of ideas or inspiration. What seems to twentieth century. In Russia, on the me of much greater importance is what other hand, the gap remained wide open, might be called the value system or and contributed greatly to the continued “ideology”—to use a much abused term

alienation, not only of the intelligentsia —of the Orthodox faith. This was no in the narrower sense, but of the whole doubt only a part of a more general public (obshchestvo) from the regime, value system characteristic of imperial and so to the breakdown not only of Russian society which included impor-

tsardom but of the Russian state. tant secular elements, but Orthodoxy No other modernizing state has ever probably accounted for some of its most made such a bad job of national educa- significant features. This unofficial Ortion as imperial Russia, nor such a good _ thodoxy was expressed at a sophisticated

job as Japan. Their examples are still level by leading thinkers such as Solofar too little known by the “educational- _viev, Dostoevsky, and Berdiaev, among

ists” of the West or of the Asian and others. At a more popular level it took African nations, who are lavish in the the form of the beliefs and attitudes of use of rhetoric about education but the common people, for whom religion might well find that study of Russian provided much of the vocabulary and and Japanese experience would be more _— symbolism for the expression of thought.

beneficial to them than the ritual invo- _It is a difficult matter, however, to define

cation of “Asianism” or négritude. just what these values were. It may well These scattered comments were in- be, as is often asserted, that this value tended as a contribution to discussion system stressed otherworldliness, enon a number of interesting problems couraged passivity in regard to the poand as a tribute to Professor Black’s litical authorities, emphasized the imadmirable and stimulating survey of portance of the group at the expense

this great subject. of the individual, deprecated the accumulation of private property, and adBLACK: REPLY vanced the ew that the Russians are

Il the only “God-bearing” people. To the

Professor Seton-Watson’s comments are extent that one can see important reflecconcerned in particular with the role of _ tions of such attitudes in contemporary the Orthodox Church, the nature of the Soviet society, it may well be that these

autocracy, the Russian form of imperi- were in fact important elements of the alism, and the composition of the middle _ prerevolutionary value system and that

class. His comments also have some im- they have now assumed a Marxist asplications of a general theoretical char- _ pect. My own feeling is that not enough acter about which I would like to make _is known about the value system of im-

some remarks. perial Russia or about its Orthodox As concerns the Orthodox Church, component, and that this is among the what strikes me as being of relatively significant questions that deserve fur-

498 The Nature of Imperial Russian Society

ther study. tween a policy inspired by a bureauAs regards the autocracy and the cratic government and one inspired by oligarchy, there may have been some chartered trading companies, or bemisunderstanding of the way in which — tween motives of security and of comI used the terms. I defined the oligarchy merce. Apart from nebulous schemes to include the “higher civilian and mili- _ involving India and parts of Africa, and

tary officials and leading families of | rather minor financial investments and noble landowners,” and thought of the _ technical assistance missions in Persia autocracy much more narrowly as the and Mongolia, characteristically comautocrat himself. For Professor Seton- mercial expansionism in the period of Watson the autocracy comprises the au- the empire was limited essentially to tocrat together with the bureaucratic Alaska and Manchuria. As an exporter apparatus, and the oligarchy consists of | almost exclusively of agricultural prod-

the leading noble families and the ucts and natural resources, Russian comGuards officers who led their regiments merce was with the developed societies into action at critical moments. His defi- rather than with the undeveloped, with nitions may well correspond more accu- _— countries where the flag could not follow

rately to current usage, and in that trade. The sale of Alaska after the disevent I am inclined to agree with the covery of gold is a classic example of substance of his remarks. I have been a government sacrificing economic gains

impressed by the fact that more often in the interest of security. In the case than not between 1725 and 1917 the of Manchuria and the associated treaty initiative in the great decisions of state _ ports, the reverse was true. The distinc-

came not from the autocrat but from tion between continental and overseas

the leading bureaucrats. This is partic- | expansionism strikes me as particularly ularly true of the dramatic reforms in important in the modern age, when po-

the reign of Alexander II. The circum- litical leaders are confronted by the stance that all decrees were issued in powerful but antagonistic trends favorthe name of the emperor obscures this ing administrative and economic intesomewhat, but the fact remains that Pe- _ gration on the one hand and nationalister alone among the rulers of the empire _ tic separatism on the other. In the case had the ability and imagination to offer of an overseas empire, which character-

outstanding personal leadership. istically embraces a wide diversity of It seems that the problem of Russian cultures, the nationalist trend tends to expansionism offers a more lively source gain the upper hand. In a continental of controversy, although here again it empire, on the other hand, administramay be more a question of terminology tive and economic integration have a than a fundamental difference in inter- good chance of success if the nationalipretation. On rereading my remarks on __ ties problem can be worked. out. In any this subject I was relieved to find that _ event, it does not seem to me that moral the “less imperialistic” which Professor judgments are involved in this distincSeton-Watson puts in quotation marks _ tion. Morality in these matters concerns does not come from my paper, although the way peoples are ruled rather than

my use of the term “imperialist” was the motives underlying the creation of perhaps ambiguous. The distinction I an empire. had in mind was between a continental I find Professor Seton-Watson’s comand an overseas expansionism. In this ments about the middle class particcase it amounts also to a distinction be- _ ularly valuable. The sources and charac-

The Nature of Imperial Russian Society 499 ter of the modernizing leadership are bureaucrats in imperial Russia also has perhaps the key to an understanding of been greatly underrated. the process of change characteristic of The comparative study of modernizthe modern age, and scholars trained in ing leadership is related to a question the Western tradition have to be con- of a more general theoretical character stantly on guard against applying con- which seems to me relevant at this point.

cepts valid in their own culture—and In his opening paragraph Professor the “middle class” is typical of such Seton-Watson refers to imperial Russia concepts—to societies with a somewhat as “the prototype of ‘the underdeveloped different background. I would not go so society’ whose problems are so familiar

far as Professor Seton-Watson, however, a theme in our own age.” Later on, in | in his use of the term “intelligentsia” discussing the question of the middle to describe a variety of modernizing class, he appears to regard imperial Rusleaders around the world. In Russia the _ sia and all of the underdeveloped socie-

intelligentsia certainly formed an im- ties as a single general category distinct portant group, distinct both from the from the societies of “northwest Europe bureaucrats—many of whom were well- and North America.” This strikes me educated intellectualk—and from the as much too sweeping a generalization, merchants. What is significant about the with one that tends to blur the distincRussian situation, however, is less the tive character of the various societies distinction and influence of this group concerned. I would prefer an approach

than the fact that so many able and that places greater emphasis on the diwell-educated individuals should have versities among the traditional societies been alienated from public service to that form the base from which modernthe extent that their principal contribu- ization has proceeded. One example tion was one of comment and criticism. from Professor Seton-Watson’s arguThe difference between the Russian in- ment will illustrate my point. He comtelligentsia and the leaders of the new pares the educational policies of Russia

states in Asia and Africa seems to be and Japan in the nineteenth century, more than a nuance, as Professor Seton- much to the advantage of the latter. I Watson asserts. Sun Yat-sen and Fidel take no exception to what he says in Castro may perhaps be considered as __ this regard, but he neglects to point out members of an intelligentsia in the Rus- the very significant difference in their sian sense, but Kemal in Turkey, Chiang point of departure. By the end of the

in China, and Nasser in Egypt were seventeenth century Japan had a relamilitary bureaucrats well along in their tively high rate of literacy. Not only professional careers before they seized were bureaucrats, merchants, and power, and the leaders of modern Japan townspeople in general comparatively were likewise predominantly bureau- well educated, but there was also a sigcrats. If one is going to make a distinc- nificant degree of literacy in the viltion between an intelligentsia and a bu- _lages and a brisk trade in books in the reaucracy, I would hazard a guess that market places. In seventeenth-century

persons trained for the civilian and Russia, by contrast, literacy was very military bureaucracy have contributed limited even in the towns. I do not know

more modernizing leaders in the new what difference this made in the edustates than have members of an intelli- cational policies of these countries a gentsia. As I suggested in my paper, I century or two later, but I suspect that believe that the role of the modernizing _it was considerable. In brief, I do not

— ~§00 The Nature of Imperial Russian Society think the Russia in the sixteenth, seven- _—_ essentially different institutional struc-

teenth, and eighteenth centuries was tures that modern societies are likely to particularly typical of traditional soci- | possess even when they perform esseneties in general—whether the compari- __ tially similar functions. Consequently, I son is with a contemporary African so- am more impressed with the uniqueness

ciety, or with China, Japan, or India of Russian institutions than with the featwo or three centuries ago, or with Eng- _ tures it shares in common with other land and France in the later Middle developing societies. There are “many Ages. I would be inclined to emphasize roads to modernization,” to paraphrase not only the fundamental diversities | Khrushchev, and that of imperial Russia among traditional societies but also the _is only one of them.

CHRONOLOGY voLuME II

1689-1725 REIGN OF PETER I, THE GREAT , 1695 Beginning of Russian navy 1697 Conquest of Kamchatka

1697-98 Peter’s first visit to the West , Revolt of Streltsy crushed

1700 Suspension of the patriarchate

1700-1721 Great Northern War with Sweden

1703 Foundation of St. Petersburg First newspaper in Russia

1707-8 Bulavin uprising | 1708 Establishment of provincial subdivisions (guberniias) 1705 Beginning of printing in civil (non-Slavonic) typography First book printed in civil type

1'709 Russian victory over Charles XII of Sweden at Poltava

1710 First population census (household and tax)

1711 First civil press in St. Petersburg 1713 Transfer of capital to St. Petersburg

1716-17 French architect Leblond builds the palace of Peterhof (remodeled by the Italian Rastrelli 1747-53)

1718 Institution of poll tax ;

_ Foundation of administrative colleges Tsarevich Alexis killed

, 1720 Pososhkov’s book On Poverty and Wealth

: 1721 Holy Synod replaces patriarchate

Livonia, Estonia, Karelia, and Ingria acquired from Sweden by treaty of Nystad

Peter assumes title of emperor Organization of state postal service

1722 Table of Ranks 1725 Death of Peter

1725 CATHERINE I, 1725-27 . Foundation of Academy of Sciences

1725-29 Arctic expedition of Bering (second, 1732-41) xvii

XVIll Chronology 1730 Struggle over the terms of the succession

1730-40 Reign of Anna 1741 Lomonosov appointed to the Academy of Sciences 1741-62 Reign of Elizabeth 1746 Ban on purchase of serfs by non-nobles 1750's First regular Russian theatre founded in Yaroslavl by the merchant Volkov

1753 Decree abolishing internal customs 1754-62 Rastrelli builds the Winter Palace 1755 Foundation of Moscow University 1760’s Fonvizin’s comedies The Brigadier-General and The Minor

1760 Landowners granted right to exile serfs to Siberia 1762 Peter III issues Manifesto on the Rights of the Nobility —they are freed from service

Peter III murdered

1762 CATHERINE IT, THE GREAT, 1762-96 1764 Final secularization of church lands 1765 Establishment of the Free Economic Society 1767 Peasants forbidden to submit complaints against their landowners

1767-68 Legislative Commission 1769-74 Catherine publishes satirical journals; Novikov’s journals The Drone and The Parnter

(1772 First partition of Poland—parts of Belorussia annexed to Russia

1773-75 Revolt of Pugachev | 1774 Treaty of Kuchunk-Kainardji: acquisition of Black Sea steppes from Turkey |

1775 Liquidation of the Zaporozhian Cossacks 1780's Englishman Cameron builds at Tsarskoe Selo 1781-86 Full absorption of Little Russia into Russian Empire 1782-85 | Italian Quarenghi builds the Hermitage

1783 Incorporation of the Crimea

Private printing presses permitted

1783-84 Taurida Palace built by the Russian Starov 1785 Charter constituting the nobility and gentry an estate 1790. Radishchev’s Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow

1793 Second Partition of Poland

1794 Founding of Odessa 1795 Third Partition of Poland

1796 Death of Catherine the Great

Chronology xix 1796 PAUL I, 1796-1801

1797 Establishment of “three-day barshchina” 1799 Russo-American Trading Company formed

Suvorov’s campaign in northern Italy and Switzerland

1801 Murder of Paul I

1801 ALEXANDER I, 1801-25 Acquisition of eastern Georgia Sale of serfs without land prohibited

1802 Formation of ministries

1806 Conquest of Daghestan and Baku 1806-15 The new admiralty built by Zakharov 1807-11 Reforms of Speransky

1809 Krylov’s Fables Annexation of Finland

1812 Napoleon’s invasion of Russia; burning of Moscow

1815-25 Ascendancy of Arakcheev :

1816-19 Abolition of serfdom in Baltic provinces 1817 Transfer of the Makariev fair to Nizhni Novgorod 1817-57 The Frenchman Montferrand builds St. Isaac’s Cathedral

1818 Karamzin’s History of the Russian State 1819 University of St. Petersburg founded 1819-29 The Italian Rossi builds the General Staff Building on Palace Square

1825 The death of Alexander I 1825 NICHOLAS I, 1825-55

) Decembrist revolt

Griboedov’s comedy Woe from Wit

1830 Briullov’s painting Last Day of Pomper.

Pushkin completes Evgeni. Onegin Mathematician Lobachevsky publishes first works

1830-31 Polish rebellion

1832 Uvarov’s three principles enunciated: autocracy, orthodoxy, nationality

. Alexandriiskii Theatre in St. Petersburg opened 1833 Code of Laws 1834 Kiev University founded 1836 Glinka’s opera Life for the Tsar (Ivan Susanin) -~Gogol’s Inspector General Chadaaev’s Philosophical: Letters

7 1838 First Russian railroad—St. Petersburg to T’sarskoe Selo 1839-47 Belinsky works on the Notes of the Fatherland

1840 Lermontov’s Hero of Our Time

1841 Ban against the sale of peasants individually

XX Chronology 1842 Glinka’s opera Ruslan and Ludmila: Gogol’s Dead Souls

1846 Abolition of Corn Laws in England: increase of Russian grain exports

1847 Herzen leaves Russia forever Belinsky’s Letier to Gogol

1849 Dostoevsky sentenced to forced labor in Siberia Russian intervention in Hungary

1851 St. Petersburg—-Moscow railway opened

1852 Turgenev’s Sportsman’s Notebook

1853 Ostrovsky’s first play produced

1853-56 Crimean War 1855 Death of Nicholas I

1855 ALEXANDER II, 1855-81 1857 First issue of Herzen’s Kolokol (The Bell)

Alexander Ivanov’s painting, “‘Christ’s First Appearance to the People”’

1858-60 Acquisition from China of Amur and Maritime provinces

1859 Surrender of Shamil; conquest of Caucasus completed Goncharov’s Oblomov

1860 Founding of Vladivostok 1860-73 First railway boom 1861 Emancipation of the serfs

1862 St. Petersburg Conservatory founded; Anton Rubinstein, director The Five (Balakierev, Cui, Borodin, Rimsky-Korsakov,

Mussorgsky) announce their intention to create a

school of “‘true Russian music” Turgenev’s Fathers and Sons

1863 Polish rebellion

Artists Co-operative Society founded Chernyshevsky’s What Is To Be Done?

1863-65 Law (courts) and education reform Zemstvo instituted Censorship relaxed

1864-85 Conquest of central Asia

1865 Capture of Tashkent

1866 Moscow Conservatory founded: Tchaikovsky professor

1867 Alaska sold to the United States of America

1868 Capture of Samarkand and Bukhara

1869 Tolstoy’s War and Peace

1870 Society for Traveling Art Exhibitions Mendeleyev’s Principles of Chemistry

. 1872 Russian translation of Marx’s Capital

Chronology xxi 1873 Capture of Khiva

Beginning of the movement “To the People” (V narod) Repin’s painting “The Bargemen”

1874 Compulsory military service

Mussorgsky’s opera Boris Godunov

1876 Land and Freedom Party Conquest of Kokand khanate (Fergana) 1877 Tchaikovsky’s Swan Lake 1877-78 War with Turkey 1878 Tchaikovsky’s First Piano Concerto takes Paris by storm His opera Eugene Onegin Tolstoy’s Anna Karenina

1879 People’s Will Party, and Black Partition

1880 Brothers Karamazov

1881 Assassination of Alexander II

1881 ALEXANDER III, 1881-94 :

1882 Establishment of factory inspection system 1884 Reactionary regulations for universities 1888 Rimsky-Korsakov’s Scheherazade

1890 Borodin’s opera Prince Igor

Tchaikovsky’s Sleeping Beauty Shchukin Museum, Moscow

Reactionary statute on zemstvos and cities

1891 Tchaikovsky conducts at Carnegie Hall Beginning of Trans-Siberian railway

| Famine in twenty-one provinces of European Russia

1891-93 Making of Franco-Russian alliance

1892 Tretiakov donates his art collection to the city of Moscow

1892-1903 Witte as minister of communications, finance, and commerce

1894 NICHOLAS II, 1894-1917 1897 First general population census in Russia 1898 Moscow Art Theatre founded, produces Chekhov’s Sea First Congress of the Russian Social Democratic party Occupation of Port Arthur

1900 Boxer rebellion; Russia occupies Manchuria

1902 Gorky’s Lower Depths 1903 Split into Mensheviks and Bolsheviks 1904 General strike in Tiflis and Baku 1904-5 Russo-Japanese War

1905 Revolution: General Strike, October Manifesto, Mos-

cow rising | 1906 First Duma

xxi Chronology 1906-11 Stolypin: agrarian legislation

1909 Diaghilev ballet, yearly tours to western Europe 1912 Mayakovsky’s “‘A Slap in the Face of Public Taste”

1914 (August) World Warl

1917 (March) REVOLUTION

Abdication of Nicholas IT ,

Provisional Government

CORRELATION of READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Vols. I, II, and III with Representative Texts CuarkKsON, Jesse D., A History of Russia, Random House, 1964

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

16 19 II: 36, 37 234] I: I: 1 20 IT: 35 I: 2122 II:II: 39-41 I: 23-5 38

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

6897 I:I:26 24 III: 44 7-9 25 III: 45 / IIT: 46 11-13 27

+) I: 6, 10, 15 | 23 II: 42, 43

10 I: 29 14, 17III: 28 III: 47 1] 48 12 II: II: 19 1831 30ITT: III: 49-51 13 56 14 II: 20-22 32 IIIT:55, 52-54

15 II:34 23—27 33 16 III: 57, 58 17 II: 28, 30 35 III: 18 II: 29, 31-34 36 III:59-62 63-69

48

37 III: 70-72

DmytrysHyn, Basit, USSR: A Concise History, Scribners, 1965

] 5 III: 47, 48

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

6 III:57-62 49-56 32 IIT: III: 44, 46 45 7 III:

9 II: 63-72 |

ELuIson, HERBERT J., History of Russia, Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1964

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

I: 6-10, 16 13 Ill: 44-45 , 2341I:I: I: 1-5 14 II: 46 = 15 15 Ill: 47 | 11-14, 17 16 III: 48 5 II: 18 17

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

7 II: 23 19

6 II: 19-22 18 III: 49-56 89 II: 24-27 .21 20IIT: III: 57, 58 II: 28-31 59-62 10 II: 32-37 22 63-70 ll II: 38-41 23 IIT: 12 II: 42-43 : 24 III: 71, 72

XX11] | ,

XX1V Correlation Tables

1 I: 1,2 25 9 26 5 I: 3, 4 29 8 I: 7-9 32 9 33 10 I: 13 34 12 36 II: 33 15 39 IT: 35

Fiorinsky, Micuak T., Russia: A History and an Interpretation, 2 vols.,

Macmillan, 1953

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

15 27 II: II: 24 23 463 I: I: 6 28 I: 5,10 30 7 31 {T: 25—27

11 I: 11, 12, 14, 16, 17 35

13 II: 36, 28-32 14 II: 3818 IT:3734, 37

19 43 92 46 III: 45 23 II: 22 47 94 48 III: 46

16 40 IT: 38-41 17 41 II: 43 18 II: 19 42 II: 42 20 44, 21 II: 20, 21 45 III: 44

FLoRINSKY, MIcHAEL T., Russia: A Short History, Macmillan, 1964

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

l I:I:1,3-5 2, 16 15II:II:34-42 28-33 23 16 I: 15 | 17 4 I: 10 18 IT: 43 5 I: 6 19 III: 44, 45 67 I:21 7-9III: 20 Ill: 46-48 52-56 7 89 I:I:11,1312,22 III: 49-51 14, 17 2357, 58 10 II: 18 24 Ill: ll II: 19 2526III: 59-62 12 II: 20-22 III: 63-72 13 II: 23, 24 27 14 Il: 25-27 HArcAvVE, SIDNEY, Russia: A History, 6th ed., Lippincott, 1968

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

l3 I:I:I: 16 17 II: 36, 37 2 1-5, 15 18 II: 33 6-10 19 IT: 31

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

45I:II: 11-14, II: 39-41 18172120II: 42

| 68 19 III: 22 II:46 4345 7 IT: Ii:24 20-21 23 III: 44, 9 II: 22 25 III: 47

Correlation Tables XXV HarcaveE, Swney, Russia: A History, 6th ed., Lippincott, 1968

10 26 III: 48 1] II: 23 27 III: 49-51 12 II:25-27 24 2829III: 13 II: III:52-56 57, 58

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

14 : 30 III: 59-62 15 II: 28-30 31 III: 63-72 16 II: 34, 38

Mazour, ANATOLE G., Russia: Tsarist and Communist, Van Nostrand, 1962

1I:I:I:1,2 16 19 II: 37 23 20 IT: 35, 38 15 21 II: 39-41 456I: I:I:7-9 3-5, 10 22 23 II: 25-28 6 . 24 89 I: 11-14, 17II:2642-43 II: 18 27 10 28 IIT: 44, 45 12 II: 19 30 III: 47, 48 13 II: 20-22 31 14 49-51 15 II:32 23III: 33 III: 52-56

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

7 25 11 29 III: 46

,

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

16 II: 24 34 17 II: 29-31 35 Ill: 58_ 57 18 II: 32-34, 36 36 ITI:

37 III: 59-62 38 III: 63-72

Pares, BERNARD, A History of Russia, Vintage Books, 1965

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

1 I: 16 15 II: 22 2 I: 1,2 16 II: 23 3 I: 15 17 II: 24 45 I: 3, 4 18 II: 25-27 I: 5, 10 19 II: 28 67 I: 7-9 20 II: 29-33 6 21 II: 34-37 89 I:I:22 IT: 11-13 23 II: 38 39-41

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

1] 25 III: 4448 12 II: 18 26 III: 49-56 13 II: 19 27 Ill: 57-72

10 I: 14, 17 24 II: 42, 43 14 II: 20, 21

XXV1 Correlation Tables PusHKAREV, SERGEI, The Emergence of Modern Russia, 1801-1917, Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1963

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

1 II: 23 7 II: 36, 37 2 8 II: 35, 39-41 3 II: 24-27 9 4 10 IT: 38, 42 56 II:IT: 28 11 IT: 43 29-34

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

27

Raucu, Georc Von, A History of Soviet Russia, 5th rev. ed., Praeger, 1967

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in |

1 III: 44-46 6 III: 52-56 4 Ill: 47-51 9 III: 59-62

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

3 8 III: 57, 58 3 10 III: 63-72

2 23 3 I: ] 24 II:23 22 46 25 IT: 2725-27 7 28, Il:

Rrasanovsky, Nicuo.as V., A History of Russia, Oxford University Press, 1963

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

l I: 16 22 IT: 20, 21

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

5 I: 2 26 II: 24

8 I: 15 29 II: 29, 31 9 I: 3, 4 30 II: 34 10 31 II: 35, 39-42

14 35

11 32 IT: 30, 36-38 12 33 II: 28, 32, 33,4543 13 I: 5,10 34 III: 44, 15 I:37 7-9III: 36 III: 46-48 16 49-56 17 38 III: 57-58 18 I: 6, 13, 14 39 III: 59-62 | 19 I: 11, 12, 17 40 III: 63-66 20 II: 21 II:18 194]42III: III:67-71 72

Correlation Tables XXVH

2 12 4 14 II: 36, 37 697 171916 II:II: 39-41 42 l361816 III: 52-56 21 11 26 )

SETON-Watson, Hucu, The Russian Enipire, 1801-1917, Oxford, 1967

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

1 II: 18-22 1] IT: 29-31

3 II: 23 13 II: 32-34 5) IT: 24 15 IT: 35 8 II: 25-27 18 II: 38

10 II: 28 20 II: 43

TREADGOLD, DonaLp W., Twentieth Century Russia, 2d ed., Rand McNally, 1964

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

2 II: 22-29, 31-33 17 ' JIT: 49-51

45 IT:IT: 34, 35 39-4119 20

II: 38, 30, 42, 36,43 3723 22III: 57 87 II: 9 THI: 44, 45 24 III: 58

10 III: 46 25 12 27 III: 59-62

13 III:29 47, 48 III: 63-66 14 Il:2867-72 15

Vernapsky, GrorceE, A History of Russia, 5th ed., Yale University Press, 1961

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

1,2 16 10II:II:36-38 28-34 2341 I:I:I:I:3-5, 11 35,42-46 39-41 7-915 1312II,II:IlI:

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

10-14, 17 14 Ill:52-56 47-51 6°7 I:II: II:6,22, 18-21 15 HI: 23 17 16 III: III: 57, 59-62 89 II: 25-27 58 II: 24 18 III: 63-72

XXV111 Correlation Tables Wren, ME vin C., The Course of Russian History, 3d ed., Macmillan, 1968

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

16 12 II: 28-33 234] I: I: 1] 13 II: 34-38 I: 3, 2,54 14 II: 39-43 I: 15 III: 44-46

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION -

36 I:I: 7-9 6, 10 47, 64, 48,66, 52-56 17 16 III:III: 49-51, 67, 70

7 I:IT: 11-17 1819 III: 59-62 8 18 9 IT: III:63, 57,68, 58,69, 65, 72 71 10 II:19-22 23 2120III: ll II: 24-27

Watsu, WarreEN B., Russia and the Soviet Union, University of Michigan Press, 1958

Chapter Related Selections in Chapter Related Selections in

Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION Nos. READINGS IN RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION

1 I:I:16 16 II:17 32-34, 36-37 2 1, 3,4 II: 35 I: 2,5 18 II: 39-4] 43 T: 15 19 II: 38, 42, 43 56 I:I:6,7,10-14, 8,9 2017lily 44—45 : 21 III: 46 7 II: 18 22 89 IT: II:20, 1921,2322III: 47,49-56 48 24 III: 10 II: 23 25

Il IT:27 24 III: 26 III: 57, 58 12 59-62 13 26, 29 27 III: 28 63-72 14 II: II: 25, 28-31 15

INDEX VOLUME II

Academy of Medicine and Surgery, 251 Bakunin, Mikhail, 327, 329, 330 Academy of Sciences, 243-44, 248-49, 481 Balkan league, 469

Afghanistan, 470 Balkans, 467, 468, 469, 493

Africa, 491, 495, 496, 497, 499 Baltic provinces, 473, 483

Agriculture, 254, 266-69, 290, 345-46, 360, 420, Bank Act, 286 422, 423, 428, 457, 473, 480, 483, 488, 492-93 Barannikov, Alexander Ivanovich (Kurshuni-

Aksakov, Ivan, 315, 327, 378 kov), 371

Aksakov, Konstantin, 327, 378 Baranov, Count, 372

Alaska, 498 Barshchina (labor service) , 336, 365 Albania, 469 Bashkirs, 438 Alexander I, 265, 280, 281, 282, 283, 285, 286, Basil; see Vasili 290, 297, 298, 299, 302, 306, 404, 432, 434, Belinski, Vissarion G., 315, 322-24, 327, 329, 485, 496; ministries of, 282-83, 291, 292, 496 330

Alexander II, 368-69, 379, 498 Bell, The, 321

Alexander III, 369, 383, 390, 418, 427, 433, Belorussia, 435, 437

466, 474 Belorussian language, 437

Alexei, Tsar, 296 Belorussian Revolutionary Hromada (Belorus-

Algeciras, 469 sian Socialist Hromada) , 437 Anatolia, 438, 442 Berdiaev, Nikolai, 497 All-Russian Moslem Movement, 439, 444 Belorussians, 431, 435, 437, 440

“Anglo-German war,” 465, 466 Bestuzhev, Alexander, 298—300

Anna Ivanovna, 493 Bismarck, Prince Otto von, 468

Apraxin, F. M., 235, 236, 237 Black, Cyril, 479

Aprisme, 495 Bobrinski, Count V. A., 346 43, 444, 472 Boris Godunov, 289, 290

Armenia, Armenians, 431, 433, 440, 441, 442- _ Bolsheviks, Bolshevism, 486, 487

Army, 388, 452, 470, 478, 489, 493; conscrip- Bosnia, 469 tion in, 263, 273, 276-77, 288; nobility in, Botkin, V. P., 327, 330

293-94, Bourbons, 297

Art, 387, 388 Bourgeoisie, 397, 405, 495, 498-99; see also Asia, 470, 479, 483, 497, 500; culture of, 310, Russia, classes in 312, 313; and Russia, 310, 480; moderniza- Boyars, 293; see also Nobility; Russia, classes

tion in, 496-97 in

Assignats (monetary unit) , 359 Breckell, Colonel, 234, 235

Astrakhan, 234 Breshko-Breshkovskaia, Katerina, 344-57; see Austria-Hungary, 467, 468-69, 473 also Populism

Autocracy, 253, 281, 292, 293, 319, 378, 380, British Empire, 384, 432; see also England 382, 391, 394, 397, 403, 404, 405, 431, 433, Bukhara, 432 434, 436, 480, 481, 491, 492, 493, 494, 498: Bulgaria, 408, 469

see also Monarchy; Tsar Byron, George Gordon Lord, 325

Azerbaijan, Azerbaijanis, 438, 440, 441, 444; Byzantine Empire, Byzantium; see Constan-

see also Moslems; Tatars tinople XX1X

XXX Index Cadets (Constitutional Democrats), 402, 437, Dissatisfied, The (Zagoskin) , 309

439, 445,460 Dissenters; see Old Believers

Capital punishment, 253-54 Dobroliubov, Nikolai, 332

Castro, Fidel, 499 Donetsk, 410 (n. 1)

Catherine I, 243 Dostoevski, Fyodor, 315, 497

Catherine II (the Great), 251, 252, 257, 260, Drama, in eighteenth century, 245 265, 281, 283, 285, 297, 349 (n. 8), 405; Drang nach Osten, 474 “Instructions” of, 252-55, 269, 297; “Notes” Duma, 433-34, 439, 442, 471, 477, 487, 489, on Radishchev’s Journey, 263, 264, 277-79 492; see also First, Second, Third Dumas Caucasian Mountain peoples (gortsy), 431, Durnovo, Peter, 465

440-41, 443 Dvorovye, 345 (n. 3); see also Russia, classes

Caucasus, 440, 441, 443-44, 470 in; Serfdom

Censorship, 263-64, 269-71, 278, 279, 316, 319, | Dvorzhitski, Colonel, 371

322, 375 (n. 3), 481; see also Press Dzungaria, 472

Census of 1897, 430

Central Asia, 432, 484, 494 East Prussia, 472

Chaadev, Peter, 303, 322, 323, 324 Economic villages, 273 Charles X (of France), 297 Education, 239, 258, 362, 400-401, 422-23, 439,

Chekhov, Anton, 490 448, 453, 481, 496, 497, 499; in eighteenth Chelishchev, Peter Ivanovich, 262 century, 240, 241, 244, 245, 251; under Alex-

Chernyshevski, Nikolai, 332 ander I, 286-88 , Chiang Kai-shek, 499 Egypt, 491, 499

China, 467, 480, 484, 499 Ekonomicheskii Ukazatel, 340 Christianity, 317-18, 327, 382, 383-84; and Elizabeth Petrovna, 254, 279 culture, 306, 307; conversion of Russia to, Emancipation; see Serfdom, abolition of 384; conversion of non-Russians to, 433, 441; England, 393, 466-76 passim, 488, 495; see

see also Russification also British Empire

Church; see Orthodox church Enlightenment, 313

Clergy, 294, 318, 481, 482, 489, 496; see also Era of Great Reforms; see Reform

Orthodox church; Russia, classes in Estonia, 431

Commerce, 240, 258, 417-18, 423, 424-26, 428- Eugene Onegin (Pushkin), 322, 333, 336, 342

29, 437, 467, 473, 474, 498; with Western Euler, Leonhard, 250

Europe, 420; with Asia, 420, 421, 467 Evropeets, 322 Commission on Revision of the Laws, 265-66 Examination Act, 287, 288 Commune, 277, 360-67, 482

Constantinople, 306, 484 Factories, 259, 410-15 Constitutional Democrats; see Cadets Far East; see Asia Corporal punishment, 317 “Fatherland war,” 306

Corvée, 336 (n. 5) Feofan, 291

Cossacks, 349, 385, 435, 444 Feudalism, 483, 491 Council of State; see State Council Fichte, Johann Gottlieb, 329 Crane, Charles R., 402 Figner, Vera Nicholaevna, 357, 368 Crimea, 491; Khanate of, 438 Finland, 430, 431-32, 433, 470, 484

Crimean War, 483, 485 Finnish peoples, 431, 481

| Folklore, 436

“Cultural gap,” 497 First Duma, 445-49, 450, 456

Cyril and Methodius Society, 436 First World War; see World War I

Daghestan, 441 France, 285, 330-31, 381, 386, 391, 392, 393, Dalibard, T. F., 246 466, 167, 469, 470, 475, 476, 488, 491; see Danilevski, Nikolai, 383 also Revolution, French Dardanelles, 469, 472 Franklin, Benjamin, 245-46

Dashnaksutiun (Federation) , Dashnaks, 443 Freedom, 385, 386, 388 : Dead Souls (Gogol), 315, 319, 336, 341 Freedom of thought, 270

Debt, 271 | Frontier, 385, 387, 479, 493; Asian, 468, 479 Decembrists, 295-302, 327, 486, 495 Fuchs, 370-76 passim

Democracy, 391, 399, 408; see also Parlia- Fundamental Laws of 1906, 487 mentarism; Suffrage

Deportation of Radishchev, 264-65 Galicia, 472

Dickinson, John, 271 (n. 2) | Garfield, James A., 368

Index XXX] 439 Islam, 438, 440, 441

Gasprinski (Gaspirali, Gaspraly), Ismail-bey, Iskhakov, Gaijaz (Ayaz Iskhaky), 439

Gentry; see Nobility Italy, 330, 469, 488, 495 Georgia, Georgians, 431, 440, 441, 442, 444, 484 Ittifak (Moslem Union), 439, 440

Georgian language and literature, 442 Ivan III (the Great) , 278, 480 Georgian Party of Socialist-Federalists, 442 Ivan IV (Grozny), 405, 437, 480

Gerard, 372 Iyenaga, Professor, 403-4 German Empire, 384

Germans, 328, 431; in Russia, 474, 475 Japan, 403-4, 467, 468, 470, 488, 491, 496-97, Germany, 391, 428, 466-78 passim, 488, 495 900 Gertzgeld, Sophia Alexandra Leschern von, 354 Jews, 431, 432-33, 443, 472, 482

Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 262 Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow, A Gogol, Nikolai Vasilevich, 315, 316 (n. 2), 333, (Radishchev), 261, 262, 263, 264, 266;

340 “Notes” of Catherine II on, 263, 264, 277-79

Goldenberg, Grigori Davidovich, 371, 377 Judaism, 325

Golitsyn, Prince Alexei, 235, 493

Golovin, Count Fyodor Alexeevich, 234 Kadets; see Cadets (Constitutional Democrats)

Goremykin, Ivan, 450 Kakhovsky, Peter, 296-98 Gorky, Maxim (A. M. Peshkov), 490 Kant, Immanuel, 329

Gortsy; see Caucasian Mountain peoples Karabchevski, N., 356 Gosudarstvennyi Soviet; see State Council Karamzin, Nikolai, 280

Granovski, T. N., 327, 329, 330 Karmeluk, 349

Great Britain; see England Kashgar, 472

Great Russia, Great Russians, 388, 431, 440, Katkov, M. N., 327

481, 483, 490 Kazakhs, 438

Greece, 392, 469 Kazan, 494; University of, 251; Khanate of, Grinevitski, Ignati loakimovich (Kolik) , 368 437

Gubernii, 291-92 Kemal Atatiirk, Mustafa, 499 Kennan, George, 344

336 . Khiva, 432

Hamlet from Shchigry County (Turgenev), Kharkov, University of, 251, 286

Head tax; see Soul tax Khmelnitsky, Bogdan, 384 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 325, 329 Khomiakov, Alexei, 327

Heine, Heinrich, 325 Khrushchev, N. S., 500

Helfmann, Hessa, 370, 377 Kibalchich, Nikolai Ivanovich, 370, 372, 377 Hero of Our Times, A (Lermontov), 336, 337 Kiev Ecclesiastical Academy, 243

Herzegovina, 469 Kievan Russia, and Constantinople, 479 History, medieval, 312 Kirghiz peoples, 438 Hnchak (Clarion), 443 Kliuchevski, V. O., 402 Holy Alliance, 297, 298 Kobzar (Taras Shevchenko), 436 Holy Synod, 294, 481 Kolenkina, Maria, 345, 348 Hromady (communities) , 436 Kolomna, 414 Hugo, Victor, 330 Kolotkevich, Nikolai Nikolaevich, 371 Herzen, Alexander, 315, 321, 332, 407 Kireevski, Ivan, 322

Koltsov, A. V., 327, 329

Ignat’ev (deputy), 257 Korff, I. A., 244

Imperialism, 494, 497, 498 Kornilova, Alexandra Ivanovna, 357

India, 466, 467 Kornilova, Liubov Ivanovna Serdukov, 357 India Company, 310 / Kovalik, Serge Filippovich, 353-54, 355 Industrial Revolution, 494 Krasov, 330 Industrialization, 409-15, 417-29, 434, 437, Kuldja, 472

473, 483, 488 Kurshunikov (Alexander Ivanovich BaranInorodtsy, 432 | nikov), 371 Inspector-General (Gogol), 315, 319 Kutuzov, Alexei Mikhailovich, 262, 264

Intelligentsia, 261, 324-30, 380, 381, 382, 435,

438, 439, 442, 477, 485-86, 487, 495, 497, Labor, Department of (U.S.),625

499; see also Liberalism; Slavophiles Lapps, 239

Iranian peoples, 431 Latin language, 240, 241, 286

Ireland, 466 - Latvians, 431

XXXll Index Law, 317, 486-87; courts, 259, 260; and Mongol invasions, 435, 479 peasants, 265; and serfs, 265; capital of- | Mongolia, Mongolians, 431, 472 fenses in, 265-66; of libel, 269, 270-71; Montenegro, 469 and army conscription, 277; and autocracy, Morozov, Nikolai Alexandrovich, 374

281, 284, 289; and press, 399; see also Moscow, 243, 244; commerce in, 240; Slavo-

Capital punishment Graeco-Latin Academy of, 241

Legislative Assembly, 299 Moscow Slavic Committee, 378

Legislative Commission of 1767, 260 Moscow Telegraph, 322 (n. 1)

Lenin (Vladimir Ilich Ulianov) , 332, 358 Moscow University; see Lomonosov University

Lepehkin, I. I., 239-40 Moslem Democratic Party (Mussavat) , 440 Lermontov (deputy), 260 Moslem Union (Ittifag-ul Muslimin, Ittifak), “Letter to Gogol” (Belinski) , 315, 324, 493 439, 440

Liberalism, 397-99, 405-8, 434; see also In- Moslems, 433, 436, 439, 441, 470, 482

telligentsia Miinnich (Field Marshal), Count Burkhard

Life of Fyodor Vasilevich Ushakov (Radish- Christoph, 282

chev), 264 Muravyov-Amursky, Count N. Nicolovich, 372

Linen mills, 412-13 Muscovite state, 387, 405, 435, 479, 480 Lipetsky conference, 375-76 Musset, Alfred de, 33] Literature, 319, 322, 333 Myschkin, Hippolyte, 355 Lithuania, Lithuanians, 431

Little Russia; see Ukraine Nabokov, 370 Livonia, 431 Napoleon I, 297, 299 Lomonosov, Irina, 240 Narodnaia Volnia; see People’s Will, Party of Lomonosov, Mikhail, 238-51, 262, 263, 279; the

see also Science Narodnichestvo, Narodniki; see Populism

Lomonosov University, 238, 245, 250, 262 Naryshkin, Semen, 258

Lomonosov, Vasili Dorofeev, 239 Nasha Niva (Our Land), 437

Lomonosov, Yelena, 239 Nasr-Eddin, Shah, 468

Loris-Mélikov, Count Mikhail, 370 Nasser, Gamal, 495, 499

Louis XIV, 494 National Assembly; see Zemski Sobor Louis XVIII, 297 National character, 304-5, 318, 319, 384, 385, Lumumba, Patrice, 495 386, 388, 389, 490 ©

Luri, 348 National Ukrainian Party (NUP), 437

Nationalism, 309, 434-35; see also Russia, na-

Machiavelli, Niccolo, 285 tional movements in.

Maksudov (Maksudi), Saadri, 439 Nationalization of land, 438-64 passim; see

Manchuria, 498 also Commune

Manchurian Railway, 468 Nechaev, Sergei, 352, 355 (n. 13) Manifesto of Trubetskoi, 301-2 Netherlands, 495 Manifesto on Commercial! Tariffs, 286 Newspapers; see Press

Manuel, Jacques Antoine, 297 Nicholas I, 481, 485, 496 Marxism, Marxists, 437, 442, 486 Nicholas II, 390 Masses, the, in history, 305 Nobility, 257, 258, 259, 292-94, 325, 405, 406,

Memoir on Ancient and Modern Russia (Ka- 481, 482, 489, 494; see also Russia, classes in

ramzin), 280 : Nomads, 432

Mensheviks, Georgian, 442 Non-Russian peoples, 430-44, 445, 448, 481,

Menshutkin, Boris, 238 482, 484, 487

Merchants, 258, 259 Northern Dvina River, 238

Mezheninov (deputy), 259 Notes of the Fatherland, 358

Middle Ages, 312 Novgorod, 278 Middle classes; see Bourgeoisie .

Mihailov, Timothy, 370, 372, 376 Oblomov (Goncharov) , 333-43

Milukov, Paul, 402 “Oblomovshchina,” 332, 336, 339-40, 341, 382

Mines, 410,411 — Obrok (commutation tax), 266, 267 | Mining Institute, 251 Occident; see Western Europe

) Minorities; see Non-Russian peoples October Manifesto, 416, 446 Mirabeau, Comte de, 263, 279 October Revolution; see Revolution of 1917 Modernization, 492-93, 494, 496-97, 499, 500 Old Believers, 239-40, 266, 270, 278, 318-19 Monarchy, 253, 476; see also Autocracy; Tsar Oligarchy, 480, 483, 487, 498

Index XXXl1ll Order of St. Anne, 322 (n. 3) Portsmouth, Treaty of, 467, 468

Orenburg, 242 Posen, 472 Orient; see Asia Press, 391-92, 396-98, 439; see also Censor-

Orlov, G. G., 250 ship

Orthodox church, Greek, in Russia, 317, 318, Printing; see Censorship 493, 496, 497; missionary activities of, 242; “Production and Composition of Saltpeter,

landowning by, 273 (n. 3) | The” (Lomonosov), 250 Ostermann, A. I, 291 Protectionist system; see Tariff system Otechestvennye Zapiski, 322 Proudhon, Pierre Joseph, 329

Ottoman Empire, 435, 437, 438, 441, 442, 443, Provisional Government of 1917, 487, 490

479, 491, 495 Prussia, 384, 480, 494; East Prussia, 472 Public Morals, Department of, 269, 278, 279;

Pale of Settlement, 433; see also Jews see also Censorship

Pamir, the, 472 Pugachev Rebellion, 261, 263

Panslavism, 383-89 passim, 436; see also Pushkin, Alexander Sergeevich, 266, 319 Slavophiles

Paris, Treaty of, 472 Radishchev, Alexander, 261-66; Soviet view Parliamentarism, 393-96, 492; see also Democ- of, 261

racy; Suffrage Radishcheva, Anna Vasilevna, 262

Patriotism, 313, 314 Radishcheva, Elizaveta Vasilevna, 264

Paul I, 252, 265, 281, 481 Red Cross, 357

Peasants, 259, 289, 358-67, 381, 405, 448, 453, Reform, 285, 386, 433, 484-85, 486, 487, 491,

- 458, 461-63, 479, 482, 483, 489; education 498-99; political, 405-8 of, 240; health of, 240; and taxes, 254; pro- Reformation, 494-95 tection by law, 265; injustices to, 266-68, Reiser, 244 271-77, 288, 317, 344, 345-47; manorial, 267, Religion; see Christianity

274; crown, 267, 277, 482; right of free Renaissance, 307 movement, 289; see also Russia, classes in Resul-zade, Mehmed Emin, 440

People’s Will, Party of the, 368, 369, 374 Revolution, 299, 385, 434, 476-77, 478, 484,

Perovskaia, Sophia, 357, 373, 377 485, 487; French, 263, 278, 279, 297, 386,

Perry, John, 233 , 393; in Europe, 296, 297-98, 484; of 1917, Persia, 467, 468, 470, 472 430, 434, 438, 440, 486; of 1905, 431, 433,

Pestel, Paul, 295—96 439, 440, 477, 482

Peter I (the Great), 233-37, 253, 257, 291, Revolutionary Ukrainian Party (RUP), 436-37 © 294, 297, 306, 310, 311, 312, 314, 325, 380, Richmann, G. V., 246-47 381, 387, 403, 405, 479, 480, 481, 484, 485, Riego y Nuiez, Rafael del, 298 488, 493, 498; navy of, 234, 235-36, 237; Rodinovyedenii (knowledge of the fatherland), founds Academy of Sciences, 243; Church 401 Statutes of, 284; see also Westernization Rogachev, Dmitri, 355

Peter II, 243 Rogacheva, Vera Pavlovna, 356 Peter III, 273 (n. 3) Roman Republic, 392 Peter and Paul Fortress, 353 (n. 1) Romanov dynasty, 480-81 Petersburg Free Economic Society, 297 Rome, 308-9

“Philosophical Letter, A” (Chaadev), 303 Rubanovskaya, Anna Vasilevna; see Radish-

Photius, 306 cheva, Anna

Pipes, Richard, 430 Rubanovskaya, Elizaveta Vasilevna; see Ra-

Plekhanov, George, 358 dishcheva, Elizaveta

Pobedonostsev, Konstantin, 370, 390 Rudin (Turgenev) , 336, 339, 343

Podolsk, 414 Rumania, 469 Poland, 431, 435, 470, 483, 484 Russia, 304-14 passim, western technicians in,

Polar Star, The, 320 (n. 5), 321 233-37; geography of, 247, 492; and West-

Poles, 431, 472, 487 ern Europe, 253, 304-14 passim, 480, 490Polevoi, Nikolai, 322 (n. 1) 91; population of, 254, 458, 489; culture of, Polish Socialist Party (PPS) , 437 304, 305-6, 307-8, 310-11; national char-

Pope, the, 309 acter in, 304, 318, 319, 325, 384, 385, 386,

Popov, Alexei, 258 388, 389, 490; and Asia, 310, 480; socio-

Populism, 358, 375, 434, 436, 444, 486, 495; economic structure of, 386-87; classes in, see also Breshko-Breshkovskaia; People’s 404-6 passim, 432, 434, 437, 438, 444, 481-

Will, Party of the 82, 489 (see also Bourgeoisie; Clergy;

XXXIV Index Dvorovye; Merchants; Nobility; Peasants; Social Democrats (SD), 445 Serfdom; Townsmen); economic develop- Socialism, 434, 442, 444, 477, 478 ment of, 417-29, 457, 458-59, 480, 487-88; Socialist Revolutionary Party (SR), 371, 372, foreign investments in, 423-28, 429, 475; 376, 377, 440, 442, 443, 445, 487 national movements in, 434-44, 472; alli- Soleviev, Vladimir, 497 ances in Western Europe, 466-67; alliances Soul tax, 267, 290 in Asia, 468; role of state in, 481, 482, 484, South Africa, 466 486-87, 488; modernization in, 492-93, 496- Soviet Union, 486, 490-91; see also Russia

97; see also Soviet Union Sovremennik, 332

Russia and Europe (Danilevsky ) , 383 Spain, 297, 298

Russian Empire, 253, 254, 385, 479, 480, 484, Speransky, Michael, 403, 404, 407, 432, 486,

487-88; expansion of, 242, 431, 432, 438, 494. 441, 444; dissolution of, 491-92, 497 SR; see Socialist Revolutionary Party

Russian language,.251 Stalino, 410 (n. 1)

Russian Social Democratic Party, 437, 442 Stankevich, N. V., 326, 327-29, 330

Russian thought, 486 State Council, 283, 284, 285, 291

Russification, 433, 484; see also Non-Russian Steel mills, 411-12, 413

Peoples Steingel, Baron Vladimir Ivanov, 300 471, 473 Stolypin, Peter A., 456, 471, 485, 486

Russo-Japanese War, 416, 466, 467, 468, 470, Stephanovich, Jacob, 345, 348, 349, 352

Rysakov, Nikolai Ivanovich, 370, 377 Suffrage, universal, 391, 392, 395, 399, 408; see also Democracy; Parliamentarism

St. Petersburg, 240, 328; University of, 244, Sun Yat-sen, 495, 499

251 | Sweden, 263, 469, 470, 488

Samara, 358

Sakartvelo (Georgia), 442 Synod; see Holy Synod

Samarin, Yuri, 327, 378 Tang (Dawn), 440

Sand, George (Aurore Dupin, Baronne Dude- Tangchelar (Tancelar) , 440

vant), 33] Tariff system, 418, 420-24, 428-29; see also

Schelling, Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph von, 308 Commerce

School of Mines; see Mining Institute Tatars, 385, 494; Volga, 437, 439; Crimean,

Schumacher, Johann Daniel, 244 438, 493; see also Mongol invasions Science, 387, 388; in eighteenth century, 245- Technology, 388, 488

47, 249-50, 251 Terciiman, Terdzhiman (interpreter) , 439 Scotland, 495 Theater; see Drama SD (Social Democrats) , 445 Third Department, 320 (n. 5), 352

Second Duma, 456 Third Duma, 456 Secret police; see Third Department Thucydides, 392

Selected Passages from a Correspondence with Tibet, 468

Friends (Gogol), 315 Tikhomirov, Leo Alexandrovich (Starik) , 369 Senate, 283, 284, 285, 291, 294 Time of Troubles, 480

Senghor, Leopold, 495 Tobacco factories, 413

Serbia, 469 Townsmen, 481, 482, 489; see also Russia,

Serfdom, 361, 385, 417, 482, 483; abolition of, classes in 263, 289-91, 297, 299, 317, 332, 352, 379, Transcaucasia, 440, 442, 443, 472 385, 388, 405, 406, 435, 481, 485; origins of, Trial of the 50, 352

289; see also Russia, classes in Trial of the 193, 356, 357, 372

Seton- Watson, Hugh, 479 Trial of the Six, 375-77

Shamarin, Konstantin Yakovlovich, 353 Trial of the 16, 371 Shcherbatov, Prince Mikhail, 257, 303 Triple Entente, 467

Shirley, Henry, 256 Trubetskoi, Prince Sergius, 353 (n. 12) ; ManiShuvalov, Count Ivan, 245, 251 festo of, 301-2

Siberia, 244, 438, 479, 482, 493 Tsar, 253, 379, 481; duties of, 255; see _also

Slavery, 317, 432 Autocracy; Monarchy

Slavophiles, 312-13, 322, 325, 327, 330, 378, | Tuktarov, Fuad, 440 397, 403, 486; see also Intelligentsia; Pan- Turgenev, A. I., 308

slavism Turkestan, 434, 438, 470, 494

Slavs, 384, 385, 388, 389, 431; Eastern, 435 Turkey, 262, 263, 442, 469, 480, 499

I ndex XXXV Turkic peoples, 431, 437-40, 442, 444, 493 Voronezh, 235, 236

Turkmens, 438 265 ;

Turkish language, 438, 439 Vorontsov, Count Alexander Romanovich, 264, Vorontsov, Count Semyon Romanovich, 264

Ukraine, 384, 388, 431, 433, 435-37, 483, 484;

see also Breshko-Breshkovskaia War of 1807, 299

Ukrainian Democratic Radical Party (UDRP), ar of 1812, 299 ,

437 Washington, George, 297

Ukrainian Social Democratic Labor Party Watson, Hugh Seton-, 479

(USDRP), 437 Western Europe, 304-5, 479; and Russia, 253, Ukrainophiles 436 a 307; investments in Russia, 423-28, 429, Ulianghai territory 472 475; modernization in, 496 Uncle Tom’s Cabin (Stowe), 261 Western Europeans in the Caucasus, 441 Uniates, 472 Westernization, 253, 285, 306, 310-12, 379-81, United Kingdom; see England 389, 387, 388, 403, 405, 434, 436, 438, 441, United Slavs, 301 442, 443, 444, 484, 485, 487; see also Peter I Ukrainians. 43]. 435-37. 440. 472 304-14 passim, 480, 490-91; unity of, 306,

United States of America, 297, 305, 387, 423, , What Is Oblomovism?” (Dobroliubov), 332

467, 470, 484, 488, 495 oe" “Sho Is To Blame?” (Herzen) , 336, 337

University Act, 287 Wied, Prince of, 469

University Council, 287 Witte, Count Sergei, 416, 465, 485 Unwanted (Turgenev) , 336 Wolf, Christian, 244 Ushakov, Fyodor Vasilevich, 262 Workers, 489; abuse of, 409-15

Uspenskii, Gleb, 358 World War I, 465, 469, 470, 471, 476, 477,

Utilitarianism, 434 478, 487, 491

Uvarov, Count S., 496 Yakubovich, Alexander, 300-301 Uzbeks, 438 Yuzovka, 410, 413 Vasili II (the Blind), 480 Zavadovski, Count Peter Vasilevich, 266 “Very Dangerous” (Herzen) , 332 Zelihovski, 355

Viborg Manifesto, 477 Zemlia i Volia, 375

Vistula territory, 472, 473 | Zemski Sobor, 296, 380, 381

Voinaralski, Porfire, 355 Zemstvo, 380, 381, 382 Volga-Don canal, 234-35 Zheliabov, Andrei Ivanovich, 368, 370-77

\\}

Voltaire (Francois Marie Arouet), 233, 252, passim

318 | Zhordaniia, Noi, 442

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