Re-Creating Primordial Time: Foundation Rituals and Mythology in the Postclassic Maya Codices 9781607322207, 9781607322214, 160732220X

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Re-Creating Primordial Time

Re-Creating Primordial Time Foundation Rituals and My thology i n t h e P o s t c l a s s i c M aya C o d i c e s

Gabrielle Vail Christine Hernández

U n i v ersit y

P re ss

of

C o lor a d o

Boulder

© 2013 by University Press of Colorado Published by University Press of Colorado 5589 Arapahoe Avenue, Suite 206C Boulder, Colorado 80303 All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America The University Press of Colorado is a proud member of the Association of American University Presses. The University Press of Colorado is a cooperative publishing enterprise supported, in part, by Adams State University, Colorado State University, Fort Lewis College, Metropolitan State University of Denver, Regis University, University of Colorado, University of Northern Colorado, Utah State University, and Western State Colorado University. This paper meets the requirements of the ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper). Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Vail, Gabrielle. Re-creating primordial time : foundation rituals and mythology in the postclassic Maya codices / Gabrielle Vail, Christine Hernández. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-60732-220-7 (hardback) — ISBN 978-1-60732-221-4 (ebook) 1. Maya mythology. 2. Creation—Mythology. 3. Manuscripts, Maya. I. Hernández, Christine L. II. Title. F1435.3.R3V34 2013 299.7'8423—dc23 2013003394 Design by Daniel Pratt 22

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Cover illustration: Uppermost image on page 50 of the Venus table on pages 24, 49–50 of the Codex Dresdensis. From Ernst Wilhelm Förstemann’s Die Mayahandschrift der Königlichen öffentlichen bibliothek zu Dresden. Mit 74 tafeln in chromo-lichtdruck (1882). Naumann & Schroeder, Leipzig.

To the memory of Merle Greene Robertson, whose pioneering spirit and dedication has long been an inspiration to us.

Contents List of Figures

|    ix

List of Tables

|    xv

Preface: The Conceptual and Methodological Underpinnings of Our Study

|    xix

Acknowledgments 1: Introduction to the Maya Codices

|    xxvii |    1

Appendix 1.1. The 260-Day Ritual Calendar (Tzolk’in)

|    17

2: Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions

|    23

3: Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

|    45

Appendix 3.1. Maya Deities and Supernaturals

|    71

Appendix 3.2. Chilam Balam Texts from K’atuns 13 Ahaw and 11 Ahaw

|    83

Appendix 3.3. 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u in Classic Period Texts

|    89

4: World Renewal in the Dresden Codex: The Yearbearer Ceremonies

|    97

Appendix 4.1. Deities in the Dresden Yearbearer Almanac

|    132

Appendix 4.2. Iconography and Text of the Dresden Yearbearer Almanac

|    138

Appendix 4.3. Almanac on Dresden 31b–35b

|    149

5: Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

|    155

Appendix 5.1. Calculation of Base Dates in the Preface to the Water Tables

|    184

vii

6: Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

|    191

Appendix 6.1. Preface to Dresden Upper Seasonal Table

|    218

Appendix 6.2. Calendrical Structure, Dating, and Iconography of Borgia 27 and 28

|    222

7: Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

|    229

Appendix 7.1. Reckoning Predictive Dates of Venus’ Visibility and Invisibility in the Dresden Venus Table

|    330

Appendix 7.2. Hieroglyphic Texts on D. 24 and 46–50

|    333

Appendix 7.3. Notes on Deities: Dresden Venus Table

|    339

8: Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

|    355

Appendix 8.1. Texts Associated with the Madrid Yearbearer Almanac

|    376

9: World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex

|    385

10: A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

|    411

Appendix 10.1. Captions to Mars Table

|    457

11: Cosmology in the Maya Codices

|    461

References Cited

|    469

Index

|    493

viii Contents

1.1. Almanac on D. 6b–7b containing four frames, each with an interval of ‘13’   |   8 1.2. Symbols for 0, 1, 5, and 20   |   9 1.3. Almanac on D. 42c–45c   |   13 1.4. Rituals on P. 4 corresponding to K’atun 11 Ahaw and involving the transfer of a K’awil effigy or headdress and the presentation of offerings   |   14 1.5. Frame from M. 69b showing the rain god Chaak seated in front of a deer offering   |   15 1.6. Almanac on M. 49c–50c containing five separate frames, each showing the generic god K’uh seated on a cartouche with a numbered Ahaw glyph   |   16 1.7. Frame from M. 73b showing the rain god Chaak associated with a cenote   |   17 2.1. Twenty days of the tonalpohualli   |   27 3.1. The ascent of the crocodilian Itzam Kab Ayin into the sky on D. 74   |   49 3.2. Itzam Kab Ayin on D. 4b–5b, where he is depicted as a bicephalic creature   |   50 3.3. Text from Temple XIX platform from Palenque, highlighting the decapitation of a crocodilian in primordial times   |   50 3.4. Starry Deer Crocodile from Altar D’, Copan   |   51 3.5. Mural painted on the floor of the Temple of the Fisherman from Late Postclassic Mayapán showing the spearing of a crocodile by a Venus deity   |   53 3.6. Page 1 of the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer   |   56 3.7. East text from Quirigua Stela C, highlighting the establishment of three thrones or stones at the start of the current era   |   58 3.8. The three celestial hearthstones associated with the turtle constellation on M. 71a   |   59

Figures

ix

3.9. The setting in order of the cosmos, as pictured on the Vase of the Seven Gods (Kerr 2796), at the start of the current era   |   61 3.10. Turtle with three star glyphs, as pictured on the Bonampak mural   |   64 3.11. The rebirth of the maize god from the celestial turtle, as detailed on a Classic period plate   |   67 3.12. Tablet from the Temple of the Foliated Cross, Palenque, detailing the maize tree of abundance and the Principal Bird Deity at its summit   |   68 3.13. Rituals associated with K’atun 10 Ahaw on P. 11, showing the falcon aspect of Itzamna as the omen for the time period   |   69 3.14. Deities performing autosacrifice at the central world tree on Borgia 53c   |   70 4.1. Yearbearer ceremonies on D. 25–28   |   98 4.2. Eb and Ben ceremonies on D. 25, featuring K’awil and K’in Ahaw   |   100 4.3. Original version of D. 26 and 28 (before correction)   |   102 4.4. Kaban and Etz’nab ceremonies on D. 26 (corrected), featuring the jaguar sun, K’in Ahaw, and Itzamna   |   103 4.5. Ik’ and Ak’bal ceremonies on D. 27, featuring the maize god, Itzamna, and the death god Kimil   |   104 4.6. Manik’ and Lamat ceremonies on D. 28 (corrected) featuring two variants of the death god and K’awil   |   104 4.7. Almanac on M. 89d–90d, showing the blindfolded Pawahtun deity in fr. 2   |   108 4.8. Sacrifice of the maize god, likely in a yearbearer context, on D. 34a   |   109 4.9. Deities holding yearbearer staffs on M. 20c   |   110 4.10. Carved column from Campeche depicting God L in the role of a Pawahtun, carrying K’awil on his back   |   111 4.11. Chaak wearing a cape with footprints on D. 35a   |   118 4.12. God L wearing a loincloth with footprints from the Temple of the Cross pier, Palenque   |   118 4.13. The cosmogram on M. 75–76, showing footsteps leading from the periphery at each of the intercardinal points to the center   |   119 4.14. References to the deity Bolon Okte’ on D. 60 in scenes emphasizing the capture of prisoners for sacrifice   |   120 4.15. The almanac on D. 31b–35b showing the four directional Chaaks (fr. 1, 3, 5, and 7) and the birth of the rains (fr. 2, 4, 6, and 8)   |   123 4.16. Mural 2 from Structure 16 at Tulum, which highlights the roles played by Chaak, Chak Chel, and the maize god in creation episodes   |   130 4.17. Capstone from the Temple of Owls, Chichén Itzá   |   135 5.1. Dresden 74 with annotations   |   156 5.2. The water tables on D. 69–74   |   157 5.3. The preface to the water tables on D. 69–71   |   158 5.4. The preface to the seasonal table on D. 61–62   |   160 x Figures



5.5. The lower water table in the Dresden Codex   |   164 5.6. M. 32 almanacs cognate with D. 74   |   172 5.7. The crocodilian skyband throne on P. 3 in the context of a k’atun ritual   |   175 5.8. The crocodilian skyband throne on Piedras Negras Stela 11 in the context of an accession ritual or k’atun celebration   |   177 5.9. Sacrificial rituals associated with k’atun ceremonies from the west wall mural of Structure 1, Santa Rita   |   178 5.10. Tun endings portrayed on the north wall mural of Structure 1, Santa Rita   |   179 5.11. Continuation of tun mural from the north wall of Structure 1, Santa Rita   |   179 5.12. Primordial scene associated with the time before the flood and the birth of the new sun on P. 22   |   180 5.13. The descent of the sun on P. 21   |   181 5.14. The capture of prisoners for sacrifice by the black-painted God M on M. 83a–84a   |   183 6.1. Upper water table from the Dresden Codex   |   192 6.2. The Mars “creature” on M. 2a   |   195 6.3. The Mars table on D. 43b–45b   |   196 6.4. Page 65a of the Dresden upper seasonal table   |   199 6.5. Page 66a of the Dresden upper seasonal table   |   199 6.6. Page 67a of the Dresden upper seasonal table   |   200 6.7. Pages 68a–69a of the Dresden upper seasonal table   |   200 6.8. The paired seasonal almanacs on M. 10b–11b featuring Chaak, Chak Chel, and K’uh   |   204 6.9. Chaak and Chak Chel pictured as rain bringers on M. 30   |   208 6.10. Paired almanacs on M. 31 featuring Chaak in his scorpion aspect, directional frogs, and a serpent with K’awil’s head   |   209 6.11. Almanacs featuring Tlaloc on Borgia 27 (upper) and 28 (lower)   |   212 6.12. Chaak and Chak Chel in association with the kab-ch’een ‘earth-cave’ on D. 42b   |   215 7.1. Venus table on D. 24 and 46–50   |   231 7.2. Preface to Venus table with columns 1–3 highlighted   |   233 7.3. First through thirteenth multiples in the Venus table preface with aberrant and grand multiples highlighted   |   234 7.4. D.46 with sections of the page highlighted   |   235 7.5. Venus almanac on B. 53–54   |   242 7.6. Compartments 1 and 2 from the Venus almanac on B. 53–54   |   243 7.7. Dates of Venus’ heliacal rise from the Anales de Cuauhtitlan passage marked on page 1 of the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer (1994)   |   249 7.8. Annotated portions of the Venus table preface   |   253 7.9. Dresden Venus table proper divided into left and right sides   |   258 7.10. Sections of the left side of the Venus table proper   |   260 Figures xi

7.11. Relationship between rows of haab dates and hieroglyphic captions in the Venus table proper   |   261 7.12. The elements of the Dresden Venus table corresponding to the 3 Xul run   |   266 7.13. The five distinctive paths traced out by Venus against the background stars during its Morning Star and Evening Star aspects   |   268 7.14. The three registers of pictures and captions from the right side of the Venus table   |   274 7.15. A comparison of the layout of pictures on D. 46 and Stela 2 from Aguateca   |   277 7.16. D. 50 pictures and captions   |   278 7.17. D. 46 pictures and captions   |   283 7.18. D. 47 pictures and captions   |   286 7.19. D. 48 pictures and captions   |   290 7.20. D. 49 pictures and captions   |   293 7.21. Venus’ heliacal rise above the eastern horizon over northern Yucatán at sunrise on June 21, A.D. 1227   |   296 7.22. The seasonal table on D. 65–69   |   300 7.23. Table of constellation from P. 23–24   |   306 7.24. Chaak seated on the head of an owl on D. 38c, fr. 3   |   307 7.25. Almanac depicting the activities of hunters on M. 40a–41a   |   308 7.26. A tattooed figure with spears and an atlatl on M. 92a   |   308 7.27. Almanac on M. 39b with calendrical structure   |   309 7.28. Venus’ heliacal rise above the eastern horizon over northern Yucatán at sunrise on April 3, A.D. 1491   |   310 7.29. Almanac on M. 12b–18b with calendrical structure outlined   |   311 7.30. M. 12b with bound jaguar and Venus/star glyph indicated   |   312 7.31. Almanac on M. 33a with calendrical structure   |   313 7.32. Sacrifice of the maize god on D. 42c   |   316 7.33. Frames 1 and 2 from the Dresden UWT   |   317 7.34. M. 16b–18b   |   319 7.35. Almanac on D. 3a with links to the Dresden Venus table   |   320 7.36. Capstone from Chichén Itzá showing Lahun Chan as a Venus warrior   |   322 7.37. The descent of Venus on D. 58b   |   326 7.38. A feathered serpent swallowing the sun during an eclipse on M. 67b   |   327 7.39. The yearbearer almanac on P. 19–20, showing attacks by jaguars in the lower left and upper right   |   330 7.40. Figure 8 from west half of the north wall, Structure 1 murals, Santa Rita   |   341 8.1. Kawak and K’an yearbearer ceremonies on M. 34–35   |   357 8.2. Muluk and Ix yearbearer ceremonies on M. 36–37   |   358 8.3. The quadripartite Pawahtuns and Chaak pictured planting on M. 26ab– 27ab   |   359 xii Figures

8.4. Yearbearer prognostications for the maize on M. 24c–25c   |   366 8.5. Prognostications for the maize on M. 24d   |   367 8.6. Prognostications for the maize on M. 25d   |   368 8.7. Planting rituals and prognostications for the maize on M. 26d–27d   |   369 8.8. Opossum Mam in fr. 5 of M. 89a–90a   |   373 8.9. Yearbearer prognostications on M. 3a–6a   |   374 8.10. The opossum Pawahtun seated within a house on M. 68a   |   375 9.1. Bloodletting ritual in temple courtyard on M. 19b associated with the date 4 Ahaw   |   387 9.2. Incised bone from Tomb 116 at Tikal showing the transport of the dead maize god to the place of resurrection in a canoe manned by the Paddler Deities   |   389 9.3. The sun god seated in front of a mummy bundle on M. 71a   |   390 9.4. Turtle on M. 72b, associated with the date 4 Ahaw   |   391 9.5. Two versions of God M drilling new fire on M. 51a associated with the date 4 Ahaw   |   395 9.6. Figure performing genital sacrifice while standing on the back of turtle from Structure 213 cache, Santa Rita Corozal   |   396 9.7. Itzamna holding a stingray spine bloodletter on M. 81c, seated next to a turtle   |   398 9.8. Yearbearer imagery in the almanac on M. 88c   |   399 9.9. Goddesses in the act of stretching their warping frames on M. 102c on the date 4 Ahaw   |   400 9.10. Chak Chel weaving on M. 79c on the date 4 Ahaw   |   400 9.11. Ix Kab Chel weaving on M. 102d on the date 4 Ahaw   |   401 9.12. A hunting ritual associated with the month Sip on M. 51c   |   402 9.13. The ceremonial planting of “trees” on M. 60b associated with the date 4 Ahaw   |   402 9.14. A “bathing” ritual on M. 92c–93c associated with the date 4 Ahaw   |   403 9.15. The renovation of houses on M. 16a associated with the date 4 Ahaw   |   404 9.16. A ritual involving sacred stones on M. 80b–81b associated with the date 4 Ahaw   |   405 9.17. The “birth” of the deities from seeds on M. 83b associated with the date 4 Ahaw   |   405 9.18. Captive-taking by the black god Z (or L) on M. 79a and 80a   |   406 9.19. The spearing of God M by Kisin on M. 54c   |   407 10.1. God Y as a possible Sip on M. 45c in the context of a deer trapping almanac   |   412 10.2. God Y with antlers on D. 13c, where he is named Seven Sip and is paired with a deer, said to be his wife   |   413 10.3. God Y with his arms bound on M. 70a   |   414 Figures xiii

10.4. A bearded figure (likely Yax Balam) named as Sip on P. 10b, where he wears a deer headdress   |   415 10.5. God Y wearing the skin of a deer or a peccary on M. 39c   |   415 10.6. A peccary with an upturned snout on M. 93a   |   416 10.7. Patron glyph of the month Sip   |   417 10.8. Peccaries from Bonampak mural   |   418 10.9. God L from a fresco at the Red Temple, Cacaxtla   |   425 10.10. God L pictured as the spouse of the earth goddess on D. 14c, fr. 2   |   426 10.11. The Pawahtun God N named with God L’s glyph and wearing his owl in his headdress on D. 14b, fr. 1   |   427 10.12. God L named as Pawah-ooch on D. 7a, fr. 1   |   432 10.13. The conflation of Chaak and Pawahtun on D. 41b   |   433 10.14. The skirted figure on M. 33b, which may represent the female version of God L or a conflation of this deity and Chak Chel   |   435 10.15. God M tending his bees on M. 109c, wearing the owl more commonly associated with God L   |   438 10.16. God M with a spear and in the kneeling posture reminiscent of the Morning Star deity on M. 52a–53a, fr. 2   |   446 10.17. Tzitzimitl ‘One House’ and Ahuiateotl ‘Five Flower’ descending from the sky on the occasion of a New Fire drilling, bringing sticks, stones, and axes to earth   |   452 10.18. Capstone from Xnubec featuring K’awil   |   453

xiv Figures





1.1. 260-day structure of D. 6b–7b   |   10 1.2. 52-year structure of D. 6b–7b   |   12 3.1. World creators named in the Popol Vuh   |   46 4.1. Calendrical relationship among the frames on D. 25–28 and their correspondence to yearbearer rituals   |   105 4.2. Comparison of yearbearer prophecies on D. 25c–28c and D. 31b–35b   |   126 4.3. The hieroglyphic captions, prognostications, and pictures associated with frames 1, 3, 5, and 7 on D. 31b–35b   |   126 4.4. Hieroglyphic captions and pictures corresponding to frames 2, 4, 6, and 8 on D. 31b–35b   |   127 5.1. Serpent number base dates and associated iconography in the seasonal table preface on D. 61– 62   |   162 5.2. Calendrical contexts for which Chak Chel is seen pouring water from an olla in the Maya codices   |   166 5.3. The astronomical events and haab stations occurring within the intervals of time recorded for frames 1 and 2 of the Dresden LWT   |   168 5.4. The calendrical overlap between M. 32a and M. 32b and associated Gregorian dates (A.D.), iconography, and astronomical events   |   173 6.1. Astronomical events and haab stations occurring within fr. 1 and 2 of the Dresden UWT   |   193 6.2. Astronomical events within the intervals of time associated with M. 31a, and associated iconography   |   213 6.1.1. Dates and events associated with D. 65a–69a   |   218 6.2.1. Gregorian, Julian, and Maya correspondences for the four Calendar Round dates on Borgia 27   |   223 6.2.2. Iconographic summary of B. 27   |   223

Tables

xv

6.2.3. Gregorian, Julian, and Maya correspondences for the first set of Calendar Round dates on B. 28   |   225 7.1. The calendrics and hieroglyphic information on D. 46   |   236 7.2. The calendrics and hieroglyphic information on D. 47   |   237 7.3. The calendrics and hieroglyphic information on D. 48   |   238 7.4. The calendrics and hieroglyphic information on D. 49   |   239 7.5. The calendrics and hieroglyphic information on D. 50   |   240 7.6. An interpretation of the iconography and calendrics of the Venus almanac on pages 53–54 of the Borgia Codex   |   244 7.7. The 260-day tonalpohualli calendar with the dates mentioned in the Anales de Cuauhtitlan passage highlighted   |   247 7.8. The starting dates and corresponding Gregorian equivalents for the four historical versions of the Dresden Venus table proposed by the Brickers   |   259 7.9. The relationship of tzolk’in dates, haab dates, hieroglyphic captions, and additional calendrics to the Venus stations of the 18 K’ayab run   |   262 7.10. The relationship of tzolk’in dates, haab dates, hieroglyphic captions, and additional calendrics to the Venus stations of the 13 Mak run   |   264 7.11. The relationship of tzolk’in dates and haab dates to the Venus stations of the 3 Xul run   |   267 7.12. Description of the iconography of the right side pictures on D. 46–50   |   269 7.13. Calendrical reckoning of the 3 Xul run and its relationship to the iconography of the Venus table proper   |   271 7.14. Calendrical reckoning of the 18 K’ayab run and its relationship to the tzolk’in days and upper register gods in the Venus table proper   |   272 7.15. The calendrical reckoning of the 13 Mak run and its relationship to the tzolk’in days and upper register gods in the Venus table proper   |   273 7.16. Order of upper register deities linked to the MFIRST station in the preface: 18 K’ayab, 13 Mak, and 3 Xul runs of the Dresden Venus table   |   276 7.17. Summary of the iconography of the pictures on D. 46–50 and the associated first row date from the 3 Xul run   |   276 7.18. Calendrical reconstruction for the lower seasonal table on D. 65b–69b   |   303 7.19. Important dates for astronomical events and haab stations on M. 33a   |   315 7.20. Venus and haab station dates in the first two frames of the Dresden UWT   |   318 7.21. Tzolk’in dates from the central frame in D. 3a and their association with Venus MFIRST iconography contained in the Dresden Venus table   |   319 8.1. Color, directional, and deity associations for the K’an, Muluk, Ix, and Kawak yearbearers   |   356 8.2. Prognostications and associated deities for the K’an, Muluk, Ix, and Kawak yearbearers   |   361

xvi Tables

8.3. Correspondences among the Dresden and Madrid yearbearers and Landa’s Relación   |   365 8.4. Calendrical structure and iconographic associations of M. 24c–25c   |   370 8.5. Depiction of torches and associated weather prognostications in almanacs in the Madrid and Dresden codices   |   370 8.6. Augural associations of the maize god in almanacs from the Madrid Codex   |   370 9.1. 4 Ahaw Almanacs in the Madrid Codex   |   386 10.1. Appearances of God L in the Maya codices   |   421 10.2. Deities with God L’s attributes and associations   |   424 10.3. Pawah-ooch in the Maya codices   |   428 10.4. God M in the Maya codices   |   439 10.5. Older Brother and Younger Brother in ethnographic contexts   |   456

Tables xvii



Methodologies for Studying the Maya Codices Prior to the past twenty or so years, the most intensive period of research involving the Maya codices occurred during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During that time the possibility that the hieroglyphic script involved a syllabic component was being considered, but it was ultimately dismissed. Because of this, early research on the codices tended to focus on the calendrical and iconographic aspects of the manuscripts. Although researchers recognized that certain codical instruments or scenes might have a mythological component, there was no real way to test these hypotheses or provide proof of their validity. After the logosyllabic nature of the script had been established and it became possible to begin the process of hieroglyphic decipherment of the codices, efforts were focused less on complete transcriptions of the hieroglyphic captions to almanacs and more on identifying specific readings—both of graphemes (individual graphic units) and of words. This process formed the basis for works like those of David Stuart’s Ten Phonetic Syllables (1987) and Deciphering the Maya Script by David Kelley (1976). The most important revolution in our understanding of the Maya codices occurred in the late twentieth century, with the work of Harvey and Victoria Bricker, who demonstrated that almanacs that were not directly linked to an absolute calendar such as the Long Count could be placed in “real time” through the triangulation of certain categories of data (see V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1992 for an explanation of their methodology). This brought about the realization that not all almanacs were intended to be used as repeating 260-day instruments, as previous scholars had supposed. Instead, at least some of them were intended as records of

Preface The Conceptual and Methodological Underpinnings of Our Study

xix

specific events that co-occurred within a specific period of time. By way of example, the almanac on D. 33c–39c includes references to seasonal and astronomical events (including the summer solstice and eclipse seasons) that allow it to be dated to the early sixteenth century. A further step in our understanding of how the almanacs in the codices were intended to be used occurred approximately a decade later. In her work with the Madrid Codex, Gabrielle Vail (2002, 2004) found evidence suggesting that a great many almanacs (those with repeating iconography from frame to frame, in which only the actor changed) had been used to schedule seasonal events over a period of years, rather than targeting events that all occurred within a single 260-day period. With this new understanding of the Maya codices, Vail and Hernández set out to transcribe the iconographic, calendrical, and textual information in the manuscripts and to incorporate this information into a database that would allow the modeling of relationships between these different sets of data. The result is the recently completed Maya Hieroglyphic Codices Database and Website (www.mayacodices.org), produced with the support of the National Endowment for the Humanities and with the technical expertise of William Giltinan. During the project, Vail’s focus was on transcribing and translating the hieroglyphic texts, a task that had not previously been undertaken for the complete codical corpus. This, in combination with Hernández’s knowledge of the group of codices known as the Borgia Group from highland Mexico, led the authors to seek to better understand the context of the codical almanacs. The fact that many of the rituals depicted in the codices were similar to those described as part of New Year / yearbearer ceremonies by Spanish chroniclers prompted an investigation into whether they might have played a role in world renewal ceremonies, such as those discussed in Karl Taube’s (1988) doctoral dissertation, which in turn prompted an exploration of these types of ceremonies in both the prehispanic and contemporary Maya world. Since world renewal rituals are modeled on mythological acts undertaken by supernaturals and divine ancestors in primordial time, another important component of Vail and Hernández’s recent work has been the compilation of narratives (from prehispanic, colonial, and ethnographic sources) focused on cosmogenesis, the creation of people, foundation rituals, and other related topics.

Source Materials In the past—and continuing today—colonial period sources (in particular, the Popol Vuh of the highland Maya K’iche’ culture) have been used to explain mythic episodes depicted in Classic period media from the Maya lowlands. A number of scholars have objected to this practice on the basis of the significant disjunction in both time and space. Nevertheless, specific characters who appear in the Popol Vuh can also be documented in Classic period ceramics. The most obvious of these connections xx Preface

involves Hunahpu and Xbalanque from the Popol Vuh, who are named Hun Ahaw and Yax Balam in lowland Maya contexts. They play a role in ceramic vessel scenes that can be related very specifically to different episodes in the Popol Vuh—most specifically involving the defeat of an avaricious bird (Seven Macaw in the Popol Vuh, and an avian form of Itzamna in the Classic period); the defeat of a series of Underworld lords; and the reinstating (and in some cases, the rescue) of their father (called Hun Hunahpu in the Popol Vuh), who is associated with the Classic Maya maize god. The Popol Vuh can be characterized as a local narrative that encompasses topographic and other features of a specific landscape and that was sacred to the highland K’iche’ Maya and other groups, but one that shares a number of themes in common with narratives found throughout a broader Maya (and indeed Mesoamerican) tradition. Although there is good evidence to suggest that each site or region within the Maya area had its own founding deities, as well as locales of cosmological significance, these fit into a common cultural pattern that had resonance throughout a large part of the Mesoamerican world. That this is the case can be seen by comparing the principal themes in the Popol Vuh with mythic traditions from elsewhere in Mesoamerica. Commonalities include a focus on twins/brothers, a journey to the Underworld to create the present race of humans, the formation of the earth from a crocodilian’s body, the existence of previous eras (before the creation of humans), the planning and carrying forth of a destructive flood to initiate a new world era, and the importance of foundational rituals. Each of these themes forms a core element of creation narratives related in indigenous texts written during the colonial period by Yucatec Maya speakers, as well as Nahuatl speakers from highland central Mexico. The stories told (or retold) in the Popol Vuh are of great antiquity, as indicated by comparing particular episodes to iconography represented in Preclassic contexts, including a series of stelae at the Pacific coastal site of Izapa (not necessarily inhabited by Maya speakers) and also from depictions on the San Bartolo murals. Investigators have previously noted specific connections between the San Bartolo murals and the yearbearer pages of the Dresden Codex (Taube, Saturno, and Hurst 2010). The most obvious of these connections includes the depictions of the four world trees, references to an avian form of Itzamna, the making of faunal offerings, and the importance of bloodletting and/or sacrifice. The San Bartolo murals and Classic period ceramic vessel scenes provide clear evidence that different regions elaborated on the events that are later described in the Popol Vuh as occurring in primordial time. A number of specific episodes are included in these sources—the most important referring to the resurrection of the maize god and his overcoming of the Underworld lords—that are not part of the Popol Vuh. This supports our interpretation that the story recorded in the Popol Vuh during the sixteenth century is a regional variant of a narrative that can be traced back a millennium and a half prior to that. Preface xxi

The story recorded in the Popol Vuh is not, however, purely a Maya narrative. Specific elements within the narrative—including place names and the names of supernaturals— provide vivid evidence of the Mexicanized nature of the ruling lineages of the highland Maya kingdoms during the Late Postclassic and early colonial periods. As Ruud van Akkeren (2000, cited in Christenson 2007) notes, the K’iche’ confederacy was likely formed from a “linguistically diverse group of lineages composed of native highland Maya, Mexicanized clans from nearby Pacific Coastal areas, and immigrants (particularly the Cavec [Kawek]) from the Maya lowlands” (Christenson 2007:31). According to Christenson (2007:31), “This mixture of highland Maya, lowland Maya, and Mexicaninfluenced cultures ultimately gave birth to the traditions contained in the Popol Vuh.” Likewise, it is important to note that there are Mexican elements in indigenous Yucatec texts as well, both those recorded in the Maya codices and those in the colonial period Books of Chilam Balam (V. Bricker 2001; Vail and Aveni 2004; Vail and Hernández 2011). For this reason, our study focuses on a broad picture encompassing the cosmology, myths, and creation stories of the peoples of Mesoamerica. This aspect of our work was influenced by the collaborative efforts of Linda Schele and many other scholars in the early 1990s (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993; Looper 1995; Schele 1992; Schele and Mathews 1998), as well as the continuing research resulting from their earlier work.

A New Emphasis on Maya Mythology It has long been recognized that many of the scenes painted and carved on Classic period Maya pottery vessels have a mythological focus (see, e.g., Coe 1973, 1989a; Hous­ton and Stuart 1989; Taube 1993a). Nevertheless, despite the presence of supernaturals and Underworld deities on virtually every page of the Maya codices, a similar willingness to consider mythological interpretations of codical almanacs has been lacking from twentieth-century research, with several notable exceptions (Taube 1988). As a result, codical studies have until now remained focused on the dating of almanacs in real time and an exploration of their ritual content. This approach has been in sharp contrast to the paradigm shift among epigraphers working with Classic period texts under way since the 1990s. In the early 1990s, a team of researchers undertook the task of demonstrating the importance of cosmological conceptions in the everyday life of the prehispanic Maya. It was suggested that events in the sky formed the basis of Maya creation stories, which included the setting of three stones to form a celestial hearth in the constellation of the turtle, and the resurrection of the maize god from this hearth. Specific configurations of the Milky Way were described as forming canoes and world trees, each playing a role in the creation story (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993; Schele 1992). Since these initial proposals, the original ideas of scholars such as Schele, Looper, and Freidel have been refined, based on more recent interpretations of associated xxii Preface

hieroglyphic texts and our understanding of the astronomy. What has remained from the pivotal research of the 1990s—and has proven an invaluable perspective for a new “reading” of the Maya codices—is the idea that the astronomical events being observed and recorded in hieroglyphic books, in architectural alignments, and in stone monuments were not perceived as objective scientific observations. Rather, they served to tie the present to the recent and distant past, based on patterns and cycles displayed in the sky that were attributed to foundational events undertaken by supernaturals in mythic time. This interpretation may be seen, for example, in new models for understanding Classic period texts (see, e.g., Carrasco 2010; Looper 2007; Stuart 2005) that recognize the ways in which events in the lives of historical individuals provide a bridge to similar events occurring in the primordial past. Quite frequently, a ruler’s life story is combined with episodes relating mythic occurrences that serve to situate him and his rule within a longer story. This is the case, for example, of the ruler K’inich Ahkal Mo’ Nahb of Palenque. One of the key events mentioned on the bench from Temple XIX that is ascribed to him is the decapitation of a crocodilian “under the auspices of ” GI of the Palenque Triad, a key foundation event that led to the formation of the earth and the drilling of a new fire.

Innovations in Our Methodology Traditionally, researchers have perceived a divide between these two approaches— the “calendrical” models of researchers such as Victoria and Harvey Bricker and the “cosmological” models of Schele and her colleagues. The goal of our project was to attempt to bridge this gap, to show that the codices, in common with recent studies of the monuments, provide a historical record at the same time that their almanacs reference mythological events. We have combined the careful methodological approach pioneered by the Brickers—which considers each category of data found in codical almanacs (calendrical, iconographic, and hieroglyphic) within an integrated framework that contributes toward our understanding of the whole—with the perspective advanced by Freidel, Looper, Schele, and others—which holds that it is only by understanding the mythological foundation of a culture that its rituals can be appreciated. The result of this effort has been a validation of the methodological approach that we adopted. We have demonstrated, for example, that the Dresden Venus table both anticipates the heliacal rise of the planet over a period of 104 years based on real-time observations, and relates these future occurrences to episodes that took place before the present era and the creation of humans. Highlighted in its hieroglyphic texts and iconography is the struggle for power that was fought by the Underworld gods (of whom Venus was considered the principal lord) and those of the celestial sphere. This narrative mirrors stories recounted in colonial sources from both the highland and lowland Maya regions, as well as highland Mexico. We draw specific comparisons Preface xxiii

with the Books of Chilam Balam and accounts of the besting of the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh (Thirteen Gods, the celestial lords) by the Bolon Ti’ K’uh (Nine Gods, those associated with Venus and the Underworld) during k’atuns 13 Ahaw and 11 Ahaw. Other astronomical instruments from the Maya codices discussed in the following chapters similarly benefit from incorporating a dualistic perspective focused on historical and primordial time when interpreting their calendrical structure, iconographic component, and hieroglyphic texts. Our primary contribution is the idea that the astronomical tables in the Maya codices are not simple predictive instruments per se, but rather that they provide a means of encoding narratives about primordial time within the context of repeating astronomical cycles that have significance because of their relationship to events of world creation and destruction. The rituals enacted, the offerings made, and the resulting prognostications all stem from the way that current cycles interact with those from the distant past.

Note on Orthography The issue of orthography is a complex one that we have attempted to address in as systematic a manner as possible. It is complicated in this volume by reference to texts from hieroglyphic sources spanning the Classic and Postclassic periods, as well as the inclusion of Yucatec texts from the colonial period that use the Latin script. To simplify matters, we use the colonial orthography (/c/ in place of /k/; /k/ in place of /k’/; /dz/ in place of /tz/; /dz’/ in place of /tz’/; and /u/ in place of /w/) for colonial period Yucatec texts such as the Books of Chilam Balam. In any quoted material, we follow the orthography of the original author for Maya words. Classic period texts are rendered in Classic Ch’olti’an and follow the orthography used in sources such as Stuart (2005) and Carrasco (2010). Hieroglyphic texts from the Maya codices utilize the orthography formulated by the authors of the Cordemex Dictionary for Classical Yucatec (Diccionario maya cordemex: Maya-español, español-maya; Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980), with the exception that we replace /ts/ and /ts’/ with /tz/ and /tz’/. Like Vásquez et al., we do not distinguish between /h/ and /j/ (the former a velar aspirant and the latter a glottal aspirant) in our transcriptions of the codical texts. Thus, -ah is used both for the Yucatec completive suffix and for the Ch’olan passive (-aj). Some of the differences in the three orthographies are represented below. Classic Ch’oltian Ajaw Chahk Kawak Tz’akab

Codices Colonial texts Ahaw Ahau Chaak Chaac Kawak Cauac Tz’akab Dzacab

Our transcriptions and translations of hieroglyphic texts incorporate the following conventions: xxiv Preface

• A single question mark following a word indicates a proposed transcription or translation, although one that has not yet been established beyond question; • A double question mark indicates that the word (or syllable) represented remains unknown; • Eroded sections of the text are indicated by underlining: ▶▶ ____ [four underscores]—used for a whole line that is eroded ▶▶___ [three underscores]—used for a word that is eroded ▶▶__ [two underscores]—used for a syllable or part of a word that is eroded; • Hyphens separate components of a glyph block when they are spelled out syllabically or with a combination of syllables and logographs.

Within the text itself, syllables are enclosed between slashes to distinguish them from complete words or logographs, and single quotation marks are used to provide translations of Maya words. They can be distinguished from double quotation marks, which signify a nickname or material quoted from a secondary source. Brackets are used to set off information that is extrapolated or added by authors but is not included in the original source material. Brackets are also used for alternate spellings (e.g. Bacab [Bakab]). Texts and almanacs within the Maya codices are specified according to the page and register on which they occur. We follow the conventions used by previous scholars of labeling the registers of a page from top to bottom with the letters a, b, c, and d. When referring to a specified almanac, we use the following abbreviations: B.: D.: FM.: M.: P.:

Borgia Codex Dresden Codex Codex Fejérváry-Mayer Madrid Codex Paris Codex

Preface xxv

We owe a tremendous debt of gratitude to our mentors, Victoria and Harvey Bricker, for their support and en­courage­ment of our codical studies over the past twenty years. It was their inspiration that led to the present volume. A number of other colleagues—most particularly Tony Aveni, Matthew Looper, Tim Knowlton, and Martha Macri—have also contributed significantly to the ideas discussed herein, as have two anonymous reviewers who provided a number of thoughtful comments for our consideration. We would also like to thank those who contributed directly to the project through their editorial assistance, including Cynthia Vail, who dedicated countless hours to editing and proofreading our work, and Bailey Howard, who assisted with the citations and illustrations; and the senior author’s students, who contributed their artistic talents: Mallory Fenn and Evan Giomi. Additional thanks go to Adria Bryant, who assisted with the logistics of printing and mailing the manuscript. Our families deserve a special note of thanks as well for their generosity in providing us with the time we needed to complete the project. Dyos b’o’otik to Ty Giltinan and Tirzo and Diego Hernández, and a fond remembrance to Jennifer Schwabach for her unwavering enthusiasm and support.

Acknowledgments

xxvii

Re-Creating Primordial Time

1 Studies of prehispanic Maya culture focus primarily on sites in the Classic period heartland—places such as Tikal, Calakmul, Copán, Palenque, and Yaxchilán, which reached their apogee during the sixth through ninth centuries. The northern Maya lowlands are less well known, with the exception of sites such as Chichén Itzá and those in the Puuc region. The time period after the depopulation of the great Maya cities, whether located in the northern or southern regions, has only recently been the focus of extensive research projects. This “Postclassic” period is a time of significant change in virtually all aspects of society. As our study shows, however, this time period is characterized by a continuation of mythological traditions from the Classic period, along with the introduction of new mythologies as a result of extensive cultural contact between populations in the northern Maya lowlands, the Gulf Coast region, and highland central and southern Mexico. The Maya codices provide the primary source of textual and iconographic information for studies of Postclassic Maya culture. Where and when the three manuscripts now residing in European collections were painted remains a source of conjecture, although few codical scholars would dispute a general provenience in the northern lowlands.1 Moreover, given the fragile nature of the material of which they are made, it seems likely that they were painted within a couple of generations of initial contact with Europeans in 1519. This is not to say, however, that the underlying content of the codices dates to this time period. Rather, as the work of recent scholars has demonstrated, many of the codical almanacs and tables reference astronomical and meteorological events dating from the Classic period, with the earliest dates corresponding to the fifth century (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:359; V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1992; Vail and Hernández 2011). Some of these texts appear to have been

Introduction to the Maya Codices

DOI: 10.5876/9781607322214.c01

1

intended solely as records of past events, whereas others were used for predictions in later centuries. Still other texts were newly made by the Postclassic scribes who drafted the extant versions of the manuscripts known as the Dresden, Madrid, and Paris codices (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1992). Many of the almanacs in the Maya codices lack dates that would associate them with absolute time. Rather, they record rituals and prognostications that were related to various cycles occurring in nature, including periods of 260 days, 584 days, and 52 years. Historical dates in the Maya codices relate specifically to celestial events such as eclipses or the appearance of deities that embody different planetary cycles. History in the sense that we think of it, as events in the lives of individuals, is not recorded in these texts. In its place, mythical events in the lives of deities are given considerable weight and are viewed in terms of their relationship to human concerns such as the success or failure of the maize crop and the amount of rain received during the time period when the scribe was composing the record of these events. Ties between the historical present and the mythological past were made in various ways in the Maya codices. The scribes responsible for the Dresden Codex made explicit reference to dates in mythic time, calculated from the base date of the current era, which corresponds to 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u, or August 11, 3114 B.C.2 In the codices, primordial time could also be referenced by specific iconographic elements, usually in combination with a short hieroglyphic caption. The Madrid scribes favored 4 Ahaw as the beginning date of almanacs with ties to creation episodes or to schedule ceremonies that were dedicated to renewing the world (see Chapter 9). In the Paris Codex, one means of linking historical and mythic time involved the depiction of bound crocodilians that formed “skyband thrones” to highlight parallels between the figures seated on the thrones and the act of subduing the earth crocodilian by mythic figures, such as the Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh.3 The Dresden was the earliest of the three Maya codices to come to light in Europe. It was purchased by the head of the Royal Library in Dresden in 1739 from an unknown source in Vienna. How and when the codex reached Vienna remains a matter of conjecture. Michael Coe (1989b) has suggested that it was one of the screenfold books described in a 1520 account of indigenous material sent by Hernán Cortés and his party to the Spanish court of Charles V. Cortés is said to have acquired “native books” from a visit to Cozumel in February 1519. More recently, John Chuchiak (2012) has put forth a different scenario to account for its presence in Vienna. In an earlier study, Merideth Paxton (1991) concluded, on the basis of an iconographic analysis, that the codex was painted at some point during the Late Postclassic period and that this may have taken place at any one of a number of sites, including Chichén Itzá, Mayapán, Santa Rita Corozal, or Tulum.4 Analysis of the astronomical content of the Dresden Codex suggests that its pages contain copies of earlier almanacs and texts that date from the sixth through the twelfth centuries (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1992:82, table 2.8; Vail and Hernández 2011). Victoria and Harvey Bricker 2 Introduction to the Maya Codices

(1992:83) suggest that the physical manuscript was most likely painted in the thirteenth century, although an early sixteenth-century date cannot be ruled out. All but four of the Dresden’s 78 pages (39 on each side) were painted. The codex includes a combination of what researchers term almanacs and tables, the former being distinguished from the latter in not including dates in absolute time. Of particular interest to our study are several almanacs that concern the yearbearer ceremonies (those that mark the transition from one year to the next), as well as astronomical tables, which include a Venus table (on pages 24 and 46–50), an eclipse table (on pages 51–58), a seasonal table (on pages 61–69), paired “water” tables (on pages 69–74), and a Mars table (on pages 43–45).5 Early research on the Dresden Codex was undertaken by Ernst Förstemann (1901, 1904, 1906), a librarian at the Royal Library in the late nineteenth century. The Madrid Codex has a very different history. It is first mentioned in the literature by the French scholar Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–70). At the time, it was separated into two parts; Brasseur de Bourbourg named the first of these the “Manuscrit Troano” after its owner, Don Juan de Tro y Ortolano. The second part was purchased by the Museo Arqueológico de Madrid in 1875; little is known of its history before this, except that it originally belonged to someone from Extremadura, in southwestern Spain. Because this is where Cortés was originally from, the museum director named the codex fragment the “Codex Cortesianus” (Glass and Robertson 1975:153–154). In the early 1880s, Léon de Rosny (1882) recognized that the Troano and Cortesianus codices were actually part of the same manuscript. The Troano was acquired by the Museo Arqueológico in 1888, and the two parts were reunited. Combined, the codex consists of 56 leaves, which are painted on both sides, for a total of 112 pages (Lee 1985:81). One of these pages includes an anomaly that has led to the possibility of tracing the early history of the codex. This consists of a fragment of European paper with a Latin text that is attached to the bottom of page 56 (Coe and Kerr 1997; Vail, Bricker et al. 2003; Vail and Aveni 2004:chap. 1). Ethnohistorian John Chuchiak (2004) has identified the text on the patch as corresponding to a papal bull de la Santa Cruzada that was written in longhand. The style of the handwriting on the page indicates that it was written between 1575 and 1610. The content of the codex itself, however, is without doubt prehispanic (Graff 1997). It was likely painted at the end of the fifteenth century or the beginning of the sixteenth (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:25). Chuchiak (2004:70–71) was able to identify the handwriting on the patch as being that of the notary Gregorio de Aguilar. His cousin, Pedro Sánchez de Aguilar, was the commissioner of the Santa Cruzada and an ecclesiastical judge in the Chancenote region of Yucatán. In that role, he confiscated four hieroglyphic codices from this region between 1603 and 1608; several others were confiscated by other Catholic priests and extirpators between 1591 and 1608. The four seized by Sánchez de Aguilar, rather than being destroyed, were taken to Europe when Sánchez de Aguilar returned to Spain Introduction to the Maya Codices 3

(Chuchiak 2004:72–74). One of these is very likely the manuscript now identified as the Madrid Codex. What this reconstruction suggests is that a prehispanic manuscript was used in secret by indigenous Maya ah k’in ‘daykeepers’ in Chancenote for nearly a century without coming to the attention of the Spanish authorities. Shortly before it was confiscated, the newly acquired papal bull was attached to the codex, presumably because of its sacred status in the “new” religion (Chuchiak 2004:78). What happened to the codex from the time of its arrival in Spain in the early part of the seventeenth century until its two parts were first documented in the 1860s remains uncertain. The Madrid Codex differs from the Dresden in a number of ways, including the fact that it does not contain any astronomical tables as scholars have defined them.6 Nevertheless, a number of its almanacs do record astronomical events that can be dated in real time (see, e.g., Aveni 2004; H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011; V. Bricker 1997; V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988; Vail 2006). In addition, several sections of the Madrid Codex have almanacs that are “cognate” with those in the Dresden Codex.7 Even more surprising is the fact that the Madrid and Borgia Group of codices have structural similarities that cannot be explained except by positing that some type of contact existed among the scribes of the two regions (Boone 2003; Hernández and V. Bricker 2004; Vail and Aveni 2004:chap. 1; Vail and Hernández 2010). The Paris Codex is in very fragmentary condition; not only have the edges of each page eroded, but it is clear that it was originally a much longer manuscript. Only 22 painted leaves survive. Although it has several almanacs in a format similar to those in the Dresden and Madrid codices, it is the only extant codex in the Maya tradition that includes almanacs dedicated to tun and k’atun prophecies (detailed later in the chapter), and it also includes the only known table depicting astronomical constellations (what some scholars have called the “zodiacal almanac”). The codex was acquired by the Bibliothèque Royal (now the Bibliothèque Natio­nale) in 1832, along with several other Mexican manuscripts (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:13). It was copied, several years later (in 1835) by Agostino Aglio, as part of Kingsborough’s Antiquities of Mexico (Gates 1932; G. Stuart 1994), but it remained unpublished due to Kingsborough’s death.8 Because of these circumstances, the codex was not officially made known to the wider world until its publication by Léon de Rosny in the 1870s. As George Stuart (1994) and the Brickers (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:13–14) point out, however, a description of the codex, along with a drawing of one of its pages, had been published in 1859. Nevertheless, it remains the least well known of the Maya codices, despite several full or partial commentaries (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992; Love 1994; Severin 1981; Treiber 1987). Its astronomical content has recently been the subject of a comprehensive analysis (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:chap. 9, 12) that highlights its importance within the Maya manuscript tradition.

4 Introduction to the Maya Codices

Sources for Interpreting the Mythological Content of the Maya Codices It has been suggested that the scribes who drafted the Maya codices were part of a larger world system that linked the northern Maya lowlands to highland Mexico via a substantial trade network through the Gulf Coast region (Boone and Smith 2003; Vail and Hernández 2010:chap. 1). There are a number of explicit ties between the codex tradition characterizing highland Mexico represented by the Borgia Group codices (see chap. 2) and the Maya codices (Boone 2003; Vail and Hernández 2010). These ties may also be seen in mural programs from the Postclassic northern lowlands (Boone and Smith 2003; Masson 2003; Paxton 1986; Quirarte 1982; Taube 2010), including those at Mayapán, Santa Rita, and Tulum discussed in the following chapters.9 We have had the good fortune of being able to examine the Mayapán murals in person, but those from Santa Rita are no longer extant (Gann 1900), and the Tulum murals are best preserved in the photographs and paintings done by Felipe Dávalos as part of Arthur Miller’s excavations at the site in the 1970s (Miller 1982). These are housed at Dumbarton Oaks and were viewed by Vail during a recent visit. In considering the influences on the Dresden and Madrid scribes, it is incumbent on us to remember the Classic period context in which the earliest versions of a number of the tables and almanacs were composed. During the Classic period, there is evidence that Maya populations from far-distant sites throughout the lowlands shared a widespread mythological tradition that incorporated a common set of deities and events, including a mythological flood that destroyed a previous creation; the death of the maize god in the Underworld, followed by his resurrection at a mythological place named Na Ho’ Chan; the establishment of a celestial hearth to mark the home of the creator deities; and the formation of humans from maize dough (detailed in Chapter 3). Breakthroughs in our understanding of these mythological episodes in the 1990s revealed that they are referenced in monumental texts from sites in the southern lowlands (such as Quirigua), the western area (Palenque), and the northern lowlands (including Chichén Itzá and Cobá), and on pottery vessels from throughout the southern lowlands (Grube et al. 2003; Looper 1995; Schele 1992; D. Stuart 2005). Different regions likely had their own variants of these creation stories, but they focused on similar themes and would therefore most likely have been known to the scribes who drafted earlier versions of the almanacs and tables that were later modified and copied into the manuscripts known today as the Dresden, Madrid, and Paris codices. The longevity of this mythological tradition can be documented by common elements found at the Late Preclassic site of San Bartolo in the Petén (Taube et al. 2010), Classic period Palenque, the Dresden Codex, and the colonial period Books of Chilam Balam. Similarly, a variant of this tradition—the setting up of trees in the world quarters to support the sky—is also known to us from two of the highland Mexican codices belonging to the Borgia Group: the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer and the Codex Borgia. Introduction to the Maya Codices 5

It has long been held that the Maya codices contain little information of a mythological nature, being concerned instead with divination and prophecy (Taube 1993a:18). In the pages that follow, we show that this supposition can no longer be supported. Instead, we believe that the Maya codices serve, in a sense, as a bridge between Classic mythological traditions and the cosmogonic episodes and creation stories contained in colonial period indigenous manuscripts. Following in the tradition of earlier studies (including Knowlton [2010] and Taube [1988]), we document connections between narratives related in the codices (through a combination of textual and iconographic referents) and those contained in the Yucatecan Books of Chilam Balam and the Popol Vuh from the K’iche’ culture of highland Guatemala. The Books of Chilam Balam date to the late colonial period; each of the extant manuscripts is named for the community where it was first encountered by Western scholars (including Chumayel, Ixil, Kaua, Maní, and Tizimín, among others).10 The designation “Chilam Balam” refers to a specific chilan ‘prophet’, named Balam ‘Jaguar’, from the town of Maní who is said to have foretold the arrival of the Spaniards and of Christianity. The Chilam Balam texts are written in a modified version of the Latin alphabet, primarily in Classical Yucatec, although there are occasional words or sections in Nahuatl, Spanish, and Latin (V. Bricker 2000). There is compelling evidence in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel that suggests that portions of it were copied from an earlier (likely prehispanic) manuscript (Knowlton 2010:68–69). The Books of Chilam Balam treat a variety of topics, including history, divination, calendrics, cosmology, mythology, religious doctrine, and others, which can be traced to a number of different traditions—Yucatec, Nahuatl, and European (Bricker and Miram 2002; Knowlton 2010:2). As Victoria Bricker (2000) has noted, this is similar to the Maya codices, which likewise incorporate material from more than one Mesoamerican tradition. Our interest lies in the creation myths associated with K’atun 11 Ahaw contained in the Books of Chilam Balam of Chumayel and Tizimín and in the Códice Pérez (n.d.).11 Although the three versions share a number of similarities, they are not identical (Knowlton 2010:54). In addition, the Tizimín and Pérez manuscripts also contain important mythological events associated with the preceding k’atun, K’atun 13 Ahaw (Knowlton 2010:72). We follow Timothy Knowlton’s (2010) translations of these texts (see Appendix 3.2). In evaluating the content of the Chilam Balam creation stories, it is important to keep in mind that the Chilam Balam narratives cannot be seen as preserving prehispanic texts in an unadulterated form, any more than certain codical texts can be viewed as being purely Classic period in origin. Nevertheless, there are a number of specific correspondences that can be attributed to a common cultural heritage. What, then, can be said of the Popol Vuh? Despite the geographic distance separating the Guatemalan highlands from the northern Maya lowlands, we consider it an important source for our analysis, in that much of its mythological content (included 6 Introduction to the Maya Codices

in the first two sections of the manuscript) seems to elaborate on a mythological tradition common to the Classic period Maya lowlands. Like parts of the Books of Chilam Balam, it has been suggested that the narrative known to us as the Popol Vuh was copied from one or more prehispanic hieroglyphic texts by native scribes (Taube 1993a:22; D. Tedlock 1996:25–30). Internal evidence suggests that the original alphabetic manuscript was compiled between 1554 and 1558 in Santa Cruz del Quiché (formerly Utatlán), and later taken to Chuvila, now called Chichicastenango (Christenson 2007:36–39). In the early eighteenth century, the parish priest of Chichicastenango, Francisco Ximénez, was shown the sixteenth-century manuscript and given permission to copy it (Christenson 2007:39–40). His copy and the Spanish translation he provided are housed in the Newberry Library in Chicago; the whereabouts of the original sixteenth-century manuscript is unknown, although Christenson (2007:40) believes that it may still be in Chichicastenango. Another source that is largely contemporary with the Popol Vuh, but from a different cultural milieu, is Diego de Landa’s Relación de las cosas de Yucatán, dated to approximately 1566. Landa’s text, written after the Franciscan priest was recalled to Spain to account for his actions during the 1562 auto-de-fé in Maní, has been shown to be the work of several authors (Restall and Chuchiak 2002). Although Landa was in close contact with several native Maya speakers, the manuscript is heavily biased by his Catholic training and Eurocentric view of the world. Nevertheless, it does represent our primary source of information concerning a number of rituals celebrated by the Postclassic Maya of Yucatán, including the ceremonies associated with the eighteen months of the year and the rituals that marked the time of transition (Wayeb) from one year to the next. In addition, Landa discusses a number of Maya deities, many of whom are depicted in the Maya codices. Ethnographic research over the past 150 years also provides an important source of information about Maya deities, creation stories, and other mythological episodes (e.g., McGee 1990; Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934; Thompson 1930, 1970b). Taking into account the five or more centuries that separate the Postclassic Maya from contemporary cultures, as well as conscious and unconscious efforts to eradicate indigenous religious practices, it is surprising to find so many examples of correspondence that can be documented between contemporary Maya rituals and beliefs and those depicted in the Postclassic codices.

Content of the Maya Codices Each of the Maya codices is composed of a number of “almanacs” that relate deities, activities, and prophecies or prognostications to dates in one or more of the systems for reckoning time used by the Postclassic Maya. The most common system of dating found in Maya almanacs involves the 260-day tzolk’in calendar, which pairs twenty named days with the numbers 1 through 13, beginning with 1 Imix, then 2 Ik’, 3 Ak’bal, Introduction to the Maya Codices 7

Figure 1.1. Almanac on D. 6b–7b containing four frames, each with an interval of ‘13’. After Förstemann (1880).

4 K’an, and so forth, until reaching 13 Ahaw, the 260th day (for a listing of all 260 days of the tzolk’in calendar, see Appendix 1.1). Occasionally, dates in the 365-day solar calendar (the haab) are also given, although this occurs much less commonly (see Vail 2002; Vail and V. Bricker 2004). Haab dates associated with almanacs are found most commonly in the Madrid Codex; only two are currently known from the Paris Codex, and two from the Dresden (in contexts other than those associated with astronomical tables). Another format, used specifically in the Dresden Codex, involves the presentation of information associated with dates in absolute time, which can be calculated from prefaces with the relevant information (found, e.g., on pages 24, 51–52, 61–64, and 69–71). These tables are concerned with seasonal and astronomical phenomena, including the stations of Venus (i.e., where the planet is located in the sky on certain dates), solar and lunar eclipses, and the positions of the constellations in the night sky. Like the format used in almanacs, they generally include columns of information (herein termed frames) that interrelate calendrical information, a text, and often a picture. To understand the inner workings of Maya almanacs, we examine an example from the middle register on pages 6–7 of the Dresden Codex, or on D. 6b–7b (Figure 1.1).12 The almanac contains four frames that can be segmented into the following sections: a hieroglyphic text at the top, a pair of bar-and-dot numbers (one black and one red) below this, and a picture. The first frame is preceded by a column of day glyphs with a coefficient at the top. The hieroglyphic captions associated with each of the almanac’s four frames begin with the same two collocations—tz’unun ‘hummingbird’ and u chich ‘is his proph8 Introduction to the Maya Codices

Figure 1.2. Symbols for 0, 1, 5, and 20. Drawing by Gabrielle Vail.

ecy’ (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink1.html). Glyphic texts in the Maya codices are most commonly read in paired columns, as is true here, but they are sometimes read in single columns as well. The subject of the clause is found in the third glyph block in each caption: the maize god Nal, the death god Kimil, the male creator Itzamna, and the Hero Twin Yax Balam (for a further discussion of these deities and their associations, see Chapter 3 and Appendix 3.1). Of the four figures pictured, only the last two are explicitly shown with hummingbird imagery (Itzamna wears a hummingbird beak, and a hummingbird hovers in the air upside down in front of Yax Balam). The final collocation in each clause represents a title referring to the deity named, or an augural compound. The maize god is associated with ox wi’il ‘abundance of food’; the death god with ah kimil ‘dead person’; Itzamna with a title that has not been adequately deciphered;13 and Yax Balam with the prognostication u muuk ‘his omen’, or more commonly ‘his evil omen’. Frames in Maya almanacs, rather than being associated with one specific date, are most often associated with four, five, or ten different dates, based on how many day glyphs occur in the column preceding the first frame of the almanac. On D. 6b–7b the initial column includes five tzolk’in day glyphs (K’an, Kib, Lamat, Ahaw, and Eb) and a red ‘10’ (Figure 1.2 shows the four symbols that are used in the codices to represent numbers, with dots signaling ‘1’ and bars ‘5’). The ah k’in ‘daykeeper’ or chilam ‘prophet’ using this almanac would add the black bar-and-dot numbers to the red ones to determine the dates associated with each frame. To begin, the first date in the tzolk’in column (10 K’an) is associated with the picture and text in frame 1 of the almanac. The number of days one counts forward to reach the next date (that associated with frame 2) is indicated by the black ‘13’ at the left of the first frame. Reference to Appendix 1.1 indicates that adding 13 days to 10 K’an (day number 244) brings one to the date 10 Kaban (day number 257). The scribe who drafted the almanac indicated the ‘10’ in red above the first picture. This date (10 Kaban) refers to the second frame of the almanac. A quick glance through the remaining bar-and-dot numbers indicates that each of the black numbers (what are called distance numbers) are ‘13’. This is perhaps the most common means of dividing up time in Maya almanacs: having four frames, each associated with intervals of ‘13’ (Aveni et al. 1995). It serves to segment the universe into four equal parts, a concept that was vitally important to prehispanic Maya and other Mesoamerican peoples, as we discuss in detail in the chapters that follow. Introduction to the Maya Codices 9

1

Table 1.1. 260-day structure of D. 6b–7b A 10 + 13

2

B 10 + 13

C 10 + 13

D 10 + 13

K’an

Kaban

Ok

Ak’bal

Kib

Muluk

Ik’

Men

Lamat

Imix

Ix

Manik’

Ahaw

Ben

Kimi

Kawak

Eb

Chikchan

Etz’nab

Chuwen

To complete the calculations for determining the calendrical structure of the almanac, it is necessary to add the black ‘13’ above the second picture to the previous date (10 Kaban), to reach 10 Ok (day number 10).14 The first part of the date (the ‘10’) is represented next to the black ‘13’ above the picture in the second frame. Like those previously discussed, this date would be associated with the frame that follows (frame 3). The same procedure is followed to determine the date associated with the last of the almanac’s four frames—that is, the black ‘13’ above the picture in the third frame is added to the previous date (10 Ok) to reach the next date, 10 Ak’bal (day number 23). This is indicated in the almanac by the red ‘10’ placed above the third picture. Although we have calculated dates for each of the almanac’s four frames, there is still an outstanding distance number (a black ‘13’) above the picture in the fourth frame, which is followed by a red ‘10’. This indicates that it is necessary to add 13 to the 10 Ak’bal date associated with the fourth frame, bringing us to 10 Kib (day number 36). The ‘10’ associated with this date is represented in two places—above the fourth picture, and at the top of the initial column of tzolk’in days, where it can be associated with the Kib glyph in the second position in the column. This date, like the 10 K’an above it, is associated with the first frame of the almanac (but here corresponding to the second row; see Table 1.1 and http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink2.html). Calculating the almanac’s remaining calendrical structure results in five dates being associated with each frame. Those corresponding with the first frame (10 K’an, 10 Kib, 10 Lamat, 10 Ahaw, and 10 Eb) are explicitly given at the beginning of the almanac (see column A in Table 1.1), whereas the others must all be calculated using the method­ ology discussed above. Although the scribe could have placed a column like that at the beginning of the almanac in front of each of the frames (as is done, for example, on D. 31b–35b; see Figure 4.15), what we see represented in this example is the format most commonly used for codical almanacs. The question of why five different dates were associated with each frame is one that has been difficult to answer until recently, when Vail proposed a new model for interpreting almanacs that refer to the same activity from frame to frame but incorporate different deities. Based on evidence from the Madrid Codex (see Vail 2002, 2004), Vail 10 Introduction to the Maya Codices

demonstrated that rather than referring to events separated by an interval of days in the 260-day calendar, these events can be better understood as separated by a number of haab ‘years’ in the Calendar Round. The haab is a solar calendar of 365 days that consists of 18 months (Pop, Wo, Sip, Sotz’, Tzek, Xul, Yaxk’in, Mol, Ch’en, Yax, Sak, Keh, Mak, K’ank’in, Muwan, Pax, K’ayab, Kumk’u), each with 20 days, and a final month of five days (Wayeb). The Calendar Round refers to the pairing of dates in the 260-day tzolk’in and 365-day haab to create a cycle of 52 years. The initial date of the pairing was established based on associating 4 Ahaw (the tzolk’in date) and 8 Kumk’u (the haab date) with the completion of the 13 bak’tun cycle, which serves as the base date for “era” calculations in the Maya calendar—13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u. The Long Count calendar incorporates a count of k’in ‘days’, 20-day months (winal), 360-day years (tun), 20-tun periods (k’atun), and 20-k’atun periods (bak’tun). The completion of the thirteenth bak’tun is followed by the date 0.0.0.0.1 5 Imix 9 Kumk’u, then 0.0.0.0.2 6 Ik’ 10 Kumk’u, 0.0.0.0.3 7 Ak’bal 11 Kumk’u, and so on. A particular Calendar Round date (such as 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u or 5 Imix 9 Kumk’u) repeats only after 18,980 days, or 52 haabs. Recent studies of the Maya codices suggest the importance of this 52-year period in the ritual life of the Postclassic Maya (Hernández and Vail 2010; Vail 2002, 2004). The 52-year cycle is highlighted, for example, in almanacs in the Dresden, Madrid, and Paris codices that focus on yearbearer rituals (those marking the transition from one year to the next, celebrated during the final five days of the old year and the first day of the new year). These almanacs occur on pages 25–28 of the Dresden Codex (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​/UPClink3.html), 34–37 of the Madrid Codex (http://www.hiero​glyphic​research​.org/Documentation /UPClink4.html), and 19–20 of the Paris Codex (http://​www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation​/UPC​link5.html) (discussed in Chapters 4 and 8). The 52-year cycle, and the yearbearer ceremonies themselves, are segmented into four quarters, each consisting of 13 years. From year to year, one moves between each quarter, returning to the starting point after five years (4 × 13 = 52). As we have seen, the almanac on D. 6b–7b highlights dates at 13-day intervals. As demonstrated by Vail (2002, 2004), the interval of ‘13’ may refer to years (haab) as well as days in almanacs such as this one, meaning that moving through the almanac’s four frames completes a 52-year (as well as a 260-day) cycle. The way this works is as follows. By focusing on only one day in each column, the scribe could have chosen dates that were separated by intervals of 13 years (haab). On D. 6b–7b, for example, the date in the first column, 10 K’an, is a yearbearer, meaning that it can be paired with the haab date 1 Pop in the Mayapán calendar in use during the Late Postclassic period.15 Adding 13 haab to 10 K’an [1 Pop] means that the next frame would be associated with 10 Muluk [1 Pop] (boldfaced in the B column in Table 1.2). Thirteen haab after this is 10 Ix [1 Pop] (in column C), followed by 10 Kawak Introduction to the Maya Codices 11

3

4

5

Table 1.2. 52-year structure of D. 6b–7b A 10 + 13

B 10 + 13

C 10 + 13

D 10 + 13

K’an

Kaban

Ok

Ak’bal

Kib

Muluk

Ik’

Men

Lamat

Imix

Ix

Manik’

Ahaw

Ben

Kimi

Kawak

Eb

Chikchan

Etz’nab

Chuwen

Note: The dates in boldface are those highlighted by the fifty-two-year structure of the almanac (i.e., by treating the distance numbers as counts of years, rather than days).

6

7

8

[1 Pop] (in column D). This method of reading almanacs, despite the fact that the haab date is not explicitly given by the scribe, makes a great deal of sense, given the emphasis noted by Landa and other chroniclers on the ceremonies performed during particular months in the haab calendar (Gates 1978; Tozzer 1941). Indeed, interpreting the hummingbird as a prophecy of the Pop/yearbearer rituals receives support from the page relating to the 10 Kawak rituals on M. 34, where a hummingbird is shown perched on top of the vessel containing offerings of tortillas and sprouting maize. In the almanac on D. 6b–7b under discussion, the hummingbird is explicitly pictured in the frame that depicts Yax Balam and refers to 10 Kawak years. A number of different variations on the standard reading order of almanacs occur. Those that are most relevant to our discussion include almanacs with one central picture, in which the distance numbers are scattered around the image (see Figure 6.10 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink6.html), called “circular almanacs” in the literature; those with more than one set of distance numbers and/or coefficients associated with each frame (see Figure 7.31 and http://www​ .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink7.html); and those with each of the dates given explicitly (see Figure 1.3 and http://www.hiero​glyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink8.html). The majority of almanacs that are ostensibly organized according to the 260day calendar can be interpreted as portraying events and rituals associated with the haab, which served as an agricultural and festival calendar. Other systems of dating were also used, however, based on the units of the Long Count calendar. Long Count dates served to fix astronomical events in absolute time (see discussion of the Venus table in Chapter 7), whereas tun and k’atun dates were used in several almanacs to record events and prophecies for those specific periods of time (the tun being 360 days and a k’atun corresponding to 20 tun, or approximately 20 years). Examples of tun dates may be found on pages 1–13 or 2–14 of the Paris Codex (pages 1 and 12 are eroded, so it is difficult to know where the sequence begins and ends), in conjunction with a series of pictures of deities (primarily the maize god) and 12 Introduction to the Maya Codices

Figure 1.3. Almanac on D. 42c–45c. Each of the four frames refers to a particular direction (south, east, west, north) and contains references to multiple tzolk’in dates at the top of each page. After Förstemann (1880).

animals seated on haab glyphs to signify the prophecy of the year. In reference to tun 2 Ahaw (P. 7a), for example, we see the maize god seated with his arms bound behind his back, suggesting his status as a captive intended for sacrifice (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink9.html). In the scene representing the following tun (11 Ahaw) on P. 8a, he has a closed eye, indicating his death (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​/UPC link10.html).16 The majority of almanacs in the codices concern the prophecies for the rains and the maize crop, based on specific calendrical data and the importance of these dates in mythological episodes relating to primordial time. The maize/maize god undergoes death when he is buried within the earth (represented by an Underworld journey in the mythology), a rebirth when the first seeds sprout (his resurrection in the Underworld), and a second death when the plant is harvested in the late fall. These events are personified in the person of the maize god, who represents the plant itself in indigenous sources from both the prehispanic and colonial periods. Introduction to the Maya Codices 13

9

10

Figure 1.4. Rituals on P. 4 corresponding to K’atun 11 Ahaw and involving the transfer of a K’awil effigy or headdress and the presentation of offerings. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta (1976).

11

12

On the same pages as the tun series in the Paris Codex, prophecies are given for a longer cycle of time, that relating to the k’atun period. Page 2 refers to k’atun 2 Ahaw, page 3 to k’atun 13 Ahaw (mistakenly written as 18), page 4 to k’atun 11 Ahaw, and so on.17 On the pages with the least erosion, the details of each scene are clearly displayed (Figure 1.4 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org​ /Documentation/UPClink11.html). They include the presentation of an effigy of the god K’awil’s head by a particular deity (such as the maize god or the rain god) to a figure seated on a throne;18 the offering of food (and sometimes other objects) in a vessel between the two figures; the presence of a bird hovering in the air over the scene;19 and the occurrence of a throne formed from the bound body of a crocodilian paired with a skyband, on which the second figure on each page is seated. A comparison to the iconography and texts of Classic period monuments clearly suggests that these scenes refer to the “accession” of the figures seated on the thrones, who may be assumed to have been the ruling “lords” for the k’atun period highlighted on each particular page of the almanac. The hieroglyphic texts associated with the k’atun almanac refer to a series of deities, associated prognostications, and sometimes important astronomical events that affected the prophecies for a particular k’atun. For example, for K’atun 7 Ahaw on P. 6, the tenth tun of the k’atun is said to be characterized by wi’ih k’ay ix kab nal k’intun haabil, “Hunger is the song of Lady Earth Maize / Place; [there is] drought” (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​ /UPClink12.html). 14 Introduction to the Maya Codices

Figure 1.5. Frame from M. 69b showing the rain god Chaak seated in front of a deer offering. The glyphic collocation at A3 includes a tun glyph with a coefficient of 3 and a /tu/ prefix. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

The k’atun pages provide one of the few contexts in the codices where distance numbers are represented in a format similar to those on Classic period monuments: on P. 6, for example, the compound TXII.III:528 indicates a count of 3 tuns and 12 winals, corresponding to a period of approximately 3 years and 12 months. In the almanac on pages 65–72 and 73b of the Madrid Codex (Figure 1.5), counts of time are expressed by coefficients attached to haab glyphs (T548). They frequently take a /tu/ prefix, however, making it difficult to determine whether the 365-day year or the 360-day year was intended.20 In one of the almanac’s frames, however, the /tu/ is prefixed to a tun (T528) glyph, suggesting that this reading may have been intended in the other frames as well (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​ /UPClink13.html). The beekeeping section of the Madrid Codex also includes an occasional tun or winal count (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​/UPClink14​ .html), and the almanac on M. 49c–50c (Figure 1.6) highlights lahuntun dates, each corresponding to a period of ten tuns, which are designated by their Ahaw day names. The first of these dates corresponds to the 1 Ahaw at the top of the initial tzolk’in column, followed by 13 Ahaw (eroded) in the cartouche (also Introduction to the Maya Codices 15

13

14

Figure 1.6. Almanac on M. 49c–50c containing five separate frames, each showing the generic god K’uh seated on a cartouche with a numbered Ahaw glyph. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

15

16

eroded) beneath the deity figure in the first frame; 12 Ahaw (eroded) in the second frame; 11 Ahaw in the third frame; 10 Ahaw in the fourth frame; and 9 Ahaw in the fifth frame (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​ /UPClink15.html). As mentioned previously, there are also a number of explicit haab dates recorded in the context of tzolk’in almanacs in the Madrid Codex. These dates serve to anchor the event or activity pictured to a particular month of the year; moreover, they can sometimes be linked to the ceremonies described for particular months in Landa’s Relación de las cosas de Yucatán (see Gates 1978; Tozzer 1941). Examples include references to the haab date 1 Yaxk’in on M. 99b–100b (see http://www.hiero​glyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink16.html) and to the month Kumk’u in the almanac on M. 65–72 and 73b (see Figure 1.7); on M. 73b, the full Calendar Round date 13 Ahaw 13 Kumk’u occurs at A1-B1 (see V. Bricker 1997; Vail and V. Bricker 2004). Studies of the Dresden, Madrid, and Borgia group codices demonstrate that cultural contacts were an important part of the process of creating divinatory manuscripts (Hernández and V. Bricker 2004; Just 2004; Vail and Aveni 2004:chap. 1; Vail and Hernández 2010). The following chapter provides an overview of the highland Mexican codices and mythological traditions from that region, and Chapter 3 includes a discussion of Maya creation stories. This material provides the foundation necessary for our analysis of the mythological content of the Maya codices presented in subsequent chapters. 16 Introduction to the Maya Codices

Figure 1.7. Frame from M. 73b showing the rain god Chaak associated with a cenote. The first two glyph blocks of the hieroglyphic text (A1 and B1) include the Calendar Round date 13 Ahaw 13 Kumk’u. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

Appendix 1.1. The 260-Day Ritual Calendar (Tzolk’in) Day 1

Appendix 1.1—continued

Tzolk’in 1

Date

Day

Imix

15

Tzolk’in

Date

2

Men

2

2

Ik’

16

3

Kib

3

3

Ak’bal

17

4

Kaban

4

4

K’an

18

5

Etz’nab

5

5

Chikchan

19

6

Kawak

6

6

Kimi

20

7

Ahaw

7

7

Manik’

21

8

Imix

8

8

Lamat

22

9

9

9

Muluk

23

10

10

10

Ok

24

11

K’an

11

11

Chuwen

25

12

Chikchan

12

12

Eb

26

13

Kimi

Ben

27

1

Manik’

Ix

28

2

Lamat

13

13

14

1

Ik’ Ak’bal

continued on next page

Introduction to the Maya Codices 17

Appendix 1.1—continued Day

Appendix 1.1—continued

Tzolk’in

Date

Day

Tzolk’in

Date

29

3

Muluk

63

11

Ak’bal

30

4

Ok’

64

12

K’an

31

5

Chuwen

65

13

Chikchan

32

6

Eb

66

1

33

7

Ben

67

2

Manik’

34

8

Ix

68

3

Lamat

Kimi

35

9

Men

69

4

Muluk

36

10

Kib

70

5

Ok

37

11

Kaban

71

6

Chuwen

38

12

Etz’nab

72

7

Eb

39

13

Kawak

73

8

Ben

40

1

Ahaw

74

9

Ix

41

2

Imix

75

10

Men

11

Kib Kaban

42

3

Ik’

76

43

4

Ak’bal

77

12

44

5

K’an

78

13

Etz’nab

45

6

Chikchan

79

1

Kawak

46

7

Kimi

80

2

Ahaw

47

8

Manik’

81

3

Imix

48

9

Lamat

82

4

Ik’

49

10

Muluk

83

5

Ak’bal

50

11

Ok

84

6

K’an

51

12

Chuwen

85

7

Chikchan

52

13

Eb

86

8

Kimi

53

1

Ben

87

9

Manik’

54

2

Ix

88

10

Lamat

11

Muluk

55

3

Men

89

56

4

Kib

90

12

Ok

57

5

Kaban

91

13

Chuwen

58

6

Etz’nab

92

1

Eb

59

7

Kawak

93

2

Ben

60

8

Ahaw

94

3

Ix

61

9

Imix

95

4

Men

62

10

Ik’

96

5

Kib continued on next page

18 Introduction to the Maya Codices

Appendix 1.1—continued Day

Appendix 1.1—continued

Tzolk’in

Date

Day

Tzolk’in

Date

97

6

Kaban

131

1

Chuwen

98

7

Etz’nab

132

2

Eb

99

8

Kawak

133

3

Ben

100

9

Ahaw

134

4

Ix

101

10

Imix

135

5

Men

102

11

Ik’

136

6

Kib

103

12

Ak’bal

137

7

Kaban

104

13

K’an

138

8

Etz’nab

105

1

Chikchan

139

9

Kawak

106

2

Kimi

140

10

Ahaw

107

3

Manik’

141

11

Imix

108

4

Lamat

142

12

Ik’

109

5

Muluk

143

13

Ak’bal

1

K’an

2

Chikchan

110

6

Ok

144

111

7

Chuwen

145

112

8

Eb

146

3

Kimi

113

9

Ben

146

4

Manik’

114

10

Ix

148

5

Lamat

115

11

Men

149

6

Muluk

116

12

Kib

150

7

Ok

117

13

Kaban

151

8

Chuwen

118

1

Etz’nab

152

9

Eb

119

2

Kawak

153

10

Ben

120

3

Ahaw

154

11

Ix

121

4

Imix

155

12

Men

122

5

Ik’

156

13

Kib

1

Kaban

2

Etz’nab

123

6

Ak’bal

157

124

7

K’an

158

125

8

Chikchan

159

3

Kawak

126

9

Kimi

160

4

Ahaw

127

10

Manik’

161

5

Imix

128

11

Lamat

162

6

Ik’

129

12

Muluk

163

7

Ak’bal

130

13

Ok

164

8

K’an continued on next page

Introduction to the Maya Codices 19

Appendix 1.1—continued

Appendix 1.1—continued

Day

Tzolk’in

165

9

166

10

Date

Day

Tzolk’in

Chikchan

199

4

Kawak

Date

Kimi

200

5

Ahaw

167

11

Manik’

201

6

Imix

168

12

Lamat

202

7

Ik’

169

13

Muluk

203

8

Ak’bal

170

1

Ok

204

9

K’an

171

2

Chuwen

205

10

Chikchan

172

3

Eb

206

11

Kimi

173

4

Ben

207

12

Manik’

174

5

Ix

208

13

Lamat

175

6

Men

209

1

Muluk

176

7

Kib

210

2

Ok

177

8

Kaban

211

3

Chuwen

4

Eb Ben

178

9

Etz’nab

212

179

10

Kawak

213

5

180

11

Ahaw

214

6

Ix

181

12

Imix

215

7

Men

Ik’

216

8

Kib

Ak’bal

217

9

Kaban

2

K’an

218

10

Etz’nab

3

Chikchan

219

11

Kawak

186

4

Kimi

220

12

Ahaw

187

5

Manik’

221

13

Imix

188

6

Lamat

222

1

Ik’

189

7

Muluk

223

2

Ak’bal

190

8

Ok

224

3

K’an

4

Chikchan Kimi

182

13

183

1

184 185

191

9

Chuwen

225

192

10

Eb

226

5

193

11

Ben

227

6

Manik’

194

12

Ix

228

7

Lamat

195

13

Men

229

8

Muluk

196

1

Kib

230

9

Ok

197

2

Kaban

231

10

Chuwen

198

3

Etz’nab

232

11

Eb continued on next page

20 Introduction to the Maya Codices

Appendix 1.1—continued

Appendix 1.1—continued

Day

Tzolk’in

Day

Tzolk’in

233

12

Ben

Date

247

13

Manik’

Date

234

13

Ix

248

1

Lamat

235

1

Men

249

2

Muluk

236

2

Kib

250

3

Ok

237

3

Kaban

251

4

Chuwen

238

4

Etz’nab

252

5

Eb

239

5

Kawak

253

6

Ben

240

6

Ahaw

254

7

Ix

241

7

Imix

255

8

Men

242

8

Ik’

256

9

Kib

243

9

Ak’bal

257

10

Kaban

244

10

K’an

258

11

Etz’nab

245

11

Chikchan

259

12

Kawak

Kimi

260

13

Ahaw

246

12

{Return to day 1}

Notes

1. A fourth codex, named the Grolier, was reportedly found in a cave in Chiapas (Carlson 1983; Coe 1973). If authenticated as prehispanic in date, the differences in style between this manuscript and the other three might well be attributed to different proveniences. Several studies have called its authenticity into question, however (Baudez 2002; Milbrath 2002; Thompson 1975). 2. We adopt the 584,283 correlation constant for converting Maya Long Count dates to corresponding dates in the Gregorian calendar. Some scholars favor a constant of 584,285. See Aveni (2001, 207–210, Appendix A) and H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2011:chap. 4) for a more thorough discussion of the correlation constant issue. 3. A skyband consists of a row of glyphs that pertain to objects or events in the sky, such as k’in ‘sun’, ek’ ‘star’, or uh ‘moon’. 4. We follow Sharer and Traxler’s (2006:98) chronology: Late Preclassic: 400 B.C.–A.D. 100 Terminal Preclassic: A.D. 100–250 Early Classic: A.D. 250–600 Late Classic: A.D. 600–800 Terminal Classic: A.D. 800–900/1100* Postclassic: A.D. 900/1100–1500* * The earlier dates refer to sites in the southern lowlands, whereas the later dates correspond to the northern lowlands. Introduction to the Maya Codices 21

17

5. The pages were not numbered consecutively when the codex was originally studied, because it had become separated into two parts. It was only later that the correct manner of reuniting them was discovered. 6. Page 2 of the Madrid Codex contains an almanac that appears to be cognate to the Mars table in the Dresden Codex (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​ /UPClink17.html), but it is too eroded to allow the possibility of reconstructing its calendrics, and the preceding page is so heavily damaged that it can offer no additional information to aid our understanding of M. 2a. 7. There are few exact cognates, although many feature the same deities and have a similar calendrical structure and highlight the same themes (Aveni 2004; Aveni et al. 1995, 1996). This is suggestive of the tradition of copying from older documents that periodically required updating. 8. Aglio’s drawings are currently part of the Ayer Collection of the Newberry Library in Chicago (Glass and Robertson 1975: 179). 9. Other sites with Late Postclassic murals from the northern Maya lowlands include Cobá, Rancho Ina, San Ángel, Tancah, and Xelhá (Taube 2010:145). 10. Several other manuscripts are named for the scholars who collected them, including Juan Pío Pérez (the Códice Pérez [n.d.]) and Sylvanus Morley (the Morley Manuscript). 11. A k’atun is a period of approximately twenty years that served as a means of ordering events in the Maya calendar. Each k’atun is named for the day on which it ends, beginning with 13 Ahaw, then 11 Ahaw, 9 Ahaw, and so forth. There are thirteen such periods, which comprise a cycle of 256 years. 12. We follow the convention established by earlier scholars of labeling each register with a letter designation, beginning at the top of the page with “a.” We use the following abbreviations to refer to pages in the respective codices: D., Dresden; M., Madrid, P., Paris. 13. This may be read as nah? nikil ‘first flower’ (Vail and Hernández 2011), although epigraphers are still debating a number of other possibilities. 14. The 260-day calendar involves a continuous cycle, meaning that the day after 13 Ahaw (day number 260) is 1 Imix (day number 1); see Appendix 1.1. 15. In the system that was used prior to this, 10 K’an would be paired with 2 Pop, 9 Ak’bal with 1 Pop, and 8 Ik’ with 0 Pop. This is the system used in the yearbearer pages in the Dresden Codex, as compared with the Mayapán system used on the Madrid yearbearer pages. 16. 2 Ahaw (day 80 in the tzolk’in) plus 360 days leads to 11 Ahaw (day 180 in the tzolk’in). The count returns to 2 Ahaw after 13 tun periods. 17. A k’atun period, like a tun period, is named for the day on which it ends; this always falls on a day Ahaw. The k’atun cycle incorporates thirteen 7,200-day periods, for a total of approximately 256 years. Astronomical and other lines of evidence have allowed Harvey and Victoria Bricker (2011:357–359) to date the Paris k’atun pages to the fifth through eighth centuries. 18. K’awil is a multifaceted deity who may be linked to providing sustenance (his name means k’aa ‘abundance of ’ wi’il ‘sustenance’) through his powers as a god of lightning; see discussion in Chapter 3. 19. Mut, the word meaning ‘bird’, also refers to ‘omen’ or ‘prognostication’. 20. In addition to representing a phonetic complement (i.e., the first syllable) to the tun glyph, the /tu/ here may serve as a numeral classifier (a word placed between a number and a noun to indicate what category of object is being referenced). If the /tu/ is intended as a numeral classifier here, either a tun or haab reading for T548 would be possible. 22 Introduction to the Maya Codices

2 In prehispanic times, we know that central Mexican scribes produced screenfold books to record political histories, royal genealogies, tribute rolls, mythological lore, and texts to divine the fortunes for ceremonies and rituals surrounding a variety of mundane and religious events (e.g., Boone 2000, 2007; Sahagún, Anderson, and Dibble 1950:bks. 4, 6, 7, 8). In the early course of the Spanish Conquest, it was the policy of Spanish ecclesiastical authorities to destroy native screenfolds, most especially the divinatory books because they were regarded as repositories of prehispanic religion and belief (e.g., Durán 1971:55; Gates 1978:82). Fewer than ten of these divinatory screenfolds from central Mexico are known to still exist; six are probably pre-Conquest in date, and three were produced just after the Conquest (Boone 2000:70).

The Borgia Group Codices Just before the end of the nineteenth century, Eduard Seler, a German linguist and Mesoamerican scholar, initiated the study of the iconography and almanacs contained within the extant divinatory manuscripts from central Mexico. Seler (1887) collectively called four of these pictorial manuscripts—the Codex Cospi (1994), the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer (1994), the Codex Laud (Anders and Jansen 1994), and the Codex Vaticanus B. (3733) (1993)— members of the “Borgia Group” of codices because they shared stylistic, structural, and thematic attributes with the most resplendent of all of the ritual books: the Codex Borgia (1976). A sixth manuscript, the Aubin No. 20 (Goupil et al. 1891), and the reverse side of the colonial document known as the Codex Porfirio Díaz (van Doesburg 2001) have since been added to the group (Boone 2000:71).

Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions

DOI: 10.5876/9781607322214.c02

23

It is unknown exactly how any of the five Borgia Group screenfolds now housed outside of Mexico arrived in Europe after the Conquest. Spanish conquistadors, administrators, and clerics were known to have sent treasures from the New World, including codices, back to both Spain and Italy. Certain ancient manuscripts had a more colorful history, but in general, many of the works that originally went to the king of Spain were gifted and willed to various relatives in other ruling families. Later wars helped to further disperse objects across private collections in Europe (Anders et al. 1994:21, 26). The manuscripts lay forgotten in personal libraries or museums for hundreds of years, until reproductions of several of the original screenfolds in the Borgia Group were first published in Kingsborough’s Antiquities of Mexico (1831–1848). Joseph Florimond, Duc de Loubat, financed the publication of the first photochrome lithographic facsimiles of the core codices of the Borgia Group in the decade prior to the beginning of the twentieth century. To accompany these facsimiles, Florimond commissioned Seler to produce detailed commentaries on the iconography and calendrical content of each book (Seler 1990–2000, 1:54). As to the question of provenience, only the Aubin 20 and the Porfirio Díaz can be attributed to fairly specific regions of southern Mexico (Boone 2007:213–314). The region of origin for the Aubin 20 is believed to be the Mixteca Alta because its scribe employed numerous iconographic conventions diagnostic of the Mixtec codical tradition, including the toponyms of known towns in the Mixteca Alta used to represent the four directions and center. The Codex Porfirio Díaz reverse has been directly linked to the town of San Francisco Tututepetongo in the Cuicatec region straddling southern Puebla and northern Oaxaca (van Doesburg 2001:104–118). The five core manuscripts of the Borgia Group codices, however, lack identifiable historical, genealogical, or geographical information that would reveal their individual proveniences within the central highlands. Instead, studies of style and iconography, as well as comparisons with archaeological remains, have been the focal point for debates about possible sites of origin for each screenfold (e.g., Boone 2000; Nicholson 1966, 1982; Pohl 1998; Robertson 1966; Sisson 1983; Uruñuela et al. 1997). Boone (2007:211– 230) summarizes this body of evidence and the scholarly consensus to date about the likely proveniences for the individual codices in the Borgia Group. The Borgia and Cospi codices likely came from the Puebla-Tlaxcala region. The Laud and FejérváryMayer codices have stylistic ties to the Tabasco area of the Gulf Coast, and the Vaticanus B. screenfold may have come from the same area of the Mixteca Alta as the Aubin 20. All seven of the Borgia Group codices are made of one or more strips of deerskin pasted and/or sewn together to make a long single sheet. The sides of the skin were given a coating of lime stucco, then they were smoothed and the entire piece folded accordion style to form a multipage screenfold.1 Three of the extant codices of the Borgia Group still retain their wooden covers attached to the end pieces. Polychrome painted scenes coupled with calendrical glyphs cover both sides of each page (except the end pieces). Much of the thematic content and individual almanacs from the Borgia 24 Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions

Group codices are repeated across the seven documents. For the present comparative study, we focus on the material contained in the two longer manuscripts—the Borgia and Fejérváry-Mayer codices. The Borgia and Fejérváry-Mayer Codices

The 76 pages of the Borgia Codex represent perhaps the finest and most resplendent of the extant painted manuscripts from central Mexico (see http://www.hieroglyph​ic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink18.html). The manuscript came to light at the beginning of the nineteenth century, after Alexander von Humboldt wrote of its existence among the effects of the recently deceased Cardinal Stefano Borgia, who lived in Vatican City in Rome (Anders, Jansen, and García 1993:11–40; Byland 1993: xiii– xvi). Cardinal Borgia was an avid collector, and he acquired the manuscript from the Giustiniani family, in whose possession it suffered both moisture and fire damage. After the cardinal’s death, the Borgia Codex ultimately became the property of the Vatican, where it now resides in the Apostolic Library. The Borgia Codex contains 22 almanacs that have come to represent the standard in terms of structure, content, and adherence to the Mixteca-Puebla, or International, painting style against which the other central Mexican divinatory codices are compared.2 Its almanacs display a number of themes concerning ritual and daily life, including general omens, deities and day patrons, birth, marriage, planting, rain, yearbearers, skybearers, merchants, deer hunting, the movements of Venus, and feasting cycles, plus ritual pages (Boone 2007:88–156). The Borgia Codex is the only one of the Borgia Group to have almanacs with explicit dates in the Calendar Round cycle and, of considerable importance for the present study, an eighteen-page section that depicts Mexican cosmogony in pictorial form (Boone 2007:171–210). The Calendar Round dates and recent studies of the Venus almanacs in the Borgia Codex (Aveni 1999; V. Bricker 2001) suggest that several of its almanacs date to the fifteenth century. The Codex Fejérváry-Mayer (Anders, Jansen, and Pérez Jiménez 1994:13–15) was first published by Kingsborough in his third tome of Antiquities of Mexico (1831–1848). Kingsborough’s artist, Agostino Aglio, reproduced the original, then held in the private collection of Gabriel Fejérváry (1780–1851) in what is now Budapest, Hungary. Ferenc Pulszky, a friend of Fejérváry who later became a diplomat, inherited Fejérváry’s collection after his death in 1851. Pulszky lived in London as an ambassador of the independent Magyar state and stayed after Prince Franz Joseph of Austria retook Hungary. While in London, Pulszky studied archaeology and became acquainted with local collectors. He soon had to begin selling off his collection in order to maintain himself and his family. In 1866, Pulszky returned to Hungary and became director of the National Museum. The Fejérváry manuscript fell into the hands of an English antiquarian named Joseph Mayer, who financed his passion for archaeology and collecting by working as a jeweler in Liverpool. He was able to open Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions 25

18

19

20

21

his own museum and to publish some of his studies on the history of culture. After his death in 1886, his collection became part of the Liverpool Free Public Museums, where the manuscript is known as the Códice Mayer (12014/M). In 1901, de Loubat published a facsimile along with a commentary by Eduard Seler. Seler gave it the name that it has now: the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer. The Codex Fejérváry-Mayer consists of forty-four pages (see http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink19.html). The reverse side of the screenfold contains a series of divinatory almanacs representing many of the same themes as the Borgia. The front side includes one of the most recognizable of the images from the Borgia Group codices, the Formée-cross style almanac on page 1 (Figure 3.6 and http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink20.html). Its structure and yearbearer-related theme are reminiscent of an almanac on pages 75 and 76 of the Maya Madrid Codex (Figure 4.13) in many ways (Vail and Hernández 2006) (see http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink21.html). The depiction of four individualized arms around a central picture symbolizes the five Mesoamerican directions of east, west, north, south, and center (Seler 1963:85).

Structure of Mexican Almanacs The calendrical workings of Mexican almanacs are similar to those described in the previous chapter for Maya almanacs, although they lack hieroglyphic captions and rely much more heavily on iconography. Because our study of the mythological content of the Maya codices involves references to, and comparisons with, Mexican almanacs and mythology, a brief overview of the Mexican calendar system is included here for those who may not be familiar with it.3 Like the Maya and other Mesoamerican peoples, central Mexican scribes employed multiple calendrical cycles to track the passage of time. The principal cycle for use in divination and creating almanacs was the ritual calendar of 260 days called tonalpohualli in Nahuatl (Boone 2007:figs. 12, 37). The tonalpohualli combines a set of 20 day signs paired with the numerical coefficients 1–13 (Figure 2.1). It begins with the first of the 20 days (Cipactli, or Crocodile), paired with the coefficient of 1. The date 1 Crocodile is followed by 2 Wind, 3 House, and so forth until the 260th day, 13 Flower. The cycles and subdivisions of the ritual calendar convey important associations, fortunes, and omens that formed the basis for prognosticating, preparing for, and attempting to influence the outcome of future events and activities. In Nahuatl, the solar year is called xihuitl. It consists of 18 named periods of 20 days (meztlipohualli in Nahuatl), somewhat like the 12 months in the Western calendar, that produced a cycle of 360 days. Five additional days, referred to as nemontemi or “nameless” days, followed the last day of the festival round to complete a period of 365 days. Solar years in the Mexican calendar were named according to their terminal, or 360th, day. 26 Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions

Figure 2.1. Twenty days of the tonalpohualli. Drawing by Christine Hernández.

The interlocking of the 260-day and 365-day cycles resulted in a perpetual sequence of solar years that all ended with one of only four days (out of the twenty) in the ritual calendar. These sets of four days are called “yearbearers.” During the Late Postclassic period, the yearbearer days in the central highlands were Reed, Flint, House, and Rabbit (Caso 1971:347; Edmonson 1988:9–10). It requires 52 years to cycle through the years named by each yearbearer paired with the coefficients 1 through 13 (i.e., 1 Reed, 2 Flint, 3 House . . . 13 Rabbit). The enumeration of all 52 named years created yet another important cycle of time for ancient Mesoamericans, which Mayanists refer to as the Calendar Round (Thompson 1971:123). The Maya Calendar Round begins with the initial pairing of the tzolk’in date 4 Ahaw with the haab date 8 Kumk’u linked to the beginning of the present era, and proceeds forward and backward in time by pairing individual tzolk’in dates with those in the haab. The Nahuatl count of years is called xiuhpohualli, and people residing in the central highlands commemorated the completion of a 52-year cycle with a series of rituals and ceremonies referred to as xiuhmolpilli ‘the binding of years’, described in detail in Sahagún’s (1953, bk. 8:25–32) Florentine Codex.

Mexican Creation Stories and Cosmogenesis Boone (2007:6) believes that divinatory codices are the best surviving portals into the religious ideology and cosmology of ancient Meso­ americans. Unlike the more secular documents that contain political histories, royal genealogies, and tribute lists, ritual specialists consulted the painted screenfold books to divine the fortunes for ceremonies and rituals concerning marriage, naming babies, producing goods, planting, conducting Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions 27

feasts, military raids, and travel. Specialists used them as aids to interpret dreams and visions and to guide people toward proper actions and correct living. Like their Maya counterparts, Mexican priest-scribes created almanacs using systems of correspondence between cycles of time and the meanings ascribed to them in order to describe present conditions and reveal how things would unfold in the future (e.g., Boone 2007:2–3; Sahagún, Anderson, and Dibble 1950:bks. 4, 6, 7, 8). The content of pre-Columbian codices is augmented by the “histories” written by Spanish chroniclers in the sixteenth century concerning indigenous Mexican culture and history at the time of the Conquest. We refer to three of the more important works that provide information about religious beliefs, myth, lore, and ritual practice gathered firsthand from native informants through interviews, likely conducted in tandem with consultation of painted codices. The first is Toribio de Benavente Motolinia’s Historia de los indios de la Nueva España, recast in a later edition called Memoriales (Motolinia 1971) which begins with a long introductory letter documenting Aztec history and culture, including information on daily life, religion, ritual practices, sacrifices, and feasts in 1524, when the first Franciscans arrived in New Spain. The second is Fray Diego Durán’s Historia de las Indias de Nueva España y islas de la Tierra Firme (Durán 1967, 1971), which is a three-part work based on the friar’s twenty years of missionary work in Mexico during the latter half of the sixteenth century. Durán’s descriptions of Mexican religious rites, the pantheon of gods, monthly feasts, and the workings of the calendar provided important information for our study. Perhaps the most informative work, however, is Fray Bernardino de Sahagún’s encyclopedic Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España (Sahagún, Anderson, and Dibble 1950), which combines descriptions of indigenous beliefs, traditions, and customs with a historical account of Mexican culture. Versions of Mexican creation myths come to us from the sources cited above, but also from later works. An essential source for Mexican mythology is Ángel Garibay and Pedro Ponce de León’s Teogonía e historia de los mexicanos (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965), in which they published translations in Spanish of three Nahuatl accounts containing creation myths. The first part of the Teogonía presents the “Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas” brought to light by Joaquín García Icazbalceta in an 1882 volume of the Anales de Museo Nacional. Scholars believe that the account was compiled by Fray Andrés de Olmos between 1528 and 1533, since he purportedly collected painted screenfolds and interviewed elders, priest-scribes, members of the noble class, and principales who could translate the books and recount mythology (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:11–13). The second part of the Teogonía includes the “Histoire du Mechique,” brought to the attention of scholars by Edouard de Jonghe in 1905, when it was published in France. The manuscript appears to be a French redaction of a work originally written in Spanish and likely dating to the sixteenth century. Among other things, it includes information about the Mexican calendar and a compilation of oral explanations of codices, myths, and poems (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:14–16). 28 Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions

The third section of the Teogonía is the “Breve relación” by Pedro Ponce de León, dating to the late sixteenth century (Bierhorst 1992:12). The latter is actually part of a larger work known as the Códice Chimalpopoca. Ponce de León was the son of a Tlaxcalan king, and also a priest, intellectual, and nobleman who lived in Zumpahuacán in the Basin of Mexico. The Relación contains a brief description of Mexican gods and the propitiations made to individual deities, as well as a description of religious practices, beliefs, incantations, and myths still in use at the time of Ponce de León’s writing (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:17–18). Another important source of Mexican myths is the translation by John Bierhorst (1992) of the Códice Chimalpopoca, which consists of two parts: the Anales de Cuauhtitlán, dated to 1570, and the Leyenda de los soles, dated to 1558. Both texts are in the form of revisionist post-Conquest chronicles written in a narrative style that incorporates vivid description, conversation, speeches, myth, and songs. These types of accounts follow a general sequence of events used by other chroniclers of that time, beginning with the fall of Tollan, followed by the conquest of Mexico, and ending with the post-Conquest years. Some chroniclers of this genre added a section of creation mythology to provide the reader with a comprehensive history of the world (Bierhorst 1992:2). Finally, we mention the contributions of the German linguist Eduard Seler, who wrote extensively on topics relating to the study of ancient Mesoamerica; his work included linguistics, translations of native texts, native history, descriptive archaeology, analysis of artifacts and monuments, and analysis and description of pictorial codices, calendrics, hieroglyphic writing systems, myth, religion, and ritual practice. His scholarship was truly pan-Mesoamerican in scope, but it was published primarily in German. Fortunately, the recent publication of the Collected Works in Mesoamerican Linguistics and Archaeology: English Translations of German Papers from Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur amerikanischen Sprach- und Alterthumskunde (Seler 1990–2000) has provided scholars easier access to his writings concerning the codices, and more importantly for our purposes, his papers recounting Mexican creation mythology and cosmology.

Mythological Episodes Related in Mexican Sources In his summary of central Mexican cosmogony, Nicholson (1971:397) notes that there are at least ten major creation episodes that precede the current world. The mythology compiled below comes from the sources discussed previously, including the “Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas” (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:11–13), Histoire du Mechique (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:14–16), and the texts contained in the Códice Chimalpopoca (Anales de Cuauhtitlan and the Leyenda de los soles) (Bierhorst 1992), with additional material drawn from the accounts of Sahagún (1953) and Benavente Motolinia (1971). We believe that Nicholson’s categorization provides a useful means with which to view the material and summarize the first nine episodes that are pertinent to our study of the Maya codices.4 Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions 29

Original Genesis

The creator couple Tonacatecuhtli and Tonacacihuatl, who resided in the thirteenth level of heaven, as Nicholson (1971:398) describes, are the source of all life, eternal and immutable. They were responsible for engendering four sons who are quadripartite manifestations of the god Tezcatlipoca; they are called Tlatlauhqui (the Red Tezcatlipoca, who is better known as Xipe Totec), Yayauhqui (the Black Tezcatlipoca), Quetzalcoatl (the white aspect), and Huitzilopochtli (linked to the color blue). After six hundred years had passed, the gods decided it was time to give the universe structure and rules. Quetzalcoatl and Huitzilopochtli were commissioned to initiate the creation of the world. They began by creating fire and a half-sun, followed by the first man, called Cipactonal, and the first woman, called Oxomoco. The gods commanded the man to work the earth and the woman to spin thread and weave textiles. The offspring of the first human couple were the macehualtin, the commoners in Aztec society. The gods gave the primordial couple maize kernels for divining and curing. They next established the ritual, solar, and fifty-two-year calendars and then proceeded to create the lords of the Underworld, Mictlantecuhtli and Mictlancihuatl; the heavens; and the waters. In the waters they installed a caiman-like creature called Cipactli. The gods then proceeded to create the rain god Tlaloc and his spouse, the goddess of waters Chalchiuhtlicue, and to fashion the earth from Cipactli, which the gods referred to as Tlaltecuhtli. Whenever humans needed water, they were instructed to petition Tlaloc and Chal­ chiuhtlicue. The “Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas” (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:26) recounts that Tlaloc had a sanctuary of four rooms situated around a large patio. Each of the rooms contained a large water jar, or olla. One of the ollas held sweet water, and from this olla came rain that brought fertility, caused seeds to grow, and brought fair weather. The second olla held water that caused evil when it rained. It encouraged spider webs to grow in fields and brought cloudy weather. A third olla contained water that brought hail with its rains. The fourth olla held water that brought rains that encouraged no growth and led to drought. Tlaloc created tlaloque ‘miniature beings’, who dwelled in each of the four rooms with their small jars and wooden sticks. When Tlaloc wished to bring rain to the earth, he would send his tlaloque to one of the rooms where they would draw water from the olla with their jars. From these small jars, the tlaloque would water the earth. Thunder was the sound of the tlaloque breaking the jars with their sticks, and lightning came from inside of the breaking jars or from its pieces. The following episode in the creation story (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:27) begins with a passage that suggests that the next important act by the gods was to create time itself, “Todo lo susodicho fue fecho y criado sin que en ello pongan cuenta de ano, sino que fue junto y sin diferencia de tiempo” [original spellings preserved]. (All that was previously related [the newly created world] was made and nurtured

30 Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions

although without a count of years, without the lumping and differentiating of time.) In order to accomplish this, the gods needed to create the sun. A young sun god called Piltzintecuhtli was born to Tlaloc and Chalchiuhtlicue. The young sun god needed a wife, so the creator god made him a maiden from the hairs of Xochiquetzal, the flower goddess. The union of Piltzintecuhtli and the maiden represented the first marriage. The young sun god, however, did not sufficiently light the world. The four gods—wanting a new, fuller sun to provide better light—commissioned Tezcatlipoca to take care of this, and he created a new sun. Once the sun was created, the four creator gods populated the world with giants who subsisted on acorns. This would be the first of four successive attempts to create a world. Four Suns

The next major episode involves the creation and destruction of four previous world ages called “Suns.” Each world age possessed distinctive characteristics: it was presided over by a single patron deity, sustained different kinds of mortal beings who ate a single kind of food, and came to an end via cataclysmic destruction, the type of which was determined based on the name of the era; it also had different color and directional associations. As Nicholson (1971:398–399n4) notes, several independent versions of this episode exist, each differing slightly in detail and in the order of the world ages. In the textual versions, the duration of the ages totaled 2,028 years; each was of different length, but all were divisible by 52. It is likely that there was considerable regional variation in these narratives across highland central Mexico. We present the version that is associated with the Mexica founders of Tenochtitlán, which Nicholson (1971:398) describes as canonical. The first Sun was 4 Ocelotl, or “Ocelotonatiuh” ‘Jaguar’, which was assigned to the earth and presided over by Tezcatlipoca. The world was populated by giants who lived on acorns. The age ended when a swarm of ferocious jaguars devoured the giants. The second Sun was 4 Ehecatl or “Ehecatonatiuh” ‘Wind’, which was assigned to the air and presided over by Quetzalcoatl. The world was inhabited by humans who ate only piñon nuts. Great hurricanes ended this world and swept the humans into the air, transforming them into monkeys. The third Sun was 4 Quiahuitl, or “Quiauhtonatiuh” ‘Rain’, which was assigned to the element fire and presided over by Tlaloc. The world was inhabited by humans who ate only the seeds of a wild aquatic grass. A fiery rain destroyed this world, and its inhabitants were turned into turkeys, butterflies, and dogs. The fourth Sun was 4 Atl, or “Atonatiuh” ‘Water’, which was assigned to the element water. Chalchiuhtlicue presided over this age. Humans who ate only the seeds of another kind of wild aquatic grass inhabited the world. This age was destroyed by a great flood, and all of the humans were turned into fish.

Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions 31

Creation of the Current World Age: The Fifth “Sun”

The rain that created the flood of the previous age was so great that it pulled the heavens down. The sky no longer existed because it fell onto the earth. According to the “Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas” (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:32), the creation of the fifth and present age began with repairing the destruction of the previous age. The job was given to the creator gods, Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca, who started by lifting the sky off the earth, returning it to the heavens, and dispersing the waters. They achieved this by entering into the heart or navel of the earth, where they created four roads emanating out from the center that were used to raise the sky. The gods created four humans (called Cuatemoc, Itzcoatl, Itzcalli, and Tenexuchitl) who established themselves at the ends of the four roads to become skybearers. Tezcatlipoca and Quetzalcoatl became large trees: Tezcatlipoca the tree of mirrors (Tezcacuahuitl), and Quetzalcoatl the quetzal tree (Quetzalhuexotl). With the help of the four men and the gods-turned-trees, the sky was raised. Tonacatecuhtli rewarded Tezcatlipoca and Quetzalcoatl by giving them each a throne in the sky at opposite sides of the Milky Way. Quetzalcoatl’s throne was in the east (the place where he eventually died), and Tezcatlipoca’s was in the west, the place where he was later reborn as a young deity. In the narrative related in the Histoire du Mechique (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:105), the two gods re-created the sky by entering the body of the earth monster. Tezcatlipoca entered through the mouth and Quetzalcoatl through the navel, and they met at the heart. The gods then converted themselves into world trees and, with the help of the skybearers, lifted the sky. In a third version, also from the Histoire du Mechique, the two gods looked down on the earth monster swimming in the primeval waters (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:108). They transformed into giant serpents, one grasping the monster from the right forelimb and left hind limb, and the other from the left forelimb and right hind limb. The two god-serpents then split the monster in half. The upper half became the earth, and the lower half was carried away to form the heavens. This angered the other gods; to make amends for the damage inflicted on the earth monster, they consoled her by decreeing that from her all necessary fruits to sustain humans shall come. The creature cried out and refused to bring forth sustenance without the blood of humans and their hearts to feed her. Birth of Fire

The entire process of creation described above took place in the year 1 Rabbit. For the Nahuatl culture, the rabbit symbolized the moon and was therefore a symbol of night and darkness. The creation of the present world took place in the darkness. It was not until the following year, 2 Reed, that the first new fire was drilled by Tezcatlipoca, who changed into Mixcoatl-Camaxtli (Cloud Serpent): 32 Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions

And because he wants to give the gods a fiesta in this year, he drew fire out of the wood, as one was accustomed to do, and this was the first time that anyone pulled fire out of the fir stuff (flints), pieces of wood that have a heart (a kernel or a hole). After he had made the fire, they celebrated the fiesta to start many and great fires (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:33).

This myth provides the basis for the calendrical ritual called the “Binding of Our Years” (Sahagún 1953, bk. 8:25–30), which marks the end of a 52-year cycle. As each year passed, a sacred bundle of reeds representing the passage of years was kept, until fifty-two had been collected, whereupon they would be bundled into a sort of faggot. On the last night of the year, all of the fires were put out, the idols were deposited into bodies of water, and each residence was swept out and the household items and furniture discarded. As midnight drew near, a sacrificial victim was taken to the summit of Cerro de la Estrella in the Basin of Mexico. With the victim drawn across the sacrificial stone, the fire priests drilled a New Fire on his chest; once the fire was lit, his heart was removed and cast into the fire. Until the fire was lit, the populace sat on their housetops and waited in the darkness, fearing that if the fire was not drawn, the sun would be destroyed and the demon Tzitzimime (see Appendix 2.1) would descend from the sky. Likewise, women would turn into monsters and devour men, whereas the children would be turned into mice. Once the fire was drawn, it was distributed by priests dressed as the various gods to all of the temples, priest houses, and calpullis ‘lineage seats’, and then to each private household. As the priests passed, the people would cut their ears and spatter their blood toward the fire carried by the priests. The Mexican fire goddess is named Chantico (9 Dog), which may refer to the myth recounted in the Leyenda de los soles (Bierhorst 1992) in which the first human couple was punished for making fire. The account states that before the sky collapsed from the torrential rains that destroyed the previous age, Tezcatlipoca selected a man and his wife to hollow out a cypress log to live in, eating kernels of corn until the time of Tozoztli (the Nahuat term for a twenty-day “month,” or meztli, roughly corresponding with April) when the deluge came. When the kernels were all eaten and the log had run aground, the couple emerged from the log and saw a fish, which they caught, drilling a fire to cook and eat it. This act angered the star gods, Citlalinicue and Citlalatonac, causing Tezcatlipoca to descend and punish the couple. He did so by scolding them and turning them into dogs (Bierhorst 1992:144–145). Creation of Humans

Before the creation of the new sun, humans were restored to the earth. The fundamental account has been preserved in the Leyenda de los soles (Bierhorst 1992:145–146) and the Histoire du Mechique (Garibay 1965:105–106), which differ from each other only in minor details. It begins with the journey of Quetzalcoatl (or one of his aspects) into the Underworld to obtain the precious bones and ashes of the previous generation Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions 33

of humanity from the Death Lord, Mictlantecuhtli. From these bones and ashes, humankind could be restored. The Lord and Lady of Death required Quetzalcoatl to complete a series of tasks in order to get the bones; they then put a number of obstacles in his way to prevent him from succeeding. His first task was to blow a conch horn, but they gave him a conch with no hole to blow through. Quetzalcoatl called upon worms, bumblebees, and honeybees to hollow out the conch, which they did. He then successfully blew upon it to complete the Death Lord’s first task. When Quetzalcoatl finally came upon the bones, there were two piles before him, one for males and one for females. He wrapped both piles into a bundle. The spirits of the Underworld tried one last time to prevent Quetzalcoatl from taking the bones. They dug a pit into which Quetzalcoatl fell, spilling the bones. A quail then frightened him and pecked the bones into pieces while he was unconscious, which explains why today’s people are smaller than the giants of the previous age and why they come in different sizes. Quetzalcoatl gathered up all of the pieces and successfully left Mictlan to deliver the precious cargo to the gods assembled in Tamoanchan, where the goddess CihuacoatlQuilaztli ground the bones into flour. The flour was then gathered into a jade bowl into which Quetzalcoatl and the four other gods performed penile autosacrifice, dripping their blood onto the flour. After four days passed, a male child emerged from the bowl; after another four days, a female child emerged. All humankind is said to have descended from these original two people. Acquisition of Maize

Another task required of the gods was to secure sustenance for humans. In the account from the Leyenda de los soles (Bierhorst 1992:146–147), Quetzalcoatl transformed into a black ant and was led by a red ant to Tonacatepetl, ‘Sustenance Mountain’. Here he obtained some maize grains and brought them to Tamoanchan, where the gods, after tasting the corn, decided that this would be the food for humans. Quetzalcoatl tied the mountain with ropes and tried to carry it to Tamoanchan on his back, but he was unsuccessful. The primeval couple, Cipactonal and Oxomoco, divined that only Nanahuatl (or Nanahuatzin) could obtain the food from the mountain by striking it with his lightning. Tlalocs from the four directions (blue/east, white/north, yellow/ west, and red/south) were summoned to steal the food away. Nanahuatl succeeded in opening the mountain, and immediately thereafter the maize was stolen back from the rain gods, along with beans, amaranth, chia, and other provisions. Creation of the Sun, Moon, and Venus

Up to this point, acts of creation had been accomplished in darkness. Twentysix years after the creation of the earth, the gods resolved to create a new sun in 13 34 Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions

Acatl (Reed). Again, varying accounts of this act exist, but all follow the same basic outline. We summarize the account given in Book 7 of Sahagún’s Florentine Codex (1953:4–11). When all was in darkness, Tezcatlipoca, Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl, Xipe Totec, the Mimixcoa, and the four forms of Tlazolteotl gathered at Teotihuacan to determine who among them would take up the burden of being the sun.5 Tecciztecatl presented himself (in other versions, he is the son of Tlaloc and Chalchiuhtlicue, who offered him up on behalf of the rain gods). The gods asked who else would volunteer; no one else came forth, because they were afraid. The gods looked around and spied Nanahuatl or Nanahuatzin ‘the pustuled one’, and they volunteered him.6 Both Nanahuatzin and Tecciztecatl fasted for four days. During this time, the gods fashioned a large bonfire in a hearth called teotexcalli. Tecciztecatl brought all manner of finery for his offerings: fir branches, quetzal feathers, balls of gold grass, jade maguey spines, “bloodied spines” of coral, and very fine incense. Nanahuatzin brought only humble items: branches made of reeds, balls of grass, real maguey spines—including some dotted with his own blood—and incense from the scabs of his pustules. The gods created two hills upon which each would sing songs and do penance for four days, which are now associated with the Pyramids of the Moon and the Sun at Teotihuacan. At the end of the four days of penance, the gods arrayed Tecciztecatl and Nanahuatzin for the ceremony. Tecciztecatl received a forked heron feather headdress and a sleeveless jacket; Nanahuatzin received a paper headdress, paper stole, and paper loincloth.7 All of the gods then assembled in two lines around the bonfire, in front of which stood the two candidates. They urged Tecciztecatl to cast himself into the fire, but as he neared the flames and they leapt up at him, he fell away in fear. He tried four times to cast himself into the fire, but could not. When the gods urged Nanahuatzin on, he gathered his courage and immediately leapt into the fire and was burned. Seeing this, Tecciztecatl finally cast himself into the fire. By the time he did this, the fire had burned down and he only fell into hot ashes. After this, an eagle followed him into the fire that still blazed, causing its feathers to be scorched and blackened. Next came a jaguar, who jumped into the dying fire and was only smutted; this is why the jaguar is spotted. The valiant warrior is called quauhtlocelotl because the quauhtl ‘eagle’ went first into the fire, and the ocelotl ‘jaguar’ went second. The gods waited for Nanahuatzin to rise, for the dawn to come; then, in all directions came the reddening of the sky. The gods looked in all four directions to see where the sun would rise. It began in the east and when it burst forth, it was red in color and it swayed from side to side. It shone intensely, and the rays that came forth penetrated in all directions. Afterward, Tecciztecatl followed behind, rising from the same direction, just as he had followed Nanahuatzin into the fire, and he shone equally brightly. The gods Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions 35

questioned the wisdom of having two bright suns in the sky at the same time and decided that Tecciztecatl should be hit in the face with a rabbit to darken him, to kill his brilliance. The blow darkened the moon, and ever since a rabbit has been seen in the face of the moon. But the sun and the moon still did not move, and the gods understood that they would have to sacrifice themselves in order to make this happen. Even after all the gods had died except for Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl, the sun and moon still did not move. Ehecatl blew a great wind that pushed the sun across the sky so that it set in the west. Once the sun began to set, the moon began to move across the sky. So it is that when the sun does his work moving across the sky during the day, the moon stays in the Underworld until nightfall, when it rises and then moves across the sky during the night. In a slightly different version related in the Historia de los Reynos de Colhuacan y Mexico, which was recorded in the Códice Chimalpopoca (Bierhorst 1992:148), four animals followed Nanahuatzin and Tecciztecatl into the fire. The first was the eagle and then the jaguar, followed by a falcon and a wolf, which were only lightly smoked and singed. Nanahuatzin became the sun god Tonatiuh and rose into the sky. There, the creator couple Tonacatecuhtli and Tonacacihuatl bathed and dressed him and placed him in a chair festooned with red spoonbill heron feathers. He remained on the eastern horizon for four days and would not move. The gods began to worry and sent a sparrow hawk to ask Tonatiuh why he would not move, but it was unkindly rebuffed. The Morning Star aspect of Venus, called Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli, dared to point his arrows toward the sun to force him to move. However, the sun instead shot the Morning Star with a dart that pierced his forehead, sending him tumbling into Chicunauhapan, the ‘ninefold stream’ located in the west that separates the world of the living from the Underworld. There, Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli became Cetl, the evening Venus god, the deity of stones and cold and the punisher of adulterers, who is also called Itzlacoliuhqui-Ixquimilli. A brief passage recorded in the chronicle Anales de Quauhtitlan (Bierhorst 1992) tells how the hero god Quetzalcoatl became transformed into Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli, the Lord of the Dawn. After cremating himself, Quetzalcoatl spent eight days in the Underworld fashioning weapons, after which time he reappeared transformed into the Morning Star god Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli. Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli is said to “shoot” or “vent his anger” against particular classes of people or things depending on which 1-coefficient date in the 260-day ritual calendar he first appears or “casts light.” Bierhorst (1992:36–37) translates the passage from Nahuatl as follows: The old people said he was changed into the star that appears at dawn. Therefore they say it came forth when Quetzalcoatl died, and they called him Lord of the Dawn. What they said is that when he died he disappeared for four days. They said he went to the dead land then. And he spent four more days making darts for himself. So it was Quetzalcoatl. It was then that he became lord, they said. 36 Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions

And so, when he goes forth, they know on what day sign he casts light on certain people, venting his anger against them, shooting them with darts. If he goes on 1 Crocodile, he shoots old men and old women, all alike. If on 1 Jaguar or 1 Deer or 1 Flower, he shoots little children. And if on 1 Reed, he shoots nobles. The same with everybody, if on 1 Death. And if on 1 Rain, he shoots the rain. No rain will fall. And if on 1 Movement, he shoots youths and maidens. And if on 1 Water, there is drought, etc.

Death of the Gods

After the episode between Venus and the sun, the assembled gods decided that they must sacrifice themselves in order to nourish the sun and keep it in motion. In performing this autosacrificial act, the gods set an example for humankind to follow for all time. Before dying, the gods bequeathed to their retainers their mantles, which were gathered into sacred bundles, along with jades and snake and jaguar skins. The bundles bear the gods’ names and are revered as such.8 Institutions of War and Human Sacrifice

The death of the gods was not sufficient to satisfy the needs of the sun and earth for blood and hearts, however. Feeding the sun and the earth became the burden of humanity. Warfare, captive taking, and the ritual sacrifice of captives became social institutions established with the intention of providing the blood and hearts required by the sun in order to move across the sky. The sun was created in a year called 13 Reed. After 13 Reed comes the year 1 Flint. Calendars in many of the central highland societies began with the year 1 Flint, perhaps to commemorate the primordial sequence of events. In some accounts, warfare became established prior to the creation of the current age. For example, in the “Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas” (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:34–38), warfare was created in the year 1 Reed, just after the creation of the earth but prior to the creation of the current age. Tezcatlipoca created four hundred men (likely the four hundred “Southerners”) and five women. Within three years, internal struggles resulted in all four hundred men perishing to provide food to be stored for the future sun, whereas the five women died on the day of the sun’s creation. In the year 10 Flint, the flower goddess Xochiquetzal became the first to die in war. A few years later, in 1 Flint, Mixcoatl-Camaxtli created four men and one woman to stir up fresh discord. In the following year, 2 House, Mixcoatl struck a rocky cliff with a staff to create four hundred Chichimeca called Mimixcoa. The Mimixcoa idled away their time in drunken revelry, so Mixcoatl sent five individuals to destroy them. In this version of the story, all but three perished (see note 5). Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions 37

The Anales de Cuauhtitlan begins with an account of the battle with the Mimixcoa (Bierhorst 1992:23). Shortly after the beginning of the world, Itzpapalotl ‘Obsidian Butterfly’ slaughtered all but one of the four hundred Mimixcoa, named Iztac Mixcoatl. Mixcoatl escaped and hid in a barrel cactus. Itzpapalotl found him in the cactus, at which point he jumped out and revived the Mimixcoa, who returned to slay Itzpapalotl. Her death made her the first to die in warfare. The Mimixcoa burned her body and used the ashes as a black face paint to decorate the area around their eyes. The second myth, which recounts a slightly different story (Leyenda de los soles 1938:354–358, cited in Bierhorst 1992:149–151), begins in the year 1 Flint. At that time, a woman called Iztacchalchiuhtlicue gave birth to four hundred Mixcoa (mimixcoa). She then went into a cave and delivered five more Mixcoa called Cuauhtlicoauh, Mixcoatl, Cuitlachcihuatl, Tlotepe, and Apantecuhtli. The sun commanded the Mixcoa to make warfare and take captives among themselves in order to provide it with blood and hearts, but they did not obey. The five Mixcoa born in the cave were given the special duty to make war on the other four hundred Mixcoa in order to feed the sun. They destroyed most, but not all, of them; the survivors were sent to live along the edge of the cave called Chicomoztoc. At a later point, three of these surviving Mixcoa succeeded in killing Mixcoatl and buried him in the ground. His son, Ce Acatl, recovered his body and placed his remains in a temple. He then succeeded in killing his uncles and sacrificed two of them on the temple (Bierhorst 1992:153–154).

Appendix 2.1. Supernaturals in Highland Mexican Belief Systems The pantheon of deities venerated in central Mexico during the Postclassic period consisted of a large number of individual anthropomorphized deities that controlled various spheres of the universe. Mexican deities were organized in terms of complexes around a few cultic themes and overlapped with each other. Each deity is identified by a mosaic of diagnostic insignia including face and body paint, body color, headdress, ornaments, and accoutrements, although individual elements could be shared by various gods (Nicholson 1971:408). Nicholson’s (1971:table 3) summary of highland Mexican gods is based on the idea that a spectrum of cultic themes existed and that individual polities would have had their own pantheons of nature deities, deified ancestors, and legendary heroes that would each have had a cult following. Individual deity figures would likely have had multiple aspects, sometimes including directional aspects as well. In the Mexican divinatory codices, supernaturals are associated on a one-to-one basis with individual calendrical units. In this context, they are considered “patrons,” a governing force or symbol of divine authority that characterizes and shapes all that occurs within the specified time interval. The gods’ presence and the activities they are depicted engaged in provide meanings for pronouncing an augury. Many of the gods 38 Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions

were described by colonial period chroniclers. Most of the major deities had active cults at the time of the Conquest; those that were venerated during the public celebrations of the eighteen monthly feasts are the best known. Other, lesser-known gods had more esoteric cults and did not figure as prominently in the chroniclers’ accounts but are known from their appearances in the codices and their relationship to the calendar (Boone 2007:39–49). In the section below, we list the major deities pertaining to the central Mexican pantheon, using the Nahuatl names by which they are known in the current literature. We note the general realms over which they presided, including the numbers and days of the ritual calendar (when known), and we describe a few key pictorial attributes for identifying them in the codices. Our sources include Boone (2007:table 2) and Nicholson (1971:table 3). Primordial Creator Couples

Ometecuhtli and Omecihuatl (God of Duality) ‘Two-Lord’ and ‘Two-Lady’: pri-

mordial parents of the gods and humans; creators of everything; possessors of the male and female creative principles. Acknowledged by ancient Mexican people but not actively worshipped. The progeny of this couple are the gods who actually perform the deeds of creation. Ometecuhtli and Omecihuatl are literally and figuratively “grandparents” to all mortal humans who are the progeny of the more active gods. Tonacatecuhtli and Tonacacihuatl ‘Our Flesh Lord’ and ‘Our Flesh Lady’: primordial creators of sustenance; patron of the first day sign (Crocodile). They inhabit the thirteenth level of the heavens. Attributes: red or yellow face and body paint, jeweled nose rod and bird-head fillet (shared with Tonatiuh), jeweled pendant, aged (Quiñones Keber 1995). Citlalatonac and Citlalacue ‘Glowing Star’ and ‘Star-Her Skirt’: primordial creators of the stars and heavens. Cipactonal and Oxomoco: the progeny of Tonacatecuhtli and Tonacacihuatl. They are creators of the scribal arts, healing, and divination, and the parents of mortal humans. Attributes: aged with lines on face, snaggletoothed, white hair; pictured with their equipment, including a digging stick, scribal tools, maize kernels for divining, and weaving tools. Male Deities

Centeotl ‘Maize Lord’: god of maize in its maturity and secondarily of feasting; Night Lord; patron of the number ‘7.’ Attributes: maize in headdress, red parrot helmet, yellow and red face paint. Ehecatl ‘Wind’: wind aspect of Quetzalcoatl; patron of the number ‘9.’ Attributes: same as Quetzalcoatl; wears a buccal (duck) mask through which to blow wind. Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions 39

Itztlacoliuhqui ‘Curved Obsidian Blade’: god of frost and punishment; associated with maize gods and fertility. Attributes: white and black vertical face paint, white body paint, curved conical headdress with serrated edge, eyes covered. Ixquimilli ‘Eye Bundle’: related to lust and sacrifice, merges with Itztlacoliuhqui; patron of the day sign Reed. Attributes: white and black face paint, eyes covered with bands of sacrificial knots. Macuilxochitl ‘5 Flower’: one of the five male gods of abundance called Ahuiateteo or Tonaleque; associated with the south direction; god of sexual relations, feasting, and gaming; god of abundance; related to solar and flower deities. Attributes: red colored, white-painted open hand across the mouth. Mictlantecuhtli ‘Death Lord’: lord of the Underworld and death; Night Lord; patron of number ‘6’ and the day sign Dog. Attributes: skeletal form, sometimes has flint knife protruding from nasal cavity, white body paint, white paper rosettes in headdress and back assemblage, and “wild” hair. Mixcoatl ‘Cloud Serpent’: god of the hunt. Attributes: black mask around eyes, red and white striped face and body paint, twin heron feathers in headdress, hunting bag. Piltzintecuhtli ‘Prince Lord’: a manifestation of the sun born of Tlaloc and Chalchiuhtlicue. Married to Xochiquetzal, goddess of flowers; they are the parents of Centeotl, the maize god. Attributes: red or yellow face and body paint, often with semicircle as a bridge enclosing both eyes, jeweled nose rod, golden bird fillet, yellow hair. Quetzalcoatl ‘Quetzal-Feathered Serpent’: creator god and culture hero who brought maize to humankind; patron of learning and healing; patron of the number 9 and the day sign Wind. Attributes: face paint of red, black, and yellow, often has a beard, shell necklace, pendant of sliced conch shell, curved shell ear ornaments, conical headdress of jaguar pelt and “bone-flower” with hummingbird attached. Tecciztecatl ‘Conch Shell Lord’: manifestation of the moon; patron of the day sign Death. An aspect of the female goddess Tlazolteotl, who is associated with the north, is called 4 Flint, and is a female manifestation of the moon. Attributes: similar to Tonatiuh, but with the addition of a conch shell at the front of his fillet. Tepeyollotl ‘Hill Heart’ or ‘Heart of the Mountain’: aspect of Tezcatlipoca, jaguar manifestation of the heart of the earth and caves; Night Lord; patron of the day sign House. Attributes: jaguar form, sometimes with smoking mirror and pendant of Tezcatlipoca; associated with a cave or hill. Tezcatlipoca ‘Smoking Mirror’: omnipotent creator god; malevolent, associated with punishment and justice, conflict and change; patron of rulers and divination; patron of the number 10. Attributes: black and yellow horizontally striped face paint, smoking black mirror in place of his foot, red and white circular pectoral. Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli ‘Dawn Lord’: aspect of Quetzalcoatl corresponding to the planet Venus visible in the morning sky; patron of the number ‘12.’ Attributes: dark face paint with five white circles or patches to form a quincunx, two flints in his fillet, and stiff black feathers in his headdress. 40 Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions

Tlaloc: storm and rain god; Night Lord; patron of the number ‘8’ and the day sign Deer. Attributes: black face and body paint, turquoise eye goggles and curved lips, fanged mouth, rubber-spattered paper on blue-colored costume. Tlaltecuhtli ‘Earth Lord’: bisexual manifestation of the earth; patron of the number 2. Attributes: posed with arms and legs flexed as if crouching, open maw with “wild” hair. Tonatiuh ‘Sun’: manifestations of the sun; day name is 4 Movement; Night Lord; patron of the number ‘4’ and the day sign Rain. Attributes: red or yellow face and body paint, often with semicircle as a bridge enclosing both eyes, jeweled nose rod, sun disk, golden bird fillet, yellow hair. Xipe Totec (Red Tezcatlipoca) ‘Flayed One’: solar god associated with war, the earth, springtime rejuvenation, and fecundity; patron of the day sign Eagle; patron of goldsmiths. Attributes: wears a flayed skin, a skin mask marked by a curved vertical line through eye, red and white streamers that end in swallowtail points. Xiuhtecuhtli ‘Turquoise Lord’: god of fire, time, and the calendar; Night Lord; patron of the number 1 and the day sign Water. Attributes: usually red face paint with a horizontal black band through the eye, fillet with two short and upright eagle feathers, turquoise pendant, blue-colored xiuhtototl bird. Xochipilli ‘Flower Prince’: god of immature maize, feasting, and pleasure; youthful solar god, patron of day sign Monkey. Attributes: red parrot helmet, yellow and red face paint, often with a white butterfly motif around mouth, jeweled nose rod and bird fillet headdress of solar gods. Xolotl ‘Monster’, Nanahuatzin ‘Pustuled One’: twin of Quetzalcoatl; patron of the day sign Movement. Attributes: canine form that shares costume elements with Quetzalcoatl; shown with twisted appendages. Yacatecuhtli ‘Lord of the Vanguard,’ ‘Lord of Merchants’: patron of itinerant merchants. Attributes: black-colored body, bulbous nose, recognized by his walking stick and merchant’s pack.

Female Deities

Chalchiuhtlicue ‘Jade Her Skirt’: goddess of groundwaters; elder sister of rain gods;

patron of the number ‘3’ and the day sign Serpent; wife of Tlaloc in some mythologies; she was esteemed and held in awe. Associated with drinking water and bodies of water. Attributes: stepped turquoise or double serpent nose ornament, black hash marks on cheek, jaded skirt. Chicomecoatl ‘Seven Serpent’: goddess of sustenance, maize, and all things eaten and drunk by people. Attributes: large rectangular headdress with paper ornaments and ears of maize, carries paired ears of maize. Cihuacoatl ‘Serpent Woman’ and Ilamatecuhtli ‘Old Lady’: mother goddess, patron of the number ‘13,’ an evil omen to men. Associated with giving men the digging stick Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions 41

and tumpline and with wailing at night as an omen of war. Attributes: skeletal head or jaw, wild hair often with sacrificial banners, known to carry a weaving stick. Tlazolteotl ‘Goddess’: earth goddess of lust and debauchery, absorber of sins; patron of childbirth and of weavers; Night Lord; patron of number ‘5’ and day sign Jaguar; has four directional aspects. Attributes: black-painted patch around the mouth or in shape of a hand, U-shaped nose ornament, ear ornaments of unspun cotton, spindles in headdress. Toci ‘Our Grandmother’, ‘Heart of the Earth’: mother of the gods; worshipped by healers and midwives, diviners, and keepers of sweathouses. Attributes: flayed likeness of Toci and wears her skin. Tzitzimime/Cihuapipiltin/Cihuateteo: women who die in childbirth and are transformed into sky goddesses; they hate and mock people, bring deformity and palsy, dwell at crossroads, and serve as companions of the setting sun in the west. Attributes: skeletal heads or jaws, wild hair, bare breasted. Xochiquetzal ‘Flower Quetzal’: flower goddess; youthful earth and fertility goddess associated with nobility, pregnancy, and childbirth; patroness of day sign Flower. Attributes: quetzal helmet, flowers in headdress, curved nose ornament. Notes

1. The Aubin 20, however, is a large single sheet that was originally hung or rolled; it has since been folded, damaging the painted surface (Boone 2007:18). 2. The Mixteca-Puebla art style, now more commonly referred to as the International style (Boone and Smith 2003), was first defined by the central Mexican archaeologist George Vaillant (1938:565; 1940:299–300; 1941), who introduced the concept in the late 1930s as a way of trying to define the cultural and artistic manifestations that arose in central Mexico after the decline of Teotihuacan. Nicholson (Nicholson and Quiñones Keber 1994:xi–xii) defines Mixteca-Puebla as primarily a Late Postclassic art style best exemplified by painted manuscripts, murals, and elite polychrome ceramics from the central highlands of Puebla-Tlaxcala, northern Oaxaca, and the Mixteca Alta regions. The International style can be identified by a number of motifs with a widespread distribution and a particular style of painting characterized by geometric precision, resulting in stiff lines that render forms as flat. Forms and figures have black outlines and are brightly colored, although neither modeling nor shading is used, producing a two-dimensional effect. Little attention is given to perspective, and figures frequently appear to be floating in space or portrayed in relation to a painted line defining the bottom of a scene or register (Boone and Smith 2003:186–187). 3. For a comprehensive discussion of the Mexican calendar and its use in almanacs found within Mexican screenfolds, see Boone (2007), Caso (1971), and Edmonson (1988). 4. For a description of the Mexican deities mentioned in these episodes, see Appendix 2.1. 5. Mimixcoa (or Mixcoa) are the four hundred “Chichimecs.” Chichimecs were huntergatherers who inhabited the northern regions of the Basin of Mexico. In the “Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas” (Garibay and Ponce de León 1965), Mixcoatl-Camaxtli creates the four hundred Mimixcoa plus one woman to sow discord and warfare to feed the newly born

42 Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions

sun the hearts and blood it requires in order to travel across the sky. Instead of feeding the sun, though, the Chichimecs idle away their time in drunken revelry. In response, Mixcoatl sends four men and one woman whom he had previously created to make war on the Mimixcoa. They successfully kill all four hundred and lose two of their own, leaving only Xiuhnel, Mimich, and Mixcoatl alive (Bierhorst 1992:150–151). 6. In another account, Tonacatecuhtli and Xiuhtecuhtli volunteered Nanahuatzin. 7. In another version, he is painted white and adorned with down feathers. 8. There is a similar episode in the Popol Vuh, which occurs when the sun first rises (Christenson 2007:229–230).

Mexican Codices and Mythological Traditions 43

3 The different regions of the Maya area do not appear to have shared a single mythological tradition during the prehispanic period, but a number of common themes can be documented, many of which were also shared by other Mesoamerican cultures. Our emphasis will be on outlining stories that are relevant to our understanding of the Maya codices. Some of these are detailed in prehispanic texts and iconography, whereas others are better known to us from indigenous texts recorded during the colonial period such as the Books of Chilam Balam from Yucatán and the Popol Vuh from highland Guatemala. There are a number of similarities between the Maya and Mexican traditions (see previous chapter), as we discuss in more detail below.1

Creation of the Earth and Previous “Races” of People In the Popol Vuh, there are two sets of creator deities: Framer and Shaper, and Heart of Sky. The former have an anthropomorphic aspect, in which form they are referred to as Grandmother and Grandfather and go by the names Xmucane and Xpiyacoc. Xmucane’s name links her to midwifery and also to divining; in this respect, it is of interest that two of her epithets are “midwife” and “She Who Has Borne Children.” Xpiyacoc is also a diviner; his name suggests a connection to the turtle,2 which links Xpiyacoc with the deities Itzamna and Pawahtun in the lowland Maya region (see Appendix 3.1). He is also referred to as “patriarch” and “He Who Has Begotten Sons.” In addition, the creators have various animal aspects: Xmucane is called Hunahpu Coyote and also Coati, whereas Xpiyacoc is known as Hunahpu Possum and Great White Peccary (Christenson 2007:50–61). These names suggest links to various figures represented in prehispanic texts and iconographic contexts, as we discuss below.

Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

DOI: 10.5876/9781607322214.c03

45

Table 3.1. World creators named in the Popol Vuh Female creator

Male creator

Framer (Xmucane)

Shaper (Xpiyacoc)

Midwife or Twice Midwife

Patriarch or Twice Patriarch

She Who Has Borne Children

He Who Has Begotten Sons

Protector

Shelterer

Hunahpu Coyote

Hunahpu Possum

Coati

Great White Peccary

Sovereign*

Quetzal Serpent*

Creator of Green Earth*

Creator of Blue Sky*

Heart of Lake

Heart of Sea

Giver of Breath

Giver of Heart

* Unclear which applies to Xmucane and which to Xpiyacoc.

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Table 3.1 lists the aspects and epithets of the creators, as determined from the first section of the Popol Vuh (Christenson 2007:60–66). They play a central role in the narrative, being associated with the creation of the earth and of the animals, two failed creations of people (those of mud and wood), and the successful creation of the people of maize. They are also the parents of the brothers One Hunahpu and Seven Hunahpu, who play such an important role in the story, and the grandparents of the Hero Twins. There are good reasons to suggest that they correspond in many respects to the Postclassic Yucatec creator couple Itzamna (the male deity) and Chak Chel (the female deity). The other principal creator from the Popol Vuh is Heart of Sky, who is also called Huracan. This deity has three aspects, all related to his role as a deity of lightning and storms: Thunderbolt Huracan, Youngest Thunderbolt, and Sudden Thunderbolt (Christenson 2007:70). Among the modern K’iche’, lightning brings fertility to the earth and germinates the crops (Christenson 2007:71n65). Scholars have long associated the prehispanic deity K’awil (God K) with these same powers (Coggins 1988; Martin 2006; Taube 1992:73). Among the contemporary Tzotzil Maya of highland Chiapas, the deities Balankil (Older Brother), who is associated with the healing powers of tobacco, and Chauk (Thunderbolt) are closely related.3 John Carlson (2007:11) has suggested that they correspond to the Classic period deities God L (Tobacco) and K’awil (Thunderbolt), who are paired in a number of vessel scenes, particularly those associated with miniature flasks that were used to contain tobacco (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink22.html). It seems likely that they represent modern counterparts of Heart of Sky / Huracan from the Popol Vuh. 46 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

When the Popol Vuh opens, the sea and the sky exist but there is no earth, and everything is covered in darkness. The creator grandparents, Sovereign and Quetzal Serpent, meet with Heart of Sky to plan “the germination and creation of the trees and the bushes, the germination of all life and creation, in the darkness and in the night” (Christenson 2007:70). Their first act involves the creation of the earth: “Then the earth was created by them. Merely their word brought about the creation of it. In order to create the earth, they said, ‘Earth,’ and immediately it was created. Just like a cloud, like a mist, was the creation and formation of it” (Christenson 2007:71). Framer and Shaper then populate the earth with animals and with humans made of mud to provide for them and sustain them. But the mud people are not made of sturdy enough material and dissolve, so another effort to create humans is undertaken. Following a divination ceremony, wood and reeds are used to fashion humans to create “shaped and framed people who will be our [the creators’] providers and sustainers” (Christenson 2007:80). But in the end, it turns out that they are not capable of understanding and so they are destroyed (see section on “Flood Mythology” below). Running parallel to this story is that involving One Hunahpu and Seven Hunahpu and One Hunahpu’s sons, the Hero Twins. The first set of twins are the children of the creator grandparents Xpiyacoc and Xmucane. Little is told about their lives, except for their passion for a ballgame involving a large rubber ball that they play constantly. Their playing disturbs the Lords of the Underworld, who summon them to the Underworld (Xibalba) to challenge them to a ballgame. Before this occurs, however, the brothers are subjected to the various tests associated with the Underworld and fail at the first one— keeping their cigars lit throughout the night. Because of this, their lives are forfeited, and they are sacrificed by the Lords of Xibalba. Their bodies are buried in the ballcourt, and Hun Hunahpu’s head is placed in a barren tree, which miraculously bears fruit: One Death and Seven Death marveled at the fruit of the tree, for its round fruit was everywhere. Neither could the head of One Hunahpu be seen clearly, for his face had become identical in appearance with the calabashes. This was seen by all Xibalba when they came to look at it. In their hearts, they perceived the greatness of the essence of that tree, for it was accomplished immediately when the head of One Hunahpu entered into its midst. (Christenson 2007:126–127)

After this episode, a young maiden from Xibalba visits the tree, where she is impregnated by One Hunahpu, when she holds out her hand for his spittle. Following her escape from the Underworld, she gives birth to another set of twins: Hunahpu and Xbalanque (the Hero Twins). As young men, they embark on a mission to rid the world of insolence and arrogance, as epitomized by Seven Macaw, who is called the false sun, and his children Zipacna and Cabracan (see section on “Crocodilians” below). Later, they follow in the footsteps of their father and journey to the Underworld, where they defeat the lords of death.

Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 47

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Crocodilians in Maya Mythology Prehispanic and colonial sources alike include references to a crocodilian (sometimes described as an “earth monster”) that must be decapitated or destroyed in some other way in order to bring about the creation of the earth (which its body becomes). The Popol Vuh describes paired earth monsters—the maker of mountains and the one who causes earthquakes. Because they are a force of instability, their defeat is a pre­requisite to establishing an earth fit for human habitation. In the colonial Books of Chilam Balam from Yucatán, the relevant episode takes place in K’atun 13 Ahaw (see Appendix 3.2 for the original text). According to the storyline related in the Tizimín manuscript, three different deities / groups of deities are involved: Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh (Thirteen As God or 13 Gods), Bolon Ti’ K’uh (Nine As God or 9 Gods), and Itzam Kab Ayin. The Bolon Ti’ K’uh exist at the beginning of the narrative, whereas the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh are said to “dawn” through the work of the Bolon Ti’ K’uh (see Chapter 10 for our interpretation of the identities of these deities). Following this episode, Itzam Kab Ayin (Itzam Earth Crocodile) is born and sets about to destroy the world by means of a deluge that is the fulfillment of the k’atun’s prophecy. This results in the heavens and earth being turned upside down, accompanied by a tremendous racket. Itzam Kab Ayin then ascends into the sky to bring down a flood. However, the Bolon Ti’ K’uh work against Itzam Kab Ayin, whose throat is slit. Thereafter, Itzam Kab Ayin is known as Ah Puuk ‘He of the Mountains’, suggesting that his body has been used to form the surface of the earth. By sprinkling Itzam Kab Ayin’s blood on its surface, the Bolon Ti’ K’uh paint the earth.4 As Knowlton (2010, 75) and others have pointed out (D. Stuart 2005:73; Velásquez García 2006), Itzam Kab Ayin is represented in several almanacs in the Maya codices (Figures 3.1, 3.2), where he is shown as having ascended to the sky (on D. 74) and with his back painted (on D. 4b–5b). The reference to the crocodilian’s painted back in the Chilam Balam narrative (ah uoh puc [ah woh puuk]) calls to mind other texts that mention similar episodes. One of the closest parallels comes from a text recorded on the platform of Temple XIX at Palenque (Figure 3.3; see Appendix 3.3 for a transcription of the original). It describes the following events (D. Stuart 2005:68–77; see http://www​ .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink23.html). On 1 Etz’nab 6 Yaxk’in, corresponding to 12.10.12.14.18 in the previous era (i.e., before the 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u bak’tun ending), the head of the hole-back “Starry Deer Crocodile,” the painted-back “Starry Deer Crocodile” was chopped off. This is followed by a clause that may read “Thrice flowed its blood,” followed by an unknown verb and another possible reference to blood. Next, there is an allusion to drilling fire; the phrase joch k’ah k’aj ‘fire-drill entity’ may refer to the “Starry Deer Crocodile.” This is followed by i-pat-laj ‘it is shaped, built’ [likely referring to the world]. The events described are said to be ‘the work of ?’ (yetej) the deity GI of the Palenque Triad (see discussion below). 48 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

Figure 3.1. The ascent of the crocodilian Itzam Kab Ayin into the sky on D. 74. Water gushes from his open mouth and from the eclipse glyphs dangling from the skyband. The deities Chak Chel and God L (pictured below) each play an important role in the scene. After Förstemann (1880).

Figure 3.2. Itzam Kab Ayin on D. 4b–5b, where he is depicted as a bicephalic creature. Itzamna’s head appears in the front jaws of the creature, and its body is painted with augural glyphs with decidedly negative associations. After Förstemann (1880).

Figure 3.3. Text from Temple XIX platform from Palenque, highlighting the decapitation of a crocodilian in primordial times. Drawing by Christine Hernández, after Stuart (2005:69).

Figure 3.4. Starry Deer Crocodile from Altar D’, Copan. Drawing by Mallory Fenn, after Schele and Miller (1986:45).

The parallels between this text and that from the Chilam Balam of Tizimín are quite remarkable: they both refer to a crocodilian with a painted back, to the decapitation of the crocodilian, and to a forming or shaping of the earth from the sacrificed animal. Although they are referred to by different names, the two crocodilians may be seen as essentially the same entity. The Palenque text also mentions a fire-drilling event that is not referenced in the Tizimín manuscript. In this respect, it is of significant interest that drilling a new fire was the first event to occur after a sacrifice had been performed at midnight to mark the close of the 52-year cycle among Postclassic highland Mexican cultures (Sahagún 1953:25–26) and was also one of the key events during the Maya New Year ceremonies described by Landa (Gates 1978:70–71). A great deal of discussion has centered around the figure now termed the Starry Deer Crocodile, a composite creature having the head and body of a crocodile but the hooves, ear, and sometimes the antlers of a deer (D. Stuart 2005:71–72; Taube 1989a). Representations of this creature also generally include an ek’ glyph, meaning ‘Venus’ or ‘star’ (Figure 3.4; see also http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation|​/ UPClink24.html). David Stuart (2005:72–73) suggests that this being represents the starry, nocturnal aspect of the Celestial Monster, symbolizing the cloudy Milky Way. It serves as a symbol of the earth but also as the darkened Underworld sky (i.e., because the earth’s surface forms the sky of the Underworld). Other crocodiles also play an important role in images relating to primordial time, such as those portrayed in the form of a tree, with the head representing the base and the body the trunk (see http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink25.html, p. 22). Examples of this cosmic tree occurring in the Maya codices are discussed in Chapters 4 and 5. In addition, the deity mentioned in the Temple XIX text, who goes by the designation GI, has been the subject of numerous discussions in the literature (see, e.g., Coe 1973; Freidel et al. 1993; Kelley 1965; Lounsbury 1980, 1985; Milbrath 1999; Schele 1976; D. Stuart 2005; D. Tedlock 1985). He represents one of the group of deities known as the Palenque Triad, patron gods of the site whose births in primordial time and patronage in historical time are commemorated in the Cross Group of temples (the Temple of the Cross, Temple of the Foliated Cross, and Temple Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 51

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25

26

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of the Sun). According to Stuart’s analysis, elements associated with portraits of GI (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink26​ .html), such as his k’in bowl helmet, suggest that this deity had important solar connections, as well as aquatic associations. On this basis, Stuart (2005:170) suggests that GI corresponds to the watery aspect of the sun before its emergence from the Underworld (i.e., a proto-sun that existed before the world was ordered and K’inich Ahaw was born as the sun). The k’in bowl associated with this deity occurs as a logogram signifying el in the hieroglyphic script, where it is found in the Classic period spelling of the glyph for ‘east’, el-k’in, which signifies ‘to rise, come out’. Stuart (2005:167–168) suggests that the k’in bowl was the receptacle out of which the sun rose in the east. If this is the case, the fact that it is also associated with images of the Starry Deer Crocodile is of interest, meaning that the sun would have been swallowed by this creature each night and reborn from the k’in bowl (the rear orifice) each morning. Other stars and planets would have undergone the same cycle of death and rebirth. In this respect, it is worth noting GI’s aquatic associations and his possible connections with the Mexican Venus god EhecatlQuetzalcoatl, as originally suggested by Kelley (1965; see also D. Stuart 2005:168) based on the fact that he was born on 9 Wind (9 Wind is the calendrical name of this deity in Mixtec mythology). The deity GI played a significant role in Palenque’s mythology in events surrounding the completion of the thirteenth bak’tun and the ordering of the new world that was created at that time, as discussed in a subsequent section of the chapter. As many scholars have noted (Knowlton 2010:75; Taube 1993a; Thompson 1970b), the crocodilians referenced at Palenque and in the Chilam Balam texts are part of a wider tradition found throughout Mesoamerica that stems from the idea that the earth’s surface was formed from the back of an earth monster or crocodile (see discussion in preceding chapter). In Aztec mythology, for example, the land is formed from Cipactli (the crocodile), who is said to be painted as the earth god (Knowlton 2010:75, citing Garibay and Ponce de León 1965:26). The best known of these stories from the Maya tradition is that from the Popol Vuh, involving Zipacna (derived from the Nahuatl cipactli), the Maker of Mountains. This figure and his brother Cabracan (who causes earthquakes) are overcome by the Hero Twins. Zipacna is tricked into descending into a mountain, which settles onto his chest, where he turns to stone (Christenson 2007:106–107). His brother is bound at the wrists and ankles and hurled into the earth, where he is buried for all time (Christenson 2007:110). The binding of Cabracan calls to mind other bound or dismembered crocodilians featured in Maya art, including the one on D. 74 (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org​ /Documentation/UPClink27.html), those on the k’atun pages of the Paris Codex (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink28.html), and others pictured in the context of accession scenes on several Classic period monuments (Love 1994:25–26; Vail and Hernández 2009; see discussion in 52 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

Figure 3.5. Mural painted on the floor of the Temple of the Fisherman from Late Postclassic Mayapán showing the spearing of a crocodile by a Venus deity. Drawing by Mallory Fenn.

Chapter 9). It also brings to mind the scene painted on a mural recently discovered at Mayapán from the Temple of the Fisherman (Figure 3.5), where a bound crocodilian has been speared by a partially eroded figure who can be identified as a Venus deity by his accoutrements (Milbrath and Peraza Lope 2003; D. Stuart 2005:178–179). Several of the other examples mentioned above also have associations with Venus deities.5 The importance of the earth crocodilian and its link to the destruction and re-creation of the world are also evident in an early colonial text from the Relación de la Ciudad de Mérida (Garza 1983, I: 72). Thompson (1970b:217) translates the relevant passage as follows: “They also had knowledge . . . of the flood and that the world must come to an end with fire, and to show this they made a ceremony and painted a lagarto [iguana or crocodile] which signified the flood and the earth, and on it they placed a great mound of fire wood, and set fire to it.” This ceremony calls to mind one of the rituals of propitiation described by Landa for Kawak years, which involved burning a bundle of rods and performing a fire-walking ceremony (Gates 1978:67). Offerings made during this ritual included rubber incense, tortillas, “some iguanas . . . a miter, a bunch of flowers, and one of their precious stones” (Gates 1978:67). Although there is no mention of painting a lagarto, in other respects the ceremonies appear to be quite similar.

Flood Mythology in the Maya Tradition The sequence of events in primordial time is difficult to determine, since they are not always tied in to dates or discussed in chronological order. However, in the Books of Chilam Balam, the Itzam Kab Ayin story occurs in K’atun 13 Ahaw, prior to the events related below as occurring in K’atun 11 Ahaw.6 The same set of actors (Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh and Bolon Ti’ K’uh) are involved, as is another deity by the name of Bolon Tz’akab. Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 53

Floods are a common element in Mesoamerica mythology, primarily as a catalyst for the destruction of a specific “race” of people or primordial creation. In the Books of Chilam Balam, we encounter several different episodes involving floods. The first followed, and seems to have resulted from, the theft of the seed corn by the deity Bolon Tz’akab [Bolon Dzacab],7 who removed it “to the thirteenth plane of the sky.” This led to the collapse of the “lords and the lowly,” who lived without their hearts and were submerged “by waves of sand and waves of sea” (from Chumayel 43.6–14; translation by Knowlton 2010:61). Bolon Tz’akab plays an apparently contradictory role in the Books of Chilam Balam, where he is both the embodiment of boundless sustenance and the force responsible for making it inaccessible to the earth’s people. As Knowlton (2010:62) points out, however, the people inhabiting the earth at this point in the Chumayel account are “without hearts” (i.e., unnatural) and can be compared to the wooden people of the Popol Vuh who were without knowledge and therefore incapable of properly sustaining the deities who had created them. In both the Popol Vuh and the Books of Chilam Balam, these beings were destroyed in a flood to make room for the present race of people (see below), who are formed of maize. In the Books of Chilam Balam, this takes place during K’atun 11 Ahaw. The flood is described in lines 14–16 of the Chumayel as follows: One fetching of rain One lancing of rain Back then when only the Milpa Archangel arrived8 It was tempestuous above and tempestuous below. (Knowlton 2010:62)

As Knowlton (2004) first pointed out, this wording can be related quite explicitly to the scene on page 74 of the Dresden Codex, which shows a deluge of water pouring from the open mouth of a crocodilian at the top of the page (see Figure 3.1). As was discussed in the previous section, D. 74 shows the ascent of a crocodilian, who can be compared to Itzam Kab Ayin in the Chilam Balam of Tizimín. Two events occurring in different k’atuns in the Chilam Balam accounts are represented: the crocodilian’s ascent—which is described as taking place in K’atun 13 Ahaw in the Books of Chilam Balam—and the deluge that occurred in the following k’atun according to the Chilam Balam accounts. Knowlton (2010:62, 65) relates the “fetching of rain” referenced in the Chumayel to the picture of the deity Chak Chel overturning a vessel of water on D. 74, whereas the “lancing of rain” corresponds to the black God L with his spear and other weapons (see Chapter 5 for a detailed discussion of this iconography). An episode involving a flood also occurs in the Popol Vuh, where it is part of a larger narrative concerning the destruction of the previous creation of people, the effigies carved of wood: “Then came the end of the effigies carved of wood, for they were 54 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

ruined, crushed, and killed. A flood was planned by Heart of Sky that came down upon the heads of the effigies carved of wood” (Christenson 2007:85).9 This destructive act was called forth as a result of their lack of understanding and the fact that they were incapable of fulfilling their purpose—that of sustaining their creators. Death came in the form of a great flood of resin from the sky; from having their eyes gouged by “Chiselers of Faces,” their heads cut off by “Death Knives,” their flesh eaten by “Crouching Jaguar,” and their bones and tendons smashed by “Striking Jaguar” (Christenson 2007:85). Following this, the earth and sky were darkened by a “black rain, a rain that fell both day and night” (Christenson 2007:87).10 The survivors of this great deluge became the spider monkeys who live in the forests today (Christenson 2007:90), a fate shared by the survivors of the wind that destroyed the second Sun (4 Wind) in highland Mexican mythology, and of the older brothers of the Hero Twins (One Batz’ and One Chuwen), who were turned into monkeys for their refusal to help their younger brothers. In both the Dresden Codex and the Books of Chilam Balam, the flood serves as a prelude to a reestablishment of the world, which is described in lines 16–27 of the Chumayel (see Appendix 3.2). The destruction of the “coreless” people is attributed to the four Bakabs [Bacabs], who are also responsible for putting the new world in order through the setting up of Imix trees in each of the four world quarters plus the center. These trees serve as reminders of the destruction of the world and are each inhabited by a type of bird called a pitz’oy [pidzoy]. The central tree is described as u k’ahlay hay kabal, meaning “the history of the destruction of the world.” Knowlton (2010:67) likens it to an inscribed stela, “an embodiment of memory of a past age.” In their attempts to reestablish the world order, the Bakabs are helped by a deity named K’an Xib Yui [Kan Xib Yui]; Knowlton (2010:67) suggests that this may be an alternate name for the rain god K’an Xib Chaak [Kan Xib Chac], who is associated with years beginning on the day K’an in Landa’s Relación. This deity, like Bolon Tz’akab in Landa’s account and K’awil in the Dresden Codex, is associated with the southern quadrant and the color k’an ‘yellow’. K’an also refers to ripe fruit; when paired with ya’ax ‘green’, the two correspond to the agricultural cycle and the ripening of the maize crop. Landa refers, albeit in a highly abridged version, to this same myth. He describes the Bakabs as “four brothers whom God placed, when he created the world, at the four points of it, holding up the sky so that it should not fall” (cited in Tozzer 1941:135). He also notes that the Bakabs were said to have escaped when the world was destroyed by a great flood and that they have a number of different epithets, including K’an Xib Chaak (in Tozzer 1941:135–137). From this, it appears that the deity referenced in the Chumayel account (K’an Xib Yui) is not separate from the Bakabs, but rather one of their aspects (Knowlton 2010:67). The setting up of the world trees is a common theme in Maya texts and iconography, and one that has great antiquity. The murals from the west wall at the Preclassic site of San Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 55

Figure 3.6. Page 1 of the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer. This cosmogram features the deity Xiuhtecuhtli in its central panel, the dismemberment of Tezcatlipoca (at the intercardinal points), and the setting up of the four world trees. Drawing by Christine Hernández.

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Bartolo in the Petén (see http://www.hieroglyphic​research.org/Documentation​ /UPClink29.html) feature rituals performed at the five directional trees (those associated with the four world directions, plus the center), much as is shown on pages 25–28 of the Dresden Codex (http://www​.hieroglyphicresearch.org​ /Documentation/UPClink30.html).11 The setting up of world trees following a destructive event (a flood and/or dismemberment) is represented in both the Maya tradition and also in the Mexican Codex Fejérváry-Mayer (FM). On page 1 of that manuscript, the Mexican deity Xiuhtecuhtli ‘Turquoise Lord’, the god of fire and time, is depicted in the center of the page, holding a spear thrower and darts (Figure 3.6). He is surrounded by streams of blood which lead to the disarticulated remains of Tezcatlipoca ‘Smoking Mirror’, one of the deities associ56 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

ated with the creation and destruction of previous worlds (see previous chapter). This occurs in the context of the establishment of space (suggested by the directional trees associated with the four quadrants) and of time (the creation of the 260-day calendar, along with the 52-year cycle).12 We associate the scene on FM 1 with highland Mexican accounts of the flood that destroyed a previous creation, causing the sky to collapse onto the earth. In the “Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas,” the restoration of the earth and heavens is a collaborative act involving Quetzalcoatl, Tezcatlipoca, and their two brothers (Xipe Totec and Huitzilopochtli), as well as four other deities. Together, they divide the earth into four quadrants, and then the eight gods raise the heavens. Tezcatlipoca and Quetzalcoatl turn themselves into gigantic trees in order to support the sky, Tezcatlipoca’s marked by shining mirrors and Quetzalcoatl’s by quetzal feathers. They are rewarded by being made lords of the heavens (Taube 1993a:36). The scene on FM 1 appears to correspond with this mythic episode, as it shows eight deities with the four world directional trees (two with each tree). Perhaps the inclusion of the central figure (Xiuhtecuhtli) and the dismembered Tezcatlipoca serve as a reminder of previous destructions and creations of the world. Xiuhtecuhtli’s stance and his wielding of weapons (a spear thrower or atlatl and darts) are reminiscent of the iconographic convention used by scribes to represent Venus at the time of its heliacal rise (V. Bricker 2010:314; Vail and Hernández 2006:74). This astronomical event serves as a reenactment of the primordial episode in which Venus shoots his dart at the sun to compel him to move across the sky. In the Mexican and Maya codices, Venus’ victim (not necessarily the sun) may be shown being dispatched, most often by spearing. In the case of FM 1, the dismembering of the Tezcatlipoca may be another convention used by scribes to represent the inauspicious auguries associated with Venus that are specific to this victim (we discuss Venus and depictions of this deity in the codices in greater detail in Chapter 7). The presence of Venus-related iconography in the FM 1 almanac is a fitting element within a larger creation episode dealing with the setting in motion of the sun and the cycles of time traced out by it (in terms of the 365-day and 52-year calendars).

Creation of the Present World: Classic Period Texts Classic period texts highlight another series of events, focused on the bak’tun ending 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u, to describe the establishment of the present world. The most important events involved the placing of three stones to form a hearth in the sky (detailed in several different monumental inscriptions) and the ordering of the world by a group of creator deities, which is described on the Vase of the Seven Gods (see Appendix 3.3). At Palenque, these events are framed within the context of the actions of GI of the Palenque Triad (see Appendix 3.1 for a discussion of this and other deities highlighted in the chapter). Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 57

Figure 3.7. East text from Quirigua Stela C, highlighting the establishment of three thrones or stones at the start of the current era. Drawing courtesy of Matthew Looper.

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Texts from Classic period monuments that describe the events of 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u invariably include the T153 glyph, which has been interpreted in one of two ways: as hal ‘to manifest’ (MacLeod 1991) or jel ‘to change over’ (D. Stuart 2005:166). This is commonly followed by a collocation that may be read as k’ob (see B6 in Figure 3.7). Although sometimes translated as ‘image’, k’ob more likely refers to ‘hearth’ or to the three hearthstones (Carrasco 2010:614–615).13 The passages in question may, therefore, be read as “On 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u the image was manifested” (Looper 1995, 2007) or “On 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u the hearth was changed” (Carrasco 2010:614–615). The texts referencing 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u also commonly refer to several other events, including the completion of the thirteenth bak’tun (read pih), and the location of the T153 event as T128 (ch’a or ti’), followed by chan ‘sky’. This is alternately read as ‘lying-down sky’ (Looper 1995), ‘the mouth of the sky’ (Carrasco 2010:614–615), or ‘the edge of the sky’ (Looper 2007:45; Van Stone 2010:35), and is followed by a collocation consisting of yax ‘first’, a triadic arrangement involving three tun ‘stone’ (T528) glyphs, and nal ‘place’.14 Until recently, this compound was read as ‘first three stone place’ (Looper 1995). Carrasco (2010), however, suggests a reading of yax sim? nal ‘first heated place’, and David Stuart (2011:220) provides a tentative reading of yax yoket nal? ‘new hearth place’. Despite these differences of opinion, researchers agree that the object represented by the three stone glyphs signifies a hearth; moreover, it can be identified specifically as a celestial hearth that is associated with the constellation of the turtle, or Orion. This identification was initially made by Matthew Looper (cited in Schele 1992) on the basis of an image from the Madrid Codex of a turtle suspended from a skyband on which a triadic arrangement of T528 glyphs rests, similar to that seen in the relevant hieroglyphic texts (Figure 3.8; see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Doc​ u​mentation/UPClink31.html). As we discuss in 58 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

Figure 3.8. The three celestial hearthstones associated with the turtle constellation on M. 71a. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

Chap­ter 9, the image of a turtle manifested on a 4 Ahaw date is depicted on M. 19b. The text from Quirigua Stela C (see Figure 3.7) provides the most information about the stones themselves and the deities responsible for setting them in place (referred to by the verb tz’ap ‘to plant’ at B7). The first stone, named as the ‘Jaguar Throne Stone’ (at B9), is placed at nah ho’ chan ‘First Five Sky’ or ‘Five Sky House’15 by a pair of supernaturals known as “Jaguar Paddler” and “Stingray Paddler,” who are mentioned in reference to primordial time in various other contexts.16 The second stone, identified as the ‘Serpent Throne Stone’ (at B11), is placed at kab nal or kab ch’een ‘earth-place’ or ‘earth-cave’ by a deity named Ik’ Nah Chak ?? [Black House? Red [or Great] ??]. The action performed to the final stone, called the ‘Water Throne Stone’ (at A13), is described by a different verb; rather than using tz’ap, the scribe instead wrote k’al tun nah itzamnaaj ha’ tz’am? tun. The action represented by the verb k’al ‘to close, fasten’ remains poorly understood, but it is generally interpreted, when paired with the tun glyph, to refer to the binding of a stone performed at the close of a calendrical interval (D. Stuart 1996). The passage in question, therefore, may be translated as “First Itzamna’s stone binding [of the] Water Stone Throne.” The text from Quirigua Stela C is unique in identifying the actors associated with placing the three stones; other texts that describe the setting of the hearthstones focus more specifically on the deity responsible for overseeing the event: Six Sky Lord on Quirigua Stela C and GI of the Palenque Triad in several other texts, including the Tablet of the Cross and the Tablet of the Sun from Palenque and a greenstone mask, which has been attributed to Río Azul (Van Stone 2010:52; see http://hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink32.html, pp. 64–66). On the Cross Tablet, GI is described as descending from the sky approximately a year and a half after the events associated with 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u (see Appendix 3.3). The parallels between the passages from Palenque and from Quirigua suggest that the deity referenced in the two sets of texts (Six Sky Lord and GI) may be different names or manifestations of the same figure. This suggestion receives further support from the Tablet of the Cross text, which relates that, after descending from the sky, GI dedicated a house called “Six Sky House, Eight Chaak House, the Northern House” (Carrasco 2010:616), which can be identified as the Temple Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 59

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of the Cross itself, where GI’s shrine is located. The congruence between the name of the temple at Palenque and the name of the deity on the Quirigua stela strongly suggests that GI was a manifestation of Six Sky Lord. The descent of GI on the Cross Tablet calls to mind a passage from page 45 of the Chilam Balam of Chumayel that refers to the descent of the deity Bolon Tz’akab [Dzacab], who ascended into the sky earlier in the narrative with the seed corn: So then the word of Bolon Dzacab descended . . . Then he descended from the heavens and Kan is the day his burden had been tied.17 (translation after Knowlton 2010:76)

The discovery of several texts from the northern lowlands that refer to the events of 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u in terms similar to those from the southern lowlands provides evidence that the Classic Maya at those sites (or the elite, at any rate) shared a similar set of beliefs about the significance of the completion of the thirteenth bak’tun and the inauguration of a new cycle. A text from the right side of the Caracol Stela at Chichén Itzá records the following (Grube et al. 2003, II:6): chan ajaw waxak ohl On 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u hal?/jel? ??-??-ya k’ob The image? was made manifest [or] the hearth? was changed. tzutz-iiy u uxlajun pih The thirteenth bak’tun was completed.

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Stela 1 at Cobá contains a similar text (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch​.org /Documentation/UPClink33.html and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org​/Docu​ men​tation/UPClink34.html), with the exception that it includes a very long series of period endings connected to the 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u date; it also provides supplementary lunar information (in the form of the “Supplementary Series”) between the tzolk’in portion of the date (4 Ahaw) and the haab portion (8 Kumk’u). This text, like those discussed previously, is part of a longer narrative that links the events of primordial time with historical events. On Quirigua Stela C, for example, the setting in place of the three hearthstones in 3114 B.C. is linked to the planting of a stone (i.e., the setting up of a stela) by the Quirigua ruler Tutum Yol K’inich in August 455 (Looper 2007:48), in an act replicating that performed by the primordial deities over 3,500 years previously. The fact that both of these stone-setting events take place in August is likely not coincidental, as replicating the seasonal association of the initial ritual would have been extremely important to the prehispanic Maya and increased the ritual’s potency. 60 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

Figure 3.9. The setting in order of the cosmos, as pictured on the Vase of the Seven Gods (Kerr 2796), at the start of the current era. Photograph © 1984 by Justin Kerr; reprinted with permission.

Classic period texts from painted pottery vessels provide additional details about the events that occurred on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u. Two related vases, called the Vase of the Seven Gods (Figure 3.9) and the Vase of the Eleven Gods (Kerr numbers 2796 and 7750; see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​/UPClink35. html),18 contain nearly identical texts that describe the setting of a series of deities in order, or the ordering of a mythological locale by a series of deities. Following the date is the verb tz’ak, which has many different meanings in the Mayan languages. In Yucatec, for example, it may refer to putting something in order or into a succession. In Ch’orti’, Carrasco (2010:610) notes that it means “a joining, a splicing, a bringing together”; the transitive form (tz’aki) also relates to “tying up in bundles” (Wisdom n.d.). Carrasco (2010) adds that tz’ak occurs with the suffixes /ja/ and /ya/ on the two vessels, suggesting a passive construction (tz’ahkajiiy ‘was brought together, was ordered’). What remains in question is whether it was the deities named on the text or whether it was or the location named as ik’ u tan ‘Black Its Center’ that underwent ordering.19 At issue is the question of whether the references to k’uh ‘god’ or ‘holy’ found throughout the text occur before or after the names of the deities they are referencing. Previous scholars have suggested the latter (Carrasco 2010:611; Van Stone 2010:38), although we believe there is evidence to suggest the other possibility (i.e., that k’uh Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 61

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precedes the name of the deities). If this is the case, the text of the Vase of the Seven Gods would read as follows: On 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u Black Its Center [Place] was ordered [by] The gods of the sky The gods of the earth The god(s) Bolon Okte’ The gods Three Born Together The god(s) ?? The god “Jaguar Paddler.”

An alternate reading of the text would be On 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u They were put in order: The Black Its Center god(s), The Sky Place god(s), The Earth god(s), The Bolon Okte’ god(s), The Three Born Together gods, The ?? gods [by?] “Jaguar Paddler.”

The text from the Vase of the Eleven Gods is similar, except that it leaves out the reference to Jaguar Paddler and ends with the phrase utiiy k’in chil, which Mark Van Stone (2010:38) interprets as a reference to the east. The interpretation by David Stuart (2011:224) of this phrase as “great sun place” suggests that it may refer to the realm of the sun god. Alternately, the pairing of k’in ‘sun’ and chil ‘lie down’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:70) may be a reference to the lying-down sun, which would indicate its location in the Underworld before the first dawn. If this is the case, it has parallels to a scene on page 22 of the Paris Codex, which is discussed in more detail in Chapter 5. From the Popol Vuh, we know that the first dawn followed the creation of the first people and their wanderings to seek their homelands. The Morning Star appeared first, signaling that the sun would soon appear: Greatly they [the first men] . . . rejoiced when they saw the Morning Star. It came glittering forth before the face of the sun . . . They wept bitterly as they waved their censers, burning the sacred copal incense before they saw and witnessed the birth of the sun. And when the sun came forth, all the small animals and great animals rejoiced . . . There [on the mountain Hacavitz] it was that the sun, moon, and stars truly appeared. Everything on the face of the earth and beneath the sky had its dawn and became clear. (Christenson 2007:228–230)20 62 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

The black background of the Vase of the Seven Gods, and the possible reference to ‘lying-down sun place’ on the Vase of the Eleven Gods, suggest that the events of 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u took place before the first dawn. The Vase of the Seven Gods is relevant to our discussion of several mythological episodes in the Dresden Codex, which have a number of elements in common with the vase. The scene pictured on the vase (see Figure 3.9) includes an image of the Underworld deity God L on the right, where he is seated on a jaguar throne within a cave. He wears his characteristic owl headdress, which is here named ‘9 sky owl’, and is pictured smoking a cigar. Above him in an area set off by death symbols is a crocodilian beneath an altar. Its tail is connected to its body by a T501 glyph (representing the first day in the tzolk’in, Imix, and also symbolizing ha’ ‘water’).21 In front of the crocodile is a symbol composed of two “death eyes” (disembodied eyeballs), with a crossed-bones element between them. Above is a skyband with glyphs reading ‘star’ (or Venus), ‘cloud’, and ‘water’. Other elements that occur include the crossed-bands glyph (ta ‘in’ or ‘on’ and also an element of the sky glyph) and images of paired circles, which we believe to be representations of T2, one of two glyphs used in the hieroglyphic corpus to represent Venus. To the left of God L are two registers picturing three deities each. Based on the positioning of their arms, they appear to be subservient to God L. Direct correspondences between the deities named in the text and those pictured have proven difficult to establish. The two most easily recognized include the death god in the lower register (at the far right) and Jaguar Paddler in the upper register (again at the far right). Both are associated with a bundle that includes the collocation bolon (‘nine’ or ‘many’) “star over earth.” The latter has been read in a number of different ways, most recently as an expression of conquest (Macri 2010). This interpretation suggests that what has been bundled is ‘nine conquests’,22 referring to the fact that the lords of the Underworld are responsible for containing (and also letting loose) the forces of warfare. Between the skeletal death god and the bundle is another bundled object, this one taller and less wide. What may be feathers or foliation emerges from its top. Another figure that may be identified is the middle deity in the lower register, who Reents-Budet (1994:320) associates with GI of the Palenque Triad. As previously discussed, this deity played an important role in the events associated with 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u; David Stuart (2005:170) has suggested that he may be associated with the predawn sun, which corresponds well with the theme of the vessel. The references to the cave, jaguars, and the crocodilian all indicate that the scene painted on the vase is associated with the earth and its interior. References to Venus, water, and clouds in the skyband also point to this conclusion. The earth’s interior is where Venus is said to reside when not visible in the sky, and there is a large body of mythology from throughout the Maya world and beyond suggesting that water and clouds are born within the earth, in places like caves and cenotes (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934; Thompson 1930, 1970b; Wisdom 1940). They are then carried to the sky Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 63

Figure 3.10. Turtle with three star glyphs, as pictured on the Bonampak mural. Drawing by Mallory Fenn, after Miller (1986:pl. 19).

by specific deities (such as the Yucatec god Chaak) who are responsible for the rains.

Creation of the Present World: Colonial Texts In addition to the mythic episodes relating to the ascent of Itzam Kab Ayin to the sky, the flooding of the earth, and the setting up of the world directional trees, the Books of Chilam Balam and other colonial accounts also allude to the turtle constellation. On page 52 of the Chumayel manuscript, we are told (Knowlton 2010:94–95): Then the central tun [stone], the central night was born When there was no heaven and earth. So he speaks by the grace of the Father by himself, alone At Three Turtle, Three Night back then.23 This is the deity’s first word When there was no heaven and earth.24

Knowlton (2010:94–95) suggests that the textual reference to “three turtle” may be to the hearthstones associated with the turtle constellation in prehispanic Maya mythology. As we have seen, the turtle constellation bearing the hearthstones is pictured on page 71a of the Madrid Codex (see Figure 3.8). Another possibility is that “three turtle” refers to the three stars of Orion’s belt, which were pictured as stars in the well-known scene from the Bonampak murals (Figure 3.10). In either interpretation, the reference in the first line to the central tun suggests that the place mentioned is Alnitak, the leftmost belt star in the turtle constellation and the third of the stones that forms the celestial hearth (see Freidel et al. 1993, 80:fig. 2:14). This is the stone that was set by First Itzamna in the text recorded on Quirigua Stela C. In the Chumayel passage, God the Father is named in place of Itzamna. Another reference to the turtle constellation occurs on page 58 of the Chumayel manuscript (Knowlton 2010:128): She [U Colel Cab] goes to sit at Three Turtle, Three Sky The Turtle of the third sky back then. White cargo25 already sits below at the heart of Sustaining Grace. Thirteen multitudes are the k’atun of Chel which exists in this tun.26 64 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

The protagonist of this narrative, U Kolel Kab [U Colel Cab], or ‘Mistress of the World,’ is linked to another deity who is mentioned in colonial period texts called Ix K’anleox, who was “the consort of the creator deity Itzamna and was the mother of all the other gods” (Cogolludo 2006 [1688]:290). She is also described as the Pawahtun associated with the south and as a patroness of the rains.27 The reference to this figure in the Chumayel manuscript is important in that it associates not only Itzamna or God the Father with the turtle constellation, but it also expresses a link between this constellation and the female creator that is not known from prehispanic sources. It is of interest in this regard that the three belt stars of Orion, corresponding to the prehispanic turtle constellation, are known as las tres Marías ‘the three Marys’ by contemporary Itzaj and Yucatec speakers (Knowlton 2010:131). As Knowlton suggests, this association likely had a prehispanic antecedent.

Resurrection of the Maize God and Birth of Humans As Karl Taube (1992:48) has shown, One Hunahpu from the Popol Vuh is the Maya maize god; his journey to the Underworld signifies his burial within the earth, and his resurrection (discussed below) can be likened to the sprouting of the plant. It is only due to the actions of his sons Hunahpu and Xbalanque, who journey to the Underworld to engage the lords of Xibalba in a struggle for supremacy, that the maize god is able to undergo rebirth. After surviving a number of different trials put to them by the Underworld lords, Hunahpu and Xbalanque (called Hun Ahaw and Yax Balam by the lowland Maya cultures) realize that the only way they will defeat the lords of Xibalba is to sacrifice themselves. They do this by jumping into a fire and asking that their bones be ground (a reference to the grinding of maize) and thrown into the river.28 Five days later, they emerge as fish-men and on the following day appear as poor orphans, wearing rags.29 They put on a series of performances that involve dances as well as sacrificing themselves and returning to life: “And the Xibalbans simply watched them while they did it. Now all of this was merely the groundwork for the defeat of the Xibalbans at their hands” (Christenson 2007:180).30 When the Hero Twins arrive at the homes of the Underworld lords as beggars, they are not recognized. One Death and Seven Death ask to be sacrificed and brought back to life, as they had seen the twins do to each other. In this case, however, the twins perform the sacrifice but do not revive the lords; instead, as is worded in one translation, “Their hearts were now taken from their chests. Both of them had been torn open as punishment for what they had done” (Christenson 2007:185). This, then, brought defeat to Xibalba, and afterward, the Hero Twins visit their father (the head in the tree) to assure him that he will not be forgotten and will be worshipped forever afterward. The Hero Twins then rise into the sky, one as the sun and the other as the moon (Christenson 2007:190–191).31 This sequence of events sets Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 65

36

the stage for the creation of the present race of humans. “The creator grandparents then meet again to consider creating a new race of humans: Their thoughts came forth bright and clear. They discovered and established that which would become the flesh of humanity. This took place just a little before the appearance of the sun, moon, and stars above the heads of the Framer and the Shaper” (Christenson 2007:192). Using the ripe ears of yellow and white maize that came from within the mountains called Paxil and Cayala, Xmucane grinds the kernels nine times and mixes the maize flour with water to create the flesh of the first four humans (Christenson 2007:193– 195). Together, she and Xpiyacoc undertake the creation: “Thus their frame and shape was given expression by our first Mother and our first Father” (Christenson 2007:195). Folktales related by contemporary Maya groups (the Mopán and Q’eqchi’) and collected by Thompson (1970b:349) credit the Mam (the thunder gods who send rain) with cracking open the mountain to retrieve maize. Classic period Maya sources suggest that Chaak (the lowland counterpart of the Mam) opened the mountain containing maize and other sustenance with his lightning axe, called K’awil.32 Although not described in the Popol Vuh, the maize god’s resurrection is represented in various scenes from Classic period contexts, the best known being the “Resurrection Plate” (Figure 3.11; see also http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​ /UPClink36.html), which depicts the maize god emerging from a split in the carapace of a turtle, one of the creatures thought to represent the surface of the earth. This can be interpreted as the maize seed sprouting from the earth; below the turtle is a water lily plant and a ha’ (T501) glyph, signifying the watery region below the earth. The split in the turtle’s carapace calls to mind the name of the mountain within which maize was stored in the Popol Vuh—Paxil, meaning ‘broken’, ‘split’, or ‘cleft’, as previous scholars have discussed (Christenson 2007:193). At each side of the scene are the Hero Twins: Hun Ahaw on the left and Yax Balam on the right, who pours water onto the sprouting maize plant. The reference to Paxil and the name of K’awil at F1 in the vessel’s text suggest that, in addition to portraying the birth or resurrection of the maize god following his sojourn in the Underworld, the scene also refers to the cracking open of the mountain of sustenance by K’awil (the power of lightning) in order to release the maize that was used to create the first humans. A number of pottery vessels depict the maize god’s rebirth. Rather than discussing these in detail as other commentators have done (see, e.g., Carrasco 2010; Martin 2006), we turn instead to the iconographic program at Palenque, which highlights the rebirth of the maize god in the form of a tree. On the Tablet of the Foliated Cross, the central world tree grows from the anthropomorphic earth (Figure 3.12). At the base of the tree is the k’an glyph, which signifies ‘yellow’ but also ‘abundance’. That the tree is intended to represent the maize plant is made clear by the fact that the maize god’s head sprouts from its central branches. At its top is a bird that has been identified as the avian aspect of Itzamna; this figure also appears as the “omen” of K’atun 8 Ahaw on Paris 11 (Figure 3.13). 66 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

Figure 3.11. The rebirth of the maize god from the celestial turtle, as detailed on a Classic period plate. He is being assisted by Hun Ahaw (left) and Yax Balam (right). Drawing by Christine Hernández, after Taube (1993a:77).

The text of the Palenque tablet highlights the accession of the ruler K’an Balam and the birth, several thousand years earlier, of GII of the Palenque Triad, who represents a youthful version of the god K’awil. On the left side of the panel, K’an Balam stands on a personified witz ‘mountain’ glyph, which is labeled glyphically as yax hal witz nal, ‘First Water Maize Mountain’ (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink37.html), suggesting the source of the earth’s bounty and the maize that was used to create humans. He holds an effigy of the god K’awil, through which he acquires the powers of the deity as a god of fertility and lightning. The iconography associated with the Foliated Cross Tablet is reminiscent of the Chilam Balam account of the setting up of the trees following the destructive Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 67

37

Figure 3.12. Tablet from the Temple of the Foliated Cross, Palenque, detailing the maize tree of abundance and the Principal Bird Deity at its summit. Drawing by Merle Greene Robertson; courtesy of the Latin American Library, Tulane University.

flood, as well as the Popol Vuh account concerning the release of maize from Paxil. It can also be linked to a scene on page 53 of the Borgia Codex that is part of an almanac occurring on pages 49b–52b and 53c that highlights renewal rituals associated with world directional trees (Hernández 2004; Seler 1963, II:85–103) (Figure 3.14).33 Page 53 depicts the central tree, here represented in the form of a maize plant born from the chest of the earth goddess Cihuacoatl; in the background is a body of water similar to that represented below the turtle on the Resurrection Plate.34 Two deities, Quetzalcoatl and Macuimalinalli (Five Grass), perform penile sacrifice over the tree, shedding a large quantity of blood onto it. This imagery recalls the giving of blood by each of the deities in Mexican mythology to mix with the maize dough used to form humans. Dawning of the Sun, Moon, and Stars

The creation of the sun and moon in the Popol Vuh follows that of Mexican mythology fairly closely; it involves two deities (the Hero Twins) sacrificing themselves by immolation. They later come back to life, first as fish-men, then as beggars. After their defeat of the lords of Xibalba, they ascend into the sky to become the sun and the moon. Following their ascension, there is a long period of time during which the first people exist before the dawn. The first appearance of the sun is described as follows: 68 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

Figure 3.13. Rituals associated with K’atun 10 Ahaw on P. 11, showing the falcon aspect of Itzamna as the omen for the time period. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

Greatly they rejoiced . . . when they saw the Morning Star. It came glittering before the face of the sun. Then they unwrapped their copal incense, for the sun was to come forth . . . And when the sun came forth, all the small animals and great animals rejoiced . . . The bloodletters and sacrificers were kneeling. They greatly rejoiced . . . However many nations there are today, innumerable people, they all had but one dawn. (Christenson 2007:228– 229)

The sun’s appearance led to the drying of the earth’s surface; meanwhile, the patron gods of the highland Maya (Tohil, Auilix, and Hacavitz) all turned to stone (Christenson 2007:229), which brings to mind the sacrifice of the gods in Mexican mythology so that the sun will follow its course in the sky (see Chapter 2). There is substantial evidence from the Maya codices, as we discuss in subsequent chapters, to suggest that blood must be sacrificed to the sun (from deities and people) to keep it fed Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 69

on its journey, as is likewise related in the Mexican chronicles. The account from the Popol Vuh is one of the few sources of information concerning the Morning Star from colonial times, although Landa mentions a festival held on the 16th of Xul in honor of K’uk’ulkan that was held at Maní.35 This involved a procession “with many comedians” from the house of the chief to the temple of K’uk’ulkan, where banners were displayed, incense was offered, and new fire drilled (Gates 1978:74).36 There the chiefs and those who had fasted stayed for five days and nights, always Figure 3.14. Deities performing autosacrifice at the central world tree on Borgia 53c. burning copal and making their offerings, Drawing by Christine Hernández. without returning to their homes, but continuing in prayers and certain sacred dances. Until the first day of Yaxkin these comedians frequented the principal houses . . . Finally, when the five days were passed, they divided the gifts among the chiefs, priests and dancers, collected the banners and idols, returning them to the house of the chief, and thence each one to his home. They say that Kukulcan descended on the last of those days from heaven and received their sacrifices, penances, and offerings. This festival they called Chicc-kaban. (Gates 1978:74)

A great deal of the mythology of contemporary highland Maya peoples concerns the sun, moon, and the planets (see excellent summary in Milbrath 1999:chap. 2; Thompson 1930, 1970b). Here, we limit ourselves to recounting the Mopán and Q’eqchi’ stories of the courting of the moon by the sun. In the Mopán version, a youth (the future sun) falls in love with a girl named XT’actani, who spends every day weaving outside her hut. The girl’s grandfather keeps them apart, however, so the youth transforms into a hummingbird to attract XT’actani’s attention, darting from flower to flower of a tobacco plant. XT’actani asks her grandfather to shoot the hummingbird with his blowgun; she then takes the stunned bird to her room, where it revives and assumes its human form. Sun and XT’actani decide to flee to the sky in a canoe, but they are caught by one of Chaak’s thunderbolts while they are escaping. In order to save themselves, Sun turns into a turtle and the maiden into a crab; however, she is mortally wounded by the thunderbolt. Sun collects her remains in thirteen jars, which are later opened. Snakes and reptiles are released from the first twelve, but the thirteenth holds XT’actani, who is conducted to the sky by Deer, where she takes on the role of the moon (Thompson 1970b:363–365). 70 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

In one version of the story (Dieseldorff 1926–1933, I:4–5), the sun is called Xbalamque ‘Jaguar Sun’. In another (Gordon 1915:116–117), when the canoe is struck by lightning the girl falls into the sea, her body smashed into many pieces. These are gathered together by a species of small fish, who patch them back together; the fish then make a net of themselves and lift the girl into the sky so that she can be with the sun. Unfortunately, they are unable to reach the sun and instead leave the girl in the sky, where she tries every night to reach her lover. The fish are said to have become the Milky Way (Thompson 1970b:364–365). In the following chapters, we highlight examples of these mythological episodes appearing in the Maya codices. Although some have been long recognized, such as the correspondences between D. 74 and the narratives relating to Itzam Kab Ayin in the Books of Chilam Balam, other connections are newly documented. We suggest, for example, that the Dresden Venus table, in addition to tracking the real-time movements of the planet through the sky, depicts a series of mythological episodes similar to those recorded in later texts such as the Popol Vuh and the Books of Chilam Balam. Each of the astronomical tables, as well as the majority of codical almanacs, we propose, serves the function of tying events from primordial time to the historical present. How this was accomplished forms the subject of Chapters 4 through 10.

Appendix 3.1. Maya Deities and Supernaturals Bakab: According to Landa, the Bakabs were “four brothers placed by God when he created the world at its four corners to sustain the heavens lest they fall. They also say that these Bacabs [Bakabs] escaped when the world was destroyed by deluge” (Gates 1978:60). They play an important role in the Maya yearbearer ceremonies (discussed in Chapter 4) and in the events of K’atun 11 Ahaw in the Books of Chilam Balam. Following the flood, we are told, “Four stand as gods, four as Bacabs. They caused their [the coreless people’s] destruction. And then when the destruction of the world was finished, they settled this [land]” (Knowlton 2010:65; translation of page 43 of the Chumayel manuscript). The word bakab can be translated as “first in the world” (from bah ‘first’ and kab ‘world’; Montgomery 2002:41). The term is commonly used as a title by rulers and occasionally by their wives during the Classic period, but it is only found on one occasion in the Maya codices—in the caption to the picture on D. 74 (see discussion in Chapter 5). As Karl Taube (1989b; 1992:92) has demonstrated, Bakab is one of the epithets used in reference to the Pawahtuns (see below). In this respect, it is of interest that Landa (Gates 1978:61) describes the Pawahtuns and Xib Chaaks as aspects of the Bakabs, each associated with the yearbearer ceremonies. Bolon Ti’ K’uh: The Bolon Ti’ K’uh (Nine As God) are key players in the cosmogonic myths associated with K’atun 13 Ahaw and K’atun 11 Ahaw in the Books of Chilam Balam. Like many Maya deities, they exist both in singular form and as a multitude. Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 71

A1

A2

Our analysis suggests that they may be identified as Underworld/Venus deities (see Chapter 10). They are linked to the decapitation of Itzam Kab Ayin and the forming of the earth from its body and also to an episode in which they best Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh by wounding his head, putting out his eyes, and removing his “archangel.”37 Bolon Tz’akab: In the Books of Chilam Balam, the deity Bolon Tz’akab [Bolon Dzacab] plays an important role in events associated with K’atun 11 Ahaw.38 Shortly after the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh have been wounded, Bolon Tz’akab is said to have taken the seed corn and gone to the “thirteenth plane of the sky” (Knowlton 2010:61). This incident led to the collapse of society (that of the wooden people), who were unable to live without their hearts “and so were submerged by waves of sand and waves of sea” (from page 43 of the Chumayel manuscript; translation by Knowlton 2010:61). In a later episode, Bolon Tz’akab descends from the sky (presumably with the seed corn) for his rebirth ceremony (Knowlton 2010:76). There is good evidence to suggest that the deity referred to as Bolon Tz’akab in colonial period sources (by Diego de Landa, as well as the Books of Chilam Balam) refers to the deity K’awil in Classic and Postclassic contexts (Seler 1902– 1923, I:377; Taube 1992:73; Thompson 1970b:227). K’awil is shown with a forehead torch and serpent foot on a number of painted capstones from the northern Maya area, holding a bundle overflowing with maize and other seeds, which Knowlton (2010:62) and other scholars interpret in light of the Chilam Balam narrative. Another deity who may correspond to Bolon Tz’akab in the Maya codices is the maize god Nal (see Chapter 8).39 Bolon Yokte’ (K’uh): This deity, named on occasion in both prehispanic and colonial period sources, remains poorly understood. His name has been interpreted to mean “He of nine [or many] strides” (Thompson 1970b:320), although perhaps a better interpretation is “Nine [or many] footsteps of the tree [or wooden god].” Footsteps in association with trees can be found on the Dresden yearbearer pages (see Chapter 4 and http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA1.html); this phrase also calls to mind the contemporary Mam deity, whose body is formed from the wood of a tz’ite’ ‘coral tree’ (Christenson 2001:180). There is some evidence to suggest that Bolon Yokte’ may correspond to God L in the Maya tradition (who has associations with the Mams), based on the fact that this deity is wearing a loincloth marked with nine footprints on a carved pier from Palenque (Gillespie and Joyce 1998; Grofe 2009; see Figure 4.11). Cabracan: One of the sons of Seven Macaw in the Popol Vuh, Cabracan’s name means ‘earthquake’ (Christenson 2007:96n169). He and his brother Zipacna play complementary roles—Zipacna creates the mountains, and Cabracan destroys them.40 The two brothers are defeated by the Hero Twins at the request of Heart of Sky, or Huracan. Cabracan is given a bird that is coated in quicklime to eat, which weakens him enough so that the Hero Twins can bind his wrists and ankles and then hurl him into the earth, where he is buried (Christenson 2007:106–111).41 72 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

Chaak: As the god of rain, Chaak is associated with both the interior of the earth (the realm where the waters are created) and the sky. He is frequently depicted in the codices holding his lightning axe aloft (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/ UPClinkA2.html), suggesting his powers over the seeds and their germination, as well as the rains. He and Chak Chel played an important role in the acts leading to the creation of the present world and its inhabitants (see Chapter 5). According to Landa’s account, Chaak was one of the deities worshipped—as an aspect of the Bakabs—during the yearbearer ceremonies. In the codices, he represents one of the primordial deities who paced off the limits of the inhabited world; he is also frequently shown pronouncing the prophecies for the coming year (or another time period). Chak Chel: Chak Chel has a number of correspondences to the creator grandmother (Xmucane) in the Popol Vuh. Xmucane and her male counterpart (Xpiyacoc in the Popol Vuh, and Itzamna in the codices) were responsible for the different attempts to create beings capable of worshipping and sustaining the deities. The first three attempts were unsuccessful (the animals, the people of mud/clay, and the wooden people), and it became necessary to destroy the wooden people so a fourth attempt could be made. The destruction of the wooden people was accomplished by a fierce storm coupled with a flood, along with an attack by the utensils and animals.42 The descendants of these wooden people are the spider monkeys who live in the forests today.43 Following the destruction of the previous world, the deities determined to make people from maize, which was released from its underground cache by the rain and thunder deities (Chaak, Mam, or K’awil, depending on the variant of the story). Xmucane ground the maize kernels nine times and mixed it with water to form the first four men. References to the creation of humans may be seen in the murals from Structure 16 at Tulum (see Figure 4.16) and in the central panel on pages 75–76 of the Madrid Codex (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA3 .html and Chapter 4). Chak Chel is shown as a rain bringer in the Maya codices, where she is associated with both the life-giving rains and with storms and floodwaters. She is commonly paired with Chaak in this role and also occasionally with God L. Her role as a creator deity is also expressed by her associations with weaving; according to beliefs prevalent among contemporary highland Maya cultures, the world was woven into existence by a grandmother figure (Christenson 2001:95). In addition, she is the patron of medicine and of childbirth. GI: The first-born of the Palenque Triad gods (see below), GI was associated with the watery Underworld and with rebirth from the primordial sea. He wears what Stuart (2005:165–166) describes as a “k’in bowl helmet,” suggesting important solar connections; GI also has other associations with the solar deity K’inich Ahaw. Stuart (2005:170) has proposed that GI is the watery aspect of the sun before its emergence from the Underworld (i.e., a proto-sun that existed before Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 73

A3

A4

A5

the ordering of the world and the appearance of K’inich Ahaw). His aquatic associations suggest that he may also be related to Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl (see discussion in Chapter 2). GI is described as overseeing events associated with creation on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u; he was also involved in the decapitation of the Starry Deer Crocodile in primordial time. His birth date, which falls on the tzolk’in day 9 Ik’, suggests an association with the Mexican god Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl (Stuart 2005:164, 168).44 This fact and his role in sacrificing the Starry Deer Crocodile indicate that he may have associations with Venus. GII: The last born of the Palenque Triad gods, GII is named as Unen K’awil, the baby K’awil. As such, he has associations with agricultural fertility and with the power of lightning (Stuart and Stuart 2008:190). The Calendar Round date associated with his birth, 1.18.5.4.0 1 Ahaw 13 Mak (Stuart 2005:158), matches the starting date, several millennia later, of the Dresden Venus table. It may be significant in this regard that K’awil is one of the deities associated with the heliacal rise of Venus on 1 Ahaw 13 Mak in the table. (For further details, see Palenque Triad.) GIII: The second born of the Palenque Triad, GIII is a solar god associated with warfare. The temple that housed this deity at Palenque, the Temple of the Sun, emphasizes Underworld themes (Stuart and Stuart 2008:190). (See Palenque Triad in this appendix for further details.) God L: In Classic period contexts, God L is the paramount lord of the Under­ world. He hoards its riches (such as maize and cacao) but is eventually bested by various deities, including the Hero Twins, the maize god, and the moon goddess (sometimes in her form as a rabbit). He is characteristically depicted with black body paint and an owl (or owl feather) headdress; he is also frequently shown smoking a cigar and may have jaguar characteristics. One of his primary roles appears to be that of a merchant deity, as suggested by the pack that he carries on his back (Martin 2006; Martin and Miller 2004). John Carlson (2007:11) associates God L with “Elder Brother” in contemporary Maya folktales and K’awil with “Younger Brother.” Elder Brother is commonly associated with Venus; this relationship may also be found in the codices, where God L plays the role of a Venus warrior deity on several occasions (see Chapters 7 and 10; http:// hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA4.html). We present evidence in Chapter 10 to suggest that God L can be associated with the group of deities known as Pawahtun, Bakab, and Mam and that he serves as a prehispanic counterpart to the colonial deities called the Bolon Ti’ K’uh. God M: God M appears to derive from the Mexican deity Yacatecuhtli, a black merchant god with a long Pinocchio-like nose (Taube 1992:90). He is only represented on one occasion in the Dresden Codex, but he appears much more frequently in the Madrid Codex (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org​ /Documentation/UPClinkA5.html). In addition to his role as a merchant god, 74 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

God M is also associated with warfare, hunting, and the taking of captives. It has been suggested that he was the patron of a group of warrior-traders like the Aztec pochteca (see Bill 1997). Several lines of evidence suggest that Gods L and M were closely related and possibly even different aspects of the same underlying deity (see discussion in Chapter 10 and Bill 1997; Closs 1979; Pickands 1980). In this respect, it is of interest that they both appear in the almanacs on M. 79a–84a, where they are characterized by a scorpion tail and, in several of the almanacs, with the capture of prisoners. Previous scholars have suggested that the scorpion tail may serve to name them as the deity Ek’ Chuwah (Black Stinger) in this particular context (see Carlson 1993). Landa describes Ek’ Chuwah as being an important deity for travelers and the patron deity for owners of cacao plantations (Gates 1978:46, 79). Alternatively, the scorpion tail may instead name the deities wearing it as sina’an ek’ ‘scorpion star’, a reference to the scorpion constellation (Lamb 1981:244; Milbrath 1999:264) and a possible epithet for Venus in its Evening Star aspect (Carlson 1993). God M also plays a role in rituals such as the drilling of new fire and ceremonies taking place at the temple that may have yearbearer associations. In three cognate almanacs from the Madrid Codex, he is shown being speared by the Underworld deity Kisin (see Bill 1997 and Chapter 7). We have as yet been unable to find any references to this episode in contemporary or colonial period narratives. God Z: The Madrid Codex variant of God L (Taube 1988; see http://hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClinkA6.html). Heart of Sky: Also called Huracan, he is one of the primordial deities associated with creation in the Popol Vuh. Christenson (2001:69n56) notes that, although he is responsible for directing events, other characters in the story (most commonly the creator couple and the Hero Twins) carry out his directives. Heart of Sky is also named in the Books of Chilam Balam. Following the first dawn, Bolon Tz’akab is said to descend from the sky for his rebirth ceremony, when “he came before Heart of Sky” (Knowlton 2010:76; translated from Chumayel manuscript, page 45). His descent is associated with the descent of the rains, the Chaaks, and the flowers.45 Hero Twins: In the Popol Vuh, the Hero Twins are conceived as the result of a miraculous incident in which their father, the maize god (who has been sacrificed and had his head hung from a calabash tree), impregnates an Underworld maiden who has come to speak with him; the impregnation occurs through the transfer of his spittle to the maiden.46 They grow up in the house of their grandmother Xmucane, where they are ill treated and have to learn to fend for themselves. As a result, they become excellent hunters and are recruited by Heart of Sky to rid the world of monsters (including Cabracan, Seven Macaw, and Zipacna). After they discover their father’s ballgame equipment and begin playing, they are summoned to the Underworld to battle the lords of Xibalba. There they undergo many trials and eventually sacrifice themselves so that they can be reborn Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 75

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and return to defeat the Underworld lords (see Chapter 3 text for a more detailed discussion). After this has been accomplished, they aid in the resurrection of their father. Although this incident is not related in the Popol Vuh, it is depicted on a number of carved and painted scenes from Classic period contexts (Carrasco 2010; Martin 2006; Taube 1993a:66–67). Hun Hunahpu: The son of the creator grandparents, Hun Hunahpu is one of two brothers who are best known for their role as ballplayers and their summons to the Underworld, where they are defeated by the lords of Xibalba. Both of the brothers are sacrificed, and Hun Hunahpu’s head is placed in a tree, which miraculously bears fruit. When he is visited by an Underworld maiden, he impregnates her by giving her his spittle. Karl Taube (1985; 1992:48) has shown that Hun Hunahpu corresponds to the maize god in prehispanic Maya iconography and texts. Hunahpu (Hun Ahaw): The older of the Hero Twins, Hunahpu plays only a minor role in the Maya codices, most commonly in scenes showing his decapitation. In the Popol Vuh, Hunahpu is decapitated in the House of Bats (although his head is later restored), and he and his brother Xbalanque (Yax Balam) take turns sacrificing each other after their rebirth as a means of tricking the Underworld lords into letting themselves be sacrificed. Following this, he and Xbalanque are said to rise into the sky as the sun and the moon (Christenson 2007:191). Hun Ahaw, the codical version of Hunahpu, also appears on the last page of the Venus table, where he is paired with his father, the maize god (see Chapter 7 and http:// hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA7.html). Huracan: Also known as Heart of Sky, Huracan (One Leg) is one of the primordial deities in the Popol Vuh who, together with Sovereign and Quetzal Serpent, is responsible for creating “light and life” (Christenson 2007:70). Huracan has three different aspects: Thunderbolt Huracan, Youngest Thunderbolt, and Sudden Thunderbolt. The three together epitomize celestial power, which is symbolized by the three aspects of the thunderbolt. Because thunderstorms incorporate both water (rain) and fire (lightning), they are seen as crucial to life. Lightning, moreover, is believed to play a crucial role in fertilizing the earth and ensuring the success of the crops (Christenson 2001:71, n. 65). Itzam Kab Ayin: In the Books of Chilam Balam, Itzam Kab Ayin is born during K’atun 13 Ahaw, following the “dawning” of the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh. An analysis of his name suggests that he is the earth crocodilian aspect of the creator deity Itzamna.47 During K’atun 13 Ahaw, Itzam Kab Ayin ascends to the sky in order to bring down a flood, but he is forestalled by the Bolon Ti’ K’uh and his throat is cut. His body then forms the surface of the world (the peten), which is painted with his blood. A similar mythological episode is related in a Classic period narrative from Temple XIX at Palenque and on page 74 of the Dresden Codex. A variant of Itzam Kab Ayin, called the “Starry Deer Crocodile,” appears in Classic period contexts, its body forming both the surface of the earth and the upper rim of the Underworld. This creature may have two heads or a head and 76 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

rear orifice, out of which the sun is born each morning, and the moon, stars, and planets arise at night (Stuart 2005:168). Itzamna: Itzamna is the male creator deity; his female aspect is Chak Chel. The two are pictured together in the central frame of the almanac on M. 75–76, seated beneath an altar or stylized version of the world tree (see http://hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA8.html). There, they are associated with imagery suggesting that they are responsible for setting time in motion and for creating the first humans (Vail and Hernández 2006). On the Dresden yearbearer pages, the trees associated with each of the four world quarters are described as “Itzamna trees.”48 We believe that this is an alternate name for the trees set up at the start of the present world in the Books of Chilam Balam, which are referred to as “Imix trees” (Knowlton 2010:65). Imix is the first day of the Maya calendar, corresponding to the day Cipactli ‘crocodile’ in the Mexican system. One of Itzamna’s aspects, Itzam Kab Ayin, is the earth crocodilian. These correspondences suggest a connection between Imix, Cipactli, and Itzamna. Itzamna’s association with the world trees is evident in a number of other contexts. According to the Chilam Balam of Chumayel, as each tree was erected, a particular type of bird (called a pitz’oy) perched on it. Although there are no birds depicted in the Dresden scenes, in other contexts world trees are associated with a being known as the “Principal Bird Deity.” This creature has been identified as a falcon aspect of Itzamna (see Figure 3.12). It represents one of several different types of birds that are pictured as omens (the word mut means both ‘bird’ and ‘omen’) on the Paris k’atun pages (see Figure 3.13). As the male aspect of the creator, Itzamna takes on many different manifestations. In his human form, he can be likened to Xpiyacoc in the Popol Vuh, who is grandfather to the Hero Twins and father to the maize god. In addition, he assumes the role of the earth crocodilian and the great falcon, and he is associated with the turtle constellation in the sky. Jaguar: That the jaguar was an aspect of the sun is suggested by several lines of evidence. One of these involves an analysis of the derivation of the Hero Twin Xbalanque’s name as ‘Jaguar Sun’ (from Q’eqchi’ xbalam ‘jaguar’ qu’e ‘sun’; D. Tedlock [1996:239, n. 77]). In addition, the sun god wears a jaguar headdress in several contexts, including a Late Postclassic mural from the Caribbean coastal site of Xelhá (Taube 2010:162, fig. 13a). Although the daytime sun can appear with jaguar features, jaguars are more commonly associated with the nighttime sun and the Underworld (among many Meso­ american cultures, jaguars symbolize caves and the earth’s interior). A particular aspect of this concept is the Classic period Jaguar God of the Underworld; in the Postclassic period, Xbalanque / Yax Balam appears to take on this role. The jaguar as an aspect of the sun may be seen in the Dresden yearbearer almanac (see Chapter 4 and http://hieroglyphic​research.org/Documentation/UPClinkA9​.html) and in the Dresden Venus table (see Chapter 7 and http://hieroglyphic​research.org /Documentation/UPClinkA10.html). Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 77

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Jaguar Paddler: See Paddler gods. Kam: This deity may represent an aspect of the death god Kimil, as the two

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substitute for each other in the Dresden yearbearer almanac. His name glyph is prefixed by either the male agentive particle ah or kan, meaning ‘four’, ‘serpent’, or ‘sky’. In Classic period contexts, his name has been read as Akan, a deity associated with alcoholic beverages and drunkenness.49 We interpret his name as ah kam ‘dead one’ or kan kam ‘Four Death’.50 His most prominent attributes include an ak’bal ‘darkness’ infix on his cranium, a death symbol (“percentage sign”) on his cheek, and a long bone in his headdress. This deity plays a minor role in the codices, although he is one of the twenty deities named as feeding or arming Venus in the Dresden Venus table. In both that context and in the yearbearer almanac, he is associated with black and the western quadrant (see http://hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA11.html). His counterpart in Landa’s Relación is called Wak Mitun Ahaw ‘Six Underworld Lord’; according to Thompson (1970b:321), this is likely a misspelling of Chak Mitan Ahaw, ‘Great Underworld Lord’. Kimil: In the Maya codices, Kimil serves as the lord of the Underworld (in place of God L during the Classic period). He and the creator Itzamna are frequently paired to show the opposition between the Underworld and Upperworld realms (see http:// hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA12.html). Kimil has a female aspect who appears in certain almanacs, particularly those that show the death god engaged in activities that are commonly associated with women in Maya culture (sewing, weaving, food preparation). In these examples, Kimil’s female half is paired with Itzamna’s female aspect (Chak Chel). There are two deities in the Popol Vuh (Hun Kame and Wuk Kame, One and Seven Death) who serve as counterparts to the codical Kimil. Kimil is frequently pictured with (or merging into) Kisin, the punisher god of the Underworld, in the Maya codices. One of the constellations depicted on pages 23–24 of the Paris Codex is a skeleton that resembles Kimil (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​ /UPClinkA13.html). H. Bricker and V. Bricker (1992:172) associate this constellation with the stars in the region of the Western constellation Pisces. Kisin: Among the Lacandón Maya, Kisin is the punisher god of the Underworld; souls are sent to him to be punished for a person’s misdeeds in life. He brandishes a hot iron, using it in combination with freezing water to torture the soul (McGee 1990:64). Examples of Kisin playing a similar role appear on pages 84c–87c of the Madrid Codex (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA14.html). The banded markings on Kisin in these scenes are similar to those characterizing Itzlacoliuhqui-Ixquimilli in the Mexican manuscripts and the deity Kakatunal in the Dresden Venus table (see Chapter 7). Taube (1992:110), following Seler (1902–1923:261–262), identifies these markings as the patterning that 78 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

occurs on certain types of stones, such as chert and flint, and suggests that this feature may relate to the deity’s role as a god associated with sacrifice and punishment. Stoning was a common form of punishment for adultery among the Aztec and the Yucatec Maya (Seler 1902–1923:262; Tozzer 1941:124). K’awil: K’awil, whose name means ‘abundance of food’, is the god of sustenance and the generative powers of lightning (in this latter role, he is frequently associated with Chaak). Carlson (2007:11) identifies him with Younger Brother among the Tzotzil Maya, the deity called Chauk or Anhel, who is the thunderbolt. During primordial time, K’awil (Thunderbolt) plays an important role in releasing the agricultural bounty being hoarded in the Underworld and making it available upon the earth (Martin 2006; Miller and Taube 1993:106). He and Elder Brother (God L) are frequently depicted together in Classic period vessel scenes (Carlson 2007:11). K’awil may also correspond to the deity Bolon Tz’akab from the Books of Chilam Balam, whose actions resulted in the flood that destroyed the previous creation (that of the wooden people). In his rebirth ceremony, Bolon Tz’akab may represent the maize or the maize god (see Chapter 8). In this regard, it is of interest that one of the definitions for k’awil [k’auil] in the Cordemex Dictionary is “dios del maíz” (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980:387). In the Dresden Codex, K’awil plays an important role in the yearbearer almanac and the Venus table (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA15​ .html). K’in Ahaw: K’in Ahaw represents the daytime sun. There is some evidence to suggest that he, like the Aztec sun god, fed on the blood of human victims obtained through bloodletting rituals or the sacrifice of prisoners. Much of the imagery associated with this deity in the codices emphasizes his role as a warrior figure (see http:// hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA16.html). He corresponds to Younger Brother in contemporary folktales from the southern Maya region, whereas Older Brother represents the Morning Star aspect of Venus (Thompson 1930:60–63, 120–125; 1970b:355–356). Mam: In the Maya codices, Mam is one of the deities named on the yearbearer pages. As Karl Taube (1989b) has shown, Mam is an epithet for the group of deities known as Pawahtuns. From the Spanish chroniclers, we learn that the Mam presided over the Wayeb ceremonies, or u lobol k’in, the evil days at the end of the year. The Mam is described as a wooden idol, which had associations with death and other dangerous portents (Cogolludo 1957 [1688], IV.8:197). Among contemporary Maya cultures, the term Mam is used to refer to an aged god of thunder, who contrasts with a younger group of deities that are associated with lightning; the Mam are also linked with the gods of rain and wind (Thompson 1930:57–62). Like the Chaaks and the Pawahtuns, they are quadripartite (associated with each of the four world directions) and are said to live in the mountains and the Underworld. They are thought of as malevolent, in contrast with the Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 79

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younger benevolent rain gods. At times other than Wayeb, the Mam is said to be contained in the Underworld, bound in cords; the sound of thunder is believed to be his attempt to escape from his bonds (Taube 1989b:357).51 Like the wooden people from the Popol Vuh, the Mam of the Tz’utujil Maya is made of wood from the tz’ite’, and like them he lacks a heart and understanding. Although feared, he plays a necessary role in world renewal ceremonies, representing “the power inherent in death and sacrifice to transform and renew” (Christenson 2001:179). In the Dresden yearbearer almanac, the Mam are portrayed as opossum actors and performers; Chaak and God L are also seen to take on the characteristics of the Mam in certain contexts (see Chapter 4). Moon goddess: Although commonly seen in Classic period contexts, the young moon goddess is only pictured once in the Maya codices—in the Dresden Venus table, where she is named Na’ Uh Ahaw, ‘Lady Moon Lord,’ or Na’ Uh Ah Po, ‘Lady Moon, Moon Person’ (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA17.html). There is evidence from the Popol Vuh to suggest that the Hero Twins’ mother can be associated with the moon (D. Tedlock 1996:104). For Maya cultures, there is a strong link between the moon, bodies of water, and maize agriculture. In contemporary folktales, the moon goddess is the wife of the sun, who plucked out one of her eyes so that her light would be dimmer than his and not disturb those who were sleeping on earth (Thompson 1967:35). The moon goddess’ companion is the rabbit; in some instances, she takes on its form (Milbrath 1999:32; Thompson 1970b:362). Nal: In the Maya codices, the maize god Nal is a personification of the maize plant and/or of the maize crop. Although usually pictured in his living state, the maize god may also be shown painted yellow, often with closed eyes, indicating the dry and desiccated plant.52 Moreover, the sacrifice of the maize god is shown on several occasions (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA18.html), representing, in some instances at least, the harvest of the maize crop. It can also refer to the death of the maize god (Hun Hunahpu in the Popol Vuh) at the hands of the Underworld lords. One of the most common episodes featuring the maize god in Classic period pottery scenes is his resurrection, which serves as a metaphor for agricultural fertility and the rebirth of deceased ancestors through their children and grandchildren. Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh: The Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh are featured in the Books of Chilam Balam in relation to the Bolon Ti’ K’uh (see previous discussion in this appendix). They can be equated with various deities who are known among the contemporary Maya as Younger Brother, including Thunderbolt (K’awil or Anhel) and the sun god. The Books of Chilam Balam make it clear that the Bolon Ti’ K’uh are older than the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh: “Then the dawn of Oxlahun Ku came because of Bolon Ti Ku” (Tizimín manuscript, p. 14v; translation by Knowlton 2010:73). We interpret this passage as providing support for the identification of the Bolon Ti’ K’uh with Venus gods and the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh with solar deities, since the 80 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

sun’s ascent to the sky is said to have happened because of Venus. Paddler gods: “Jaguar Paddler” and his counterpart “Stingray Paddler” play an important role in creation events. They are named on Quirigua Stela C as setting the first of the stones in the celestial hearth, called the Jaguar Throne Stone, at Nah Ho’ Chan (First Five Sky, or Five Sky House). In addition, they are pictured in several scenes associated with the maize god’s resurrection. The hieroglyphic names of these deities remain to be deciphered. Ak’bal (night, darkness) and k’in ‘sun’ or ‘day’ glyphs occasionally substitute for their portraits, suggesting the likelihood that they had celestial associations. Palenque Triad: Patron deities of Palenque, the Triad gods are described as “arriving at Matwiil” (a watery Underworld location associated with Palenque) in 2360 B.C. The three of them are the children, in some sense, of a progenitor deity who can be associated with the maize god. They were each honored with their own temple, which included a sanctuary where their images were housed: the Temple of the Cross was associated with GI, the Temple of the Foliated Cross with GII, and the Temple of the Sun with GIII (Stuart and Stuart 2008:189–211). Pawah Ayin: The crocodilian (or earth) aspect of Pawahtun, Pawah Ayin is represented in the Dresden Venus table (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/ Documentation/UPClinkA19.html). It is likely that Pawah Ayin and Itzam Kab Ayin were different names for the same creature.53 Pawah Mak: The Pawahtuns are frequently pictured as turtles or emerging from turtle shells (http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA20.html). The glyphic spelling pawah-mak represents this aspect of the deity (mak means ‘to cover’). Pawah-Ooch: The opossum aspect of the Pawahtun deities, this figure is also commonly referred to as Mam, or ‘grandfather’ (see discussion of the Dresden yearbearer almanac in Chapter 4). Opossums play an important role in the Popol Vuh, representing one of the aspects of the creator grandfather (called Hunahpu Opossum). In this form, he is associated with the darkness just before dawn and with the first rising of the sun. An example of this deity (labeled with the Yucatec designation Pawah-ooch) appears on page 7a of the Dresden Codex, in the form of God L (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA21.html). Other examples naming Pawah-ooch, which appear on several occasions in the Madrid Codex, are explicitly in the form of an opossum (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClinkA22.html). The Dresden opossum figures are dressed in the guise of performers (see http:// hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA23.html). This costuming fits well with the Mam’s associations with dance, drink, and music (Taube 1989b). Pawahtun: In his description of the Yucatec yearbearer rituals, Landa associates the Pawahtuns with the Bakabs. Among the contemporary Yucatec Maya, the Pawahtuns are linked with the Chaaks and may be identified as gods of the Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 81

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winds.54 According to Karl Taube’s (1989b) analysis, the Pawahtuns, Bakabs, and Mams all seem to have been different aspects of the same underlying deity. In Classic period contexts, the Pawahtuns are frequently shown as skybearers (Bakabs); they are also often pictured wearing or emerging from several different types of shells (snail or conch shells or a turtle carapace). This may be representative of their connections with the earth (the Mams in particular are earth deities) or with the thunder (the sound made by beating on a turtle shell drum). In the Maya codices, the glyph phonetically spelling Pawahtun is most commonly associated with the deity labeled God N in Schellhas’s classification system (see http:// hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA24.html), although other deities (including God P and possibly God L) are named at times as Pawahtuns. Seven Macaw: During the era of the wooden people in the Popol Vuh, Seven Macaw declared himself to be the sun: “Now Seven Macaw was not truly the sun, but he puffed himself up in this way because of his plumage and his gold and silver” (Christenson 2007:93). Because of his false pride, he was defeated by the Hero Twins with the help of the creator grandparents, which they accomplished by taking out his teeth and plucking the precious metal from his eyes; once he lost his wealth, he was no longer prideful, and this led to his defeat.55 Starry Deer Crocodile: The counterpart of Itzam Kab Ayin, the Starry Deer Croc­ odile is a prominent symbol in Classic period art. Stuart (2005:168) links this creature to the Underworld or night sky. Its front end is generally characterized by symbols of Venus, whereas the “k’in bowl motif,” symbolizing the rising sun of the east, is found on the back end of the creature. Liquids spill from its inverted form, including symbols of water and blood that sustain the cosmos. Stuart suggests that the sun was swallowed by the crocodile during its nightly course beneath the earth and reborn (defecated) each morning. Stingray Paddler: See Paddler gods. Three Born-Together Gods: At Palenque, the phrase ux lut k’uh refers to the three gods of the Palenque Triad (called GI, GII, and GIII). Other Classic period cities have their own patron deities, often recognized as three brothers. This phrase also occurs on the Vase of the Seven Gods and in the preface to the water tables in the Dresden Codex, in both cases in the context of creation events associated with 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u. In these examples, we believe the referent may be to Heart of Sky, the three Huracans of the Popol Vuh: Thunderbolt Huracan, Youngest Thunderbolt, and Sudden Thunderbolt. They play an important role in the narrative as creator deities. Tohil: Tohil was the paramount deity of the Postclassic highland Maya kingdoms, having associations with fertility, rain, and sacrifice (Christenson 2001:169–170). This figure may be compared in certain respects to the Mexican god Quetzalcoatl, especially in the role played by both as culture heroes (D. Tedlock 1996:162). During the prehispanic period, Tohil was honored at a festival just prior to the maize harvest in 82 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

November, when all of the highland lineages met at the K’iche’ capital. This ritual was associated with the start of the new solar calendar and had the renewal of the world as its primary purpose. A contemporary festival is held at the same point in the solar year in honor of Martín, a deity of syncretistic origin who appears to share a number of associations with Tohil (see Christenson 2001:169–170). Turtle: For the Classic period Maya, the earth was conceptualized as a giant turtle, floating on the primordial sea. Being within the earth is represented visually at times as being inside the turtle’s body; linguistically, this idea is expressed by the term for cave: aaktun, which literally means ‘turtle stone’. This is the place from which the resurrected maize god emerged. A celestial turtle, corresponding to the belt stars of Orion, was also extremely important to the prehispanic Maya. This constellation overlapped with the celestial hearth (see discussion in Chapter 9 and http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​ /UPClinkA25.html). In certain contexts, the maize god’s resurrection appears to have taken place from the three-stone hearth in the sky. Xbalanque (Yax Balam): The younger of the two Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh, Xbalanque’s name means ‘Young Hidden/Jaguar Sun’ (Christenson 2007:​95n164). Before their adventures in the Underworld, the Hero Twins were renowned as hunters. This is one of the roles played by Yax Balam (First Jaguar) in the Maya codices. As the jaguar aspect of the sun god, Xbalanque most likely represents the sun at night, when it is in the Underworld (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClinkA26.html). Zipacna: In the Popol Vuh, Zipacna represents one of a pair of brothers who can be characterized as earth monsters. He is responsible for building up the mountains, while his brother Cabracan tears them down. Zipacna’s name appears to be derived from the Nahuatl Cipactli ‘crocodile’. He and his brother are defeated by the Hero Twins in their effort to make the world safe for human habitation. Zipacna is tricked into entering a cave on his back, at which point he is swallowed up by the earth. The mountain settles on his chest, and Zipacna is turned to stone (Christenson 2007:95– 96n168, 105–107).

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Appendix 3.2. Chilam Balam Texts from K’atuns 13 Ahaw and 11 Ahaw K’atun 13 Ahaw

Ca tali uy ahal cab ti oxlahun ku tumen bolon ti ku Then the dawn of Oxlahun Ku came because of Bolon Ti Ku Ti ca sihi ch’abi When he was born, engendered. Ca sihi Ytzam Cab Ain Then Itzam Cab Ain was born A26

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Xoteb u kin balcah That he may signal the day for the whole world. Ca haulahi caan Then the sky was turned face up Ca nocpahi peten Then the land was turned face down Ca ix hop’i u hum oxlahun ti ku And then Oxlahun Ti Ku’s din began. Ca uchi noh haicabil Then the great destruction of the world arrived. Ca liki noh Ytzam Cab Ain Then great Ytzam Cab Ain ascended Dzocebal u than u uudz katun lai hun ye ciil That this deluge may complete the word of the katun series, Bin dzocecebal u than katun That the word of the katun might be complete. Ma ix y oltah bolon ti ku i But Bolon Ti Ku did not desire it Ca ix xoti u cal Ytzam Cab Ain And then Ytzam Cab Ain’s throat was cut. Ca u ch’aah u petenil u pach So he sprinkled the island, its back Lai ah uoh puc u kabae This is its name: Calligrapher Hill. Ma ix u toh pultah u kaba tiob Neither did he really confess to them its name. Ti kaxan tun u uich ualac y ahaulil lae He had bound the eyes then of this current reign. (Tizimín manuscript 14v.16–25; translation by Knowlton 2010:73)

K’atun 11 Ahaw

Ti peten On the Peten Ychil buluc ahau During the katun Eleven Ahau Tij ca hoki ah mu[s]en cab When the Ah Musen Cab emerged Kaxic u uichob oxlahun ti ku Oxlahun Ti Ku blindfolds them.

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Ma yx y oheltahobi v kaba halili v cic y v mehenobe Neither his older sister nor his children knew his name any longer. Y alahob t i They spoke to him Ma ix chacanhij v uich ti ob xan But his face was not revealed to them either. Tuchi yx ca dzoci vy ahalcabe So when it finished dawning Ma yx y oheltahob binil vlebal They knew not that it would come to pass, Ca ix chuci oxlahun ti ku tumenel bolon ti Ku That Oxlahun ti Ku was caught by Bolon Ti Ku. Ca emi kak When fire descended Ca emi tab When tumplines descended56 Ca emi tunich y che When stone and wood descended Ca tali v baxal che y tunich When his stick and stone came Ca ix chuci oxlahun ti ku Then Oxlahun Ti Ku was caught y ca ix paxi u pol And then his head was wounded. Ca ix lahi v uich Then they put out his eyes. Ca ix tubabi Then he was spat upon. Ca ix cuchpachhi xan Then he was knocked down flat, too Ca ix colabi v cangel y v holsabac57 Then his archangel was tugged and shall be removed. (Chumayel manuscript 42.22–43.3; translation by Knowlton 2010:55–57)

Ca ch’abi yx kukil yx yaxun Then Lady Quetzal, Lady Lovely Cotinga was engendered. y ca ch’abi ybnel [p’]uyem viil And then a bundle of shelled edible beans was engendered. y v pucsikal [p’]uyem sicil And her heart was shelled piepan squash seeds

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y [p’]uyem top And shelled round squash seeds y [p’]uyem buul And shelled black beans. Y tep’ah ynah yax bolon dzacab Yax Bolon Dzacab wrapped the seed corn Ca bini t uy oxlahun tas caan Then went to the thirteenth plane of the sky. Ca yx tun culhij u madzil So then the maize husk resided there y v ni v baclili vay y okol cabe And only the tip of the corncob was here on the surface of the earth. Ca tun bin u pucsikal t u menel oxlahun ti ku So then her heart is gone missing because of Oxlahun Ti Ku. Ma ix y oltahob binci v pucsikal viil lae Neither did they know that he had made off with this heart bundle. Ca ix hu[t]lahi And then it collapsed. Ixma yumob y ah numyaob Without the lords or the lowly Ixma ychamob Without spouses Cuxanob ix ti minan u pucsikalob That’s how they lived without their hearts. Ca yx mucchahij And so were submerged T u men v yam sus By waves of sand T u yam kaknab And waves of sea. Hun vadz hail One fetching of rain Hu[n] lom haail One lancing of rain Tij ca uchi col cangelili Back then when only the Milpa Archangel arrived Ti homocnac canal It was tempestuous above Homocnac ix ti cab And tempestuous below [on earth]. (Chumayel manuscript 43.3–16; translation by Knowlton 2010:59, 61–62)

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Valic can tul ti ku Four stand as gods Can tul ti bacab Four as Bacabs. Lay hayesob They caused their [the coreless people’s] destruction. Tuchij tun ca dzoci hay cabil And then when the destruction of the world was finished Lay cahcunah uchebal ca tzolic kan xib yui They settled this [land] so that Kan Xib Yui puts it in order. Ca ualhi sac imix che ti xaman Then the White Imix Tree stands in the north Ca ix ualhi y ocmal caan and stood as the pillar of the sky, V chicul hay cabal The sign of the destruction of the world. Lay sac imix che valic cuchic This White Imix Tree stands there supporting it. Ca yx ualhi ek ymix che Then the Black Imix Tree stood Cu [lic] ek tan pidzoy [where] the Black-Bellied Pidzoy resides. Ca yx ualhij kan ymix che Then stood the Yellow Imix Tree V chicul hay cabal The sign of the destruction of the world. Culic kan tan pidzoy The Yellow-Bellied Pidzoy resides Cumlic ix kan xib yui And Kan Xib Yui sits. Yx kan oyal mut The Yellow Caller Bird. Ca ix ualhij yax imix che t u chumuc Then the Blue/Green Imix Tree stood in the center U kahlay hay cabal The history of the destruction of the world. Culic uatal It is erected. (Chumayel manuscript 43.16–27; translation by Knowlton 2010:65)

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Tij / ca emi u than bolon dzacab So then the word of Bolon Dzacab descended. ... ... Ca emi ti caanil Then he descended from the heavens Kan ix / u kinil kaxci u cuch And Kan is the day his burden had been tied. Tij ca emi haa Then when the rain descended Tali tan y ol can vchebal u ca put sihil He came before the Heart of Sky for his rebirth. Bolon haaban y otoch Bolon haaban is his house Y et emcij bo / lon mayel And nine fragrances had descended. Ch’ahuc u chi v ni y ak Sweet was his mouth, his nose, his tongue. Ch’ahuchi u dzomel His mind is sweetened Ti ca emi can tul chaac Then when the four Chacs descended Vay acaat lae Here is Acat Lay u cabilob nicte lae These are the flower nectars. (Chumayel manuscript 45.22–23, 45.25–31; translation by Knowlton 2010:76)

Ritual of the Angels

Ca / sihi u lamay tun u lamay akab Then the central tun, the central night was born Ti minan caan y luum When there was no heaven and earth Ca than t u men g[rasi]a a citbil t u ba t u hunal So he speaks by the grace of the Father by himself, alone Ti ox coc ox akab cuchie at Three Turtle, Three Night back then Lay u yax than ku This is the deity’s first word Ti minan caan y luum When there was no heaven and earth. (Chumayel manuscript 52–53; translation by Knowlton 2010:94–95)

88 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

Ti u ch’aah v colel cabili When she took U Colel Cab there Ca bin ti cutal ox coc ox caan She then goes to sit at Three Turtle, Three Sky V coc oxxil caan cuchie The Turtle of the third sky back then Sac homen cu / lictac cabal White cargo already sits below Ti y ol sustinal grasia At the heart of Sustaining Grace. Ox/lahun pic u katunil chel Thirteen multitudes are the k’atun of Chel An t u tunil Which exists in this tun. (Chumayel manuscript 58; translation by Knowlton 2010:128)

Appendix 3.3. 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u in Classic Period Texts For a further discussion of these texts, see Carrasco (2010), Looper (1995), Stuart (2005), and Van Stone (2010). They were likely recorded in a Ch’ola language, so that is how they are transcribed. Quirigua Stela C

chan ajaw waxak ohl [On] 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u halaj k’ob [or jelaj k’ob] The image was manifested [or ‘The hearthstones were changed’]. k’alaj ux tun Three stones were tied/bundled. u tz’apaw tun ?? ?? “Jaguar Paddler” and “Stingray Paddler” planted the stone. Ut-iiy nah ho’ chan It happened at First Five Sky / Five Sky House. ix tz’am? tun-aj [It is] the Jaguar Throne Stone. u tz’apaw tun ek’ nah chak ?? Black House Red/Great ?? [name of deity] planted the stone. ut-iiy kab ch’en It happened at the earth-cave/place. Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 89

kaan tz’am? tun [It is] the Serpent Throne Stone. i ut-iiy k’al tun nah itzamnaaj And then it happened First Itzamna tied the stone. ha’ tz’am? tun [It is] the Water Throne Stone. ut-iiy ?? chan It happened at ?? sky.58 yax ?? nal first “three stone” place. tzutz-iiy uxlajun pih Thirteen bak’tun were completed u kab-iiy wak chan ajaw under the authority of 6 Sky Lord.

Río Azul Mask 2

chan ajaw hul-iiy On 4 Ahaw they arrived? ?? chan yax ?? nal at the edge of ? the sky, first “three stone” [hearth] place chahk yax way-ib Chaak, the first spirit companion ?? hul-yah ?? arrived ti’ ch’en nal ??-bi-?? at the cave place ?? chan k’uh Sky god(s) kab k’uh Earth god(s) u kabiiy ?? Under the auspices of ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? ?? wak chan ajaw ?? Six Sky Lord

90 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

Vase of Seven Gods

chan ajaw waxak ohl On 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u tz’ahkajiiy ik’ u tan Black Its Center [a toponym] was ordered [by] k’uh ka’anal The gods of the sky k’uh kab The gods of the earth k’uh bolon okte’ The god(s) Bolon Okte’ k’uh ux lot The gods Three Born Together k’uh ??-te’-chi The god(s) ?? k’uh ?? The god “Jaguar Paddler.”

Alternate Reading On 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u They were put in order: The Black Its Center god(s), The Sky Place god(s), The Earth god(s), The Bolon Okte’ god(s), The Three Born Together gods, The ?? gods [by?] “Jaguar Paddler.”

Tablet of the Cross, Palenque

chan ajaw waxak ohl [On] 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u tz’utziiy uxlajun pih was completed the 13th bak’tun cha k’in bolon winal jun haab [It was] 1 year, 9 winals, and 2 days [after] jelaj k’ob ?? chan The image [at the] edge? of the sky was manifested?/changed over?

Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 91

yax ?? nal [at] the first “three stone” place em ta chan hun ?? nal ?? [That] GI descended from the sky.

An important figure in the Palenque Triad of deities born in the time before the 4 Ahaw event, GI may be one of the three “born together” gods referenced on the Vase of the Seven Gods. There is also mention of GI on an Early Classic greenstone mask (Stuart 2005:fig. 131) in connection with the 4 Ahaw creation event. It reads: chan ajaw hul? [On] 4 Ahaw he arrived? ti’? chan [at the] edge? of the sky, yax ux tun nal [at] the first “three stone” place ?? GI ____

Temple XIX Platform, Palenque (Passage S-2)

jun etz’nab wak yaxk’in [On] 1 Etz’nab 6 Yaxk’in ch’ak u baah Its head was chopped off way paat? ayin tz’ibal paat? ayin Hole-Back Crocodile, Painted Back Crocodile ux ??-ah u chichel Three times its blood flowed? nak ?? ?? ?? jochk’ahk’aj Fire drill entity i patlaj It is shaped, built. yetej jun ?? nal ?? It is the work of GI. Translation after Stuart (2005:68–77)

92 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

Notes

1. Appendix 3.1 summarizes the deities discussed in this and subsequent chapters. 2. kok [coc] means ‘turtle’ in many of the Mayan languages (Christenson 2007:62–63, n. 25). 3. See Chapter 10 for our discussion of how the earth deities of highland Maya groups in Chiapas (the Chauk, or Anhel) are related to the Yucatec Maya rain deities. 4. The deity Tz’ibatnah, Painter of Houses, plays a similar role among the contemporary Lacandón Maya (McGee 1990:63). 5. Further discussion of this theme of the sacrifice of the earth crocodilian by a Venus deity will be addressed in Chapter 7. 6. The Books of Chilam Balam include a series of narratives based on the period of time known as the k’atun, which have not been placed into absolute time. Together, the thirteen k’atuns in the cycle (K’atun 13 Ahaw, K’atun 11 Ahaw . . .) refer to a 256-year period of time. 7. This deity has been identified with God K, or K’awil (meaning ‘abundance of sustenance’), in Classic and Postclassic sources (Knowlton 2010:61–62; Seler 1902–1923, I:377; Taube 1992:73). We consider this identification further in Chapter 10. 8. As previous scholars have discussed (V. Bricker and Miram 2002; Groark 2010; Knowlton 2010), the term archangel is used in colonial texts to refer to deities linked to rain and storms. Knowlton (2010:58–59) associates the term in the present context with the Yucatec deity Chaak. 9. It is interesting that in both the Popol Vuh and Chilam Balam accounts, the flood results from actions taken by deities that were clearly cognate in nature: Heart of Sky / Huracan and Bolon Tz’akab / K’awil. 10. A parallel to this occurs on D. 74, where the scene is described in terms of eek’ ka’an eek’ kab ‘black sky, black earth’. 11. These pages immediately follow D. 74. This fact was not discovered until after the manuscript (then in two parts) was studied as a composite document. 12. For a further discussion of this almanac, see Hernández and Vail (2010). 13. Note k’óoben ‘hearthstone [refers to the three hearthstones]’ in contemporary Yucatec (V. Bricker et al. 1998:154). 14. The term nal also refers to an ear of maize (V. Bricker et al. 1998:194) and is used to indicate maize more broady. 15. The Yucatec form would be ka’an ‘sky’. 16. As we have shown (Vail 2008; Vail and Hernández 2009), a figure who appears to represent Jaguar Paddler occurs on the north wall mural from Santa Rita Corozal (on Chetumal Bay in present-day Belize), in association with the toponym nah ho’ chan. 17. This passage also has parallels to the yearbearer ceremonies described and pictured in the almanac on M. 34–37, as we discuss in Chapter 8. 18. Although the two vessels are similar in many ways, they differ in certain respects, most notably in terms of the four additional deities pictured on K7750 and its much longer hieroglyphic text. Additionally, K2796 (Seven Gods) is painted in cream on a black background, whereas K7750 (Eleven Gods) is painted in polychrome on a red background. The latter is also square in shape, as compared to the cylindrical shape of the former. Iconographic differences characterize the two vessels as well. 19. The definition of tz’aki as the tying of bundles calls to mind the bundles containing the IX.ZQE (“star over earth”) collocations in both the upper and lower registers of the vase (see discussion below). Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 93

38

39

20. The relationship between the sun and the Morning Star is related in several other mythological traditions, which we discuss later in the chapter. 21. The Imix glyph is also likely a means of identifying the crocodilian as Cipactli (the first day in the Mexican 260-day calendar), or the Maya counterpart Zipacna (see previous discussion). 22. The number 9 also has a metaphorical connection with the Underworld and with the nine “lords of the night.” The god of the number ‘9’ is Yax Balam, the Hero Twin portrayed with jaguar attributes. 23. There is a reference to ox kok ‘three turtles’ in the almanac on M. 88c (Knowlton and Vail 2010). 24. The original text reads: Ca / sihi u lamay tun u lamay akab / Ti minan can y luum / Ca than t u men g[rasi]a citbil t u ba t u hunal / Ti ox coc ox akab cuchie / Lay u yax than ku / Ti minan caan y luum (Knowlton 2010:94–95). 25. This may be a reference to the maize god, who is the “cargo” or burden of white (north) years on page 27 of the Dresden Codex (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​ /UPClink38.html). 26. The original text reads: Ca bin ti cutal ox coc ox caan / V coc oxxil can cuchie / Sac homen cu / lictac cabal / Ti y ol sustinal grasia / Ox/lahu pic u katunil chel / An t u tunil (Knowlton 2010:128). 27. This deity may also be linked to Ix Chel, as suggested by the final two lines of the Chumayel text. The connection between the Yucatec creator goddess Chak (or Ix) Chel and the rains is discussed in further detail in Chapter 6. 28. Note the connection to the story of the creation of the sun in highland Mexican accounts, which involved two deities (Nanahuatzin and Tecciztecatl) jumping into a fire. They later become the sun and the moon. 29. There is a direct parallel to Mexican stories concerning the creation of people, in which Quetzalcoatl journeys to the Underworld (Mictlan) to retrieve the bones from the previous creation, the humans who were turned into fish by a flood. Although he nearly fails at his quest, he eventually escapes from Mictlan and brings the bones to the creator goddess Cihuacoatl (Serpent Woman), who grinds them into flour. Shedding their own blood over the flour, the deities thereby create the present race of humans (Taube 1993a:37–39). 30. In light of comparisons between the Underworld adventures of the Hero Twins and rituals performed during the Wayeb period (see discussion in Chapter 4), it is of interest that dances are mentioned in this section of the Popol Vuh, by Landa (e.g., Gates 1978:64), and in the captions to the Dresden yearbearer pages (see Chapter 4). 31. It is unclear which is which. Hunahpu is often linked to the sun, but his brother’s name (Xbalanque) may be translated as ‘Young Hidden (or Jaguar) Sun’ (Christenson 2007:95n164), possibly a reference to the Underworld (nighttime) aspect of the sun. Additionally, Xbalamq’e is the name of the sun god among the present-day Q’eqchi’ (D. Tedlock 1996:239n77). In the Maya codices, Yax Balam (the counterpart to Xbalanque) is shown in a number of scenes in which he is associated with animals; he and the hunt deity Ah (Wuk) Sip merge on several occasions. Among the Q’eqchi’ and Mopán, the Morning Star god was called Xulab and was the patron of the animals, bringing to mind a possible connection between Yax Balam and Xulab. In the Dresden Venus table, however, Hun Ahaw (Hunahpu) is portrayed as the newborn sun, who rises into the sky following Venus’ heliacal rise on 1 Ahaw 3 Xul (see Chapter 7 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink39 .html). The maize god (also seen on D. 50a) has been interpreted as an aspect of Venus by some researchers (Closs 1989:40; D. Tedlock 1992). 94 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

32. As discussed previously, K’awil has associations with sustenance and with the power of lightning, which causes the rains to fall and the seeds to germinate. Chaak and the Mam appear to be different (perhaps regional) manifestations of the same underlying supernatural, associated with the rain and the thunder, as well as the interior of the earth. 33. Another link that we discuss in Chapter 7 is to the k’an nal te’ ‘yellow maize tree’ that is born from the sacrificed maize god. 34. Links between this scene and D. 3a (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Docu​men​ tation/UPClink40.html) are discussed in Chapter 7. 35. K’uk’ulkan was the feathered serpent deity who also had associations with Venus. The festival corresponds closely with one of the dates of heliacal rise that is highlighted in the Dresden Venus table—3 Xul (see Chapter 7). 36. Taube (1989b) has shown that the “comedians” mentioned in these and other colonial period accounts were performers who are portrayed in the guise of opossum deities, called Mam in prehispanic sources. The Mam are discussed in detail in Chapter 4. 37. The terms ángel and archangel are used to refer to rain and thunder deities (Groark 2010; Knowlton 2010:59, 92–93) and also to the winds (V. Bricker and Miram 2002:78–79) in colonial period texts. Prehispanic counterparts include the deities Chaak and K’awil. 38. Bolon Tz’akab has been translated as ‘something perpetual’ (Ciudad Real 2001:89), although his name can also mean ‘nine [or many] generations’ (Thompson 1970b:226). 39. As we discuss in the chapters that follow, a number of the appellatives used in both colonial period and prehispanic sources appear to be titles referencing a complex of deities, rather than unique names applied to a single supernatural entity. 40. In other Mesoamerican traditions, the two are combined into one figure (see discussion of Itzam Kab Ayin earlier in Chapter 3). 41. This episode calls to mind the mural from the Temple of the Fisherman at Mayapán, where a bound crocodilian (who has also been speared) is shown in a watery environment. This may be equivalent to being buried within the earth, since the earth’s interior is a watery realm. Bound crocodilians are also associated with accession and period-ending events (see Chapter 5). We suggest that this iconographic tradition may symbolize the ruler taking on the role of the Hero Twins, who defeated several “monsters” in the time before the first dawn. 42. The flood is described in the Books of Chilam Balam, as well as the Popol Vuh. In the former case, however, it is attributed to the theft of the seed corn by Bolon Tz’akab, who took it to the thirteenth level of the sky. 43. The association of people with monkeys is related in a number of different traditions. According to central Mexican accounts, when the second age of the earth was destroyed by great winds, the people were turned into monkeys (Miller and Taube 1993:70). This is also the fate of the Hero Twins’ half brothers, although they play an exalted role as the monkey scribes of writing, music, and the arts. 44. Stuart (2005:168) notes that “it seems entirely possibly that GI and Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl could both be reflections of an old idea or character from Preclassic mythology, and thereby share a common cultural origin.” 45. For the Maya, flowers have solar associations (Taube 2010:162; Thompson 1950:142); additionally, among the contemporary Lacandón Maya, the gods are said to have been born from flowers (McGee 1990). 46. For the Yucatec Maya, all precious liquids (dew, nectar, semen, etc.) were grouped together and thought to have similar properties (Taube 1992:34). Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources 95

40

47. An alternate name for this figure as seen in the Maya codices is Pawah Ayin, the crocodilian aspect of the Pawahtun deities. The relationship between Itzamna and the Pawahtuns is considered in Bassie-Sweet (2008:137–139). 48. Although itzam or itzamna is a commonly accepted reading for the T1009c/d portrait glyph (Macri and Vail 2009:125), there is some disagreement about how this should be read (see Bassie-Sweet 2008:137–139). 49. In the contemporary Yucatec language, akan refers to a dwarf (V. Bricker et al. 1998:2). Dwarves are associated with the night and the Underworld among various contemporary Maya groups (Guiteras Holmes 1961:152–153; Vogt 1969:298). 50. In the Popol Vuh, the principal death lords are One Death (Hun Kame) and Seven Death (Wuk Kame). 51. Deities from other traditions that are bound in the underworld include Kisin, who is at times described as the god of earthquakes, and Cabracan from the Popol Vuh. 52. Closed eyes are used to indicate death in the Maya codices. Note that the glyph for the day Kimi ‘Death’ has a closed eye. 53. Indeed, several epigraphers (see Stuart 2007) have recently suggested that the T63/64 glyph that is commonly read as Pawah instead has the value Itzam(na). 54. The winds are important in bringing the rains, but they are also associated with disease (Sosa 1989). 55. This episode has a number of similarities with the humiliation of God L, who is pictured stripped of his finery on several Classic period Maya vessels (Martin 2006). 56. taab [tab] may also mean ‘rope’ or ‘cord’ (Hofling and Tesucún 1997:584). 57. We suggest an alternate interpretation for the second part of this phrase (holsabac). Sabak can refer to a black powder that is made from soot and used as an ink; it also forms part of the name of the Lacandón deity Mensäbäk ‘Maker of Powder’. It is said that Mensäbäk makes a black powder, which he then gives to his assistants to sprinkle through the sky with wands made from macaw feathers to produce rain-laden clouds (McGee 1990:68). It is likely that the scene on M.  73b portrays a variant of this theme; here, we see Chaak with an inkpot and brush, painting the tails of an owl with a black substance. It appears to be the case that in place of the macaw tail feathers, the owl’s feathers will be used to spread the black powder through the sky. In the Chumayel passage, hol [ho’ol ] may refer to ‘head’ or mean ‘to dissolve’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:110). We prefer the first meaning; when paired with sabak, it means ‘sooty head’ and fits well with the interpretation proposed by Knowlton (2010:59) that the cangel in the Chumayel text refers to the rain god aspect of the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh. The idea of blackening with soot is also used to refer to a lunar eclipse in the Florentine Codex (Sahagún, Anderson, and Dibble 1950, 7:8, pl. 4 in Milbrath 1997). In the current case, however, it seems more likely that it is referencing the eclipse of the sun since the referent is Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh. 58. This collocation has been interpreted as ch’a or ti’ chan and is alternately read as ‘lyingdown sky’ (Looper 1995), ‘the mouth of the sky’ (Carrasco 2010:614–615), or ‘the edge of the sky’ (Looper 2007:45; Van Stone 2010).

96 Mythological Episodes Related in Maya Sources

4 Dresden 25–28 Pages 25–28 of the Dresden Codex (Figure 4.1) have long been known to concern the ceremonies celebrating the transition from one year to the next, linked to the five days of Wayeb and the beginning of Pop. As Karl Taube (1988:219– 220) has demonstrated, the fact that they occur immediately following the flood scene on D. 74 (see Chapter 5) suggests that the two sections were intimately connected. He proposes that “page 74 introduces and places the Dresden new year pages in a cosmogonic context—the creation of the four world quarters and cosmic trees following the flood” (Taube 1988:220). At an early date, scholars connected the ceremonies cited in Landa’s Relación de las cosas de Yucatán (Gates 1978:61– 68), involving a ritual circuit over a four-year period marking the end of the year, with depictions on pages 25–28 of the Dresden Codex (Förstemann 1906; Thomas 1882; Thompson 1934). Landa’s discussion focuses on a Bakab (one for each of the four years in the cycle) that symbolized the augury of the year, and an image or clay figure (the Wayeb idol), which was transported to the “pile of stones” at the entrance to the town, where a ceremony was performed. Thereafter, it was taken to the house of the principal, or ritual specialist, where a statue of another god was honored with gifts of food and incense. The ceremony at the entrance to the town involved burning incense and sacrificing a turkey hen, and also appears to have included bloodletting rituals. At the end of Wayeb, the statue of the deity was taken (or returned) to its sanctuary in the temple, and the image (the Wayeb idol) was left at the entrance to the town corresponding to the new year (involving a shift from the southern to the eastern entrance, or from the eastern entrance to the northern, and so forth).

World Renewal in the Dresden Codex: The Yearbearer Ceremonies

DOI: 10.5876/9781607322214.c04

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Figure 4.1. Yearbearer ceremonies on D. 25–28. After Förstemann (1880).

The events described by Landa are depicted on the four pages of the yearbearer almanac, which we believe can be linked specifically to the Wayeb rituals he describes, as well as to a ritual reenactment of the events of creation—the pacing out of space (in the form of a four-part universe) and the setting up of trees to mark the boundaries of the civilized world. These events can be associated with several key dates in the haab: the commencement of Wayeb, the four following days of Wayeb, and the first day of Pop. Before we consider the ceremonies represented on the yearbearer pages in detail, a discussion of the deities represented on them provides a useful starting point (see Appendix 4.1). 41

Overview of Dresden Yearbearer Pages D. 74 (Figure 5.1) and the yearbearer pages together reference the destructive flood and the period of chaos that it entailed, as well as the establishment of a new world order (Taube 1988:chap. 7). This series of events parallels those related in the narrative from the Books of Chilam Balam, in which a flood in K’atun 11 Ahaw, precipitated by the seed corn being taken to the thirteenth plane of the sky, destroys the “coreless” people (see Chapter 3). Following this destruction, the settling of the land by the Bakabs takes place, as does the setting up of trees in the four world directions and the center as both a commemoration of the destruction of the previous world, but also presumably as a means of separating the earth from the sky, which was said to have collapsed as a result of the flood. We suggest that the upper register on D. 25–28 can be associated with the Bakabs settling the land: And then when the destruction of the world was finished [seen on D. 74] They [the Bakabs] settled this [land] so that Kan Xib Yui puts it in order. (Chumayel page 53; translation by Knowlton 2010:65)

The hieroglyphic texts on D. 25–28 describe the Mams, who, like the Bakabs, are aspects of the Pawahtuns, arriving in each of the world quadrants, beginning in the south (the quadrant associated with the flood on the previous page). The idea of ordering is expressed by the glyphic captions above the middle register (see http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink41.html), each of which begins with the verb tz’ak, which may be read as “to arrange, put in order” or “to complete a cycle” (Carrasco 2010:610–611; D. Stuart 2003). The Chumayel text continues with the setting up of trees, which corresponds to the “planting” of trees at each of the four quadrants in the lower register of the Dresden yearbearer almanac (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink42.html), beginning with the east on D. 25c and moving next to the north: World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 99

42

Figure 4.2. Eb and Ben ceremonies on D. 25, featuring K’awil and K’in Ahaw. After Förstemann (1880). Then the White Imix Tree stands in the North and stood as the pillar of the sky The sign of the destruction of the world The White Imix Tree stands there supporting it [the world]. (Chumayel page 53; translation by Knowlton 2010:65)

43

Although commentators have previously mentioned the connection between the Chumayel passage and the lower register of the yearbearer almanac (Taube 1988:240), the other correspondences (with the upper and middle registers) have not to our knowledge been previously noted. In the discussion that follows, we consider the almanac on D. 25–28 in the context of the Chilam Balam narrative, colonial period descriptions of similar rituals, and correspondences with other almanacs in the codices. A number of commentaries of the almanac on D. 25–28 (hereafter referred to as the “yearbearer” pages) have been published (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011: 120–127; Escalante 1992; Love 1986; Taube 1988:chap. 7; Thomas 1882; Thomp­son 1972:89–93). Rather than a lengthy recapitulation of what has been previously written, we focus instead on new readings and interpretations of this material. A brief review of the almanac’s key elements will be helpful, however, for contextualizing the later discussion (for a detailed discussion of each page, see Appendix 4.2). Structurally, each page of the almanac includes two sets of 13 day glyphs: Eb and Ben on page 25 (Figure 4.2), Kaban and Etz’nab on page 26 (Figure 4.4), Ik’ and Ak’bal on page 27 (Figure 4.5), and Manik’ and Lamat on page 28 (Figure 4.6; the calendrical structure is outlined on http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink43.html). As early investigators noted, the first set of days (Eb, Kaban, Ik’, and Manik’) can be associated with the seating of Pop in the 100 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

Classic period calendar, whereas the second set of days (Ben, Etz’nab, Ak’bal, and Lamat) refers to 1 Pop. The two sets of days may also refer to the seating of Wayeb (0 Wayeb) and 1 Wayeb, respectively. It therefore appears that each page of the almanac refers to two consecutive days in the calendar, associated with Wayeb and/or Pop. A detailed examination of the almanac’s calendrical structure reveals that the upper set of day glyphs on each page (Eb, Kaban, Ik’, and Manik’) are separated from each other by one haab, or 365 days; the same is true of the lower set of glyphs (Ben, Etz’nab, Ak’bal, Lamat). If the upper set is paired with 0 Pop and the lower set with 1 Pop, we see that each page refers to consecutive days in the haab and subsequent pages to consecutive years. Multiplying the 13 day glyphs in each set with the four pages required to complete one ritual circuit results in a 52 year cycle, corresponding to the Calendar Round. During this time, the ritual activities that are expressed through the iconography and hieroglyphic texts cycle as follows: they begin in the south (on page 25a), move to the east one year later (on page 26a), then to the north on the following year (on page 27a), and finally to the west on the year after that (on page 28a). These associations match the day glyphs given: Eb is invariably paired with the south in the prehispanic system, Kaban with the east, Ik’ with the north, and Manik’ with the west.1 The shift in directions may be observed within each page of the almanac as well. Moving from Eb to Ben on page 25 (Figure 4.2) involves a shift from south to east, which is signified in several ways: through the day glyphs themselves, the hieroglyphic captions (east is mentioned in the bottom register), and the deities represented (note the shift from K’awil in the upper two registers to K’in Ahaw in the bottom register; see Appendix 4.2). This shift has led scholars to propose that K’awil is the deity representing the outgoing year on D. 25, who is replaced at the start of the new year by K’in Ahaw. Our analysis suggests that the transfer takes place between 0 Pop and 1 Pop (but see H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:135–136 for another interpretation). On page 26, the jaguar in the upper register is associated with the east (the direction of the year that is ending), as is K’in Ahaw in the middle register, the two both representing aspects of the sun (Figure 4.3; see also http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink44.html and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink45.html).2 The deity in the lower register, associated with Etz’nab days, can be linked to the north (the direction of the year that is beginning). This is only the case, however, if the caption and picture from D. 26c and 28c are reversed (Taube 1988:221; Thompson 1934:214). As we shall demonstrate, there is good reason to believe that this corrected version of the almanac is what the scribe originally intended.3 With that correction made (Figure 4.4), the lower register of page 26 associates the deity Itzamna with an Etz’nab yearbearer date (1 Pop), corresponding to the north direction. At the end of that same year, represented at the top of page 27 (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink46.html), the maize World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 101

44

45

46

Figure 4.3. Original version of D. 26 and 28 (before correction). After Förstemann (1880).

47

god is shown as the “burden,” and Itzamna receives offerings (in the middle register) to signify his status as the deity who is being retired (Figure 4.5; see http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink47.html).4 Among the contemporary Tz’utujil Maya of the Lake Atitlán region of Guatemala, the Mam, representing the god of the Wayeb period, is honored in the sanctuary throughout the five days of the festival (Holy Week in that case), while the maize god ( Jesus) is believed to be dead in the Underworld. This reversal of the customary order is expressed through the iconography and hieroglyphic captions of the middle register of the yearbearer almanac, which clearly marks the “death” of the patron of the old year. Their symbolic death is signified by the fact that the four deities depicted in this role are covered by their capes (rather than wearing them in the customary position across the back, as they do when they are newly installed in office) and by the 102 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

Figure 4.4. Kaban and Etz’nab ceremonies on D. 26 (corrected), featuring the jaguar sun, K’in Ahaw, and Itzamna. After Förstemann (1880).

use of the verb tz’ak ‘to order, arrange’ in the hieroglyphic caption.5 The verb tz’ak is also used to signal change, which seems to be its meaning here (Macri and Looper 2003:250). Similar ritual transfers of power may be seen as part of the saints’ ceremonies celebrated in the communities of highland Chiapas (Cancian 1962; Vogt 1969). The transition from Ik’ to Ak’bal days marks the shift from 0 Pop to 1 Pop and from north to west. The death god Kimil is associated with the western quadrant, both on page 27c (Figure 4.5 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink48.html) and on page 28a (Figure 4.6 and http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Docu​menta​ tion/UPClink49.html), where he represents the deity of the outgoing year. An­other figure associated with death and Un­der­world iconography (including death eyes, crossed bones, and a “percentage sign” on his cheek) receives offerings on D. 28b (Figure 4.6 and http://www.hiero ​ g lyphic ​ r esearch.org /Documentation/UPClink50.html). We believe that he represents another aspect of the death god (see discussion below), marking the relinquishing of Kimil’s position as presiding deity, which is taken over by K’awil (on page 28c, corrected version). K’awil is associated with Lamat yearbearer days and the south. As we have seen, he is also the outgoing deity associated with Eb days on page 25a, which represents the final day of a year that begins on Lamat. Our interpretation of the Dresden yearbearer pages differs from that of previous scholars in that it introduces a third set of dates, corresponding to 1 Wayeb. The 1 Wayeb date can be associated with the lower register on each page and marks the start of a six-day period that we believe is highlighted in the yearbearer World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 103

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49

50

Figure 4.5. Ik’ and Ak’bal ceremonies on D. 27, featuring the maize god, Itzamna, and the death god Kimil. After Förstemann (1880).

Figure 4.6. Manik’ and Lamat ceremonies on D. 28 (corrected) featuring two variants of the death god and K’awil. After Förstemann (1880).

almanac. Table 4.1 outlines this model for the first four years in the Calendar Round cycle. It demonstrates the mechanism by which the lower register could correspond to two different dates: 1 Pop (at the start of the year) and 1 Wayeb (at its conclusion). In other words, we interpret the yearbearer pages as multivariate in function, serving to highlight the important rituals that were performed over a six-day period marking the transition from one year to the next. The cycle continues through the remaining fortyeight years of the Calendar Round, then begins again. 104 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

Table 4.1. Calendrical relationship among the frames on D. 25–28 and their correspondence to yearbearer rituals Year 1

D. 25c

D. 26a

D. 26b

Date

4 Ben 1 Wayeb

Direction

East

8 Kaban 0 Pop

9 Etz’nab 1 Pop

9 Etz’nab 1 Pop

East

[North]

North

Deity

K’in Ahaw [outgoing patron]

jaguar [burden]

K’in Ahaw [outgoing patron]

Itzamna [incoming patron]

Activity

Rituals at entrance to community

Ceremonies while transporting “image”

Offerings to honor outgoing patron

Setting up world tree

Interval

4 days

1 day

0 days

360 days

Year 2

D. 26c, corrected

D. 27a

D. 26b

D. 26c, corrected

Date

5 Etz’nab 1 Wayeb

9 Ik’ 0 Pop

10 Ak’bal 1 Pop

10 Ak’bal 1 Pop

Direction

North

North

[West]

West

Deity

Itzamna [Outgoing patron]

Maize god [burden]

Itzamna [Outgoing patron]

Kimil [Incoming patron]

Activity

Rituals at entrance to community

Ceremonies while transporting “image”

Offerings to honor outgoing patron

Setting up world tree

Interval

4 days

1 day

0 days

360 days

Year 3

D. 27c

D. 28a

D. 28b

D. 28c, corrected

Date

6 Ak’bal 1 Wayeb

10 Manik’ 0 Pop

11 Lamat 1 Pop

11 Lamat 1 Pop

Direction

West

West

[South]

South

Deity

Kimil [Outgoing patron]

Kimil [Burden]

Ah Kam [Outgoing patron]

K’awil [Incoming patron]

Activity

Rituals at entrance to community

Ceremonies while transporting “image”

Offerings to honor outgoing patron

Setting up world tree

Interval

4 days

1 day

0 days

360 days

Year 4

D. 28c, corrected

D. 25a

D. 25b

D. 25c

Date

7 Lamat 1 Wayeb

11 Eb 0 Pop

12 Ben 1 Pop

12 Ben 1 Pop

Direction

South

South

[South]

South

Deity

K’awil [Outgoing patron]

K’awil [Burden]

K’awil [Outgoing patron]

K’in Ahaw [Incoming patron]

Activity

Rituals at entrance to community

Ceremonies while transporting “image”

Offerings to honor outgoing patron

Setting up world tree

Interval

4 days

1 day

0 days

360 days

*

D. 26c, corrected

* We chose this as the starting point because it falls in the same calendrical cycle as 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u, falling just thirteen days (one trecena) later.

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We find this model preferable to those previously proposed because it accounts for the majority of the activities described by Landa, as well as the full five days of the transitional period, rather than referring simply to two days of it. Moreover, returning to the frame marking the 1 Pop rituals of the year before to begin the next Wayeb cycle parallels the return to the entrance of the town where the “image” was left the previous year, as described by Landa (Gates 1978:62–67). Finally, the idea that an almanac’s text and iconography can refer to multiple dates finds additional support in the analysis by Hernández and V. Bricker (2004:306–309) of the yearbearer almanac on M. 34–37. The fact that the transition between year-ending and year-initial ceremonies is highlighted accords with the material from colonial period sources extremely well, as they likewise focus on a “termination” that serves as the basis for a new beginning. Moreover, there is considerable evidence from the ethnohistoric and ethnographic literature concerning the importance given to Wayeb and other transitional periods, including the ceremonies associated with Semana Santa and Carnival in contemporary highland communities (see, e.g., V. Bricker 1989; Christenson 2001; Vogt 1969). In order to more fully understand the events depicted, we briefly summarize the three registers of the almanac (see Appendix 4.1 for a more detailed discussion). Beginning with the upper register, the key elements include the figure in the guise of an animal, which has long been identified as an opossum (see Taube 1989b), and the deity being carried, who represents the burden. Based on the page with the most complete text in the initial glyph blocks (D. 28a; see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/ Documentation/UPClink51.html), the following transcriptions are suggested: tal-iiy nohol [D. 25a] / lak’in [D. 26a]  / nal? [D. 27a]  / chik’in [D. 28a] They arrived from the south/east/north/west. k’an way [D. 25a]  / chak way [D. 26a]  / sak way [D. 27a] / eek’ way [D. 28a] u mam The yellow/red/white/black Way [and] his Mam.

The references to the Way and the Mam tie the text quite explicitly to Landa’s discussion of these pages and also to other accounts of the Wayeb period. For the first year in the sequence, associated with the south, Landa writes: “In this year, then, they made an image or clay figure of the demon they called Kan-uvayeyab [K’an Way] and carried it to the pile of stones they had erected at the South” Gates (1978:62).6 We agree with the interpretation advanced by other commentators that the opossum figure corresponds to the Mam (see discussion below); however, we interpret this figure as being separate from the K’an Way also mentioned in the caption.7 This interpretation is supported by the events described by Landa at a later time in the Wayeb rituals: “They placed the image [K’an Way] on a wooden standard . . . Then they carried it with much rejoicing and dancing to the house of the principal, where there was the other statue of Bolon-tz’acab” (Gates 1978:62; emphasis added). This passage corresponds 106 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

closely to what is pictured on D. 25a (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink52.html) and moreover provides explicit evidence for linking the K’an Way image to Bolon Tz’akab.8 The term Mam is used in reference to the Wayeb ceremonies in descriptions published by several of the early chroniclers. Cogolludo (1957 [1688], IV.5.185), for example, noted that the Mam presided over Vlobol Kin [u lobol k’in], the evil days at the end of the year. The Mam is described as a wooden idol, which was “placed on a bench over a mat” and given offerings of food and other gifts during the Wayeb festival. “And at the end of the festival, they undressed him and threw the pieces of wood to the ground without giving him any more reverence. And this idol they called Mam” (Cogolludo 1957 [1688], IV.8.197; cited in Christenson 2001:190). Likewise, Pío Pérez, writing in the nineteenth century, noted that the Mam reigned for a five-day period at the end of the year, which had associations with death and other dangerous portents. During this period, the Mam was honored, but with less reverence each day: “On the third [day] they brought him down from the altar and placed him in the middle of the temple; on the fourth they put him at the threshold or door; and on the fifth, or last day, the ceremony of taking leave (or dismissal) took place, that the new year might commence on the following day” (Stephens 1963 [1843], I:281). The term Mam is used among the contemporary Q’eqchi’ Maya to refer to an aged god of thunder. Like the Chaaks and the Pawahtuns, the Mam are quadripartite (one associated with each direction) and are said to live in the mountains and within the earth. They are thought of as malevolent, in contrast with the younger and benevolent rain gods. Indeed, the Q’eqchi’ Mam is linked to the thunder before the rains, which is visualized as his struggle to escape from his bonds in the Underworld (Taube 1989b:357). Allen Christenson (2001:179) notes that among the contemporary Tz’utujil Maya of the Lake Atitlán region of highland Guatemala, the Mam represents “the power inherent in death and sacrifice to transform and renew,” which is an apt description of the rituals that characterize the time of transition between the old year and the new. In the Dresden yearbearer almanac, each of the opossum Mams carries a fan or rattle, a rattle staff with a hand at its top, and an incense bag (which may alternatively be worn).9 Similar staffs are pictured in only a handful of contexts in the codices. The closest parallels to the scenes on D. 25a–28a occur in the second frame of M. 89d (Figure 4.7) and the first frame of D. 31b (Figure 4.15). In the former example (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink53.html), a blackpainted figure holds the same accoutrements as the opossum Mams—the rattle staff with a human hand and a rattle—and wears an incense bag. The figure has a cloth (/pa/ or pat) headdress, which is also occasionally worn by the merchant deity God M, and he wears a blindfold around his face.10 He clearly plays a role as a Bakab or Mam and may be related to God L, who is named as a Bakab on D. 74 in relation to the south World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 107

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53

Figure 4.7. Almanac on M. 89d–90d, showing the blindfolded Pawahtun deity in fr. 2. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

54

55

56

57

(see discussion in the following chapter and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch. org/Documentation/UPClink54.html). It is possible that the blindfold worn by the figure refers to an episode in the Books of Chilam Balam (see Appendix 3.2) in which the Bolon Ti’ K’uh deity is blindfolded. Another example of a rattle staff with a human hand similar to that carried by the Mams is associated with the rain god Chaak in another almanac with yearbearer associations (Figure 4.15 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink55.html). In the first frame of D. 31b–35b (discussed below), Chaak is pictured holding a rattle staff, incense bag, torch, and lightning axe. In this context, he has clear associations with the opossum Mams. Variant forms of the rattle staff occur on D. 34a and M. 20c. The scene on D. 34a (Figure 4.8 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink56.html) features four Pawahtun deities making offerings of music, food, and incense in the context of a ritual in which the maize god’s decapitated head appears on top of a pyramid or altar. We believe the specific rituals depicted suggest a link to ceremonies associated with west years (Ak’bal in the Dresden Codex and Kawak in the Madrid Codex); specifically, this may be suggested based on the black coloration of two of the Pawahtuns; the fact that the rattle staff has a flint blade, rather than a hand, at its top (warfare is referenced several times on the Kawak yearbearer page in the Madrid Codex, and west years are said to be “flint years” on D. 26a); and the fact that the maize god is shown as decapitated in relation to Kawak years on M. 34. A review of the almanac’s calendrics (see http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink57.html) suggests that the scene on D. 34a may be associated with a number of different Calendar Round dates. It is likely, however, based on the black-painted deities, incense, and drum, that it refers to a rain-making ritual, similar to those performed in July or August if the rains are insufficient (see V. Bricker 1991 for a discussion of contemporary rainmaking ceremonies). With this in mind, a possible association of the sacrificial ritual pictured is with 13 Ak’bal 15 Sak, corresponding to July 7, A.D. 961. By the 108 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

Figure 4.8. Sacrifice of the maize god, likely in a yearbearer context, on D. 34a. Surrounding the central scene are the four Pawahtuns, engaging in a ritual celebration. After Förstemann (1880).

Late Postclassic period, when this almanac was presumably painted, early July corresponded to the months of Kumk’u and Wayeb. It may be for this reason that yearbearer imagery has been incorporated into the picture. Another possible dating model is suggested by the tun ending 9.16.15.0.0 13 Ahaw 13 Xul associated with the eighteenth row of the almanac, corresponding to April 5, 963. Several of the tun prophecies in the Paris Codex depict the death of the maize god or refer to him as a captive (see, e.g., P. 7a and 8a). Decapitation as a means of sacrifice is associated with k’atun rituals as well, as suggested by evidence from Naj Tunich Cave (Stone 1989) and the west wall mural from Santa Rita (Vail and Hernández 2007).11 Research by Stone (1989) indicates that period-ending rituals related to the completion of both k’atuns and of the haab cycle were at times celebrated within caves. If the ceremony depicted on D. 34a is a rain-making ritual as we suspect, a cave setting would be an appropriate context for its performance. Unfortunately, there is nothing in the iconography or the text to confirm this possibility; however, the phrase ul ya’ax chaak (meaning “the blue/center Chaak arrives”) in the hieroglyphic caption lends support to the idea, as Ya’ax (the center) Chaak would have been associated with a cave or cenote context. In another almanac on the same page (D. 34c), Chaak is pictured playing a drum in relation to a glyphic representation of a mountain, suggesting that he is either on the mountain or within it (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink58.html). Both examples can be linked to rain-making ceremonies. World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 109

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Figure 4.9. Deities holding yearbearer staffs on M. 20c. The maize god’s has a bird attached to the top and the death god’s a spear point. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

59

60

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Other examples of rattle staffs occur on M. 20c (Figure 4.9), where they are held by both the maize god (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink59.html) and the death god (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink60.html), two of the deities featured as “burdens” on D. 25a–28a. The maize god’s has a bird perched on it, whereas the death god’s has a flint blade. In both instances, the staffs are painted blue (the color associated with rain and fertility). The bird and flint blade marking the respective staffs may serve as omens associated with the particular deity or the time period in question. Rattle staffs occur commonly in the Mexican tradition, where they are associated with dancers and entertainers. Known as chicahuaztli, they are said to be linked to gods of the earth and fertility and to depict serpents (Seler 1963, II:306). Their primary associations, therefore, are with lightning and thunder (Taube 1989b). The Dresden opossum figures are also characterized by shell tinklers (seen on the wrists of the figure on D. 25a, the belts of the figures on D. 26a and 27a, and possibly on the ankles of the figures on D. 27a and 28a), a particular type of “skirt” made of strips of cloth, and a pectoral decorated with shells (seen on D. 26a; see http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink61.html). Based on their costuming and the accoutrements they carry, Karl Taube (1989b) associates these figures with clowns and other ritual performers that appear commonly on Classic period pottery vessels. Other figures that can be linked to the Dresden opossums can be seen in Classic period sculpture. One example occurs on a painted column from the Temple of the Chac Mool at Chichén Itzá, which portrays a Pawahtun carrying the same accoutrements as the Dresden opossums—a staff and a rattle or fan 110 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

Figure 4.10. Carved column from Cam­ peche depicting God L in the role of a Mam, carrying K’awil on his back. Image of a rubbing by Merle Greene Robertson, courtesy of the Latin American Library, Tulane University.

(Taube 1989b:fig. 24.5c). He likewise wears the shell tinklers seen as part of the costume of the Dresden Mams around his wrist. An even closer correspondence to the Dresden opossums can be seen in a carved column from Campeche portraying God L (Figure 4.10) with a similar staff and a carrying frame that supports a second deity figure. This depiction provides an additional line of evidence suggesting that God L may be identified with the complex of deities associated with the Pawahtuns, Bakabs, and Mams (see discussion in Chapter 10). Although Landa does not specifically discuss performers in relation to the Wayeb ceremonies, he does mention the carrying of a statue of a god “with much rejoicing and dancing to the house of the principal [the ritual sponsor]” (Gates 1978:62). Moreover, “comedians” play an important role in a ceremony that is similar in many of its details to the Wayeb festival—that associated with the last five days of the month Xul.12 The Xul ceremony included “a great procession, with many comedians” that proceeded from the house of the chief to the temple of K’uk’ulkan: “There the chiefs and those who had fasted stayed for five days and nights, always burning copal and making their offerings . . . [and] continuing in prayers and certain sacred dances. Until the first day of Yaxkin these comedians frequented the principal houses, giving their plays and receiving the offerings bestowed on them, and then taking all to the temple” (Gates 1978:74).13 It appears that the Wayeb ceremonies featured similar performers, who played a vital role in the ceremony. Other colonial documents (discussed below) provide further information for interpreting their role. One aspect of their presence here may be linked to the importance of masked performers in contemporary rituals in highland Maya communities, especially those signifying the period of transition that occurs in the cargo system, when the burden of power is shifted from one officeholder (or group of officeholders) to another (Cancian 1962; Taube 1988; Vogt 1969).14 The shifting of power as a key aspect of the events portrayed on the Dresden yearbearer pages may be World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 111

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affirmed not only by the earlier discussion, but also by reference to the collocation that begins each of the four frames comprising the middle register of the yearbearer pages (see Appendix 4.2 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink62.html). Its main sign has been read as tz’ak, which refers to putting things in order or the completion of a cycle (Carrasco 2010:611). The text on D. 25a–28a continues with a reference to the burden carried by the Mam and a description of the character of the year: k’awil [D. 25a] / k’intun haab [D. 26a] / k’aa? waah ha’ [D. 27a] / nah? kimil [D. 28a] u kuch K’awil (abundance of food) / drought / abundance of food and drink / death is his burden. kakaw u kan [D. 25a] Cacao is his offering. tok’ haabil ix sak haab [D. 26a] / nah? haab-ih i’inah [D. 27a] / ah kimil nah? haabil [D. 28a] Flint year, white jaguar year / seed year / dead person year.

We find the figures that represent the burdens of each year of interest in relation to mythological episodes that appear to be highlighted on these pages.15 Beginning with the east on page 26a, the jaguar represents the nighttime aspect of the sun, suggesting a time before the first dawn (i.e., primordial time). On the next page, the maize god is portrayed, in association with a scene that includes a cenote, suggesting his journey to the Underworld, where he is sacrificed (represented by the death god and cenote symbolism on D. 28a).16 The conclusion of the narrative sequence occurs on page 25a, where K’awil stands for the power of lightning, which was used to rescue maize from the Underworld to create the first humans. The scene in the bottom register of page 25 refers, therefore, to the birth of the sun (K’in Ahaw) and the sacrifices that must be made to ensure its continued movement through the sky. In addition, the four frames of the bottom register concern rituals performed in front of a pillar dressed in the garb of a Maya deity (a loincloth and cape), and the hieroglyphic caption refers to the planting of an “Itzamna” tree (Itzamna referring to the male creator). Our understanding of the yearbearer ceremonies as having a relationship with mythological episodes similar to those related in the sixteenth-century Popol Vuh (and depicted on earlier Classic period vessels) is also predicated on festivals celebrated during the “closed days” (corresponding to Yucatec Wayeb) in highland Guatemala during the prehispanic period. According to Las Casas (1967 [1550], II.clxxvii.149) and Ximénez (1929–1931 [1722], I:81–102), the rulers of the highland kingdoms undertook a symbolic journey to the Underworld at this time, with the ballcourt serving as the place where they entered and returned from the Underworld. This may be interpreted as a reenactment of the journey of the Hero Twins and their ultimate victory over the Underworld lords. The closed days were considered an inversion of the normal order; during this time, sickness reigned and the Underworld gods, represented in the form of richly dressed 112 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

images, were honored in place of the legitimate kings. They were carried through the streets during musical processions and given offerings, much as the Mam were in accounts of the Yucatec Wayeb. When the kings returned from the ballcourt, they were heralded as having defeated the Underworld lords and were reinstated in their proper roles. At the same time, the images of the Underworld gods were removed or destroyed, and the kings provided a “sign to the people” as reassurance that the gods were in their proper places (Ximénez 1929–1931 [1722], I:85, quoted in Christenson 2001:189–190). The parading and honoring of the gods of the retiring year, seen in the upper and middle register on each page of the Dresden yearbearer almanac, mark the time when the rulers were in the Underworld, whereas the bottom register on each page signifies the successful completion of their mission and their return to their rightful duties. Because of the ballcourt’s role in the Popol Vuh, it is seen as symbolic of the struggle between the Upperworld lords and those of Xibalba. It is possible that the cenotes on D. 27a and 28a (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink63.html) symbolize the point of entry into the netherworld regions. In contemporary communities in highland Guatemala, this same struggle is reenacted each year during Easter Week, when Jesus (the maize god) journeys to the Underworld and dies. That period represents the time the Mam reigns, until Jesus / the maize god is reborn by the act of setting the cross into a hole in the church floor that represents “the navel of the world” (Christenson 2001:185). This symbolic event has clear parallels to the planting of the tree in the lower register of the Dresden yearbearer almanac (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink64.html). For the Tz’utujil Maya, this planting signifies the “triumphal rebirth [of Christ/the maize god] out of the hole as a world tree” (Christenson 2001:185). Not only does this act indicate the rebirth of the world, but also a time of agricultural regeneration and renewal. A similar meaning is implied by the iconography and glyphic captions on D. 25c–28c, although only the north and south are associated with productive agricultural years (the east and west are both characterized by drought; see Appendix 4.2). The pairings seen in the Dresden yearbearer almanac between the burdens (K’awil and the jaguar; the maize god and the death god) are suggestive of the dialectical oppositions that define Maya thought. It is also of interest that all four of the burdens can be linked to the victims in the Dresden Venus table (see Chapter 7), either directly or indirectly: K’awil is the burden on D. 25a (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink65.html) and Venus’ victim on D. 46c (http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink66.html); chak balam (the jaguar) is the burden on D. 26a (http://www.hieroglyphic​research.org /Documentation/UPClink67.html) and Venus’ victim on D. 47c (http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink68.html); the maize god is World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 113

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the burden on D. 27a (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​ /UPClink69.html) and Venus’ victim on D. 48c (http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink70.html); and the death god is the burden of west years on D. 28a (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​ /UPClink71.html) and the “stranger from the west” is Venus’ victim on D. 50c (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink72.html). Seler (1898) initially pointed out these associations in reference to the first three figures. Although the two figures in the final pair do not correspond directly, they are both associated with the west and with the number 10 (Kimil is the god of ‘10’ and this number is associated with the caption on D. 50c). We consider the implications of these relationships in more detail in Chapter 7. The upper register on D. 25–28 makes reference to various types of offering that were made and likely to dances that were performed along the road (see Appendix 4.2 for transcriptions and translations of the texts). These elements correspond well with Landa’s description of the yearly ceremonies. For years associated with the east (Muluk in the Postclassic system), Landa notes that On arriving the priest perfumed it [the statue of the god] with 53 grains of the ground maize, with the incense, which they call sacah. The priest gave this to the chiefs, who put in the brazier more incense, of the kind called chahalté; then they cut off a fowl’s head, as before,17 and taking the image on a wooden standard called chacté, they carried it very devoutly while dancing certain war-dances they call holcan-okot, batel-okot. During this they brought to the road for the chiefs and principal men their drink made from 380 grains of maize, toasted as before. (Gates 1978:64)

Each of the Dresden yearbearer pages refers to offering of pom incense and ch’ahalte’, with coefficients specifying how many offering were to be made: 9 offerings of pom incense on D. 25a (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation ​/UPClink73.html), 7 of pom on D. 26a and 16 of ch’ahalte’ (http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink74.html), 11 of pom and 5 of ch’ahalte’ on D. 27a (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​ /UPClink75.html), and 6 of pom and 6 of ch’ahalte’ on D. 28a http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink76.html). In all but one of these instances, the number of pom offerings appears to be related specifically to the figure being carried as the burden. K’awil (or Bolon Tz’akab) is associated with ‘9’ (bolon means ‘nine’), the jaguar with ‘7’ (the number associated with the earth), and the death god with ‘6’ (the deity Landa associates with west years is called Wak Mitun Ahaw, or Six Underworld Lord, and ‘6’ is the number associated with the Mexican death god Mictlantecuhtli). Landa notes that one of the rituals performed during the Wayeb ceremonies involved drawing blood from the ears and anointing a stone image (called acantun) with the blood that was collected (Gates 1978:63). This ritual was repeated 114 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

during each of the four years (associated with the world directions) and is also mentioned in connection with the carving of wooden “idols” during the month of Mol: “They put incense to be burned to the four deities called the Acantuns, which they brought and placed at the four cardinal points” (Gates 1978:76). Previous scholars have suggested that the anthropomorphic trees or pillars in the bottom register of the yearbearer almanac may correspond to the acantun (MacLeod 1989; see also Thompson 1972), as suggested by the following correspondences: the serpent pictured in three of the four examples represents kaan, and the Kawak markings on the pillars are read as tun ‘stone’, together reading (ah) kaan tun (MacLeod 1989; see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink77.html).18 This reading serves to identify the pillars with both the second stone (the serpent throne stone) set on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u in the Quirigua Stela C text (see Chapter 3) and with the serpent cenotes on D. 31b–35b (discussed below), the locale from which the rain is born—suggesting an intimate connection between the serpent stone and Chaak’s principal attributes (rain and fertility). We interpret the New Year ceremonies as representing a petition to the rain gods as part of the ceremonial renewal of the world order, an interpretation further suggested by Landa’s description of the Chaak and Pawahtun deities associated with these rituals and the fact that they are highlighted on the Madrid yearbearer pages. Moreover, the burning of incense that formed part of these ceremonies is also suggestive of the act of petitioning the rain gods. Incense burned by the contemporary Maya is said to create black clouds of smoke that imitate rain clouds (Christenson 2001:95). In addition, as we have previously mentioned, D. 25–28 can be related to events later recorded in the colonial period Books of Chilam Balam that recount the role of the Bakabs in re-creating the land following the flood and setting up Imix trees to mark the destruction of the world. The opossum Mams, in their role as Bakabs, appear to be enacting the types of foundation rituals that are described in relation to the establishment of communities in colonial period sources (see Edmonson 1982, 1986; García-Zambrano 1994; Paxton 2010), including pacing off the perimeter of the community (on D. 25a–28a) and establishing boundary markers (on D. 25c–28c). Textual references provide support for this interpretation; like the stelae set up by Classic period kings, the pillars on D. 25c–28c are described as being planted (tz’ap). The planted pillars serve both to mark the original foundation event and rituals of reenactment performed there in subsequent years. The “markers” pictured on D. 25c–28c are named in the hieroglyphic captions as chak ‘red’ or ‘great’ (on D. 25c) and yax [yáax or ya’ax] ‘first’ or ‘green’ (on D. 26c– 28c) Itzamna trees (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink78.html). In this sense, they can be associated with the imix che’ from the Books of Chilam Balam that correspond in some respect to the Bakabs said by Landa to hold up the sky (Gates 1978:60). We would like to suggest that the Acantuns described by Landa are an alternate epithet for the Bakabs and that the World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 115

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rituals performed at the four entrances to the community were focused on this deity, as we discuss in more detail below. 78

Discussion of Yearbearer Rituals The Dresden yearbearer pages are reminiscent of the text of a song that was included in the colonial Yucatec manuscript the Cantares de Dzitbalché (Taube 1988:293). Called Kiliz Tuup Yok Uitz, “the extinguishing of the old wealthy man upon the hill,” Song 12 describes the celebration of a nighttime vigil to bring in the New Year. Although the events mentioned are reminiscent in some respects of the Aztec New Fire ceremony (see Chapter 2), they can also be linked in several direct ways to the iconography found on D. 25–28. Lines 11–47 read as follows: Arrived are the musician singers, the buffoons, dancers, contortionists, jumpers, hunchbacks, and spectators. All the people have arrived behind Ah Ahau Can to the enjoyment that will occur in the center of the plaza of our community. The sun has begun to enter the edge of the sky, it is the moment to begin ___ ___ copal ___ Yum [Father] Sky receives the smoke from the fire to sting the face/eyes of Yum [Father] Sun. Let us go, let us go to the trunk of the ceiba. Let us put the payment offering [keex] for the new year. Finished, finished are the painful days. Let us group together in the town, let us go to the east to place the column of wood of the old wealthy receiver of fire [kiliz] upon the hill. Bring all the things new; throw out all the things old. Father God [yum ku] has decreed that we have passed the evil days here in the town, because there are going to come other days, other months, other years, 116 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

other Katuns, so that there will come to be completed one twenty year span for the Katun. Let us go place another new stone of the end of the year at the entrance of the town. Let us look for a white stone to indicate that another year has passed . . . (translation by Taube 1988:293, after Barrera Vásquez 1965)

As Taube (1988:294–298) discusses in his dissertation, Song 12 has many explicit connections to D. 25–28. For example, the opossum performers pictured in the upper register correspond to the many different types of performers described in the song— musicians, singers, buffoons, dancers, and so on. In addition, Song 12 mentions the drilling of new fire and the burning of copal incense, acts that mark the transition from the old year to the new. This transition appears to be represented by the braziers containing burning copal incense on D. 25b–28b, and by the ceremonies performed in front of the trees or columns on D. 25c–28c, which signify the payment made to the ceiba tree described in the song’s text. As we have previously discussed, the “trees” appearing on these pages have multiple associations. In the context of Song 12, Taube notes that they may be related to the imix che’ set up by the Bakabs following the flood in the Books of Chilam Balam, where they are also described as okomal ka’an ‘wooden pillars of the sky’. The kiliz [kilis], or ‘old man’, named in the song appears to correspond to the Mam (another name for the Bakabs); both are described in terms suggesting they may be identified with the okom ‘wooden column’ or ‘support’ (Taube 1988:294). From this, it is possible to suggest analogies between the kilis and Mam; the wooden pillars of the sky, the imix che’ from the Chilam Balam narratives, and the Dresden “trees,” which are referred to as itzamna te’ in the hieroglyphic captions (Taube 1988).19 The Dzitbalché text describes the column of wood (the kilis, or Mam) being placed upon a hill, which Taube suggests may correspond to the mounds of stone described by Landa that were located at the entrances to the community (Gates 1978:62). Taube further suggests that this action transforms the Mam into a Bakab, or world bearer. In this regard, it is of interest that each of the pillars on D. 25c–28c is dressed in the fashion of a deity (wearing a loincloth and cape), which serves to highlight their role as Mams or Bakabs (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink79 .html). Moreover, their appearance calls to mind stories about the birth of the Mam told by the Maya of Santiago Atitlán. According to Nicolás Chávez: “Finally they consulted the Coral Tree (Tz’ajte’), who agreed to work for the ancestors. So they cut down the tree, which laughed as it fell. They then carved the body of the Mam from the tree. But they did not have to hold the tools as they worked . . . The machete would carve the wood by itself ” (quoted in Christenson 2001:180). World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 117

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Figure 4.11 (left). God L wearing a loincloth with footprints from the Temple of the Cross pier, Palenque. Drawing by Merle Greene Robertson. Courtesy of the Latin American Lubrary, Tulane University.

Figure 4.12 (above). Chaak wearing a cape with foot­prints on D. 35a. After Förstemann (1880).

The representation of footprints (footsteps) seen on the loincloths is a common convention in Maya iconography for representing the passage of time. We would like to call attention to the fact that the number of footprints—nine—represented on the loincloths across the four pages of the yearbearer almanac has significance. Among the contemporary Jacaltec Maya, a footstep refers to a period of forty days (Gillespie and Joyce 1998:288–289); nine of them, therefore, correspond to the 360-day year, or tun. It is undoubtedly significant in this regard that the pillars on D. 25c–28c rest on top of T548 glyphs (referring to the 360-day year) on the Dresden yearbearer pages. The nine footprints on the trees also serve as a reference to the deity Bolon Yokte’ ‘Nine are the tree’s footsteps.’ As previous scholars have noted, God L has nine footprints on his loincloth on a carved pier from the Temple of the Cross at Palenque (Figure 4.11), suggesting that he may be related to this deity (Gillespie and Joyce 1998:287; Grofe 2009). Likewise, examples of Chaak wearing clothing with footprints (see, e.g., D. 25c and D. 30a; see Figure 4.12) suggest that he may also be associated with the Bolon Yokte’. On the Dresden yearbearer pages, the pillars may be related specifi118 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

Figure 4.13. The cosmogram on M. 75–76, showing footsteps leading from the periphery at each of the intercardinal points to the center. After Anders (1967).

cally to Chaak (see D. 25a) and perhaps also to God L as the Mam transformed into the world-bearing Bakab.20 Both Chaak and God L are referenced in texts from the Dresden Codex associated with the 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u base date of the previous era that describe their [holy] footsteps stopping on that day to perform specific rituals: kan ajaw waxak ohl wa’alah yook chaak “Chaak’s [or God L’s] footsteps stopped on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u” (see http://www.hier​oglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink80 .html).21 Similarly, in colonial period texts, the act of a deity walking is equated with creating the days of the sacred calendar and the things associated with them—for example, earth on the day Kaban, death on the day Kimi, and so forth (V. Bricker 2002). Nine pairs of footsteps are represented on pages 75–76 of the Madrid Codex, which relate time to movement through space (Figure 4.13). We associate these World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 119

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Figure 4.14. References to the deity Bolon Okte’ on D. 60 in scenes emphasizing the capture of prisoners for sacrifice. After Förstemann (1880).

nine paired footsteps with the initial pacing out of the year in primordial time by the Bolon Okte’ gods. This figure (or series of deities) remains enigmatic. Bolon Okte’ is one of the sets of deities named on the Vase of the Seven Gods (see discussion in Chapter 3) as associated with setting creation in order on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u. In addition, this name appears in the caption to both the upper and lower register pictures on D. 60 (Figure 4.14) in the context of a k’atun-ending ceremony and possible Venus events (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:233–234). Due to the complexity of the scenes depicted, it is not clear which of the figures pictured should be associated with this title, although it is quite possibly one of the Mexican-style warriors. If the name can be linked with Xiuhtecuhtli (who is pictured as a possible Venus deity in the lower register), this would tie Bolon Yokte’ to the almanac appearing on page 1 of the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer (Figure 3.6). There, Xiuhtecuhtli appears in the central panel, where he is shown in the guise of a Venus warrior. Surrounding him are four panels containing the world directional trees (with the east-related arm at the top), each accompanied by two deities. The nine deities pictured are known collectively as the “Lords of the Night”; Xiuhtecuhtli, as the first of these, is the god of time, fire, and the central hearth. Although not present on FM 1, footprints do occur in the cognate almanac on pages 75–76 of the Madrid Codex. There, Xiuhtecuhtli has been replaced by the Maya creator couple, who are seated beneath what is believed to be the central world tree. We interpret this panel as referring to an Underworld location, most likely the cave within which the creation of humans occurred. Support for this interpretation is provided by the murals associated with Structure 16 at Tulum (discussed below), as well as the 120 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

presence of a “tree” formed by stalactites and stalagmites in the central chamber of Balankanche cavern near Chichén Itzá. Our analysis of the artifactual deposits in the cave’s central chamber, left in situ following their original use, suggests that rituals for renovating the world occurred beneath the Balankanche “tree,” much as is pictured in the M. 75–76 almanac (Vail and Hernández 2012). In addition to its obvious connections to M. 75–76, FM 1 can also be linked to D. 25c–28c through its iconography and the setting up of the world trees. The reference to nine gods in each of the almanacs (the Bolon Yokte’ and the nine Lords of the Night) provides another connection between them, with the almanac on D. 60 supplying the crucial link regarding how they are related.

Links to Events of Creation As previously discussed, the Dresden yearbearer pages can be linked explicitly to the events of creation described in the Books of Chilam Balam. They are also related to creation narratives told on the Vase of the Seven Gods (see Figure 3.9) and Quirigua Stela C (see Figure 3.7), both of which refer to events on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u involving the manifestation of the turtle constellation, the establishment of the celestial hearth, and the ordering of the deities. To place the Dresden yearbearer pages in context, we demonstrate that they have a calendrical relationship with the start of the current era. The set of dates highlighted below refers to the death of the old year (associated with the sun god) and the birth of the new era at the hands of Itzamna (who is named as the deity responsible for setting the third stone on Quirigua Stela C). 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u [end of thirteenth bak’tun] 5 Imix 9 Kumk’u 6 Ik’ 10 Kumk’u 7 Ak’bal 11 Kumk’u 8 K’an 12 Kumk’u 9 Chikchan 13 Kumk’u 10 Kimi 14 Kumk’u 11 Manik’ 15 Kumk’u 12 Lamat 16 Kumk’u 13 Muluk 17 Kumk’u 1 Ok 18 Kumk’u 2 Chuwen 19 Kumk’u 3 Eb 0 Wayeb 4 Ben 1 Wayeb [D. 25c—death of old year] 5 Ix 2 Wayeb 6 Men 3 Wayeb World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 121

7 Kib 4 Wayeb 8 Kaban 0 Pop [D. 26a] 9 Etz’nab 1 Pop [D. 26b/c—birth of new year] 10 Kawak 2 Pop [M. 34]

The hieroglyphic texts associated with the almanac’s middle and lower registers include several verbs that are elsewhere linked to creation events: tz’ak ‘to set in order, arrange’ and tz’ap ‘to plant, set up’. The former is used to refer to a series of deities who are ordered or arranged (i.e., placed in their temples in relation to specific calendrically based ceremonies) on D. 25b–28b: K’awil on D. 25b, K’in Ahaw on D. 26b, Itzamna on D. 27b, and Kan Kam (Four or Serpent Death) on D. 28b. As yearbearer deities, it is important that their order and the succession of their rule be firmly established. This ordering parallels that of the series of deities named on the Vase of the Seven Gods, which occurred on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u and over which God L (the chief Underworld lord) presided. Although God L is not pictured on D. 25–28, he is one of the principal figures on the previous page (the flood scene on D. 74), and an aspect of this deity appears in the upper register of the almanac in the guise of the opossum Mams, one of the epithets taken by God L on D. 7a (see discussion in Chapter 10 and http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink81.html). If described as a ritual of foundation, the upper register shows the pacing off of the land, the middle register the ordering of the deities, and the lower register the setting up of the world trees. The latter act is described by the verb tz’ap, which is also used on Quirigua Stela C to refer to the setting in place of the first two hearthstones. Similarly, tz’ap is used on Classic period monuments to refer to the planting, so to speak, of a stela. The world trees described in the Chumayel text are similar to stelae in that they both record histories—“the history of the destruction of the world” for the Chumayel trees (Knowlton 2010:65), in contrast to the history of a particular k’atun of a ruler’s life inscribed on a stela. Rather than being monuments associated with k’atun endings, the Dresden trees represent a particular haab or tun (as suggested by the T548 glyphs at their base). They also, as we have previously discussed, serve to embody the footprints of the deities who performed calendrical rituals in their presence. Named Bolon Yokte’ ‘Nine are the tree’s footsteps,’ this figure is also highlighted in the text of the Vase of the Seven Gods and is identified explicitly with God L at Palenque.

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Dresden 31b–35b D. 31b–35b (Figure 4.15) is one of a series of almanacs in the middle register of this section of the Dresden Codex that refers to Chaak or the “footsteps of Chaak” stopping at each of the world directions in order to perform a particular ritual and make a prophecy (others occur on D. 29b–30b and 30b–31b). In each 122 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

Figure 4.15. The almanac on D. 31b–35b showing the four directional Chaaks (fr. 1, 3, 5, and 7) and the birth of the rains (fr. 2, 4, 6, and 8). The calendrical structure is detailed in Appendix 4.3. After Förstemann (1880).

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case, east is the primary direction, as it is in ritual circuits undertaken by contemporary Maya groups. The intervals in the associated almanacs are ostensibly of 13 and 65 days, although they more likely refer to 13-year intervals associated with dividing the 52-year Calendar Round into quarters. The critical days referenced in these almanacs include yearbearer days and “Burner” days (referring to a cycle of rituals that repeat at 65-day intervals) involving the lighting and extinguishing of a fire. Reference to Appendix 4.3 indicates that D. 31b–35b has a number of explicit connections to the Dresden yearbearer pages: each series of frames (they are arranged in pairs of two) begins with a date that can be paired with 1 Pop or 1 Wayeb—10 Ben associated with the east, 10 Etz’nab associated with the north, 10 Ak’bal (mistakenly written as 11) associated with the west, and 10 Lamat associated with the south (see http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink82.html). Rather than referring to an alternating series of deities, however, as we see on the yearbearer pages, Chaak is the protagonist of all eight of the almanac’s frames. Note, however, that he changes aspect based on which direction he is associated with (sak ‘white’ chaak for the north, eek’ ‘black’ chaak for the west, and k’an ‘yellow’ chaak for the south; the eastern Chaak does not have the chak ‘red’ prefix expected with his name). Other similarities between D. 31b–35b and the yearbearer pages include the fact that the eastern Chaak bears the accoutrements of the opossum Mams from D. 25a–28a, which include a rattle staff, a particular type of headdress, and what may be an incense bag, and the presence of cenotes (here associated with the north, west, and south, instead of just the north and west).22 In addition, the prophecies made by each of the directional Chaaks also closely match those occurring in the bottom register of the Dresden yearbearer pages (see discussion below). The text captions associated with the almanac’s first, third, fifth, and seventh frames begin with a directional collocation, followed by the phrase wa’alah yook chaak “Chaak’s footsteps stopped [in the east/north/west/south]” (see Appendix 4.3). In this regard, it is of interest that the verb wa’al can also mean ‘to stand up’,23 whereas ok may be a shortened form of okmal [ocmal] ‘pillar’. The almanac’s first clause may therefore have a second interpretation as “The Chaak pillar was stood up in the east.” If that is the case, it has a direct bearing on the scene pictured on D. 25c (see Figure 4.2), where Chaak serves as the tree or pillar of the east, marking the beginning of a new year. The fact that Chaak wears the accoutrements of the yearbearer Mam on D. 31a suggests that this association was likely intended. Another similarity is the presence of what we identify as ah kaan tun ‘serpent stones’ on D. 25c–28c and D. 31b–35b. In both cases, they are named in rebus fashion with a kaan ‘serpent’ plus the T528 glyph, signifying ‘stone’. On D. 31b–35b, the serpent appears in the picture (see frames 4, 6, and 8), and the tun glyph in the hieroglyphic caption (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink83.html). These events are said to take place at kab-ch’een ‘earth-cave’. 124 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

Together, the text and image reference the serpent stone said to have been set at the kab-ch’een in the Classic period text discussed previously from Quirigua Stela C (see Chapter 3). Visually, the serpents on D. 31b–35b appear to represent a portal from a watery location (such as a cave or cenote) through which Chaak is pictured emerging with his lightning axe. We interpret this iconography as signifying the birth of the rains from the primordial cave of creation, an act called forth by the ritual procession of the Chaak priest (highlighted in frames 1, 3, 5, and 7).24 The emergence of Chaak (as the rains) from within the earth occurs every spring, replicating its original occurrence in primordial time. Like D. 25–28, therefore, this almanac ties events from the historical present of the scribe to those related to the creation of the present world and its inhabitants in primordial times. The dates associated with the four pairs of frames serve to mark rituals occurring within a 65-day period (the progression of dates within each set) that are separated from the following set by a thirteen-year interval (seen in column A in Appendix 4.3; see also http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink84.html). We interpret the paired frames as indicating that Chaak’s ritual actions at each of the four stopping points on his journey (in the east, north, west, and south) leads to the birth of the rains. The role of Chaak as a yearbearer deity in frames 1, 3, 5, and 7 is made clear by his appearance in frame 1, which mirrors that of the opossum Mams on D. 25a–28a, and by the beginning dates associated with each frame. Moreover, there are specific ties between the prognostications recorded in frames 1, 3, 5, and 7 and those on the Dresden yearbearer pages (Table 4.2). Torches and axes, such as those that Chaak wields, have been interpreted in previous studies as having symbolic meanings, with the axe having associations with the generative power of lightning (Taube 1992:17) and the torch with drought (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1992). It seems more likely, however, that the torches held by Chaak are associated instead with the creation of new fire, which is explicitly linked with lightning in a seventeenth-century account of a Manche Chol New Fire ceremony (Tozzer 1913:504, cited in Taube 1988:264). This interpretation would explain why there does not seem to be a consistent correlation between what Chaak is holding and the prognostications listed in the almanac’s captions (see Table 4.3). Other explanations for the presence of the torches on D. 31b–35b include the possibility that they allude to Burner rituals performed at 65-day intervals (either on the days 11 Ahaw, 11 Ok, 11 Chikchan, and 11 Men associated with the almanac’s fourth row; or on 13 Men, 13 Ahaw, 13 Chikchan, and 13 Ok associated with the almanac’s seventh row). Although still poorly understood, the Burner ceremonies are the focus of the almanac that immediately precedes D. 31b–35b (http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink85.html). Its four frames refer to a ritual circuit performed by color-directional aspects of the Chaaks, which involved making specific types of offerings (including deer, turkey, iguana, and World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 125

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Table 4.2. Comparison of yearbearer prophecies on D. 25c–28c and D. 31b–35b Frame

Date

Prognostications

Yearbearer page

Deity and prognostications

1

10 Ben (East)

Drought, sudden fire

D. 25c (East)

K’in Ahaw (sun god) / damage? to the maize, drought

3

10 Etz’nab (North)

Rulership, maize

D. 26c, corrected (North)

Itzamna (creator) / abundance of food and drink

5

10 Ak’bal (West)

Drought, death (dead person)

D. 27c (West)

Kimil (d​eath god) / drought

7

10 Lamat (South)

Abundance of food and drink; maize (Chaak wears K’awil headdress)

D. 28c, corrected (South)

K’awil / abundance of food; maize

Table 4.3. The hieroglyphic captions, prognostications, and pictures associated with frames 1, 3, 5, and 7 on D. 31b–35b Frame

Date

Clause 1

Prognostications

Picture

1

10 Ben

Chaak’s footsteps stopped in the east.

Drought, sudden fire

Chaak with upraised axe, no torch

3

10 Etz’nab

The white Chaak’s footsteps stopped in the north.

Rulership, maize

Chaak with upraised axe and a flaming torch (pointed downward)

5

10 Ak’bal

The black Chaak’s footsteps stopped in the west.

Drought, death (dead person)

Chaak with upraised axe and a torch (pointed downward)

7

10 Lamat

The yellow Chaak’s footsteps stopped in the south.

Abundance of food and drink; maize

Chaak with two flaming torches, one held upright and the other pointing downward

fish tamales). Like the ceremonies associated with the fifty-two-year Calendar Round cycle, the Burner rituals involve the segmenting of time into quarters and the performance of specific rituals associated with the four quarter points (V. Bricker 1991). Many of the same rituals are called for—the lighting (and extinguishing) of fires, sacrificial acts, and the making of offerings.25 If Burner rituals are indeed depicted on D. 31b–35b, this suggests that frames 1, 3, 5, and 7 of the almanac allude to a period of twenty-seven days incorporating both yearbearer rituals and one of the first three stations of the Burner ceremony (which involve “getting,” “lighting,” and “running” with fire) corresponding to the days 11 Ahaw, 11 Chikchan, 11 Ok, and 11 Men. It is possible to narrow this down to the third Burner station if we link the second frame in each pair, depicting Chaak emerging from 126 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

Table 4.4. Hieroglyphic captions and pictures corresponding to frames 2, 4, 6, and 8 on D. 31b–35b Frame

Clause 1

Clause 2

Picture

2

Hubtun Chaak (a variant of Pawahtun?) enters from One Water Place.*

He is born from the earth-cave (or his offering to the earth-cave).

Chaak holds an upraised axe in his right hand and an (unlit?) torch in his left hand.

4

Chaak/rain enters from the stone; nine blood offerings (or offerings of rubber incense).

He is born from the earth-cave (or his offering to the earth-cave).

Chaak is pictured emerging from the open mouth of a serpent whose body represents an enclosure of water, perhaps a cenote. Only the upper half of Chaak’s body is visible. He wears an incense bag and holds his lightning axe aloft.

6

Chaak/rain enters from the stone; nine blood offerings (or offerings of rubber incense).

He is born from the earth-cave (or his offering to the earth-cave).

Chaak is pictured kneeling on the open mouth of a serpent whose body represents an enclosure of water, perhaps a cenote. He holds an incense bag in his left hand and his lightning axe aloft in the other.

8

Chaak/rain enters from the stone; nine blood offerings (or offerings of rubber incense).

He is born from the earth-cave (or his offering to the earth-cave).

Chaak is pictured seated on the open mouth of a serpent whose body represents an enclosure of water, perhaps a cenote. He holds an incense bag in his left hand and his lightning axe aloft in the other.

* See note 28 regarding the possibility of an alternate reading.

a serpent cenote, with the final Burner station (“quenching” the fire). The two stations are separated by a twenty-day interval, suggesting that the second frame in each pair corresponds with the days 5 Ahaw, 5 Chikchan, 5 Ok, and 5 Men (see Figure 4.15).26 Research by Victoria Bricker (1992) suggests a link between pictures of cenotes (seen in frames 4, 6, and 8) and the final Burner station. Another explanation for the torches in the almanac’s first set of frames is that the rituals being depicted were performed in cave contexts. Andrea Stone (1989) presents a strong case that caves served as the locus of period-ending ceremonies, both those associated with k’atun endings and also with yearbearer celebrations. If such is the case here, then the pictures of Chaak with his lightning axe (to call the rains) and torch (to light the darkness but also to provide smoke to imitate the dark rain-laden clouds) are perfectly understandable. Moreover, this interpretation provides a plausible explanation for the second frame in each set, which pictures the emergence of Chaak out of the earth’s interior. The frames picturing Chaak’s emergence have a number of commonalities, although they are characterized by subtle differences as well (see Table 4.4). The first of these World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 127

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87

88

frames is especially anomalous: it includes a hieroglyphic caption that links it to the other frames in this set (with some obvious differences), but its iconography is instead reminiscent of that portrayed in frames 1, 3, 5, and 7, as it shows Chaak with a torch and axe (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink86.html). As previously discussed, we associate the stone mentioned in the hieroglyphic captions with the open-mouthed serpents from which Chaak emerges, suggesting an identification with the serpent stone known from mythological contexts. The serpent stone was the second of the stones set on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u by the primordial gods; in the text from Quirigua Stela C (see Figure 3.7), it is said to have been placed at the earthcave. The text and imagery of the frames under discussion link Chaak to the serpent stone and show his emergence from the earth-cave. In a recent publication, we suggest that this locale can be associated with the primordial cave of creation for Maya peoples—the place where the creator gods ground maize and mixed it with water to form humans and from which humans emerged at the earth’s surface (Vail and Hernández 2012). The almanac under discussion indicates that it may also be associated with the birthplace of the rains and that it likely represents the place where the ancestors are thought to dwell.27 The texts associated with frames 4, 6, and 8 include a reference to nine offerings of rubber incense, which may have served as a substitute for blood (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink87.html). In this respect, it is of interest that in the Popol Vuh, the female creator deity ground the maize used to form humans nine times (Christenson 2007:195). The rubber incense is described on D. 31b–35b as an offering to the earth-cave. In previous studies, we have demonstrated that both Chaak and Chak Chel can be associated with this primordial place of emergence. They are portrayed together in the murals from Temple 16 at Tulum as inhabiting this watery realm, and the murals provide explicit details relating to creation mythology (see discussion below). Frame 2 of the almanac under discussion links the earth-cave with a specific mythic location—One Water Place (Hun Ha’ Nal),28 which we believe refers to the place of beginnings and also perhaps to the place where Hun Nal (the maize god) was decapitated in the watery Underworld. We read the second collocation, which takes a /hu/ prefix in place of /tu/, as hubtun (see Appendix 4.3 and http://www.hieroglyphic​research .org/Documentation/UPClink88.html). An entry in the Cordemex Dictionary lists Hubtun Ahaw as one of the Bakabs who is associated specifically with a shell or snail and is depicted on several of the carved columns at Chichén Itzá (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980:239).29 This glyphic collocation suggests that the Chaak on D. 32b is emerging, or being born, from a shell in the watery Underworld. Although emergence from shells is more commonly associated with Pawahtun (see, e.g., Mural 1 from Tulum Structure 1), the two deities were closely associated—and continue to be today. The Pawahtuns are said to correspond to the winds that bring the rains 128 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

(Thompson 1970b:271). Since east is the principal region associated with the rains for the Maya of Yucatán, it seems appropriate that the second frame of the Dresden almanac depicts the result of the rituals performed by Chaak at this eastern station. The text of this frame suggests that scenes such as those from Tulum Temple 16 may be associated specifically with One Water Place. We consider this possibility in greater detail in the discussion below.

Chaak and Chak Chel at Tulum Murals 1, 2, and 5, associated with Structure 16 at Tulum, include a complex iconographic program that we interpret as relating to the story of the maize god in the Underworld, of his resurrection, and of the creation of the first humans from maize ground by Chak Chel. Our primary focus is on Mural 2, which includes four different registers, each of which can be related to a different episode in primordial time (Figure 4.16). The lowest two are enclosed within the jaws of the earth crocodilian, suggesting that they take place in the Underworld realm. Just below them is a depiction of several creatures that inhabit the sea, including a large fish and some sort of ray, another indication of a watery Underworld locale. Above this, the intertwining bodies of serpents serve to frame the narrative, which is related in a purely pictorial format without associated glyphic texts. It is clearly meant to be read from the lowest register upward. Chaak and Chak Chel are paired in the bottom two registers: in the first, they each grasp serpent scepters (similar to those pictured on occasion in the Madrid Codex) and face inward toward a vessel from which a bean plant sprouts; beans also grow from the bordering serpents, suggesting the fertility of this underground place. In the next register, Chak Chel and Chaak again appear; they are both associated with vessels containing maize glyphs and foliage. Chak Chel also has a bean plant emerging, or perhaps growing, from her back,30 and she holds a miniature figure of Chaak, most likely to symbolize her role as a goddess of rain and fertility. The frame is bifurcated by the intertwining bodies of two serpents; on the opposite side, Chaak and the maize god are both pictured. Chaak is seated on what appears to be a jaguar throne (although the area where the head should be is eroded) with the scaly tail of a crocodile. Both jaguar thrones and caiman thrones were used by Classic period Maya lords as a sign of their authority and power. Crocodile thrones are associated specifically with times of transition such as period endings or accessions and can be interpreted as symbolizing a new creation, or the renewal of the world. To the left of Chaak, the maize god is depicted with his hand raised to his face, in a gesture meant to signify his death. In place of his feet are two maize glyphs, and he is also associated with maize foliage. We interpret this image as signifying the death of the maize god in the Underworld, at the hands of the Underworld lords. One such figure, the god Kisin, is pictured adjacent to the maize god in an accompanying mural (see Miller 1982:pl. 37). World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 129

Figure 4.16. Mural 2 from Structure 16 at Tulum, which highlights the roles played by Chaak, Chak Chel, and the maize god in creation episodes. Drawing by Felipe Dávalos (A. Miller 1982:pl. 37). Courtesy of Dumbarton Oaks.

In the register above this, we see the resurrected maize god at the center of the panel, flanked by Chaak on the right and Chak Chel on the left. This can be associated with the rebirth of the maize god discussed in Chapter 3, which may also be linked to a ritual described as ka put sihil ‘second birth’ in the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel (Knowlton 2010:76). This rebirth ceremony is followed in the upper register (above a band with wind and flower glyphs) by the gift of the maize to the gods; it emerges, in the form of T506 glyphs, from two open-mouthed serpent heads on the left of the scene and is then ground by Chak Chel (on the right-hand side) to create the first humans. Chaak is again paired with Chak Chel in this scene. The birth of the maize in the mural, represented by flowering T506 glyphs, can be compared with the birth of the rain on D. 31b–35b. Both rise out of the depths of the earth through the conduit of a serpent. In the Tulum mural, this is paired with a sculptural representation of a “diving god,” a winged being who seems to combine elements of the maize god (note his foliation) and an insect (note the thorax). Previous identifications of these diving figures suggest that they represent bee gods (the Ah Musenkab in the Books of Chilam Balam; see Roys 1965:63), the Morning Star aspect of Venus (Miller 1982:86), or the maize god (Taube 1992:41). Comparisons between the Tulum figure and that depicted on page 58b of the Dresden eclipse table (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink89.html) suggest a possible identification as the western (Evening Star) aspect of Venus in its descent toward the earth. This interpretation ties in well with research suggesting that Venus, in its Evening Star manifestation, was associated with rain and fertility (Šprajc 1993a, b), the primary themes of the mural. In addition, we have presented evidence (see Chapter 10) suggesting that the Ah Musenkab named in the Books of Chilam Balam (see Knowlton 2010:55) were Venus deities that took the form of bees. This description fits the diving figure associated with Structure 16 from Tulum especially well. In the following chapter, Chaak and Chak Chel are considered in relation to the flood that destroyed the previous creation (that of the wooden people), prior to the events referenced in the yearbearer almanac.

Overview of Chapter This chapter highlights a number of important connections between prehispanic and contemporary rituals, such as the yearbearer and rain-making ceremonies. The Dresden yearbearer pages were cast in a new light by showing their relationship to rain-making ceremonies and to the role of Chaak in the almanac on D. 31b–35b. Furthermore, we expanded on the efforts of previous scholars to show the connections between these ceremonies and primordial events of world creation and renewal. Our analysis also serves to highlight the role of paired male and female deities in the events of world creation, although it was found that the principal World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 131

89

pairing of interest to the Postclassic Maya involved the complementary roles played by Chaak and Chak Chel, rather than by Itzamna and the latter deity. Our analysis also suggests a link between the trees in the bottom register of D. 25–28 and the deity Bolon Yokte’ K’uh, whose name means ‘Nine are the tree [or wooden] god’s footsteps’. Evidence from a variety of sources suggests that both God L and Chaak can be considered members of the Bolon Yokte’ complex, as we consider in more detail in Chapter 10. The emphasis on footsteps is also important in the text captions to a number of almanacs and tables in the Dresden Codex that focus on foundation rituals that included the pacing out of ritual circuits, with stopping places at each of the world directions to perform rituals and make prophecies. Although previous scholars have commented on iconographic representations of the pacing of time and space (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988, 1992; Paxton 2010), which is represented most strikingly on M. 75–76, the recognition of this act in hieroglyphic texts has received little attention (but see Vail 2012a). Our analysis of the Dresden Venus table (see Chapter 7) shows that this is one of the principal metaphors underlying the structure and function of the table.

Appendix 4.1. Deities in the Dresden Yearbearer Almanac Upper Register Deities

Each of the four frames pictures two separate figures, an anthropomorphic opossum (named in the text as a Mam), who carries another figure (named in the text as his “burden”) on his back (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA27 .html). Opossum Mams

A27

The Pawahtun are a group of quadripartite deities that have associations with the wind and rain. Landa describes them as being equivalent to the Bakabs (see Appendix 3.1 and discussion in Chapter 3). They may both be thought of as deities that play a vital function in supporting the world, although this role is not especially evident in the Maya codices. The glyphic spelling of Pawahtun consists of T63/64, paired with T528 (tun ‘stone’) or T548, referring to the 360-day or 365-day year. Occasionally, a portrait glyph replaces T528 or T548 in reference to this deity. The most common prefix to Pawahtun’s name is TIV (kan, meaning ‘four’ or ‘sky’), likely suggesting the quadripartite nature of the deity. Occasionally, TV (ho’, meaning ‘five’) is used instead, presumably because Pawahtun is the god (head variant) of the number ‘5.’ The Pawahtuns are commonly depicted as aged individuals who have human features and who sometimes take on the attributes of the Mam (another of Pawahtun’s epithets; see discussion below). The opossum Mams from D. 25a– 132 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

28a are represented elsewhere in the codices, where they are labeled explicitly as Pawah-ooch (ooch means ‘opossum’). Opossums play an important role in the Popol Vuh, representing one of the aspects of the creator grandfather (called Hunahpu Opossum). In this aspect, he is associated with the darkness just before dawn and with the first rising of the sun. An example of this deity (labeled with the Yucatec designation Pawah-ooch) appears on D. 7a, in the form of God L (see Figure 10.12). Other examples of Pawah-ooch appear explicitly in the form of an opossum. One of the most recognizable examples occurs on M. 68a (see Figure 8.10 and http://hiero glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA28.html), where a reddish-brown animal is seated in a structure in front of a vessel containing the glyphic collocation for feast. Although the animal’s face is largely eroded, the pawah headdress is clearly visible, as is part of the ak’bal ‘night’ or ‘darkness’ infix above the eye. Taube (1989b) has suggested that this infix may substitute for the black markings around the opossums’ eyes seen in the Dresden yearbearer almanac. The glyphic text on M. 68a begins with the phrase y-otoch ‘[in] his house’ and then names the subject, pawah-ooch (the collocation is largely eroded but can be recognized in combination with the opossum deity in the picture). This text is followed by a reference to the ‘lord of the maize’ being the ‘dead person’. It seems likely, based on a comparison with the Dresden yearbearer almanac, that the picture corresponds to that in the middle register of D. 28 (see Figure 4.6 and http://hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClinkA29.html). The two are similar in many respects, including the reference to an Underworld god (one of the Mam’s principal associations), the three T506 glyphs, and the inclusion of the y-otoch compound in their hieroglyphic captions (V. Bricker 1997:174–175). Moreover, of the eight dates that may correspond with the picture on M. 68a, two of them fall on Lamat (8 Lamat and 12 Lamat), which is the yearbearer day associated with D. 28b (Vail and V. Bricker 2004). The Pawah-opossum is pictured on a number of other occasions in the Madrid Codex, although its name is rarely given. There are three examples of the creature on M. 87a–88a in the context of an almanac in which prisoners are being taken captive. The almanac begins with a picture of a vulture tearing out the eye of a prone individual (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA30.html), a theme that occurs in several other contexts in the Maya codices (see, e.g., Figure 7.35). Its exact significance is unknown, but there are several episodes in the Books of Chilam Balam that refer to the blindfolding (blinding) of various deities. Moreover, among the contemporary Tzotzil Maya of Chiapas, birds of prey are said to descend during an eclipse to tear out the eye of a human victim (Guiteras Holmes 1961:153). Another example of Pawah-ooch occurs in the almanac on M. 89a–90a (see Figure 8.8 and http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA31 .html), as the last in a series of five deities. He can be associated with the center World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 133

A28

A29

A30

A31

A32

direction and is named as ah kab-ch’een ‘he of the earth-cave’.31 The figure pictured stands within a structure with a thatched roof and holds lit torches in each of its hands, a convention used elsewhere in almanacs with yearbearer associations (see discussion of torches in this chapter).32 Pawah-ooch is one of several manifestations of the Pawahtun deities; the pawah prefix also occurs with aak, meaning ‘turtle’, with ayin, meaning ‘crocodile’, twice with T759b (possibly referring to a rabbit), twice with the death god Kimil’s glyph, and a number of times with k’in (T544) in place of tun or haab (T548). Burdens

K’awil

A33

In Landa’s discussion of the yearbearer ceremonies, the deity corresponding to south years is named Bolon Dzacab[Bolon Tz’akab]. This deity is said to have caused the flood that destroyed the “coreless” people in the Books of Chilam Balam, by taking the seed corn to the “thirteenth plane of the sky” (Knowlton 2010:61). A number of painted capstones from the northern Maya area picture the deity K’awil holding sacks overflowing with maize; one, from the Temple of the Owls at Chichén Itzá (Figure 4.17), shows K’awil rising into the sky with various seeds and precious objects. It has been suggested, based on the iconography associated with the Temple of the Owls, that K’awil has “liberated” cacao and other agricultural riches from the Underworld realm associated with the deity God L (Martin 2006:174–176). This suggestion parallels contemporary Maya folktales in which a thunderbolt such as that personified by the prehispanic K’awil is used to crack open the rock or mountain that contains maize (Thompson 1970b:349–350). In a later part of the Chilam Balam narrative, Bolon Tz’akab is said to descend from the sky, which presumably marks the gift of maize to the earth (Knowlton 2010:76). In representations in the Maya codices, the maize god is shown playing this role (see discussion in Chapter 8), suggesting that the epithet Bolon Tz’akab referred to a group of deities having associations with fertility and agricultural abundance. That K’awil is one of these is not surprising, based on the meaning of his name: k’aa ‘abundance of ’ and wi’il ‘food’ (Thompson 1970b:289). On the yearbearer pages, K’awil is described as the burden of the Mam on D. 25a, and his offering is said to be cacao (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClinkA32.html). Cacao is one of the things that K’awil is depicted freeing from the Underworld on the Temple of the Owls capstone. The most frequent prognostications associated with K’awil in the Maya codices are ox wi’il ‘abundance of food’ and k’aa? ha’ waah ‘abundance of ? food and drink’. K’awil is shown as the victim of the Morning Star aspect of Venus on D. 46 (see discussion in Chapter 7 and http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClinkA33.html). 134 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

Figure 4.17. Capstone from the Temple of Owls, Chichén Itzá. Drawing by Christine Hernández.

Jaguar

In years associated with the east and the sun god K’in Ahaw, the jaguar appears as the burden of the Mam (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClinkA34.html). The hieroglyphic text associated with both figures (K’in Ahaw and the jaguar) suggests that eastern years are characterized by k’intun haab ‘drought’, damage to the maize, and warfare. The jaguar as an aspect of the sun is suggested by several lines of evidence (Miller and Taube 1993:103–104; see also discussion in Appendix 3.1). Although the daytime sun can occur with jaguar features, jaguars are more commonly associated with the nighttime sun in the Underworld. In the Postclassic Maya codices, Xbalanque / Yax Balam appears to play this role. Maize god

In the Maya codices, the maize god Nal appears most often as a personification of the maize crop for a particular time period. On the Dresden yearbearer pages, World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 135

A34

he represents the burden of the Mam for years associated with the north (see http:// hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA35.html). He is pictured in association with the day Ik’, meaning ‘wind’, ‘breath’, and ‘life’. Itzamna is depicted as the patron of the year during which ‘abundance of maize and water’ is the burden. Kimil

A35

The death god Kimil can be compared with One Death (Hun Came) in the Popol Vuh, who together with his brother Seven Death, rules the Underworld.33 He is represented as a skeletal figure, commonly adorned with “death eyes” (disembodied eyeballs) worn in his hair and around his wrists and ankles. Kimil is the patron of years associated with the west on the Dresden yearbearer pages, and the burden of the black (west) Mam (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClinkA36.html). On D. 27a and 28a, both he and the maize god are associated with cenotes, perhaps to suggest their link with the Underworld region. A different deity is pictured seated in the temple as Kimil’s counterpart on D. 28b.34 His attributes suggest that like Kimil, he is associated with the Underworld and with death (see discussion of Ah Kam below). Middle Register Deities

K’awil A36

See previous discussion. K’in Ahaw

K’in Ahaw represents the daytime sun, who is fed on human blood obtained through bloodletting rituals or the sacrifice of prisoners. He was honored during the Muluk yearbearer ceremonies associated with the eastern quadrant and also during the rituals of propitiation associated with Ix (north) years, when an “idol” of Kinch-ahau Itzamna was made and placed in the temple, where it was given offerings of incense and blood (Gates 1978:64, 66). He is pictured as the “patron” of the incoming year on D. 25c (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA37.html). Itzamna

A37

Itzamna is the male creator deity; he represents the patron of years associated with the northern quadrant (and also with the ancestors) on the Dresden yearbearer pages (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA38 .html). The trees set up in the bottom register of the yearbearer almanac, corresponding with each of the four world quarters, are given the name “Itzamna 136 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

tree,” which appears to be an alternate name for the Imix trees set up at the start of the present world in the Books of Chilam Balam. As the first day of the Maya calendar, Imix can be associated with Cipactli ‘crocodile’ in the Mexican system, which is of particular interest in relation to Itzamna’s aspect as Itzam Kab Ayin, the earth crocodilian (see Chapter 3). In his human form, Itzamna shares a number of similarities with Xpiyacoc in the Popol Vuh, the grandfather of the Hero Twins and father of the maize god. The deity Chak Chel serves as the female creator, the counterpart of Xmucane in the Popol Vuh.

A38

Ah Kam

This figure is depicted as Kimil’s counterpart seated in the temple on D. 28b (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA39.html). He has a number of death symbols (crossed bones on his cape, a “percentage sign” on his cheek, bones and death eyes in his headdress); additionally, he has an ak’bal infix on his forehead, suggesting an association with the night and darkness. He is named in the text with a collocation reading Kan Kam, or ‘Four Death’. A portrait glyph that includes the ak’bal infix, found on D. 47b (in the Dresden Venus table), seems to be referring to the same deity. It takes the ah ‘he who’ agentive prefix and likewise refers to the West.

A39

Deities in the Bottom Register

Four of the figures pictured (K’in Ahaw, Itzamna, Kimil, and K’awil) have been discussed previously. The remaining deity portrayed is Chaak.

A40

Chaak (As Yearbearer Tree)

The only depiction of Chaak on the Dresden yearbearer pages is as one of the trees/ pillars associated with the start of the new year (see discussion in this chapter and http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA40.html). He appears in this role on D. 25c, associated with Ben days and the east. This frame has an explicit connection to D. 31a (Figure 4.15), where Chaak is shown in the guise of an opossum Mam (i.e., wearing the same headdress and carrying a rattle staff ). The two frames are further connected by their hieroglyphic captions, both of which refer to k’intun haab ‘drought’ as the prognostication for the year (see discussion in this chapter and http:// hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA41.html). Chaak plays an important role in Maya mythology as the deity responsible, with his K’awil lightning axe, for breaking open the mountain of sustenance to free maize and the other seeds from their Underworld home. As the god of rain and lightning, he appears to be the lowland Maya counterpart of the “mountain-valley” gods of the highland Maya, known in some places as the Mam (Thompson 1930:61–62). World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 137

A41

Hieroglyphic Text: read in paired columns (see chart below) Iconography: The main figure is an opossum in anthropomorphic form, wearing a special headdress and skirt, with a bag around his neck (perhaps for carrying incense). He holds a staff ending in a human hand in his right hand and a rattle in his left hand. A deity, identified in the text as the god K’awil, is supported in a carrying frame on his back. Glyphs: To the left of the main figure are three winik glyphs (signifying ‘20’), modified by bar and dot numbers—an 8 above and a 9 below. These have been interpreted as representing counts of offerings (Love 1994:58–59).

Hieroglyphic text (see chart below) Iconography: The god of sustenance K’awil is seated in a structure with a thatched roof meant to designate otoch ‘house’ or ‘temple’. He wears a cape positioned over the front of his body. In front of him are a series of offerings, including a T506 glyph in a tripod vessel, signifying something made of maize such as a tortilla or tamale; a second offering, of iguana meat in a tortilla or tamale, placed in a tripod vessel; and an incensario containing pom incense made from the copal tree. The flames rising from the latter indicate that the incense is being burned.

Hieroglyphic text (see chart below) Iconography: The sun god K’in Ahaw appears on the right of the scene, wearing a woven cape and holding a decapitated bird (most likely a turkey). His hand is raised in the “scattering” gesture used to indicate the dropping of small pellets of incense into a lit incensario (see lower register of D. 26). The incensario pictured lacks flames, however; instead, a bar and dot number representing ‘19’ appears above it, probably as a means of specifying the number of incense pellets required for the ceremony. On the left side of the page is a representation of the rain deity Chaak associated with a haab ‘year’ glyph. Vegetation grows from Chaak’s head, and he wears a robe or loincloth with a single descending footprint. Glyphs: Several glyphic collocations are associated with the picture. The upper one includes a representation of a heart above glyphs reading chak ‘red’ or ‘great’ and k’in ‘sun’ or ‘day’. The implication is that hearts are sacrificed to the great sun deity. The reading of the second collocation, consisting of the syllables /yu/ and /ta/, remains unknown. Rather than having a specific phonetic reading, it may instead be meant to represent a wrapped bundle that was significant to the ceremony being performed.

Eb days

Ben days

Ben days

Dresden 25

Appendix 4.2. Iconography and Text of the Dresden Yearbearer Almanac

u?-__-ma u mam? is the Mam. u-ku-chu u kuch is his burden. u-kan? u kan? is his offering.

Eroded

K’awil

ka-ka-wa kakaw Cacao

[The yellow Way and his Mam arrived from the south.] K’awil is his burden. Cacao is his offering. ___ 9? ___. Abundance of food and drink [on the] white? ?? road. 9 [pieces of ] copal incense and 7 [offerings of ch’ahalte’ incense]. Flint? and wood,35 ___.

Translation

* Read in paired columns

Eroded

Eroded

D. 25a: Hieroglyphic text*

to-k’V?-??-te tok’ ?? te’ Flint and wood.

9-pom-li bolon pomil 9 [pieces of ] copal incense

??-wah-ha’ ?? waah ha’ Abundance of food and drink.

Eroded

??-__ ?? __ ?? __

7-___ wuk ___ 7 ___

sak?-??-be-hi sak? ?? beh White? ?? road

9?-___ bolon? ___ 9? ___

chak-itzamna-te’ chak itzamna te’ the red/great Itzamna tree

chak-tan?-ni chak tan? red/great face/ presence?

The great Itzamna tree is set up in the east. Great face/presence [a reference to the sun god] [Brings] damage to the maize and drought.

Translation

* Read in a single column

tz’a-pa-ha tz’ap-ah It is set up

D. 25c: Hieroglyphic text*

la-k’in-ni lak’in east

k’awil k’awil K’awil

K’awil is replaced? as lord. It is the deer hunter’s evil omen. Damage to the maize.

Translation

* Read in a single column

ahaw tz’ak-ni tz’ak-in ahaw The lord changed?.36

D. 25b: Hieroglyphic text*

yah? nal yah? nal Damage to the maize.

u muk?-ka u muuk? It is buried / Its evil omen.

k’in-tun-haab k’intun haab drought

chi-ha ah? chih deer hunter?

yah? nal yah? nal Damage to the maize.

Hieroglyphic Text: read in paired columns (see chart below) Iconography: The main figure is an opossum in anthropomorphic form, wearing a special headdress and skirt, with a pectoral around its neck. He holds a staff ending in a human hand in his right hand and a rattle in his left hand. A jaguar is supported in a carrying frame on his back. Glyphs: To the left of the main figure are three winik glyphs (signifying ‘20’), modified by the bar and dot number 13. These have been interpreted as representing counts of offerings (Love 1994:58–59).

Hieroglyphic text (see chart below) Iconography: The sun god K’in Ahaw is seated in a structure with a thatched roof meant to designate otoch ‘house’ or ‘temple’. He wears a cape positioned over the front of his body. In front of him are a series of offerings, including a T109:506 collocation in a tripod vessel, perhaps signifying ‘feast’; 37 three objects representing hearts in a tripod vessel, with a numerical prefix of 7;38 and an incensario containing pom incense made from the copal tree. The flames rising from the latter indicate that it is being burned.

Hieroglyphic text (see chart below) Iconography: We follow previous scholars in the belief that the picture and hieroglyphic caption shown here actually belong in the lower register of D. 28 and vice versa (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:chap. 6; Thompson 1934:214). The reasons for this are twofold: (1) making this modification allows for the same sequence of directions (east-north-west-south) as that used in other ritual circuits, and (2) the deity K’awil, shown on D. 26c, should appear in the register directly before D. 25a–b, where he is the patron of the outgoing year. Corrected register: The creator god Itzamna appears on the right of the scene, wearing a woven cape and holding a decapitated bird (most likely a turkey). With his left hand he scatters incense. Offerings associated with the scene include a turkey tortilla or tamale in a tripod vessel and a deer haunch, modified with the ki’ ‘savory’ or ‘tasty’ glyph. Above the turkey offering is a glyphic collocation consisting of the number 15, the modifier tu, and the glyph for ‘20’. This collocation refers to a count of offerings (perhaps of the incense). On the left side of the page is a representation of a stone column dressed in a cape and loincloth (marked with two footprints) that rests on a glyph reading haab ‘year’. Vegetation appears at the top, and a serpent wraps around the column just below this. We interpret the column as the Acantun (ah kaan tuun) described by Landa in relation to the Wayeb ceremonies (see discussion in a).

Kaban days

Etz’nab days

Etz’nab days

Dresden 26

16-ch’a-ha waklahun ch’ahalte’ 16 [pieces of ] ch’ahalte’ incense

7-po-mo wuk pom 7 [pieces of ] incense

u-ku-chu u kuch is his burden.

k’in-tun-haab-?? k’intun haab Drought

[The red Way and his Mam arrived from the east.] Flint year, white jaguar year. Drought is his burden. ____. ___ people ___. 7 [pieces of ] copal incense and 16 [pieces of ] ch’ahalte’ incense.

Translation

* Read in paired columns

u-__-ka u ___ his ___

wi-winik?-ki winik people

ix-sak-haab sak ix haab white jaguar year

tok’-haab-li took’ haabil Flint year

___

___

u-ma?-ma u mam? is the Mam.

___

chak-wa-way-ya chak way Red way

___

___

___

D. 26a: Hieroglyphic text*

ahaw-wa-k’in k’in ahaw Lord Sun

yax-itzamna-te’ yax itzamna te’ the first Itzamna tree

u nal? u nal? north

hu-nal hun? nal 01? Maize

yax-haab-li ya’ax [or yax] haabil blue/green [abundant] or first year

ox-wi’il ox wi’il abundance of food

The first Itzamna tree is set up in the north. First [or abundant] year; Itzamna [brings] an abundance of food and drink.

Translation

* Read in a single column

tz’a-pa-ha tz’ap-ah It was set up

D. 26c: Hieroglyphic text (from D. 28c)*

Lord Sun is replaced? as lord [by] One? Maize. [There is] an abundance of food. Damage to the red/great jaguar.39 An abundance of food and drink.

Translation

* Read in a single column

ahaw tz’ak-wa tz’ak ahaw The lord changed?.

D. 26b: Hieroglyphic text*

itzamna-na itzamna Itzamna

??-wah-ha’ ?? waah ha’ abundance of food and drink

??-waah-ha’ ?? waah ha’ abundance of food and drink

yah? chak bolay/balam yah? chak bolay?/balam damage to the puma/jaguar

Hieroglyphic Text: read in paired columns (see chart below) Iconography: The main figure is an opossum in anthropomorphic form, wearing a special headdress and skirt. In his right hand, he holds a staff ending in a human hand and a bag (perhaps for carrying incense), and he has a rattle in his left hand. The maize god Nal is supported in a carrying frame on his back. Glyphs: To the left of the main figure are three winik glyphs (signifying ‘20’); next to the uppermost glyph is a coefficient of 2. These have been interpreted as representing counts of offerings (Love 1994).

Hieroglyphic text (see chart below) Iconography: The creator god Itzamna is seated in a structure with a thatched roof meant to designate otoch ‘house’ or ‘temple’. He wears a cape positioned over the front of his body, indicating that he is the patron of the outgoing year. In front of him is an offering of turtle meat in a tortilla or tamale; a vessel containing the glyphic collocation ka’ yax k’an ‘2 green-yellow’, referring to the maize crop; and an incensario containing pom incense made from the copal tree. The flames rising from the latter indicate that it is being burned.

Hieroglyphic text (see chart below) Iconography: The death god Kimil appears on the right of the scene, wearing a woven cape and holding a decapitated bird (most likely a turkey). He scatters small pellets of incense; normally these would be burned in an incensario, as seen on the previous page. Other offerings include a tripod bowl containing a fish and two T506 (tortilla/tamale glyphs), a second tripod vessel containing three hearts, and a glyphic collocation consisting of the number 16, the modifier tu, and the glyph for ‘20’. This collocation refers to a count of offerings (perhaps of the incense). On the left side of the page is a representation of a stone column dressed in a cape and loincloth (marked with four footprints) that rests on a glyph reading haab ‘year’. Vegetation appears at the top, and a serpent wraps around the column just below this. We interpret the column as the Acantun (ah kaan tuun) described by Landa in relation to the Wayeb ceremonies (see discussion in Chapter 3).

Ik’ days

Ak’bal days

Ak’bal days

Dresden 27

u-??-ma u mam? is the Mam u-ku-chu u kuch is his burden i’inah i’inah Seed

sak-wa-way-ya sak way white way

??-waah-ha’ k’aa? waah ha’ Abundance of food and drink

nah?-haab-il nah? haabil First?/honored? year 5-ch’a-ha-te’ ho’ ch’ahalte’ 5 [pieces of ] ch’ahalte’ incense

yax-??-wah ya’ax k’aa? waah abundance of green/first food

eroded

___

itzamna-na itzamna Itzamna

Itzamna, first flower, is replaced? as lord.

Translation

* Read in a single column

ahaw tz’ak-wa tz’ak ahaw The lord changed?.

D. 27b: Hieroglyphic text* nah?-nik?-li nah? nik?-il first?/honored? flower

[The white Way and his Mam arrived from the north.] Abundance of food and drink is his burden. First?/honored? year, seed. ____. First?/green? tortillas, abundance of first?/green? food. 11 [pieces of ] copal incense and 5 [pieces of ] ch’ahalte’ incense [for] First?/Honored? Flower.

Translation

* Read in paired columns

___

D. 27a: Hieroglyphic text* ___

nah?-nik?-li nah? nik?-il first?/honored? flower

11-po-mo buluk pom 11 [pieces of ] incense

yax-wah-ni ya’ax waah ?? green food ??

___

yax-itzamna-te’ yax itzamna te’ the first Itzamna tree

Lamat days

Lamat days

Manik’ days

chi-k’in-ni chik’in west

nah?-kimil nah? kimil first?/honored? Kimil

yax-haab-li yax haabil first year

k’in-tun-haab-li k’intun haabil drought

Hieroglyphic Text: read in paired columns (see chart below) Iconography: The main figure is an opossum in anthropomorphic form, wearing a special headdress and skirt. In his right hand, he holds a staff ending in a human hand and a bag (perhaps for carrying incense), and he has a rattle in his left hand. The death god Kimil is supported in a carrying frame on his back. Glyphs: To the left of the main figure are three winik glyphs (signifying ‘20’); above the uppermost glyph is a coefficient of 13. These have been interpreted as representing counts of offerings (Love 1994). Hieroglyphic text (see chart below) Iconography: The death god Kan Kam ‘Four Death’ is seated in a structure with a thatched roof meant to designate otoch ‘house’ or ‘temple’. He wears a cape positioned over the front of his body, indicating that he is the patron of the outgoing year. In front of him is a tripod vessel containing a glyphic representation of two crossed bones, above which are three T506 glyphs (representing ‘food’, or ‘tortillas’ or ‘tamales’ more specifically). Also pictured is an incensario containing pom incense made from the copal tree. The flames rising from the incense indicate that it is being burned. Hieroglyphic text (see chart below) Corrected register: The creator god Itzamna appears on the right of the scene, wearing a woven cape and holding a decapitated bird (most likely a turkey). He scatters small pellets of incense into the incensario placed in front of him. Other offerings include a turkey perched in tripod bowl, a second tripod vessel containing the collocation yax waah, tortillas or tamales made of the first maize harvested, and a glyphic collocation consisting of the number 9, the modifier tu, and the glyph for ‘20’. This collocation refers to a count of offerings (perhaps of the incense). On the left side of the page is a representation of a stone column dressed in a cape and loincloth (marked with two footprints) that rests on a glyph reading haab ‘year’. Vegetation appears at the top, and a serpent wraps around the column just below this. We interpret the column as the Acantun (ah kaan tuun) described by Landa in relation to the Wayeb ceremonies (see discussion in Chapter 3).

Dresden 28

The first Itzamna tree is set up in the west [by] Kimil. First year; drought.

Translation

tz’a-pa-ha tz’ap-ah It was set up

D. 27c: Hieroglyphic text

6-po-mo wak pom 6 [pieces of ] incense

haab-hi-nah? nah? haabih first?/honored? year

ah-kim[i]-la ah kimil dead person

The black Way and his Mam arrived from the west. First?/honored? death is his burden. Dead person, first?/honored? year. ____. 2 on ?? ___. ____. 6 [pieces of ] copal incense and 6 [pieces of ] ch’ahalte’ incense.

Translation

* Read in paired columns

eroded

eroded

u-ku-chu u kuch is his burden

nah?-kimil nah? kimil first?/honored? death

6-ch’a-ha-te’ wak ch’ahalte’ 6 [pieces of ] ch’ahalte’ incense

eroded

2-ta?-??-?? ka’ ta ?? 2 on the ??

u-ma?-ma u mam? is the Mam

___

ek’-wa-way-ya eek’ way black way

___

??-k’in chik’in? west

ta-li-ya tal-iiy arrived

D. 28a: Hieroglyphic text*

kan-kam? kan kam Four Death

yax-itzamna-te’ yax itzamna te’ the first Itzamna tree

yo-otoch yotoch his house

The first Itzamna tree is set up in the south. Green food [abundant] year; abundance of food and maize.

Translation

* Read in a single column

tz’a-pa-ha tz’ap-ah It was set up

D. 28c: Hieroglyphic text [from D. 26c]*

Four Death is replaced? as lord. He is in his house.

Translation

* Read in a single column

ahaw tz’ak-wa tz’ak ahaw The lord changed?.

D. 28b: Hieroglyphic text*

nohol nohol south

yax-wah-haab-li ya’ax waah haabil green food [abundant] year

k’awil-nal k’awil nal Abundance of food and maize.

Appendix 4.3. Almanac on Dresden 31b–35b A 10 + 9

B 6+9

C 2+9

D 11 + 2

E 13 + 4

F 4+9

G 13 + 4

H 4 + 19

Ben

Ik’

Chuwen

Ahaw

Ik’

Kimi

Men

Kawak

Etz’nab

Manik’

Kib

Chikchan

Manik’

Chuwen

Ahaw

K’an

Ak’bal

Eb

Imix

Ok

Eb

Kib

Chikchan

Muluk

Lamat

Kaban

Kimi

Men

Kaban

Imix

Ok

Ix

The almanac consists of four sets of paired frames. The first frame in each pair can be associated with a yearbearer date: 10 Ben, 10 Etz’nab, 10 Ak’bal, and 10 Lamat (note that the dates for each pair of frames correspond to a particular row in the table above). The second frame in each pair most likely refers to the last day represented (4 Kawak, 4 K’an, 4 Muluk, and 4 Ix), or to one of the nineteen days within the interval it is associated with. We believe the most likely dating model for this set of frames involves adding one day to the dates listed, which results in the Burner dates 5 Ahaw, 5 Chikchan, 5 Ok, and 5 Men. Texts Associated with Frames 1, 3, 5, and 9

Fr. 1: 10 Ben (1 Pop) lak’in wa’al-ah [y]ook chaak Chaak’s footsteps stopped in the east. k’intun haab k’ak’ chetun Drought and sudden fire [are the year’s prophecies].

Iconography: Chaak appears in the role of the yearbearer (with a rattle staff and special headdress). He wears an incense bag on his arm and holds a flaming torch in his right hand and an upraised axe in his left. Fr. 3: 10 Etz’nab (1 Pop) nal wa’alah [y]ook sak chaak White Chaak’s footsteps stopped in the north. ahawle nah? nal Rulership and maize [are the year’s prophecies].

Iconography: Chaak wears an incense bag around his neck and holds a flaming torch (pointed downward) in his right hand and an upraised axe in his left. Fr. 5: 10 Ak’bal (1 Pop) chik’in wa’alah yook eek’ chaak Black Chaak’s footsteps stopped in the west.

World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 149

k’intun haabil ah kimil Drought and dead person [are the year’s prophecies].

Iconography: Chaak wears an incense bag around his neck and holds a torch (pointed downward) in his left hand and an upraised axe in his right. Fr. 7: 10 Lamat (1 Pop) nohol wa’alah yook k’an chaak Yellow Chaak’s footsteps stopped in the south. ?? waah ha’ nal Abundance of food and drink and maize [are the year’s prophecies].

Iconography: Chaak wears a K’awil headdress and an incense bag around his neck. He holds two flaming torches, one held upright and the other pointing downward.

Texts Associated with Frames 2, 4, 6, and 8

Fr. 2: 4 Kawak + 1 = 5 Ahaw och-iiy hu[b]tun chaak hun ha’ nal Hubtun Chaak [a variant of the Pawahtun] enters [from] One Water Place.40 u kan [ta] kab ch’een His offering to the earth-cave. or u sih [ta] kab ch’een41 He is born from the earth-cave.

Iconography: Chaak holds an upraised axe in his right hand and an (unlit?) torch

in his left hand.

Fr. 4: 4 K’an + 1 = 5 Chikchan och-iiy tu tun chaak bolon k’ik’il Chaak [rain] enters from the [serpent] stone [with] nine incense [offerings]. u kan [ta] kab ch’een His offering to the earth-cave. or u sih [ta] kab ch’een He is born from the earth-cave.

Iconography: Chaak is pictured emerging from the open mouth of a serpent whose body represents an enclosure of water, perhaps a cenote. Only the upper half of Chaak’s body is visible. He wears an incense bag and holds his lightning axe aloft.

150 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

Fr. 6: 4 Muluk + 1 = 5 Ok och-iiy tu tun chaak bolon k’ik’il Chaak [rain] enters from the [serpent] stone [with] nine incense [offerings]. u kan ta kab ch’een His offering to the earth-cave. or u sih ta kab ch’een He is born from the earth-cave.

Iconography: Chaak is pictured kneeling on the open mouth of a serpent whose body represents an enclosure of water, perhaps a cenote. He holds an incense bag in his left hand and his lightning axe aloft in the other. Fr. 8: 4 Ix + 1 = 5 Men och-iiy tu tun chaak bolon k’ik’il Chaak [rain] enters from the [serpent] stone [with] nine incense [offerings]. u kan ta kab ch’een His offering to the earth-cave. or u sih ta kab ch’een He is born from the earth-cave.

Iconography: Chaak is pictured seated on the open mouth of a serpent whose body represents an enclosure of water, perhaps a cenote. He holds an incense bag in his left hand and his lightning axe aloft in the other. Notes

1. Note that the prelude to the yearbearer pages, the flood scene pictured on D. 74, begins with a day 4 Eb, and the hieroglyphic caption links the associated events with the southern direction (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink90.html). 2. Although eroded now, there is good evidence to suggest that lak’in ‘east’ was once found in the hieroglyphic caption on page 26a. 3. It should be pointed out, however, that certain rituals performed today incorporate clockwise circuits, such as the Dance of Martín, a world renewal ceremony that takes place in the highland Guatemalan community of Santiago Atitlán (Christenson 2001:164). With this in mind, it might be profitable to consider whether the unusual order of the lower register of the Dresden yearbearer pages might have been dictated by the nature of the ceremony, rather than resulting solely from a scribal error. 4. Each of the deities being carried in the upper register is defined as the kuch ‘burden’ (or fate) of that year: K’awil, meaning ‘abundance of food,’ is the burden on page 25; the jaguar, associated with k’intun haab ‘drought’, is the burden on page 26; the maize god, associated with k’aa? waah ha’ ‘abundance of food and drink’, is the burden on page 27; and Kimil (death) is the burden on the final page. World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 151

90

91

5. It is also of interest that the verb tz’ak is that used on the Vase of the Seven Gods to refer to the ordering of the gods and the cosmos at the start of the present era (see Figure 3.9). 6. In the Late Postclassic calendar system at use during the time of Landa’s writing, the yearbearer days were K’an, Muluk, Ix, and Kawak, associated respectively with the south, east, north, and west. In the Dresden almanac, they correspond to Lamat, Ben, Etz’nab, and Ak’bal. 7. The segment of the text reading k’an way u mam is generally interpreted as “The yellow Way is the Mam.” A close reading of Landa and other colonial sources suggests, however, that this passage must refer to both of the figures pictured in the Dresden scene—the K’an Way (the image made to celebrate the festival, which was carried from place to place) and the Mam. 8. See Chapter 10 for the arguments that have been presented to suggest that Landa’s Bolon Tz’akab corresponds to the deity K’awil, who is pictured and named on D. 25a and b. 9. There is substantial evidence linking opossums with the Pawahtun deities (including the Bakabs and Mams), as we discuss in Appendix 4.1. Additionally, the opossum plays an important role in the Popol Vuh, where it can be associated with the creator grandfather Xpiyacoc (Christenson 2007:173n397). For the Tzotzil, the opossum (‘Uch) is the fire bringer, whose red light presages the dawn (Guiteras-Holmes 1961:195–197). 10. Taube (1989b) discusses a number of figures who wear a similar /pa/ headdress. They are frequently associated with the phrase k’an pa, suggesting an association with the south (k’an ‘yellow’ is the color linked to the south). This figure frequently carries the accoutrements of performers (such as a rattle) and may be paired with a jaguar. The meaning of this pairing remains to be determined. There is also an example of a black-painted pa figure on the Chamá Vase that is reminiscent of the deity from M. 89d. 11. Decapitation as a means of sacrifice appears to have a more general association with periodending rituals, based on its occurrence in relation to rituals associated with Wayeb/Pop and the southern quadrant of the Calendar Round cycle (see M. 75–76). 12. As Gates (1978:74) comments, Xul may originally have been the last month of the haab calendar and the following month (Yaxk’in) its beginning, as suggested both by the parallels between the ceremonies performed in Xul and Wayeb (and Yaxk’in and Pop) and by the etymology of their names: Xul means ‘end’ or ‘termination’ and Yaxk’in ‘first day’. 13. Among contemporary Maya groups, costumed performers are also those who collect gifts, usually of money. 14. In the highland Tz’utujil community of Santiago Atitlán, the cargo holders are said to carry the sun as their burden, or kuch (Prechtel and Carlsen 1988:128). The sun is one of four burdens on the Dresden yearbearer pages. 15. A brief synopsis of each of the figures appears in Appendix 4.1. 16. Caves and cenotes represent portals between the earth and the earth’s interior (the Underworld). 17. These rituals are depicted in the lower register on each page, which we associate with 1 Wayeb. Textual references to incense are included in the captions to the upper register, however, which we link to 0 Pop. The latter part of Landa’s description also appears to refer to the upper register. 18. The fact that Chaak appears in place of the serpent on D. 25c reflects the close connection between the two; Chaak may sometimes be represented by only his head, paired with a serpent’s body (see, e.g., M. 10b: http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink91.html). 19. The Yucatec word for ‘tree’ is che’, whereas the Ch’olan form is te’. However, te’ is used in compound form in the name of a number of different types of trees in the 152 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

Yucatec languages. A number of different readings have been proposed for the “Itzamna” (T1009d) main sign, including most recently tz’ikin ‘bird’ (Taube et al. 2010: 54). 20. In this regard, it is interesting that nine gods are represented in the north wall mural from Santa Rita. The final deity in the series is God L. 21. Chak Chel and the earth goddess are also referenced in this fashion. 22. The incense bag appears in the remaining three parallel frames, although the rattle staff does not. 23. The verb is used in this sense in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel to refer to the “standing up” of the world trees after the destruction of the world by flood (Knowlton 2010:65). 24. We believe that Chaak is here playing the role of the Maya priest who would perform the same actions every year to call forth the rains. 25. For a more detailed description of the Burner rituals, see Long (1923) and Bricker (1991). 26. 11 Ahaw (day 180 in the tzolk’in) is separated from 5 Ahaw (day 200) by twenty days. The same pattern applies for the other dates in the two sets. 27. The Tz’utujil Maya who live in the Lake Atitlán region of highland Guatemala associate a specific cave (called Paq’alib’al) near their community with this mythic place of emergence (Christenson 2001:84–85). 28. Alfonso Lacadena (personal communication, September 2012) reads his collocation as Hun Pib, pib being the pit oven used by the Maya. Although this changes the translation, both locations have a connection to the Underworld. 29. This version of Pawahtun is also pictured on D. 41b (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink92.html), where his headdress includes the Pawah glyph plus maize foliation. Note that Chaak is also named in the text caption. 30. Compare this to the maize plant growing from her back in the fourth frame of the almanac on M. 10a–13a (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink93.html); it is also interesting to note that there is a scorpion tail attached to her upper garment in the Madrid scene. 31. Note that kab-ch’een replaces the directional glyphs in the other clauses. 32. An animal with a winik glyph in place of its eye (perhaps signifying the winal time period) appears holding torches on M. 24c–25c (see discussion in Chapter 8 and http://hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink93a.html). We believe this may be a zoomorphic form of Chaak, based on a comparison with the almanac on M. 3a–6a (compare Figs. 8.5 and 8.10). 33. One Death seems to be the Postclassic K’iche’ counterpart of God L for the Classic period Maya. 34. In all other instances, the deity pictured seated in the temple matches the patron pictured on the previous page. 35. This may be a reference to fire drilling, which involved the use of both flint and wood. 36. Note also tz’aki ‘to be bundled’. Perhaps this refers to the bundling of the deity at the conclusion of the Wayeb rituals. 37. The T506 glyph is used to refer to a product made of maize, such as a tortilla or tamale; to a maize seed; or to food more generally (Love 1991; Macri and Vail 2009:144; Vail and Hernández 2011). When combined with T109 (chak, ‘red’ or ‘great’) as it is here, it probably means ‘great food’, or ‘feast’. 38. Although these may be actual hearts from a human or animal sacrificial victim (such as a deer), Landa mentions that one of the offerings made in years associated with the east was bread in the shape of hearts (Gates 1978:64). World Renewal in the Dresden Codex 153

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93a

39. This same expression appears in the preface to the Dresden Venus table (see Chapter 7), as does yah? nal on D. 25c. 40. See note 28. 41. V. Bricker (1991:289) interprets T1038b as kan ‘offering’, whereas Schele and Grube (1997:137) suggest that it reads sih ‘gift’.

154 World Renewal in the Dresden Codex

5 The most quintessential image from the Maya codices interpreted by scholars as concerning creation mythology is that of page 74 of the Codex Dresden (Figure 5.1). The upper part of the page pictures a partial crocodilian creature outstretched, his back portraying the sky, and a stream of water pouring from his mouth. Suspended from his belly are two eclipse glyphs that likewise have streams of water falling from them. Below the crocodilian are two figures: Chak Chel pouring water from an overturned jar, and God L poised to spear something or someone. We agree with the interpretation of previous scholars (Förstemann 1906:266; Schellhas 1904:31; Taube 1988:143; 1993a) that this picture refers in part to the great deluge from Maya mythology that destroyed the previous race of beings. The deluge was undertaken by the gods in order to make way for the present creation of the earth, the sky, and humans made from maize. Our analysis of D. 74 within the context of the “water” tables of which it is a part, as well as its relationship to cognate almanacs in other Maya and Mexican codices, reveals, however, that it encompasses a more extensive body of origin myths that go beyond the flood episode to include the seasonality of the rains, agricultural fertility and abundance, the influence of astronomical and calendrical events, and the role of the primordial deities Chaak and Chak Chel. To comprehend the significance of the picture on D. 74, it is essential to understand its broader context. The Dresden water tables of which it forms a part comprise a multipart instrument that spans pages 69 to 74 of the Codex Dresden (see V. Bricker and H. Bricker 2005:216, fig. 12-2) (Figure 5.2). There are two water tables proper that were used by the Dresden scribes for divination: the upper table (hereafter referred to as the UWT) that covers the upper registers of pages 71–73 and the middle and lower registers of the rightmost column of page 73 (see Figure 6.1 and http://

Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

DOI: 10.5876/9781607322214.c05

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Figure 5.1. Dresden 74 with annotations. After Förstemann (1880).

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www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink94.html), and the lower table (hereafter referred to as the LWT) that covers the middle and lower registers of pages 71–73 and includes page 74 (Figure 5.5 and http://www.hiero glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink95.html). The preface or introductory information and multiples for calculating individual entry dates for both 156 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

Figure 5.2. The water tables on D. 69–74. After Förstemann (1880).

tables begins with the right-hand section of page 69 and continues onto page 71. Additional base date information is included in the right-hand corner of the UWT and along the rightmost column of page 73. Several of the frames in the two tables are painted with blue-colored falling water, suggesting that they concern rain. The most iconic and presumably most important of these is the first frame of the lower table found on D. 74 (Figure 5.1). The hieroglyphic captions associated with these frames largely contain omens for the rains and the maize harvest. In addition to their concerns with weather, the water tables also serve to commensurate astronomical cycles and lunar events with the tzolk’in calendar and to determine important intersections with the haab (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:442–463; V. Bricker and H. Bricker 2005). The preface for the water tables (Figure 5.3) contains information necessary for calculating eight individual base dates using a combination of methods that include the calculation of a piktun (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988:S8–S9), serpent numbers (Beyer 1933, 1943), ring numbers, and long rounds (see Appendix 5.1 for a comprehensive discussion of the base date calculation and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink96.html).1 Like the other Dresden tables, the preface text places the events highlighted in the two tables within the context of creation mythology by referencing, albeit only briefly, a foundation journey made by several gods at the time of the world’s creation. Most of the base dates for the water tables are calculated from the beginning of the bak’tun cycle of the Long Count corresponding with 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u, or August 11, 3114 B.C., although an even earlier point in time, falling on a 9 K’an 12 K’ayab date, is mentioned and used to reckon base dates via serpent numbers within the piktun cycle of bak’tuns (see note 1 in this chapter). This serpent base date is literally tens of thousands of years in the past. The significance of the 9 K’an 12 K’ayab date is not clear, but it serves to tie contemporary events to those far back in the mythological past prior to the eral base date. Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 157

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Figure 5.3. The preface to the water tables on D. 69–71. After Förstemann (1880).

The preface text reads as follows: ____ ox lut k’uh 03 joined? gods ____. patah? piktun The piktun was formed. waxaklahun pih sak pawah kimil sak pawah ?? k’atun waxak tun waklahun k’in 18 bak’tuns white Pawah Kimil white Pawah rabbit? [0] k’atuns 8 tuns 16 k’ins.2 patah ah winik bolonlahun k’in The winal was formed from 19 [plus 1] days. kan ahaw waxak kumk’u 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u. ho’ tal ti’ ha’ Five arrivals from the water. och hun piktun och ox winik och hun k’in 1 piktun entered, 3 winals entered, 1 day entered. patah ho’lahun k’atun bolon tun kan winik kan k’in 15 k’atuns, 9 tuns, 4 winals, and 4 days were formed. bolon k’an ka’lahun k’ayab 9 K’an 12 K’ayab. oxlahun mak 13 Mak wa’alah k’ul yook ___ ??’s holy footsteps stopped.

The text begins with a reference to ox lut k’uh, ‘three joined gods.’ Trinities of deities are common in the Maya world. The expression ox lut k’uh is used to refer to the primordial deities known as the Palenque Triad mentioned in carved texts recovered from the site that date to the Classic period, and it is also found on the Vase of the Seven Gods (although the referent there remains unclear). Another set of three deities of interest are the brothers common to Maya folktales, in which the oldest is linked to Venus and the Underworld; the middle to human concerns (disease, trading relationships), 158 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

and therefore likely to the earth; and the youngest to the sun and the sky (McGee 1990:62).3 We believe that in the case of the preface to the water tables, the phrase “three joined gods” likely refers to the trinity of divine beings like those described in the Popol Vuh as Heart of Sky or Huracan ‘One Leg’. As a symbol of the power of the sky, Huracan consists of three separate deities associated with the making of thunderstorms: Thunderbolt Huracan, Youngest Thunderbolt, and Sudden Thunderbolt. According to Christenson (2007:70), “These three together are Heart of Sky,” and with Sovereign and Quetzal Serpent (the creator grandparents), “they conceived light and life.” If that is the case, the calculation of the piktun date in the Dresden text is the result of a creative act attributed to a triadic creator god like Heart of Sky. In the course of describing the calculation of the pre-era date, the text mentions two Pawahtuns (Pawah Kimil and Pawah ?? [Rabbit?]), who are described by the term sak ‘white’. In several of the Mayan languages, the word for ‘white’ (sak or saq) is part of an expression used in reference to birth, or ‘to dawn’,4 suggesting that its use in reference to Pawah Kimil and Pawah Rabbit? may connote an act of “dawning” or being born. The likely iconographic referent for this concept is the emergence of a deity from an openmouthed serpent figure, such as is seen in the next frame of D. 69 and also on Dresden pages 61 and 62 (see discussion below). The count of the piktun in this primordial time refers to an extremely early base date well before the world is ordered by the gods on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u. The caption referring to these dates and events is painted on a blue-colored field, perhaps to indicate an episode taking place in the darkness prior to the time of the flood and the creation of the present world. Below the reference to 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u, the text is painted on an uncolored field and provides information for calculating base dates within the current era. It begins with the phrase ho’ tal ti’ ha’, which means “five arrivals from the water.” We interpret this as a reference to the five pictures seen on D. 61–62 (Figure 5.4) and 69 (Figure 5.3) that show Chaak or an animal figure emerging from the open maw of a serpent.5 In Maya art, the serpent serves as a portal between the different realms of existence, in particular between the world within or beneath the earth, thought of as a watery Underworld realm, and the earth’s surface. These five illustrations, then, clearly refer to five different occasions on which deities emerge from (or arrive from) the watery realm beneath the earth that is represented pictorially by the blue-painted field of text preceding this section. The picture on D. 69 (Figure 5.3) appears to show Chaak emerging from a watery realm in the west, based on his black coloration and the black coloration of the serpent. In addition, the weapons that he carries (a spear and shield) have been identified in other contexts as being associated with the black (western) manifestation of Chaak and also possibly with Venus in its Evening Star aspect (see discussion in Chapter 7). This frame can be linked to the date 9 K’an 12 K’ayab, which also occurs in the text to its left, where it refers to a foundation journey made by a god who cannot be identified (because the name glyph is eroded; see http:// Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 159

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Figure 5.4. The preface to the seasonal table on D. 61–62. After Förstemann (1880).

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www.hieroglyphic​research.org/Documentation/UPClink97.html).6 The holy footsteps of this deity are said to stop on the base date reckoned by the piktun.7 At this stopping point, the god would have performed a ritual act to mark this important moment in the episodes of creation. Given the theme of “water” in the preface and associated tables, this may have involved a reenactment of the birth of the rain god and rain bringers once the present world was created. Below the picture of Chaak, the last two columns on D. 69 contain the calculations for two more base dates entwined within the coils of a serpent (see Appendix 5.1). The caption above the picture of Chaak (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink98.html) reads: ____ kaan/ka’an nah8 chak chel ix[ik] kab tun Chak Chel, Lady Earth Stone, ?? serpent house.

The passage relates Chak Chel to (Lady) Earth Stone, likely a reference to the earthcave/cenote associated with creation events (see preceding chapter). We interpret “ser160 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

pent house” to be a sacred place from which the clouds and rains originate each year. Unfortunately, the topmost glyphs of the caption are eroded, but based on the captions for later base dates, they likely read wa’alah k’ul yook “her holy footsteps stopped.” If this is the case, then a fully reconstructed caption would read: “Chak Chel / the Lady Earth Stone’s footsteps stopped at the serpent house.” Below the caption is the picture previously referenced, which shows a black-painted Chaak wearing a peccary headdress and holding a spear and a shield. He sits upon the open maw of a black-and-white serpent whose body is entwined with two serpent numbers. The image of Chaak sitting on the serpent’s maw with an adjoining caption describing a goddess’ footsteps stopping at a place called serpent house calls to mind the discussion of the almanac on D. 31b–35b presented in Chapter 4 (see Figure 4.15). The captions in that almanac describe Chaak undertaking a foundation journey in which he stops at four specific locales where prophecies are made concerning the fate of the rains and the maize. The manifestation of the prognostications is an image of Chaak emerging from the maw of a coiled serpent representing a cenote. In the preface to the water tables, Chaak is not carrying the axe and ritual pouch associated with rain and agricultural prophecies, but rather weapons associated with warriors, which suggests his portrayal in this instance as a celestial figure in interaction with an astronomical body. As we will see later in the discussion, this is also what occurs in the first frame of each of the water tables proper. The dual nature of Chaak and the serpent upon which he sits may be best understood by considering the preface to the seasonal table on pages 61–62, associated with the almanac that immediately precedes the water tables in the Dresden Codex. The seasonal table preface (Figure 5.4) provides information for calculating base dates for using the seasonal table proper on D. 65–69. Like the preface text on D. 69, we again see the reckoning of a piktun date, followed by a series of four sets of serpent number dates with associated figures that represent paired opposites (see Table 5.1). Each pair consists of the deity Chaak with an animal Mam as a partner,9 and one element of each pair is painted blue. Based on this patterning, it appears likely that the single Chaak figure appearing on page 69 in the preface to the water tables represents a conflation of a pairing similar to the ones on D. 61–62. We interpret the peccary headdress worn by Chaak on D. 69 as representing the Mam partner to Chaak. Instead of a blue peccary and white serpent like that occurring on D. 62, we see black and white coloration combined on one serpent. We interpret this coloration as indicating two separate aspects, although the specific referents remain to be determined. It is possible that the black coloration may be related to the nature of the auguries prognosticated in relation to the events predicted to co-occur in the first frame of the two water tables, as we discuss below. The remaining captions associated with calculating additional base dates for the water tables follow the same general pattern. The caption for the ring numbers in the first two columns on page 70 (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink99.html) reads as follows: Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 161

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Table 5.1. Serpent number base dates and associated iconography in the seasonal table preface on D. 61–62 Rainy season / Sky

Dry season / Earth

Top caption coloration

Blue-colored text

Normal text

Red-colored text

Normal text

Figure on the maw

Chaak (axe in left, pouch in right)

Rabbit Mam

Chaak (axe in right, pouch in left)

Peccary Mam (colored blue)

Serpent coloration

Blue serpent

White serpent

White serpent

White serpent

Bottom caption left date

. . . are his [cloud Chaak’s?] holy footsteps

. . . are Lady Earth’s footsteps

. . . are Lady Earth’s footsteps

. . are his [cloud Chaak’s?] holy footsteps

Bottom caption right date

. . . are Lady Earth’s footsteps

. . . are Lady Earth’s footsteps

. . . are Lady Earth’s footsteps

. . . are Lady Earth’s footsteps

___ ___wa’alah k’ul yook chak chel ix[ik] kab? tun [On] ___ ___ Chak Chel / the Lady Earth Stone’s footsteps stopped.

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The texts pertaining to the Long Round numbers at the top of columns 3 and 4 on page 70 refer to the 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u date as they are reckoned from this point. The captions (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink100.html and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPC​ link101.html) read: ___ waxak kumk’u wa’alah k’ul yook chak chel [On] 4? Ahaw? 8 Kumk’u Chak Chel’s footsteps stopped. ___ waxak? kumk’u wa’alah k’ul yook eek’ chaak [On] 4? Ahaw? 8 Kumk’u the black Chaak’s footsteps stopped.

101

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The texts in the lower halves of columns 3 and 4 appear to contain statements for calculating additional base dates in a manner similar to that of the piktun on page 69 (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink102 .html). They include a reference to the Hero Twin Yax Balam, whose jaguar characteristics suggest an association with night, darkness, and earth-related places. In light of the fact that creation episodes in the Books of Chilam Balam are couched as prophecies for numbered k’atuns within a cycle, it is interesting to note that the last phrase on page 69 mentions “entering the k’atun.” Similarly, the phrase “Yax Balam emerges?; he enters the k’atun” may be a way of saying that a new act of creation has been set in motion as time itself has been created. Entwined numbers and a 9 K’an 12 K’ayab date follow, which may suggest additional serpent number reckoning. The text reads: 162 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

lahun pih och ti’ ha’ k’al? hun winik 10 bak’tuns entered the water [i.e., 10 bak’tuns were completed]. Twenty? is one winal [or one person]. lok’? yax balam och k’atun ?? och haab Yax Balam [god of the number 9] emerges?; he enters the k’atun [or the k’atun enters]. ?? enters the tun [or the tun enters].

To briefly summarize, the preface to the Upper and Lower Water tables refers to a foundation circuit that both Chaak and Chak Chel / Ix Kab Tun undertake early in the creation of the current world that can be related to sacred places within the earth (serpent houses) where the rains and the rain bringers originate before traveling across the skies. Intervals of time are reckoned calendrically in the preface and are said to be paced out by various gods who stop (represented by base dates). These stopping points can be visualized as stations where prophecies are made (i.e., analogous to the act of divination using the table proper) based on the intercalation of the tzolk’in, haab, rainy season, and astronomical cycles. This method of making prophecies was of critical importance because of the way in which these cycles interacted with each other and were believed to have dire consequences for the crops and the harvest, particularly for the maize crop. These acts therefore served as a reenactment of the very first act of creation on 9 K’an 12 K’ayab, which involved storms and rain and which was initiated by a triad of deities who are likely similar to Huracan / Heart of Sky in the Popol Vuh. The rainy season is then conceived of as a circuit that the deity couple Chaak and Chak Chel are required to pace out each year. The pairing of a celestial deity (Chaak) with a terrestrial deity (Chak Chel) may relate to the Maya conceptualization of the rains (in the form of rain gods or serpents) residing within the earth (in cenotes, springs, rivers, and caves) during most of the year and only rising into the sky to form rain clouds and deliver rains to the earth on a seasonal basis.

Creation Mythology in the Lower Water Table Our discussion of the imagery and texts relating to episodes of creation and destruction in the Dresden water tables begins with the lower table. The LWT consists of 29 frames representing 28 intervals of 65 days each (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink103.html). The total calendrical distance of a full run of the table equals 1,820 days (28 × 65), which is five days short of five solar years (5 × 365 = 1,825). The table begins on page 74 and reads from right to left across the top row of frames and then continues with the bottom row, again reading from right to left (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011;416–417; V. Bricker and H. Bricker 2005; see Figure 5.5). Aside from D. 74, the remaining frames of the table each contain a brief hieroglyphic caption, a running total of the days elapsed from the starting date, and the tzolk’in date that begins the frame’s interval. The LWT lacks Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 163

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Figure 5.5. The lower water table in the Dresden Codex. After Förstemann (1880).

iconography, except for the addition of lines of blue-painted water (rain) on the lower half of five of the table’s frames. We focus our discussion of creation mythology in the LWT on its first two frames, recorded on D. 74 and D. 73. The fact that the first frame was given an entire page of the codex along with an expanded hieroglyphic caption and a magnificent polychrome painted picture suggests that this frame involves extremely important, likely the most important, commensurations and prognostications for the entire instrument (see Figure 5.1). At the top of the scene on D. 74 is the front half of a crocodilian figure with water pouring from his mouth along the left side of the page. His back takes the form of a skyband with four glyphs representing ‘star’ or ‘Venus’, ‘sky,’ ‘[darkened] sun’, and ‘darkness’ in sequence. Suspended from his skyband back are two eclipse glyphs— one a solar and the other a lunar eclipse. Streams of water pour down from the eclipse glyphs as well, which is the image referred to by Taube (1989a), Knowlton (2010:75), and other scholars (Velásquez García 2006) as the crocodilian Itzam Kab Ayin ‘Itzam Earth Crocodile’ who ascends into the sky to deliver the flood that destroys the previous world, prophesized to occur at the end of K’atun 13 Ahaw in the accounts from the Books of Chilam Balam (see Chapter 3). The crocodilian is subsequently dispatched by having its throat slit and its body torn asunder. The dismemberment of Itzam Kab Ayin is critical to the next episode in the creation process. His spilled blood and part of his body become the elements essential to forming the earth of the current world. Classic period texts and images from Palenque portray a similar celestial crocodilian as a bicephalic creature called the Starry Deer Crocodile (D. Stuart 2005:70; see Figure 3.4). Its left head and side are decorated with watery vegetation, and the ek’ ‘star’ or 164 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

‘Venus’ glyph appears on its ear and/or above the eye.10 The left side of the Starry Deer Crocodile is related to rain (this head is sometimes shown gushing water) and to darkness. The right head and back end of the creature wear a k’in bowl holding instruments of auto-sacrifice. The right side of the Starry Deer Crocodile is related to the daytime and to blood. The left side of the creature swallows the setting sun in the west; the sun journeys through the Underworld in darkness, and rises out of the right side of the creature nourished by sacrificial blood into the eastern sky. The fact that we see only the left half of the creature spewing water from its mouth on D. 74 suggests that this picture refers to that aspect of the crocodilian responsible for the rains and associated with the western evening sky. In Mexican cosmology, the western direction is associated with rain and water by virtue of the fact that there is an apparent passage into the Underworld in the west that is bounded by the “ninefold stream” and depicted as filled with water, making it like the places where the gods responsible for bringing rain dwell within the earth (Seler 1990–2000, V:3, 14). The presence of the half of the bicephalic crocodilian related to the west, evening, and rain on D. 74 may also suggest a reference to Venus. As related in Mexican creation mythology, Venus loses in his combat with the sun god Tonatiuh and is shot in the head with a dart, which sends him tumbling into the west to become the Evening Star aspect of Venus. As we discuss below, the calendrical interval recorded on D. 74 does indeed commensurate an important appearance of Venus as an Evening Star with several other significant seasonal and astronomical events that serve to replicate conditions present at the time of world creation. Knowlton (2010:62) interprets a passage in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel that describes the primordial flood as “one fetching of rain, one lancing of rain” (Chumayel 43.14; translation by Knowlton 2010:62) as parallel to the D. 74 scene, where rain is shown being poured from a large water jar or olla by the deity Chak Chel (the rain’s “fetching”), in association with a black deity with a spear (the rain’s “lancing”). In the D. 74 scene, Chak Chel is depicted in her bestial aspect. She wears a serpent headdress, a death-eye apron, and a skirt with a crossed-bones motif. She sports clawed jaguar hands and feet and holds an overturned olla with a stream of water flowing from it. The goddess appears in various other almanacs in the Maya codices pouring water from a jar (see, e.g., http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink104.html). In several of these contexts (Table 5.2), we can date this iconography to early March, suggesting that it is a seasonal indicator calling attention to the onset of the rains. Chak Chel’s appearance (whether she is depicted in human or bestial form) serves, we believe, as an omen signaling the character of the rainy season to come. When she is in her bestial aspect, as she is on D. 74, the prognostication is for destructive or nonproductive weather. Within the stream of water falling from Chak Chel’s overturned jar on D. 74 is a numeral in notational format that reads 5.1.0, corresponding to 5 tuns, 1 winal, and 0 k’ins (Taube 1988:147). This is the distance number (equaling 1,820 days) that must be added to a base date to enter the table proper. We interpret the disFlood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 165

104

Table 5.2. Calendrical contexts for which Chak Chel is seen pouring water from an olla in the Maya codices Proposed Calendar Round date(s)*

Gregorian equivalent(s) (A.D.)

D. 74

4 Eb 5 Muwan to 4 Kaban 10 Kumk’u

Jan. 24 to Mar. 11, 536

Destructive

With skyband, eclipse glyphs, and falling water

M. 10b

9 Kimi 9 Sotz’

Mar. 1, 925

Beneficent

Falling rain in background

D. 67a

1 Kaban 15 Sotz’

Mar. 1, 950

Destructive

Falling rain from a skyband

M. 32b

4 Manik’ 0 Mak

Apr. 2, 1503

Destructive

Falling water from mouth and between the legs

Almanac

* †

105

106

Aspect†

Comments

Calendar Round dates are given in Classic period notation. Aspect is determined by the presence or absence of particular iconographic elements. Those linked to the “destructive” aspect include clawed feet and/or hands, death-eye collar or apron, skirt with crossed bones, skulls, or a dead figure.

tance number enclosed within the stream of water as symbolizing the foundation journey undertaken by the creator gods in primordial times that leads to the stopping place where prophecies are made. In this sense, the distance number represents the path of time beginning from creation (represented by the base date) to the stopping point (starting date of the first interval) where diviniatory rituals are undertaken (as contained in the picture and text in each frame). Two base dates have been proposed for calculating the entry date to the LWT (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink105.html). H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2011:401) and Knowlton (2003) suggest that the 4 Eb 5 Ch’en date derived from the first serpent number in the preface on D. 69 is the base date for the current table. Part of their reasoning is that this base date leads to an entry date in the eighth century, close in time to the entry date V. Bricker and H. Bricker (2005) proposed for the UWT (see below). We believe that the explicit base date given in the fourteenth column at the end of the UWT, 4 Eb 10 Muwan,11 recorded as 9.4.16.8.12 in the upper corner of page 73, is the one that was used for the current version of the LWT. The caption adjoining the base date (see http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink106.html) states the following: ___ och ti’ ha’ lok’ och k’atun ___ entered the water; he emerges?; he entered the k’atun [or the k’atun entered].

The caption describes the same activity as that performed by Yax Balam on page 70—emerging [from water] and entering the k’atun. The emerging described in the text suggests that a deity (whose name glyph has been eroded) establishes a station, or stopping point, on a ritual circuit that began at the time of world creation. The prophecies to be made are determined by entering the table proper. 166 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

Dates in the table proper are determined by adding the multiple 5.1.0 associated with the stream of water to the base date 4 Eb 10 Muwan. This is an entry date for the LWT and for its first frame, which corresponds to 4 Eb 5 Muwan, or January 24, A.D. 536. The tzolk’in day glyph Eb appears below the distance number in the stream of water; in this way it follows the pattern seen in the remaining frames of the table, although in a more abbreviated format. Below Chak Chel on D. 74 is God L, a black-colored deity who can be identified by his owl companion on top of his head. He appears in a pose and carrying weapons (a spear thrower, or atlatl, and spear) suggestive of an association with the deities representing heliacal rise in the Dresden Venus table (Milbrath 1999:173; see Chapter 7). An analysis of the Venus table indicates that God L plays various roles, including that of Venus warrior (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink107.html). In his warrior aspect, God L was a deity to be feared. Lore associated with Venus suggests that the great star was considered especially dangerous at the time of its reappearance in the celestial sphere, following its sojourn in the Underworld realm (equated with its disappearance during inferior and superior conjunction; see Aveni 2001:186; Thompson 1972:67), when it was believed to cast evil influences, which are depicted pictorially as “lancing.” The scene on D. 74 is a compressed record connecting events that took place over the course of a sixty-five-day interval. The presence of iconography related to astronomical events has allowed us to cross-date this frame with real time astronomical data to propose a series of overlapping, dated events for certain parts of the D. 74 scene. During those sixty-five days, the following events occurred (Table 5.3): Five days into the interval, on 1 Men 8 Pax, or January 29, A.D. 536, Venus made its first appearance as an Evening Star (EFIRST) in the western sky.12 This timing, we believe, explains the presence of God L as a Venus warrior at the bottom of the scene. Venus rising in the western sky may also account for the left (west or evening) side of the bicephalic crocodilian at the top of the picture. Twenty-five days later, an eclipse season opened on 13 Ahaw 13 K’ayab, or February 23, A.D. 536. Elsewhere in the Maya codices, paired eclipse glyphs have been shown to refer to eclipse seasons—that is, the time when a solar and/or lunar eclipse may occur. A total solar eclipse did indeed occur on the penultimate day of the interval, corresponding to 3 Kib 9 Kumk’u, or March 10, A.D. 536, but it was not visible in the Maya area.13 This date in early March, and its association with images of the water- and sky-related aspect of the celestial crocodile and of Chak Chel overturning an olla of water, are likewise observed in later almanacs in the Madrid Codex, suggesting that the weeks leading up to the vernal equinox (March 20) were an important period in the tropical year during the Postclassic period when Maya priests scheduled rituals intended to coax the rain bringers (Chaak and Chak Chel) to bring the rains anticipated for the planting season that would begin in May (Hernández and V. Bricker 2004; see discussion later in chapter). The predicted co-occurrence of these astronomical and seasonal events within this timeframe at the Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 167

107

Table 5.3. The astronomical events and haab stations occurring within the intervals of time recorded for frames 1 and 2 of the Dresden LWT Frame 1

2

108

Maya data

Julian day

Gregorian date (in A.D. 536)

Event

Iconographic referent

4 Eb 5 Muwan

1916835

Jan. 6

Starting date of the table and fr. 1 on D. 74

4 Eb day glyph in stream of water

1 Men 8 Pax

1916858

Jan. 29

Venus EFIRST

God L in warrior pose with spear

13 Ahaw 13 K’ayab

1916883

Feb. 23

Eclipse season opens

Paired eclipse glyphs suspended from skyband

7 Manik’ 0 Kumk’u

1916890

Mar. 1

Kumk’u seated

3 Kib 9 Kumk’u

1916899

Mar. 10

Partial solar eclipse

4 Kaban 10 Kumk’u

1916900

Mar. 11

First day of fr. 2 interval

5 Chuwen 4 Wayeb

1916914

Mar. 25

Partial lunar eclipse

7 Ben 1 Pop

1916916

Mar. 27

Inauguration of a Ben year

4 Ak’bal 11 Pop

1916926

Apr. 6

Close of the eclipse season

3 Imix 9 Sip

1916964

May 14

Solar eclipse glyph on D.74

Lunar eclipse glyph on D.74

Last day of fr. 2

beginning of the LWT repeats a series of similar events recounted in creation mythology to have taken place at the beginning of the current era. It was because of these portentous celestial events, we believe, that evil auguries regarding the rainy season and the resulting maize harvest were forecasted for the year A.D. 536. Additional information that helps us to understand the significance of the iconography can be found in the hieroglyphic caption at the top of the page. Unfortunately, the top row of glyphs is eroded, so what remains of the caption tells us about the actors and the places, but we can no longer read what their actions were. The text that remains reads as follows (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink108.html): ____ ha’ ?? ka’an ix kab tun ____ rainy? ?? sky lady earth stone. ____ eek’ ká’an eek’ kab bakab chaak ____ black sky, black earth; the Bakab [and?] Chaak. ____ nohol? chak chel nal [possible k’ak’ in collocation above Chak Chel] ____ south? Chak Chel, maize. 168 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

The text caption, although incomplete, seems to be making reference to the destruction of the previous world by a flood, presumably that let loose, as told in the Books of Chilam Balam, by the celestial crocodilian prior to its decapitation/death at the hands of the Bolon Ti’ K’uh (Venus/Underworld gods) in primordial time (Tizimín 14v, in Knowlton 2010:73). The sky was brought down and there was no sun to give light, so the primordial world was dark. The phrase “black sky, black earth” may refer to this situation.14 The destruction caused by the flood, however, makes it possible to create new life. To form the earth, the crocodilian was slain and its back painted with its blood to become the earth (Tizimín 14v, in Knowlton 2010:73). The references to Chaak, the Bakabs, and Chak Chel on D. 74 and in the preface to the water tables are reminiscent of their role in the earth’s destruction and re-creation: Chaak initiates the rainy season (by his journey at the beginning of time along the path the rains will take); the Bakabs bring order to the new earth after its creation (Chumayel 43, in Knowlton 2010:65); and Chak Chel influences or determines the nature of the rains since they originate from within the earth, which is her purview. The mention of Chaak and Chak Chel in the hieroglyphic caption may be a reference to their role in the re-creation of the world and the formation of humans. This is suggested by the final glyph block in the caption, which appears to read nal ‘maize’. It was from maize that Chak Chel fashioned the first humans, apparently with Chaak’s help (see discussion of the murals from Structure 16 at Tulum in the preceding chapter). It is difficult to determine much from the third phrase, however, because so much of it is eroded, but we wonder if there might be a reference to K’awil at D2, and it has been previously suggested that E2 is most likely nohol ‘south’ (Taube 1988:145). This is of interest because K’awil is pictured in association with the outgoing year on D. 25 (the page that follows D. 74), where he is the deity patron for south years. He is inaugurated into this role on Lamat days associated with 1 Pop in the haab (see Figure 4.6 and discussion in previous chapter). If K’awil is indeed mentioned in the caption to D. 74, this may be related to the fact that the sixty-five-day interval associated with this page ends during the month of Kumk’u. This is the final twenty-day period of the year prior to the Wayeb days and the inauguration of a new year. The events on D. 74 take place in a 6 Lamat year, suggesting that it is associated with the south direction and the deity K’awil. This final section of the D. 74 caption may, therefore, concern the ending of the Lamat year and preparations for the upcoming Wayeb period that would have taken place during the interval associated with this frame.

Dresden 74 and the Yearbearer Pages As we have seen, Dresden pages 25–28 follow immediately after D. 74, the five pages serving to highlight the destruction of the world followed by its re-creation. The events on D. 74 are reminiscent of periods of chaos, when the normal order of the world has been inverted. Such periods are often presaged by dangerous astronomical portents Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 169

such as eclipses or Venus’ heliacal rise. They are similar in many respects to the Wayeb period, and it is of interest that several of the events on D. 74 can be linked to the month of Kumk’u, when preparations for the Wayeb ceremonies were undertaken. Song 3 from the colonial Yucatec manuscript the Cantares de Dzitbalché (Barrera Vásquez 1965), titled “The Wayeb, the Twenty Black Days,” discusses the events of Wayeb in terms that suggest similarities with D. 74. According to this song, the “painful days, the days without name,” rather than being limited to Wayeb, are also linked to the preceding month of Kumk’u (by the statement “the twenty days without name”). Noteworthy, in this respect, is that Kumk’u begins during the interval associated with D. 74 and continues into the second column of the LWT, which also includes the Wayeb period (see Table 5.3). Song 3 of the Cantares describes Wayeb in the following terms (Taube 1988:290–291): The days of crying, the days of the evil things. Unbound is Cizin, open is the Underworld.15 There is not good, there is only evil, screams and crying. There has passed One complete year. The year named here. There has also arrived twenty days without name. The painful days, the days of evil, the black days. There is not the beautiful light from the face [or eyes] of Hunabku for his children here on the earth. Because during these days are measured the sins of the earth of all mankind, males and females, small and adult, rich and poor, wise and ignorant . . . Their sins are measured in these days. Because there will arrive the time when these days will be the end 170 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

of the world. Because of this is carried the count of all the sins of people here on the earth.

Links between the events related in the song and those on D. 74 include the reference to “black days” (the D. 74 text includes the phrase eek’ ka’an eek’ kab ‘black sky, black earth’); the unbinding of Kisin or the Mam, who can be linked to God L in the D. 74 almanac, and his emergence from the Underworld; the absence of light from the sun (which is described as “darkened” in the skyband image); and the timing (the association with Kumk’u). Another text, relating to K’atun 13 Ahaw from the Books of Chilam Balam, links Wayeb to the darkness of an eclipse: “The face of the sun shall be turned from its course, it shall be turned face down during the reign of the perishable men, the perishable rulers. Five days the sun is eclipsed, and then there shall be seen the torch of [Katun] 13 Ahau. ” (Roys 1965:112). This description is also of relevance to the text and iconography of D. 74, where one of the key events depicted is an eclipse season. It was during periods of transition such as those associated with year-ending rituals—and also with certain celestial events (such as eclipses)—that the Mam’s power was most evident, reflecting an inversion of the usual social norms. D. 74 seems to be linking the metaphorical destruction of the world in primordial times to a ceremony undertaken on a yearly basis that served both to recognize the power of the Underworld lords and the forces of chaos and to use culturally sanctioned means to contain them. Together, D. 74 and the yearbearer pages reference the destructive flood and the period of chaos that it entailed, as well as the establishment of a new world order. This narrative parallels the events related in the narrative from the Books of Chilam Balam, in which a flood in K’atun 11 Ahaw, precipitated by the seed corn being taken to the thirteenth plane of the sky, destroys the “coreless” people (see Chapter 3). Following this episode is the settling of the land by the Bakabs and the setting up of trees in the four world directions and the center as a commemoration of the destruction of the previous world (see previous chapter for our analysis of how these events are related to D. 25–28), but also presumably as a means of separating the earth from the sky, which was said to collapse as a result of the flood.

Flood Episode in the Madrid Codex A pair of almanacs on page 32 of the Madrid Codex (Figure 5.6) suggests that a similar event, which mirrored the mythic flood (although the crocodilian is not pictured), was of concern to the Late Postclassic scribes who drafted the Madrid Codex. Like the scene on D. 74, the upper almanac (M. 32a) depicts God L as a black Venus deity Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 171

Figure 5.6. M. 32 almanacs cognate with D. 74. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

carrying weapons in a scene dominated by rain falling from a skyband from which a pair of eclipse glyphs are suspended. A blue serpent bites at the center of the skyband. The lower almanac, M. 32b, features a goddess presumed to be Chak Chel with a serpent at her waist, a distended eye, and lips shaped into a buccal mask similar to that worn by the central Mexican wind god Ehecatl. In this scene, Chak Chel is shown in her destructive aspect, as indicated by the femur at her waist and her death-eye collar. Water gushes from her open mouth and from between her legs, and she holds the glyph for ik’ ‘wind’ in her hand, with another wind glyph appearing near her left foot. Below Chak Chel’s upraised hand, a figure with a closed (kimi) eye—indicating that he is dead—falls through the stream of water issuing from Chak Chel’s mouth. A glyphic collocation referring to ‘dead person’ (ah kimil) appears below the blue-painted serpent (the serpent’s blue coloration may be indicative of destructive flood waters). The ‘dead person’ compound is paired with the glyph for k’in ‘sun’, perhaps signifying the death of the sun, a metaphorical expression used to refer to eclipses (Milbrath 1999:26). A calendrical reconstruction of the two almanacs on M. 32 (Table 5.4) indicates that M. 32b overlaps with three frames in the almanac above it that include an eclipse season and a Venus EFIRST event. This suggests that its iconography can be understood as showing the repercussions of the eclipses predicted in the upper almanac, which included heavy rains and destructive weather, for the upcoming rainy season. A dating model for this pair of almanacs associates them with spring dates in A.D. 1503 (Hernández and V. Bricker 2004:303 and table 10.8). The proposed early spring season for the two almanacs, and the astronomical phenomena predicted, are the same as those targeted by D. 74: a partial solar eclipse visible in northern Yucatán and a Venus EFIRST. Moreover, the scene on M. 32b seems to represent the personification 172 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

Solar eclipse/ Sagittarius at meridian

27 Mar 1503

Eclipse season opens

26 Mar 1503

0 Mak

9 April 1503 Bad fortune

9 Eb 5 Mak 7 April 1503 Solar eclipse, bad fortune

4 Manik‘ 0 Mak 2 April 1503

7 Mak

11 Ix

Wind

Dead figure w/ wind & rain, kin glyph

Rain/skirt

C 11 + 2

26 April 1503

4 K’ank’in

2 Chuwen

Shield

E 2+5

B 9+2

Eclipse season closes Venus EFIRST

22 April 1503

0 K’ank’in

11 Manik’

Shield

D 11 + 4

A 4+5

Madrid 32b

2 April 1503

14 Keh

13 Keh

4 Manik’

11 Imix

Spearpoint

Spear

C 4 + 20

10 Ahaw

B 11 + 6

Skyband/rain

A 10 + 1

Madrid 32a

Bad fortune

11 April 1503

9 Mak

13 Kib

‘Dead person’

D 13 + 5

1 May 1503

9 K’ank’in

7 Kib

Foot

F 7+2

Bad fortune

16 April 1503

14 Mak

5 Imix

Ik’/rattlesnake tail

E 5+2

3 May 1503

11 K’ank’in

9 Etz’nab

Rattlesnake tail

G 9 + 21

Table 5.4. The calendrical overlap between M. 32a and M. 32b and associated Gregorian dates (A.D), iconography, and astronomical events

Eclipse transit ends; Venus EFIRST

18 April 1503

16 Mak

7 Ak’bal

Chak Chel

F 7 + 10

24 May 1503

12 Muwan

4 Kawak

Skyband/rain

H 4+6

of a hurricane, storms that we know from historical records periodically ravage the Yucatán Peninsula. We find this interesting in light of ethnographic data that link the destruction of the world in Lacandón accounts to the aftermath of a hurricane caused by Chäk-ik’al, the east wind god (McGee 1989). Chak Chel on M. 32b may be personifying such a storm, and the two ik’ glyphs may serve to associate her with Chäk-ik’al in this instance. Based on the iconographic and contextual similarities, we believe that the Madrid scribe made use of an iconographic tradition referring to world destruction and renewal passed down from his Classic period predecessors to call attention to an event that was like-in-kind to that recorded in creation mythology and depicted on D. 74— destruction on a massive scale involving wind, rain, and flooding that converged with predictions for solar and lunar eclipses and a Venus EFIRST, much as is related to have occurred in K’atun 13 Ahaw referenced mythologically (see Knowlton 2010:72–74). In the case of M. 32b, the combination of two such dangerous portents at the critical point in the year, and just before the start of the rainy season, led to the prognostication of hurricanes for the months ahead.

Paris K’atun Pages and Crocodilians In addition to the almanacs in the Dresden Codex that highlight the mythology associated with the earth crocodilian and its ascent to the sky, this is also a prominent theme on the k’atun pages in the Paris Codex, where a bound crocodilian associated with a skyband forms a throne on each of the thirteen pages. Skyband thrones in the form of crocodilians are also depicted at several Classic period Maya sites, including Naranjo, Palenque, and Piedras Negras (Love 1994:25–26; D. Stuart 2005:71–72), where they are associated with accession events or period-ending rituals. The k’atun page with the best-preserved picture is Paris 3 (Figure 5.7). This can serve as a model for our understanding of each of the k’atun pages, which have the same general format but differ in terms of the particular figures represented. On page 3, the maize god stands at the left of the frame, holding an image of K’awil’s head out toward a second figure, who is seated on the crocodilian skyband throne. The identity of this second figure remains unknown, but certain elements suggest he may be identified with the flower god or perhaps with Quetzalcoatl (the two are related elsewhere in the Maya codices).16 The legs of the throne consist of crocodile heads, on top of which is a skyband with three or four glyphic elements (here consisting of the k’in ‘sun’ glyph, ak’bal ‘night’, and the crossed-bands glyph).17 A crocodile with its front (and probably rear) legs bound is draped over the skyband, with its head pointing down toward the ground. We interpret the bound crocodilian in the context of stories about the taming and creation of the earth (see below). Each page also includes a vessel with some type of offering, usually three T506 glyphs (waah ‘food’ or ‘tortilla’). On page 3, the waah glyphs are accompanied by two elements 174 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

Figure 5.7. The crocodilian skyband throne on P. 3 in the context of a k’atun ritual. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

that signify jade or other precious substances. The other element that occurs on each page in the k’atun series is a bird, which is usually seen hovering over the mask or image of K’awil’s head. Because they function as omens elsewhere in the Maya codices, as well as in the Books of Chilam Balam, the birds have been interpreted as signifying the prognostication for the k’atun period represented on each page (Love 1994:18). In the current example, the bird is a hummingbird, a creature having associations with the sun and with bloodletting (Miller and Taube 1993:98). The text on each of the k’atun pages refers to the ordering or succession of a series of named deities (ranging from three to five in number). It is usually the case that the first one named is the deity pictured holding the K’awil headdress.18 We believe that the other named deities may refer to the patrons of other periods within the k’atun (such as the hotun and lahuntun, referring to periods of five and ten tuns), although this possibility needs further exploration. The last named of the lords is always represented by T1064 (see the fourth glyph in the second column on P. 4; Figure 1.4), which could refer to the K’awil headdress. It is not K’awil’s usual glyph but does include the /k’a/ or k’ak’  ‘fire’ or ‘torch’ prefix; the main sign is a portrait with an infixed ak’bal element (here representing a dark mirror such as would be used in divination). This combination of elements is suggestive of the deity Tohil, who was the patron of the K’iche’ during the Postclassic period. Tohil has been identified with the lowland Maya deity K’awil (Miller and Taube 1993:170), and it is of interest that his name means ‘obsidian’ (since this is probably the dark substance used for the deity’s mirror). If the forehead torch reads tah, then this deity may have been called Tahil, the lowland cognate of Tohil. A smoking obsidian mirror is also associated with the highland Mexican deity Tezcatlipoca. In addition to being used for divination, obsidian mirrors were also considered passageways, or cavelike portals, for supernaturals (Miller and Taube 1993:115). K’awil was the primary emblem of Classic period Maya rulers, most likely because Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 175

109

he embodies the generative powers of thunder and lightning. We agree with the interpretation of previous scholars that the offering of the K’awil head (most likely a headdress) signifies the accession of a new patron lord, represented by the figure seated on the throne (see Love 1994:18). During the Postclassic period, the “seat” of the k’atun (presumably represented by the throne in the Paris almanac) was transferred from one town to another during the thirteen k’atuns of the 256-year cycle (Love 1994:25). Whether the scenes on the Paris k’atun pages had a similar significance or not is unknown. Although Love (1994:28) suggests that they do, no evidence for any historically named places or individuals has been found in the hieroglyphic texts on these pages. It is possible, instead, that the skyband thrones correspond to mythological locations comparable to those described by toponyms associated with the series of deities on the tun mural featured on the north wall of Structure 1 from Santa Rita (see discussion below). It is unfortunate that the figures seated on the skyband thrones are, for the most part, eroded, making it difficult to determine if they represent humans or deities. That they may have celestial associations is suggested by at least one of the depictions, that on P. 5 (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink109.html); although the figure itself is eroded, its headband contains two separate Venus glyphs. Many of the pages reference astronomical events (eclipses and specific stations of Venus) in their hieroglyphic captions. We do not address the astronomical content of these pages, but they are considered in detail in H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2011:357–362). Parallels to the crocodilian skyband thrones occur in the monumental art from a number of lowland Maya sites dating to the Classic period. This motif seems to be used most commonly in the context of accession rituals. The image of a bound crocodilian is reminiscent of the narratives discussed in Chapters 2 and 3 involving the decapitation and/or dismemberment of a monstrous crocodile or an earth monster in order to create the earth. Before this occurs, the creature may ascend to the sky (note the association with the skyband throne) to bring about a flood meant to destroy the world. The Paris k’atun pages suggest that this time of danger coincided with period endings and other transitions in rulership, when chaotic forces were let loose. By following the example of the Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh, however, the k’atun patron (or Classic period ruler acceding to office) was able to control the powers that threatened the world. This subduing of power is signified by the binding of the crocodilian, the making of offerings, and often the performance of sacrificial rituals (as seen, e.g., on Piedras Negras Stela 11; Figure 5.8). In recounting the defeat of the earth monster Cabracan, the narrator of the Popol Vuh notes: “Then the boys tied him up. They tied his hands behind his back . . . They also tied his ankles together. Then they hurled him down into the earth and buried him” (Christenson 2007:110). A similar episode may be depicted not only in the Paris Codex, but also in several frames of the almanac on M. 65–72 (see discussion of the Sip in Chapter 10). 176 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

Figure 5.8. The crocodilian skyband throne on Piedras Negras Stela 11 in the context of an accession ritual or k’atun celebration. Drawing by Mallory Fenn.

The murals depicted on the north and west walls of Structure 1 from Santa Rita are also framed within the context of cosmogonic events associated with the creation of the crocodilian earth. They may be best understood by reference to the text from Temple XIX at Palenque, which refers to the decapitation of a crocodilian, the formation of the earth, and a fire-drilling episode (see Chapter 3 and Appendix 3.3). The scene pictured on the west wall mural occurs on top of the scaly body of the earth monster, which is pierced by darts and also associated with flints and fire (Figure 5.9). In addition to being used as weapons, flints produced from Chaak’s lightning axe were used to make fire (Miller and Taube 1993:88); the dart recalls Venus imagery from the Dresden Codex, as well as the dart that pierces the body of the crocodilian in the Temple of the Fisherman mural from Mayapán (see Figure 3.5). What this comparison suggests is that the scene from the mural refers to the spearing of the crocodilian (likely by a Venus-related deity), the formation of the earth from its body, and the drilling of the first fire. Although the decapitation of the crocodilian is not pictured, decapitation is a common theme in this section of the mural. To the far right, the decapitated head of a jaguar appears, and the central scene pictures an unknown deity holding the decapitated heads of the merchant deity and the sun god. We interpret these three figures as referring to a set of brothers commonly found in Maya mythology; they include an older brother, who is an Underworld/Venus god, a middle brother, who is a deity of merchants and commerce, and a younger brother, who is associated with the sun (Thompson 1970b). The two severed heads clearly portray the middle and younger brothers, suggesting that Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 177

Figure 5.9. Sacrificial rituals associated with k’atun ceremonies from the west wall mural of Structure 1, Santa Rita. After Gann (1900:pl. XXXI).

the figure holding them may be related to Older Brother, or Venus. This scene appears to refer to an episode in Maya creation mythology that may have parallels to the battle between the Bolon Ti’ K’uh and the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh in the Books of Chilam Balam (see Chapter 3). One of the episodes refers to the defeat of the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh (in this case the sun god and possibly the merchant deity) by the Bolon Ti’ K’uh (who is likely related to the figure who holds their decapitated heads). On the Santa Rita mural, this can be associated with a k’atun ending of 8 Ahaw, whereas this event is linked to K’atun 11 Ahaw in the Chilam Balam manuscripts. The mural from the east half of the north wall also pictures a crocodilian whose body has been pierced by a dart (Figure 5.10, no. 9). Within the body of the crocodilian is an image of the sun (a disk formed by “solar rays” and jades), carried on the back of a feathered serpent—a creature having associations with the winds that bring the rains and also with Venus as sun bearer (Taube 2010:176). This depiction is of particular interest to us because it shows the means by which the sun is conveyed through the Underworld and also suggests the close association between the sun and Venus, which is seen especially clearly at the time of Venus’ heliacal rise, when it emerges just ahead of the newborn sun. The scene from the north wall mural can be related to that on the west wall and to several pages in the Paris Codex. To the right of the scene previously discussed on the west wall (see Figure 5.9), the merchant and sun deities have been resurrected, the latter through the actions of the merchant god, who holds a rattle or incensario and plays a drum. Above this, the sun rises in deity form (as K’in Ahaw) from the same disk as that seen in the Underworld realm on the north wall. Its birth is seen to be associated with 178 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

Figure 5.10. Tun endings portrayed on the north wall mural of Structure 1, Santa Rita. After Gann (1900:pl. XXIX).

Figure 5.11. Continuation of tun mural from the north wall of Structure 1, Santa Rita. After Gann (1900:pl. XXIX).

a skull (from which sound/music emerges) that forms part of the drum. It is unclear which deity’s skull is pictured—perhaps it relates to the skeletal version of the Morning Star (corresponding to the Mexican god Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli), although other possibilities can be suggested as well. K’in Ahaw is also shown as the rising sun on the north wall, where he is associated with the tun 1 Ahaw (Figure 5.11, no. 2).19 The deity pictured to his left is God L, an aspect of Venus who is closely associated with the sun in Maya mythology and art. In Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 179

Figure 5.12. Primordial scene associated with the time before the flood and the birth of the new sun on P. 22. After de Rosny (1888).

Chapter 10, we suggest that the two deities correspond with the Bolon Ti’ K’uh and Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh in the Books of Chilam Balam, and with Older Brother and Younger Brother in contemporary Maya folktales. As scholars have previously noted (Love 1994:36–37; Vail and Hernán­ dez 2009), there are a number of connections between the Santa Rita murals and the Paris Codex, seen not only on the tun and k’atun pages, but also on pages 22–21 (this section of the codex was most likely read from right to left). The latter pages are also closely linked to the water tables in the Dresden Codex. We interpret P. 22 as representing the pre-flood world, in which the sky and the Underworld are the important domains (Figure 5.12). The sky, in the form of a personified skyband, supports the four Bakabs, here wearing the headdress of the Pawahtuns. Winding among them and the skyband is a cord filled with life-sustaining water.20 Below this is the Underworld region; two death deities are shown emerging from the open mouths of serpents, most likely representing their birth. Several eclipse glyphs are also present, suggesting that the sun remains hidden (before it first rises) in this Underworld realm. Alternatively, the glyphs may refer to the eclipse that signaled the destruction of the previous world, giving birth to the current “sun” or era. The left two-thirds of P. 21 (Figure 5.13), we suggest, depicts the descent of the sun on a cord, in the context of the laying out of the 260-day calendar. The cord on which the sun is transported consists of the intertwined bodies of four serpents, whose heads surround the k’in ‘sun’ glyph. In many accounts of celestial events among the Maya, serpents are described as the vehicles by which the wind, the rain, the sun, and so forth are transported (Carmack and Mondloch 1983:232, n. 104; Holland 1963:77; Miller 1982:97; Taube 2010). 180 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

Figure 5.13. The descent of the sun on P. 21. After de Rosny (1888).

The lower section of the page is segmented into three panels beneath a skyband. In the middle panel, which includes the image of the sun, rain falls from the skyband, and the sun descends toward the open mouth of what we take to be a serpent (although it is substantially eroded). This imagery can be associated with a solar eclipse, as suggested by similar depictions in the Dresden and Madrid codices that include eclipse glyphs (see, e.g., D. 56b [http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink110.html], D. 57b [http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Doc umentation/UPClink111html], and M. 67b [http://www.hieroglyphicre search.org/Documentation/UPC link112.html]). This image, and that of God L to the right, suggest a link to the flood scene on D. 74, although Chak Chel is missing from P. 21, and the skyband is in the form of the Itzamna bird, rather than the Itzamna crocodilian. We interpret this scene in reference to the episode in the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel in which the Underworld/Venus gods (the Bolon Ti’ K’uh) best the celestial gods (the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh). The depiction of the death god holding a torch and smoking a cigar in the left panel of the scene remains to be interpreted, although Kimil, like God L, may have been associated with the Bolon Ti’ K’uh.21 It is possible that God L appears here (to the right of the central panel) in his guise as the Evening Star aspect of Venus, as was the case on D. 74. The Itzamna bird appearing in this scene suggests a link to page 4 of the Paris k’atun series (see Figure 1.4), where an avian form of Itzamna serves as the prophecy for the k’atun. This is clearly marked in several places as being K’atun 11 Ahaw, which we find significant because this is the k’atun named in the Books of Chilam Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 181

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111

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Balam in which the incidents described previously (the altercation between the Bolon Ti’ K’uh and the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh) occurred. Paris 4 has a number of elements that link it to the almanac on page 21 and also to the Chilam Balam narrative. These include a reference to an eclipse season, to the west and the Evening Star aspect of Venus (a reference to Venus descending occurs below the solar eclipse glyph in the text to the left of the picture), and to prophecies of death. In addition, the k’atun patron of 11 Ahaw on P. 4 is one of the Pawahtun deities (pictured in the central region of the page), and it is clear from the passage on page 43 of the Chumayel manuscript that the Bakabs (aspects of the Pawahtuns) caused the flood that led to the destruction of the wooden (coreless) people (Knowlton 2010:65).22 A further reference to this episode is seen in the paired expression (partially eroded) above the picture that refers to ma’ ch’ab sih ??, ma’ ak’bal sih winik, “There is no genesis for the born ??, the born people.” A similar passage occurs on page 46 of the Venus table (see discussion in Chapter 7), where we have interpreted it as referring to the demise of the wooden people of the creation prior to this one. On P. 4, this is said to occur on a specific date within K’atun 11 Ahaw—__ Ak’bal 16 Sak in the sixth tun of the k’atun (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink113.html). As H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2011:358–359) have demonstrated convincingly, this refers to 9.4.5.2.3 10 Ak’bal 16 Sak, or November 2, A.D. 519. Like the other examples of mythological references we have discussed from the codices, this one also appears to have a historical referrent, demonstrating that it is the interaction between mythic and present time that serves as the focus of the rituals being performed in the codical almanacs. Likewise, it is common throughout Native American cultures for the performance of prescribed rituals to reinvoke the mythic time to which they refer (Gill 2002; Griffin-Pierce 1992). The presence of Pawahtun on P. 4 also relates this page to D. 46 (see Figure 7.17) and the events being depicted there. As we discuss in Chapter 7, these events include the ascent of K’awil to the sky with the seed corn (described on page 43 of the Chumayel manuscript) and the ascent of the crocodilian to the sky (described on page 14 of the Tizimín manuscript). In this instance, rather than the crocodilian as the intended victim, as seen on D. 74, K’awil is the victim of God L’s lance on D. 46, bringing about the flood and the demise of the wooden people. In this respect, it is of interest that K’awil is named as the patron of the second part of the k’atun on P. 4 (perhaps the lahuntun ending on 12 Ahaw). It is likely his death that is referenced by the text above the picture on this page. A different K’atun 11 Ahaw is pictured on D. 60 (see Figure 4.14); it refers to the years 9.17.0.0.1 to 9.18.0.0.0, corresponding to January 23, A.D. 771, to October 9, A.D. 790 (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:231–232). Pawahtun is here again depicted as the lord of the k’atun. In this scene, however, he is being attacked by two figures of probable Mexican origin that hold atlatls and spears. It is possible that they go by the name of Bolon Okte’ (see Chapter 4), although this is difficult to determine since the text 182 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

Figure 5.14. The capture of prisoners for sacrifice by the blackpainted God M on M. 83a–84a. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

is somewhat eroded and remains poorly understood. The prognostications for the k’atun are less than auspicious and include warfare, death, and statements warning of ‘woe to the people’ (yah? winik) and ‘woe to the earth-cave’ (yah? kab-ch’een) (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink114 .html). A captive bound to a spear in the lower register of the almanac may have Venus associations (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:232), although this remains to be definitively established. The deity holding the spear is Xiuhtecuhtli, one of the deities pictured as the heliacal rise aspect of Venus in the Dresden Venus table. A similar scene occurs on pages 83a–84a of the Madrid Codex (Figure 5.14 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink115.html), although there the deity holding the spear is the black God M, who wears a scorpion tail (see discussion of these almanacs in Chapter 10). Another image that may be related occurs as part of the upper seasonal table, on D. 67a (see Figure 6.6). Here, Chaak holds a spear and a bundle containing K’awil; the caption notes that hok’ah k’awil “K’awil is tied”; this occurs in the context of eek’ ka’an ‘black sky’, a phrase that also occurs on D. 74 in relation to the flood episode. The same verb (hok’ ‘to be tied’) appears in the upper register of D. 60, next to a picture of a deer. Another reference to hok’ occurs in the caption to the lower picture on the same page. The associated clause relates that the yaxk’in (first sun?) of Bolon Okte’ was tied, or that Bolon Okte’ tied the first sun. This may refer metaphorically to the tying of the k’atun (i.e., its completion) or to the tying of the nine footsteps of the year—bolon ok (see Chapter 4)—to symbolize the completion of the tun. On the other hand, it may signal that Bolon Okte’ Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 183

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can be associated with an earlier “sun” or creation. This is suggested by his presence on the Vase of the Seven Gods (see discussion in Chapter 3).

Overview of Chapter An analysis of the Maya codices adds substantially to our understanding of myths concerning the earth crocodilian and its role in events of world destruction and creation. The importance of Chaak and Chak Chel in these events is also brought to the forefront of our understanding of creation episodes through this detailed analysis of the preface to the water tables, Dresden 74, and related almanacs. How the events of primordial time were used by Maya scribes and daykeepers in formulating their prophecies for the coming year (specifically, the rainy season) is an area that we are just beginning to elucidate that promises to add substantially to our knowledge of prehispanic Maya worldviews. Links between the Dresden water tables, the seasonal almanac, and the Paris “creation” pages provide a new perspective on these respective instruments and highlight the importance placed by Postclassic scribes on interpreting contemporary events through the lens of episodes from the mythological past. That many of these same episodes are also included in later colonial period texts serves to emphasize their importance in a long-standing mythological tradition that can ultimately be traced back to the Classic period, and perhaps even earlier.

A42

Appendix 5.1. Calculation of Base Dates in the Preface to the Water Tables One of the primary functions for a preface in Maya codices is to provide for the calculation of base dates, one or more of which will be essential for reckoning dates and making prognostications using the divinatory portion of the instrument (the table proper). Base dates are also important in that they link the table proper to the Maya Long Count calendar and thus allow the user to align the information in the divinatory portion to a relevant point in real time. The scribe or scribes responsible for the preface to the water tables employed several different forms of calculation for deriving nine base dates, although only two of these (one for the UWT and one for the LWT) are required to use the tables that are extant in the Dresden Codex. The preface for both of the water tables covers portions of D. 69 and 70. We discussed the mythological content of these passages in this chapter; here we explain the mathematical content (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA42.html). The information for the first set of base dates can be found in the rightmost four columns of D. 69. The first two columns of this set contain a hieroglyphic caption painted on a blue-colored field that describes the calculation of a base date in piktun form. The topmost glyphs are eroded. They are followed by a piktun date, 18.0.8.0.16; a distance number, 0.19; and the era date of 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u. 184 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

The calculation of the piktun date follows a procedure similar to that discussed by V. Bricker and H. Bricker (1988:S8­–S9) for calculating a piktun base date for the Dresden seasonal table on page 61. The piktun of 18.0.8.0.16, or 2,594,896 days, is subtracted from the era date written in piktun form as (1.11.19) 0.0.0.0.0. The result is a date far back in mythological time corresponding to 12 K’an 17 Keh ([1.11.18] –19.19.11.17.4). The distance number of 0.19 is added to the 12 K’an 17 Keh date, which leads to a second pre-era date of 6 Chikchan 18 Sak ([1.11.18] –19.19.11.16.5). Following the 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u date in the caption is a series of glyphs that V. Bricker and H. Bricker (1988:S8) interpret as an addition statement and then a reference to 1 piktun. This passage is interpreted to imply that 1 piktun, or 2,880,000 days, must be added to 6 Chikchan 18 Sak. The result corresponds to a day 12 Chikchan 3 Pop in the current era. One final distance number—15.9.4.4, or 111,324 days—is recorded in the hieroglyphic caption. This distance number is added to 12 Chikchan 3 Pop to arrive at a very early base date for one of the water tables, 7 Imix 4 Pop (1.4.2.12.1). The columns end with the serpent pre-era base date of 9 K’an 12 K’ayab, corresponding to (1.11.15) 3.16.14.11.4. In the Maya Long Count, this date falls more than 34,000 years into the past (Beyer 1943:404). Although it is not required for calculating this first base date, the serpent base can be subtracted from the first base date to derive a serpent number. The last two columns on page 69 contain a brief hieroglyphic caption that ends with the serpent base of 9 K’an 12 K’ayab. Below the caption is a picture of a black-painted Chaak sitting upon the open maw of a black-and-white serpent entwining two serpent numbers. This information is used to calculate base dates in serpent number form. Each serpent number is added to the serpent base, the sum of which results in a base date that is given explicitly at the bottom of each column. The first serpent number is 4.5.19.13.12.8, or 12,381,728 days. This is added to the serpent base 3.16.14.11.4 to derive the base date of 9.16.8.5.12, or 4 Eb 5 Ch’en. This Calendar Round date appears explicitly in the bottom left below the serpent on page 69. The second serpent number is 4.6.1.0.13.10, or 12,391,470 days. This is added to the serpent base again to derive the base date of 9.17.15.6.14, or 9 Ix 12 Sip. This Calendar Round date appears explicitly in the bottom right below the serpent on D. 69. The first two columns on page 70 contain information for calculating four ring numbers. Ring numbers are those that appear inside of the red-painted bow tie near the bottom of the equations. Above the ring numbers are long round numbers in positional notation. At the top of the two columns is a brief hieroglyphic caption. In between the ring and long round numbers is the tzolk’in portion of the resulting dates. To calculate them, the ring number is subtracted from the era base date of 13.0.0.0.0 (also written 0.0.0.0.0) 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u that appears explicitly below each ring number. The resulting ring base number is then added to the long round number. The final result is the Long Count form of the final date. Beginning in the upper half of the first column, the ring number of 1.12.6, or 606 days, is subtracted from the era base date of 0.0.0.0.0 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u (found beneath Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 185

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the red-painted bow tie) to arrive at the ring base of 9 Ix 7 Xul, or –1.19.18.5.14. Added to the ring base is the long round number of 9.13.12.10.0, or 1,394,120 days. The result is the Long Count base date of 9.13.10.15.14, or 9 Ix 12 Muwan. The day glyph 9 Ix appears between the ring and long round numbers. The second ring number calculation recorded in the lower half of the first column is as follows: the ring number of 4.6, or 86 days, is subtracted from 0.0.0.0.0 to derive a ring base of –1.19.19.13.14, or 9 Ix 2 K’ank’in; the long round distance of 8.6.16.12.0, or 1,201,200 days, is added to the ring base to arrive at the Long Count base date of 8.6.16.7.14, or 9 Ix 7 Mak. The 9 Ix day glyph representing the base date appears above the long round number. The second column on D. 70 likewise contains two equations for ring number dates. The ring number of 4.10.6, or 1,646 days, is subtracted from 0.0.0.0.0, resulting in the ring base of –19.15.7.14, or 9 Ix 2 Ch’en. The long round of 9.19.11.13.0, or 1,437,020 days, is added to the ring base to derive the Long Count base date of 9.19.7.2.14, or 9 Ix 17 Ch’en. A 9 Ix day glyph appears between the ring number and the long round number. In the lower half of the column is the equation for the fourth ring number date. The ring number of 10.8, or 208 days, is subtracted from 0.0.0.0.0 to arrive at the ring base of –1.19.19.7, or 4 Eb 0 Mol. This is added to the long round of 8.16.19.11.0, or 1,274,260 days, to derive the Long Count base date of 8.16.18.18.12, or 4 Eb 5 Yax. The day glyph 4 Eb appears above the long round number. The final two columns of the preface on D. 70 contain a combination of hieroglyphic text and calendrical information that appears to be used to derive base dates in the tenth century. Intertwined numbers toward the bottom of the fourth column on page 70 suggest serpent numbers, and a final explicit base date of 9 Ix 12 Pop appears at the bottom of the fourth column. We have not been able to work out the calendrical equations recorded in these two columns. Two additional base dates appear in Long Count form in the final two columns on the right side of the UWT proper on Dresden 73 (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA43.html and http:// hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA44.html). Multiples for both tables appear in the rightmost two columns on D. 70 and on the first six columns on D. 71. In their analyses of astronomical tables in the Dresden Codex, H. Bricker and V. Bricker (see H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1983; V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1986) have found that a distance number (referred to in this context as a multiple) must be added to one of the base dates recorded in a table preface in order to calculate the entry date to the table proper. The upper and middle registers of the eight columns of water table multiples pertain to the UWT (see http://hiero​glyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClinkA45.html). They begin in the lower right corner of the middle register on page 71 and read from right to left in both registers. The multiples are of 702 days and include the 1st through 10th, 40th, 60th, 80th, 100th, 140th, 160th, 180th, 200th, 220th, and 240th. The twentieth multiple was separated out for special attention, given in the rightmost, or sixth, column on 186 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

D. 73. This sixth column contains information for calculating the entry date to the UWT using the twentieth multiple and a base date given in Long Count notation in the upper register (fourth column from the left) of the UWT proper. The sixth column begins with a hieroglyphic caption followed by the twentieth UWT multiple, 1.19.0.0 (20 × 702 = 14,040 days), the tzolk’in date of 9 Ix, then 1.17.2 (702 days), 2.14 (54 days) painted in red, and finally the number 9 enclosed by a red-painted ring number bow tie (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClinkA46.html). In the UWT, the numbers in red rings are the day coefficients for the tzolk’in dates calculated within the table proper. The intervals of the UWT are 54 days. The base date proposed by V. Bricker and H. Bricker (2005) for the UWT is the one that appears in the upper portion of the fourth column. The Long Count given is (9).11.11.15.14, or 9 Ix 2 Yaxk’in. The ninth bak’tun is implied based on the fact that it repeats a base date calculated from one of the serpent numbers in the preface of the table. The multiple 1.19.0.0 is added to this base date to derive the entry date for the UWT of 9.13.10.15.14, or 9 Ix 12 Muwan. Additional support for this calculation comes from the fact that this same base date was derived from the ring number calculation recorded in the upper half of the first column of ring numbers given on D. 70 (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 2005:219). The lower registers of pages 70 and 71 contain the multiples, or distance numbers, for use with the LWT beginning with the rightmost multiple at the lower corner of the section and reading from right to left in both registers (see http://hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClinkA47.html). The distance numbers are of 1,820 days and include the 2nd, 3rd, 8th, 12th, 16th, 20th, 24th, 28th, 32nd, 36th, 40th, 48th, 52nd, 60th, and 80th multiples. In the case of the LWT, it is the first multiple of 1,820 days (5.1.0) that was separated out for special attention in the first frame of the LWT on page 74, and it is the multiple used to derive the entry date for the table proper in this extant version (see preceding discussion in this chapter).

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Notes

1. A piktun is a unit in the Maya calendar that consists of twenty bak’tuns or 8,000 tuns (Thompson 1950, app. IV:314). Serpent numbers, ring numbers, and long rounds are distance numbers that are used in the prefaces of codical tables of the Dresden Codex to calculate base dates. Ring numbers and long rounds are used in combination with the era base date, 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u (Thompson 1972:20–21; Willson 1924:24–25). Ring numbers appear within a redpainted knotted bow, which signals that the number is to be subtracted from 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u. The result is a date falling in the era preceding 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u called a ring base. The long round is a distance number written in notational format that is added to the ring base to calculate a date in the current era. On D. 63, in the preface to the seasonal table, the bar-and-dot numbers of two long rounds are interspaced within a single column. Serpent numbers are distance numbers used in a similar type of base date calculation, but they are used for calculations on a much larger scale than the era cycle of 13 bak’tuns can Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 187

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accommodate (Beyer 1943:403); they require the larger piktun cycle of twenty bak’tuns. Serpent numbers function as distance numbers in notational format that are added to a serpent base date (9 K’an 12 K’ayab) that occurred more than 34,000 years into the past. The numbers entwined within the serpent’s body (the serpent numbers) are added to the serpent base date in order to derive a base date in the current era (Beyer 1933:1). 2. H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2011:403–404) interpret the sak pawah kimil and sak pawah ?? compounds as alternate means of representing the completion glyph, or the head variant for zero. 3. In some other traditions, the sun is the second born of the brothers (Thompson 1930). 4. In his 1904 discussion of Venus, Seler (1904:300–301) describes Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli as having a body painted white with longitudinal red stripes. The red stripes on a white background are a variant of white coloration that is more generally used to represent faint light, the light of dawn, or moonlight. 5. Pages 61–62 form part of the preface to another table in the Dresden Codex, which has been named the seasonal table. We feel justified in linking the images on these pages to the preface to the water tables because the texts that precede them are almost identical in their structure and meaning. 6. This early date becomes the starting point, or “serpent base,” for reckoning the serpent numbers appearing in the last two columns on D. 69, beneath the picture of Chaak. 7. The next set of columns in the preface after this first calculation of dates includes a statement about a god’s footsteps stopping, which sets a pattern for the various means of calculating the remaining base dates. The gods referred to each time are either Lady Earth Stone, who is linked to Chak Chel, or [Cloud] Chaak. It is likely that one of these two gods was intended to be associated with the first base date derived from the piktun calculation. 8. Because the preface to the water tables concerns water, deities associated with water, and the origin of water within the earth, we believe that the collocation at C2–D2 should be read as kaan nah ‘serpent house’ rather than as ‘sky house’. A similar pictorial conceptualization of a “serpent house” as the home of rain and of rain bringers in the earth has been proposed for the iconography of the almanac on D. 31b–35b (see D. 31b–35b in Chapter 4 and http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink116.html). 9. We interpret these figures as representing Mams based on their headdresses, which can be compared to those worn by the opossum Mams in the yearbearer almanac (described in the previous chapter). 10. Another characteristic of the left head of the celestial crocodilian at Palenque is an upturned snout. This is apparent in the sculpted bench from House of the Benches at the Palenque Palace. H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2011:487) have suggested that this depiction may show a peccary head instead of a crocodilian; they note that it may have links to the planet Mars, as the zoomorphic glyph used to represent Mars in the codices is an animal with an exaggerated upturned snout known as the “Mars beast.” We find this proposition interesting because we identify other examples of a conflation between the celestial crocodile and the peccary in the codices, where a significant station of Mars occurs during a sixty-five-day period that includes other important astronomical events, along with the inauguration of the rainy season (see Chapter 6). 11. The scribe erroneously wrote or copied a coefficient of 9 next to the Eb glyph. A coefficient of 4 was clearly intended, as required by the Long Count date given (9.4.16.8.12). 12. Based on the calendrics of the Venus table (see Chapter 6), an Ix date would have predicted an EFIRST, so it is likely that the preceding day, 13 Ix 7 Pax, was the date predicted for this event. 188 Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices

13. Aveni (2001:74–77, 173–184) explains that knowledge of lunar and eclipse phenomena can be derived from terrestrial observation data (sky watching) collected over a relatively brief period of time that is within the lifespan of a single adult. The analysis of the Maya eclipse table on D. 51–58 (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1983; Aveni 2001:173– 184) suggests that ancient Maya astronomers were able to extrapolate from like data and create a recyclable predictive instrument for tracking the occurrences of solar eclipses and perhaps lunar eclipses as well. Whether the ancient Maya had been able to determine the periodicity of eclipses on a seasonal basis—which relies on knowledge of other longer eclipse cycles (like that of the saros)—is another matter. The work of Harvey and Victoria Bricker on the presence of eclipse glyphs in other Maya almanacs and hieroglyphic texts (see H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1999; V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1992, 1988; H. Bricker, V. Bricker, and Wulfing 1997) strongly suggests that Maya scribes noted the occurrence of eclipse seasons when they were commensurate with or overlapped with other calendrical or astronomical cycles, regardless of whether an eclipse would have been visible in the Maya area or not. 14. Compare this to the description of the flood that destroyed the wooden people in the Popol Vuh: “Thus they caused the face of the earth to be darkened, and there fell a black rain, a rain that fell both day and night” [thereby darkening the sky] (Christenson 2007:87). 15. In this text, Cizin [Kisin] appears to be cognate with the Mam. Contemporary Maya cultures, such as the Q’eqchi’, refer to the Mam as being bound in the Underworld. The thunder that is heard before it rains is said to be the Mam trying to escape from his bonds. Among the Tz’utujil Maya of highland Guatemala, the Mam is made from tz’ajte, the wood of the coral tree. In order to stop him from wandering, his head, arms, and legs were cut off, then tied back together with cords. He goes by the name of Maximon ‘He Who Is Bound’, as well as Mam ‘Grandfather’. 16. His possible identification with Quetzalcoatl stems from the hummingbird in the illustration, which sucks nectar from a flower that forms part of the figure’s headdress, and from the possible bird or serpent in his hand. One of Quetzalcoatl’s attributes is described as a “bone-flower” in his headdress (see Appendix 2.1). Additionally, on page 44 of the Borgia Codex, Quetzalcoatl (Feathered Serpent) appears in hummingbird form (Miller and Taube 1993:98; see http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink117.html). 17. The crossed-bands (T552) glyph has several possible meanings. It represents phonetic /ta/, suggesting that it may have been used as the preposition ‘in’. It is also the central element of the sky (T565) glyph and may have that meaning (ka’an ‘sky’) in skyband contexts. 18. In this instance, however, the maize god is not named. Instead, the glyph block in question refers to the death god Kimil. 19. As we discuss in Chapter 7, the sun god is also associated with the tzolk’in date 1 Ahaw in the Dresden Venus table. This date marks the apotheosis of Hun Ahaw and his transformation into K’in Ahaw. 20. A visual examination of the codex in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris indicates that the cord is painted blue, and not green as it appears in color facsimiles such as that of Anders (1968). 21. The torch in the context of a solar eclipse recalls the section of the Chilam Balam of Chumayel cited previously: “The face of the sun shall be turned from its course, it shall be turned face down during the reign of the perishable men, the perishable rulers. Five days the sun is eclipsed, and then there shall be seen the torch of [Katun] 13 Ahau” (Roys 1965:112). 22. Although his portrait glyph still has not been read, God L is clearly named as one of the Bakabs on D. 74. It is likely that he played this role on P. 21 as well. Flood Episodes and Crocodilians in the Maya Codices 189

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6 Upper Water Table The Upper Water table (UWT; Figure 6.1) is a separate instrument from the Lower Water table (LWT), but we believe there is a common bond between the two that involves creation mythology, which again is best demonstrated by an analysis of the first two frames of the table. We begin with the entry date calculation in the sixth column on page 73 (Figure 6.1, upper right). The column begins with a hieroglyphic caption that reads (http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink118.html):

Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

___ ix kab [tun?] ha’ ?? kab? lob? ak’bal nah Lady Earth stone? __ water ?? earth; evil? night/darkness house.

This caption is reminiscent of the text associated with the first set of serpent numbers in the preface on page 69 (discussed in preceding chapter; see http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink119.html). That caption made reference to Chak Chel / Lady Earth Stone’s footsteps stopping at a sacred place called the “serpent house,” which we interpreted as the primordial origin place for the winds and the rains. The caption for the entry date column of the UWT suggests that Lady Earth Stone’s footsteps are stopping at a different sacred place referred to as the “evil night house” that is associated with falling water and the earth.1 This night house could be a reference to a dark, Underworld place associated with caverns or cenotes in the natural landscape. Below the caption, the Dresden scribe recorded the information necessary to calculate the entry date for the UWT, which is 9.13.10.15.14 9 Ix 12 Muwan, corresponding to December 4, A.D. 702 (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink120.html).

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119

DOI: 10.5876/9781607322214.c06

120

191

Figure 6.1. Upper water table from the Dresden Codex. After Förstemann (1880).

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Astronomical references are an important thematic component of the UWT. An analysis by V. Bricker and H. Bricker (2005) suggests that one of the functions of the UWT was to chart the sidereal cycle of the planet Mars.2 The Brickers further suggest that the calendrical structure of the table and the explicit mention of Mars in the captions of two of the frames may relate to the influence that Mars was believed to have had on seasonal events, as suggested by the water iconography and omens recorded in the texts. The first reference to Mars appears in the caption of frame 1 and reads as follows (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink121.html): ___ ch’ak ?? yah? k’ul k’ìn yah? kab ch’een? ___ ; Mars is chopped/decapitated; damage? to the sacred day,3 damage? to the earth-cave. 192 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

Table 6.1. Astronomical events and haab stations occurring within fr. 1 and 2 of the Dresden UWT Frame 1

2

Julian day no.

Gregorian date (A.D.)

9 Ix 12 Muwan

1977797

December 4, 702

Starting date of table and fr. 1

2 Kawak 17 K’ayab

1977842

Jan. 18, 703

Mars’ first stationary point

11 Lamat 6 Kumk’u

1977851

Jan. 27, 703

Starting date of fr. 2; Venus ELAST

2 Eb 10 Kumk’u

1977855

Jan. 31, 703

Venus MFIRST

4 Manik’ 0 Pop

1977870

Feb. 15, 703

Seating of Pop

5 Lamat 1 Pop

1977871

Feb. 16, 703

Inauguration of a Lamat year

Maya data

Event

The uppermost glyph block is eroded, but the one below it includes the glyph identified as referring to the “Mars beast” (Kelley 1976:120), prefaced by an axe glyph that reads ch’ak ‘to chop’ or ‘to decapitate’ ( Jones 1992; Orejel 1990). The Brickers’ 2005 study suggests that during the 54-day interval assigned to this caption, Mars reached the first stationary point in its synodic cycle and began its retrograde motion within the constellation of Virgo (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 2005:223; table 6.1).4 The remaining two collocations in the text are negative auguries believed to be related to the change in the motion of Mars as it appears against the background of stars and constellations in the evening sky. The second appearance of the Mars glyph occurs in frame 6. During this 54-day interval, Mars returned to its eastward movement across the sky and moved into the next constellation, that of Libra (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 2005:224). The caption to frame 6 names the Mars beast, again prefixed by the ch’ak glyph, followed by the augury ‘damage to the earth’ (see http://www.hieroglyphic​research​.org /Documentation/UPClink122.html). Interestingly, the caption to the first frame suggests that the change in Mars’ movement cast a negative influence on the upcoming rainy season, whereas the caption to the sixth frame suggests that its apparent relationship to a different constellation cast negative influence upon the earth, perhaps referring to the fate of the maize harvest since the interval is dated to the season encompassing late summer and early fall. Our analysis suggests that the Mars creature represented in the UWT may in fact be associated with the celestial crocodilian that figures so prominently in the first frame of the LWT. In the UWT, frames 1 and 6 are shown with falling water, suggesting a connection with rain and the forces responsible for it. It is also of interest that Mars is referred to in the captions as being decapitated. The combination of decapitation and rain brings to mind the myth of Itzam Kab Ayin. The act of decapitation seemingly released the blood or life force from the crocodilian that enabled the creation of the world. An analogy to this may also be suggested by the accounts that describe the rain god releasing water in the form of rain by breaking jars of water or beating rain from clouds with his axe (Wisdom 1940:395–397). The decapitaCreation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 193

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tion of the crocodilian and the breaking of the water jars both release life-giving substances that fall to the earth. There is some evidence to suggest a conflation between the Mars beast and the celestial crocodilian. The Mars beast is a zoomorphic figure with hooves, an upturned snout, and a prominent ridge over his eye; as scholars have previously noted, he shares certain attributes with depictions of peccaries in the codices (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1986; Schele and Grube 1997:191; but see Milbrath 1999:222 and Thompson 1972:57, who identify this creature with a deer). We suggest that in some contexts, the Mars beast may be an aspect of the celestial crocodilian that is associated specifically with rain. The third frame on page 68a of the Dresden seasonal table shows a full-figure version of the Mars beast suspended from a skyband with rain falling in the background (see Figure 6.7). A heliacal rise of Mars does coincide with one of the intervals assigned to the frame, corresponding to December 16, A.D. 949 (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988:S14). What is of interest to our discussion is that the Mars beast is shown with a scaly back identical to depictions of crocodilians, such as the ones on D. 74 and on D. 4b–5b (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink123.html). Other evidence from this section of the seasonal table suggests a cognate relationship with frame 1 in the LWT (D. 74), which leads us to believe that this figure represents a conflation of the Mars beast and the celestial crocodilian known from creation mythology. Another clue to this relationship comes from the preface to the Dresden seasonal table, where we see a peccary Mam painted blue as one of four figures seated on the maw of a serpent. We believe that the animal Mams pictured here may be earth-related aspects of the rains, namely, their points of origination from dark places within the earth itself. This aspect of the peccary is represented in the almanac on M. 30b as well (see discussion below), where it is shown belching forth water. In certain respects, the Mars beast can be compared with Cabracan (Earthquake), the younger brother of the earth crocodilian Zipacna. In the Popol Vuh (see Chapter 3 and Appendix 3.1), Cabracan was bound and thrown into the earth by the Hero Twins after they had killed Zipacna. In Chapter 10, we consider further the possibility that the Mars beast and Cabracan represent manifestations of a similar character. The Mars beast is associated with the rainy season in another context that points back to the time of world creation, as seen in the iconography of the Mars almanac in the Madrid Codex, found on page 2 (Figure 6.2). That almanac is likely a cognate of the synodic Mars table on pages 43b–45b of the Dresden Codex (Figure 6.3), or closely related to it (Aveni et al. 1995; V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1986; Love 1995). In the Madrid almanac’s eight frames, the Mars beast is shown as a full figure suspended below a series of skybands. In alternate frames, the Mars figure appears with an axe associated with a rainy background, and with a torch in frames lacking rain, which may be suggestive of drought. The fact that Chaak is also frequently associated with the same implements (axes and torches) suggests a link between these two figures. This is highlighted as well by the paired relationship between Chaak and the peccary Mam in 194 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

Figure 6.2. The Mars “creature” on M. 2a. After Anders (1967).

the seasonal table preface (see Chapter 5), in a context which likewise involves the generation and dispersal of rain. A second astronomical event of importance is referenced in the UWT and is of interest to our discussion of creation mythology. In the caption of frame 2 we see the glyph for Venus. The caption reads (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink124.html): ___ ek’ ___ ?? nah? winik nal ___ great star [Venus] ___ ?? first?/ honored? maize?/people.

The interval associated with frame 2 begins on 9.13.11.0.8 11 Lamat 6 Kumk’u, corresponding to January 27, A.D. 703 (Table 6.1). As the Brickers note, this interval’s starting date coincides with a Venus station (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 2005:224). The date 11 Lamat 6 Kumk’u is the last day of Venus’ visibility as an Evening Star (ELAST).5 After this, Venus disappeared into inferior conjunction and was not visible for the next four days. On January 31, corresponding to a day 2 Eb 10 Kumk’u and still within the interval of frame 2, Venus reappeared in the dawn sky as a Morning Star. A third seasonally important date occurs nineteen days later, on 4 Manik’ 0 Pop, corresponding to February 15, A.D. 703. This date is of interest both because it coincides with the set of tzolk’in dates seen in the LWT (4 Eb, 4 Manik’, 4 Ik’, and 4 Kaban), suggesting that it may be cross-referenced to the auguries for rain and agriculture highlighted in that instrument, but also because it signals the end of the Wayeb period and the inauguration of a New Year on the following day, 5 Lamat 1 Pop. This date corresponds to the ceremonies shown on D. 28c, corrected (see Figure 4.6) that picture the god K’awil performing rituals to inaugurate the New Year.

Mars Table Other references to the decapitation of the Mars creature may be found in the Mars table on pages 43b–45b of the Dresden Codex (Figure 6.3). Each of its four frames pictures the peccary-like creature hanging from a skyband, and the captions to each state that “The ‘Mars beast’ was decapitated.” Decapitation is a common form of sacrifice in creation stories, most notably in those relating to Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 195

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Figure 6.3. The Mars table on D. 43b–45b. After Förstemann (1880).

the Hero Twins and their father the maize god, and also in relation to the crocodilian that was sacrificed in order to form the surface of the earth (see Chapter 3). Evidence from the seasonal table suggests that the Mars “peccary” was at times shown with the rear half of its body covered by crocodilian scales, suggesting a conflation like the Starry Deer Crocodile, only in this case the emphasis was on a peccary instead. It is unclear if the four peccaries on D. 43b–45b have a scaly back or not, as this portion of their bodies is hidden by the skyband in the picture. Peccaries have a close connection to the earth, as suggested by the fact that their bodies are frequently portrayed with the kab glyph (Miller and Taube 1993:133),6 and also to the creator deities Itzamna and Xpiyacoc in Yucatec and K’iche’ mythology. Indeed, one of Xpiyacoc’s epithets was “Great White Peccary” (Christenson 2007:60–61). We find it of interest that the creator deities were associated with both the crocodilian (one form of the earth) and also with peccaries (another possible symbol of the earth). The peccary, like the crocodilian referenced in the text from Temple XIX at Palenque, is decapitated, suggesting a possible correspondence between the two creatures. This correspondence receives further support, as we have discussed, from the depiction of the Mars beast with scales on D. 68a (see Figure 6.7, frame 2). In that instance, however, the creature is not decapitated; rather, in the last frame of the almanac, Chaak has his axe raised, poised to dismember the earth crocodilian (here in the form of a tree).7 This imagery recalls creation stories from the Mexican highlands in which Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca together dismembered the earth monster, using half of its body to form the sky, and the other half to create the earth (see Chapter 2). The blue and red divisions of the crocodile tree on D. 69a may signify the earth and sky halves of the creature, but we believe it is more likely that they refer to the blood that will be shed and the waters that will be released when its body is severed in two. This action can be thought of, therefore, as having both a destructive and a creative function. There is evidence to suggest that the name glyph associated with the Mars beast (T794) may be read as sip or possibly sipak. The former suggestion comes from the fact that the patron glyph for the month Sip is quite similar in form to T794 (Milbrath 1999:223; see Figure 10.7) and that the T1059 (APJ) logograph signifying sip occurs on several occasions where peccaries are pictured.8 Among the contemporary Yucatec Maya, the sip are protectors of the deer. During the prehispanic period, they appear to have played a more general role as deities of the hunt and perhaps also guardians of the animals, a role associated with the earth lord among contemporary Maya cultures (Thompson 1970b:268, 274–275). Another possible reading of the Mars beast’s glyph (T794) as Sipak, an abbreviated form of Zipacna or Cipactli (see Chapter 10), remains conjectural. We believe that this may be a reinterpretation of Cipactli (the ‘spiny one’) such that other attributes of the creature are being highlighted by combining the word sip (the earth lord / guardian of the animals) with aak ‘peccary’. A visual rendering of Sipak occurs on M. 39c, where the hunting god Sip appears dressed in a peccary skin (see Figure 10.5). We interpret Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 197

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this almanac as referring to one of the rituals performed during the month Sip, when incense was burned in honor of the hunt deities (Gates 1978:72; see also Bill 1997). The text captions to the Dresden Mars table, while not well understood, do appear to make reference to events in primordial time (see Appendix 10.1). For example, the caption to the first frame (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink125.html) reads: ch’akah sip? Sip? is decapitated/chopped. ak’bal-k’in-ih9 The sun [or the day] darkens. mu’uk kab The earth is buried. xa hul-iiy o? nal He may/will arrive at ?? [above?] place.

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It is likely that the reference to the earth being buried in this caption refers to the episode in which the Hero Twins defeat the two earth monsters by burying them within the earth (see Chapter 3). What remains to be determined is why the retrograde period of Mars (the theme of the almanac in question) leads to the decapitation of the Sip (earth?) monster. We conjecture that there may be stories (now lost) concerning the ascent of the earth peccary to the sky to become Mars.10 This is a topic that requires further investigation. We turn next to a more in-depth consideration of the mythological episodes from D. 68a and 69a referenced in the previous discussion.

Dresden Seasonal Table The paired instruments in the upper and lower registers on pages 65–69 of the Dresden Codex are commonly referred to as the seasonal table because they contain references to the spring equinox and summer solstice (see V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988). Research by the Brickers dates the period when the table was initially used to A.D. 949–950 (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink126 .html and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink127.html). In the present discussion, our focus is on the upper table (for a discussion of the lower table, see Chapter 7). The upper table (Figures 6.4–6.7) includes references to astronomical, seasonal, and mythological events that can be related to the LWT (especially to page 74), the UWT, the Venus table, and texts from the Books of Chilam Balam. In undertaking our analysis, we have had to distinguish between the two possible 127

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Figure 6.4. Page 65a of the Dresden upper seasonal table. After Förstemann (1880).

Figure 6.5. Page 66a of the Dresden upper seasonal table. After Förstemann (1880).

sets of dates for each frame: one associated with a now largely eroded set of distance numbers and coefficients that was originally found above the hieroglyphic text, and the second with the distance numbers and coefficients immediately above the pictures. The relevant dates for each frame are given in Appendix 6.1. Our discussion focuses on selected frames from the table that make reference to episodes associated with creation stories. The dating model applied to the table by V. Bricker and H. Bricker (1988), which we follow, suggests that two separate episodes from the creation story have been incorporated into the almanac. The first of these corresponds with a narrative from the Tizimín and Pérez manuscripts that describes the ascent of the earth crocodilian into the sky and the formation of the earth from its body (Knowlton 2010:72–73), described in detail in Chapter 3. This episode is related in the final three frames of the almanac, which can be dated to mid to late December in A.D. 949. The second episode that is referenced on D. 65a–69a corresponds to the events of K’atun 11 Ahaw as related in the Books of Chilam Balam of Chumayel, Pérez, and Tizimín. It involves the theft of the seed corn by a deity called Yax Bolon Tz’akab, who takes it to the sky; the resulting famine on earth (which was populated at the time by the wooden people); and the flood that led to a new creation (Knowlton 2010:60–65). The events of this story can be linked to at least six of the frames on D. 65a–69a. We begin our discussion with the final three frames of the almanac (see Figure 6.7), which can be associated with dates corresponding to the upper set of distance numbers and coefficients. We have previously discussed two of the three frames, those referring Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 199

Figure 6.6. Page 67a of the Dresden upper seasonal table. After Förstemann (1880).

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Figure 6.7. Pages 68a–69a of the Dresden upper seasonal table. After Förstemann (1880).

to the Mars beast with crocodilian attributes (D. 68a, fr. 2) and the dismemberment of the earth crocodilian (D. 69a, fr. 1). Here, we place them into context in relation to the Chilam Balam narratives and other codical almanacs. Frame 11, the frame showing the Mars beast hanging from a skyband, is characterized by heavy rain and a picture of the maize god with an augury for ‘food and drink’ (waah ha’ ) in his hand (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink128.html). V. Bricker and H. Bricker (1988:S12, S14) relate this frame to the first of the two dates associated with it: 4 Ik’ 0 Pop, or December 16, A.D. 949 (see Appendix 6.1). This dating is suggested by several lines of evidence, including the picture of the maize god (who may be associated with the patron of Ik’ years on the Dresden yearbearer pages) and by the reference in the text to “Mars rises.” The Brickers (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988:S14) find that Mars is indeed a Morning Star on the December date that begins the interval associated with the frame, as is Venus (note that the Venus glyph appears in the skyband). We associate a 4 Ik’ 0 Pop date with the last day of a year prior to that beginning on 5 Ak’bal 1 Pop (see our model in Chapter 4). This means that the maize god, rather than being the patron of the incoming year, represents the year that is ending. It is for this reason, we propose, that he is holding a “food and drink” compound and that the same compound appears in the hieroglyphic caption. Rather than being associated with the new year, it represents a final offering to the god of the old year. The patron of the new year is the death god Kimil, who is pictured performing a ceremony in front of the west directional tree on D. 27c, where he receives various offerings, including human hearts (see Figure 4.5). 200 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

We interpret the anomalous features of the D. 68a frame (e.g., the presence of heavy rain in December, after the rainy season has ended, the scales on the back of the Mars beast, and the reference to k’in-ak’bal in the text caption) as suggesting a connection between this frame and the iconography on D. 74 (see Figure 5.1), which we link to the K’atun 13 Ahaw / Itzam Kab Ayin episode in the Pérez and Tizimín manuscripts (see preceding chapter). Correspondences include the k’inak’bal collocation (also seen in the last two glyph blocks of the D. 74 skyband), which we interpret as a reference to the darkening of the sun during an eclipse; the ek’ ‘star’ or ‘Venus’ glyph, which appears in both skybands; the crocodilian in association with the sky; and the heavy rain. Substantial differences exist as well, most noticeably the different celestial events being referenced and the deities pictured. It is of interest, however, that Chaak is named in the hieroglyphic captions to both frames. A further comparison between D. 74 and M. 68a involves the third frame on that page (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink129.html), which dates to a period of four days beginning on 12 Ok 8 Pop (December 24, A.D. 949). This frame is similar to the one that precedes it in picturing a deity seated beneath a skyband with an offering and torrential rain. In this case, however, the deity pictured is K’uh, a generic representation of the concept of ‘god’ who can correspond with any of the Maya deities. On D. 68a, he appears to be standing in for Bolon Okte’ K’uh, who is named in the hieroglyphic text. In the chapter pertaining to the Dresden yearbearer almanacs, we suggested that the gods Chaak and God L may be two of the deities associated with this epithet in the Dresden Codex (see further discussion of this deity complex in Chapter 10). Both Chaak and God L play an important role in the flood scene on D. 74, suggesting a further link between the two almanacs. Another element that distinguishes the last frame on page 68a from the preceding frame on that page is the inclusion of paired solar and lunar eclipse glyphs to indicate an eclipse season. Like those on D. 74, they are associated with torrential waters at a time outside of the normal rainy season. V. Bricker and H. Bricker (1988:S14) note that a solar eclipse was predicted to occur, according to the Dresden eclipse table, on December 25, A.D. 949 (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink130.html for the calendrical structure of the almanac on D. 65a–69a). It did indeed occur two days later, but it was not visible in the Maya area. We would like to propose that the two frames from D. 68a under discussion may together be associated with the events highlighted in the Dresden water tables, including those explicitly depicted on D. 74. Rather than Venus’ Evening Star aspect being associated with the torrential rains from Itzam Kab Ayin as seen on D. 74, D. 68a links the flood instead to a heliacal rise of Mars in conjunction with a period when Venus was approaching its final days of visibility as a Morning Star. Eclipse seasons play an equally important role in both cases, which relates well to what we know about contemporary Maya conceptions of eclipses as potentially signaling the end of the world (Perera and Bruce 1982:114–115). Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 201

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Unlike D. 74, which conflates events that are presented during two separate k’atuns in the Chilam Balam manuscripts, the second and third frames on D. 68a can be related exclusively to K’atun 13 Ahaw. The final frame in the series also relates to this mythology, in showing the creation of the earth from the crocodilian monster. This act is performed by Chaak in the present example, although it is directed by the Underworld/Venus gods (the Bolon Ti’ K’uh) in the Tizimín passage. In accounts from highland Mexico, Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca work together to bring this about (see discussion of the episode of the present world creation in Chapter 2). A second narrative, corresponding to the K’atun 11 mythology related in the Books of Chilam Balam, may be detected by reference to frames relating to the second set of dates associated with the almanac. We begin our discussion with the second frame on D. 65a (Figure 6.4), which shows Chaak holding a bundled object in one hand and his lightning axe in the other. The text refers to a variant of Chaak (Nine-Three House? Rising Sky Chaak) receiving K’awil (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink131.html). The result of this action is darkness and rain and the burial of the food (which we understand as its being unavailable to those on earth). We interpret this frame as referring to an episode related in the Books of Chilam Balam in which the deity Bolon Tz’akab (here represented by Chaak) “wrapped the seed corn / Then went to the thirteenth plane of the sky” (Chumayel 43, in Knowlton 2010:61). This led to hunger for those on earth (the wooden people of the previous creation) and to a flood (note the reference to darkness and water in the caption to the Dresden frame). Thematically, this frame can be compared with D. 74 and even more closely with page 46 of the Venus table (see Chapter 7). Moreover, it can be dated to January 21, A.D. 950 (see Appendix 6.1), which suggests a seasonal link to D. 74. The next frame of relevance to our analysis is the final frame on D. 66a (the intervening frames can be linked to a different run through the almanac, suggesting that it was recycled several times). This frame pictures Chaak holding his lightning axe, a shield with an ix ‘jaguar’ symbol, and a serpent (Figure 6.5 and http://www.hiero​ glyphic​research.org/Documentation/UPClink132.html). Serpents are the embodiment of lightning, which is the most likely interpretation of the snake that Chaak grasps (although he also holds his lightning axe). The caption to the frame is somewhat eroded, but we find the reference to “five sky Chaak” particularly interesting, as the toponym “first five sky” is used in creation texts in reference to the place where the first of the three cosmic stones—the Jaguar Throne Stone—was set (see Chapter 3 and Appendix 3.3). It is unclear if a reference to the creation story was intended, but we find it likely that it was. The final glyph block in the clause, reading “woe to the maize,” suggests a less favorable association for the frame, which can be dated to February 23, A.D. 950. The following four frames of the almanac are also relevant to the narrative under discussion (Figures 6.6–6.7). They refer to a period of twenty-five days 202 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

beginning on March 1, A.D. 950. In the first of these frames, Chak Chel appears in her destructive aspect pouring water from an olla; above her is a skyband with water falling from it (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink133.html). This image of Chak Chel can be related to that seen on D. 74 in that they both have jaguar features (clawed hands and feet and a jaguar eye); additionally, the bone at Chak Chel’s waist on D. 67a likewise suggests a link to the deity on M. 32b (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink134.html). In all three almanacs, Chak Chel has a serpentlike creature on her head. We contend that the imagery on D. 67a, like that on D. 74, plays a dual role by referencing events in real time, as well as those in mythic time relating to the primordial flood story. We have previously suggested that iconography relating to Chak Chel overturning a vessel of water serves a prognosticative function for the coming rainy season (see preceding chapter). In this example, the prognostications for the rainy season are difficult to determine, as much of the text is eroded. We interpret the glyphic collocation k’in ak’bal, as we did previously, to a darkening of the sun, perhaps because of the torrential rains.11 This is also suggested by the two glyphs in the skyband, ak’bal ‘darkness’ followed by ka’an ‘sky’. The final collocation in the text caption, mo’ nal, may refer to a place (macaw place?), although its association remains uncertain.12 This frame is cognate to the almanacs in the Madrid Codex on pages 10b–11b and 10c–11c (Figure 6.8) that the Brickers have suggested serve as the Madrid’s version of the Dresden seasonal table (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988). They date the second frame on page 10b to March 1, like that on D. 67a (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988:S35); it, however, refers to the year A.D. 925 and shows Chak Chel in her beneficent aspect (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink135.html). The prognostications here are for rain and an abundance of food and drink (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink136.html). There are no significant astronomical events predicted to occur within the time frame of the M. 10b–11b almanac, which may help to explain the beneficent aspect of Chak Chel in this case. Returning to D. 67a (Figure 6.6), frame 2 pictures Chaak striding; he holds a spear, a shield decorated with an ix ‘jaguar’ glyph and four bells, and an incense bag. It can be dated to 5 Imix 19 Sotz’ (March 5, A.D. 950) and has an interval of two days (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink137.html). The hieroglyphic caption refers to the “throwing down” or spearing of the god K’awil by a black manifestation of Chaak called Ek’ Xib Chaak ‘black man Chaak’ (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink138.html). The final two glyph blocks can be read as na’ak-aan sak k’in, meaning “the white [or false] sun rose” (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:518) (see Appendix 6.1). The Brickers interpret this phrase as referring to the visibility of Venus as a Morning Star in the late fall of A.D. 950, as suggested by the upper set Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 203

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Figure 6.8. The paired seasonal almanacs on M. 10b–11b featuring Chaak, Chak Chel, and K’uh. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

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of dates for this frame, but occurring in the third run of the table (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:531). We believe that a better solution is provided, however, by using the lower set of dates for the frame. One day after the entry date on 5 Imix 19 Sotz’, Venus made its appearance as an Evening Star on 6 Ik’ 0 Tzek.13 This date appears explicitly on the fifth page of the Dresden Venus table, where it refers to the canonical date for Venus’ first appearance in the western sky as Evening Star (EFIRST) for the 18 K’ayab version of the table (see Chapter 7 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink139.html). Other correspondences between the frame on D. 67a and the relevant text from the Venus table include references to black-colored deities: the black God L, who is also seen on D. 74, is named on D. 204 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

50, and a black manifestation of Chaak is named on D. 67a. Based on the system of color-directional symbolism in use in the Maya codices, this suggests an association with the west. Indeed, chik’in ‘west’ is mentioned explicitly in reference to God L on D. 50, but it must be inferred for the black Chaak found on D. 67a. In addition to these correspondences, the term used for Venus in the hieroglyphic caption to D. 67a, sak k’in, corresponds to the name for the evening aspect of Venus among the contemporary Lacandón Maya, ah säh k’in ‘false sun’ (Bruce et al. 1971:15) or ‘white sun’ (Rätsch 1985:37–38); the Morning Star deity, however, goes by a different name. The mention of K’awil here and in the following frame recalls Chaak’s act of taking the seed corn, or K’awil bundle, to the sky in the almanac’s second frame. On page 67a, K’awil is “thrown down” (fr. 2), perhaps referring to his capture, and then bundled by the Evening Star aspect of Chaak (note that he, too, carries the spear and shield) in the following frame (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink140.html). Chaak’s appellative in this frame is only partially translated (‘No Fire ?? Chaak’). The last two glyph blocks include a reference to “black lying down? sky,”14 and to the maize god. This appears to relate to the time before the setting of the hearthstones and the lighting of fire in the sky, an act directed by Six Sky Lord on Quirigua Stela C. We interpret the throwing down of K’awil as analogous to the defeat of the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh gods (here represented by K’awil) by the Bolon Ti K’uh (here represented by Chaak in his aspect as the Evening Star manifestation of Venus) in the Books of Chilam Balam. The tying up of K’awil in the following frame may relate to the stealing of Oxlahun Ti K’uh’s cangel (rain god powers), again by the Bolon Ti’ K’uh. These actions represent one of the core elements of the K’atun 11 Ahaw narrative in the Books of Chilam Balam of Chumayel, Pérez, and Tizimín. The flood that follows this event in the Chilam Balam narrative is not depicted in this sequence, although it is alluded to by the first two frames on D. 67a, which picture Chak Chel overturning a vessel of water—like the example on D. 74, this may refer to “one fetching of rain”—whereas Chaak with his spear in the following frame may refer to its “lancing” (see discussion in previous chapter). This episode concludes with the raising of the sky by Chaak in the first frame of D. 68a (Figure 6.7 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink141 .html), where he is named as na’ak ka’an chaak ‘rising sky Chaak’ (echoing the name used for him in frame 2, when he took the K’awil bundle to the sky). The K’awil bundle in the preceding frame (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink142.html) is of special interest. The cord that encloses K’awil is partly blue and partly white and is reminiscent of the cords that are said to descend from the sky in the K’atun 11 narrative, just prior to the capture of Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh (Chumayel 42.28; see Knowlton 2010:57). In the cognate almanac on M. 10c– 11c (Figure 6.8), we see cords descending from the sky in the third frame of the Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 205

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almanac; they enclose a blue-painted K’uh who is seated in the rain (see http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink143.html). The text of that frame suggests an association with the west, which corresponds with the Ak’bal date of the frame on D. 67a as well (7 Ak’bal 1 Tzek, or March 7, A.D. 950) and with the idea that Chaak is pictured there as the Evening Star manifestation of Venus. The picture on M. 10c indicates an association with rain, which may likewise be suggested by the blue cord that encloses K’awil on D. 67a. One of the dates associated with the picture of K’uh on D. 10c is March 21, A.D. 925 (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink144.html). We find this of interest in light of its association with the spring equinox, which is highlighted in the frame following the picture of the bundled K’awil in the Dresden almanac (i.e., on D. 68a, fr. 1; see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink145.html). This frame pictures back-to-back Chaaks seated on a skyband, one beneath a muyal ‘cloud’ glyph without rain, and the other beneath a muyal glyph with rain. The text describes Rising Sky Chaak as the ‘lord of the clouds’ (muyal ahaw) and notes that the prophecies are for food and maize in the rain/rainy season. The starting date of the frame is March 20, A.D. 950, and it is associated with a sixday interval (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink146 .html). The Brickers first proposed that the iconography (the back-to-back Chaaks seated on a skyband) could be associated with the vernal equinox (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988:S15–S16). They note that this appears to mark the symbolic dividing line between the dry and rainy seasons, despite the fact that the actual start of the rainy season is two months later. It seems more likely that the vernal equinox serves as a time when the prognostications for the rainy season are made, based on celestial events during the preceding months. In this case, despite the fact that Ak’bal years are typically associated with drought (see discussion of D. 27 in Chapter 4), the prognostication here is for a rainy year. This interpretation corresponds with the frame featuring Chak Chel, which indicates heavy rains and the sun being darkened by storms. The skyband associated with the first frame on D. 68a is suggestive of these same auguries. It refers to the darkened sun in the sky (vertical text) and Venus in the night sky (likely a reference to the Evening Star aspect of Venus highlighted in the previous two frames). The almanac’s fifth frame (see fr. 2, Figure 6.5) does not relate to either of the two sequences of events discussed above. Nevertheless, its hieroglyphic caption suggests that it is extremely relevant to a discussion of creation mythology in the seasonal table. The Brickers note that this frame most likely corresponds to a later recycling of the table, based on the presence of the eclipse glyphs here and in frame 12 (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988:S11–S12). We interpret the iconography and text 206 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

as referring to a flood that caused the sky to collapse onto the earth, such as is described in highland Mexican sources in relation to the flood before the creation of the present world. The picture shows Chaak seated with his face upturned to the sky, which is represented by a skyband with solar and lunar eclipse glyphs suspended from it. Chaak holds his lightning axe, although it is not raised. The two eclipse glyphs are also represented in the hieroglyphic caption, which refers to ‘rainy foot Chaak’ (ha’al yook chaak) during an eclipse season (see http://www.hiero glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink147.html). It ends with a reference to the sun darkening (k’in-ak’bal) and to the sky collapsing (hub? ka’an).15 The skyband also includes the darkened k’in glyph, the sky glyph, and ak’bal ‘darkness’. The frame that occurs prior to this (D. 66a, fr. 2) pictures what we interpret to be Chaak representing the Evening Star manifestation of Venus. The combination of these two celestial events (the Evening Star appearance of Venus in combination with an eclipse season), we would argue, led to the flood and the sky collapsing. In many parts of the Maya area today, people believe that the world will come to an end during a solar eclipse (Closs 1989:393; Fought 1972:428–429; Villa Rojas 1945:154). We discuss the lower half of the seasonal table (D. 65b–69b) in the subsequent chapter, which focuses on references to Venus and creation events. In the following section, we consider additional examples of Chaak and Chak Chel from codical contexts to better explicate their role in Postclassic Maya ritual and worldview.

Chaak and Chak Chel in the Maya Codices Chaak and Chak Chel are pictured in a number of contexts in the codices in addition to those previously considered. In many, Chak Chel appears in her beneficent aspect—rather than her destructive manifestation featured thus far—as a rain bringer paired with Chaak. The discussion below focuses on the almanacs on M. 30–31, which serve as a prelude to those on page 32 discussed in the preceding chapter. Madrid pages 30–33 contain four sets of paired almanacs that share similar calendrical and structural patterns as well as a common iconographic theme concerning falling water/rain and sustenance. These characteristics bind the almanacs in this section together as a group. All eight almanacs feature deities who play principal roles in creation episodes, including the black-colored gods Chaak and God L (called God Z by earlier commentators) and the goddess Chak Chel. Preceding this section is a series of almanacs on pages 24–29 known to scholars as the “planting” almanacs because they feature iconography that involves planting seeds, sprouting plants, pests, and auguries for the maize harvest (see Chapter 8). Following the water-related almanacs are the four pages (M. 34–37) dedicated to the yearbearers, which is a pattern documented for the Dresden Codex as well (see Chapters 4 and 8). The Madrid scribe responsible for the almanacs on pages 30–33 employed an open layout for the display of iconography within a single frame, a feature also used for the Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 207

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Figure 6.9. Chaak and Chak Chel pictured as rain bringers on M. 30. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

scene on D. 74 that is cognate with M. 32 (see preceding chapter). The calendrics are arranged in a circular fashion around the picture. There are no extensive hieroglyphic captions accompanying the pictures in these almanacs, and only three contain collocations (bordering or within the picture) to indicate directionality or provide identifications. As we discuss below, the iconography of the almanacs on pages 30 and 31 (Figures 6.9–6.10) is consistent with ethnohistoric and ethnographic accounts of Maya beliefs that rain gods are found wherever there is water—in water falling as rain, standing water, and running water in places like streams, springs, cenotes, and caves (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934:205; Thompson 1970b:267–269; Wisdom 1940:394). The arrival of the rainy season according to its prescribed schedule (around mid-May to June) is of supreme importance to Maya farmers today and would have been in the past as well. The Maya residents of Chan Kom in Yucatán recount that during the dry season, the rain gods (the ah-hoyaob ‘sprinklers’) collect water from the natural sinkholes called cenotes to form the rains anticipated to fall and water newly planted crops: When prayers are uttered, special invocation is directed to the chaac [Chaak] that makes rain fall in abundance. . . . He is also referred to as Ah-bulen-caan-chaac, and sometimes as Ah-chaalen-caan-chaac (“clear water-sky chaac”). When he passes over the milpas, the waters fall in torrents. He carries a small calabash known as zaayam-chu (“inexhaustible water-carrier”). This calabash is mysteriously connected with the cenotes. As the x-thupchaac rides over each cenote, with a roar the water from the cenote passes up into the air to fill his calabash again. (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934:115)

Contemporary Maya ritual specialists schedule the performance of various ceremonies invoking the Chaaks to help encourage the timely arrival of the rains, to ensure 208 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

Figure 6.10. Paired almanacs on M. 31 featuring Chaak in his scorpion aspect, directional frogs, and a serpent with K’awil’s head. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

agricultural fertility, and to make a special petition during times of drought. Among the Ch’orti’ Maya of Guatemala, rain-making ceremonies are timed to take place during the month of April. A set of four deities called “Working Men” are called upon to bring rain. Each Working Man is associated with one of the four directions and is a companion to a directional set of Chikchans, earth and sky deities that appear as large serpents or beings combining human and snake attributes that create rain and other forms of sky phenomena. Chikchans can be male, female, or a male accompanied by a female consort. The Chikchans reside within hills and at the bottom of mountain lakes during the dry season and then move into streams and springs during the rainy season. The earth Chikchans churn up the water of lakes, streams, and seas and cause it to ascend into the sky in the form of clouds. The Working Men beat the rain out of the clouds with axes. Wind gods then carry the rains over planted fields, so ceremonies are performed after the planting period in May to ask the winds to not destroy or bring sickness to the young maize plants (Wisdom 1940:388–397). In the community of Yalcobá in Yucatán, four directional Chaaks (who are called Babahtuns, suggesting that they represent a merging of the Chaaks with the prehispanic deities known as Pawahtuns) live at “the four corners of the limits of the earth” and are associated with clouds of a specific color linked to their directional association (Sosa 1989). A similar concept is seen in the prehispanic codices; the yearbearer ceremonies in the Madrid Codex involve Chaaks with particular color-directional associations, as well as clouds with similar associations. In Yalcobá, the eastern Chaak, known as kuun-k’uh, is the principal Babahtun; he is associated with the thunder heard during July and August. Petitions to the Chaaks occur in the form of the ch’a-chaak ‘seize Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 209

the rains’ ritual, in which cenotes play a key role. These rituals may be the focal point of the codical depictions of the black/western Chaak, who is shown in scenes featuring cenotes on several occasions in the Dresden Codex (see, e.g., D. 29c, fr. 2, and D. 43a, fr. 1). In addition, cenotes associated with three of the four directional quadrants (although not mentioned explicitly as such) may be found in the complex almanac on D. 33c–39c that incorporates references to both seasonal and ritual events (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1992:76–81). Almanacs on M. 30 and 31

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The almanac on M. 30a (Figure 6.9 and http://www.hieroglyphic​resear​ch.org /Documentation/UPClink148.html) depicts two deities pouring water from overturned jars while standing on the ends of a serpent decorated with Chikchan markings. The first figure is a blue-colored Chaak; the second is Chak Chel in her benevolent aspect.16 The iconography of the almanac recalls the ethnographic beliefs mentioned earlier of the Ah-chaalen-caan-chaac [Ah Chaalen Ka’an Chaak] flying over planted fields with cenote water pouring from his calabash. In the Madrid scene, the undulating serpent may represent the sky or perhaps more specifically a cloud-laden sky carrying water drawn from a cenote. In this case, the creation and distribution of rain appear to be the main theme of the almanac, which harkens back to the prefaces of the Dresden’s seasonal and water tables, where Chaak and Chak Chel are mentioned as the deities responsible for foundation rituals associated with the making of prophecies concerning the rains and harvests. A significant aspect of the iconography on M. 30a is the appearance of both a male and female “rain bringer,” which calls to mind Ch’orti’ conceptions of Chikchans in either male or female form as beings that create rain. The proposed dating of this almanac to the early spring season of a year in the late fifteenth century fits well with its likely function as an instrument involving rituals and/or preparations regarding the inauguration of the rainy season (Hernández and V. Bricker 2004:284–285). The almanac may begin on a day 11 Ahaw 13 Keh or March 28, A.D. 1491 (see Appendix 6.2 for an explanation of the calendrics and for our cross-dating model with the Borgia almanacs). Eleven days later, on a proposed date of 9 Chuwen 4 Mak, or April 8, A.D. 1491, the almanac in the lower register of M. 30 begins. The almanac again pictures both Chaak and Chak Chel, but the focus of the scene is on Chak Chel (see Figure 6.9 and http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink149.html). Water streams from between her legs, from under her outstretched arms, and from the jaguar and peccary that she holds in her hands. A blue-colored Chaak sits by her right foot. Chak Chel wears a serpent headdress and has distended lips and an eye scroll, and her skirt is decorated with water scrolls. Joanne Spero (1987:220–221) has suggested that the serpent headdress serves to identify Chak Chel as a female Chikchan in this almanac. Her associations with rain and fertility, with Chaak, 210 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

and with the animals pictured also call to mind contemporary Tzotzil conceptions of caves as the abode of the male Earth Lord, who not only controls the rains but also serves as the guardian of the animals; caves are also the home of a female earth goddess known as “Holy Earth,” who is described as an agricultural/lunar deity (Groark 1997:20–23, cited in Moyes 2005:190). Chak Chel’s role in this almanac fits extremely well with this idea and with the generative powers believed to reside within the earth. It is also of interest that women’s vaginas were referred to as “caves” in some parts of Mesoamerica (see Sahagún 1969:118, 151 regarding the Aztec); if the Maya shared this association, then the source of the water gushing from Chak Chel could have been understood as a cave, as well as her body. Serpents associated with the bringing of rains from earth-bound bodies of water like lakes, springs, cenotes, and rivers hearken back to the dualism embodied by the creator god Heart of Sky, who is both Sovereign and Quetzal Serpent, corresponding to Heart of Lake, Heart of Sea, and Q’ukumatz, the feathered serpent who lives in standing bodies of water that are portals to the Underworld. Q’ukumatz embodies the celestial avian aspect and the terrestrial serpent and can transcend all three levels of the world (Christenson 2007:61, nn. 19, 20, and 21). The image of Chak Chel wearing a serpent in her headdress or on her waist on M. 32b (discussed in Chapter 5) may serve to identify her with the female half of the original creator couple described at the beginning of the Popol Vuh. The almanacs on M. 31 (Figure 6.10) are related thematically with the inauguration of the rainy season and auguries concerning the outcome of the harvest. M. 31a (see http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink150.html) has been identified as having close iconographic and calendrical ties to a Mexican almanac on page 27 of the Borgia Codex (Hernández and V. Bricker 2004; see Appendix 6.2). On M. 31a, Chaak is shown as the rain giver (he is pictured in what is sometimes described as the “birthing” posture, his head is thrown back, and water pours from between his legs), as are the four directional frogs. Frogs are well known as companions of the Chaaks and as harbingers of the rainy season (Thompson 1970b:258–259). Another feature that distinguishes Chaak in this almanac is the presence of a scorpion tail, which recalls stories told in highland Chiapas of the earth lord (who is cognate with the prehispanic Chaaks) and his daughters, who sit at the entrance to his mountain cave spinning cotton. The cotton is transformed into rain clouds by a bolt of lightning, which results from the sting of a scorpion (Morris 1987:105). M. 31a has a number of structural parallels with Borgia 27 (Figure 6.11) as well. Although not divided into bounded compartments, both almanacs contain five pictures, one in each of the four corners and a fifth in the center. On M. 31a, the four frogs are accompanied by directional collocations: east in the upper left, north in the lower left, west in the upper right, and south in the lower right. As we have seen, the center of the frame is occupied by a picture of Chaak in a spread-eagle posture with his head thrown back. The Borgia 27 almanac likewise has corner Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 211

150

Figure 6.11. Almanacs featuring Tlaloc on Borgia 27 (upper) and 28 (lower). Drawing by Christine Hernández.

Table 6.2. Astronomical events within the intervals of time associated with M. 31a, and associated iconography Julian day no.

Gregorian date (A.D.)

13 Chikchan 18 Sak

2248188

Mar. 25, 1443

Starting date; water pouring from between legs

4

1 Kawak 12 Keh

2248202

Apr. 8, 1443

Starting date of interval associated with scorpion stinger

4

4 Ik’ 15 Keh

2248205

Apr. 11, 1443

Venus ELAST

6

11 Muluk 2 Mak

2248212

Apr. 18, 1443

Venus MFIRST; eroded text

9

13 Kaban 10 K’ank’in

2248240

May 16, 1443

Beginning of second row

Interval

Maya data

Event

compartments assigned to the directions; each contains a directional Tlaloc with his head thrown back and water streaming down from his arms and from between his legs. The iconography of the frogs and the rain god Chaak all giving forth streams of water calls to mind rain-making ceremonies performed by Maya villagers in Yucatán at fortnightly intervals during June and July. These ceremonies follow a directional sequence, beginning on the eastern side of town, followed two weeks later by another ceremony on the northern side of town, then by a third two weeks later on the western side of town, and a fourth and final ceremony on the southern side of town (V. Bricker 1991:287). The two-week interval in the contemporary ceremonies mirrors the thirteen-day interval seen in prehispanic contexts, as V. Bricker (1991) notes. In addition to commonalities of layout and shared themes of rain and maize, M. 31a, like Borgia 27, may contain a reference to a date of Venus ELAST (see Appendix 6.2). The scorpion tail worn by Chaak suggests that he may be conflated with a Venus deity representing sina’an ek’ ‘scorpion star’ (Blom and La Farge 1926–1927:2, 469, 472). If the almanac were to begin with the date 13 Chikchan 18 Sak, or March 25, A.D. 1443 (Table 6.2), then a day of ELAST would occur seventeen days later, in the interval beginning with 1 Kawak associated with the central picture. The ‘1’ is the numeral being grasped by the scorpion stinger at the bottom of the picture. The last day of Venus’ visibility as an Evening Star was 4 Ik’ 15 Keh (April 11, A.D. 1443), which corresponds with the fourth day of the fourth interval. Seven days later, Venus reappeared as a Morning Star; this corresponds with the sixth interval, represented by an eroded collocation above Chaak’s head. The lower right compartment of Borgia 27 (see Figure 6.11), which represents its starting point, is of particular interest in relation to creation mythology. It depicts an east-affiliated Tlaloc pouring water onto maize growing from the back of a crocodilian. This first frame of the almanac is clearly associated with the creation account in which Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca tore the primordial earth goddess in the form of a crocodilian into two halves, one of which became the sky and the other the earth (see Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 213

151

discussion of the episode of the present world creation in Chapter 2). Maize is depicted growing out of plowed fields in all four corner compartments of Borgia 27, but it is only in the almanac’s initial compartment that we see the earth out of which maize grows being related back to its primordial crocodilian origin. The date of this compartment coincides with a Venus ELAST event (see Appendix 6.2). Iconographically, this astronomical event is represented by the starry eyes painted in the dark-colored clouds in the sky register. On M. 31a (see Figure 6.10), Venus’ last appearance as an Evening Star is signified by the scorpion tail that appears in a stream of falling water. The lower almanac on M. 31 pictures Chaak with an olla on his back that contains a T506 glyph meaning ‘food’ or ‘tortilla’ (Figure 6.10 and http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink151.html). Chaak appears to be riding on the back of an arched serpent whose head includes features of both Chaak and K’awil’s heads. Behind Chaak is another overturned jar. Attached to these jars are unidentified objects. Unlike the previous three almanacs, M. 31b seems to be concerned thematically more with sustenance than with rain. The serpent likely represents K’awil in his manifestation as a lightning serpent. Classic period depictions of this god often show him with a serpent foot. In the case of M. 31b, since the almanac is concerned with rain and agricultural auguries, the conflation of Chaak and K’awil’s heads suggests that the serpent serves both as rain bringer and as the germinating power of lightning; together, the two result in sustenance, which is represented by the jar laden with waah ‘tortillas’, or food more generally. Archaeological evidence suggests a strong association between male and female deities responsible for bringing rain (i.e., Chaak and Chak Chel) and cave and cenote contexts (Brady 1989; 1995:34; Stone 1995:41). Depictions of elaborate rituals painted at the Postclassic site of Tulum (Miller 1982; see discussion in Chapter 4), in addition to artifacts recovered from Balankanche cavern near Chichén Itzá (Andrews IV, 1970), highlight the importance of these creator deities in ceremonies associated with world renewal rituals that were performed in sacred spaces such as caves and cenotes (Vail and Hernández 2012). Several Late Postclassic period murals from the site of Tulum in coastal Quintana Roo are renowned for their emphasis on themes of agricultural fertility and abundance. One in particular, painted on the western wall of an inner building enclosed by Structure 16 (known as the Temple of the Frescoes), is especially rich in cosmological significance. The abundant use of blue in the painting attests to a concern with water and fertility. Based on her analysis of the iconography of the mural, Merideth Paxton (1999) concluded that the structure in which it was found was likely a backdrop for the performance of one or more rituals dedicated to rain making and ensuring agricultural success, similar to those known and recounted in ethnographies of the Yucatec Maya. Of interest to our analysis is the iconographic content of the mural (see discussion in Chapter 4) and the important association it makes between cenotes and agricultural 214 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

Figure 6.12. Chaak and Chak Chel in association with the kab-ch’een ‘earth-cave’ on D. 42b. After Förstemann (1880).

abundance, as well as the role played by the deities Chaak and Chak Chel. As discussed in Chapter 4, the lower portion of the mural scene (Figure 4.16) shows a water-filled cenote (depicted as an open crocodilian maw) giving rise to a braided vegetable vine studded with flowers and fruits that Paxton (1999:326–329) identifies as representations of the beans and squash (Phaseolus vulgaris and Cucurbita moschata, respectively) commonly grown in Yucatecan milpas, or agricultural fields. The vine creates four levels upon which Chaak and Chak Chel may be seen standing or reclining. The gods are shown performing rituals that include receiving and making offerings of flowering maize. Flowering maize also appears in large ollas or emerging from the mouths of entwined serpents, which are depicted at the very top of the scene. Chaak and Chak Chel are also shown engaged in generative acts, which include wielding serpent scepters (representative of the force of lightning) and grinding maize on a metate. The scene in the upper frieze showing Chak Chel grinding maize may be related to a body of Maya creation beliefs that tell of a grandmotherly figure who creates humans from the masa she grinds on a metate (Christenson 2007:195). Further connections between Chaak and Chak Chel may be seen in several almanacs in the Dresden Codex. Here, we comment specifically on the second frame of D. 42b (Figure 6.12), which shows Chaak and Chak Chel (here painted red, perhaps signifying her association with the earth) seated on a kab-ch’een collocation. We believe this serves as a reference to the origin place, the mythic cave of creation, and that the pairing of the two deities serves to link them with creation and primordial time. Whereas the Dresden scene serves as an abbreviated reference to this episode, it recalls the mural from Tulum, which provides explicit details about the role of these two deities in creation events (see discussion in Chapter 4). As we have seen, dualities of earth and sky, male and female, and water and food are exemplified in the almanacs on M. 30–31 (Figures 6.9–6.10). They highlight the role of Chaak and Chak Chel in almanacs associated with sustenance (primarily agricultural produce), fertility, and life in the Maya codices. The almanac on M. 30a is especially relevant to their role as rain bringers, as it depicts the two deities as literal “sprinklers” pouring water out of jars from the back of a Chikchan serpent. This imagery calls to mind the Ch’orti’ notion that rain bringers can be either male or female. While M. 30a Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 215

focuses on the arrival of the rains, the iconography of M. 31b may be best understood in relation to the mural from Tulum, as it portrays Chaak bringing maize in a jar on the back of a serpent with the head of K’awil, who represents a god of sustenance. The final two almanacs, on M. 30b and 31a, are particularly compelling examples of the complementarities expressed by the relationship of Chaak and Chak Chel. Chak Chel (M. 30b) and Chaak (M. 31a) are shown in a spread-eagle or “birthing” posture in the two almanacs, suggesting that the generative powers of both are being emphasized. In the case of Chak Chel, her link to caves, the earth, and fertility are brought to the forefront by the depiction of water gushing from her breasts and between her legs and by the presence of the wild animals, which are believed by the Maya to live in caves where they are guarded by the Earth Lord (see previous discussion). On M. 31a, Chaak is shown producing rain in a similar manner, accompanied by his blue-painted companion frogs. Chaak’s scorpion tail is suggestive of stories related by the contemporary Maya of highland Chiapas in which a strike from a scorpion’s tail provokes the lightning, which in turn causes the rains to fall from clouds formed by cotton woven by female deities. Overview of the Chapter

In this chapter we continued our analysis of references to episodes of world destruction and renewal that are so dramatically expressed in the initial frame of the Dresden Lower Water table on page 74. Whereas the preceding chapter focuses on crocodilian iconography and references to world destruction in conjunction with eclipses and the appearance of Venus, the present chapter instead concerns the use of water iconography and references to Chaak and Chak Chel in their role as harbingers of world renewal, fertility, and agricultural abundance. We highlight this contrast with a discussion of the initial frames of the Dresden Upper Water table, as well as the instruments relating to Mars in the Dresden and Madrid codices. In these examples, it is not the celestial crocodilian and world destruction that seem to be the mythological and iconographic referents at play, but rather the peccary/Mars beast that is symbolic of the earth, and its demise through decapitation or being bound and buried that leads to world renewal. The role of Venus in the initial frames of the UWT is different as well. Instead of rising as an Evening Star as it does in the LWT, Venus is making its last appearance in the evening sky. Likewise, the intervals of the UWT frames in question include the Wayeb and New Year’s stations not for an outgoing Lamat year, but for the inauguration of a Lamat year. Our analysis of the UWT and its emphasis on Mars and on world renewal from a mythological perspective led us to consider the relationship of both the Upper and Lower Water tables to the Dresden seasonal table. In fact, our study reveals how widely encompassing and comprehensive the seasonal table is as a divinatory instrument. In place of mythological, seasonal, and astronomical references that were the focus of indi216 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

vidual tables (like the Mars table) or were compressed into single intervals of time (like the 65-day interval highlighted on Dresden 74), such references are addressed across the multiple frames and paired calendrical registers of the seasonal table (and probably successive runs of this instrument as well). In this sense, it may be seen to have a broader function than the other Dresden tables, which may be due to the fact that it dates to a slightly later time period than the other almanacs previously discussed. The latter half of the chapter concerns the use of water imagery, and references to Chaak and Chak Chel, by the Late Postclassic scribes of the Madrid Codex. Our study of the water-related almanacs in the Madrid manuscript reveals a number of specific connections to the earlier Dresden water tables, as well as to cognate almanacs in the highland Mexican Borgia Codex. Our discussion of the Madrid almanacs highlights the role of Chaak and Chak Chel as creator gods at the time of world renewal and their importance in generating and dispersing the rains that will allow crops to grow and provide sustenance for the newly created people of maize. Like the astronomical tables they were likely modeled from, the interaction of the early spring season of the year with well-known astronomical phenomena such as eclipse seasons and the Evening Star stations of Venus is highlighted in a calendrical manner and within the iconography of these almanacs. Other themes that are also emphasized include both the fertility of the earth in relation to wild animals (M. 30b) and agricultural fields (M. 31b). A final note of interest concerns the use of water imagery. Our analysis of a series of almanacs and tables in the Maya codices suggests that imagery depicting falling water may have multiple referents depending on the context and divinatory function determined by considering the texts and/or iconography of a particular instrument in conjunction with the dating of the intervals involved. We have shown in the preceding chapters that falling water imagery may have a more metaphorical meaning in relation to creation mythology (specifically, as a reference to the primordial time of world destruction prior to the renewal of the earth), or it may refer specifically to the onset of the rainy season in the tropical year. In addition, falling water may be the means by which beneficent or destructive weather in general is delivered to the earth by Chaak and Chak Chel.

Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 217

Date (A.D.)

Oct. 11, 949 Jan. 10, 950

Oct. 20, 949 Jan. 21, 950

Oct. 25, 949 Feb. 3, 950

Oct. 26, 949 Feb. 14, 950

Nov. 5, 949 Feb. 15, 950

Nov. 11, 949 Feb. 23, 950

Nov. 13, 949 Mar. 1, 950

Nov. 24, 949 Mar. 5, 950

Frame

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

Chaak stands holding a spear and shield.

Chak Chel pictured overturning a jar of water. She is in her bestial aspect and stands beneath a skyband from which torrential waters pour.

Chaak stands holding his axe and a shield, grasping a serpent. His headdress is reminiscent of that worn by Kisin on occasion.

Chaak seated in rain beneath skyband with eclipse glyphs. His head is tilted upward and he holds his axe.

Chaak stands holding spear and shield; grasps serpent (lightning?).

Chaak stands holding effigy of K’awil’s head; wears K’awil headdress.

Chaak with upraised axe, holding bundled object wrapped in cloth.

Chaak in rain with upraised axe, shield, and serpent.

Picture

Table 6.1.1. Dates and events associated with D. 65a–69a

Appendix 6.1. Preface to Dresden Upper Seasonal Table

Black man? Chaak throws down K’awil. ??. False sun [Venus] rises.

____. Chak Chel ____. The day/sun darkens. Macaw place?

First ??. Five sky Chaak. ??. Woe to the maize [god].

Rainy foot Chaak in the eclipse season. The day/sun darkens. The sky collapses?*

Holy foot Chaak in his sky house?. The earth-cave in the rain.

Rainy foot Chaak conjures K’awil. Abundance of food and drink, sun and maize.

9–3 House Rising Sky Chaak receives K’awil. Darkness, rain. The food is buried.

Chaak in sky; white footsteps of maize god.

Text

Venus in Evening Star aspect (ties in to Venus table). Defeat of Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh by Bolon Ti’ K’uh (K’atun 11 Ahaw narrative).

Note cognates to D. 74 and K’atun 11 Ahaw flood in Chilam Balams.

First Five Sky place where first of hearthstones (jaguar throne stone) set on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u by Paddler gods.

Eclipse season; falls in later run of almanac. The reference to the sky collapsing recalls highland Mexican mythology of the flood.

Chaak as Evening Star aspect of Venus? Refers to a later run of the almanac. Does the earth-cave in the rain refer to a flood?

Rain-making ritual? Accession? Appears that K’awil’s head unwrapped from bundle in previous frame.

Chaak (K’awil / Bolon Tz’akab) takes seed corn to sky (K’atun 11 Ahaw narrative in Chilam Balams).

Referent

Dec. 4, 949 Mar. 20, 950

Dec. 16, 949 Mar. 26, 950

Dec. 24, 949 Apr. 1, 950

Dec. 28, 949 Apr. 9, 950

10

11

12

13

Chaak emerges from a tree formed of the body of a crocodile, with his axe upraised. One half of the tree/creature is blue and the other half red.

K’uh seated with offerings (augury) beneath skyband in rain. A solar and lunar eclipse glyph are suspended from the skyband.

Maize god seated with offerings (augury) beneath skyband in rain. Conflation of Mars beast/crocodilian hangs suspended from skyband.

Back-to-back Chaaks seated on skyband throne beneath muyal ‘cloud’ glyphs. Rain falls over the second Chaak.

Chaak stands with a spear and shield (shield has tz’ak glyph rather than ix). He holds a bundle containing K’awil.

Formation of earth (and sky?) from body of crocodilian monster. Referenced in K’atun 13 Ahaw episode from Chilam Balams and in Mexican creation stories.

____ Chaak ??. Abundance of food is buried.

Refers to the K’atun 13 Ahaw episode in the Books of Chilam Balam in which the crocodilian ascends to the sky to bring down a flood but is decapitated by the Bolon Ti’ K’uh.

The sky is split/broken by Mars. First?/ Honored? Maize and Chaak [or in the rain]. The sun/day darkens. ?? abundance of food and drink.

See above.

Reference to spring equinox (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988). Also refers to setting up of sky, cangel in proper place.

Lord of the clouds ??. Rising sky Chaak. Food and maize in the rain/rainy season.

____ Bolon Okte’ K’uh ___. The earth is covered [by water]; it is sprinkled [with the crocodilian’s blood?] by? Holy Maize.

Compare bundled K’awil to K’uh on M. 11c, fr. 3. Chaak (Venus) takes possession of cangel / rain god aspect? Possible reference to rebirth ceremony. Also appears to signal spring equinox. Reference to “no fire” and “lying down sky” suggest pre-era event, overseen by maize god.

K’awil is tied. No fire ?? Chaak. Black lying-down sky, first?/honored? maize.

* This may be a variant of ZQE, the “star over earth” grapheme, followed by ka’an ‘sky’. If this is the case, its suggested reading is hub ‘to fall, collapse’ (see Macri 2010; Macri and Vail 2009:176).

Dec. 1, 949 Mar. 7, 950

9

9–3 House Rising Sky Chaak receives K’awil. Darkness, rain. The food is buried.

Chaak emerges from a tree formed of the body of a crocodile, with his axe upraised. One half of the tree/creature is blue and the other half red.

Chaak with upraised axe, holding bundled object wrapped in cloth

Dec. 28, 949 Apr. 9, 950 K’atun 13 Ahaw

Oct. 20, 949 Jan. 21, 950 K’atun 11 Ahaw

Nov. 11, 949 Feb. 23, 950 K’atun 11 Ahaw

13

2

6

Chaak stands holding his axe and a shield, grasping a serpent. His headdress is reminiscent of that worn by Kisin on occasion.

____ Chaak ??. Abundance of food is buried.

K’uh seated with offerings (augury) beneath skyband in rain. A solar and lunar eclipse glyph are suspended from the skyband.

Dec. 24, 949 Apr. 1, 950 K’atun 13 Ahaw

12

Text

11

First ??. Five sky Chaak. ??. Woe to the maize [god].

____Bolon Okte’ K’uh ___. The earth is covered [by water]; it is sprinkled [with the crocodilian’s blood?] by? Holy Maize.

The sky is split/broken by Mars. First?/ Honored? Maize and Chaak [or in the rain]. The sun/day darkens. ?? abundance of food and drink.

Picture

Maize god seated with offerings (augury) beneath skyband in rain. Conflation of Mars beast/crocodilian hangs suspended from skyband.

Date (A.D.)

Dec. 16, 949 Mar. 26, 950 K’atun 13 Ahaw

Frame

Referent

First Five Sky place where first of hearthstones (jaguar throne stone) set on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u by Paddler gods.

Chaak (K’awil / Bolon Tz’akab) takes seed corn to sky (K’atun 11 Ahaw narrative in Chilam Balams).

Formation of earth (and sky?) from body of crocodilian monster. Referenced in K’atun 13 Ahaw episode from Chilam Balams and in Mexican creation stories.

See above.

Refers to the K’atun 13 Ahaw episode in the Books of Chilam Balam in which the crocodilian ascends to the sky to bring down a flood but is decapitated by the Bolon Ti’ K’uh.

Sequence of events on D. 65a–69a related to the K’atun 13 Ahaw and K’atun 11 Ahaw creation stories in the Books of Chilam Balam.

Nov. 24, 949 Mar. 5, 950 K’atun 11 Ahaw

Dec. 1, 949 Mar. 7, 950 K’atun 11 Ahaw

Dec. 4, 949 Mar. 20, 950 K’atun 11 Ahaw

8

9

10

Chak Chel ___. The day/sun darkens. Macaw place?

Black man? Chaak throws down K’awil. ??. False sun [Venus] rises.

K’awil is tied. No fire ?? Chaak. Black lying-down sky, first?/honored? maize.

Lord of the clouds ??. Rising sky Chaak. Food and maize in the rain/rainy season.

Chak Chel pictured overturning a jar of water. She is in her bestial aspect and stands beneath a skyband from which torrential waters pour.

Chaak stands holding a spear and shield.

Chaak stands with a spear and shield (shield has tz’ak glyph rather than ix). He holds a bundle containing K’awil.

Back-to-back Chaaks seated on skyband throne beneath muyal (cloud) glyphs. Rain falls over the second Chaak.

Note: Boldface dates are those relevant to the iconography and caption of the frame.

Nov. 13, 949 Mar. 1, 950 K’atun 11 Ahaw

7

Reference to spring equinox. Also refers to setting up of sky, cangel in proper place.

Compare bundled K’awil to K’uh on M. 11c, fr. 3. Chaak (Venus) takes possession of cangel? Also appears to signal spring equinox. Reference to “no fire” and “lying down sky” suggest pre-era event, overseen by maize god.

Venus in Eastern Star aspect (ties in to Venus table). Defeat of Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh by Bolon Ti’ K’uh.

Note cognates to D. 74 and K’atun 11 Ahaw flood in Chilam Balams.

Appendix 6.2. Calendrical Structure, Dating, and Iconography of Borgia 27 and 28 Pages 27 and 28 of the Borgia Codex contain a pair of almanacs that display agricultural and rainfall iconography that is similar to that observed in several of the almanacs on pages 29 through 33 of the Madrid Codex. These scenes include maize fields, figures of a rain god, falling water representing rain, depictions of various meteorological events that could adversely affect maize fields, and insect pests attacking corn plants (Figure 6.11). The pictures are associated with Calendar Round dates in the Mexican calendar. An analysis by Hernández (2006a) suggests that the almanac on Borgia 27 refers to the seasonal transition between the dry season and wet season at the quarter points of a 52-year cycle. The almanac on Borgia 28 refers to the early half of the maize agricultural cycle, when young maize plants are particularly vulnerable to the weather extremes of wind, rain, and drought. The calendrics of Borgia 28 pertain to the first five solar years of a Calendar Round. The almanac on Borgia 27 is divided into five compartments. The compartments in the four corners are assigned a Calendar Round date, using the Mexican convention of naming a year on the 360th day in that year, and a tonalpohualli date representing a day within that year. The years mentioned are those ending on the days 1 Reed (in the lower right corner), 1 Flint (in the upper right corner), 1 House (in the upper left corner), and 1 Rabbit (in the lower left corner). These years occur at intervals of thirteen years; taken together, they mark the four quadrants of a 52-year cycle called xiuhmolpilli in Nahuatl or the ‘binding of the years’. The second set of day glyphs are the following: 1 Crocodile (in year 1 Reed), 1 Death (in year 1 Flint), 1 Monkey (in year 1 House), and 1 Vulture (in year 1 Rabbit). In a recent study of the astronomical content of the two almanacs, Aveni (1999) assumed that Borgia 27 refers to the Calendar Round period prior to the arrival of the Spanish in highland central Mexico. He used Caso’s (1971:table 5) correlation of a year 1 Reed with A.D. 1519 to propose that the year 1 Reed 1 Crocodile date on Borgia 27 corresponds to April 4, A.D. 1467, in the Gregorian calendar. Since we know that each of the four dates on Borgia 27 occurs at thirteen-year intervals, the remaining three dates can be determined as shown in Table 6.2.1. The dates for the Borgia 27 compartments target the period just prior to the planting season in central Mexico, when rituals to the rain gods were performed to assure the timely arrival of the rains and the success of the agricultural season. The five compartments on Borgia 27 have a rain and agricultural theme. The rain god Tlaloc dominates the center of each compartment. He stands with his head thrown back, and water gushes from his hands and between his legs onto maize plants in ear. In each compartment, the headdress worn by Tlaloc is different and his costume is painted a different color. These costume distinctions have directional significance, thereby giving each compartment a directional affiliation. A description of the iconography and directional affiliation for each of the five compartments on Borgia 27 is given in Table 6.2.2. The costume colors 222 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

Table 6.2.1. Gregorian, Julian, and Maya correspondences for the four Calendar Round dates on B. 27 Mexican date

Julian date (A.D.)

1 Reed 1 Crocodile

Mar. 26, 1467

Gregorian date (A.D.) Apr. 4, 1467

Maya date 1 Imix 14 Keh

1 Flint 1 Death

Mar. 22, 1480

Mar. 31, 1480

1 Kimi 14 Keh

1 House 1 Monkey

Mar. 19, 1493

Mar. 28, 1493

1 Chuwen 14 Keh

1 Rabbit 1 Vulture

Mar. 16, 1506

Mar. 26, 1506

1 Kib 14 Keh

Table 6.2.2. Iconographic summary of B. 27 Compartment

Sky register

Tlaloc costume

Lower right

Cloudy

Crocodilian headdress; black-colored costume; maize growing from back of a crocodilian

Direction East

Upper right

Solar rays

Skull headdress; yellow-colored costume; maize attacked by locusts in fields

North

Upper left

Cloudy

Dog headdress; blue-green colored costume; maize growing in flooded fields

West

Lower left

Solar rays

Macaw headdress; red-colored costume; maize attacked by mammals

South

Center

Starry sky with split solar/night motif and flint knives

A/O headdress; red and white striped costume for sky deities; blue and yellow fertility goddesses in a basket; shield and darts and the death god in streams of water

Center

and headdress elements for each of the five Tlaloc figures clearly suggest a directional assignment to the four cardinal directions and the center. The maize plants growing out of the back of the crocodilian in the compartment containing the starting date of the almanac allude to the episode in Mexican creation mythology in which the earth of the present world was created from the body of a crocodilian. The black of the Tlaloc in the east may represent the darkness of the primordial world prior to the creation of the sun. Venus played a crucial role in this event, as discussed in Chapter 2. After its creation, the sun remained on the eastern horizon and did not move. Venus rose as a Morning Star and took up his spear thrower to shoot a dart at the sun and induce him to move across the sky. The sun in turn shot a dart back at Venus and struck him, sending him into the western sky where he became the evening aspect of Venus. In his study of Borgia 27, Aveni (1999:S9) found that the date April 4, A.D. 1467 coincides with a day of Venus ELAST. The star “eyes” depicted in the cloudy sky pictured in the first compartment of Borgia 27 likely refer to this event. The sky register in the center compartment contains a “split-solar” motif showing half of a sun and half a starry night sky and two flint knives. The Tlaloc in this compartment wears the costume of the sky deities. Below the figure, the left rain stream contains a shield, Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 223

A48

atlatl, and darts with a fertility goddess dressed in blue; the right rain stream contains a small death god and a long bone which falls onto a fertility goddess dressed in yellow. Elsewhere, Hernández (2006b) suggests that this sky register iconography, the splitsolar motif, and in some cases, dual streams of water and blood, all are employed by Mexican scribes to refer to the transition from Venus as an Evening Star to a Morning Star. The pictures in the five compartments of Borgia 27 serve to specify predictions relating to the weather for that particular year. In the compartments assigned to the years 1 Reed and 1 House, the sky register is gray and cloudy; in those assigned to the years 1 Flint and 1 Rabbit, the sky registers contain red and yellow solar rays, and the maize ears are being attacked by pests. The association of 1 Rabbit years with drought may stem from the fact that in the 52-year cycle prior to that proposed for Borgia 27, the year 1 Rabbit 1 Vulture (A.D. 1454) was remembered in the social memory of the Aztec people as a year of devastating drought (Hernández 2006a:12). The almanac on Borgia 28 is paired with that on Borgia 27 (Figure 6.11). It too is divided into five compartments having a similar theme focused on rain and agriculture, and each compartment is dominated by a central figure of Tlaloc with his head thrown back and water streaming from his hands and between his legs onto maize fields with ripening plants. In the almanac’s five compartments, each Tlaloc wears a slightly different costume and face paint, suggesting conflations with different deities. Moreover, each compartment’s rain and maize ears have different sets of iconographic elements attached to suggest prognostications for various forms of weather and/or plague that will harm the crops. Unlike Borgia 27, the five frames on Borgia 28 are associated with a series of five consecutive years: 1 Reed, 2 Flint, 3 House, 4 Rabbit, and 5 Reed (in the center) (Table 6.2.3). There are two days named in each year that fall in the early summer when young maize plants are vulnerable to weather extremes. The Borgia almanacs are particularly relevant for analyzing the almanacs on M. 30 and 31, based on their close thematic and iconographic parallels and because the annual rainfall patterns between the two regions (highland central Mexico and northern Yucatán) are quite similar (Hernández and V. Bricker 2004:284). Hernández and V. Bricker (2004:284–285) employed a cross-dating method similar to that used by V. Bricker and H. Bricker (1992) to situate the calendrics of almanacs in real time using astronomical references and iconographic parallels. M. 31a (see Figure 6.10) provided an obvious choice for this type of analysis because of its close structural ties to Borgia 27. The Madrid almanac is not divided into bounded compartments, but it does have five separate pictures, four in the corners showing the same theme (frogs with water coming from their mouths) and a central picture of the Maya rain god Chaak with his head thrown back and streams of water pouring from between his legs. The four corner pictures are marked with directional glyphs. M. 31a begins with a tzolk’in date 13 Chikchan (see http://hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClinkA48.html). The date 13 Chikchan is one 224 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

Table 6.2.3. Gregorian, Julian, and Maya correspondences for the first set of Calendar Round dates on B. 28 Mexican Date

Day no. 2

Julian date (A.D.)

Gregorian date (A.D.)

1 Reed

5 Movement

May 21, 1467

May 30, 1467

2 Flint

5 Crocodile

May 19, 1468

May 28, 1468

3 House

9 Water

May 22, 1469

May 31, 1469

4 Rabbit

5 Water*

May 17, 1470

May 26, 1470

5 Reed

1 Water

May 12, 1471

May 21, 1471

Julian date (A.D.)

Gregorian date (A.D.)

1 Reed

Mexican date

9 Deer*

Day no. 3

June 20, 1467

June 29, 1467

2 Flint

10 Rain

June 6, 1468

June 15, 1468

3 House

6 Serpent*

June 27, 1469

July 6, 1469

4 Rabbit

8 Serpent*

June 2, 1470

June 11, 1470

5 Reed

13 Deer

June 19, 1471

June 28, 1471

* Reconstructed date.

day before 1 Kimi, which corresponds to 1 Death in the Mexican calendar. On Borgia 27, the date year 1 Flint 1 Death corresponds to March 31, A.D. 1480, which falls on 1 Kimi 14 Keh in the Maya system. The almanac on M. 31b begins with the tzolk’in date 13 Ahaw, the day before 1 Imix (or 1 Crocodile in the Mexican calendar). On Borgia 27, the date year 1 Reed 1 Crocodile corresponds to April 4, A.D. 1467, or 1 Imix 14 Keh in the Maya calendar. It therefore appears that the two almanacs on M. 31 mirror the right side of Borgia 27. The almanacs on M. 30 (see Figure 6.9) incorporate a slightly different approach. M. 30a is more similar to Borgia 27 in terms of its iconography than Madrid 30b is. The starting date of M. 30a is 11 Ahaw (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClinkA49.html). The day following is 12 Imix, or 12 Crocodile in the Mexican calendar. A rain-related almanac beginning with 12 Imix would fall in a year 12 Reed. Year 12 Reed 12 Crocodile corresponds to March 29, A.D. 1491, or 12 Imix 14 Keh in the Maya calendar. The almanac on M. 30b overlaps with M. 30a. The starting date of M. 30b is 9 Chuwen (see http://hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClinkA50 .html), which falls ten days after 11 Ahaw. M. 30b could therefore begin on 9 Chuwen 4 Mak, or April 8, A.D. 1491. A subsequent analysis of the calendrics of M. 32 and 33 (see Figures 5.6, 7.30, and 10.14) shows that the two almanacs in the lower register overlap in a similar calendrical manner to the almanacs above them (Hernández and V. Bricker 2004). The calendrical analysis of M. 32a and 33a was aided by the astronomical references in the iconography along with the dating patterns established by M. 30 and 31. Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 225

A49

A50

Notes

152

1. There is a “House of Darkness” in the Popol Vuh, which is perhaps equivalent, since ak’bal means ‘darkness’ as well as ‘night’. 2. The sidereal cycle is the interval of time between successive configurations of a celestial body relative to a distant star. It is not to be confused with the synodic cycle; the interval of time between successive configurations of a celestial body (the planet Mars, in this case) relative to the sun (Aveni 2001:89). It essentially marks off a single revolution of the planet from the vantage point of a terrestrial observer. 3. This may also be translated as “damage to the sun god.” 4. The stationary point is the apparent stoppage of a planet in the solar system whose orbit is outside of earth’s (like Mars) relative to the background stars when viewed from the earth because of the earth’s passage within its own orbit. Retrograde motion is the apparent shortterm westward motion of a planet across the sky relative to the stars (Aveni 2001:86, 99). 5. Interestingly, this is the opposite station to that recorded by the first frame of the LWT, where a day of EFIRST occurring at the same time of year (late January) is of interest. 6. Houston (2010) suggests that the kab glyph indicates an earthy, musky odor when it occurs with certain animals or deity figures (see further discussion in Chapter 10). 7. Crocodiles are sometimes depicted as ceiba trees, which have thorny trunks that resemble a crocodile’s back. The Nahuatl term for crocodile is cipactli ‘spiny one’ (Miller and Taube 1993:48). 8. One of these, on M. 93a (Fig. 10.6 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink152.html), shows a peccary caught in a tree snare. It has the upturned snout seen in examples of the Mars beast and also appears to have scales on its back. 9. We interpret this expression as referring to the darkening of the sun caused by a solar eclipse. It is often used metaphorically in the context of events of world creation and destruction, rather than intended to have a literal meaning. 10. The peccary is represented in other contexts suggesting a celestial association. For example, mating peccaries in a skyband from Bonampak have been associated with the eastern portion of the constellation Leo (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992). 11. It may also signify a darkening of the sun in the sense of a metaphorical eclipse, signifying an event of world destruction/creation. 12. In the Mexican highlands, macaws are associated with the color red, the south, the passage to the Underworld, and solar deities. In the Popol Vuh, the destruction of the previous era or “sun” involves the defeat of Seven Macaw. 13. The heliacal rise of Venus as an Evening Star technically occurred on February 23, A.D. 950, corresponding to fr. 3 on Dresden 66a (which also has iconography that we believe refers to this aspect of Venus). Over the next ten days, however, Venus set fairly early (before the end of twilight); it is not until the dates referenced in fr. 2 of Dresden 67a (March 5 and 6) that Venus stayed above the horizon as an Evening Star once the sky had darkened long enough for the Evening Star to appear to have “risen.” 14. If the /no/ value for T595 (ZD3) can be supported (see discussion in Macri and Looper 2003:220), this suggests a reading of eek’-no-ka’an-na, or eek’ nok ka’an, for the fifth glyph block in the caption. The values of eek’ ‘black’ and ka’an ‘sky’ are well established; nok may mean ‘to lie face down’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:89). 15. We interpret the last glyph block as being composed of ZQE (Macri and Vail 2009:176), followed by ka’an ‘sky’. ZQE is most likely read as hub ‘to fall, be defeated’. We had previously 226 Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices

interpreted this grapheme as consisting of syllabic /ch’o/ above kab ‘earth’ (Vail and Hernández 2011). 16. Note that, like the pairs of figures sitting on the maws of serpents in the seasonal table on D. 61–62 (see preceding chapter), only one figure in the pair (Chaak) is colored blue, and the other (Chak Chel) is not.

Creation Mythology in Reference to Chaak, Chak Chel, and Mars in the Maya Codices 227

7 For the ancient Maya, celestial bodies such as the moon, Venus, and Mars embodied gods who could impact or influence the daily lives of humans and their surrounding environment in a multitude of ways. The revolutionary cycles and interacting orbital paths of these astronomical objects produced regular patterns of visibility and movement across the nighttime sky that amounted to observational data that priest-scribes recorded, analyzed, and passed down to future generations in the form of divinatory almanacs and tables. Venus was of particular concern to ancient Meso­ameri­ cans, likely because of its brilliance at times, its appearance in both the predawn and evening skies, and its occasional interactions with other important celestial phenomena, such as the moon and constellations. Its appearances and movements had also been observed to correlate with the initiation and termination of the rainy season and thus were believed to have a critical relationship with the success or failure of the agricultural season, the legitimacy of the ruling class, and the survival of society (Šprajc 1993a, 1993b). The ancient Maya acknowledged Venus in its evening aspect to have had a positive influence with respect to water, agricultural fertility, and the success of the maize crop (Šprajc 1993a), but their primary concern was for its considerable negative connotations, especially when it appeared in the early morning sky. To gain some measure of control over the possibility of disaster associated with the appearance of Venus in the sky, Maya priest-scribes collected and analyzed data regarding the visibility and movements of Venus and related these data to other calendrical cycles imbued with cosmological and prophetic significance. Such information afforded them foreknowledge of Venus’ potential to cast negative influences on important human events and the natural

Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

DOI: 10.5876/9781607322214.c07

229

world in order to be prepared to act to counteract its bad fortune. The Dresden Venus table is one such instrument. Since the publication of Ernst Förstemann’s commentary of the Dresden Codex (Förstemann 1886), scholars have recognized pages 24 and 46 through 50 to be a divinatory instrument used to predict the movements of Venus. Like the other astronomical tables in the Dresden Codex, the Venus table contains three sections: a preface, a listing of multiples, and the table proper, where the relevant tzolk’in dates and associated prophecies are recorded (Figure 7.1). The preface contains information that links the calendrics of the table proper to the Maya Long Count calendar. The multiples are distance numbers used to derive a starting date for entering the table and recycling it for future use. The table proper is the functioning divinatory instrument that reckons dates for the visibility of Venus and associates prophecies recorded in pictorial iconography and hieroglyphic texts to specific dates or temporal periods. Research over the past 125 years has focused on elucidating the calendrics of the table, determining its astronomical precision with regard to Venus, and attempting to identify references to other astronomical bodies in its iconography and hieroglyphic texts (see e.g., Aveni 2001; H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:chap. 8; 2007; Closs 1977; Lounsbury 1983, 1992a, 1992b; Milbrath 1999; Paxton 2001; D. Tedlock and B. Tedlock 2002–2003; Teeple 1926; J. Eric S. Thompson 1950, 1972; Willson 1924). In light of recent calendrical breakthroughs, a fresh look at the table’s text and iconography from a cosmological perspective reveals much about ancient Mesoamerican perceptions of Venus and the role it is given in Maya creation narratives. Table Description

The Dresden Venus table is a multisection instrument that incorporates information from multiple versions of one or more earlier tables. It also contains elements shared by similar divinatory almanacs that refer to Venus in the Postclassic Borgia Group codices from the central Mexican highlands, which play an important role in our understanding of Venus mythology in the Maya codices. Before we delve more deeply into the Dresden table’s texts and iconography, it is essential to our discussion that we briefly describe its structure and layout and the basics of its calendrical workings. Table Preface

153

The preface text to the Venus table appears in the first three columns on D. 24 (Figure 7.2) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPC link153.html). It contains calendrical and textual information that situates the table within the Maya Long Count calendar. This textual information is then followed by numerical information required to calculate two Calendar Round base dates for the table, which is explicitly mentioned at the bottom of the col230 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.1. Venus table on D. 24 and 46–50 (preface, multiples, and table proper indicated). After Förstemann (1880).

154

umns (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink154 .html). The remainder of page 24 (four columns) is dedicated to listing multiples, or distance numbers, in notational format that are used to derive starting dates to enter the table proper on pages 46–50 (Figure 7.3) (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink155.html). The first thirteen numbers starting at the bottom right of the page are whole multiples of 2,920, which is the value of a single row of the table proper. These multiples are then followed by aberrant multiples and grand multiples (whole table values) that are required to successfully recycle the table for future use (see H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2007 and 2011:163–171 for a more thorough explanation of the preface’s calendrics). Table Proper

155

155a

The Venus table proper consists of the five pages on D. 46–50. Each page can be viewed as having two distinct sections, one corresponding to the right side of each page and the other to the left. On D. 46, for example (Figure 7.4), we see that the left side of the page is divided by red-painted lines (see http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/UPClink155a.html) into three distinct registers (an inspection of the subsequent four pages will show that the scribe did not consistently mark these separations). At the top is a section containing four columns, each having thirteen tzolk’in dates. Below the tzolk’in dates is an area labeled Section 2, which consists of a row of haab dates with corresponding columns containing brief text captions that are relevant to a version of the Venus table that uses a 1 Ahaw 13 Mak starting date. Section 2 is followed by a series of cumulative totals of the intervals passed through by Venus. Below the cumulative totals is the lower register (Section 1), which consists of a row of haab dates and brief associated text captions that are relevant to a version of the table that uses a 1 Ahaw 18 K’ayab starting date. Following the 18 K’ayab section, but not separated from it visually, is a third row of haab dates that are relevant to a version of the table that uses a 1 Ahaw 3 Xul starting date (Section 3). Below this at the bottom of the page are bar-and-dot numerals representing intervals of 236, 90, 250, and 8. Tables 7.1 through 7.5 provide an overview of the hieroglyphic and calendrical content for each of these sections across all five pages. The calendrics recorded on D. 46–50 (columns of tzolk’in dates, rows of haab dates, and distance numbers) together correlate the movement of Venus across the morning and evening skies with the Maya 365-day haab (Förstemann 1906:182). The calendrical information on each page describes a 584-day period that the Maya subdivided into intervals of 236, 90, 250, and 8 days (see discussion above). An interval of 584 days essentially matches the length of a single Venus synodic cycle that is measured by modern standards to equal 584.92 days.1 The four intervals recorded at the bottom of each page roughly approximate the timing of four apparitions or stations of Venus as its movement, visibility, and invisibility change from morning 232 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.2. Preface to Venus table with columns 1–3 highlighted. After Förstemann (1880).

to evening skies. The underlying calendrical structure of the table, as established in the preface, begins with Venus’ predicted first appearance above the eastern horizon in the predawn sky, referred to as its heliacal rise. We use the abbreviation MFIRST for this station. It is recorded as the fourth column of tzolk’in dates and fourth haab date on each of the five pages in the table, representing the first day of the interval of 236 days that is to follow. The 236-day interval represents the approximate length of time that Venus will continue to be visible as a Morning Star. The end of this interval marks the second station, which is Venus’ last day of visibility in the morning sky (referred to as MLAST). The table lists this period of invisibility as 90 days. It is at MLAST that Venus enters into superior conjunction with the sun. When the sun, earth, and Venus are arranged in a line, Venus is said to be in conjunction. Superior conjunction refers to the passage of Venus behind the sun from the vantage point of the earth. When Venus reemerges from behind the sun, it will again become visible to viewers on the earth, but this time in the evening sky above the western horizon after sunset. Venus’ first day of visibility as an Evening Star is called EFIRST. The duration of Venus’ visibility as an Evening Star is the third interval listed in the table, corresponding to 250 days. The abbreviation ELAST is used to mark the fourth station of Venus, which refers to the last day when Venus is visible as an Evening Star. The planet will then disappear again into inferior conjunction, the interval when Venus passes between the earth and the sun and when the sun’s brightness obscures Venus from view on earth for approximately eight days.2 Each page of the table represents a 584-day synodic cycle of Venus divided in such a way as to anticipate its four stations in a single Venusian revolution around the sun. The five pages taken together correlate a series of five Venus synodic cycles with eight 365-day haabs, equaling 2,920 days (5 × 584 = 2,920 = 8 × 365). The number 2,920 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 233

Figure 7.3. First through thirteenth multiples in the Venus table preface with aberrant and grand multiples highlighted. After Förstemann (1880).

is the computing length of one row of the entire table and the modulo quantity used for the listing of multiples in the preface on D. 24.3 Each page of the table contains 13 rows of tzolk’in dates, meaning that a single run through the entire table corresponds to 104 haabs, equal to 65 Venus synodic cycles or revolutions (13 × 2,920 = 37,960 = 104 × 365). Ideally, by using a base date from the preface and adding one or more multiples to calculate a starting date, a user could generate dates in the Long Count and Calendar Round cycles for each of the twenty 234 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.4. D. 46 with sections of the page highlighted. After Förstemann (1880).

Venus stations in each row of the table. Determining dates for the complete table results in 260 dates corresponding to Venus stations over the course of 104 years (see Aveni 2001:187; H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2007, 2011:chap. 8 for a more thorough explanation of the table’s calendrics). In reality, the predictive accuracy of the table to track Venus’ movements declines rapidly in the lower third of the table. This decline is due to the accumulated slippage between the table’s calendrics, the haab, and Venus’ true revolutionary period around the sun. In practice, Maya scribes likely never used a single version of the table all the way through to the end, but instead employed a mathematical correction to the version in current use to create a new, updated version that would not produce prediction failures (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2007). As we discuss below, the predictive accuracy of a working version of the Dresden Venus table would have been extremely important to Maya priestscribes. Previous scholarship in the Maya area and elsewhere in Mesoamerica suggests that the first appearances of Venus in the morning and evening skies were occasions imbued with cosmological significance, the ramifications of which could have disastrous results for ancient Mesoamericans if the proper precautions and ritual preparations were not timed accordingly. To ancient Mesoamericans, Venus, the sun, the moon, and other celestial bodies were more than mere inanimate objects inhabiting the celestial realm, but rather potent supernaturals that interacted with each other and with the world of humans. The Mesoamerican universe was governed by a duality that existed between the sun, who ruled the daytime sky, and Venus, who ruled the nighttime and the Underworld region. The struggle between these two sacred forces was what ultimately led to the creation of the present world, following the destruction of several previous creations. Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 235

Table 7.1. The calendrics and hieroglyphic information on D. 46

Row #

MLAST (coefficient + day glyph)

EFIRST (coefficient + day glyph)

ELAST (coefficient + day glyph)

MFIRST (coefficient + day glyph)

1

3 Kib

2 Kimi

5 Kib

13 K’an

2

11 Kib

10 Kimi

13 Kib

8 K’an

3

6 Kib

5 Kimi

8 Kib

3 K’an

4

1 Kib

13 Kimi

3 Kib

11 K’an

5

9 Kib

8 Kimi

11 Kib

6 K’an

6

4 Kib

3 Kimi

6 Kib

1 K’an

7

12 Kib

11 Kimi

1 Kib

9 K’an

8

7 Kib

6 Kimi

9 Kib

4 K’an

9

2 Kib

1 Kimi

4 Kib

12 K’an

10

10 Kib

9 Kimi

12 Kib

7 K’an

11

5 Kib

4 Kimi

7 Kib

2 K’an

12

13 Kib

12 Kimi

2 Kib

10 K’an

13

8 Kib

7 Kimi

10 Kib

5 K’an

Haab date (13 Mak run)

4 Yaxk’in

14 Sak

19 Tzek

7 Xul

Action

Arms?

Arms?

Arms?

Arms?

Cardinal direction

North

West

South

East

Venus station deity

Ulum

Sina’an

Chak ??

Kimil

Title

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Cumulative total (days)

236

326

576

584

Haab date (18 K’ayab run)

8 Sak

18 Muwan

4 Yax

12 Yax

Venus station deity

Pawah Ayin

Ulum

Sina’an

Chak ??

Action

Feeds?

Feeds?

Feeds?

Feeds?

Title

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Cardinal direction

East

North

West

South

Haab date (3 Xul run)

19 K’ayab

4 Zotz’

14 Pax

2 K’ayab

Station interval (days)

236

90

250

8

Table 7.2. The calendrics and hieroglyphic information on D. 47

Row #

MLAST (coefficient + day glyph)

EFIRST (coefficient + day glyph)

ELAST (coefficient + day glyph)

MFIRST (coefficient + day glyph)

1

2 Ahaw

1 Ok

4 Ahaw

12 Lamat

2

10 Ahaw

9 Ok

12 Ahaw

7 Lamat

3

5 Ahaw

4 Ok

7 Ahaw

2 Lamat

4

13 Ahaw

12 Ok

2 Ahaw

10 Lamat

5

8 Ahaw

7 Ok

10 Ahaw

5 Lamat

6

3 Ahaw

2 Ok

5 Ahaw

13 Lamat

7

11 Ahaw

10 Ok

13 Ahaw

8 Lamat

8

6 Ahaw

5 Ok

8 Ahaw

3 Lamat

9

1 Ahaw

13 Ok

3 Ahaw

11 Lamat

10

9 Ahaw

8 Ok

11 Ahaw

6 Lamat

11

4 Ahaw

3 Ok

6 Ahaw

1 Lamat

12

12 Ahaw

11 Ok

1 Ahaw

9 Lamat

13

7 Ahaw

6 Ok

9 Ahaw

4 Lamat

Haab date (13 Mak run)

3 Kumk’u

8 Sotz’

18 Pax

6 K’ayab

Action

Arms?

Arms?

Arms?

Arms?

Cardinal direction

North

West

South

East

Venus station deity

??

Ah Kam

Oxlahun Ka’anal

Kan Pawahtun

Title

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Cumulative total (days)

820

910

1160

1168

Haab date (18 K’ayab run)

3 Sotz’

13 Mol

18 Wo

6 Sip

Venus station deity

Kimil

??

Ah Kam

Oxlahun Ka’nal

Action*

Feeds?

Feeds?

Feeds?

Feeds?

Title

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Cardinal direction

East

North

West

South

Haab date (3 Xul run)

13 Yax

3 Muwan

8 Ch’en

16 Ch’en

Station interval (days)

236

90

250

8

* Inferred based on other pages

Table 7.3. The calendrics and hieroglyphic information on D. 48

Row #

MLAST (coefficient + day glyph)

EFIRST (coefficient + day glyph)

ELAST (coefficient + day glyph)

MFIRST (coefficient + day glyph)

1

1 K’an

13 Ix

3 K’an

11 Eb

2

9 K’an

8 Ix

11 K’an

6 Eb

3

4 K’an

3 Ix

6 K’an

1 Eb

4

12 K’an

11 Ix

1 K’an

9 Eb

5

7 K’an

6 Ix

9 K’an

4 Eb

6

2 K’an

1 Ix

4 K’an

12 Eb

7

10 K’an

9 Ix

12 K’an

7 Eb

8

5 K’an

4 Ix

7 K’an

2 Eb

9

13 K’an

12 Ix

2 K’an

10 Eb

10

8 K’an

7 Ix

10 K’an

5 Eb

11

3 K’an

2 Ix

5 K’an

13 Eb

12

11 K’an

10 Ix

13 K’an

8 Eb

13

6 K’an

5 Ix

8 K’an

3 Eb

Haab date (13 Mak run)

17 Yax

7 Muwan

12 Ch’en

0 Yax

Action

Arms?

Arms?

Arms?

Arms?

Cardinal direction

North

West

South

East

Venus station deity

K’in Ahaw

Wak Yich

Ak’ab Ahaw

Na’ Uh

Title

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Cumulative total (days)

1404

1494

1744

1752

Haab date (18 K’ayab run)

2 Muwan

7 Pop

17 Mak’

5 K’ank’in

Venus station deity

Kan Pawahtun

K’in Ahaw

Wak Yich Ahaw

Ak’ab Ahaw

Action

Feeds?

Feeds?

Feeds?

Feeds?

Title

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Cardinal direction

East

North

West

South

Haab date (3 Xul run)

7 Sip

17 Yaxk’in

2 Wo

10 Wo

Station interval (days)

236

90

250

8

Table 7.4. The calendrics and hieroglyphic information on D. 49 MLAST (coefficient + day glyph)

EFIRST (coefficient + day glyph)

ELAST (coefficient + day glyph)

1

13 Lamat

12 Etz’nab

2 Lamat

10 Kib

2

8 Lamat

7 Etz’nab

10 Lamat

5 Kib

3

3 Lamat

2 Etz’nab

5 Lamat

13 Kib

4

11 Lamat

10 Etz’nab

13 Lamat

8 Kib

5

6 Lamat

5 Etz’nab

8 Lamat

3 Kib

6

1 Lamat

13 Etz’nab

3 Lamat

11 Kib

7

9 Lamat

8 Etz’nab

11 Lamat

6 Kib

8

4 Lamat

3 Etz’nab

6 Lamat

1 Kib

9

12 Lamat

11 Etz’nab

1 Lamat

9 Kib

10

7 Lamat

6 Etz’nab

9 Lamat

4 Kib

11

2 Lamat

1 Etz’nab

4 Lamat

12 Kib

12

10 Lamat

9 Etz’nab

12 Lamat

7 Kib

13

5 Lamat

4 Etz’nab

7 Lamat

2 Kib

Row #

MFIRST (coefficient + day glyph)

Haab date (13 Mak run)

11 Sip

1 Mol

6 Wo

14 Wo

Action

Arms?

Arms?

Arms?

Arms?

Cardinal direction

North

West

South

East

Venus station deity

??

Kimil

K’awil

Hun Ahaw

Title

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Cumulative total (days)

1988

2078

2328

2336

Haab date (18 K’ayab run)

16 Yaxk’in

6 Keh

11 Xul

19 Xul

Venus station deity

Na’ Uh

??

Kimil

K’awil

Action

Feeds?

Feeds?

Feeds?

Feeds?

Title

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Cardinal direction

East

North

West

South

Haab date (3 Xul run)

6 K’ank’in

16 Chuwen

1 Mak

9 Mak

Station interval (days)

236

90

250

8

Table 7.5. The calendrics and hieroglyphic information on D. 50.

Row #

MLAST (coefficient + day glyph)

EFIRST (coefficient + day glyph)

ELAST (coefficient + day glyph)

MFIRST (coefficient + day glyph)

1

12 Eb

11 Ik’

1 Eb

9 Ahaw

2

7 Eb

6 Ik’

9 Eb

4 Ahaw

3

2 Eb

1 Ik’

4 Eb

12 Ahaw

4

10 Eb

9 Ik’

12 Eb

7 Ahaw

5

5 Eb

4 Ik’

7 Eb

2 Ahaw

6

13 Eb

12 Ik’

2 Eb

10 Ahaw

7

8 Eb

7 Ik’

10 Eb

5 Ahaw

8

3 Eb

2 Ik’

5 Eb

13 Ahaw

9

11 Eb

10 Ik’

13 Eb

8 Ahaw

10

6 Eb

5 Ik’

8 Eb

3 Ahaw

11

1 Eb

13 Ik’

3 Eb

11 Ahaw

12

9 Eb

8 Ik’

11 Eb

6 Ahaw

13

4 Eb

3 Ik’

6 Eb

1 Ahaw

Haab date (13 Mak run)

10 K’ank’in

0 Wayeb

5 Mak

13 Mak

Action

Arms?

Arms?

Arms?

Arms?

Cardinal direction

North

West

South

East

Venus station deity

Nal

God L

Wuk Sip?

Pawah Ayin

Title

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Cumulative total (days)

2572

2662

2912

2920

Haab date (18 K’ayab run)

15 Kumk’u

0 Tzek

10 K’ayab

18 K’ayab

Venus station deity

Hun Ahaw

Nal

God L

Wuk Sip?

Action

Feeds?

Feeds?

Feeds?

Feeds?

Title

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Great Star [Venus]

Cardinal direction

East

North

West

South

Haab date (3 Xul run)

0 Yaxk’in*

10 Sak

15 Tzek

3 Xul

Station interval (days)

236

90

250

8

*Reconstructed.

Venus in Ancient Mesoamerican Thought To understand how the iconography and texts of the Dresden Venus table reference creation mythology, we first need to consider a comparable Venus instrument in the central Mexican Borgia Codex created during the Late Postclassic period. In a seminal article published in German in 1898 (an English translation appeared in 1904), Eduard Seler examined the calendrics and iconography of almanacs in the central Mexican Borgia Group codices in order to show that several, if not many, of the instruments referred to the movements of Venus. Recent studies of the astronomical content of several of these Borgia almanacs support Seler’s early impressions (see Aveni 1999 and V. Bricker 2001 for an explanation of how the calendrics of the Borgia Venus almanacs function to reckon dates of Venus visibility). The almanac on Borgia 53–54 (Figure 7.5) is the most readily recognizable as an instrument related to Venus and as being cognate in its structure and iconography to the Maya Dresden Venus table (Seler 1904:373–389) (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink156.html and http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink157.html). It consists of five compartments that are functionally equivalent to the five pages of the Dresden table. Each compartment is framed by thirteen tonalpohualli dates consisting of a single day sign. For example, compartment 1 (in the lower right-hand corner) is outlined by Crocodile days—1 Crocodile, 8 Crocodile, 2 Crocodile, and so forth, enumerating all thirteen). Within the compartment are three day signs—Wind, House, and Lizard—each lacking a coefficient. The fifth day sign in the count of twenty—Serpent—outlines compartment 2 with its thirteen tonalpohualli dates, and within the compartment are the next three day signs in the sequence (Death, Deer, and Rabbit), again without coefficients. A single pass through the almanac enumerates all twenty day signs in this fashion, whereas thirteen passes delineate an entire 260-day tonalpohualli cycle. The functional distance between each of the five compartments is 584 days, just as each of the five pages of the Dresden Venus table is similarly separated. As outlined in Table 7.6, the four tonalpohualli days assigned to each of the five compartments function as a predictive “window” for the first appearance of Venus at heliacal rise through its consecutive synodic cycles. The almanac begins with the day 1 Crocodile recorded explicitly at the beginning of the compartment on Borgia 53 (Figure 7.6). The three tonalpohualli day glyphs pictured within the compartment—Wind, House, and Lizard—imply a continuation of the count to 2 Wind, 3 House, and 4 Lizard. As V. Bricker (2001:S22–S23) explains, these four dates can function to predict a day of Venus’ heliacal rise. For example, in A.D. 1473 a heliacal rise of Venus occurred on August 31 or a day 2 Wind in the Aztec calendar. To predict the date of the heliacal rise in the following synodic cycle (584 days later), one refers to the second compartment at the bottom right of Borgia 54, but beginning with the fourth explicit date, 13 Serpent (1 Crocodile + 584 days = 13 Serpent). The predictive dates for the second heliacal rise of Venus would therefore be 13 Serpent, 1 Death, 2 Deer, and 3 Rabbit. The date of Venus’ Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 241

156

157

Figure 7.5. Venus almanac on B. 53–54. Drawing by Christine Hernández.

heliacal rise in the following synodic cycle occurred on April 8, A.D. 1475, which corresponds to a day 2 Deer in the Aztec calendar. The almanac continues in this fashion through 65 runs, highlighting four tonalpohualli dates in each of the five compartments in turn (see V. Bricker 2001 for a more detailed discussion of how the calendrics of Borgia 53–54 function to reckon dates of Venus’ visibility). The iconography of the Borgia almanac focuses on Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli, the Mexican god of Venus as Morning Star, as the principal figure in each compartment. This figure wears a headband with two flint knives and a solid-colored or striped costume with a prominent star motif pectoral. In the first and fifth compartments, the god has a skeletal face; in the second, third, and fourth compartments, he has an animal’s head—an owl, a dog, and a rabbit, respectively—in place of his own. The Morning Star gods carry an atlatl, shield, and darts, and each actively spears another figure or object in the respective five scenes. Table 7.6 summarizes the details of the almanac’s iconography. Cognates of this almanac appear in two of the other Borgia Group codices: on pages 80, 82–83 of the Codex Vaticanus B, and on pages 9–11 of the Codex Cospi. The iconographic content of all three almanacs is essentially the same, although the order of the pictures in the Vaticanus B. and Cospi instruments is different with respect to the calendrics of the five compartments. V. Bricker’s analysis of Borgia 53–54 suggests that it effectively predicted the heliacal rise of Venus during a 32-year period between A.D. 1473 and 1506 (V. Bricker 2001:S22– 242 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.6. Compartments 1 and 2 from the Venus almanac on B. 53–54. The four predictive dates for Venus’ heliacal rise in the first two synodic periods of the first run of the almanac are given. Drawing by Christine Hernández.

S30, table 2). Unlike Maya scribes, central Mexican scribes economized on space by not using a preface or hieroglyphic texts in their astronomical almanacs. The calendrics of individual Mexican Venus almanacs refer to only one Venus station. Borgia 53–54 deals with Venus’ first visibility as a Morning Star (MFIRST). The most obvious similarity between the Mexican and Maya instruments involves their shared depiction of the Morning Star aspect of Venus as a warrior god actively spearing victims. We turn now to the meaning of the iconography of the warrior Venus god and speared victim from a Mexican perspective. The mythology drawn upon by this imagery is known from a brief passage recorded in the central Mexican chronicle called the Anales de Cuauhtitlan (cited in Bierhorst 1992; see also Chapter 2). The myth tells how the hero god Quetzalcoatl became transformed into Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli. After cremating himself, Quetzalcoatl spent eight days in the Underworld fashioning weapons, after which time he reappeared transformed into the Morning Star god Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli. Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli was then said to “shoot” or “vent his anger” against particular classes of people or things depending on the 1-coefficient tonalpohualli date in the 260-day ritual calendar on which he appeared, or “cast light.” Bierhorst (1992:36–37) translates the passage from Nahuatl as follows: The old people said he was changed into the star that appears at dawn. Therefore they say it came forth when Quetzalcoatl died, and they called him Lord of the Dawn. Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 243

Mar. 31, 1499 Mar. 30, 1507 Mar. 27, 1515

Aug. 24, 1497

Aug. 22, 1505

Aug. 20, 1513

Source: Adapted from Hernández 2006b:table 2:130.

Aug. 18, 1521

Apr. 3, 1491

Aug. 26, 1489

Oct. 31, 1516

Nov. 3, 1508

Nov. 5, 1500

Nov. 7, 1492

Nov. 9, 1484

June 10, 1518

June 12, 1510

June 14, 1502

June 16, 1494

June 18, 1486

Jan. 13, 1520

Jan. 15, 1512

Jan. 18, 1504

Jan. 19, 1496

Jan. 21, 1488

Jan. 24, 1480

Apr. 5, 1483

June 20, 1478

Aug. 28, 1481

Nov. 12, 1476

Apr. 8, 1475

Aug. 31, 1473

Seasonal distribution of Venus’ heliacal rise dates for the years A.D. 1473– 1521 (adapted from V. Bricker 2001:table 2)

Skeletal Morning Star god spearing a shield with darts with an eagle’s head (warrior insignia) on shaking ground with split serpent

Rabbit-faced Morning-Star god spearing a noble on a throne with broken beverage and food vessels

Dog-faced Morning Star god spearing Centeotl in a maize field being eaten by worms

Owl-faced Morning Star god spearing Tepeyollotl (Tezcatlipoca on a split mountain with running water)

Skeletal Morning Star god spearing Chalchiuhtlicue in water with a snail and turtle

Iconography

#5 upper right of p. 54 Movement, Flint, Rain, Flower

#4 upper left of p. 54 Reed, Ocelot, Eagle, Vulture

#3 lower left of p. 54 Water, Dog, Monkey, Grass

Crocodile, Wind, House, Lizard

Associated tonalpohualli days

#2 lower right of p. 54 Serpent, Death, Deer, Rabbit

#1 lower left of p. 53

Compartment # and page

Table 7.6. An interpretation of the iconography and calendrics of the Venus almanac on pages 53–54 of the Borgia Codex

What they said is that when he died he disappeared for four days. They said he went to the dead land then. And he spent four more days making darts for himself. So it was Quetzalcoatl. It was then that he became lord, they said. And so, when he goes forth, they know on what day sign he casts light on certain people, venting his anger against them, shooting them with darts. If he goes on 1 Crocodile, he shoots old men and old women, all alike. If on 1 Jaguar or 1 Deer or 1 Flower, he shoots little children. And if on 1 Reed, he shoots nobles. The same with everybody, if on 1 Death. And if on 1 Rain, he shoots the rain. No rain will fall. And if on 1 Movement, he shoots youths and maidens. And if on 1 Water, there is drought, etc.

Seler (1904:384–385) deduced from Förstemann’s analysis of the Dresden Venus table that the eight-day canonical interval between the synodic stations of ELAST and MFIRST, when Venus is invisible as it passes through inferior conjunction, recalls the narrative from the Anales myth. He proposed that Quetzalcoatl’s death in this passage was equivalent to the last appearance of Venus in the western sky at ELAST. His eightday journey through the Underworld, therefore, is equivalent to Venus’ invisibility. Quetzalcoatl’s emergence from the Underworld transformed him into the warrior god Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli, and his venting anger in the form of “shooting darts” or “spearing,” is analogous to Venus’ heliacal rise as a Morning Star (MFIRST), when the planet becomes a particularly bright object in the predawn sky to viewers on earth. Seler therefore proposed that the depictions of gods in militaristic pose and brandishing warrior’s weapons on Borgia 53–54 (and its cognates in the other Mexican codices) represent the first appearance of Venus in the eastern sky as a Morning Star (or Venus at its MFIRST synodic station). The victims of these warrior gods, which are depicted as speared figures, foretell the misfortune that the Morning Star Venus gods cast upon humans and the natural world at this time. Seler also went on to suggest that the Maya who created and used the Dresden Venus table held beliefs about the baleful appearance of Venus as a Morning Star that were similar to those of their Mexican contemporaries: But this much, I believe, is to be learned from the account in the Anales, that it is hardly possible to see anything else in these figures struck by the spear than augural speculations regarding the influence of the light from the planet, suggested by the initial signs of the periods. We shall have to accept this as true, not only for the representations of the Borgian codex group, but also for the pictorial representations and the hieroglyphic text of the Dresden manuscript. (Seler 1904:386)

Seler (1904:384–385) attempted to draw a direct connection between the pictures in Borgia 53–54 and the passage from the Anales de Cuauhtitlan by proposing that two of the dates mentioned in the myth could be substituted so that the five day signs that begin each of the compartments (Crocodile, Serpent, Water, Reed, and Movement) Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 245

158

could be said to align the prognostications in the myth with the pictures in the almanacs. The fact that the dates in the myth are days with a coefficient of 1 and only the first compartment in the Mexican Venus almanac begins with a 1-coefficient date (1 Crocodile) was not addressed by Seler. What is of interest in the Anales de Cuauhtitlan passage is the actual order in which dates are mentioned. It begins with 1 Cipactli (1 Crocodile); the next line mentions 1 Jaguar, 1 Deer, and 1 Flower, and the next lines 1 Reed, 1 Death, 1 Rain, 1 Movement, and 1 Water. Seler (1904:385) was correct in asserting that several, if not most, of these dates do not begin the compartments in the Borgia almanac. Nor do their Maya counterparts (1 Imix, 1 Ix, 1 Manik’, 1 Ahaw, 1 Ben, 1 Kimi, 1 Kawak, 1 Kaban, and 1 Chikchan) have particular significance as a group in the Dresden Venus table. What they do represent are the 1-coefficient days that begin the trecenas counting forward from 1 Crocodile to 1 Jaguar, 1 Deer, 1 Flower, 1 Reed, 1 Death, and 1 Rain in order within the tonalpohualli calendar (Table 7.7).4 The 1 Movement and 1 Water days require a jump ahead in the ritual calendar, and it is important to note that the days Water and Movement are two of the five day glyphs that begin the compartments in the Borgia 53–54 almanac. With the mention of Crocodile and Reed, all but one of the day signs beginning compartments in the Borgia Venus almanac were accounted for in the Anales passage. When relating this information, the informant may have attempted to skip to the 1-coefficient dates that were more relevant to a conventional Venus almanac part way through his narration. We would suggest that the series of 1-coefficient dates that are listed in the Anales myth would likely have occurred if the informant telling this version of the myth was reading or recalling the story from a pictorial document or some type of trecena almanac. This process can best be envisioned by referring to the upper arm of the Formée cross almanac on page 1 of the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer (Figure 7.7) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink158.html). The first seven 1-coefficient dates mentioned in the Anales myth begin trecenas that form the top arm and corner lobe of the almanac. A jump to a different part of the picture is required to derive the 1 Movement and 1 Water dates. A second well-known Aztec creation myth recorded by Sahagún (1953, 8:4–11) situates this Venus episode in mythological time relating specifically to the chain of events leading up to the creation of the current world era. It tells of how the sun god Tonatiuh came into being from the cremation of Nanahuatzin and then took his place in the morning sky. Once there, however, Tonatiuh did not move, so the Morning Star god Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli dared to point his arrows toward the sun to force him to move. Instead, the sun god himself shot the Morning Star god with a dart in his forehead, sending him tumbling into the western sky. In the west, Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli became Itztlacoliuhqui (or Cetl), the Evening Star Venus god. After this, the gods present at the time of creation realized that they must perform auto-sacrifice initially to “feed” the sun god, but thereafter they created for humans the institutions of warfare, warriors, and the taking of captives for sacrifice in order to 246 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

1 Grass 2 Reed

13 Grass

1 Reed

13 Reed

1 Jaguar

11 Water

8 Flower

8 Crocodile

6 Movement

6 Flint

7 Rain

6 Rain

5 Movement

5 Flint

7 Flower

5 Vulture

4 Vulture

4 Movement

8 Rain

7 Flint

4 Eagle

3 Jaguar

2 Jaguar

3 Eagle

2 Eagle

3 Vulture

13 Monkey

12 Dog

11 Dog

12 Monkey

10 Rabbit

11 Monkey

10 Water

10 Dog

9 Deer

8 Death

7 Serpent

6 Lizard

5 House

12 Grass

8 Deer

9 Rabbit

8 Rabbit

7 Death

7 Deer

9 Water

6 Serpent

6 Death

4 Wind

4 House

5 Lizard

4 Lizard

5 Serpent

3 Crocodile

3 Wind

3 House

2 Flower

2 Crocodile

2 Wind

1 Rain

1 Flower

1 Crocodile

8 Flint

7 Movement

6 Vulture

5 Eagle

4 Jaguar

3 Reed

2 Grass

1 Monkey

13 Dog

12 Water

11 Rabbit

10 Deer

9 Death

8 Serpent

7 Lizard

6 House

5 Wind

4 Crocodile

3 Flower

2 Rain

1 Flint

8 Movement

7 Vulture

6 Eagle

5 Jaguar

4 Reed

3 Grass

2 Monkey

1 Dog

13 Water

12 Rabbit

11 Deer

10 Death

9 Serpent

8 Lizard

7 House

6 Wind

5 Crocodile

4 Flower

3 Rain

2 Flint

1 Movement

Table 7.7. The 260-day tonalpohualli calendar with the dates mentioned in the Anales de Cuauhtitlan passage highlighted

8 Vulture

7 Eagle

6 Jaguar

5 Reed

4 Grass

3 Monkey

2 Dog

1 Water

13 Rabbit

12 Deer

11 Death

10 Serpent

9 Lizard

8 House

7 Wind

6 Crocodile

5 Flower

4 Rain

3 Flint

2 Movement

1 Vulture

continued on next page

8 Eagle

7 Jaguar

6 Reed

5 Grass

4 Monkey

3 Dog

2 Water

1 Rabbit

13 Deer

12 Death

11 Serpent

10 Lizard

9 House

8 Wind

7 Crocodile

6 Flower

5 Rain

4 Flint

3 Movement

2 Vulture

1 Eagle

13 Serpent

1 Death

2 Deer

3 Rabbit

4 Water

5 Dog

6 Monkey

7 Grass

8 Reed

9 Jaguar

10 Eagle

11 Vulture

12 Movement

13 Flint

13 Death

1 Deer

2 Rabbit

3 Water

4 Dog

5 Monkey

6 Grass

7 Reed

8 Jaguar

9 Eagle

10 Vulture

11 Movement

12 Flint

13 Rain

11 Wind

11 House

12 Lizard

11 Lizard

12 Serpent

10 Crocodile

10 Wind

10 House

13 Movement

12 Vulture

11 Eagle

10 Jaguar

9 Reed

8 Grass

7 Monkey

6 Dog

5 Water

4 Rabbit

3 Deer

2 Death

1 Serpent

13 Lizard

12 House

9 Flower

9 Crocodile

9 Wind

1 Rain

1 Flower

1 Crocodile

Table 7.7—continued

13 Vulture

12 Eagle

11 Jaguar

10 Reed

9 Grass

8 Monkey

7 Dog

6 Water

5 Rabbit

4 Deer

3 Death

2 Serpent

1 Lizard

13 House

12 Wind

11 Crocodile

10 Flower

9 Rain

1 Flint

13 Eagle

12 Jaguar

11 Reed

10 Grass

9 Monkey

8 Dog

7 Water

6 Rabbit

5 Deer

4 Death

3 Serpent

2 Lizard

1 House

13 Wind

12 Crocodile

11 Flower

10 Rain

9 Flint

1 Movement

13 Jaguar

12 Reed

11 Grass

10 Monkey

9 Dog

8 Water

7 Rabbit

6 Deer

5 Death

4 Serpent

3 Lizard

2 House

1 Wind

13 Crocodile

12 Flower

11 Rain

10 Flint

9 Movement

1 Vulture

13 Flower

12 Rain

11 Flint

10 Movement

9 Vulture

1 Eagle

Figure 7.7. Dates of Venus’ heliacal rise from the Anales de Cuauhtitlan passage (Bierhorst 1992:36–37) marked on page 1 of the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer (1994). Drawing by Christine Hernández.

provide the sun with the blood and hearts required to give him the strength needed to move across the sky. The combat described between Venus and the Sun in the morning sky in this particular mythic episode explains in part why humans had to be militaristic and why they had to shed blood and sacrifice each other to keep the cosmological order balanced and in motion. Although the body of Maya mythology surrounding the origins of a Venus deity and the role of Venus in world creation is described much more elliptically in Maya sources, as we have shown it is a central theme in the Books of Chilam Balam of Chumayel and Tizimín (see Chapters 3 and 10). There seems to be no single Maya Venus deity; rather, various Maya gods may manifest as an aspect of Venus at particular times or in specific contexts.5 These deities are referred to as the Bolon Ti’ K’uh in the Books of Chilam Balam. References to Venus that appear in a number of stories relating to various episodes in the mythic chronology of Maya world creation are critical to decoding and understanding the subtleties of Venus iconography and texts in the Maya codices. In the Maya area, Venus appears at times in the creation chronology in relation to the crocodilian figure known by the names “Starry Deer Crocodile” (in Classic period contexts), Zipacna (in the Popol Vuh), and Itzam Kab Ayin (in the Books of Chilam Balam). As we discussed in Chapter 3, the primordial crocodilian is a key figure in mythic tales relating how the previous creation of the world was brought to an end with a flood. The crocodilian’s body was then used to form the earth for the present creation, and it represents the passageway used by the sun and other celestial bodies to emerge into the present world from the watery Underworld and ascend into the sky. The eyebrow above the eye of the left head of the Classic period bicephalic image of the Starry Deer Crocodile, which is also adorned with water vegetation and at times has streams of water pouring from its mouth, carries an ek’ glyph, which Stuart (2005:45) interprets as ‘star’ in this context but which could very well refer to Venus in the context of primordial creation. The opposite head is decorated with the k’in bowl that holds instruments for bloodletting, and in rare cases there are streams of blood pouring from the bowl.6 As a celestial body, Venus was presumably swallowed by this creature in the western sky at night and, like the sun, passed through the watery Underworld and out through the creature’s other side to rise at dawn ahead of the sun. Venus’ relationship with the primordial crocodilian emerges again in colonial accounts from the Books of Chilam Balam, this time in reference to a flood initiated by the crocodilian Itzam Kab Ayin (see Chapter 3). In the Chilam Balam of Tizimín, Itzam Kab Ayin ascends into the sky in K’atun 13 Ahaw to bring forth the deluge meant to destroy the previous creation. He is stopped by a deity called Bolon Ti’ K’uh, who is responsible for his decapitation. Itzam Kab Ayin’s body becomes the surface of the earth, which is painted with his blood. In a later episode related in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel, a flood occurs in the following k’atun, K’atun 11 Ahaw, as a result of the seed corn being taken by the deity Bolon Tz’akab (likely an aspect of K’awil) to the “thirteenth plane of the sky.” This leads to a flood that destroys the “coreless people,” who 250 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

were submerged “by waves and sand and waves of sea” (Chumayel 43.6–14; translation by Knowlton 2010:61).7 We believe, though it is not explicitly stated, that this narrative relates to the episode depicted in Classic period contexts in which the seed corn, previously hoarded along with other riches by the principal lord of the Underworld God L, is first released from the Underworld domain. The Chilam Balam text describes the flood as “one fetching of rain; one lancing of rain.” This phrase can be related to the scene depicted on D. 74, which forms the first frame of the LWT (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink159.html). It depicts two figures, Chak Chel and God L, and Itzam Kab Ayin with water streaming from his mouth (see Chapter 5). Chak Chel is shown pouring water from an overturned jar, which can be related linguistically to the “fetching” described in the Chumayel text (see Knowlton 2010:62), whereas God L is shown thrusting a long object interpreted by many to be a spear (see H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:443), which represents the “lancing.”8 God L is one of the Maya deities appearing in the Dresden Venus table as a warrior with a spear thrower. His appearance in both scenes may relate to his role as a Bakab (see discussion in Chapter 10), the deities described in the Chumayel manuscript as responsible for the destruction of the coreless people and, following this, for re-creating the world. We consider the significance of the LWT scene in a latter section of this chapter and discuss how it relates to the Venus table and other images of God L as a Venus god. In the Popol Vuh, the crocodilian Zipacna suffers a fate similar to Itzam Kab Ayin at the hands of the Hero Twins: Hunahpu and Xbalanque. Zipacna has a twin called Cabracan, who creates earthquakes. The Hero Twins bind Cabracan and throw him into the earth, where he becomes buried forever. Venus is not directly involved in this particular narrative, but a mural at the site of Mayapán pictures a bound crocodilian that has been speared with a dart thrown by a figure who has been interpreted as a possible Venus god (Stuart 2005:178–179). The image of a bound crocodilian has parallels to the creation story of Zipacna and Cabracan in the Popol Vuh.9 Following this event, the present world is created. Although not associated with a particular date in the colonial period texts, this key event corresponds with the date 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u (August 11, 3114 B.C.) in Classic period texts. Texts and iconography from a variety of media and contexts provide evidence of the series of episodes that were involved in this supreme act of creation (see Chapter 3). One of these episodes involved the ordering of the gods (and possibly the releasing of conflict/warfare) from an Underworld abode ruled by God L, which is also the place where the sun and Venus and perhaps other celestial bodies are thought to reside when they are not visible in the sky. The 1-coefficient day Hun Ahaw (1 Ahaw or 1 Lord) is the canonical starting day for the Venus table proper in the Dresden Codex. Its calendrical function is to designate the day predicted to correspond with the heliacal rise of Venus in the first of a series of five synodic cycles of the planet covered by the table. Hun Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 251

159

Ahaw is the day name of one of the Hero Twins in the mythology of the Popol Vuh (there called Hunahpu); together with his brother Xbalanque (called Yax Balam by the Yucatec Maya), he helps to bring the current world into being by defeating various monsters of the previous era, including Zipacna and Cabracan. The two also make the journey to the Underworld in order to defeat the lords of death, which allows maize and other agricultural riches to be released from the Underworld and be used to create the current race of people and the means to feed them.10 Their final act is to ascend into the sky to become the sun and the moon.11 Dennis Tedlock (1996:207) suggests that the tzolk’in dates and five-page structure of the Dresden Venus table can be mapped onto the series of adventures of the Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh as they play the ball game with the lords of the Underworld, are sacrificed afterward, and are then resurrected. Hun Ahaw is named and depicted in relation to the heliacal rise of Venus in the Dresden table. In the Popol Vuh, Venus is mentioned explicitly only after the creation of the world and people. The heliacal rise of the planet is described as the harbinger of the anticipated first sunrise looked for by the first people, the K’iche’ ancestors, in order to “give light at the birth of the sun” after the creation of the current world. Heart and blood sacrifices were required by their patron deity, Tohil, as payment for receiving fire and to give thanks in anticipation of the next gift, which is the dawning of the sun (Christenson 2007:204–206).

160

Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table Preface Earlier in the chapter, we explained that the calendrical function of the preface to the Venus table is to link the dates of the table proper to a longer calendrical cycle, namely, the Maya Long Count. As we explain below, the preface performs a similar function with regard to the series of Venus events referred to by the table’s pictures and texts. The preface text on D. 24 references the journey of five deities who are described as One Sky Place Lords and are responsible for overseeing the enactment of events depicted in the pictures contained in the Venus table proper. These five deities (discussed more fully below) include Kan Pawahtun (top right of D. 48), Na’ Uh Ahaw, the moon goddess (top right of D. 49); Hun Ahaw (top right of D. 50); Pawah Ayin, a conflation of Pawahtun and the earth crocodilian (top right of D. 46); and Kimil (top right of D. 47). The preface text places the events depicted and described in the table itself within the context of creation mythology. As in all Maya astronomical tables, dates are calculated from the start of the bak’tun cycle of the Long Count beginning on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u, or August 11, 3114 B.C. This date appears to be represented at the top of the third column of text, although it is partially eroded; all that remains is part of the 8 Kumk’u haab date (Figure 7.8) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink160.html). Unfortunately, the date at the top of 252 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.8. Annotated portions of the Venus table preface. After Förstemann (1880).

the first two paired columns of text is almost completely effaced.12 Associated with this eroded date in columns 1–2, the text tells us that “the footsteps of the Venus gods? stopped” (wa’alah k’uhul? chak ek’ ). It goes on to record a ritual act that was performed in relation to Venus, or ‘the Great Star,’ in the east by each of the five One Sky Place Lords named above. The act referred to in the text is described by the verb that is commonly read by epigraphers as k’al, meaning ‘to bind, to enclose’ (Stuart 1996). If this is the intended meaning, it suggests a metaphorical act of protection, similar to real-time rituals performed by humans to protect their communities from Venus’ heliacal rise at a time when it was considered to be especially dangerous. There is, however, an alternate interpretation, based on another meaning of k’al: ‘to arm; to prepare for war’ (Bolles 2001). Based on this reading, the act becomes the “arming of the Great Star in the east” Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 253

by the One Sky Place Lords (see also H. Bricker and V. Bricker [2011:197–198], who propose a similar reading). We believe that this military interpretation fits the context of the Venus table especially well, given the appearance of Venus as a warrior figure in the middle register on each page of the table and the correspondence of the Maya Venus warriors to Quetzalcoatl, who is described in the Anales de Cuauhtitlan as creating darts for himself while he is in the Underworld prior to his resurrection as a warrior aspect of Venus with his weapons at the ready. The use of a phrase such as wa’alah yook, paired with a deity name (“God __’s footsteps stopped”), invokes the image of a journey along a road to mark the passage of time from the very beginning; the stopping point on that journey denotes a significant moment in the series of episodes associated with creation. In other almanacs that were discussed previously (see Chapters 4–6), such a phrase is used to suggest a ritual performance, during which a deity would stop at a particular location to undertake a specified ritual action and make a prophecy. The act of stopping signifies a critical moment in a foundation ritual that links the mythic past with the reenactment of similar events in the present. In the case of the Dresden Venus table, this refers to the movement of the planet Venus (appearing as a star in the sky) in real time as it journeys across the skies, appearing and disappearing, tracing distinct paths, over eight-year intervals. It is reenacting its role in the stories of creation each time it passes through one of its twenty stations on this journey. We learn in the preface text that Venus is armed by the series of five lords discussed previously, who are named the One Sky Place Lords: Kan Pawahtun, Na’ Uh, Hun Ahaw, Pawah Ayin, and Kimil. These same five deities have counterparts in colonial period creation narratives as well. Pawah Ayin may correspond to Itzam Kab Ayin from the Books of Chilam Balam, whose body, through a sacrificial act (see previous discussion), became the surface of the earth.13 Pawah Ayin may likewise be associated with the earth monster Zipacna, who was slain by the Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh, whereas Kimil represents the lord of the Underworld who challenged the Hero Twins in the fateful ball game in Xibalba. Points of correspondence between the two accounts suggest that the episodes described in the Chilam Balam and the Popol Vuh are different variants of the same basic story. This destructive event, which precedes the creation of a new world and new race of human beings, is referred to in the preface text following the reference to the five deities who arm Venus. This section of the text warns of the dangers associated with Venus in its initial eastern appearance in the morning sky in a fashion similar to the passage from the Anales de Cuauhtitlan discussed above. Specifically, we are told: u mu’uk kab u mu’uk u ch’een u mu’uk? winik

254 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

This may be translated in one of two ways: The earth is buried.14 The cave is buried.15 The people are buried. or Evil omens for the earth-cave, or place of foundation. Evil omens for the people.

We prefer the first of the two suggested translations of the text because it refers, we believe, to the mythological time before humans were created, when the materials necessary for creating life were buried within a mountain (called Paxil in the Popol Vuh and referred to as Sustenance Mountain in central Mexican sources). These conditions, then, set the stage for the creation of the first humans. In the Mexican sources, it is Quetzalcoatl—an aspect of Venus—who is responsible for rescuing the materials needed for human life from the Underworld. It is our contention that the text in the Venus preface, although highly abbreviated, references this whole sequence of events. By invoking the distant past, the influence of Venus’ appearance at this time becomes far reaching. The text continues with a negative prophecy for this time period: xul? k’in end of the sun/days xul? haab end of years

We interpret this as referring to the destruction of the previous era before the new dawning. This section of the text then concludes with a reference to the deity responsible for this state of affairs: hun ka’anal ahaw taak [or ahaw tzul?] 1 sky place lords [or the dog? lord]16

We interpret One Sky as referring to the place where the Morning Star aspect of Venus, followed by the sun, rose in the sky on the first dawn, as recorded in the Popol Vuh (Christenson 2007:228–229). It should be noted that the use of ‘1’ to describe this sacred location related to the “birth” of Venus is likely the reason for the canonical use of 1 Ahaw and 1 Crocodile dates to begin Maya and Mexican Venus instruments and for the naming of 1-coefficient days and associating them with negative auguries in relation to Venus in the Anales de Cuauhtitlan passage.17 The five gods pictured in the upper register of the table and named in the text cited above each preside in turn at the place where Venus is armed and prophecy decreed. This is the station in the sky (One Sky Place) where Venus makes its initial appearance Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 255

161

162

above the eastern horizon during its eight-year journey. Venus arrives at its MFIRST station symbolizing the Venus god armed as a warrior, and at this station he performs (or reenacts) his initial act at the beginning of time, which involved shooting a dart at the newborn sun to encourage it to move across the sky. This is referenced in the third column of text in the preface, which refers to the ook ‘footsteps’ of two of the five deities portrayed as Venus “warriors” in the middle picture on each page of the table proper (Figure 7.8)—God L (on D. 46) and Lahun Chan (on D. 47) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink161.html). Why only the first two of these warrior gods are named and the following three deities are not mentioned has long remained unclear. It could be an example of scribal abbreviation, a feature that occurs commonly in the Maya codical texts (V. Bricker and Vail 1997). Part of the reason may be that the three omitted names are each those of deities of central Mexican rather than Maya origin (see discussion below). Another explanation relates to the fact that the text may be correlated with a passage from the Chilam Balam of Chumayel that discusses the Bakabs settling the land after the great flood that destroyed the previous creation. Of the five warrior figures pictured, only God L and Lahun Chan (10 Sky) may be identified specifically with the Bakabs (see discussion in Thompson 1972:67). What is being highlighted by the reference to their footsteps, therefore, is the role that each played in establishing the new creation as enacters of the decrees made by the One Sky Place Lords. In Postclassic lore, after the flood, the creator god(s) sent four Bakabs to travel to the four corners of the world (cardinal directions), where they would lift the sky out of the floodwaters and back up into the heavens on the canopies of Imix trees (see Chapter 3). A fifth tree was established in the center place of the world to serve as a memorial to the world’s destruction (Chumayel 43.16–17, cited in Knowlton 2010:65). The preface text concludes with a reference to each of the five speared victims of Venus (Figure 7.8) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPC​ link162.html). As the Anales de Cuauhtitlan passage makes clear, the expected result of Venus’ spearing action is the casting of ill fortune. The victims are listed in the same order as they appear in the table—the god of lightning and sustenance K’awil; the jaguar chak balam; the maize god Nal; a figure referred to as na’ak, the ‘rising one’; and a figure described in the text on D. 50 as the ‘foreigner from the west’ (tz’ul chik’in). Their names in the preface are preceded by a logograph that has a proposed value of yah, meaning ‘damage to’, ‘woe to’, or ‘harm’ (Schele and Grube 1997:143; Thompson 1972:64). To summarize, the preface text of the Dresden Venus table tells how five gods armed Venus in preparation for five separate heliacal rise points on his primordial journey through the night sky. This was associated with a flood or other destructive act that led to the submerging of the earth-cave and the previous race of people, as well as the end of the previous Sun or era. These events can be attributed to the One Sky Place Lords, whom we believe to be the five deities named in the 256 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

preface text and pictured seated on skybands in the upper register of the table proper. The footsteps, or journey, of Venus are described in conjunction with the day 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u, and with God L and Lahun Chan named as chak ek’, the ‘great star’. Following this are the names of the five victims of Venus’ harmful darts. The link between Venus and the mythic past is made explicit in the preface because the heliacal rise (or MFIRST) station of the planet is the focus of the table and because it is at heliacal rise at the time of world creation that Venus plays its most significant role—as harbinger of the sunrise; provocateur of the sun; and cause of the warring, captive-taking, and human sacrifice needed to keep the sun nourished and moving across the sky. As we see in the Dresden Venus table, this episode continues to be reenacted in the predawn sky every 584 days.

Cosmological Significance of Heliacal Rise in the Venus Table Proper Dating the Pictures and Captions

An inspection of the Dresden Venus table on pages 46 through 50 of the codex reveals how the scribe segmented the calendrical, hieroglyphic, and iconographic information into two vertical sections (Figure 7.9). On the left side of the pages are calendrics and text that refer to Maya deities who interact with or portray Venus performing a series of similar actions that are directionally and chronologically defined. On the right side of the five pages, we see the graphic representation in three separate registers of the five presiding deities, the Venus warriors, and speared victims mentioned on the preface page. That the warrior god and speared victim iconography of the Dresden table refers to the heliacal rise of Venus is strongly suggested by cognate examples in the Borgia Group codices and Mexican mythology (see previous discussion), and this association is confirmed by an analysis of the hieroglyphic captions in the Dresden table, which places these events in the east. Before we discuss the mythological significance of the iconography and captions, we begin by considering the dating of the table and how this relates to the pictures and texts. Harvey and Victoria Bricker (2007, 2011:chap. 8) argue that the Dresden Venus table was indeed used as a warning table for predicting the four synodic stations of Venus. Information contained within the table itself and in its preface on page 24 suggests that the extant table seen in the codex is an instrument revised from at least three earlier versions dating back to the Terminal Classic period (A.D. 800–1100). The earliest functioning version copied into the current table begins with the Calendar Round date 1 Ahaw 18 K’ayab, corresponding to November 23, A.D. 934. The dates for reckoning this and later historical versions are given explicitly in the preface and derived indirectly by using combinations of multiples added to a base date. The 1 Ahaw 18 K’ayab date precedes Venus’ true heliacal rise by two days; thereafter, the tzolk’in date 1 Ahaw is used as the canonical starting date for later versions of the table (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2007:106). We suggest that the choice of 1 Ahaw as the canonical starting date for the Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 257

Figure 7.9. Dresden Venus table proper divided into left and right sides. After Förstemann (1880).

Table 7.8. Starting dates and Gregorian equivalents for the four historical versions of the Dresden Venus table proposed by the Brickers Starting date in the Maya Long Count

Starting date in Maya calendar round

Gregorian (A.D.)

10.5.6.4.0

1 Ahaw 18 K’ayab

Nov. 23, 934

10.9.18.12.0

1 Ahaw 18 Wo

Jan. 5, 1026

10.14.17.11.0

1 Ahaw 13 Mak

July 16, 1123

10.19.16.10.0

1 Ahaw 3 Xul

Jan. 22, 1221

Source: H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2007:table 3.3).

table has an ideological importance related to the role Venus plays as a harbinger of the first dawn by the transformation of Hun Ahaw into the daytime sun (K’in Ahaw) after the creation of the world (see Chapter 3). Furthermore, the Brickers have also shown that four historical versions of table can be derived in this manner using the original 1 Ahaw 18 K’ayab base date (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2007). Table 7.8 lists the starting dates they propose for each of the four historical versions of the Dresden Venus table. Three of those versions are recorded in the extant table to predict the real-time movements of Venus beginning in the Terminal Classic and continuing into the Postclassic period. The starting dates of these recorded versions, or “runs,” from earliest to most recent, are 1 Ahaw 18 K’ayab (November 23, A.D. 934) (see http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink163.html), 1 Ahaw 13 Mak ( July 16, A.D. 1123) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink164 .html), and 1 Ahaw 3 Xul ( January 22, A.D. 1221) (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink165.html). Based on a study of the recession of the table against the haab and patterns of correction to the table’s predictive calendrics, H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2007) suggest that the most current working version was the one beginning with the 1 Ahaw 3 Xul starting date (see H. Bricker and V. Bricker [2011:188, table 8.5] for a more comprehensive discussion of the dating and calendrical workings of the Venus table). The calendrics and hieroglyphic texts for each of the three historical versions are recorded in separate sections of the extant table that run horizontally across pages 46–50; they are aligned with the columns of tzolk’in dates at the top, cumulative totals in the middle, and intervals at the bottom (Figure 7.10) (see Appendix 7.1 for a comprehensive explanation). The section pertaining to the earliest version, beginning with 1 Ahaw 18 K’ayab, is located toward the bottom of the five pages and is designated Section 1 (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink166.html). Section 1 contains a row of haab dates, each with a corresponding column of hieroglyphic text below (Table 7.9). The second section, which is higher up on the pages (named Section 2), Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 259

163

164

165

166

Figure 7.10. Sections of the left side of the Venus table proper. After Förstemann (1880).

167

pertains to the more recent version of the table beginning with the date 1 Ahaw 13 Mak (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink167.html). Like Section 1, it too contains a row of haab dates, each with a corresponding column of hieroglyphic text below (Table 7.10). One would expect, based on the pattern established in Sections 1 and 2 for the previous versions of the table, that the most current version—beginning with 1 Ahaw 3 Xul—would have the same structure. The row of haab dates for the 1 Ahaw 3 Xul run does appear at the bottom of Section 1, but instead of columns of abbreviated hieroglyphic texts for all twenty of the Venus station dates, we see instead the interval numbers for the four Venus stations (Table 7.11). The only hieroglyphic texts and illustrations pertinent to the 3 Xul run appear on the right side of pages 46–50 (Figure 7.11). In comparison to the abbreviated captions of the two earlier runs, we observe the following about the right side of these five pages: (1) the text captions and pictures refer to only one Venus station, MFIRST, and not to all four; (2) the MFIRST information is greatly expanded to include 260 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.11. Relationship between rows of haab dates and hieroglyphic captions in the Venus table proper. After Förstemann (1880).

East

Pawah Ayin

Great Star Venus

236

Direction

Venus deity

Title

Station interval (days)

K’an

2 Muwan

‘Feeds’

East

Kan Pawahtun

Great Star Venus

236

13 rows of tzolk’in dates

Haab dates 18 K’ayab

Action

Direction

Venus deity

Title

Station interval (days)

MLAST

‘Feeds’

Action

Row #

9 Sak

Haab dates 18 K’ayab

MLAST

Kib

Row #

13 rows of tzolk’in dates

90

Great Star Venus

K’in Ahaw

North

‘Feeds’

7 Pop

Ix

ELAST

250

Great Star Venus

Sina’an

West

‘Feeds’

4 Yax

Kib

250

Great Star Venus

Wak Yich Ahaw

West

‘Feeds’

17 Mak

K’an

ELAST

Dresden 48 EFIRST

90

Great Star Venus

Ulum

North

‘Feeds’

19 Muwan

Kimi

EFIRST

Dresden 46 MFIRST

MFIRST

8

Great Star Venus

Ak’ab Ahaw

South

‘Feeds’

5 K’ank’in

Eb

8

Great Star Venus

Chak ??

South

‘Feeds’

12 Yax

K’an

MLAST

236

Great Star Venus

Na’ Uh Ahaw

East

‘Feeds’

16 Yaxk’in

Lamat

MLAST

236

Great Star Venus

Kimil

East

‘Feeds’

3 Sotz’

Ahaw

90

Great Star Venus

??

North

‘Feeds’

6 Keh

ELAST

250

Great Star Venus

Ah Kam?

West

‘Feeds’

19 Wo

Ahaw

250

Great Star Venus

Kimil

West

‘Feeds’

11 Xul

Lamat

ELAST

Dresden 49 EFIRST Etz’nab

90

Great Star Venus

??

North

‘Feeds’

13 Mol

Ok

EFIRST

Dresden 47

MFIRST

8

Great Star Venus

K’awil

South

‘Feeds’

19 Xul

Kib

8

Great Star Venus

Oxlahun Ka’anal

South

‘Feeds’

6 Sip

Lamat

MFIRST

Table 7.9. Relationship of tzolk’in dates, haab dates, hieroglyphic captions, and additional calendrics to the Venus stations of the 18 K’ayab run (MFIRST columns shaded to illustrate the shift of text from dates)

90

East

Hun Ahaw

Great Star Venus

236

Direction

Venus deity

Title

* With column 1 on D. 46

Station interval (days)

Great Star Venus

‘Feeds’

Action Nal

North

‘Feeds’

0 Tzek

15 Kumk’u

EFIRST Ik’

Haab dates 18 K’ayab

MLAST

Eb

13 rows of tzolk’in dates

Row #

ELAST

250

Great Star Venus

God L

West

‘Feeds’

10 K’ayab

Eb

Dresden 50 MFIRST

8

Great Star Venus

Wuk Sip?

South

‘Feeds’

18 K’ayab*

Ahaw

Kimi

K’in Ahaw

Great Star Venus

236

Venus deity

Title

Cumulative total (days)

‘Arms’

North

Action

Direction

326

Great Star Venus

Wak Yich?

West

‘Arms’

Ix

7 Muwan

K’an

17 Yax

13 rows of tzolk’in dates

Kib

576

Great Star Venus

Chak ??

South

‘Arms’

19 Tzek

576

Great Star Venus

Ak’ab Ahaw

South

‘Arms’

12 Ch’en

K’an

ELAST

Dresden 48 EFIRST

326

Great Star Venus

Sina’an

West

‘Arms’

14 Sak

ELAST

Dresden 46 EFIRST

Haab dates 13 Mak run

MLAST

236

Cumulative total (days)

Row #

Ulum

Great Star Venus

North

Direction

Venus deity

‘Arms’

Action

Title

Kib

4 Yaxk’in

13 rows of tzolk’in dates

MLAST

Haab dates 13 Mak run

Row #

584

Great Star Venus

Na’ Uh Ahaw

East

‘Arms’

0 Yax

Eb

MFIRST

584

Great Star Venus

Kimil

East

‘Arms’

7 Xul

K’an

MFIRST

MLAST

820

Great Star Venus

??

North

‘Arms’

11 Sip

Lamat

820

Great Star Venus

??

North

‘Arms’

3 Kumk’u

Ahaw

MLAST

910

Great Star Venus

Kimil

West

‘Arms’

1 Mol

1160

Great Star Venus

K’awil

South

‘Arms’

6 Wo

Lamat

ELAST

Dresden 49

1160

Great Star Venus

Oxlahun Ka’anal

South

‘Arms’

18 Pax

Ahaw

ELAST

Dresden 47

EFIRST Etz’nab

910

Great Star Venus

Ah Kam?

West

‘Arms’

8 Sotz’

Ok

EFIRST

1168

Great Star Venus

Hun Ahaw

East

‘Arms’

14 Wo

Kib

MFIRST

1168

Great Star Venus

Kan Pawahtun

East

‘Arms’

6 K’ayab

Lamat

MFIRST

Table 7.10. Relationship of tzolk’in dates, haab dates, hieroglyphic captions, and additional calendrics to the Venus stations of the 13 Mak run (columns shaded to illustrate the position of MFIRST information relative to the other three stations)

Nal

Great Star Venus

2572

Venus deity

Title

Cumulative total (days)

2662

Great Star Venus

God L

West

‘Arms’

‘Arms’

North

Action

Direction

0 Wayeb

10 K’ank’in

EFIRST

Ik’

Haab dates 13 Mak run

MLAST

Eb

13 rows of tzolk’in dates

Row #

2912

Great Star Venus

Wuk Sip?

South

‘Arms’

5 Mak

Eb

ELAST

Dresden 50 MFIRST

2920

Great Star Venus

Pawah Ayin

East

‘Arms’

13 Mak

Ahaw

Figure 7.12. The elements of the Dresden Venus table corresponding to the 3 Xul run. After Förstemann (1880).

auguries and pictures; and (3) although we do not have expanded information for all four stations, we can assume from what appears on the right sides of D. 46–50 that all twenty of Venus’ stations involved at least two deities and a third scene portraying the prognosticated results of Venus’ movements. Figure 7.12 illustrates the information from the extant table that pertains to the 3 Xul run. It shows the columns of tzolk’in and corresponding haab dates below and the pictures and expanded captions referring to the MFIRST station of Venus. Figure 7.12 also reveals that the Dresden scribe adopted the same layout for the 3 Xul run of the table as was used for the 13 Mak version by placing the hieroglyphic texts and additional illustrations relevant to the MFIRST station on the same page directly next to the pertinent tzolk’in and haab dates. There is no shift across the pages between the predicted date of the station and the hieroglyphic caption assigned to it, as was the case for the 18 K’ayab run recorded in Section 1 (Appendix 7.1). The result is that each set of pictures and captions on the right side of pages 46 –50 refers to the haab dates of MFIRST at the bottom of the fourth columns in the 3 Xul run (3 Xul, 2 K’ayab, 16 Ch’en, 10 Wo, and 9 Mak, respectively). In the discussion of the expanded texts and iconography on the right side of the Venus table that follows, we propose that the pictures and the accompanying hieroglyphic captions are aligned specifically with the calendrics of the 3 Xul run and not the earlier versions of the extant table found in Sections 1 and 2. Table 7.12 outlines the 266 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

7 Sip

0 Yaxk’in

Haab dates 3 Xul

EFIRST 10 Sak

Ik’

MLAST

Eb

Kimil

??

13 rows of tzolk’in dates

Row #

Venus deity

14 Pax

2 Wo

K’an

ELAST

Oxlahun Ka’anal

15 Tzek

Eb

ELAST

K’awil

Dresden 50

Ix 17 Yaxk’in

K’an

13 rows of tzolk’in dates

EFIRST

Ah Kan?

ELAST Kib

Dresden 48

Haab dates 3 Xul

??

Venus deity

4 Sotz’

MLAST

19 K’ayab

Haab dates 3 Xul

Kimi

Wuk Sip

Dresden 46 EFIRST

God L

Row #

MLAST

Kib

13 rows of tzolk’in dates

Nal

Row #

Venus deity

3 Xul

Ahaw

MFIRST

Hun Ahaw

10 Wo

Eb

MFIRST

Kan Pawahtun

2 K’ayab

K’an

MFIRST

Pawah Ayin

6 K’ank’in

Lamat

MLAST

K’in Ahaw

13 Yax

Ahaw

MLAST

Ulum

EFIRST

Wak Yich

16 Kumk’u

Etz’nab

8 Ch’en

Ahaw

ELAST

Chak ??

1 Mak

Lamat

ELAST

Ak’ab Ahaw

Dresden 49

3 Muwan

Ok

EFIRST

Sina’an

Dresden 47

9 Mak

Kib

MFIRST

Na’ Uh

16 Ch’en

Lamat

MFIRST

Kimil

Table 7.11. The relationship of tzolk’in dates and haab dates to the Venus stations of the 3 Xul run (columns shaded to illustrate the position of MFIRST information relative to the other three stations)

Figure 7.13. The five distinctive paths traced out by Venus against the background stars during its Morning Star and Evening Star aspects. Adapted from Aveni (2001:figs. 35, 81). Drawing by Christine Hernández.

three registers of iconography found on the right sides of D. 46–50. Table 7.13 indicates how the dates of Venus’ heliacal rise, based on the 3 Xul run, are associated with the iconography. Beginning with page 50, tzolk’in dates falling on Ahaw correspond with days of heliacal rise in January and link this time of year to a picture of a warrior speared by Kakatunal. Page 46 records K’an tzolk’in dates corresponding with days of heliacal rise in August and links them to a picture of K’awil speared by God L. Page 47 aligns Lamat tzolk’in dates corresponding with days of heliacal rise in March and early April with a picture of a jaguar referred to in the text as chak balam, who has been speared by Lahun Chan. Page 48 concerns Eb dates corresponding with days of heliacal rise in October and early November and links them to a picture of the maize god Nal; he 268 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

46

Pawah Ayin figure seated cross-legged on a folded skyband ending with the head of K’awil. The figure holds a red-painted vase with a sky-cross motif.

God L in bent knee pose with raised arm holding a spear thrower and the other holding a shield.

Speared K’awil

Dresden page

Iconography of upper right compartment

Iconography of middle right compartment

Iconography of lower right compartment

Speared Nal

Speared turtle

Chak Xiwitei, the Maya version of Xiuhtecuhtli, on bent knee holding a spear thrower and darts.

Tawisikal, the Maya counterpart of Tlahuiz­ calpantecuhtli, down on bent knee holding a spear thrower and darts.

Lahun Chan in a bent knee pose holding a spear thrower and darts.

Speared jaguar

Moon goddess Na’ Uh wearing a headdress sitting cross-legged on a skyband throne holding a vase filled with flowering vegetation.

Kan Pawahtun figure wearing a headdress of sprouting maize seed seated crosslegged on a rooftop. He holds a red-painted object with foaming substance.

Kimil wearing a headdress common to Underworld figures. He sits cross-legged on a skyband throne holding a blue-painted vase with foaming substance.

49

48

47

Table 7.12. Description of the iconography of the right side pictures on D. 46–50

Warrior speared through the shield

Kakatunal, the Maya version of Itztlacoliuhqui, in bent knee pose with spear thrower and darts.

Hun Ahaw with a skeletal costume seated cross-legged on a skyband throne gesturing to Nal holding a red-painted vase.

50

is speared by a figure named Tawisikal, who corresponds to the Mexican Venus god Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli. Finally, page 49 concerns Kib dates and aligns them with days of heliacal rise in late May and June and with a picture of an anthropomorphic turtle speared by the Mexican fire god Xiuhtecuhtli. The dating of all three versions of the Dresden Venus table (as summarized by H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2007:table 3.3) reveals a calendrical pattern associated with Venus MFIRST stations and the possible meanings of the associated iconography (Tables 7.13–7.15). When all of the dates for the twenty stations of Venus are calculated for the table proper, we observe that there is a clear seasonal pattern to heliacal rise events (and the same would be true of the other three stations of Venus’ synodic cycle as well). As we elaborate below, this may also be an important component in understanding the iconography of the Venus warriors and their speared victims depicted in the middle and lower register pictures. Each time Venus moves through its MFIRST station in a continuous series of five synodic cycles, it traces out five distinctive paths against the background stars (Aveni 2001:83; Figure 7.13). Each of these paths is seasonally specific; that is to say, if Venus moves out of inferior conjunction and rises as a Morning Star in late January, it is going to trace out a path like the one labeled Pattern 1 in Figure 7.13. In Venus’ next synodic cycle, it will rise as a Morning Star again approximately 584 days later in the month of August and will trace out a pattern like the one labeled Pattern 2 in Figure 7.13. Patterns 1 through 5 are therefore tied to the tropical year since the apparent motion of Venus across the sky for an earth-bound observer is essentially related to the changing positions of both Venus and the Earth in their respective orbits around the sun. These same five paths are also traced out by Venus when it is an Evening Star, but within a single synodic cycle the patterns traced are not the same, because Venus will be a Morning Star at a different time of year from when it is in its Evening Star aspect. In fact, the pattern traced by the Evening Star will be the pattern that is two patterns forward in the Morning Star sequence (e.g., if Morning Star Venus is tracing out Pattern 1, then the following Evening Star Venus will trace out Pattern 4). The fact that Venus traces five patterns as a Morning Star at distinct times of the year and that the Venus table proper has five pages suggest that certain elements of the 3 Xul iconography are likely to have seasonal associations. The texts and iconography of the table bring meaning to real-time events by couching them in relation to the mythic past, but for the table to work as a prophetic instrument, it must have some connection to the real world. It does so by forecasting four observable stations of Venus’ visibility in the sky and using those stations as occasions to make prognostications for real-time events of importance to its ancient users. We suggest that it is the warrior figure and speared victim that make reference to the time of year when Venus would first appear as a Morning Star and “vent his anger.” In one sense, therefore, the speared figure represents a seasonal event or activity that has an evil influence or bad fortune cast upon it when Venus rises as a Morning Star, just as Seler suggested long ago. But the speared 270 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Ahaw

Hun Ahaw with a skeletal costume seated cross-legged on a skyband throne gesturing to Nal holding a red-painted vase.

Kakatunal, the Maya version of Itztlacoliuhqui, in bent knee pose with spear thrower and darts.

Warrior speared through the shield Jan. 22, 1221 Jan. 20, 1229 Jan. 18, 1237 Jan. 16, 1245 Jan. 14, 1253 Jan. 12, 1261 Jan. 10, 1269 Jan. 8, 1277 Jan. 6, 1285 Jan. 4, 1293 Jan. 3, 1301 Jan. 1, 1309 Dec. 30, 1316

Iconography of upper compartment

Iconography of middle compartment

Iconography of lower compartment Seasonal distribution of Venus heliacal rise dates for the years A.D. 1221–1323 Xul run (adapted from Vail and Hernández 2011)

50

Tzolk’in day associated with MFIRST dates

Dresden page

Apr. 4, 1224 Apr. 2, 1232 Mar. 31, 1240 Mar. 29, 1248 Mar. 27, 1256 Mar. 25, 1264 Mar. 23, 1272 Mar. 21, 1280 Mar. 19, 1288 Mar. 17, 1296 Mar. 16, 1304 Mar. 14, 1312 Mar. 12, 1320

Aug. 29, 1222 Aug. 27, 1230 Aug. 25, 1238 Aug. 23, 1246 Aug. 21, 1254 Aug. 19, 1262 Aug. 17, 1270 Aug. 15, 1278 Aug. 13, 1286 Aug. 11, 1294 Aug. 10, 1302 Aug. 8, 1310 Aug. 6, 1318

Nov. 9, 1225 Nov. 7, 1233 Nov. 5, 1241 Nov. 3, 1249 Nov. 1, 1257 Oct. 30, 1265 Oct. 28, 1273 Oct. 26, 1281 Oct. 24, 1289 Oct. 22, 1297 Oct. 21, 1305 Oct. 19, 1313 Oct. 17, 1321

Speared Nal

June 16, 1227 June 14, 1235 June 12, 1243 June 10, 1251 June 8, 1259 June 6, 1267 June 4, 1275 June 2, 1283 May 31, 1291 May 29, 1299 May 28, 1307 May 26, 1315 May 24, 1323

Speared turtle

Chak Xiwitei, the Maya version of Xiuhtecuhtli, on bent knee holding a spear thrower and darts.

Tawisikal, the Maya counterpart of Tlahuizcal­ pantecuhtli, down on bent knee holding a spear thrower and darts.

Lahun Chan in a bent knee pose holding a spear thrower and darts.

God L in bent knee pose with raised arm holding a spear thrower and the other holding a shield. Speared jaguar

Moon goddess Na’ Uh wearing a headdress sitting cross-legged on a skyband throne holding a vase filled with flowering vegetation.

Kan Pawahtun figure wearing a headdress of sprouting maize seed seated cross-legged on a rooftop. He holds a red-painted object with foaming substance.

Kimil wearing a headdress common to Underworld figures. He sits cross-legged on a skyband throne holding a blue-painted vase w/ foaming substance.

Pawah Ayin figure seated cross-leg on a folded skyband ending with the head of K’awil. The figure holds a redpainted vase with a sky-cross motif.

Speared K’awil

Kib

49

Eb

48

Lamat

47

K’an

46

Table 7.13. Calendrical reckoning of the 3 Xul run and its relationship to the iconography of the Venus table proper

June 29, 936 June 27, 944 June 25, 952 June 23, 960 June 21, 968 June 19, 976 June 17, 984 June 15, 992 June 14, 1000 June 12, 1008 June 10, 1016 June 8, 1024 June 6, 1032

Nov. 23, 934 Nov. 21, 942 Nov. 19, 950 Nov. 17, 958 Nov. 15, 966 Nov. 13, 974 Nov. 11, 982 Nov. 9, 990 Nov. 7, 998 Nov. 6, 1006 Nov. 4, 1014 Nov. 2, 1022 Oct. 31, 1030

Kimil

Seasonal distribution of Venus heliacal rise dates for the years A.D. 934–1037 18 K’ayab run (adapted from Vail and Hernández 2011)

46

Pawah Ayin

K’an

Upper compartment deity mentioned in text

50 Ahaw

Tzolk’in day associated with MFIRST dates

Dresden page

47

Jan. 11, 1034

Jan. 13, 1026

Jan. 15, 1018

Jan. 17, 1010

Jan. 19, 1002

Jan. 20, 994

Jan. 22, 986

Jan. 24, 978

Jan. 26, 970

Jan. 28, 962

Jan. 30, 954

Feb. 1, 946

Feb. 3, 938

Kan Pawahtun

Lamat

48

Aug. 18, 1035

Aug. 20, 1027

Aug. 22, 1019

Aug. 24, 1011

Aug. 26, 1003

Aug. 27, 995

Aug. 29, 987

Aug. 31, 979

Sept. 2, 971

Sept. 4, 963

Sept. 6, 955

Sept. 8, 947

Sept. 10, 939

Na’ Uh

Eb

Table 7.14. Calendrical reckoning of the 18 K’ayab run and its relationship to the tzolk’in days and upper register gods in the Venus table proper 49

Mar. 24, 1037

Mar. 26, 1029

Mar. 28, 1021

Mar. 30, 1013

Apr. 1, 1005

Apr. 2, 997

Apr. 4, 989

Apr. 6, 981

Apr. 8, 973

Apr. 10, 965

Apr. 12, 957

Apr. 14, 949

Apr. 16, 941

Hun Ahaw/Nal

Kib

Kimil Feb. 19, 1125 Feb. 17, 1133 Feb. 15, 1141 Feb. 13, 1149 Feb. 11, 1157 Feb. 9, 1165 Feb. 7, 1173 Feb. 5, 1181 Feb. 3, 1189 Feb. 1, 1197 Jan. 30, 1205 Jan. 28, 1213 Jan. 26, 1221

Pawah Ayin July 16, 1123 July 14, 1131 July 12, 1139 July 10, 1147 July 8, 1155 July 6, 1163 July 4, 1171 July 2, 1179 June 30, 1187 June 28, 1195 June 26, 1203 June 24, 1211 June 22, 1219

Seasonal distribution of Venus heliacal rise dates for the years A.D. 1123–1225 Mak run (adapted from Vail and Hernández 2011)

K’an

Ahaw

46

Upper compartment deity mentioned in text

50

Tzolk’in day associated with MFIRST dates

Page

Sept. 2, 1222

Sept. 4, 1214

Sept. 6, 1206

Sept. 8, 1198

Sept. 10, 1190

Sept. 12, 1182

Sept. 14, 1174

Sept. 16, 1166

Sept. 18, 1158

Sept. 20, 1150

Sept. 22, 1142

Sept. 24, 1134

Sept. 26, 1126

Kan Pawahtun

Lamat

47

Apr. 8, 1224

Apr. 10, 1216

Apr. 12, 1208

Apr. 14, 1200

Apr. 16, 1192

Apr. 18, 1184

Apr. 20, 1176

Apr. 22, 1168

Apr. 24, 1160

Apr. 26, 1152

Apr. 28, 1144

Apr. 30, 1136

May 2, 1128

Na’ Uh

Eb

48

Table 7.15. Calendrical reckoning of the 13 Mak run and its relationship to the tzolk’in days and upper register gods in the Venus table proper

Nov. 13, 1225

Nov. 15, 1217

Nov. 17, 1209

Nov. 19, 1201

Nov. 21, 1193

Nov. 23, 1185

Nov. 25, 1177

Nov. 27, 1169

Nov. 29, 1161

Dec 1, 1153

Dec 3, 1145

Dec 5, 1137

Dec 7, 1129

Hun Ahaw/Nal

Kib

49

Figure 7.14. The three registers of pictures and captions from the right side of the Venus table. After Förstemann (1880).

victim does not stand alone. As we explain in the following section, it is part of a larger narrative that ties what is happening in real time back to the very beginning of mythic time and world creation. Mythological Significance of Pictures and Hieroglyphic Texts of the 3 Xul Run

The fifteen pictures from the table proper can be grouped into three sets arranged horizontally (Figure 7.14). Recall that all but three of these figures are mentioned in the table preface. The uppermost five pictures show the five presiding One Sky Place deities who arm Venus on the occasion of its MFIRST passage. All five appear in repose. Three of the gods sit upon skybands, another sits on a roof, and all hold a container, with the exception of the skyband figure on page 50; in that example, the maize god stands in front of the figure seated on the skyband and holds a container in a presumed act of offering. We interpret the skybands and roof upon which these figures sit as a re-creation of One Sky Place mentioned in the preface text. The middle set of pictures depicts five deities dressed as warriors. Four of them carry an atlatl and darts, the first 274 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

carries an atlatl and shield, and all five appear poised to attack with their atlatl-wielding arms held high. These are manifestations of Venus at heliacal rise. The lower set of pictures shows various prostrate figures that have been speared by Venus on the occasion of its heliacal rise. The five upper register deities (Pawah Ayin, Kimil, Kan Pawahtun, Na’ Uh, and Hun Ahaw) pictured on D. 46–50 are also associated with MFIRST stations in the previous two versions of the table (presented in textual format only). Distinct groups of five gods are assigned to each of the stations of Venus (MFIRST, MLAST, EFIRST, and ELAST), and they each must have a special relationship to that station since their assignments do not vary across the different versions of the table. The order of the gods in the upper register does not change from one version to the other either, but their positional order and association with tzolk’in days does, as shown in Table 7.16. The canonical tzolk’in day for the MFIRST station of the first Venusian cycle is Ahaw, and every fourth tzolk’in day thereafter is assigned to the second, third, fourth, or fifth MFIRST station respectively, depending on its position within the cycle of twenty day signs.18 In the 13 Mak and 18 K’ayab versions of the table, Pawah Ayin was assigned to the first MFIRST station and the tzolk’in day Ahaw. If we assume that the alternate order recorded in the preface reflects an even earlier version, then Kan Pawahtun was at one time the first upper register god. The scribe of the extant table changed the order of upper register deities when he constructed the 3 Xul run (Table 7.16). He shifted the order of the presiding deities, putting Hun Ahaw first (although pictorially he appears on the last page of the table).19 We can only speculate on the reasons for the shift in positions.20 It is the case, therefore, that the order of the upper register gods does not change across the three recorded versions of the table and the one implied in the preface, although which of the five gods was placed first did. On the right side of each page of the table proper, the MFIRST pictures and captions are stacked one on top of each other, forming three registers (Figure 7.15). This tiered layout is reminiscent of certain Classic period Maya scenes painted on ceramics and carved into stelae in which ancestors or celestial figures preside over a specific event in time. They sit on skybands or hover above a main protagonist pictured in the scene below. The middle register protagonists are often rulers or elite personages (or in this case, Venus bedecked as a warrior). The bottom portion of royal Maya stelae was occasionally reserved for bound captives of a warrior king. The scribe of the Dresden Venus table likewise depicted the victims of Venus’ darts at the bottom of each page. Table 7.17 summarizes the iconography of the pictures on D. 46–50 and their association with the five dates for Venus’ MFIRST stations in the first row of the 3 Xul run.21 The table cycles through all thirteen dates for each of the five MFIRST stations assigned to each of the pages. We believe that the three pictures and captions on each page together represent a prognosticative statement couched in a mythological metaphor to communicate the evil omens that would accompany Venus’ heliacal rise as a series of five such events that occurred over the course of eight years. This statement about Venus Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 275

Table 7.16. Order of upper register deities linked to the MFIRST station in the preface: 18 K’ayab, 13 Mak, and 3 Xul runs of the Dresden Venus table Order

Tzolk’in day assigned to MFIRST

Preface text

1

Ahaw

Kan Pawahtun

18 K’ayab run Pawah Ayin

13 Mak run Pawah Ayin

3 Xul run Hun Ahaw

2

K’an

Na’ Uh Ahaw

Kimil

Kimil

Pawah Ayin

3

Lamat

Hun Ahaw

Kan Pawahtun

Kan Pawahtun

Kimil

4

Eb

Pawah Ayin

Na’ Uh Ahaw

Na’ Uh Ahaw

Kan Pawahtun

5

Kib

Kimil

Hun Ahaw

Hun Ahaw

Na’ Uh Ahaw

Table 7.17. Summary of the iconography of the pictures on D. 46–50 and the associated first row date from the 3 Xul run Page

Date (A.D.)

Deities pictured

50

1 Ahaw (3 Xul) 10.19.16.10.0 22 Jan. 1221

a: Hun Ahaw on skyband throne; maize god Nal standing in front of him b: Kakatunal (Itzlacoliuhqui-Ixquimilli) (warrior) c: Stranger from west

46

13 K’an (2 K’ayab) 10.19.18.3.4 Aug. 29, 1222

a: Pawah Ayin on skyband throne with K’awil’s head b: God L (warrior) c: K’awil (victim)

47

12 Lamat (16 Ch’en) 10.19.19.14.8 Apr. 4, 1224

a: Kimil on skyband throne b: Lahun Chan (warrior) c: Jaguar or puma (victim)

48

11 Eb (10 Wo) 11.0.1.7.12 9 Nov. 1225

a: Kan Pawahtun (on roof of house with death eyes, suggesting Underworld location) b: Tawisikal (Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli) but picture of Monkey Man scribe (warrior) c: Maize god Nal (victim)

49

10 Kib (9 Mak) 11.0.3.0.16 June 16, 1227

a: Moon goddess on skyband, wearing K’awil headdress b: Chak Xiwitei (Xiuhtecuhtli) (warrior) c: Turtle man (victim)

is broken down into three specific activities that are similar to the activities performed in foundation rituals (see Chapters 4–6): journeying along a ritual circuit, stopping at sacred locations, and making a prophecy. Analysis of Pages 46–50

Our analysis provides a compelling explanation for the figures pictured in the upper, middle, and lower registers of the table in concert with a verifiable dating model, some276 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.15. A comparison of the layout of pictures on D. 46 (after Förstemann 1880) and Stela 2 from Aguateca (rubbing by Merle Greene Robertson; courtesy of the Latin American Library, Tulane University).

Figure 7.16. D. 50 pictures and captions. After Förstemann (1880).

thing that has been lacking in previous discussions of this important calendrical instrument.22 The intricate relationships that have been revealed are suggestive of a concerted effort by the authors of the Dresden Venus table to translate ideas and mythologies from outside sources into a system that could be reconciled with indigenous understandings of these same events, much in the way that the authors of the Books of Chilam Balam looked for meaningful correspondences between native and European practices of keeping time and of modeling physical space and the universe. Our interpretation of the iconography and texts of the Venus table differs substantially from that of previous scholars, especially in its emphasis on relating events played out in the early morning sky with acts performed by the gods in primordial time that led to the creation of the present world and its inhabitants, following a series of unsuccessful prior creations. We examine these episodes and how they are represented both visually and textually in the discussion below. Dresden 50

We begin with the iconography and texts on D. 50 (Figure 7.16). The pictures and accompanying captions on this page record the prophecies for the MFIRST station of the first Venus synodic cycle associated with the 3 Xul run. Recall that the current version of the Venus table begins with 1 Ahaw 3 Xul and that the scribe chose to keep the expanded prognosticative texts and pictures associated with each of the five MFIRST haab dates on the same page.23 Although the captions for the succeeding three stations in the 3 Xul run are absent, we can look to the earlier 13 Mak and 18 K’ayab sections to

278 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

reconstruct the order and content of the captions for the MLAST, EFIRST, and ELAST stations that would have followed the 1 Ahaw 3 Xul MFIRST date. The 3 Xul haab date appears at the bottom of D. 50, aligned beneath the column of Ahaw tzolk’in dates at the top of the page (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink168.html). Directly next to the haab date is its expanded hieroglyphic caption with pictures. MFIRST

168

Hun Ahaw arms [or nourishes] the great star in the east on 1 Ahaw 3 Xul.24

MLAST

Nah? Nal [the maize god] arms [or nourishes] the great star in the north on 3 Kib 19 K’ayab.

EFIRST

God L arms [or nourishes] the great star in the west on 2 Kimi 4 Sotz’.

ELAST

Wuk Sip arms [or nourishes] the great star in the south on 5 Kib 14 Pax.25

D. 50a [In the east?] the great star [is nourished?] by Hun Ahaw26 [at the] hearthstone?. [Hun Ahaw is/becomes] K’in Ahaw. End of days [or sun], end of years. ____ 4? ?? is buried. Abundance of food and drink in/for the year. The maize is buried.

This is the first in a series of five captions that describe the individual One Sky Place lords that ‘arm’ or ‘nourish’ the warrior aspect of Venus, enabling him to appear and cast his dart (bad fortune) upon a victim. We interpret the text in the upper register of D. 50 as referring to the One Sky Place lord Hun Ahaw at the moment of his apotheosis into the sun god K’in Ahaw at the hearthstone constellation (see http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink169.html). This may refer to his rebirth through fire, although the image shows the deity dressed in a white costume with red spots suggestive of the Mexican death god Mictlantecuhtli. We suggest that this scene may represent a blending of Maya and Mexican traditions in which Hun Ahaw is likened to Quetzalcoatl based on the fact that both journeyed to the Underworld to obtain the material needed to create the present race of people: maize in Maya accounts and the bones of the previous race (fish-men) in Mexican accounts.27 We interpret the statement “the maize is buried” at the end of the text caption as referring to this episode. The presentation of a beverage to Hun Ahaw by Nal appears to be an explicit depiction of an action involving “nourishing” that may be presumed to have occurred for the other four upper register deities as well.28 It may be for the sake of abbreviation that this action is not depicted in the four pictures on D. 46a–49a. The vessel held by Pawah Ain (D. 46) is empty and marked with a crossed-bands motif, those held by Kimil (D. 47) and Kan Pawahtun (D. 48) contain a glyphic representaCreation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 279

169

tion of a foaming beverage, and that held by Na’ Uh Ahaw (D. 49) contains flowering vegetation. We find it of interest that the date associated with Venus’ heliacal rise on page 50 occurs during the month of Xul. It is perhaps for this reason that the paired collocation xul? k’in xul? haab ‘end of ? days [or the sun], end of ? years’ is used. The month Xul may at one time have marked the end of the solar calendar and the following month (Yaxk’in) its beginning. Like the Wayeb rituals described for the early colonial period by Landa, a five-day ritual was performed in Xul that was similar to Wayeb in many respects (see Chapter 4). It took place in the Temple of K’uk’ulkan, a building dedicated to Quetzalcoatl/K’uk’ulkan in his role as a wind deity and as Venus.29 Of particular interest is Landa’s observation that “they say that Kukulcan descended on the last of those days from heaven and received their sacrifices, penances, and offerings” (Gates 1978:74). It is likely, therefore, that Venus may have appeared as an Evening Star at that time in the distant past when Xul coincided with the end of the year. The reference to “end of days / the sun, end of years” may refer to the end of the days and years of darkness before the sun dawned. It is similar to an expression used by the contemporary Maya today to refer to a solar eclipse (Closs 1989), a period of time considered to be especially dangerous when the world might come to an end. As we discuss in Chapter 10, solar eclipses often serve as a metaphor for the end of a previous era and the initiation of a new dawn. D. 50b Kakatunal, the great star, is armed in the east. The foreigner is the speared one. The god is buried. The lord of the succession is buried. The maize [god] is buried.

170

The text names the warrior deity pictured as Kakatunal; in Mexican sources (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink170.html), this blindfolded deity is more frequently called Itzlacoliuhqui-Ixquimilli. Itztlacoliuhqui, a god of sacrifice and mortal punishment, shares multiple connections with his Maya counterpart Kisin (Figure 7.16). Itztlacoliuhqui has associations with death as well as the north direction, viewed as the place where the dead are deposited. In some Mexican depictions (Seler 1963, II:203), Itztlacoliuhqui is shown as a mummy bundle. This deity is also the god of cold, frost, and hardness, qualities that can be attributed to the dead as well as to the weather and to stone as an instrument of punishment, with which Itztlacoliuhqui is also associated. Kisin is likewise associated with stones. He is seen holding them in several almanacs in the Maya codices (see Figures 7.16 and 9.19), where they are raised as if to be used to attack the second figure in the scene, the merchant deity God M. 280 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Among the Lacandón Maya, Kisin is the punisher god of the Underworld; souls are sent to him to be punished for a person’s misdeeds in life. He brandishes a hot iron, using this in combination with freezing water to torture the soul (McGee 1990:64). Examples of Kisin in this role appear on pages 84c–87c of the Madrid Codex, where he holds a spear or knife with a flint blade (similar to the weapon he wields in the scenes with God M), as well as a torch (the torch appears in the first three of the four almanacs), and stands in front of a thatched structure. This iconography is reminiscent of—although not completely similar to—scenes in the Mexican codices portraying conquest. The banded markings on Kisin in these scenes are similar to those characterizing Kakatunal in the Dresden Codex and Itzlacoliuhqui-Ixquimilli in the Mexican manuscripts. Taube (1992:110), following Seler (1902–1923:261–262), identifies them as referring to the patterning that occurs on certain stones, such as chert and flint. This may relate to the deity’s role as a god associated with both heart sacrifice and the punishment of sin. Stoning was a common form of punishment for adultery among the Aztec and the Yucatec Maya (Seler 1902–1923:262; 1963, II:203–205; Tozzer 1941:124). On D. 50b, Kakatunal is responsible for spearing the “foreigner from the west.” We find this of particular interest in light of the scenes in the Madrid Codex that show his counterpart Kisin spearing God M, whose black coloration and likely derivation from the central Mexican god Yacatecuhtli both suggest an association with the west. The figure pictured on D. 50c is clearly not God M, but may represent another deity originating outside the Maya region. The Lacandón counterpart of God M is Äkyantho’, the god of foreigners and commerce (McGee 1990:62). He represents the middle brother of the three first born: Sukunkyum, associated with the Underworld (and Venus?), Äkyantho’, and Hachäkyum (the creator / sun god). On the west wall mural from Santa Rita, a deity who likely represents Venus / Older Brother holds the decapitated heads of the merchant deity and the sun god in relation to a K’atun 8 Ahaw date (Figure 5.9). It is likely that the figure speared by Kakatunal on D. 50 is cognate with Äkyantho’ and the prehispanic God M. He has a shield, suggesting that he, too, represents a warrior. Merchant deities were frequently associated with the weapons carried by warriors (although a spear is more common than a shield). The shooting of this figure leads to the god, the lord of the succession, and the maize god being buried. D. 50c 10 moon-months [10 is the character of the moon-month]. 1 green–1 yellow [the maize harvest] is buried. The white cord is buried. The foreigner from the west is buried.

The text associated with this register and the one above it suggests that the dawn of the sun was associated, among the Maya as well as the highland Mexican cultures, with Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 281

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warfare and sacrificial rituals that would ensure that the sun made its daily journey through the sky and the Underworld (see http://www.hieroglyphic​research. org/Documentation/UPClink171.html). The coefficient of ‘10’ associated with the “moon-month” is suggestive of the prefix to Kisin’s name (10 or lahun). The word lah means ‘end’ or ‘termination’ (Taube 1992:105), and it is noteworthy that the portrait glyph for the number 10 corresponds to the death god Kimil. In the Mexican system, Tezcatlipoca is the god of the number 10 (see Appendix 2.1), and one of his aspects, Itzlacoliuhqui-Ixquimilli, appears as the manifestation of Venus at heliacal rise in the register above. It is likely, therefore, that this page is reminiscent of the cosmic battles and alliances between Tezcatlipoca and Quetzalcoatl as creator gods and warriors described in Mexican stories (see Chapter 2). Militarism, and perhaps specifically the taking of captives during battle, appears to the theme highlighted on this page. The ‘white cord’ (sak tab) and ‘foreigner from the west’ (tz’ul chik’in) recorded in the text of Dresden 50c, along with the picture of a speared warrior, suggest the theme of military captives. The prognostications for the heliacal rise of Venus on Dresden 50 are dated to the winter season ( January) and they appear to concern the ill fortune cast by Venus on militaristic enterprises, especially those that would have provided captives for sacrifice. This point recalls the Mexican creation myth that explains the requirement of humans to battle each other and take captives for sacrificial rituals in order to furnish hearts and blood to nourish the sun. This practice began after the sun shot the Morning Star god Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli and sent him to the western sky. In some depictions of Itzlacoliuhqui-Ixquimilli, the deity has a dart piercing his headdress to symbolize this primordial combat (Figure 7.16). Kakatunal wears a dart in his headdress as well. Dresden 46

The pictures and accompanying captions on D. 46 record the prophecies for the second MFIRST in the series of five synodic cycles associated with the 3 Xul version of the table (Figure 7.17). The order and content implied by the earlier runs for the upper register gods can be reconstructed for the second cycle as follows: MFIRST

Pawah Ayin arms [or nourishes] the great star in the east on 13 K’an 2 K’ayab.

MLAST

Turkey arms [or nourishes] the great star in the north on 2 Ahaw 13 Yax.

EFIRST

Scorpion arms [or nourishes] the great star in the west on 1 Ok 3 Muwan.

ELAST

Red?/great? ?? arms [or nourishes] the great star in the south on 4 Ahaw 8 Ch’en.

D. 46a [In the east?] the great star was [armed?/nourished?] by Pawah Ayin. The maize god was delivered/handed over. 282 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.17. D. 46 pictures and captions. After Förstemann (1880). Woe to the maize. ____. The youth ??.

This frame shows Pawah Ayin, the Pawahtun crocodilian, as the deity who arms and/or sustains Venus in the east (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink172.html). He is seated on a skyband and holds a drinking vessel or vase, which is marked with the crossed-bands symbol. The K’awil head attached to the skyband recalls an episode in the Books of Chilam Balam in which Bolon Tz’akab (one of K’awil’s epithets) takes the seed corn to the sky, leading to a destructive flood that destroyed the previous creation (that inhabited by the wooden people). The image of Pawah Ayin seated on a skyband also calls to mind references in the Tizimín manuscript to the crocodilian ascending to the sky (see Chapter 3), an act associated with the great deluge pictured on D. 74 (see Figure 5.1). Interestingly, pages 46 and 74 are directly opposite each other in the codex. In the Popol Vuh, the flood is instigated by Heart of Sky, or Huracan (the Thunderbolt deities). K’awil, who is also a lightning god, plays a similar role in the Books of Chilam Balam (where he is called Bolon Tz’akab) and the Dresden Codex. D. 46b Ha’ ?? [God L], the great star, is armed in the east. K’awil is the speared one. Woe to the twenty [= people], woe to the people. Evil omen for 1 green–1 yellow [the maize harvest]. Woe to the maize [god]; woe to the food. Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 283

172

173

174

God L is represented here, and on D. 74, as the warrior aspect of Venus. He may be associated with the Bolon Ti’ K’uh in the Books of Chilam Balam, a group of Venus deities responsible for decapitating Itzam Kab Ayin after he ascended to the sky in order to prevent the deluge. Here, rather than attacking the crocodilian, God L aims his darts at K’awil (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink173.html), who is shown residing in the sky (presumably with the seed corn) in the upper register. The shooting of K’awil, who symbolizes the power of lightning and the embodiment of sustenance, leads to a number of negative omens, most significantly damage to the maize and to the food. We interpret this as referring to an episode in the battle between the Bolon Ti’ K’uh and the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh referenced in the Books of Chilam Balam (see Chapter 10). God L is also one of the few deities represented as both a warrior manifestation of Venus at helical rise, but also as a One Sky Place lord associated with Venus’ appearance as an Evening Star on Dresden 50 (see below). The predicted dates for Venus’ heliacal rise on Dresden 46 fall in the late summer, specifically through the month of August. There is a possible correspondence between the events pictured on the page and creation mythology associated with an August 11 date (albeit in 3114 B.C.). Possible connections are suggested by the depictions of God L and the earth crocodilian on D. 46; the same figures appear on the Vase of the Seven Gods, which refers to an event of cosmic significance—the ordering of the world—that occurred at the start of the present era on 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u (August 11, 3114 B.C.). D. 46c 2 moons [uh], 2 months [winal] The mats and thrones are buried. It is their evil omen. No genesis for the born lords. No genesis for the born youths.30

The shooting of K’awil leads to the symbols of rulership (the mat and throne) being buried or submerged and to a time of darkness for the lords and those of their lineage (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink174.html). This event is described in the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel as follows: “Without the lords or the lowly, without spouses, that’s how they lived without their hearts, and so were submerged by waves of sand and waves of sea” (page 46 of the Chumayel; translation by Knowlton 2010:61). It is likely that the Dresden text can also be related to a flood that results from the spearing of K’awil and that this refers to the destruction of a previous creation, that of the wooden people (see discussion in Chapter 3). The reference to “2 moons, 2 months” is not well understood. On later pages of the Venus table, the coefficients associated with this expression have specific relevance to 284 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

the scenes pictured. In Mexican mythology, the number 2 is associated with the earth lord Tlaltecuhtli; perhaps an association with the earth is suggested here as well, based on the presence of Pawah Ayin on the skyband in the upper register of the page. In the Borgia Codex, an almanac on page 27 that commemorates a Venus station pictures the primordial crocodilian earth with maize plants growing out of it in its first frame. The principal figure in this frame is the rain god Tlaloc, who shares certain attributes with the Pawah Ayin figure on D. 46a: both are dark colored, both have an association with abundant water, and both wear a crocodilian headdress (see Figure 6.11, lower right frame). The prognostications for the heliacal rise of Venus on D. 46 appear to concern the ill fortune cast by Venus on the earth and its fertility. We believe that the moon-month collocation may be a difrasismo (the pairing of two concepts to suggest a third), perhaps to express the concept of time. In that case, the meaning of the expression would be something like “2 [the earth] is the character of this time period.” On the other hand, the pairing of uh and winal could refer instead to a lunar month of 29.5 days (Schele and Grube 1997:148). Dresden 47

The pictures and accompanying captions on D. 47 record the prognostications for the third MFIRST in the series of five synodic cycles associated with the 3 Xul run (Figure 7.18). The order and content implied by the earlier runs for the upper register gods can be reconstructed for the third cycle as follows: MFIRST

Nah? Kimil arms [or nourishes] the great star in the east on 12 Lamat 16 Ch’en.

MLAST

?? arms [or nourishes] the great star in the north on 11 K’an 7 Sip.

EFIRST

Ah Kam arms [or nourishes] the great star in the west on 13 Ix 17 Yaxk’in.

ELAST

13 Sky [Owl] arms [or nourishes] the great star in the south on 3 K’an 2 Wo.

D. 47a [In the east?]. The great star was [armed?/nourished?] by Kimil. The flint warrior is buried. ____ One Sky [Place] ___.

Kimil, the paramount lord of the Underworld, is shown here as the sustainer of Venus in the east (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink175.html). He is seated on a skyband and holds a vessel with a foaming substance. The text refers to the flint warrior being buried, likely a reference to his close association with the speared figure of the jaguar in the bottom register on the page (note that the year of which the jaguar is the burden is described Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 285

175

Figure 7.18. D. 47 pictures and captions. After Förstemann (1880).

as “flint year” on D. 26a; see Appendix 4.2). The reference to One Sky Place may be linked to the preface text of the Venus table, where the lords of One Sky Place are associated with foundation rituals related to Venus’ heliacal rise as the precursor to the first dawning of the sun. The context in which it occurs here is unclear, however. D. 47b Lahun Chan, the great star, is armed in the east. Great jaguar is the speared one. The hearts of the gods are buried. Woe to the born lords. Three holy piercings [or three speared gods]. Woe to the rising ___.

176

The text of D. 47b identifies the warrior manifestation of Venus as Lahun Chan (10 Sky) (see http://www.hieroglyphic​re​ search.org/Documentation/UPClink176 .html). He is depicted with prominent ribs, maize foliation, and a paper ear ornament, all suggesting identification with the passage into the Underworld located in the west. The text continues with a declaration that the Great Jaguar (chak balam) is speared (pictured in the lower register of Dresden 47). The jaguar has clear associations with the sun in Maya mythology (see discussion of Yax Balam in Chapter 3 and of the Dresden yearbearer pages in Chapter 4). Among highland Mexican cultures, the jaguar symbolized darkness, the dark interiors of the earth, and primordial time. The first of the four previous creations, or “suns,” in Mexican mythology was that of the Jaguar Sun, presided over by the god Tezcatlipoca, and symbolic of the darkness of that primordial time prior to the creation of the present sun. The remaining text of this register can be linked to that of D. 46c, in that both refer to evil omens for the “born lords.” The caption refers to the hearts of the gods being buried, which may be an ill omen for newly planted maize or the 286 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

preparations to plant maize. In his discussion of the Chumayel passage “That’s how they lived without their hearts and so were submerged by waves of sand and waves of sea,” Knowlton (2010:61) suggests that “hearts” were maize seeds. Because the previous race of humans were without hearts, they were “maizeless” people and could not worship the gods properly; it was for this reason that they had to be destroyed. The caption ends with a reference to “three [or many] holy spearings, woe to the rising [sun].” This appears to be a general statement of bad fortune that follows from the heliacal rise of Venus (“many holy spearings”) that must always precede the “rising [sun].” Like God L on Dresden 46b, Lahun Chan also appears as a warrior manifestation of Venus as an Evening Star. We discuss this evidence in the latter part of this chapter. D. 47c One is dead person, flint warrior’s, tun [stone or year]. Woe to the lords [or to the dog lord].31 He is buried [when] it becomes K’ayab. Kakatunal is buried.

The text appears to refer to the fortunes of flint years (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink177.html). As we noted for the upper register caption, we know from the analysis of Dresden 26 that jaguars are closely associated with flint (Etz’nab) years. Flint years in the Mexican calendar are likewise closely associated with the dead, the darkness of interior spaces in the earth, and aspects of Tezcatlipoca. From this perspective, it would seem that the caption is specifically referencing the symbols of flint years (dead person, flint warrior, and Kakatunal), as well as associated bad fortunes (“woe to the lords”). The significance of the K’ayab date in the caption is not especially illuminating, since it is not one of the dates highlighted in this section of the table. A new bak’tun (11.0.0.0.0 6 Ahaw 8 Mak, corresponding to June 15, 1224) occurred during the time frame represented on this page, just 3 winals and 12 k’ins (seventy-two days) after Venus’ heliacal rise. This epochal event preceded the summer solstice by only six days. A second significant calendrical event that also began within this interval (118 days later) was the inauguration of a New Year on 7 Etz’nab 1 Pop. As this was the first new haab of the bak’tun, the scribe who drafted the table may have been concerned about the bad fortunes associated with Venus as a Morning Star. The reference to the tun in the text caption, in conjunction with the deities seated on skybands in the upper register of the almanac, suggests to us that the deities in the upper register (several of whom can be associated with Pawahtuns) may be serving as prophecies for the tun period (or winal count) being referenced in the lower register on each page. There are likely specific ties to the Paris tun and k’atun prophecies, as well as to those in the murals from Santa Rita, that remain to be explored. Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 287

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Dresden 48

The pictures and accompanying captions on D. 48 record the prophecies for the fourth MFIRST in the series of five synodic cycles associated with the 3 Xul run (Figure 7.19). The order and content implied by the earlier runs for the upper register gods can be reconstructed for the fourth cycle as follows: MFIRST

Kan Pawahtun arms [or nourishes] [the great star] in the east on 11 Eb 10 Wo.

MLAST

K’in Ahaw arms [or nourishes] [the great star] in the north on 13 Lamat 6 K’ank’in.

EFIRST

Wak Yich Ahaw arms [or nourishes] [the great star] in the west on 12 Etz’nab16 Kumk’u.

ELAST

Ak’ab Ahaw arms [or nourishes] [the great star] in the south on 2 Lamat 1 Mak.

D. 48a [In the east?]. The great star was [armed?/nourished?] by Kan Pawahtun [in] rulership. First?/Honored? Flower’s abundance of food. White ??. ____ Lying down bundle? in/for the year. The people? are buried.

178

Kan Pawahtun, who is pictured in this register, is a deity associated with the rains and especially with the winds (Thompson 1970b) (see http://www.hiero​ glyphicre​search.org/Documentation/UPClink178.html). The portion of the hieroglyphic caption remaining suggests that Kan Pawahtun, as the deity sustaining Venus, had very positive associations. He is shown seated on the roof of a structure with death eyes, suggesting that he is in the Underworld (here likely pertaining to the land of the ancestors, rather than Xibalba); additionally, maize foliage grows from the haab glyph in his headdress. He holds a vessel with a foaming beverage. D. 48b Tawisikal, the great star, is armed in the east. The maize god is the speared one. He is buried in the east, in the earth, in the cave [in the earth-cave]. The maize people [not yet in existence] are buried.

179

The hieroglyphic caption names the maize god as the victim of Tawisikal, the warrior aspect of Venus (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Docu​menta​ tion/UPClink179.html). The maize (god) is said to be buried in the east, in the earth-cave. This is significant in light of our identification of the earth-cave as 288 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

the primordial cave where the ancestors dwell and where humans were created. This is likewise supported by the subsequent reference to the ‘maize people’ (nal winik) being buried, presumably also in the earth-cave. Known as Chicomoztoc among the highland Mexican cultures, the earth-cave is also called Wuk Ha’ Nal ‘Seven Water Place’ in Maya sources. It is associated with Chichén Itzá in Yucatec colonial period texts and with Tulan Zuyua in the Popol Vuh, where the first people of the K’iche’ received their patron gods (Carlson 1999; Christenson 2007:210). The sacrifice of the maize god on a date in November, as the calendrical data suggest, corresponds to the maize harvest, which takes place in November in many parts of the Maya area. The maize god’s sacrifice can also be understood in terms of a sacrificial ritual documented during the colonial period in the highland Maya region—and still practiced today in the Dance of Martín in Santiago Atitlán in highland Guatemala. During the dance, Martín is represented by his animal companion, the deer, which is attacked and eventually killed (symbolically) by a jaguar, representing the power of the Mam (see discussion in Chapter 4). The death of Martín, who symbolizes the maize god, at the beginning of the dry season is a necessary prelude to his rebirth and the renewal of the world six months later (Christenson 2001:169–172). This is epitomized in the annual cycle of maize—its harvest (death) followed by a new planting cycle and its rebirth. The fact that each page of the Venus table is separated from the next by a period of 584 days means that, in the seasonal year, two consecutive pages are roughly seven months apart ([584 − 365 = 219] / 30 days = 7.3 months). The death (harvest) of the maize in November is followed, then, by the initiation of the rains and the season of plenty on page 49. How this is represented mythologically is described below. The warrior deity on page 48 responsible for spearing the maize god is not the jaguar, as in the Tz’utujil ceremony, but rather an aspect of Venus as Morning Star called Tawisikal (Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli), an aspect of Quetzalcoatl who was reborn following his death by fire. As we have seen, Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli is a deity symbolic of the east direction, which corresponds with the reference to the maize god being buried in the east in the caption to the frame. Although Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli is named in the text caption, the figure pictured appears to correspond to the Maya Monkey Man Scribes and the Mexican monkey musicians. The shell pectoral he wears, the oyoualli, is characteristic of Mexican deities associated with song and dance,32 and is also occasionally seen on Maya figures with links to the arts (Thompson 1950:219; Taube 1989b). Monkeys are associated with the second creation (or Sun) in highland Mexican sources, which Ehecatl presided over as wind deity. They represent people who were turned into monkeys during the destruction of the second Sun. In the Popol Vuh, monkeys are the survivors of the wooden people, who were destroyed by a flood before the creation of the present “race” of humans (the maize people) was undertaken. Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 289

Figure 7.19. D. 48 pictures and captions. After Förstemann (1880).

Other monkeys from Maya mythology include the half-brothers of the Hero Twins, who are known as Hun Batz’ and Hun Chuwen, both names meaning ‘One Howler Monkey’, the former in K’iche’ and the latter in the lowland Mayan languages and possibly in Q’eqchi’. They are transformed into monkeys by the Hero Twins in revenge for ill treatment; according to the Popol Vuh, “They became spider monkeys because of their pride . . . Thus were they ruined” (Christenson 2007:147). Nevertheless, they were honored by the Maya thereafter as the patrons of music and of the scribal arts. Among Tzotzil speakers living in highland Chiapas today, the monkey dancers are responsible for killing Christ (who is equated with the sun god in some Maya regions and with the maize god in others) during Carnival. These monkeys are likewise described as descendants of those who survived the flood (Vogt 1969). We find the association of monkeys with the wooden people and the flood myth to be of considerable interest for several reasons. The Mam, described above as the victor over Martín as the patron of maize (see previous discussion), is said to be made of wood. This implies an association with the wooden people from the Popol Vuh, whose death led to the eventual resurrection of the maize god. An even more specific comparison can be made, as Christenson (2001:180) points out, based on the fact that not only are they both made of wood, but they are both made of the wood of the coral tree (tz’ite in K’iche’ and tz’ajte’ in Tz’utujil).33 In contemporary Maya mythology, the monkey is one of three brothers who, after living on the earth, ascend to the sky. According to the Lacandón, he became the sun; in Mopán folktales, he is said to correspond to Mars or Venus as Evening Star (Thompson 1930:120–123). An Aztec sculpture cited by Milbrath (1999:225) suggests an association 290 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

between Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl and the spider monkey. This association suggests that the figures in both the upper and middle registers can be related to the winds, which herald the rains and abundant food, and usher in the third Sun, associated with Tlaloc, in highland Mexican accounts. D. 48c 3 in the moon, 3 in the month [Three, or wind, is the character of the moon-month]. The yellow maize tree lord is buried. He is buried in the east, [at] 7 Water Place.

The caption to this register plants the seeds for the rebirth of the maize god on the following pages (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink180.html). Here, he is described as the “yellow maize tree lord,” an epithet that is also represented in the iconography of the Temple of the Foliated Cross at Palenque, where the central tree grows from a k’an ‘yellow’ or ‘abundant’ glyph and the branches of the tree terminate in the maize god’s head (see Figure 3.12). We interpret the Dresden tree as being equivalent to that in the Popol Vuh in which the maize god’s decapitated head was placed, causing it to flower for the first time. Like that tree, the Dresden tree is located in the Underworld, but it is associated with the east (the place of beginnings) and with Wuk Ha’ Nal (Seven Water Place), the primordial cave from which humans emerged. During the twentieth century, a ritual planting of a maize tree (a wooden pole decorated with leaves and ripe ears of maize) was performed at harvest time in the cofradía of San Juan in Santiago Atitlán (Christenson 2001:123–125) to ensure a bountiful harvest. This has clear parallels with the yellow maize tree (yellow being the color referring to maize ready to be harvested) described in the text caption on D. 48c. As a whole, then, the lower register bears striking parallels to ceremonies still being performed in highland Guatemala today in honor of Martín as a deity associated with maize and the maize harvest. The reference at the beginning of the text to ‘3’ as being the character of the time period is also of interest. The word for ‘3’ in Yucatec, óox, is also used to mean ‘abundance’. The wind and flower god Nik personifies the number 3 for the Maya (Taube 1992:59–60), suggesting a relationship to Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl and the Ahuiateotls in the Mexican tradition and to the Pawahtuns among the lowland Maya.34 Dresden 49

The pictures and accompanying captions on D. 49 record the prognostications for the fifth MFIRST in the series of five synodic cycles associated with the 3 Xul run (Figure 7.20). The order and content implied by the earlier runs for the upper register gods can be reconstructed for the fifth cycle as follows: Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 291

180

MFIRST

Na’ Uh Ahaw [Lady Moon] arms [or nourishes] the great star in the east on 10 Kib 9 Mak.

MLAST

?? arms [or nourishes] the great star in the north on 12 Eb 0 Yaxk’in.

EFIRST

Nah? Kimil arms [or nourishes] the great star in the west on 11 Ik’ 10 Sak.

ELAST

K’awil arms [or nourishes] the great star in the south on 1 Eb 15 Tzek.

D. 49a [In the east?]. The great star was [armed?/nourished?] by Na’ Uh Ahaw.35 The lord of the succession, the descending? one,36 flint warrior is buried. ____ ___ is buried. Woe to the earth, woe to the cave [= woe to the earth-cave].

181

The moon goddess is depicted here in her role as the sustainer of the great star, or Venus (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink181.html). She is identified specifically with flowering vegetation and wears a K’awil headdress, suggesting that she is taking on his attributes as the god of lightning. K’awil played an important role in Maya creation stories as the deity responsible for cracking open the mountain in which maize was stored so that it could be used by the creators to form the present race of humans. In the first row of the table, the date for the 3 Xul run associated with Venus’ heliacal rise is June 16, which falls five days short of the summer solstice. Colonial period Maya texts refer to the moon’s role in germinating the maize seeds, something that would have been especially critical at this time of the year (Makemson 1951:41). For the Classic period Maya, the moon goddess was also a goddess of fertility and of maize, as she is for a number of contemporary Maya cultures (Christenson 2001:121). In the Chilam Balam of Chumayel, one of the primordial goddesses is said to go to sit at “Three Turtle, Three Sky” (Chumayel page 58; see Appendix 3.2), which is likely a reference to the turtle constellation (discussed in Chapters 3 and 9). Although there is no mention of this constellation in the upper register, it plays a key role in the middle and bottom registers on the page. Links between the moon goddess and the maize may also be important in this respect. It is not immediately clear who is being referenced by the epithets “flint warrior” and “the descending one.” While “flint warrior” could refer to Xiuhtecuhtli, the deity in the middle register, it makes little sense to describe him as descending, since he represents the heliacal rise aspect of Venus. Another possibility is suggested by the deity Kakatunal/Kisin, who is described as ‘buried’ (u mu’uk) in the caption to the bottom register on page 49. Since one of Kakatunal’s primary associations is with stone, “flint warrior” may be an apt designation.37 The reference to him descending may be an allusion to the story discussed previously 292 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.20. D. 49 pictures and captions. After Förstemann (1880).

in which Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli is shot by a dart from the sun and tumbles into Chicunauhapan, the “Ninefold stream” located in the west that separates the world of the living from the Underworld. When that happened, Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli became the evening Venus god Cetl, the deity of stones and cold and the punisher of adulterers, also called ItzlacoliuhquiIxquimilli. The flint warrior referenced in the caption, therefore, may be a general allusion to the Evening Star aspect of Venus, who will no longer be visible now that the Morning Star aspect has risen above the eastern horizon. On page 26 of the Borgia Codex, the gods representing Venus in its ELAST station are shown as mummy bundles, suggesting that by the time of heliacal rise, they are “descending” into the Underworld as dead spirits do. Alternatively, Kakatunal may have been the Evening Star manifestation of the previous synodic cycle who has descended, so to speak, into the Underworld, but we cannot know this because the table’s scribe did not record this specific information for ELAST stations. Despite the moon goddess’ emphasis on fertility, the prognostications that end the text above her picture are quite unfortunate: “woe to the earth-cave.” It is unclear in what context this statement should be taken, since the previous six glyph blocks are eroded. D. 49b Chak Xiwitei [Xiuhtecuhtli], the great star, is armed in the east. Turtle rising is the speared one. K’in Ahaw [the sun god] is buried. K’awil is buried. The first six honored? people are buried. Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 293

182

183

The god Xiuhtecuhtli, first identified in the Venus table by Taube and Bade (1991), also symbolizes the central place on page 1 of the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer, in a scene associated with the setting up of the world trees (space) and of time being set in motion (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink182.html). There, he likewise appears with the accoutrements of a Venus warrior, as he also does on D. 60b, where he holds a spear to which a captive has been tied. The associated hieroglyphic text on page 60 names the deity Bolon Okte’, although it is unclear if this is a reference to Xiuhtecuhtli. Like Xiuhtecuhtli, Bolon Okte’ symbolizes the passage of the year, which can be described as the “nine footsteps of the wooden god” (see discussion in Chapter 4 and Chapter 10). In the present context, the victim of Xiuhtecuhtli in this manifestation of Venus is “rising turtle,” most likely a reference to the constellation that plays such a significant role in events associated with creation in Classic Maya contexts (see Chapter 3) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink183.html).38 The turtle constellation is associated with the three hearthstones (see Chapter 3), within which a celestial fire is believed to burn. According to the Mexican Annals of Cuauhtitlan, Xiuhtecuhtli is guarded by three deities (Mixcoatl, Tozpan, and Ihuitl) who are referred to as the three hearthstones (Bierhorst 1992:23). This imagery suggests that Xiuhtecuhtli himself represents the fire burning in the central hearth. The significance of the hearth and hearthstone becomes even more evident with the mention of “Turtle rising is the speared one” in the hieroglyphic caption. If the speared victim is named as rising turtle, this may be a reference to an event highlighted in several creation texts from both Classic period and Postclassic contexts—the manifestation of the image of a turtle on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u, which can be associated with the constellation Orion. In this case, we can definitively connect the iconography of the speared victim on this page to a seasonal event dated to the 3 Xul run. The dates pertaining to the 3 Xul run for the MFIRST stations on D. 49 correspond to Kib days on 9 Mak that fall in the early summer period. The first date in the column, 10 Kib 9 Mak, corresponds to June 16, A.D. 1227. Five days into the interval, on the actual day of MFIRST, the constellation of Orion is on the eastern horizon at sunrise, and Venus rises just south of the three belt stars (Figure 7.21). At successive MFIRST dates recorded lower in the column (passages of eight-year intervals corresponding to each row of the almanac), Orion appears higher in the sky off the eastern horizon at dawn, literally “rising.” This dating fits nicely with the rise of the turtle constellation on M. 71a, where it is shown in association with the three hearthstones. There, Orion rises at dawn on June 11, A.D. 1451 (V. Bricker 1997:175). This second example provides additional support for our interpretation of the iconography and text of the middle and lower registers on D. 49 and the overall association of the pictures and text occurring in the table with the calendrics of the 3 Xul run. Xiuhtecuhtli’s spearing of the rising turtle constellation resulted in the sun god, K’awil, and the first six people being buried. We interpret these textual references 294 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

as relating to the episode in the Books of Chilam Balam in which the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh are defeated by the Bolon Ti’ K’uh, based on our association of both K’awil and the sun god with the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh, and the Bolon Ti’ K’uh as referring to a group of Venus/Underworld deities (see Chapter 10). The use of the number ‘6’ in reference to the first people is significant, in that ‘6’ is commonly used in the names of Underworld deities and can be associated with the Mexican Underworld lord Mictlantecuhtli, who is patron of the number ‘6.’ We believe that the statement that the “first six people” were buried is a reference to the people of the third sun, who were killed by a fiery rain, likely a volcanic eruption (Miller and Taube 1993:70).39 The fact that Xiuhtecuhtli is the god of fire explains his role in these events. D. 49c 7 moons, 7 months [7 is the character of the moon-month]. Sustenance place [is] sky turtle. Ah Kisin is buried. Kisin’s lord is buried.

The victim of Venus’ dart is identified textually as a turtle, although this identification is hard to confirm strictly through a visual examination. The turtle has been anthropomorphized and even makes the “woe is me” gesture that indicates its impending death. According to the hieroglyphic text, tzen nal ka’an aak “sustenance place [is] the sky turtle” (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink184 .html).40 This identification corresponds well with the scene on the vessel known as the Resurrection Plate, which shows the maize god rising from a crack in the shell of a turtle (see Figure 3.11). The turtle can be identified as the earth floating on the water, on the one hand, and as the turtle in the sky, on the other, where the maize god is taken for his rebirth by the Paddler deities. The Hero Twins, Hun Ahaw and Yax Balam, are also pictured on the plate, assisting in the maize god’s rebirth (see Chapter 3). In the Popol Vuh, the maize god’s resurrection follows the defeat of the Underworld lords. Likewise, this appears to be signified in the frame from the Venus table by the statements “Kisin is buried; his [Kisin’s] lord is buried.” Lacandón stories referring to primordial time tell of a battle between the sun god Hachäkyum and his brother-inlaw Kisin, in which Kisin believed that he had killed Hachäkyum and subsequently buried him. Four days later, however, Hachäkyum’s swollen body split the earth, and he climbed out to confront Kisin, who was banished thereafter to the Underworld (Cline 1944). There are some striking parallels between this episode and what is related in the captions to the middle and lower registers on D. 49. In both accounts, the sun god is buried originally, but then the earth cracks open and Kisin is buried instead (i.e., relegated to the Underworld). 184

Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 295

Figure 7.21. Venus’ heliacal rise above the eastern horizon over northern Yucatán at sunrise on June 21, A.D. 1227. The belt stars of Orion are east of Venus just above the horizon. Schimpf 2008, Cybersky 4.0.4.

The reference to ‘7’ in relation to the “moon-month” may be related to the fact that this number has associations with the Underworld and the earth; in highland Mexican cultures, it is associated with the maize god.

Final Remarks about the Dresden Venus Table We began this chapter with a review of Seler’s (1904 [1898]) discussion of the Mexican Venus almanac on Borgia 53–54 and how the images from that almanac of Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli spearing a figure could be understood as an iconographic con296 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

vention used to communicate the ill fortune attached to the heliacal rise of Venus based on the content of a passage recorded in the Anales de Cuauhtitlan that reveals an explicit mythological basis for this belief. When Venus’ role in creation mythology is considered in detail, a fuller, more nuanced explanation for the structure and iconography of Mexican Venus almanacs can be posited. In addition, certain inconsistencies in the existing corpus of data can be accounted for, such as the attachment of Venus predictions to 1-coefficient dates in the Anales passage versus the four-date predictive windows constructed for the Borgia 53–54 almanac. From the known mythological association between Venus at its MFIRST station and the ill fortune associated with certain calendar dates in the highland Mexican tradition, we next took up Seler’s challenge of considering the Maya Dresden Venus table. With its images reminiscent of the Borgia Group codices, along with the accompanying hieroglyphic texts, it can be viewed as having a similar mythological foundation and as having functioned, like the Borgia examples, as a predictive instrument to warn against the ill fortunes brought by Venus on the occasions of its heliacal rise. Our analysis of the texts from the preface and pages of the Venus table proper reveals a series of direct allusions to the general narrative of Maya creation mythology that can be reconstructed from various sources, which include Classic period texts and images from ceramic vessels, carved monuments, sculpture, and mural art, and colonial period texts and chronicles. The captions assigned to the illustrations in the Dresden Venus table provide a mythological context for the images of Venus and the speared victims. For the most part, this context is quintessentially Maya, although we do see clear evidence of the incorporation of foreign elements and conceptions known from later highland Mexican sources. To our way of thinking, the integration of other elements is clear evidence of scribal interaction that likely occurred at the time of the table’s creation, which brings us to the issue of dating. The determination of when the various versions of the Dresden Venus table were initially composed is critical to our analysis. One of the more important considerations is the proposition made by H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2007; 2011:chap. 8) that the working version of the table can be dated to a 1 Ahaw 3 Xul starting date situated in the Early Postclassic period. The dating of the table has been crucial to understanding the relationship between the pictures and captions and the pertinent set of calendrics. The fact that the expanded texts and pictures concern the heliacal rise of Venus (MFIRST) clearly suggests the overwhelming concern of ancient Maya scribes with the successful prediction of Venus’ heliacal rise. We know from the Anales passage that, from a highland Mexican perspective, the prognostication attached to predicted dates of Venus’ heliacal rise is stated to the effect, “If he goes on 1 Crocodile, he shoots old men and old women,” and this has been interpreted to mean bad fortune for elderly people in the community, or “If on 1 Rain, he shoots the rain. No rain will fall.” The texts on Dresden 46–50 contain similar statements, but they are couched within a broader, more complex mythological context, Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 297

specifically that involving the nexus between the destruction of the previous world and the creation of the current one. We learn from the Dresden table preface of a set of five lords associated with One Sky Place who “arm” five different deities to manifest themselves as Venus warriors. We believe that it is from One Sky Place that each Venus warrior shoots a dart or spears a different victim on each of the MFIRST appearances. Thus, a pair of gods is actually involved in the martial act of Venus at heliacal rise. The abbreviated captions from the earlier 13 Mak and 18 K’ayab versions of the table suggest that each of the remaining three stations of Venus in each of its five synodic cycles took place at a specific mythic location assigned to each of the remaining three world directions. There, a god—perhaps the same god known from the expanded captions concerning Venus’ heliacal rise from the 3 Xul run—was armed or nourished by a set of five creator lords who preside at each mythic location over the course of Venus’ journey through five synodic cycles.41 The text captions and pictures created for the MFIRST stations of the 3 Xul run in the Dresden table proper contextualize each of the five Venus MFIRST appearances within a series of creation episodes that recount events from the distant past in order to forewarn against the ill fortune that could be revisited upon humanity and the natural world when Venus reenacts its appearance in the eastern sky at dawn as it had at the time of creation. Though a fair amount of the upper register captions have been destroyed, in general they appear to identify and expound upon the One Sky Place lord who is to “arm” the Venus warrior and perhaps mention a fortune attributed to said lord. Two of the captions mention that the “flint warrior is buried,” and we believe it is likely that a similar statement may have appeared in each upper register caption to relate that the Evening Star manifestation of Venus is in the Underworld, having descended at ELAST, and to warn that his emergence as a warrior at MFIRST is at hand.42 The middle register captions identify the MFIRST manifestation of Venus as a warrior aspect of a god appearing in the eastern sky and shooting a named victim. It is within these middle register captions that the dangerous portents resulting from Venus’ bellicose activities are communicated. Likewise, the bottom registers identify and expound upon the speared victim, and in some cases, additional prognostications of ill fortune associated with them. We believe that the numerical statements which begin the captions pertaining to the lower register may function symbolically. Our analysis of the expanded texts and pictures illustrating the Dresden Venus table reveals an elaborate conceptualization of Venus contextualized within a larger mythological journey. In this conceptualization, Venus’ journey becomes a sort of mnemonic for recounting a broader cosmogony involving several Maya deities and sacred places that commemorate the highlights in the narrative relating the creation of the present world. One point that stands out: a similar set of pictures were used by Mexican scribes to create a Venus almanac for use several centuries later in highland Mexico. Clearly, the mythology attached to these pictures by the scribes from two different regions and time periods cannot be the same. What, then, does this coincidence mean? It sug298 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

gests that a standard iconographic template for creating Venus MFIRST divinatory instruments had been in circulation and widely shared among Mesoamerican scribes during the Postclassic period. The mythological references and accompanying fortunes attached to this template are likely specific to regional and scribal traditions. Calendrical studies of the Dresden table strongly suggest that it was a predictive instrument created to forewarn of the disappearance of Venus from the evening sky at ELAST and its subsequent appearance as a Morning Star at MFIRST (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:212 –219). Our own study of the structure, text captions, and iconography of the Venus table is in accord with this conclusion. That foreknowledge of Venus’ heliacal rise was of great concern to the ancient Maya is revealed by the amount of space afforded the table in the codex (six full pages) and the investment of scribal resources and expertise to include expanded hieroglyphic texts and relatively large, painted polychrome illustrations. Despite the focus on ELAST and MFIRST, information about the remaining two stations of Venus (MLAST and EFIRST) was included in the table as well. Was this to fill out the time and space, so to speak, of Venus’ journey through its stations aligned to the north and west in each of its synodic cycles? Evidence from other almanacs in the Maya codices suggests that the Postclassic Maya were interested in data not only about the ELAST-MFIRST sequence of stations, but about EFIRST events as well. Scribes could go to the table for information in the form of predictive dates, iconography, and mythological association for the creation of additional divinatory almanacs and tables dealing with other themes but where knowledge of commensurations with Venus events would still be of concern and importance.

Venus References in Other Contexts Dresden Seasonal Table

Chaak is represented as a Venus deity in a number of different contexts in the Maya codices. In the almanac on D. 65a–69a (see discussion in Chapter 6), Chaak represents the Evening Star aspect of Venus in frame 8 and possibly also in frame 4 (Figure 7.22) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink185.html). In the eighth frame, corresponding to D. 67a, fr. 2, Chaak is named as sak k’in ‘false sun’ (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:518), the name of the Evening Star among the Lacandón Maya (Bruce et al. 1971:15; Milbrath 1999:34). This occurs following the Ek’ (eek’ ) Xib? Chaak title, which associates Chaak with the west, an appropriate fit for the Evening Star aspect of Venus, which is seen in the western sky. K’awil is described as being u yalaw k’awil ‘thrown down’ by Chaak in this frame and tied by him in the next.43 Chaak is the protagonist there as well and carries the same accoutrements (a spear and shield) as in the previous frame, although the design on the two shields is different: the first includes the glyph for ix meaning ‘jaguar’, and the second appears to read tz’ak ‘to arrange, put in order’. We interpret these two frames as being Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 299

185

Figure 7.22. The seasonal table on D. 65–69. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta (1976 [1930]:140, 142, 144, 146, 148). Modified by H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2011:391).

analogous to the throwing down of Oxlahun ti’ K’uh (in this case K’awil) by the Bolon ti’ K’uh (the Venus deities) in the mythological portion of the Books of Chilam Balam, as we discuss in more detail in Chapter 6. Another frame that occurs earlier in the almanac, D. 66a, fr. 1, has iconographic parallels with D. 67a, fr. 2 (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink186.html). Chaak is pictured holding a spear and ix shield; additionally, he grasps a serpent. The significance of the serpent is at present unclear (it appears in several other frames as well, including D. 65a, fr. 1 and D. 66a, fr. 3); most likely, it has associations with lightning. The caption to the frame reads: u chan nah?-il k’ul [y]ook chaak ta ha’al kab-ch e’en “The holy footsteps of Chaak [in] his sky house(?). The earthcave [is] in the rain.” The reference to the “sky house” recalls that in the text caption to the frame on D. 69 that pictures Chaak emerging from the open jaws of a serpent in his manifestation as Venus as Evening Star (see Chapter 5). Although the caption on D. 66a, fr. 1 differs from that on D. 67a, fr. 2, we believe that the iconography signifies that Chaak represents the Evening Star aspect of Venus in both instances. From a calendrical point of view, the relationship may be expressed as follows: D. 67a, fr. 2 begins on the date 10.6.1.13.1 5 Imix 19 Sotz’, corresponding to March 5, A.D. 950, and has an interval of two days. The following day, 6 Ik’ 0 Tzek (March 6, A.D. 950), is associated with an EFIRST event in the 18 K’ayab run of the Venus table, suggesting that the picture on D. 67a, fr. 2 refers to Chaak’s first appearance as the Evening Star. Moving forward by an interval of 584 days, the next Venus EFIRST falls on 5 Kimi 19 Muwan, or October 11, A.D. 951, according to the 18 K’ayab run of the Venus table. This occurs during the interval associated with D. 65a, fr. 1 following several recycling of the almanac.44 Thirteen days later, the picture associated with D. 66a, fr. 1 becomes relevant. Although it does not target EFIRST precisely, it may nevertheless be related to the Evening Star aspect of Venus, which continues for a period of approximately 250 days. This interpretation fits nicely with the description in the caption of Chaak being in his “sky house.” A number of events, as well as sequences of events, are repeated in the almanac (see discussion in Chapter 6), suggesting that it was intended to be used over a period of several years in order to relate Venus’ cycle and the eclipse seasons (seen in frames 5 and 12) to mythological events involving the theft of the seed corn, the resulting flood, and the re-creation of the world. As in many other instances, the Maya scribe who drafted the almanac made a point of linking events in historical time to those of the mythic past in order to tie human events to those undertaken by the gods. Turning next to the almanac in the register below D. 65a–69a, we find that rather than an emphasis on Chaak as Evening Star, Chaak is instead portrayed as the Morning Star deity on several occasions (see Figure 7.22). We find it of particular interest that in the frame directly below the one referencing Chaak as Sak K’in (‘False Sun’ or Evening Star), Chaak is associated with Sak Kab, the Lacandón term for the Morning Star aspect of Venus (Bruce et al. 1971:15; McGee 1990:54– Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 301

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55) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink187 .html). Chaak is shown seated within the earth for a period of two days; in the following frame, the deity rises from the water with his upraised axe (see http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink188.html). We interpret this as referring to the heliacal rise of the planet. The first of the two frames corresponds to July 8, A.D. 952, and the next to July 10; according to the 18 K’ayab run of the Venus table, Venus’ heliacal rise occurred on June 25, A.D. 952. Why the same event was recorded on different days that were separated by a period of thirteen days by the scribes who drafted the two tables remains unclear (unless these frames refer to a later recycling of the almanac), but it is likely that there must have been other factors (unknown to us) that played a role in calculating when the heliacal rise of Venus occurred. Another reference to Venus at heliacal rise may be found in the text and image of the second frame of Dresden 65b (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink189.html). Here, Chaak is shown emerging from the ocean’s foam with his darts and atlatl, the weapons typically associated with Venus as a warrior at heliacal rise (see discussion earlier in chapter). This frame can be associated with a date of November 26, A.D. 950 (10.6.2.8.7 11 Manik’ 5 Kumk’u), in the first multiple of the table, corresponding to one synodic revolution before that highlighted on D. 67b. This falls seven days after heliacal rise according to the 18 K’ayab version of the Venus table, which places it on November 19 (10.6.2.8.0 4 Ahaw 18 K’ayab). This date corresponds to the first frame on D. 65b, which shows Chaak paddling a boat (see discussion below) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink190.html). The two frames together show Chaak’s journey through the Underworld and his emergence from the eastern sea at dawn. This is suggested both by the iconography of the second frame, which shows Chaak emerging from the water with his weapons, and the hieroglyphic text, which states that “Chaak is in the foam [i.e., foamy sea].” Additional support for this interpretation may be found in the preceding frame, which pictures Chaak in a boat; the caption states that he is ‘in the earth’ (ta kab). We associate this frame with Chaak in the Underworld, paddling to the place where he will emerge as the Morning Star deity. In this sense, it may be related to other scenes showing deities paddling canoes through the Underworld to the place of resurrection, such as the carved bones from Tomb 116 at Tikal (see Figure 9.2). In highland Mexican sources, the deity representing Venus used his time in the Underworld to fashion darts that were aimed at various victims during the planet’s heliacal rise. The fact that Chaak appears with darts and an atlatl on D. 65b, fr. 2 serves to solidify our interpretation of the astronomical meaning of these two frames. We associate the following two frames with Chaak being in the sky. They appear to relate to an earlier run of the almanac that ties them to dates in the month of June (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988) (Table 7.18). The first of these 302 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Table 7.18. Calendrical reconstruction for the lower seasonal table on D. 65b–69b First Run A 13 + 11

B 11 + 13

C 11 + 11

D 9+1

E 10 + 8

F 5+6

Ix (12 Mol) 10.6.1.16.14 May 17, 950

Chikchan (3 Ch’en) 10.6.1.17.5 May 28, 950

Etz’nab (16 Ch’en) 10.6.1.17.18 June 10, 950

Muluk (7 Yax) 10.6.2.0.9 June 21, 950

Ok (8 Yax) 10.6.2.0.10 June 22, 950

Etz’nab (16 Yax) 10.6.2.0.18 June 30, 950

H 2+2

I 4 + 13

J 4+6

K 10 + 6

L 3+8

M 11 + 2

Lamat (6 Sak) 10.6.2.1.8 July 10, 950

Ok (8 Sak) 10.6.2.1.10 July 12, 950

Ak’bal (1 Keh) 10.6.2.2.3 July 25, 950

Muluk (7 Keh) 10.6.2.2.9 July 31, 950

Men (13 Keh) 10.6.2.2.15 Aug. 6, 950

Ak’bal (1 Mak) 10.6.2.3.3 Aug. 14, 950

G 11 + 4 K’an (2 Sak) 10.6.2.1.4 July 6, 950

Second Run A 13 + 9

B 9+5

C 1+1

D 2 + 10

E 12 + 6

F 5+2

G 7 + 11

Chikchan (3 Mak) 10.6.2.3.5 Aug. 16, 950

Ix (12 Mak) 10.6.2.3.14 Aug. 25, 950

Kawak (17 Mak) 10.6.2.3.19 Aug. 30, 950

Ahaw (18 Mak) 10.6.2.4.0 Aug 31, 950

Ok (8 K’ank’in) 10.6.2.4.10 Sept. 10, 950

Kib (14 K’ank’in) 10.6.2.4.16 Sept. 16, 950

Etz’nab (16 K’ank’in) 10.6.2.4.18 Sept. 18, 950

H 5+7

I 12 + 3

J 2 + 12

K 1+8

L 9+4

M 13 + 13

Muluk (7 Muwan) 10.6.2.5.9 Sept. 29, 950

Kib (14 Muwan) 10.6.2.5.16 Oct. 6, 950

Kawak (17 Muwan) 10.6.2.5.19 Oct. 9, 950

Chuwen (9 Pax) 10.6.2.6.11 Oct. 21, 950

Kawak (17 Pax) 10.6.2.6.19 Oct. 29, 950

Ak’bal (1 K’ayab) 10.6.2.7.3 2 Nov. 950

Note: Years are in A.D.

shows Chaak walking along a road; he carries a staff and wears a merchant’s pack on his back, similar to that worn by the merchant deities God M in the codices and God L in Classic period contexts (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink191.html). Although the Brickers link this iconography with the Half Year station (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988, 1992:52), it is just as likely that it refers to Chaak’s path through the sky (the Milky Way was visualized as a road by the prehispanic Maya).45 The following frame, showing Chaak seated on a skyband, is thought to correspond to the summer solstice associated with June 21, A.D. 950 (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988:S21) (see http://www.hiero​g lyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPC link192.html). Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 303

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196

197

In the following two frames, Chaak is located on (or in) a mountain (D. 66b, fr.2) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink193 .html) and in the Underworld, or in the earth’s interior (D. 66b, fr. 3), represented in the text by the phrase ta-naak, or tan aak, ‘in the turtle’ (see http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink194.html). Chaak was believed to dwell within the earth during the dry season, suggesting that these frames may be associated with the November dates shared by the almanac’s first two frames, rather than the June dates of frames 3 and 4. The following frame, corresponding to D. 67b, fr. 1, shows Chaak perched on a ceiba tree (as specified by the ti’ yaxche’ collocation in the caption), which is symbolized by the deity’s head in the accompanying picture (see http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink195.html). Chaak is shown seated in ceiba trees on various other occasions in the Dresden Codex (see, e.g., D. 30a, fr. 1, D. 69a), although the ceremonial or seasonal referent for this activity is still unknown.46 The example on D. 67b can be linked to the autumnal equinox in the first run through the almanac, and it falls close to the summer solstice in a later run, suggesting that it may have had a seasonal association. The next two frames on D. 67b are those previously discussed that show Chaak as Sak Kab, the Morning Star aspect of Venus within the earth (fr. 2) and rising from the water (fr. 3). The celestial/seasonal referent of the following three frames remains unclear. In the first of these, Chaak may be seated on a stool or straddling a now eroded object. D. 68b, fr. 2 shows Chaak having sexual relations with a young deity who may represent the earth goddess; this is likely to signify a fertility ritual (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink196 .html). On D. 68b, fr. 3, Chaak is seated on a glyphic collocation that remains unread (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink197.html). We propose a tentative value of /ko/ for the two elements, suggesting that Chaak is seated on a kok ‘turtle’. This may be a mythological reference to the first turtle (the constellation Orion), which was manifested in the sky on 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u, corresponding to August 11, 3114 B.C. In this respect, it is of interest that the frame incorporates an Ahaw date (8 Ahaw) that occurs on August 11, here corresponding to the year 950. This example is similar to those discussed by Matthew Looper (2007) from the hieroglyphic corpus at the Classic period site of Quirigua, in which rulers timed their ritual acts to coincide seasonally with events performed by the deities in primordial time. In the final frame, Chaak is in a location that has yet to be adequately identified, clutching an owl (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink198.html)47 As the owl has Underworld associations, this may indicate that Venus, in the guise of Chaak, was in the Underworld at the time. According to calculations made using the Cybersky program (Schimpf 2008), Venus was in conjunction (i.e., not visible in the night sky) for both of the dates associated 304 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

with the first run of the almanac (August 16 and November 2, A.D. 950), suggesting that they both fit this criteria. It is not clear how the owl should be interpreted. Owls appear in a number of contexts in the codices—as omens of the earth goddess in the Dresden and Madrid codices and of the k’atun patrons in the Paris Codex (see, e.g., D. 16c, fr. 1; D. 18b, fr. 3; and P. 10b); as deities in anthropomorphic form (e.g., D. 10a, fr. 1; D. 11a, fr. 1; and M. 66a, fr. 1); worn as a headdress by God L (on D. 14b, fr. 2, and D. 74); and in conjunction with Chaak (on M. 73b and D. 43c, in addition to the present context). God L’s owl is said to have associations with the rains (Taube 1992:81). On M. 73b, Chaak may be seen painting its tail feathers black, suggesting a link with the dark clouds that bring rain (Figure 1.7) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink199.html). This interpretation ties in well with the date associated with this frame—August 5, A.D. 1451 (V. Bricker 1997:175), which falls during the rainy season. The fact that Chaak is seated in a cenote suggests that the scene takes place in an underground location, which coincides with contemporary Maya beliefs that the rain clouds originate from places within the earth, such as caves (Christenson 2001:84–85; Thompson 1970b:251–276). Similarly, D. 43c may also be associated with the Underworld (Figure 1.3), as it shows Chaak paddling a canoe containing God L’s owl, merchant’s pack, and owl feathers (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink200.html). Although the almanac lacks information for placing it in absolute time, its calendrical structure—the fact that each frame begins on a yearbearer date, corresponding to 13 Ak’bal, 13 Lamat, 13 Ben, and 13 Etz’nab—as well as its hieroglyphic captions, suggest that it depicts yearbearer prophecies. Depending on when it was painted and intended to be used, it too may have an association with August.48 If this is the case, it may tie in to the August date associated with the picture of Chaak grasping the owl on D. 69b. The two frames are linked by the óox wi’il ‘abundance of food’ collocation that is found in each, and we have previously noted that Chaak paddles a canoe in the first frame of the lower seasonal almanac (see Figure 7.22), which is the frame that occurs after that on D. 69b, when the almanac is recycled. Rather than being related to the stealing of God L’s owl, as previous scholars have suggested (Taube 1992:87, Figure 43a), is it possible instead that the scene on D. 43c refers to Chaak bringing the owl to God L so that the latter deity may release the rain waters when he rises into the sky in his manifestation as Venus? It is this aspect of God L that is stressed on D. 46b (see Figure 7.17), where he is colored blue and wears his owl headdress; additionally, his name glyph takes the ha’ ‘water’ prefix in this context (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink201.html). It is of interest that this scene can likewise be associated with dates in August, at the height of the rainy season, and that both D. 43c and 46b are associated with the east, the direction of Venus’ heliacal rise. Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 305

198

199

200

201

Figure 7.23. Table of constellation from P. 23–24. Note the owl (Gemini) in the upper row, at the right side of page 23. After Anders (1968).

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It is also possible that the owl pictured with Chaak may symbolize the constellation Gemini, as it does in the Paris zodiacal table (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992:171; Figure 7.23) and perhaps also on D. 38b, fr. 3 (Figure 7.24) (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink202.html). In the latter example, Chaak is seated on the owl’s head, which is said in the text to be na’ak ‘rising’. The date associated with this frame in the first run through the almanac is 11.14.17.8.4 9 K’an 2 Wo, or August 23, A.D. 1517. Another almanac shows a bird being grasped, although it is a vulture, rather than an owl, and is being held by Pawahtun rather than Chaak. Whether the two instances of bird imagery are related in any way remains to be established. Similarly, the significance of the location referenced on D. 69b (a valley or grass306 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.24. Chaak seated on the head of an owl on D. 38c, fr. 3. After Förstemann (1880).

lands) remains unclear, although it is also mentioned in six of the seven frames of the almanac on M. 40a–41a (Figure 7.25), which is focused on hunting activities. The almanac’s sixth frame appears to picture a Venus event (the spearing of a jaguar), which is also depicted on page 47 of the Dresden Venus table (see previous discussion). Madrid Codex

There are several examples of a bearded figure (or one with jaguar markings) who carries an atlatl and darts in the Madrid Codex (e.g., on pages 40b and 92a; Figure 7.26), suggesting a possible association with Venus in his heliacal rise aspect. In addition, we believe that the speared jaguar on M. 41a (Figure 7.25) likely represents a victim of Venus’ dart. It is also possible that the speared deer on M. 39b may have a similar significance (Hernández 2002; 2006b:137–138) (Figure 7.27) (see http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink203.html). The spearer in this case is identified quite explicitly as a splayed deer with a scorpion tail. The stinger takes the Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 307

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Figure 7.25. Almanac depicting the activities of hunters on M. 40a–41a. The sixth frame appears to picture a Venus event (the spearing of a jaguar), similar to that depicted on page 47 of the Dresden Venus table. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870). Figure 7.26. A tattooed figure with spears and an atlatl on M. 92a, fr. 2. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

shape of a hand that thrusts a spear into the midsection of a second, naturalistically rendered, deer. The last interval (marked F on the illustration), which begins on the day 13 Ik’, is associated with the spearing. This means that one of the days within the interval (13 Ik’, 1 Ak’bal, 2 K’an, or 3 Chikchan) was likely a date predicted for Venus’ heliacal rise. Of the five tzolk’in days used in the Dresden Venus table to predict days of heliacal rise, 2 K’an is the only one that also occurs in the Madrid almanac. In 1491, heliacal rise for Venus occurred in the early spring on April 3, corresponding to 4 Kimi 19 Keh. The tzolk’in day 4 Kimi is the first day of the second row of the Madrid almanac, falling within two days of the predicted date on 2 K’an. An early spring date for M. 39b fits the iconography of the almanac, given the fact that the deer being speared is a male without antlers (note the testicles associated with the lower deer). In the northern Yucatán, male deer generally lose their antlers in March and remain without them until sometime in June (Leopold 1959:512). Another iconographic element in support of an early spring date occurs as part of the spear itself. The hilt is twisted into the shape of a “reversal sign,” representing muyal ‘cloud’, which has been associated with the vernal equinox in other Maya almanacs (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988:S15). The day of the vernal equinox for the year in question would correspond to 3 Eb 5 Keh, which begins the fourth interval, marked D on the illustration (Figure 7.27). We know from the Dresden Venus table that a day of ELAST precedes a predicted day of MFIRST by an interval of eight days, and that the scorpion has 308 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.27. Almanac on M. 39b with calendrical structure. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

associations with the western (Evening Star) aspect of the planet (see Appendix 7.2). In the case of M. 39b, this would mean that the predicted day of Venus’ last visibility as an Evening Star would be 7 Kib 9 Keh, which is the final day of the “D” interval. The actual day of ELAST occurred within the penultimate interval, which begins on 8 Kaban 10 Keh. Venus’ last appearance as an Evening Star occurred three days later, on 11 Ahaw 13 Keh, or March 28, A.D. 1491. For the dates associated with the almanac’s first row, Venus was an Evening Star until the E interval associated with the scorpion tail stabbing the lower deer, which we believe references Venus’ transition from its Evening Star to its Morning Star aspect. In addition, we believe that the splayed position of the upper deer may be an iconographic convention representing the configuration of the constellations Scorpius (the scorpion tail) and Virgo (the deer) descending in the western sky on the morning of Venus’ heliacal rise (Figure 7.28). One final note about the significance of M. 39b and its relationship to Venus is the fact that a cognate almanac exists in the Codex Borgia in which the imagery of paired deer, one spearing the other, is used. This may represent another case in which iconographic conventions are shared among scribal traditions widely separated in space and time. Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 309

Figure 7.28. Venus’ heliacal rise above the eastern horizon over northern Yucatán at sunrise on April 3, A.D. 1491. The constellation Virgo is on the western horizon; above it are Libra and Scorpius, tail up, descending to the west. Schimpf 2008, Cybersky 4.0.4.

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Other references to Venus deities occur in the almanacs on M. 12b–18b and on M. 33a. The former is a 780-day instrument (three runs of 260 days) with a structure of 4 × 65 days relevant to the years A.D. 924 to 926 (H. Bricker et al. 1997; Figure 7.29). The scribe who painted this almanac employed an unusual combination of Maya calendrical notation with an in extenso format for the calendrical layout and reckoning of dates (see Hernández and Vail 2010).49 The almanac contains two explicit references to Venus events. The first appears in the first frame found on M. 12b (see http://www. hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink204.html). Based on the Brickers’ interpretation, the first run of the almanac begins with a day 13 Manik’ 14 Muwan, corresponding to October 13, A.D. 924, in the Gregorian calendar (H. Bricker et al. 1997). A heliacal rise of Venus occurs on the first day of the fourth row—13 Ik’ 4 Yaxk’in, which corresponds to April 26, A.D. 924. Because the extant Venus table goes no earlier than A.D. 934, we cannot be completely certain about the predicted date for the MFIRST in A.D. 924, but it is likely to have been a K’an day, falling on 2 K’an 6 Yaxk’in.50 310 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.29. Almanac on M. 12b–18b with calendrical structure outlined. Almanac after Anders (1967).

Figure 7.30. M. 12b with bound jaguar and Venus/star glyph indicated. After Anders (1967).

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The almanac’s first frame lacks a hieroglyphic text, but the glyph for Venus (or star) appears in the skyband, and we suggest that the bound jaguar in the lefthand column is likely to represent the victim of the warrior aspect of Venus associated with a heliacal rise event (Figure 7.30). In support of this identification, we look to the 3 Xul run of the Dresden Venus table, where victims of Venus’ warrior aspect are depicted. On D. 47c, the victim of the heliacal rise events dating to the early spring is the speared jaguar Chak Balam. Although spearing is an iconographic convention that is often used to represent Venus MFIRST events (Seler 1904:382–386), we propose that depictions of bound prisoners are an alternative convention used by Maya scribes to represent MFIRST (see Figure 4.14). In addition, the scribe who painted the M. 12b–18b almanac would have known that an ELAST would have preceded this predicted MFIRST and that it would have occurred on a Kib day eight days before. The corresponding date, falling on 7 Kib 19 Xul, occurs at the end of the third row on M. 17b (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink205. html). Venus appeared for the last time on the following day, 8 Kaban 0 Yaxk’in, or April 22, A.D. 924, before disappearing during inferior conjunction. On the night of Venus’ last visibility, the constellation of Cancer would have been at zenith after sunset. Interestingly, the tzolk’in dates 7 Kib and 8 Kaban are found on M. 17b, spanning the column that is associated with a picture of a frog hanging head downward within a column of falling water in the lower register of the page (Figure 7.30). The frog might therefore represent Cancer on the day of ELAST in A.D. 924.51 Moreover, the event referenced comes after the vernal equinox, which heralds the start of the rainy season. A similar coincidence of astronomical events coupled with the transition from the dry to rainy season appears to be the theme of another closely linked almanac, which appears on M. 33a. The almanac on M. 33a (Figure 7.31) contains a mosaic of iconographic elements that weave together mythological, astronomical, and seasonal themes found elsewhere in the Maya codices, including the Dresden Venus and water tables and M. 12b–18b (Hernández and V. Bricker 2004:298). Like the other water-related almanacs in the Madrid Codex (see Chapter 5), its single central picture lacks a hieroglyphic caption and is bounded on both sides by a column of tzolk’in coefficients and distance num312 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.31. Almanac on M. 33a with calendrical structure. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

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bers (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink206.html). Madrid 33a employs a rare crisscrossing calendrical structure for reckoning dates. This means that the user reads the almanac beginning on the left side of the page with a day glyph in the initial column, adds one of the distance numbers of ‘5’ along the left side of the picture, then crosses over the picture to the right side to add one of the distance numbers of ‘1’. The reading order proceeds in a crisscross fashion back and forth across the central picture. The final distance number appears in the left center of the picture within a knotted bow. At the top of the almanac is a skyband with a woven pattern that may represent a sky glyph (the other element is too eroded to identify). A single solar eclipse glyph is suspended from the skyband on the left side. To the right is a splayed frog situated just below the skyband. A field of rain falls from the left side of the skyband, which essentially divides the scene into two fields, one with rain and one without. On the right, in the side of the picture without rain, is a black-painted Chaak in the bent knee position assumed by the heliacal rise aspect of Venus on D. 48b and 49b (see Figures 7.19 and 7.20); like God L on D. 46, he holds a shield in one hand and an upraised blue-painted weapon in the other (but note that it is Chaak’s lightning axe on M. 33a, whereas God L holds an atlatl on D. 46b). On the left, in the side of the picture with rain, is a smaller figure of the maize god with his hand held up to his face in the palm-upward gesture symbolic of death or impending death. Given the positioning of the two figures, Chaak appears to be playing a role similar to one of the Venus warriors in the Dresden Venus table. As was true of the relationship between the water-related almanacs on M. 32 and D. 74 in the Lower Water table (LWT; see Chapter 5), M. 33a may also focus on a similar series of like-in-kind events featured in the initial frames of the Upper Water table (UWT) and a related cognate on page 42c of the Dresden Codex. This is another in a series of examples that suggests that the predicted close co-occurrence of certain astronomical and seasonal events and their mythological underpinnings had lasting ideological importance to the ancient Maya. The first row of the Madrid almanac corresponds to a sixty-five-day period of time that begins on March 27, A.D. 1483, and extends to May 30, according to a model proposed by Hernández and V. Bricker (2004:300; see Table 7.19). It has a number of similarities with the Dresden water tables, including an emphasis on the days Kaban, Ik’, Manik’, and Eb (LWT), a calendrical period of sixty-five days (LWT), a skyband with eclipse glyph(s) (LWT), a black-painted Venus deity in a kneeling posture (LWT), a creature in the sky (although this is a frog on M. 33a, rather than a crocodilian) (LWT), prognostications involving the maize god (LWT and UWT), and rain/water iconography (LWT and UWT). A notable tie to the UWT includes the use of the knotted bundle to contain bar-and-dot numbers.52 A comparison of the UWT and LWT suggests that the figure whose decapitation leads to the rains differs between each of them. On page 74 of the LWT, a 314 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Table 7.19. Important dates for astronomical events and haab stations on M. 33a Side of the central picture

Maya Calendar Round

Gregorian calendar date (A.D.)

Event referenced

Left

13 Kaban 10 Keh

Mar. 27, 1483

Beginning of the first row

Left

4 Imix 14 Keh

Mar. 31, 1483

Venus ELAST

Left

9 Kimi 19 Keh

Apr. 5, 1483

Venus MFIRST

Right

11 Lamat 1 Mak

Apr. 7, 1483

Eclipse season opens

Left

7 Kaban 10 Mak

Apr. 16, 1483

Solar eclipse

Left

13 Muluk 2 Muwan

May 18, 1483

Eclipse season closes

Left

13 Ik’ 15 Muwan

May 31, 1483

Beginning of the second row

Left

13 Manik’ 0 Wayeb

Aug. 4, 1483

Beginning of the third row

Right

5 Eb 0 Pop

Aug. 9, 1483

Last day of Wayeb

Left

6 Ben 1 Pop

Aug. 10, 1483

Inauguration of New Year

Left

7 Ix 2 Pop

Aug. 11, 1483

New Year’s Day in Mayapán Calendar

crocodilian plays this role, whereas in the UWT, the decapitation of the Mars beast is the underlying theme. The iconography of M. 33a clearly shows that the impending decapitation or death of the maize god is at issue, which appears to be associated with the coincidence of Venus’ heliacal rise (on April 5, A.D. 1483) and a solar eclipse eleven days later (see Table 7.19). In the 3 Xul run of the Dresden Venus table and in other contexts, the maize god’s death or decapitation is associated with the harvest of the maize crop in November, yet as we see by the dating of the almanac on M. 33a, we are dealing with the inauguration of the agricultural cycle, not its close. The scene showing Chaak as a warrior with an upraised axe poised to strike the maize god Nal is suggestive of the iconographic program used in the Dresden Venus table, namely, that of a Venus warrior dispatching a victim with a dart, but the iconographic program on M. 33a is clearly more complicated than that used elsewhere to signify a Venus heliacal rise event. The first frame of the almanac on D. 42c–45c (Figure 7.32) contains a picture that is similar to that of M. 33a, with a few interesting differences. The scene on D. 42c shows Chaak, who is colored half red and half white, with an upraised axe ready to strike in his right hand and a pouch in his left hand. In this scene, the maize god has been disemboweled by Chaak (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink207.html). Beyond this discrepancy, the most obvious difference between the two scenes is the lack of astronomical references on D. 42c, where we see no skyband, no eclipse glyphs, and no elements related to rainfall. Instead, we have a hieroglyphic caption, counts of offerings, and additional glyphic collocations bordering the picture, one of which reads “damage to the tortilla/food.” The text caption reads: Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 315

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Figure 7.32. Sacrifice of the maize god on D. 42c. After Förstemann (1880). [wa’alah] nohol? chaak [u] k’ul ook nah? nal k’intun haabil ___53 The holy footsteps of Chaak [stopped in] the south. First?/Honored Maize; drought, ??

As we have seen in the texts of many rain-related almanacs and tables, the reference to wa’alah indicates that Chaak is pacing out a foundation circuit and stopping to make prophecies at each of the four world directions related to the rains or the outcome of the maize harvest. In this case he is stopping at a place, associated with the south quadrant, where drought and damage to the maize fields are prophesized. We believe that this scene portrays a ritual performance dramatizing the struggle between the gods (or deity complexes) Bolon Ti’ K’uh and Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh in the Books of Chilam Balam. As we recount in Chapter 10, the Bolon Ti’ K’uh have links to the Mams, deities associated with the earth, particularly with the Underworld; with sterility or the dry season; and with periods of disorder. Our analysis suggests that Venus and the various hunt gods are members of the Bolon Ti’ K’uh complex. We believe that the Chaak painted red and white on D. 42c may be associated with the Bolon Ti’ K’uh.54 He may be seen slaying Nal, who can be associated with the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh, deities with life-giving forces that have associations with fertility or the wet season, sustenance, and periods of order. The sun god, K’awil, and Nal can all be linked with the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh complex (see Chapter 10). The struggle between the forces and deities represented by the two complexes is especially evident at the transition points between the wet and dry seasons. We suggest that the red and white coloration of Chaak and his slaying of the maize god symbolize the transition from the rainy to the dry season. If this is the case, we can directly relate D. 42c to M. 33a, where the calen316 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.33. Frames 1 and 2 from the Dresden UWT with the glyphs for Mars (at A2) and Venus (at B2) indicated in the captions. After Förstemann (1880).

drics cross the rainy and nonrainy halves of the picture; only in this case, the transition is from the dry to the wet season. On M. 33a we see Chaak conflated with Venus in his Evening Star aspect, who serves as a harbinger of the rains. In the UWT (see Chapter 6), a transition of a different nature takes place over the course of two frames that also appears to be relevant for our understanding of the almanac on M. 33a. The second frame of the UWT appears at the beginning of the table on D. 71 (Figure 7.33) (see http://www .hiero ​ g lyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink208 .html). It stands out from the other frames for two reasons: one, the glyph for the Mars beast appears in the caption, signaling that within the interval of 54 days associated with the frame, Mars will mark an important point in its synodic cycle that is of astrological importance; and two, the lower half of the frame is characterized by a falling stream of water. Frame 2 begins with 9 Ix 12 Muwan, which corresponds to December 4, A.D. 702 (Table 7.20). During this time, Mars reaches its first stationary point in its synodic cycle and then begins its retrograde motion against the background of stars in the evening sky. The following frame is equally notable. It begins with a day 11 Lamat 6 Kumk’u, corresponding to January 27, A.D. 703 (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink209.html). The 11 Lamat date is also a day in which Venus marks its last day of visibility as an Evening Star (ELAST). Four days later, Venus reappears in the eastern sky as a Morning Star on 2 Eb 10 Kumk’u, corresponding to January 31, A.D. 703. The alternation from a rainy interval to a nonrainy interval and the close calendrical proximity to the inauguration of a new year station is reminiscent of the patterns found on M. 33a. Returning to M. 12b–18b, a second Venus event occurs in the third run of the almanac in A.D. 926 (Figure 7.34). Venus first appears as an Evening Star (EFIRST) on March 3, A.D. 926, corresponding to 12 Ben 11 Sotz’, just one day before the predicted Ix date for this event based on the Dresden Venus table. The 12 Ben date falls at the beginning of the fourth row on M. 17b, just above the eclipse glyph in the bottom register. The upper picture, of a blue-colored Chaak wielding an axe and holding a shield with four bells directly above the first column of day glyphs on M. 17b, may refer to this Venus EFIRST event (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink210.html). Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 317

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209

210

Table 7.20. Venus and haab station dates in the first two frames of the Dresden UWT Frame of the UWT

211

Iconography

Maya Calendar Round

Gregorian calendar date (A.D.)

Event referenced

1

Falling water

9 Ix 12 Muwan

Dec 4, 702

Beginning of the first frame

2

No falling water

11 Lamat 6 Kumk’u

Jan. 27, 703

Beginning of the second frame; Venus ELAST

2 Eb 10 Kumk’u

Jan. 31, 703

Venus MFIRST

4 Manik’ 0 Pop

Feb. 15, 703

LWT-like date

5 Lamat 1 Pop

Feb. 16, 703

Inauguration of Lamat year

It is also noteworthy that the 12 Ben 11 Sotz’ date suggested for EFIRST and the picture of Chaak carrying a shield on M. 17b are depicted in a part of the almanac not characterized by falling rain. The predicted Venus event falls before the equinox on March 20, which the Brickers (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988:S15–S16) have shown to symbolize the divide between the dry season and the wet season in the Dresden Codex (see discussion of the Dresden seasonal table in Chapter 6). The predicted eclipse dates on M. 12b fall after the equinox (see Figure 7.30), and the glyphs referring to them in the upper register are therefore shown with rain falling from them. Venus Associations of D. 3a

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The almanac on D. 3a (Figure 7.35) has a number of characteristics that suggest a link with the Dresden Venus table. Points of comparison include references to the five dates associated with Venus’ heliacal rise, and pictures corresponding to four of the victims in the Venus table (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation​ /UPClink211.html). Table 7.21 outlines the dates referenced in the central frame and their association to the figures in the Venus table.55 The imagery from the Venus table can be related to the almanac’s five frames as follows. The central frame, associated with the date 1 Ahaw, depicts the blinding of a sacrificial victim. This theme is suggestive of the blindfolded deity in the middle register of D. 50b (also associated with 1 Ahaw), who was responsible for punishing those accused of certain crimes (such as adultery) by blinding (see http://www. hieroglyphic​research.org/Documentation/UPClink212.html). In the Yucatán, adultery was punished by disembowelment (Tozzer 1941:32), which may also be represented by the sacrificial scene in the central frame of D. 3a. 318 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.34. M. 16b–18b. The Ben glyph below Chaak holding a shield is indicated by the arrow. After Anders (1967). Table 7.21. Tzolk’in dates from the central frame in D. 3a and their association with Venus MFIRST iconography contained in the Dresden Venus table Date

Page of Venus table

One Sky Place lord

Venus warrior

Victim

1 Ahaw

D. 50

Hun Ahaw

Kakatunal (blindfolded god)

“Foreigner” from west

1 K’an

D. 46

Pawah Ayin

God L

K’awil

1 Lamat

D. 47

Kimil

Lahun Chan

Jaguar

1 Eb

D. 48

Kan Pawahtun

Tawisikal

Maize god

1 Kib

D. 49

Na’ Uh

Xiuhtecuhtli

Turtle

In the Books of Chilam Balam, there are episodes relating to both the blinding of a Venus deity (the Ah Musenkab) by the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh and the blinding of the latter by the Bolon Ti’ K’uh Venus gods (see Chapter 10). Moreover, in the Ritual of the Bacabs, a deity called Kolop U Wich K’in Kolop U Wich Ak’ab (Snatcher of the Eye of the Day, Snatcher of the Eye of the Night) can be identified as an eclipse agent that corresponds with Venus (Closs 1989:399). In the present context, the eye of the victim is held in the beak of a vulture, likely the counterpart of Seven Macaw in the Popol Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 319

Figure 7.35. Almanac on D. 3a with links to the Dresden Venus table. After Förstemann (1880).

213

Vuh (see below).56 This description corresponds to a description recorded by Guiteras Holmes (1961:153) in which the residents of San Pedro Chenalhó, in Chiapas note that, during an eclipse, birds of prey are thought to descend and take out a person’s eye. It is of interest that this event can be tied to 1 Ahaw, which corresponds to Hun Ahaw being named as the deity responsible for nourishing Venus on D. 50a; there is also a reference to the sun god K’in Ahaw and to the “end of days, end of years” (i.e., the end of the world) in the caption to D. 50a (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink213.html). This may be comparable to the Lacandón expression xu’tan or xulik t’an/tan “end of the world” (Bruce 1979:322) used in reference to an eclipse. On D. 3a, the verb is eroded, but it is followed by ah kimil xul ?? u muuk yatil lob [ba’al] “Dead person ??; end of ??. It is his evil omen, his payment. Evil [thing].” There is good evidence to suggest that this statement refers to a metaphorical eclipse that signaled the destruction of the previous world, highlighted in the text and iconography of the central frame on D. 3a. The iconography of the central panel moreover has parallels to that from several contexts at Palenque, including Pakal’s sarcophagus lid (Stuart and Stuart 320 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

2008, pl. 27) and the Tablet from the Temple of the Foliated Cross (see Figure 3.12). In both cases, however, rather than a sacrificial scene being portrayed, a rebirth is (e.g., Pakal rising from the Underworld). Nevertheless, parallels among the scenes include the world tree imagery and its relation to the crocodilian, and the presence of a bird, or the Principal Bird Deity, in all three. It is therefore likely that D. 3a encompasses not only an event of world destruction, but also a subsequent regeneration like that portrayed at Palenque. Other parallels can be drawn with the almanac on Borgia 49–53 (Figure 3.14), which includes representations of the five directional trees, each growing from the sacrificed body of a deity (Vail and Hernández 2006), and with the world trees represented on the west wall mural from San Bartolo (Taube et al. 2010:figs. 58–61). There, the birds have twisted serpents in their mouths, symbolizing rain and fertility; that imagery can be contrasted with the bird on D. 3a, which holds the eye of the victim in its beak. Another similarity with the San Bartolo mural is the emphasis on sacrifice and bloodletting; on San Bartolo’s west wall, Hun Ahaw is pictured performing a bloodletting ritual (perforating his penis) at each of the directional trees (note also the similar scene on B. 53a, in this case involving the central “tree”).57 One of the scenes includes a short hieroglyphic caption that appears to name this figure as ek’ winik ‘Venus man’; this identification is also suggested by the ek’ glyph in his headdress. As previously noted, the bird pictured on D. 3a can likely be related to Seven Macaw in the Popol Vuh and to Itzamna in his avian aspect (see, e.g., Paris 4b and 11b). We interpret Seven Macaw as an aspect of Venus as Morning Star, based on the fact that he is named as the “false sun” (one of the epithets of Venus among the contemporary Lacandón Maya). Whereas Seven Macaw has his eyes “plucked” by the creator grandparents in the Popol Vuh, here he is plucking the eye of the sacrificial victim. We believe this can be related to the episode described as taking place in K’atun 11 Ahaw in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel in which Venus (the Bolon Ti’ K’uh) blinds the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh: “His head was wounded, then they put out his eyes” (Chumayel page 42; Knowlton 2010:57). This event is then followed on D. 3a by the ascendance of the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh: the resurrection of the maize god Nal (lower left); the sacrifice of Hun Ahaw (upper left); the ascendance of K’awil, who was responsible for opening sustenance mountain (upper right); and the sacrifice of the jaguar sun, Yax Balam (lower right). Each of these figures plays a role in the Dresden Venus table. Nal, K’awil and the jaguar are depicted as victims of Venus’ darts, whereas Hun Ahaw is shown seated on a skyband throne as the newborn sun. In addition, this series can be compared with those named as responsible for nourishing Venus in the middle register of D. 49–50, where K’awil is associated with the south, Hun Ahaw with the east, Nal with the north, and God L with the west. It is possible to associate these four deities with those around the central frame, if Hun Ahaw and Yax Balam are conflated. God L would then be responsible, in his avian aspect, for blinding the victim in the central panel (see discussion in Chapter 10). Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 321

Figure 7.36. Capstone from Chichén Itzá showing Lahun Chan as a Venus warrior. Drawing by Christine Hernández, after García Campillo (2000).

It is also the case that the four deities on D. 3a can be related to the burdens on D. 25a–28a: K’awil with the south, the jaguar or Yax Balam with the east, Nal with the north, and the death god or Hun Ahaw with the west, as we have previously noted (Vail and Hernández 2006). Correspondences may be seen with the Santa Rita north wall mural as well, which includes the sequence Nal, K’awil, K’in Ahaw, and God L (Vail 2008, 2009). We have previously suggested that the pairing of K’in Ahaw and God L reflects the first appearance of the current sun in the dawn sky, heralded by the Morning Star. What unites each of these compositions is the desire to link rituals performed in historical time with the actions of primordial deities in the mythic past.

Venus and Painted Capstones A painted Maya capstone (Figure 7.36) from a structure at the site of Chichén Itzá provides an important key to helping us better understand the pictures of Venus figures in the Dresden’s Venus table. Hermann Beyer (1937) published the earliest image of the original painted capstone in his study of painted inscriptions from the site. The image is a line drawing with a rectangular layout. A line of hieroglyphic text appears at the top and at the bottom of a single central compartment. The central compartment contains a depiction of a deity dressed as a warrior and standing in a bent knee posture. He wears an elaborate headdress with quetzal plumes, flowers, an Ahaw glyph, and a downward-facing bird in his fillet that is very much like the xiuhtototl bird diagnostic of the headdress worn by the Mexican fire god Xiuhtecuhtli. The figure on the capstone holds a plumed spear in his right hand and a bundle of darts in his left hand. In the text above the picture, the figure is named as Lahun Chan. As we have seen, Lahun Chan is likewise pictured as a manifestation of Venus on page 47 of the Dresden Venus table. The two figures differ significantly in how they are depicted, however. In the capstone image, he carries the weapons often held by Venus figures—a spear and darts—and his bent knee pose is characteristic of Venus figures in the Maya and central Mexican codices. 322 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Another iconographic element that links this figure to Venus is the round Mexican “star” pectoral that hangs from his necklace. In a survey of painted capstones from the Maya area, García Campillo (1998:310) identifies the prognosticative nature of the Chichén Itzá capstone’s text and image in relation to Venus. In his description, he notes that Lahun Chan is named as the Venus figure, and he proposes a dating of the Venus event that coincides with an EFIRST station. Our reanalysis of the dating of this important capstone goes beyond its chronological placement to reveal more about the augural significance of the multiple guises of Venus in Maya painted texts. Dating the Capstone Image

The hieroglyphic text above the picture provides two critical pieces of information for deciphering the meaning of this capstone. First, the text identifies the central figure as Lahun Chan, one of the Maya gods of the Underworld pictured in the Dresden Venus table. Second, the text records a Calendar Round date. García Campillo (1998:310) attempts to use this information to situate the capstone painting in real time. The date that has been redrawn and confirmed from the early photograph is 6 K’an 9 Xul. The 9 Xul haab position for a 6 K’an tzolk’in date is incorrect.58 This fact suggests that some portion of the date as it was painted by the scribe is in error. García Campillo (1998:310) suggests that it is the tzolk’in day that is incorrect. Using the 584,285 correlation constant, he identifies the Gregorian date March 31, A.D. 973, as a date of ELAST. Its Maya Long Count equivalent is 10.7.5.2.6 or 6 Kimi 9 Xul. Garcia’s proposed solution maintains the ‘6’ coefficient and the 9 Xul haab date shown in the original painted text and ties the image to a Venus event that was likely of significance to the ancient Maya. We propose a different solution based on the predictive canonical dates recorded in the Dresden Venus table. We suggest that the tzolk’in date of 6 K’an is correct and that the haab position is incorrect. The date of 6 K’an corresponds to 7 Xul (10.6.0.14.4) in the haab. The corrected date 6 K’an 7 Xul works well because it comes four days before a predicted date of ELAST in the Dresden Venus table (seen in the second row of the 18 K’ayab run), corresponding to 10 Lamat 11 Xul (10.6.0.14.8) on D. 49, or April 6, A.D. 949. The One Sky Place lord who “arms” Venus for this ELAST period is likely K’awil, based on the text in the fourth column (shifted over from the haab date; see Appendix 7.1) aligned with the south direction associated with ELASTs. This provides a sixth example of the pairing of an upper register lord and middle register Venus warrior— K’awil and Lahun Chan.59 We know from the pictures for the Xul run on Dresden 47b that Lahun Chan appears again as a middle register “Venus warrior,” but in this case it is in reference to a Venus heliacal rise. On Dresden 47b, Lahun Chan is paired with the One Sky Place lord Kimil for dates of MFIRST in April/March, the same season of Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 323

the year proposed for the ELAST represented on the Chichén Itzá capstone. However, if we return to the text of the 18 K’ayab run, the MFIRST following the 10 Lamat 11 Xul ELAST is predicted for the interval beginning on 5 K’ib 19 Xul (10.6.0.14.16). The upper register One Sky Place lord who arms Venus for his heliacal rise is Hun Ahaw. This fact suggests that the upper register lords do not appear to be linked to the middle register Venus warriors; nor are they linked to the seasonality of the Venus event. The data on Lahun Chan, however, suggest that the middle register Venus warriors may be linked to the seasonality of the Venus stations. Another example to illustrate this point involves God L. In the Xul run, God L is the middle register Venus god for the MFIRST events predicted for January. On Dresden 74, we see God L again as a Venus warrior (i.e., corresponding to a middle register Venus god) for an EFIRST that occurs in late January. In our discussion of D. 74, we noted that the almanac on Madrid 32a portrays a Venus deity who is likely the Late Postclassic version of God L. Our analysis of the almanac’s calendrics suggests that his appearance corresponds to a Venus station in the season of March/April. As we noted above, the scribes of the Dresden Venus table and the Chichén capstone used Lahun Chan as the Venus warrior associated with late spring Venus stations of MFIRST and ELAST. In the case of the God L Venus deity on M. 32a it may be that this figure is both a middle register god and a One Sky Place lord for EFIRST events (see 18 K’ayab caption, Dresden 50). The season for God L as patron for EFIRST events in the 18 K’ayab run of the Venus table is late February and early March, the only spring EFIRST events referenced in the Venus table, suggesting that the figure on M. 32a is either the One Sky Place lord for that EFIRST event—God L—or possibly a conflation of God L (as a One Sky Place lord) and Lahun Chan (the predicted middle register Venus warrior).

Venus and Eclipses As the previous discussion suggests (see also Chapter 5), the Postclassic Maya were extremely interested in time periods when eclipses coincided with significant stations of Venus, particularly MFIRST or EFIRST. This emphasis is also evident in the Dresden Codex eclipse table and the Paris k’atun pages (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:311–315, 357–363; Closs 1989, 1992). In addition, Venus was thought to have played a causal role in solar eclipses, as the being responsible for consuming the sun (Closs 1989:396–398; García de León 1973:307). Data from colonial period and ethnographic sources suggest that eclipses were (and still are) viewed as extremely dangerous periods of time that may correspond to the end of this world or of previous worlds (Closs 1989:390–395). Eclipses are most often seen as the devouring of the sun or moon by a particular type of creature, identified in some accounts as Xulab, one of the names associated with Venus and also with a type of red ant that gives painful bites (Rejón García 1905:10–11; Redfield and Villa Rojas 1962:206–207; Sánchez de Aguilar 1921:302–305; Villa Rojas 1945); in others 324 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

as a tigre, or jaguar (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1962:206–207); and in still others as a celestial iguana (Boremanse 1981:5). In order to scare away the creature causing the eclipse, loud noises are made, such as the firing of guns, beating on drums, and so on. In some areas, dogs are pinched so that they howl (Rejón García 1905:10–11; Sánchez de Aguilar 1921:302–305). Descriptions of eclipses include “bitten sun [or moon]” (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980:33), “to be extinguished the sun’s [or moon’s] face” (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980:824), and “the end of the world” (Bruce 1979:322). In the Ritual of the Bacabs, the eclipse agent is called “he who tears out the day’s face/eye, he who tears out the night’s face/eye” (Closs 1989:399). If the monster is not scared away, it is thought that celestial demons (jaguars) will descend to earth to kill the people, and that one’s possessions will come to life and attack those who used them (Boremanse 1981:5; Redfield and Villa Rojas 1962:206–207; Villa Rojas 1945:140B, 156A–157A). We find parallels to these ideas in the story of the wooden people in the Popol Vuh, in codical depictions, and in Mexican mythology concerning the Tzitzimime, planets that were transformed into demons during certain celestial events, such as solar eclipses, and at the end of the 52-year cycle. If the world was not renewed, it was thought that the Tzitzimime would descend to earth to devour anyone left alive (Miller and Taube 1993:176). Popol Vuh

The destruction of the wooden people in the Popol Vuh can be related to descriptions of eclipses from colonial and ethnographic contexts such as the following:60 Chan Kom, 1934

Should the sun or moon not reappear following an eclipse, then all the furniture and other objects would be changed into “devils” or beasts that would devour all living things. To frighten away the animal causing the eclipse, the residents make as much noise as possible, beating on drums, cans and pails, and firing guns (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1962:206–207). Lacandón, 1975

The Lacandón believe that a total solar or lunar eclipse precedes the end of the world. When this occurs, the heavenly jaguars will descend to earth in darkness and will devour everyone (Boremanse 1981:5). Yucatec Maya of X-Cacal, 1932–1936

Eclipses are feared because it is believed that a total eclipse of the sun or the moon causes all domestic instruments to be transformed into living creatures to kill their masters (Villa Rojas 1945:140B, 156A–157A).

Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 325

Figure 7.37. The descent of Venus on D. 58b. After Förstemann (1880).

The destruction of the wooden people in the Popol Vuh is described in the following terms: “There came the ones called Chiselers of Faces, who gouged out their eyes. There came Death Knives, which cut off their heads. There came Crouching Jaguar, who ate their flesh. There came Striking Jaguar, who struck them” (Christenson 2007:85). This corresponds to the description from Chan Kom written in 1934 and to the more recent description from the Lacandón area of the destruction of the world following an eclipse. In the same section, we are told “Thus they [Heart of Sky/Huracan] caused the face of the earth to be darkened,61 and there fell a black rain, a rain that fell both day and night . . . They [the wooden people] were spoken to by all their maize grinders and their cooking griddles, their plates and their pots, their dogs and their grinding stones. However many things they had, all of them crushed their faces” (Christenson 2007:87). It may be seen that the beliefs of the Yucatec Maya of X-Cacal in the 1930s had their roots in a tradition that was also documented in the sixteenth-century Popol Vuh and likely had prehispanic roots. Other Examples of Venus as Eclipse Agent

214

Venus as an eclipse agent is pictured in various contexts, including page 58b of the Dresden Codex (Figure 7.37) and page 67b of the Madrid Codex (Figure 7.38). In the former case, we see an example of Venus in its Evening Star aspect, diving from the sky toward the earth on May 14, A.D. 861, during the second run through the table (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:318) (see http://www.hiero​glyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink214.html). The figure represented has a Venus glyph in place of its face and a flint knife that is positioned to suggest an insect’s 326 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.38. A feathered serpent swallowing the sun during an eclipse on M. 67b. After Villacorta C and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

stinger. It may be identified as a wasp star or as the Ah Musenkab (see Chapter 10) and also recalls the Mexican Ahuiateteo and Tzitzimime descending from the sky (Taube 1993b). The text specifies that ‘Venus descends’ (em ek’ ) in relation to a period of thirteen years, which the Brickers note corresponds closely to eight synodic periods of Venus (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:318). The caption further records an eclipse season (through the pairing of a solar and lunar eclipse glyph) and lists the subject as the One Sky Place Lords, who are also mentioned in the preface to the Venus table. It seems likely that this text, like that on D. 24, refers to the end of the world (most likely the previous creation). In this instance, it is expressed metaphorically by an eclipse, whereas on D. 24, the phrase xul k’in xul haab ‘end of sun, end of time’ is used. We believe that this may be another way of referring to the destruction of the previous race of humans by the One Sky Place Lords, who are likely equivalent to Heart of Sky or Huracan in the Popol Vuh. The 65-day interval referred to by the picture on D. 74 depicts the destruction of the previous world in association with Venus’ rise from the Underworld in its Evening Star aspect, coupled with a solar eclipse (Figure 5.1). Like the description in the Popol Vuh, this resulted in the darkening of the sky and of the earth and likely also refers to the death of the previous race of beings, the wooden people. In this instance, we see that Venus and the darkened sun are in the sky (i.e., the belly of the crocodilian), imagery that has parallels with a Lacandón Maya story related by Boremanse (1981:5). In describing a lunar eclipse, his informants noted that Our Mother (the moon) disappeared from the sky because it had been swallowed by a celestial iguana. When the creature was discovered, the ancestors shot at its throat with their arrows until its head was cut off. When this happened, the iguana fell down. The ancestors then cut up its body, rescuing Our Mother, who resumed her place in the sky. If a crocodilian is substituted for the iguana, we note a number of similarities between Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 327

the Lacandón story, D. 74, and mythology from Classic period and colonial sources relating to a crocodile that ascended to the sky, was decapitated, and later became the earth (see Chapter 3). Chak Chel may play the role of a lunar goddess on D. 74, and God L, like the ancestors, causes the creature’s throat to be cut in order to usher in a new Sun/creation. Serpents are linked to eclipses in a number of instances in the Maya codices, their mouths open as if about to swallow the sun. It is likely that these are representations of Venus, a suggestion that receives support from M. 67b, fr. 2 (Figure 7.38) (see http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink215.html). In that instance, the serpent has a feathered crest over its eye suggesting an association with K’uk’ulkan, the feathered serpent deity linked to Venus. On the day associated with the eclipse ( January 2, A.D. 1452; see V. Bricker 1997), Venus and the sun were in close proximity, so that the sun would indeed appear to have been swallowed during the eclipse (one occurred two days earlier, on December 31, A.D. 1451). Although not mentioned in the hieroglyphic caption, the glyph for Venus appears in the skyband, with the solar eclipse glyph dangling below it. The eclipse is expressed textually as pa k’in, likely an abbreviation for pa’al k’in ‘broken sun’ (Vail 2003). Venus and the sun are located in the constellation Sagittarius during this time, which rises at dawn (V. Bricker 1997:175). It may be for this reason that the picture includes a skeleton (the death god Kimil), who is correlated with the constellation Sagittarius in the Paris zodiacal table (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992:171). References to Eclipses in Yearbearer Contexts

A number of colonial and ethnographic sources mention the importance of scaring away the creature causing a lunar or solar eclipse. This was done most commonly by making as much of a racket as possible, as described in the following accounts: Yucatec Maya of Chetumal, 1531

On the occasion of an eclipse: “Those warriors set themselves to make all manner of noise in order to defend the moon. One was able to hear the raucous seashell, the monotonous cymbal (tun kul), the lathe, the zacatán, the ddoroch ac, the chul, a type of clay flute with a feather tip, all the instruments of their warlike music” (Rejón García 1905:10–11).62 Yucatec Maya, 1639

215

“During lunar eclipses they still believe in the tradition of the forefathers to make their dogs howl or cry by pinching them either in the body or ears, or else they will beat on boards, benches, and doors. They say that the moon is dying, or that it is being bitten by a certain kind of ant which they call xubab [sic]” (Sánchez de Aguilar 1921:302–305). 328 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

In this regard, it is of interest that the ascent of Itzam Kab Ayin to the sky to bring down the deluge in K’atun 13 Ahaw is described on page 14 of the Tizimín manuscript as follows: Then the sky was turned face up. Then the land was turned face down. And then Oxlahun Ti Ku’s din began. Then the great destruction of the world arrived.

216

(translation by Knowlton 2010:73)

Based on a comparison with the colonial accounts cited above, our interpretation of this passage is that it refers to an eclipse, and the din produced by the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh was to prevent the sun from being completely annihilated as a result. This interpretation provides another measure of support for associating this section of the Chilam Balam narrative with the scene on D. 74, which is associated quite explicitly with an eclipse. Further comparisons can be made between the colonial accounts and the yearbearer almanacs in the Madrid and Paris codices. The upper register of M. 37a (see Figure 8.2 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink216.html) shows a dog howling (one of the ways of scaring away the creature causing an eclipse, according to the account of Sánchez de Aguilar 1921) and the playing of various types of musical instruments, mentioned in the description by Rejón García (1905) of the Maya of Chetumal. There are several references in the text on M. 37 that may be interpreted in the context of an eclipse: u mu’uk k’in ah kimil ?? haabil xul? k’in “The sun is buried; it is the dead person. ?? year, end of ? days [or of the sun].” In addition, the phrase nal ahaw-taak [or tzul ahaw] ‘north lords’ or ‘north dog lord’ in the text above the picture may be a reference to Venus as an eclipse agent (Closs 1989). It may also be the case that the yearbearer ceremonies were linked to eclipses in a more metaphorical sense, as the time when the world might end (i.e., because the forces of chaos that descended during Wayeb might not be overcome and instead would lead to the end of the world).63 This metaphorical link appears to be what is represented on several pages of the Paris yearbearer almanac. For example, the jaguars on P. 20 (Figure 7.39), which is associated with Ak’bal (west) years, appear to be demons bent on destruction (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink217 .html). The upper part of the page depicts a jaguar descending upon the maize god. Lower on the page, another jaguar is pictured, although this one appears to be sitting (although it is difficult to tell, as it is substantially eroded). Jaguars are also associated with Ben (east) years; one appears on P. 19 (Figure 7.39), mauling what appears to be a human victim at the bottom of the page (see http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink218.html). Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 329

217

218

Figure 7.39. The yearbearer almanac on P. 19–20, showing attacks by jaguars in the lower left and upper right. After de Rosny (1888).

This imagery can be compared with the Popol Vuh account, as well as with the descriptions cited above from colonial and contemporary Maya sources. It suggests that the scribes who drafted the Paris Codex viewed Wayeb and the New Year as a time of world destruction that was presumably followed by a new dawn. This conception corresponds, as we have seen in previous chapters, with similar conceptions that are highlighted in the Dresden and Madrid manuscripts by the depiction of a flood, followed by the establishment of a new world order.

Appendix 7.1. Reckoning Predictive Dates of Venus’ Visibility and Invisibility in the Dresden Venus Table The five pages of the Dresden Venus table contain three rows of haab dates reckoned from the starting dates, Venus intervals, and the columns of tzolk’in numbers. 330 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

These rows of haab dates represent three working versions of the Venus table proper. The topmost row found directly below the columns of tzolk’in dates and at the top of the uppermost hieroglyphic text (Section 2 in Figure 7.10) is the result of using the Calendar Round date 1 Ahaw 13 Mak to reckon dates for Venus stations in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries (A.D. 1123–1225) (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011). The second row of haab dates appears at the top of the hieroglyphic text (Section 1 in Figure 7.10) lower down on the pages. These haab dates are the result of using the Calendar Round date of 1 Ahaw 18 K’ayab to reckon dates for Venus stations in the tenth and eleventh centuries (A.D. 934–1037). A final row of haab dates appears at the bottom of pages 46 through 50 between the end of the text in Section 1 and the interval numbers (see Figure 7.4). These haab dates are derived by reckoning Venus stations in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (A.D. 1221–1323) using the Calendar Round date 1 Ahaw 3 Xul. The calendrics clearly show that the 18 K’ayab row of haab dates is the earliest recorded version in the extant table, followed by the 13 Mak row, with the most recent version being that of the 3 Xul row. To calculate dates in the table proper, one begins by adding one or more of the multiples on page 24 to the base date of 1 Ahaw 18 K’ayab. The result of this calculation is a starting date for the first interval of the table proper that determines a predicted date for the heliacal rise of Venus and its visibility as a Morning Star. Rather than appearing in the upper left corner of Dresden 46, the starting dates of the first row for all three versions are explicitly given as the last tzolk’in date (1 Ahaw) at the bottom of the last column of tzolk’in dates on Dresden 50 and the last haab date in each of the rows of haab dates. In the two earlier versions of the table, all four stations of Venus were calculated and associated with an abbreviated column of hieroglyphic text. In Section 2, the haab dates for the 13 Mak run are aligned with the columns of tzolk’in dates at the top of D. 46–50 (see Tables 7.1–7.5 and 7.10). The starting haab date of 13 Mak appears on page 50 below the column of Ahaw dates, where it serves as a prediction date for the first station of MFIRST. The following stations and their calculated haab dates appear on D. 46 in the following order: MLAST, EFIRST, and ELAST. The next MFIRST is the fourth column on page 46 below the column of K’an tzolk’in dates. The pattern continues to its completion on page 50. The columns of text immediately below each haab date match this order of Venus stations. We know this because the text mentioning the east direction and one of the five deities pictured in the upper registers of D. 46–50 (Pawah Ayin, Kimil, Kan Pawahtun, Na’ Uh Ahaw, and Hun Ahaw) are all aligned directly below the haab dates and tzolk’in dates assigned to the MFIRST stations. All five of the captions that identify gods assigned to the west align directly below the EFIRST stations, and the other two sets of captions pertinent to the MLAST and ELAST stations align below their respective haab dates as well. The other element on the five pages of the table proper that belongs with this early run is the list of cumulative totals that follow immediately below the captions for the 13 Mak haab dates. Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 331

As an example, we provide an explanation for determining the calendrical position of Venus stations for the first synodic period associated with the 1 Ahaw 13 Mak version of the table. The starting date of 1 Ahaw 13 Mak is derived by adding the third grand multiple of 15.16.6.0 and the aberrant multiple of 9.11.7.0 to the base Long Count date of 9.9.9.16.0 1 Ahaw 18 K’ayab (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2007). The result of this calculation is 10.14.17.11.0 1 Ahaw 13 Mak, which corresponds to the starting date of this version of the table. This date is explicitly given as the bottom right tzolk’in date of 1 Ahaw on D. 50 and the haab date 13 Mak, which appears immediately below it. Below the haab date is a brief hieroglyphic caption with the approximate reading “On 13 Mak, the Great Star [Venus] is armed by Pawah Ayin in the east.” When 236 (11.16) is added to 10.14.17.11.0, the Long Count date 10.14.18.4.16 3 Kib 4 Yaxk’in is reached. On D. 46, the first column of tzolk’in dates consists of Kib days; the topmost would have been 3 Kib. The haab date 4 Yaxk’in appears immediately below the 9 Kib at the bottom of the column. The caption beneath 4 Yaxk’in reads, “On 4 Yaxk’in, the Great Star [Venus] is armed by Turkey in the north.” The following interval of ninety days predicts the last appearance of Venus as a Morning Star and its disappearance from the eastern sky. Adding ninety days (4.10) to 10.14.18.4.16 brings one to the Long Count date 10.14.18.9.6 2 Kimi 14 Sak. The tzolk’in date 2 Kimi would have appeared at the very top of the second column of tzolk’in dates (which is, unfortunately, eroded). The haab date of 14 Sak appears immediately below the last Kimi date in the column. The hieroglyphic caption below 14 Sak reads as follows, “On 14 Sak, Great Star [Venus] is armed by Sina’an [Scorpion] in the west.” The date 2 Kimi 14 Sak begins the interval that predicts the reappearance of Venus, though now as an Evening Star in the western sky. The length of the interval, 250 days, approximates the period of Venus’ visibility as an Evening Star. By adding 250 days (12.10) to 10.14.18.9.6, one reaches the Long Count date 10.14.19.3.16 5 Kib 19 Tzek. As before, the tzolk’in date 5 Kib would have appeared at the top of the third column. The haab date of 19 Tzek appears immediately below the third column (of Kib dates). The hieroglyphic caption below 19 Tzek reads, “On 19 Tzek, Great Star [Venus] is armed by Great or Red [deity of unknown name] in the south.” The 5 Kib 19 Tzek date predicts the last day of visibility of Venus as an Evening Star before it disappears into inferior conjunction with the sun. Inferior conjunction is a relatively short period of disappearance that is on average eight days. When one adds eight days to the Long Count date 10.14.19.3.16, 10.14.19.4.4 13 K’an 7 Xul is reached. This date predicts the next heliacal rise of Venus as a Morning Star in the eastern sky. The tzolk’in date 13 K’an would have appeared at the top of the fourth column of tzolk’in dates (associated with K’an) on D. 46. The haab date 7 Xul appears immediately below the fourth column. The brief caption below reads, “On 7 Xul, Great Star [Venus] is armed by First or Honored Death in the east.” At this point, Venus would have completed one synodic period of approximately 584 days. This cumulative total appears in notational format below the 7 Xul caption. The calculation of dates asso332 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

ciated with the first row of the table continues on D. 47 by adding 236 days to the Calendar Round date 13 K’an 7 Xul. Evidence for an earlier, often referred to as the “original,” run beginning on 1 Ahaw 18 K’ayab is confined to the hieroglyphic caption in the lower section of text in the table proper. The starting haab date of 18 K’ayab appears on page 50 in Section 1, aligned below the upper column of Ahaw tzolk’in dates, and it designates the first station of MFIRST. The following stations and their calculated haab dates appear on D. 46–50 in the order of the tzolk’in dates enumerated at the top of the table proper (MLAST, EFIRST, ELAST, and MFIRST), but the columns of hieroglyphic text do not. The text is shifted over one position to the right so that the series of Venus stations referred to is MFIRST, MLAST, EFIRST, and ELAST. This contrast in patterning with the previous section of hieroglyphic text and calendrics suggests that when the scribe incorporated this earlier information into the table, he or she was careful to align the row of haab dates with the appropriate tzolk’in columns at the top, but the text was not rearranged; instead, we suspect, it was copied into the current table in its original format. It may be that the information for the 13 Mak and 18 K’ayab versions came from separate source tables or almanacs. The canonical intervals at the very bottom of each page of the table proper align with the order of the text captions of the 18 K’ayab run, and not with its row of haab dates.

Appendix 7.2. Hieroglyphic Texts on D. 24 and 46–50 D. 24

____ On ___ wa’alah yook ?? chak ek’ The Great Star ??’s footsteps stopped. lak’in k’alah chak ek’ kan pawahtun The Great Star was armed in the east [by] Kan Pawahtun. [lak’in k’alah] chak ek’ na’ uh ah po The Great Star was armed in the east by Lady Moon, Moon Person.64 [lak’in k’alah] chak ek’ hun ahaw The Great Star was armed in the east by Hun Ahaw. [lak’in k’alah] chak ek’ pawah ayin The Great Star was armed in the east by Pawah Ayin [Crocodile]. [lak’in k’alah] chak ek’ kimil The Great Star was armed in the east by Kimil. u mu’uk kaab The earth is buried.

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u mu’uk ch’een The cave is buried. [or ‘The earth-cave is buried’.] u mu’uk winik The people are buried. xul? k’in End of days / the sun. xul? haab End of years [referring to the end of the world]. hun ka’anal ahaw taak One Sky Place lords. [kan ahaw?] waxak ool [On 4 Ahaw?] 8 Kumk’u [wa’alah] yook ha’ ?? chak ek’ God L, the Great Star’s, footsteps stopped. [wa’alah yook] lahun chan chak ek’ Lahun Chan, the Great Star’s, footsteps stopped. yah? k’awil Woe to K’awil. yah? chak balam Woe to Chak Balam [Great Jaguar]. yah? nal Woe to the maize [god]. yah? na’ak Woe to the rising ___. yah? tz’ul Woe to the foreigner (or lord).

D. 46–50

D. 46a [lak’in tzeniiy pawah ayin] chak ek’ In the east, the Great Star is nourished by Pawah Ayin.65 k’ub nal The maize god is delivered/handed over. yah? nal Woe to the maize. ____ ____ u ch’ok ___ The youth ___.

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D. 46b k’alah lak’in ha’ ?? chak ek’ Ha’ ?? [God L], the Great Star, is armed in the east. k’awil u hu’ul K’awil is the speared one. yah? k’al? yah? winik Woe to the 20 [ = people], woe to the people. u muuk hun ya’ax hun k’an Evil omen for 1 green–1 yellow [the maize harvest]. yah? nal yah? wi’il Woe to the maize [god]; woe to the food.

D. 46c ka’ uh ka’ winal 2 moons, 2 months. u mu’uk pop tz’am The mats and thrones are buried. u muuk It is their evil omen. ma’ ch’ab sih ahaw No genesis for the born lords. ma’ ak’ab sih ch’ok No genesis [ak’ab] for the born youths.66

D. 47a [lak’in tzeniiy kimil] chak ek’ In the east the Great Star is nourished by Kimil. u mu’uk tok’ ba’ate’ The flint warrior is buried. ____ ____ hun ka’anal ___ One Sky [Place] ___.

D. 47b k’alah lak’in lahun chan chak ek’ Lahun Chan, the Great Star, is armed in the east.

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chak balam u hu’ul Great jaguar is the speared one. u mu’uk yool k’uh The hearts of the gods are buried. yah? sih ahaw Woe to the born lords. ox hu’ul k’uh Three holy piercings [or three speared gods]. yah? na’ak ___ Woe to the rising [sun].

D. 47c hun u tun ah kimil tok’ ba’ate’ One is dead person, flint warrior’s, tun [stone or year]. yah? ahaw taak [tzul ahaw] Woe to the lords [or to the dog lord].67 u mu’uk k’ayab-ah He is buried [when] it becomes K’ayab. u mu’uk kakatunal Kakatunal is buried.

D. 48a [lak’in tzeniiy pawah ayin] chak ek’ ahawle In the east the Great Star is nourished? by Kan Pawahtun [in] rulership. ox wi’il nah nik?il First?/Honored? Flower’s abundance of food. sak huk White ??. ____ ____ puuh chil ti’ haab Lying down bundle? [is the augury] for the year. u mu’uk winik? The people? are buried.

D. 48b k’alah lak’in tawisikal chak ek’ Tawisikal, the Great Star, is armed in the east. 336 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

nah? nal u hu’ul The maize god is the speared one. u mu’uk lak’in He is buried in the east, tu kab tu ch’een in the earth, in the cave [ = in the earth-cave]. u mu’uk winik nal The maize people [not yet in existence] are buried.

D. 48c ox ti’ uh ox tu winik 3 in the moon, 3 in the month [3, or wind, is the character of the moon-month]. u mu’uk k’an nal te’ ahaw The yellow maize tree lord is buried. u mu’uk lak’in wuk ha’ nal He is buried in the east, [at] 7 Water Place.

D. 49a [lak’in tzeniiy na’ uh ahaw] chak ek’ In the east the Great Star is nourished by Na’ Uh Ahaw.68 u mu’uk tz’ak ahaw ah haay tok’ ba’ate’ The lord of the succession, the descending? one,69 flint warrior is buried. ____ ____ u mu’uk? ___ ___ is buried. yah? kaab yah? ch’een Woe to the earth, woe to the cave [ = woe to the earth-cave].

D. 49b k’alah lak’in chak xiwitei chak ek’ Chak Xiwitei [Xiuhtecuhtli], the Great Star, is armed in the east. ak na’ak u hu’ul Turtle rising is the speared one. u mu’uk k’in ahaw K’in Ahaw [the sun god] is buried. u mu’uk k’awil K’awil is buried. Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 337

u mu’uk yax nah? winik The first six honored? people are buried.

D. 49c wuk uh ti’ wuk winik 7 moons, 7 months [7 is the character of the moon-month]. tzen nal ka’an ak70 Sustenance place [is?/in?] sky turtle. u mu’uk ah kisin Ah Kisin is buried. u mu’uk yahaw Kisin’s lord is buried.

D. 50a [lak’in tzeniiy] hun ahaw chak ek’ k’ob tun In the east the Great Star is nourished by Hun Ahaw at the hearthstone.71 k’in ahaw [Hun Ahaw is] K’in Ahaw. xul? k’in xul? haab The days [or the sun] are finished?; the years are finished?.72 ____ ____ u mu’uk kan ___ 4? ___ is buried. ?? waah ha’ ti haab Abundance of food and drink in/for the year. u mu’uk nal The maize is buried.

D. 50b k’alah lak’in kakatunal chak ek’ Kakatunal, the Great Star, is armed in the east. tz’ul u hu’ul The foreigner is the speared one.73 u mu’uk k’uh The god is buried. u mu’uk tz’ak ahaw The lord of the succession is buried. 338 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

u mu’uk nah? nal The maize [god] is buried.

D. 50c lahun uh winik 10 moon-months [10 is the character of the moon-month]. u mu’uk hun ya’ax hun k’an 1 green–1 yellow [the maize harvest] is buried. u mu’uk sak tab The white cord is buried. u mu’uk tz’ul chik’in The foreigner from the west is buried.

Appendix 7.3. Notes on Deities: Dresden Venus Table 13 Mak version of table

The 13 Mak and 18 K’ayab versions of the table both make reference to twenty deities (or animals) that are associated with Venus, either in terms of arming him (the 13 Mak version) or nourishing or sustaining him (the 18 K’ayab version). Although a few of them still remain unidentified, many of them are well-known deities first classified by Paul Schellhas (1904). We identify several of the others for the first time in this book in the text below. D. 46b k’al[ah] nal ulum chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the north [by] Turkey. k’al[ah] chik’in sina’an chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the west [by] Scorpion. k’al[ah] nohol chak ?? chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the south [by] Great ??. k’al[ah] lak’in nah? kimil chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the east [by] Kimil. Significance of Animals and Deities

Turkey (north): The significance of the turkey in this context is unknown. In the Maya codices, turkeys occur almost exclusively as sacrificial offerings. In the one instance in which a turkey appears as a mut ‘omen’ of the earth goddess, it has positive associations.

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Sina’an (west): “Scorpion star” may be one of the names for Venus among the Lacan­ dón (Blom and La Farge 1926–1927:2, 469, 472). Previous scholars have suggested a connection between the scorpion and Ek’ (eek’ ) Chuwah, the merchant deity (Carlson 1993), based on the series of almanacs on M. 79a–84a (see Chapter 9). Great ?? (south): The reading of this collocation is uncertain. The main sign (T759b, or AP7) may refer to a rabbit (see discussion in Macri and Vail 2009:55).74 If this is the case, then the connection may be with the moon, as the Maya moon goddess had a rabbit companion (Miller and Taube 1993:118). More recently, it has been proposed that the main sign may have a logographic reading of nuk (Kinsman n.d.). If this can be verified, it suggests one of the following values: x nuuk ‘old woman’ or ‘owl’; and x nuk-èek’ ‘Venus’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:201). The former may be an epithet for Chak Chel, who is depicted as the aged creator goddess in the Maya codices. The two share the chak ‘red’ or ‘great’ prefix. Alternatively, chak nuk may be another name for chak ek’, or Venus. The value of T759b/AP7 remains to be further tested before a more definitive answer can be provided. One of the primary contexts in which it occurs involves a TIV/004 prefix (kan ‘four’ or ka’an ‘sky’) and a T84/2S1 suffix (referring to nal ‘maize’ or serving as a locative suffix). We read this as ka’anal ?? ‘sky place’ or ‘celestial ??’. Kimil (east): See discussion of this deity in the text of Chapter 7. D. 47b k’alah nal ?? chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the north [by] ??. k’alah chik’in ah kam chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the west [by] Ah Kam. k’alah nohol oxlahun ka’anal chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the south [by] 13 Sky Place [Owl]. k’alah lak’in kan pawahtun eek’ [Great] Star is armed in the east [by] Kan Pawahtun. Significance of Animals/Deities

?? (north): The value of this grapheme (T789/AP8) remains unidentified. Its distribution is limited to the Venus table, although a somewhat similar grapheme (T766/ AX9) occurs in the Dresden eclipse and water tables. The Brickers have identified it as the constellation Aquila, the eagle (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:337–338.; V. Bricker et al. 2006). Ah Kam (west): A deity named with a variant of this name substitutes for Kimil on the yearbearer pages, also in relation to the west (see Appendix 4.1). This figure has associations with death and the Underworld. In Classic period contexts, a related figure called Akan is associated with alcoholic beverages and the act of self-sacrifice (Grube 2004). 340 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Figure 7.40. Figure 8 from west half of the north wall, Structure 1 murals, Santa Rita. After Gann (1900:pl. XXX).

13 Sky Place (south): An owl with evil omens is associated with the 13 Sky Place epithet in the Dresden Codex. This figure is sometimes pictured with maize foliation, suggesting a connection to the Underworld. It is not clear if this is the same owl characteristically worn by God L or a different one (see Chapter 10).75 Kan Pawahtun (east): see discussion in the text of Chapter 7. D. 48b k’alah nal k’in ahaw chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the north [by] K’in Ahaw. k’alah chik’in wak yich chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the west [by] Wak Yich [Ahaw]. k’alah nohol ?? ak’ab ahaw chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the south [by] Ak’ab Ahaw. k’alah lak’in na’ uh ahaw/ah po chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the east [by] Na’ Uh Ahaw [or Ah Po]. Significance of Deities

K’in Ahaw (north): The sun god is commonly associated with bloodletting and sac-

rifice. In other contexts, this deity is linked to the east, rather than the north. He and Venus are brothers in Maya folktales, where they are engaged in a somewhat competitive relationship. Wak Yich (Ahaw) (west): This deity appears to be associated with Venus, as the one who causes damage to the face (or ich, ‘eye’) of the sun god. The wak ‘six’ prefix to his name likely refers to the deity personifying this number, who has a ch’ak ‘axe’ in place of his eye. Itzamna in the guise of Quetzalcoatl/K’uk’ulkan ‘quetzal serpent’ is named Wak Yich Ahaw on the north wall mural from Structure 1 at Santa Rita (Figure 7.40). He may be identified as Quetzalcoatl by the quetzal perched on his head and the serpent scepter (fire serpent) that he holds in his hand (Taube 2010:171–172). He stands on two intertwined serpents that appear to be conveying him. In both Mexican and Maya

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mythology, Quetzalcoatl/K’uk’ulkan has associations with fertility and abundance, and also in certain aspects with Venus (Miller and Taube 1993:141–142). Ak’ab Ahaw (south): Lord of the Night; note that the Lord of the Day, or the sun god, is associated with the north. The glyphs for the sun and night commonly occur in Classic period texts in paired opposition, although they are more often associated with the east (rising sun) and west (setting sun). Another pairing involving the k’in and ak’bal glyphs occurs in the names of the Paddler deities (see Appendix 3.1), and it is a common component of the tz’ak logograph, read as ‘change’ by Stuart (see Macri and Looper 2003:250). Among the contemporary Ch’orti’ Maya, the year is divided into a light and a dark half, referring to the dry season (light) and the rainy season (dark) (Girard 1962:79– 80). For the Tzotzil Maya of highland Chiapas, north is associated with the sun’s vertical path at noon and south with the sun at midnight, when it is in the Underworld (Gossen 1974:33–35, fig. 2). Na’ Uh Ahaw/Ah Po (east): The moon goddess and wife of the sun. The moon and Venus are commonly shown in paired opposition in Classic Maya texts and iconography, as they are here, although the moon is more commonly linked to the north and Venus to the south (see Taube et al. 2010:52–54). D. 49b k’alah nal ?? chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the north [by] ??. k’alah chik’in nah? kimil chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the west [by] Kimil. k’alah nohol k’awil chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the south [by] K’awil. k’alah lak’in hun ahaw chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the east [by] Hun Ahaw. Significance of Deities

?? (north): This deity only appears in the Venus table. His name remains undeciphered. Kimil (west): Kimil is the patron of the west on the Dresden yearbearer pages,

matching his association here. Note that Kimil is also responsible for arming Venus in the east on page 46 and is pictured in the upper register of page 47 in the 3 Xul version of the table. K’awil (south): K’awil is the patron of the south on the Dresden yearbearer pages, matching his association here. He is pictured as the victim of Venus’ dart on page 46 of the 3 Xul run of the table. Hun Ahaw (east): Hun Ahaw is named as a solar deity in the Popol Vuh. Scholars have also linked him with Venus based on the correspondence between his name (Hun 342 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

Ahaw) and the starting date of the Dresden Venus table (Thompson 1950, 1972). His association with the east may indicate the first dawning of the sun, which followed the heliacal rise of Venus. D. 50b k’alah nal nah? nal chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the north [by] Nal. k’alah chik’in ?? chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the west [by] God L. k’alah nohol wuk sip chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the south [by] Wuk Sip. k’alah lak’in pawah ayin chak ek’ Great Star is armed in the east [by] Pawah Ayin. Significance of Deities

Nal (north): The maize god is the father of the Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh. He is the burden of north years in the Dresden Venus table, matching his association here. He is also one of the deities who is speared in the 3 Xul version of the table (on page 48), during a time of year associated with the maize harvest. God L (west): God L is one of the principal Underworld deities and can be identified as the older brother of the sun, who represents Venus (see Chapter 10). He is one of the warrior aspects of the Morning Star in the 3 Xul version of the table, appearing on page 46. Wuk Sip (south): In contemporary Yucatán, the Sip are deities who protect the deer. God Y can be identified with the Sip in the Madrid Codex. On the Paris k’atun pages, the Hero Twin Yax Balam is named as a sip in the text. Both of the Hero Twins were hunters, and Yax Balam’s bearded visage suggests an association with Lord Xulab, the hunt deity of the Mopán who also represented Venus as Morning Star (Thompson 1930). Pawah Ayin (east): Pawah Ayin is the crocodilian aspect of Pawahtun, corresponding to the figure named Itzam Kab Ayin in colonial period sources. After its birth, this figure ascended to the sky in order to bring down a flood to destroy the world. Instead, however, the crocodilian was decapitated and its body used to form the surface of the earth (see Chapter 3). This deity is pictured in the upper register on page 46 of the 3 Xul version of the table.

Discussion

The deities named on page 48b can be organized in terms of paired oppositions that are commonly found in Maya texts and iconography: sun and night, Venus and Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 343

the moon. Generally, however, the sun is associated with the east, night with the west, Venus with the south, and the moon with the north. Nevertheless, the pairings in the Venus table can be expressed in terms of a cosmological diagram that accords with contemporary Maya conceptions in certain respects: the sun lord is at zenith and the night lord at nadir; Venus is on the western horizon (entering the Underworld) as the moon is rising. Some other oppositions that may be noted include Aquila? (associated with north or zenith) and 13 Sky Owl (associated with south or nadir / the Underworld) on D. 47b, and Kimil (west) and Hun Ahaw (east) on D. 49b. Examining the series of deities associated with each of the four directions reveals some interesting patterns. North ulum ‘turkey’ Aquila? K’in Ahaw ?? Nal

West sina’an ‘scorpion’ Ah Kam Wak Yich Kimil God L

South chak ?? ‘great rabbit?, owl?, old lady? star?’ Oxlahun Ka’anal ‘13 Sky Place [Owl]’ Ak’ab Ahaw ‘night lord’ K’awil Wuk Sip ‘hunt deity’

East Kimil Kan Pawahtun Na’ Uh Ahaw Hun Ahaw Pawah Ayin

As we have suggested in the preceding discussion, the deities that represent the eastern sustainers of Venus may be identified as Bakabs or Pawahtuns. The significance of the northern group of deities remains unclear, although this is the direction associated with zenith and the “male” half of the year by contemporary Maya cultures (Prechtel and Carlsen 1988). This fits two of the deities named (the sun god and the maize god) particularly well. It also suggests an association between the two that is evident in contemporary Maya cultures, where they may both (although in different regions) be associated with Jesus Christ (Christenson 2001; Gossen 1982:29, fig. 1; Sosa 1989). A clear pattern can be discerned concerning the deities associated with the west and south, with the west marking the entrance to the Underworld and the south representing the place of abundance within the earth. The deities and animals associated with the west include the scorpion, who may be linked to Ek’ (eek’, ‘black’) Chuwah; the Underworld god Ah Kam; Wak Yich Ahaw, an aspect of Venus; the death god Kimil; and the black deity God L. Each of them can be identified with the Underworld realm, which is associated with the west in Maya thought. The figures listed for the south also have Underworld associations, which fits with the Maya view that, when Venus is at its southern station, it is dwelling in the Underworld. They include a creature that remains to be identified (possibly an aspect of Venus or the moon); 13 Sky Place Owl, one of the owls that, despite its name, has Underworld associations; the lord of the night or darkness (possibly one of the Paddlers); K’awil, who rescued maize from the Underworld; and Wuk Sip, a hunt deity residing within the earth.

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18 K’ayab Version of Table

This version of the table differs only in that the deities named are said to nourish or sustain Venus (instead of arming him) and in terms of beginning with the east, rather than the north. In all other respects, the deities named (and their directional associations) are the same. D. 46c pawah ayin tzeniiy chak ek’ lak’in Pawah Ayin nourishes Great Star in the east. ulum tzeniiy chak ek’ nal Turkey nourishes Great Star in the north. sina’an tzeniiy chak ek’ chik’in Scorpion nourishes Great Star in the west. chak ?? tzeniiy chak ek’ nohol Great ?? nourishes Great Star in the south.

D. 47c nah? kimil [tzeniiy] chak ek’ lak’in Kimil nourishes Great Star in the east. ?? [tzeniiy] chak ek’ nal ?? nourishes Great Star in the north. ah kam [tzeniiy] chak ek’ chik’in Ah Kam nourishes Great Star in the west. oxlahun ka’an nal [tzeniiy] chak ek’ nohol 13 Sky Place [Owl] nourishes Great Star in the south.

D. 48c tzeniiy kan pawahtun [chak ek’] lak’in Kan Pawahtun nourishes Great Star in the east. tzeniiy k’in ahaw [chak ek’] nal K’in Ahaw nourishes Great Star in the north. tzeniiy wak yich ahaw [chak ek’] chik’in Wak Yich Ahaw nourishes Great Star in the west. tzeniiy ?? ak’ab ahaw [chak ek’] nohol Ak’ab Ahaw nourishes Great Star in the south.

Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 345

D. 49c tzeniiy na’ uh chak ek’ lak’in Na’ Uh nourishes Great Star in the east. tzeniiy ?? chak ek’ nal ?? nourishes Great Star in the north. tzeniiy nah? kimil chak ek’ chik’in Kimil nourishes Great Star in the west. tzeniiy k’awil chak ek’ nohol K’awil nourishes Great Star in the south.

D. 50c tzeniiy hun ahaw chak ek’ lak’in Hun Ahaw nourishes Great Star in the east. tzeniiy nah? nal chak ek’ nal Nal nourishes Great Star in the north. tzeniiy ?? chak ek’ chik’in God L nourishes Great Star in the west. tzeniiy wuk sip chak ek’ nohol Wuk Sip nourishes Great Star in the south.

Discussion

The series of deities associated with the four stations of Venus named on D. 50c are especially interesting, in that they can each be associated with characters from the Popol Vuh—the Hero Twin Hun Ahaw, who with his brother Yax Balam (possibly represented by Wuk Sip), defeated the lords of the Underworld (God L, associated with the west) and rescued their father, the maize god (Hun Hunahpu, or Nal). As we have discussed in Chapter 7, they may also be associated with the narrative that is represented visually on D. 3a. Notes

1. See note 2 in Chapter 6. The structure and calendrics of the Venus table clearly concern the synodic cycle in terms of the time it takes for Venus to pass through successive stations defined in relation to the sun. 2. The true mean for the intervals of time for Venus as Morning Star and Evening Star is 263 days. The means for its periods of invisibility around superior and inferior conjunction are 50 days and 8 days, respectively (Aveni 2001:84). As Aveni (2001:190) explains, ancient Maya scribes were more concerned with the fit of the 260-day ritual calendar to mean planetary motion in the construction of their tables and almanacs, and less with to-the-day timing of true interval calculations, as one would expect of an astronomical ephemeris. This observation supports the 346 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

argument made by H. Bricker and V. Bricker (1983, 1992, 2007, 2011; V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1986, 1992, 2005) that many of the astronomical tables and almanacs in the Maya codices were short-term predictive instruments that were periodically updated, corrected, and revised as the deviations between the haab and true planetary motions made their predictions obsolete. 3. The term modulo comes from the field of modular mathematics that concerns the numbers (called remainders) left over after whole numbers are divided by a modulus. A modulus is a number or set quantity that produces the same remainder when divided into each of two or more quantities. It commonly appears in expressions such as the following: a number, a, is congruent to a number b modulo n. This means that numbers a and b will produce the same remainder when divided by n. For example, 18 is congruent to 42, modulo 12 because 18 and 42 will both have a remainder of 6 when divided by the modulus of 12. 4. A trecena, meaning ‘series of thirteen’, refers to the twenty periods of thirteen days in the 260-day tonalpohualli that each begin with a 1-coefficient day. 5. This also appears to be the case in the Mexican codices. In the Venus almanacs of the Codex Borgia, for example, we see Venus in its warrior aspect depicted in the guise of a number of different deities (Hernández 2006b). 6. In at least two cases we see streams of liquid coming from the two heads of the bicephalic Starry Deer Crocodile. The first case is the stucco sculpture on the interior walls of the Bicephalic Room of House E in the Palace structure at Palenque (Greene Robertson 1985:25–28). The second example is that of Stela 6 from Piedras Negras, which depicts K’inich Yo’nal Ahk II, or Ruler 3, sitting upon a bound bicephalic Starry Deer Crocodile. The streams of liquid contain no particular elements or coloration that would allow us to determine whether they represent water or blood, or a combination of both. We would suggest that a Late Postclassic highland Mexican version of a similar concept can be seen in the use of the split-solar motif (half sun, half night sky) that appears in the central compartment of Borgia 27 (see Figure 6.11) and a cognate almanac on page 69 of the Codex Vaticanus B. as well as on pages 26 and 44. On Borgia 27, the split-solar motif is associated with two streams of water, the one on the left under the nighttime sky contains a warrior’s shield and darts; the right stream under the solar half includes a depiction of the death god and a long bone. The Vaticanus B. 26 image shows blood pouring from the solar side of the motif. In the Borgia Group codices, split-solar motifs appear in almanacs that commemorate predicted dates of Venus ELAST; these examples may suggest that the bicephalic crocodilian in Maya contexts indicated a similar relationship to Venus (Hernández 2006b:fig. 4, 133; Hernández and V. Bricker 2004:Figure 10.12, 299–302). Indeed, the bicephalic crocodilian may symbolize the entire mythic episode in which Venus is expelled from the eastern sky into the western sky after a battle with the sun, whereupon the institutions of warfare, captive-taking, and blood sacrifice were imposed upon humanity in order to nourish the sun. 7. Knowlton (2010:61) relates this to the flood episode in the Popol Vuh, which destroyed the wooden people, who are the correlate of the coreless people in the Chumayel narrative. 8. Note, however, that the “spear” lacks a definitive spearhead (see Chapter 5). 9. It is important to keep in mind that the narrative recorded in the Latin script in the sixteenth century that is known today as the Popol Vuh represents a long narrative tradition with its roots going back as early as the Preclassic period. 10. Note the congruence with the episode from the Chumayel text described previously. 11. In contemporary stories, they correspond rather with Venus and the sun (see discussion in Chapter 10). Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 347

12. Only a small part of the coefficient of the haab date remains, which consists of possibly two bars and an unknown number of dots, suggesting that it reads 11, 12, 13, or 14. If this were the case, one possibility is that it refers to 1 Ahaw 13 Mak, one of the three base dates recorded at the bottom of the page and used to predict Venus’ heliacal rise in the table proper. 13. Pawah Ayin appears to be the prehispanic name for the deity called Itzam Kab Ayin in Colonial period sources. The Pawahtuns are a group of quadripartite deities associated with the re-creation of the world, and Itzamna is the supreme creator, who may be linked to the creation of the earth and its creatures. 14. To be buried refers not, we believe, to an interment within the earth, but to being below the earth’s surface (i.e., inhabiting the Underworld). The term is also used to refer to a submerging, such as occurs during the flood episode in the Books of Chilam Balam, where the wooden people “were subsumed by waves of sand and waves of sea” (Chumayel page 43; translation by Knowlton 2010:61). 15. We interpret the paired reference to earth and cave as a difrasismo (the pairing of two concepts to suggest a third), as this pairing commonly occurs in other contexts in the codical texts. Rather than reading it as referring to “town and wells” or “community,” as other researchers have (Knowlton 2002), we interpret it as referring to the earth-cave, or the primordial place of creation. 16. Although there is little evidence to suggest that the reading by Closs (1989) of “dog lord” for this collocation is correct, we find the possibility of interest for the following reasons. If this is a reference to dog lord, there may be a connection to the next part of the text, which refers to the ‘footsteps’ (y-ook) of God L and Lahun Chan. Not only does the logograph OK refer to ‘footstep’; it also has the meaning ‘dog’. In this connection, it is interesting to note that God L is linked with the designation Bolon Okte’ (see Chapter 10) and also with the name 4 Dog on the Cacaxtla murals (which would read 4 Ok in Yucatec). With respect to Lahun Chan, Thompson (1970b:250) describes him as doglike in appearance (based on colonial period texts), which might suggest that the previously described destruction of the world is related to the One Sky Place Dog Lords, or God L and Lahun Chan, the two who are named in the next column of text. 17. The association of ‘1’ with Venus, particularly with his mythological “birth” re-created on each occasion of the planet’s heliacal rise, may also help explain the especially bad fortune associated with the year 1 Rabbit (or 1 Lamat in the Maya tzolk’in) in the Late Postclassic Aztec calendar, after a devastating series of droughts destroyed the maize harvests and famine spread across the Basin of Mexico during the early 1450s (Hernández 2006b:12). 18. In the cycle of twenty day glyphs, the first MFIRST station is assigned to the last day, Ahaw. The remaining four MFIRST stations are in turn assigned to every fourth day name thereafter: Imix, Ik’, Ak’bal, K’AN, Chikchan, Kimi, Manik’, LAMAT, Muluk, Ok, Chuwen, EB, Ben, Ix, Men, KIB, Kaban, Etz’nab, Kawak. Based on evidence from previous versions of the Venus table, the positional order of day signs remains constant, but the assignment and therefore positional order of the presiding upper register gods do change. 19. This only becomes clear through an analysis of the almanac’s calendrical structure (see Table 7.8). 20. One possible explanation for the alternation in the ordering of the five upper register deities concerns the dating of Venus’ heliacal rise in the working versions of the table proper. In the 1 Ahaw 18 K’ayab version, the initial set of MFIRST dates contained in the table fell in the late fall (November/October). Because of the recession of Venus’ heliacal rise in relation to the calendrics of the table, by the time of the current working version (beginning on 1 Ahaw 3 Xul), MFIRST dates in the late fall were aligned with the deity Kan Pawahtun on D. 47. 348 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

The discrepancy recorded in the preface may have arisen when the scribe of the Dresden table erroneously recorded the order of associated deities based on the pattern of seasonal occurrences of MFIRST as they were seen in the earlier version of the table (see Tables 7.12–7.15), not as they are ordered on the pages of the extant table. 21. It is often the case in standard Maya almanacs that the first of the dates reckoned by its calendrics are those most relevant to the texts and iconography (when present) in given frames, but this is not always the case. There are numerous examples of almanacs in which elements from the text captions or iconography of a particular frame are relevant to dates associated with later rows or a subsequent recycling of the almanac. 22. Our transcription of the text appears in Appendix 7.2. 23. It appears that the scribe of the Dresden Venus table made sure that the haab dates for all twenty stations lined up with the appropriate columns of tzolk’in days at the top of pages 46–50, but the abbreviated texts for the dates in Section 1 for the 18 K’ayab run were shifted over one position to the right. 24. This is the reconstruction of what a series of four abbreviated columns of text would consist of for the 3 Xul run had they been included, based on the pattern established by the earlier versions of the table. What we actually see on the pages of the extant table (from left to right) are the haab dates for the MLAST, EFIRST, and ELAST stations with no accompanying texts below them. The haab date for the MFIRST station appears at the right with its hieroglyphic text given in an adjoining column of space on the page (not directly below the date) with room for expanded texts accompanied by illustrations. The Calendar Round date that appears at the end of these reconstructed statements depends upon the particular historical version of the table in use. Each version uses the same set of tzolk’in dates, but the haab portion of the date is changeable. Because we are specifically discussing the pictures and captions associated with the 3 Xul run, we are using the dates from the first row, although the pictures and their captions could be applicable to all thirteen rows. 25. See Appendix 7.2 for a discussion of these deities. 26. Based on the captions associated with the two previous versions of the table, we propose that the first two glyph blocks on each page included a reference to lak’in ‘east’, followed by the verb k’al ‘to arm’ or tzen-i ‘to nourish’ or ‘sustain’ (Schele and Grube 1997:147). Based on the iconography of this register, we believe that ‘nourish’ is the more likely alternative. 27. Our proposal that Hun Ahaw wearing a death god costume in this context has an association with Quetzalcoatl and his journey to the Underworld to retrieve the bones of the previous era’s fish people finds support in the picture at the bottom right of Borgia 53. It is the fifth compartment of a fivefold almanac beginning on Borgia 49b (Hernández 2004) that represents the center direction. The iconography of Borgia 53c is clearly associated with the Mexican creation episode in which Quetzalcoatl retrieves the bones of the people from the previous creation from the Underworld; following this, the bones are ground on a grinding stone by Tlazolteotl and then mixed with the blood shed by the gods to create new people for the newly created world. Borgia 53c shows a quetzal bird atop a maize plant in ear that grows from a prostrate earth goddess wearing a death god headdress. Behind the maize plant is a field of water likely representing the central portal to the Underworld. The deity Quetzalcoatl and the Ahuiateotl 5 Grass are piercing their genitals and bleeding over the maize plant. A final interesting connection to Dresden 50a is that both Mexican gods are posed with a hand pointing upward in a manner similar to Hun Ahaw holding his right hand pointing downward in a gesture indicating a decree. Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 349

28. The Brickers (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:192–194) suggest that Nal in this context represents the upper register deity of the following station, MLAST (see Table 7.5). On the other hand, Nal’s presence and actions could be implied for the four remaining MFIRST stations. 29. Round structures dedicated to K’uk’ulkan occur at Chichén Itzá and Mayapán in the northern Maya lowlands (Aveni 2001). 30. See discussion in Appendix 7.1. 31. The T579 glyph has the phonetic value /tzu/ and has been read as an abbreviation of tzul ‘dog’ by Michael Closs (1979). It is also used to form the plural taak (Coe and Van Stone 2005:28), referring to more than one person. We prefer the latter reading. 32. Included among these Mexican gods are the Ahuiateotl gods of abundance, notably the south-associated Ahuiateotl 5 Flower, who is a god of feasting, gaming, and pleasure, and 5 Rabbit, who is a pulque god. The link to Mexican Ahuiateotls is particularly telling given that they are likely counterparts to Maya Pawahtuns, and Kan Pawahtun appears as the One Sky Place lord depicted in the upper register of the page. 33. In an almanac featuring Chaak on D. 31c–33c, he is pictured in association with nine different locations, including the four world directional trees, a reservoir?, the sky, and three types of plants, the second of which is named in the text as tz’ite’. Chaak is pictured seated within an enclosure made of this wood, which is filled with water. Perhaps this was meant to symbolize the flood that destroyed the beings made from the coral tree. 34. Note also that the headdress with the flower worn by the Monkey Man scribe in the middle register is quite similar to that assumed by the god of the number 3 and by Nik, suggesting another correspondence among these figures. 35. The name of this deity may also be read as Na’ Uh Ah Po, meaning ‘Lady Moon, Moon Person’. The word for ‘moon’ in several of the highland Mayan languages is po (Thompson 1970b:241). 36. This may read ah haay; one of the definitions of haay is ‘to descend’. In combination with the agentive prefix, the phrase suggests ‘one who descends’. 37. Another piece of evidence from Dresden 49 that strengthens the identification of “flint lord” with the descent of Kakatunal is the presence of the Maya Moon goddess. In the Mexican tradition, the moon and moon deities are central symbols in a constellation of deities, icons, and elements associated with the north direction and the descent into the Underworld at the end of life. 38. It is also related in Maya folktales that the sun, while escaping with a maiden (the moon goddess) from her grandfather’s home, turns himself into a turtle to avoid being struck by a thunderbolt. 39. Compare this to the “flood of resin” that destroyed a previous creation in the Popol Vuh (Christenson 2007:85). 40. This interpretation involves reparsing kan naak at B2 as ka’an aak. 41. Given the penchant of Maya scribes for abbreviation, it may be that the Venus gods shown as heliacal rise warriors were to be inferred as the manifestations of Venus for the other three stations of the synodic cycle. We have only circumstantial evidence for application of this interpretation to the god Lahun Chan, since this god is shown manifested as Venus for two stations: MFIRST in the Dresden Venus table and ELAST on a painted capstone from Chichén Itzá. Accompanying text captions for both examples date the appearance of Lahun Chan as Venus to the early spring season of the year. Since ELAST precedes MFIRST by at most eight days, these examples reflect the calendrical reality that successive ELAST and MFIRST stations will be in the same season of the year and suggest that perhaps the same god manifests 350 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

as Venus for all four stations in a single synodic cycle beginning with EFIRST at a sacred place in the west direction and ending with MLAST in the north. Such a circuit would be in accord with the Mexican myth that tells of Quetzalcoatl journeying into the Underworld, the entrance to which is located in the west, and reemerging in the east transformed into the warrior Venus deity Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli. In the case of the Dresden table, Lahun Chan appears as Venus in the 3 Xul run on page 47. If our model for the pairing of presiding deities with the same god who manifests as Venus through four stations is correct, then Lahun Chan would manifest as Venus EFIRST armed by Sina’an ‘scorpion,’ then as Venus ELAST armed by a god whose name remains to be translated, then as Venus MFIRST armed by Kimil, and finally as Venus MLAST armed by another deity whose name remains unread. The capstone image of Lahun Chan as Venus ELAST is dated to the earlier 18 K’ayab run of the Venus table. The reader will recall that the Dresden table does not record any data with regard to middle register Venus warriors for this earlier run. The importance of the capstone data lies in the fact that it provides us with an identification of a middle register Venus warrior for this earlier run of the table. The model would suggest that the EFIRST recorded on Dresden 49 would pair Lahun Chan with the lord Kimil, then Venus ELAST would be nourished by K’awil (comes from dating an ELAST from the capstone naming Lahun Chan as the Venus warrior), then Venus MFIRST would be nourished by Hun Ahaw, and finally Lahun Chan as Venus MLAST nourished by Nal. 42. In their calendrical analysis of the Dresden Venus table, H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2011:215) note that of the four canonical intervals recorded for Venus’ four stations, only that of ELAST closely approximates the true period of Venus’ disappearance from the sky after visibility as an Evening Star (approximately eight days) and thus is most effective for predicting Venus’ reappearance as a Morning Star. 43. The text states that hok’ah k’awil “K’awil was tied.” 44. The preface to the table makes it clear that it was designed to be recycled over a period of years (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988). 45. The Milky Way is referred to as sak beh ‘white road’ by the Yucatec Maya of Chan Kom (in Milbrath 1999:41). 46. H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2011:532–534) associate the picture of Chaak in the ceiba tree with an ethnographic ritual that took place in the community of X Cacal on March 1 (Villa Rojas 1945:126–128) and in Socotz on March 19 (Redfield 1936:231). Landa describes “poleraising ceremonies” during the months of Sip and Sak (Tozzer 1941:156). 47. Previous interpretations include ta hem ‘in the valley’ (Schele and Grube 1997:193) or ta akan ‘in the grasslands [or bajo]’ (Stuart 2005:180n59). 48. Yearbearer dates fell in late July and early August during the fifteenth century (Hernández and V. Bricker 2004:294). 49. In extenso is a term coined by Anton Nowotny (2005:208) to describe a type of almanac that begins three of the Borgia Group codices (the Borgia, Vaticanus B. (3133 [3733]), and Cospi). In extenso refers to a format in which all 260 days of the ritual calendar are explicitly depicted in horizontal rows. M. 12b–18b partially incorporates this format. It is essentially a 4 x 65 almanac in which 52 days of each row are explicitly depicted, whereas the remaining 13 days are represented in the almanac’s first frame by the more traditional method of a Maya-style distance number and tzolk’in coefficient. 50. Recall that the tzolk’in days used by the Venus table scribes for predicting days of MFIRST were consistently Ahaw, K’an, Lamat, Eb, and Kib. 2 K’an 6 Yaxk’in falls two days after 13 Ik’ 4 Yaxk’in and within the thirteen-day interval of the frame. Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 351

51. The Brickers’ analysis of the zodiacal table in the Paris Codex suggests this association (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:730–736). 52. A red-painted knotted bow tie is commonly used by codical scribes to encircle a distance number written in Long Count notation that is to be subtracted from another Long Count date (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:75–76). Its use on M. 33a to enclose a distance number and tzolk’in coefficient is unusual. 53. The verb wa’alah occurs explicitly only in the third frame of the almanac, but is necessary in all four captions in order for them to make grammatical sense. 54. It is tempting to go one step farther and propose that the red and white coloration of Chaak here may be a Maya convention similar to that used by Mexican scribes who represent Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli, Mixcoatl, and other star-related and east-related gods and goddesses (e.g., Tzitzimime) with white painted bodies with red stripes. If Chaak is being related to Venus through his red and white body coloration, it would be to Venus as a Morning Star deity because this is the aspect of Venus visible in the dawn light. 55. The initial tzolk’in dates on D. 3a have been rearranged so that they correspond to 584-day intervals. 56. This figure is called the Principal Bird Deity in the literature (Taube 1987). 57. Genital sacrifice is the focus of the scene associated with the fifth of the Borgia trees (here represented by a maize plant) on page 53c as well. In this case, two figures are performing autosacrifice: the first is a figure related to Quetzalcoatl, who is featured in the previous narrative section of the codex undertaking a series of adventures in the Underworld (Boone 2007), and the second is an Ahuiateotl called 5 Grass who is associated with the center direction on Borgia 48 (Hernández 2004:340). 58. When the 260-days of the tzolk’in are combined with the 360 days of the haab and then the 5 Wayeb days, one result is that only four of the twenty day glyphs (Imix through Ahaw) will correspond with any particular single haab position (0–19, in the Mayapán calendar) (Vail and Aveni 2004:134). In the case of the Chichén Itzá capstone under discussion, a K’an day cannot fall on a haab date with a coefficient of 9. It must fall on a haab date with a coefficient of 1, 6, 11, or 16. 59. The expanded texts and pictures on Dresden 46 through 50 reveal the pairings of five upper register lords and five Venus warriors with regard to the MFIRST station. The data from the Chichén Itzá capstone reveal a sixth pairing of a Venus warrior, Lahun Chan, with the upper register lord, K’awil, as we learn from the Dresden table. 60. Closs (1989) provides the source for much of this information. 61. We interpret this as a reference to an eclipse. 62. H. Bricker and V. Bricker (2011:366n55) call this account into question, as the historical evidence does not support the author’s statement that a total lunar eclipse occurred on the night before Alonso Dávila’s attack on the city of Chetumal, when the events described above are supposed to have taken place. 63. This idea can be compared to that among highland Mexican cultures in which the end of the world would coincide with the end of a 52-year period, at which time the sun would be darkened or not rise the following morning, leaving the current world in darkness and thus open to the demons that would descend from a dark sky. 64. The ahaw logograph (T168) consists of the graphemes ah and /po/ (Lounsbury 1973). 65. Based on the captions associated with the two previous versions of the table, we propose that the first two glyph blocks on each page included a reference to lak’in ‘east’, followed by the 352 Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs

verb k’al ‘to arm’ or tzeniiy ‘to nourish [or sustain]’ (Schele and Grube 1997:147). Based on the iconography of this register, we believe that ‘nourish’ is the more likely alternative. 66. ch’ab and ak’ab are paired in a number of contexts in Classic period texts, as well as in the Books of Chilam Balam. Knowlton (2010:30) reads this pairing as “genesis and darkness,” the whole referring to a sacrificial act resulting in a new creation. In the present context, the submerging of the lords means that there will be no generative act. This seems especially significant in light of the fact the speared victim is K’awil, whose primary associations are with the generative powers of lightning, rain, and so forth. 67. The T579 glyph has the phonetic value /tzu/ and has been read as an abbreviation of tzul ‘dog’ by Michael Closs (1979). It is also used to form the plural taak, referring to more than one person. 68. The name of this deity may also be read as Na’ Uh Ah Po, meaning ‘Lady Moon, Moon Person’. In several of the highland Mayan languages, po is the word for ‘moon’ (Thompson 1970b:241). 69. This may read ah haay; one of the definitions of haay is ‘to descend’. The agentive prefix suggests ‘one who descends’. 70. From tze-nal kan-na’ak. 71. The reading as k’ob tuun ‘hearthstone’ is predicated on reading the upper grapheme as k’ob (from syllabic /k’o/). 72. We believe that this line refers to the dawn of a new world, following the destruction of the previous one. 73. Tz’ul may also mean ‘lord’ (Bolles 2001). 74. The three letter codes referenced refer to those established by Macri and Looper (2003) and Macri and Vail (2009). 75. On the Vase of the Seven Gods, God L’s owl is named Bolon Ka’an Kuy, 9 Sky Owl.

Creation Mythology in the Dresden Venus Table and Related Almanacs 353

8 In his Relación, Landa comments on a number of different deities of importance to the prehispanic Maya. Of these, the Bakabs receive considerable attention; they are “four brothers placed by God when he created the world, at its four corners to sustain the heavens lest they fall” and were also survivors of the flood that destroyed the world (Gates 1978:60). They are associated with the four world quarters and with the yearbearer ceremonies, where they signify the prognostications for the year in question. For each of the four rotating yearbearer ceremonies, Landa notes the association of a particular Bakab: Hob[o]nil for K’an years (associated with the south and k’an ‘yellow’), Kan-Siknal for Muluk years (east and chak ‘red’), Sak-Sini for Ix years (north and sak ‘white’), and Hosan-Ek’ for Kawak years (west and eek’ ‘black’). He further associates each of these figures with a color-directional Bakab, a Pawahtun, and a Xib Chaak (Table 8.1). Subsequent research has suggested the close relationship between these three groups of deities. As Taube (1992:94) notes, Bakab appears to be an epithet for Pawahtun, suggestive of the role played by each as “sustainers of the world.” This concept survives among the highland Maya cultures of Chiapas, where the wasak men are the gods of the four corners for the Zinacantecos, who hold up both the earth and the sky (Vogt 1993:13). In contemporary Yucatec communities, there are two sets of deities associated with “the four corners of the limits of the earth”: the Babahtun (who have specific color significance) and the Balaam [Balam] (Sosa 1989:134). The Babahtun deities are aspects of the Chaako’ob, or rain deities: that at the northwest corner is Ek’ (or eek’ ) Babahtun, at the northeast corner is Sak Babahtun, at the southeast corner is Ya’ax Babahtun, and at the southwest corner is K’an Babahtun.1 It is clear that the term babahtun derives from the prehispanic term pawahtun

Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

 

DOI: 10.5876/9781607322214.c08

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Table 8.1. Color, directional, and deity associations for the K’an, Muluk, Ix, and Kawak yearbearers Year

K’an

Muluk

Ix

Kawak

Direction

South

East

North

West

Color

Yellow (k’an)

Red (chak)

White (sak)

Black (eek’ )*

Bakab

Hobnil/K’anal Bakab

Kan-Siknal / Chakal Bakab

Sak-sini / Sakal Bakab

Hosanek’ / Ek’el Bakab

Pawahtun

K’an Pawahtun

Chak Pawahtun

Sak Pawahtun

Ek’ Pawahtun

Xib Chaak

K’an Xib Chaak

Chak Xib Chaak

Sak Xib Chaak

Ek’ Xib Chaak

* Alternatively ek’

219

and that there are a number of congruities between the two sets of deities, most noticeably their association with the Chaaks. The most important of the Chaako’ob for the contemporary Maya of Yucatán is associated with the eastern horizon; named Kuunk’uh, he is the Chaak associated with thunder and the rains during July and August (Sosa 1989:135). The Babahtun and Chaak deities are associated with the most vital of the yearly rituals—the ch’a chaak ‘take [or seize] the rain’ ceremony. They are believed to be the assistants of Hahal Dios (a solar deity who is also Jesus Christ), who was responsible for creating the earth and ordering the cosmos. These same figures are highlighted in the Madrid yearbearer pages, which likewise may be associated with a late summer date (Hernández and V. Bricker 2004:294). Based on the prominence of the closely related Chaak, Pawahtun, and Bakab deities, we believe that the primary significance of the yearbearer rituals performed during the Postclassic period was as agricultural ceremonies focused on prognostications for the rains and the maize. This emphasis is suggested by both the iconography and the hieroglyphic texts of M. 34–37 (Figures 8.1–8.2 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink219.html). In particular, we call attention to the figures pictured planting in the upper register on each page (discussed in more detail below), as well as the appearance of the maize god in the bottom register, where he is seated on a haab glyph, facing a second figure in a similar position.2 As researchers have previously suggested, these paired figures signify the prognostication of the maize crop for the coming year. The glyphic texts likewise emphasize the agricultural nature of the yearbearer ceremonies depicted on these pages (see Appendix 8.1); they refer to a number of different deities: the color-directional Chaaks, Pawah-k’ins (a presumed subset of the Pawahtuns), and one or two others (to be discussed below), as well as to clouds with specific color-directional associations that match the years in question (eek’ muyal on M. 34, k’an muyal on M. 35, chak nik muyal on M. 36, and sak muyal on M. 37). We find the latter of interest with regard to Sosa’s study; he reports that the colors by which the Chaak deities in Yalcobá are named refer to the color of the clouds associated with that particular manifestation of the deity (Sosa 1989:135). 356 Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

Figure 8.1. Kawak and K’an yearbearer ceremonies on M. 34–35. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

Vail (1997b) has previously suggested that the figures pictured planting can be identified as Pawahtuns, based on the correspondence of the figure on M. 35a (Figure 8.1, right), who is associated with K’an years and the south, to a similar figure pictured in the almanacs on M. 26a–27a and 26b–27b (Figure 8.3). In each case, the deities have similar markings around the eye and wear the same distinctive necklace. In the almanacs on pages 26–27, directional deities appear in the first four frames, associated with east, north, west, and south, followed by a blue-colored Chaak who likely represents the center. Based on their headdresses, which include the T548 glyph associated with the Pawahtuns, Vail proposed that these figures were an aspect of the deity known in the literature as God N, now commonly accepted as Pawahtun.3 On M. 34–37, only the figure pictured planting on K’an years (M. 35a) resembles the aspect of Pawahtun seen on M. 26a–27a; those on M. 36a and 37a resemble the more common variant of God N more closely in their portrayal of a humanlike figure with Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 357

Figure 8.2. Muluk and Ix yearbearer ceremonies on M. 36–37. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

220

aged features, whereas the figure on M. 34a has a distinctive appearance due to his black coloration.4 He does, however, wear a cut-shell necklace similar to the figures previously discussed (on M. 26–27 and on M. 36a). It is also of interest that the Pawahtun figures in the former almanacs are shown planting with digging sticks, since this is the same activity that they engage in on M. 34a–37a. In terms of their costuming, it is important to note that two of the four Pawahtun figures on the Madrid yearbearer pages wear jaguar pelts, complete with the head (on M. 34a and 36a), whereas the figure on page 35a wears a jaguar tail (see http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink220.html). We find it curious that the fourth Pawahtun does not wear a jaguar pelt, since he is associated with years beginning on the day Ix, which is the day name meaning jaguar. Researchers have previously suggested that these figures may be analogous to the Balaam, or “protector,” deities of Yucatán who guard the entrances to the community.5 358 Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

Figure 8.3. The quadripartite Pawahtuns and Chaak pictured planting on M. 26ab–27ab. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

In Yalcobá, the Balaam are guardian deities who, in common with the Babahtun gods, inhabit the four corners, whether of a town or hamlet, a cornfield, a house plot, or the world itself. The four Balaam deities are Ah Balaam (the guardian) at the northwest, Ah K’at (the clay dwarf ) at the southwest, Ah Kanan (the protector) at the southeast, and Ah Tuun (the stone) at the northeast. They are associated with the entrances to the towns, which are also called u hol kàah ‘the holes of the town’. It is here that wooden crosses set on stone altars have been erected, which serve both to mark the entrances (holes) of the town and as physical manifestations of the deities themselves (Sosa 1989:136). A similar concept may be expressed in the Madrid yearbearer almanac, where three of the four directions include a reference to kab-ch’een ‘earth-cave’ (linked to the south, north, and west; the east is associated with chak kab ‘red/great earth’ instead). We have discussed the concept of the earth-cave in detail in Chapter 4; here, we suggest only that this feature likely served as the home of the Pawahtun deities pictured on these pages. In the Dresden yearbearer almanac discussed in Chapter 4, deity images appear in place of the wooden crosses used by the contemporary Yucatec Maya, but they are also likely to have been erected atop stone altars at the four entrances to the community (see H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:chap. 6). The Yalcobá crosses are referred to as saantoh de che’ ‘cross/saint of wood’ but also as ya’ax che’ ‘green tree’ (because they are painted green). They are believed to be alive in the sense of representing a particular saint or guardian, and they moreover have a connection to the ceiba tree, which is known as yáax che’ ‘first tree [of the world]’. In Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 359

these respects, they can be compared to the pillars / Itzamna trees discussed in connection with the Dresden yearbearer pages (see Chapter 4). It is especially significant, we believe, that they are referred to by the same name; those on pages 26c–28c of the Dresden Codex begin with the prefix yáax [yax], which can be read as either yax ‘first’ or ya’ax ‘green’.6 This polyvalence suggests not only a connection to the ceiba tree, but also to fertility (green being the color of vegetation). In addition, both sets of “trees” receive offerings during ritual periods designed to prevent evil forces from entering the community. As Sosa (1989:137) notes with reference to the Yalcobá crosses, their location at the u hol kàah (entrances to the town) serves to keep the community safe from k’ak’as iik’ ‘bad winds’. A specific ritual, loh kàah, involving a circuit of the community, was performed in the past to protect the residents from evil winds that had either already entered the community and caused sickness or from those that threatened. This was an all-night ritual that involved two h-mèen (ritual specialists), one who remained in the church while the other performed the ritual circuit, which involved placing offerings at each of the wooden crosses that symbolize the Balaam “guardians” (Sosa 1989:135).7 A similar procession is performed as the final event of a fiesta held each year in Yalcobá to mark the forty hours of Christ’s suffering before the crucifixion. It is celebrated over a four-day period and corresponds in a number of its essentials to the yearbearer celebrations of the prehispanic Maya. It begins on either February 27 or 28 (so that it will end on March 3) and focuses on the town’s four groups of Gremios (trade guilds). A presidente (the head of one of the Gremios) is chosen, and the opening event is held at his house,8 followed by a procession to the church for mass, and by a second procession to the house of the next year’s presidente.9 Arches are made and set up at each of the four corners of the church (representative of the four corners of the community);10 on the final day of the ceremony (March 3), all four Gremios process in a counterclockwise direction under each of the arches. This ceremony, and in particular the ritual procession, have clear parallels to the yearbearer rituals depicted on D. 25–28. Vessels with T506 glyphs, representing waah ‘food’, appear in relation to the Dresden yearbearer ceremonies, as well as on each of the Madrid yearbearer pages, signifying some of the offerings that were made. Bloodletting rituals, sacrifices, the burning of incense, dances, and music were also part of the yearbearer celebrations described by Landa and depicted in the Dresden and Madrid codices. Although common components of many of the monthly “festivals” discussed in Landa’s Relación, we would like to comment on the significance of several of these activities in relation to rain-making ceremonies and agricultural production. It has been suggested, for instance, that drums (seen on M. 37a) imitate the sound of thunder, whereas the smoke produced from burning incense (see M. 36b) can be compared to black clouds laden with rain. Much of the iconography of the Madrid yearbearer pages, moreover, concerns the fate of the maize crop for the year in question. Prognostications concerning the maize crop are likewise an important part of Landa’s discussion concerning each of the four 360 Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

Table 8.2. Prognostications and associated deities for the K’an, Muluk, Ix, and Kawak yearbearers Year

K’an

Muluk

Ix

Kawak

Direction

South

East

North

West

Color

Yellow (k’an)

Red (chak)

White (sak)

Black (eek’ )*

Bakab

Hobnil / K’anal Bakab

Kan-Siknal / Chakal Bakab

Sak-sini / Sakal Bakab

Hosan-ek’ / Ek’el Bakab

Pawahtun

K’an Pawahtun

Chak Pawahtun

Sak Pawahtun

Ek’ Pawahtun

Xib Chaak

K’an Xib Chaak

Chak Xib Chaak

Sak Xib Chaak

Ek’ Xib Chaak

Prophecies

Good year

Favorable year but scarcity of water

Bad year for bread, good for cotton; fainting, eye ailments; other evils: drought, hot spells, maize fields wither, hunger; thefts and slavery; war and discords

Mortality; hot spells that kill maize fields; ants and birds eat seeds sown; some places lack food but others would yield it only through heavy labor

* Alternatively ek’

years in the cycle (Table 8.2). According to his discussion, K’an is the only year that is unequivocally good (provided the appropriate offerings and sacrifices are made); Muluk years are also largely favorable, whereas Ix and Kawak years are full of negative portents (Gates 1978:62–67). In the Madrid almanac, prophecies are represented both visually (through the iconography) and in the hieroglyphic captions. Beginning with page 35 (the starting point of Landa’s discussion), we see that K’an years are characterized by a healthy maize crop (indicated by the maize god seated on the haab glyph at the bottom right of the page) and by an abundance of food and water (this collocation appears several times in the text [see Appendix 8.1] and is being carried by the anthropomorphic animal seated facing the maize god at the bottom of the page). The meaning of the birds in the bottom register, especially those associated with the haab (T548) and tun (T528) glyphs, is currently unknown, although it is common for birds to serve as auguries for particular time periods. In the Dresden Codex, for example, owls, vultures, and macaws signify evil omens, whereas quetzals and turkeys are associated with oox wi’il ‘an abundance of food’. The sacrificial scene in the upper register of M. 35 (see Figure 8.1) is related to one of the rituals of propitiation that was performed to ward off evil; this involved the sacrifice of a man or dog upon a pile of stones and the descent of an “angel” to receive the offering (Gates 1978:63).11 It is possible that this sacrificial imagery accounts for the occasional negative auguries that appear in the hieroglyphic text, which include the kimi ‘death’ glyph and a phrase reading lobal ‘evil [thing]’, as well as two collocations that have been interpreted as reading xul ‘end of ’ and xul haab ‘end of years’ (Schele Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 361

and Grube 1997:128).12 These expressions are used elsewhere to refer to primordial time and the destruction of a previous Sun or creation (Vail 2012b). According to Landa (Gates 1978:65), Muluk years are favorable but may involve a drought (scarcity of water). The lower register of M. 36 (see Figure 8.2), which refers to the ceremonies associated with Muluk years, depicts a healthy maize god, several offerings of maize, and the compound “abundance of food and water” (carried as a “burden” by the dog), the latter in direct contradiction to Landa’s statement. There is, however, a bird pecking at the maize seed being held by the maize god,13 and the date 12 Kimi (12 Death) appears in the upper right of the lower register. Moreover, the hieroglyphic text includes several references to death and two u muuk compounds specifying ‘evil omen’. Favorable auguries are much more difficult to locate. In this respect, the prognostications for Muluk years and the eastern quadrant have more in common with the Dresden yearbearer pages than they do with Landa’s description. On both D. 25c (associated with the east) and M. 36b, for example, drought is an important theme, as seen in the hieroglyphic caption of D. 25c (see Appendix 4.2) and possibly by the dog with fire emerging from its tail on M. 36b.14 Similar iconography is found in several other almanacs in the Madrid Codex, as discussed below. In addition, two vessels on M. 36 contain bloodletting implements, calling to mind the bloodletting/sacrificial rituals associated with the sun god on D. 25c and 26b, where he is given offerings in the form of hearts (see Figures 4.2–4.3).15 Another correspondence between M. 36 and D. 25c is the chak k’in compound ‘red/great sun’ that occurs on both pages—above the incense burner on D. 25c and in the upper hieroglyphic text on M. 36 (see Appendix 8.1). Clearly, then, the depiction of Muluk years in the Madrid yearbearer almanac has a negative side not expected based on Landa’s description. With respect to Ix years, Landa (Gates 1978:65–66) notes that they have almost entirely negative associations (although they are good for the cotton, despite being bad for the maize). Again, we find a combination of positive and negative auguries represented in the text and iconography of M. 37 (see Figure 8.2). In the bottom register, the death of the maize god (signified by his closed eye and the hand raised to his face) corresponds with Landa’s description, as does the presence of the sun god seated on the haab glyph opposite him (here likely referring to the hot spells and droughts that cause the maize crop to fail). Other negative auguries are suggested by the dog or other animal pawing at the vessel of food, which has an axe glyph emerging from it that we interpret as referring to the axing or decapitation of the maize god (see below), and by the macaw with a human arm in its beak. This appears to be an explicit reference to an episode in the Popol Vuh in which the Hero Twins shoot at Seven Macaw; although they wound him, he retaliates by tearing off Hunahpu’s arm (Christenson 2007:97). It is only later, when they return with the creator grandparents, that Seven Macaw is defeated and Hunahpu recovers his arm (Christenson 2007:99–100). The scene on M. 37b appears to refer to the mythological time when Seven Macaw was ascendant and the maize god was dead in the Underworld. 362 Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

Despite the numerous misfortunes suggested by Landa’s account and the iconography of M. 37b, the hieroglyphic caption contains several positive auguries (two references to “abundance of food and drink”), in addition to those with negative associations, including an u muuk ‘evil omen’ and ah kimil ‘dead person’ collocation. In addition, the same dog that is pictured on M. 36b appears in the upper register of page 37, where it beats upon a drum with human hands and is pictured howling. As we note in the previous chapter, this may be a reference to activities performed to ward off an eclipse, or the end of the world that was feared at period ending transitions such as the yearbearer celebrations.16 Landa’s description of Kawak years is closely matched by what is depicted on M. 34 (see Figure 8.1). In the lower register of the page, two deities sit facing each other on haab glyphs (signifying the year): the maize god on the right, and a variant of the death god Kimil on the left. Kimil holds the head of the rain god Chaak in his upraised hand; above this, the maize god’s head appears in a cartouche, surrounded by red, perhaps indicating blood.17 We believe that the presence of the death god symbolizes the mortality associated with Kawak years, as does the decapitated head of Chaak, which likewise refers to the “hot spells” (lack of rain) mentioned by Landa (in Gates 1978:67). The upper register of the page also contains a number of references to the negative prophecies for Kawak years. The hot spells mentioned by Landa may be symbolized by the hummingbird perched on the maize growing from the vessel of food, since hummingbirds are one of the forms taken by the sun.18 In addition, the torch being held by the red-painted figure may be another reference to the scorching sun, although it has other possible associations (see discussion below). The death of the maize crop is portrayed quite explicitly by the seated headless figure; the combination of the ch’ak (axe) glyph plus the kab glyph (which appears in place of his head) signify ch’akab ‘was chopped’. The maize god’s missing head appears in the cartouche in the lower register mentioned previously. Finally, the blue-painted figure on M. 34a may be a sacrificial victim; as Landa notes, victims were painted blue before they were sacrificed (Gates 1978:48–49), and he has what appears to be a bone awl piercing his eye.19 The hieroglyphic text on M. 34 has almost entirely negative auguries, referring to death, drought, warfare/flint warfare, and evil [omens] for the earth-cave.20 A compound that is present on M. 37, believed by Closs (1979) to be a reference to Venus in its Evening Star manifestation (tzul ahaw), also appears above the black-painted Pawahtun figure who is planting. It is possible that the sacrificial victim (the bluepainted figure) was an offering made to appease Venus. However, the blue color of the victim is also suggestive of an association with water, indicating that the sacrifice may have been intended to appease the rain gods. The decapitation of the maize god calls to mind the sacrifice of One and Seven Hunahpu in the Underworld. One Hunahpu (the maize god) was decapitated and his head hung in a tree, which thereafter bore fruit. Other images of the decapitated maize Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 363

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god appear in the codices, and his resurrection is a common theme in Maya art, as we explore in Chapter 7. In the Madrid Codex, his decapitation is implied by the scene on M. 33a (Figure 7.31 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /​ Documentation/UPClink221.html), where a black-painted Chaak holds a blue axe in his upraised hand, as if about to strike the maize god who appears in front of him. Chaak’s posture suggests a connection with the Venus gods in the middle register of D. 46–50, although they brandish spear throwers, rather than axes (note, however, the blue color of God L’s atlatl on D. 46b, and the fact that he carries a shield, as does Chaak on M. 33a). We have explored the significance of this scene in more detail in the previous chapter. The imagery on M. 34 may also be compared with the scene on D. 34a (see Figure 4.8 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink222.html), with which it has explicit connections, most notably the decapitated head of the maize god paired with the kab glyph. Other elements of the iconography in the Dresden almanac suggest a connection to the yearbearer pages in the Madrid Codex: the four Pawahtun figures, the playing of musical instruments, the vessel filled with food offerings, and the stepped altar (compare with that on M. 35a).21 Several other features are reminiscent of the Dresden yearbearer pages, including the rattle staff held by the figure in the upper left (here topped with a flint blade, rather than a hand), the incensario with burning copal incense, and the rattle (held by the upper right Pawahtun on D. 34a), as discussed in more detail in Chapter 4. Other aspects of the Madrid yearbearer pages that warrant discussion include the presence of haab dates on each of the four pages, with references specifically to the months of Yax, Keh, and Yaxk’in. Hernández and V. Bricker (2004:306–309) note that these references suggest that the events depicted on the yearbearer pages are not limited specifically to Pop, an observation that ties in extremely well with the interpretation of these pages as depicting prognostications for the entire agricultural year, rather than focusing on a more narrow time period. It is also instructional to consider the other two sets of deities referenced in the text, the first occurring as part of the phrase ba-??, followed by a deity name, and the second occurring just after u k’ul k’aaba “___ is his holy name” and before the designation Pawah-k’in. Each of the deities named in the first set has the prefix lahun ‘10’ in front of his name: Lahun Itzamna on M. 34, Lahun Kisin on M. 35, Lahun ?? on M. 36, and Lahun ?? on M. 37. We interpret the prefix in these instances not as a reference to ‘10’ but rather as to ‘end’ or ‘terminate’ (one of the meanings of lah), which suggests that the beginning of Kawak years marked the termination of Itzamna as the ruling deity, whereas the beginning of K’an years marked the termination of Kisin in the same role. Since Itzamna is associated with Ix years in Landa’s account (see Table 8.3), the end of his period of “rule” would occur at the start of Kawak years. Similarly, as an Underworld lord, Kisin may be associated with Kawak years in Landa’s account, meaning that the termination of his “reign” would occur at the begin364 Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

Table 8.3. Correspondences among the Dresden and Madrid yearbearers and Landa’s Relación Year

K’an

Muluk

Ix

Kawak

Direction

South

East

North

West

Color

Yellow (k’an)

Red (chak)

White (sak)

Black (eek’ )*

Landa’s “statue”

K’awil

K’in Ahaw

Itzamna

Wak Mitun Ahaw

Dresden burden

K’awil

Jaguar (k’intun haab)

Maize god

Kimil

Madrid deity

K’awil

lob? Itzamna

Itzamna

Tolok

* Alternatively ek’

ning of K’an years. The same should be true of the other two deities, although we have yet to identify their portrait glyphs. The final set of deities, whose names are paired with the four Pawah-k’ins, is not well understood. The four figures named include Tolok, or basilisk lizard (Kawak years), a possible reference to the Maya constellation corresponding to Cancer; K’awil (K’an years); lob? Itzamna (Muluk years); and Itzamna (Ix years). If this is the name of the incoming deity for each of the four years (Landa’s “statue”), then there are only two possible matches: Itzamna for Ix years and Bolon Tz’akab / K’awil for K’an years (see Table 8.3).22 A better correspondence can be found by relating this series of deities to the kuch of the year, corresponding to the “burden” on D. 25a–28a (see Table 8.3). K’awil corresponds to the burden for years associated with the south, matching the reference to K’awil on M. 35. One of the definitions of k’awil found in the Cordemex Dictionary is “deidad maya del maíz; podría también significar alimento [Maya deity of maize; it may also signify food]” (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980:387). This definition suggests that the maize god who is pictured in the posture of a diving god and wearing feathers on his arms on M. 35a may correspond to K’awil named in the text. This imagery is of special interest in light of a passage from the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel. There, we are told: So then the word of Bolon Dzacab [Bolon Tz’akab] descended ... Then he descended from the heavens and Kan [K’an] is the day his burden had been tied Then when the rain descended He came before Heart of Sky for his rebirth. Chumayel 45.22–23, 25–31 (translation by Knowlton 2010)

The evidence from the Chumayel passage—in conjunction with that from the Madrid—strongly supports the idea that Bolon Tz’akab and K’awil are aspects of the same deity, since they are both described (or depicted) as descending from the heavens on a specific calendrical occasion. Moreover, the reference in the Chumayel to K’an being the day “his burden had been tied” provides clear evidence linking the Madrid scene to the Chumayel passage. Taken together, this evidence suggests that the maize Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 365

Figure 8.4. Yearbearer prognostications for the maize on M. 24c–25c. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

god may be seen as one of the manifestations of Bolon Tz’akab / K’awil (see also discussion in Chapter 10). The “burden” for the next year, lob? ‘evil’ Itzamna, may be related to the k’intun haab ‘drought’ compound on D. 26a. The reference to Itzamna on M. 37, corresponding to Ix years, makes sense in terms of the statue described by Landa, as previously discussed; there is also a reference, further down on that page, to the maize god and “abundance of food and drink.” These correspond precisely to the kuch being carried on D. 27a, which is also associated with the north. We have been unable, however, to suggest an association between the possible tolok glyph on M. 34 (pertaining to Kawak years and the west) and the reference to the death god on D. 28a. This remains one of several unanswered questions about the Madrid yearbearer pages.

Correspondences with Other Almanacs The yearbearer ceremonies and prognostications referenced on M. 34–37 have analogues with a number of other almanacs found throughout the Madrid Codex. The first set that we discuss includes those that provide prophecies for the maize crop based on particular color-directional associations in which the maize god serves to indicate the prophecy for the year. Examples occur in a number of almanacs in the early part of the Madrid Codex, including those on M. 24c–25c (Figure 8.4), 24d (Figure 8.5), 25d (Figure 8.6), and 26d–27d (Figure 8.7). Several other almanacs appear to serve this function as well, although they lack explicit color-directional associations in their hieroglyphic captions. The first of the almanacs to be examined is M. 24c–25c (Figure 8.4), which includes four frames, each depicting the maize god (painted either yellow or blue), an anthropomorphic creature (most likely a dog or an opossum)23 holding one or more torches, and a brazier containing burning k’ik’ ‘rubber incense’. Scholars have long suggested an association between the scenes pictured in the almanac and the rituals associated with a 1 Pop date (Hernández and V. Bricker 2004; Seler 1902–1923, IV:486; Taube 1988:261– 262; Vail 2002). Iconographically, the most explicit connection is to the Muluk New Year’s page (M. 36); its lower register includes a dog with a torchlike flaming tail, a deity 366 Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

Figure 8.5. Prognostications for the maize on M. 24d. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

believed to be the maize god (seated on the haab glyph on the right side of the page), and an incensario with rubber incense. Like M. 34–37, the almanac on M. 24c–25c focuses on the days Kawak (fr. 1), K’an (fr. 2), Muluk (fr. 3), and Ix (fr. 4) (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch. org/Documentation/UPClink223.html). In another way, it is reminiscent of D. 31b–35b (discussed in Chapter 4; compare http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink224.html with http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Docu​ mentation/UPClink225.html) in that its calendrical structure has a dual focus—on four 65-day intervals (reading down each column of dates), and four intervals of 13 years each (reading across each row of dates; Hernández and V. Bricker 2004:291– 294; Vail 2004:224–226). The upper row of dates on M. 24c–25c, for example, includes the days 5 Kawak, 5 K’an, 5 Muluk, and 5 Ix. If each of these is associated with a haab date of 1 Pop, we have the following sequence: 5 Kawak (1 Pop) + 13 haab = 5 K’an (1 Pop) + 13 haab = 5 Muluk (1 Pop) + 13 haab = 5 Ix (1 Pop) + 13 haab [returns the almanac to its starting point]24

Interpreting this as a yearbearer almanac, we find that the texts and iconography agree extremely well with Landa’s descriptions for each of the four years in the cycle (Table 8.4). Kawak and Ix years are associated with bad portents for the maize (represented by the dead plant) and K’an and Muluk years with auspicious auguries (represented by the blue-colored plant). The use of torches in this almanac is extremely consistent: more than one signals drought (frames 1 and 4), whereas one, whether oriented upright or downward, Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 367

223

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225

Figure 8.6. Prognostications for the maize on M. 25d. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

is associated with a good year (Table 8.4). In some almanacs, however, the distinction is between torches, which appear to be associated with dry weather and drought, and axes, which are linked to rain (see, e.g., M. 2a, M. 2b–3b, M. 6b, M. 14b, M. 15b; http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink226.html). The association of torches with drought and axes with rain cannot be uniformly applied, however. As we see in Table 8.5, in a number of other almanacs, there is not a one-to-one correlation. On the other hand, Table 8.6 indicates that blue coloration signals fertility, rain, and the healthy maize plant/crop, whereas yellow coloration is used to signify the dry and desiccated plant (suffering from drought). From these examples, it can be seen that north and south are generally consistent in their associations (north being linked with death and south with life), whereas east and west are more variable. A different system prevails in the Dresden Codex yearbearer pages, however, where east and west years have negative associations (with drought and death), whereas north and south years have positive associations (with an abundance of food and maize).

226

References to Creation Mythology in Madrid Yearbearer Almanac The Madrid yearbearer pages can be linked directly to Classic period creation events associated with 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u, based on the starting date of the series (10 Kawak 1 Pop [2 Pop in the Classic period calendar]). As the following sequence demonstrates, this yearbearer date occurs 19 days after 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u and represents the first yearbearer date following the events of creation. 368 Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

Figure 8.7. Planting rituals and prognostications for the maize on M. 26d–27d. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

It is for this reason, we suggest, that it was chosen as the starting point of the Madrid yearbearer pages. 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u 5 Imix 9 Kumk’u 6 Ik’ 10 Kumk’u 7 Ak’bal 11 Kumk’u 8 K’an 12 Kumk’u 9 Chikchan 13 Kumk’u 10 Kimi 14 Kumk’u 11 Manik’ 15 Kumk’u 12 Lamat 16 Kumk’u 13 Muluk 17 Kumk’u 1 Ok 18 Kumk’u 2 Chuwen 19 Kumk’u 3 Eb 0 Wayeb 4 Ben 1 Wayeb 5 Ix 2 Wayeb 6 Men 3 Wayeb 7 Kib 4 Wayeb 8 Kaban 0 Pop 9 Etz’nab 1 Pop 10 Kawak 2 Pop

Events associated with mythological time are also highlighted in the iconography and texts of the yearbearer pages. For example, the decapitation of the maize god on M. 34 (see Figure 8.1 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink227.html) can be related to a similar event occurring in the Popol Vuh at the hands of the Underworld lords; it may also relate to the passage in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel in which maize is taken to the thirteenth plane of the sky (i.e., is not available upon the earth). This is suggested by the following Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 369

227

Date

5 Ix

4

Maize god

Yellow; closed eye (dead); arms crossed

Blue; arms crossed

Blue; hand outstretched

Yellow; closed eye (dead); bound arms; incense bag

No. of torches

3

1 (pointing down)

1

3 (one on tail)

1 torch / positive augury

1 torch / positive

M. 24c–25c

Blue maize god / pests (fr. 2)

Blue maize god (fr. 1)

Death / Underworld gods (fr. 4)

M. 24d

M. 25d

M. 26d–27d

East/chak

Blue maize god (fr. 3)

Almanac

M. 24c–25c

Rulership; green (fertile) earth

North/sak

Yellow maize god / dead (fr. 3)

Yellow maize god / pest (fr. 2)

Yellow maize god/dead (fr. 3)

Yellow maize god (fr. 4)

Blue maize god / pests (fr. 2)

Animal (fr. 3)

Blue Chaak (fr. 4)

Yellow maize god (fr. 1)

West/eek’

Blue Chaak (fr. 1)

Blue maize god (fr. 4)

Blue Chaak (fr. 1)

Animal (fr. 5)

—

Center/yax

1 torch / positive

1 torch / augury eroded

2 torches / positive

South

Blue maize god (fr. 2)

South/k’an

3 torches / negative

3 torches /negative

Death

Rulership; rain

Torch and axe /positive augury

Torch and axe / negative

West

Augury Death of maize

2 torches

Torch and axe / positive

North

Table 8.6. Augural associations of the maize god in almanacs from the Madrid Codex

Torch and axe / negative

M. 3a–6a

East

D. 31b–35b

Almanac

Table 8.5. Depiction of torches and associated weather prognostications in almanacs in the Madrid and Dresden codices

5 K’an

5 Muluk

2

3

5 Kawak

1

Frame

Table 8.4. Calendrical structure and iconographic associations of M. 24c–25c

page (see Figure 8.1), which shows the descent of the maize god, a scene that can be linked to the descent of Bolon Tz’akab in the Chumayel account, suggesting his return to earth with the maize seed. This occurs on the day K’an in the Chumayel passage, which serves to link it explicitly with the scene on M. 35a (see http://www.hieroglyphic​research.org/Documentation/UPClink228.html). Madrid 35a may also relate to the mythological episode associated with the creation of humans, as suggested by the reference in the glyphic text to wuk ha’ nal ‘Seven Water Place’ (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink229.html), a toponym that we have previously suggested is congruent with Chicomoztoc in the highland Mexican tradition—the place of emergence of humans from below the earth (Vail 2008; Vail and Hernández 2009). This toponym also appears on page 48 of the Dresden Venus table, as was discussed in the previous chapter, and it occurs in the north wall mural from Santa Rita (Vail 2008) and possibly in Drawing 28 from Naj Tunich. Bloodletting implements are depicted on M. 36 (see Figure 8.2), calling to mind Landa’s description of a bloodletting ritual associated with Muluk years: “The devotees had to draw their blood and anoint the stone of Chac-acantun with it. This ceremony and sacrifice they regarded as acceptable to their god Yaxcoc-ahmut [Yax Kok Ah Mut]” (Gates 1978:65).25 Yax Kok Ah Mut is an important figure during the Muluk rituals. After the Wayeb ceremonies, an “idol” was made of this deity and placed in the temple, and a stone block was built in the temple courtyard for the burning of incense (Gates 1978:64). Landa (Gates 1978:65) specifically mentions the burning of k’ik’ ‘rubber incense’, which is represented in the lower register of M. 36. To gain protection, other offerings to Yax Kok Ah Mut were required, including squirrels and an unembroidered cloth woven by “the old women whose office it was to appease Yaxcoc-ahmut” (Gates 1978:65). In addition, dances were performed on stilts, and the old women were said to dance with dogs with “bread” on their backs. As previous scholars have discussed, each of these elements appears to be represented in the iconography on this page (Escalante 1992; Thomas 1882:79–80; Taube 1988:256), although there are no clear references to Yax Kok Ah Mut. This figure plays an important role on M. 19b (see Chapter 9) in a scene that we believe can be linked to the Muluk yearbearer ceremonies (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink230.html). As we and other researchers have proposed (see Knowlton and Vail 2010), yax kok refers to ‘first turtle’ and has an intimate connection to Itzamna (the two are paired in the Vienna Dictionary; Acuña 1993:419). The term ah mut can refer to a bird or an omen, perhaps the falcon aspect of Itzamna (Bassie-Sweet 2008:130– 140; Knowlton and Vail 2010).26 Classic period Maya iconography indicates that there is a direct correspondence between the turtle and the earth. Not only is the turtle conceptualized as forming the surface of the earth (with its body floating in the primordial sea), but the earth’s interior is depicted as a cave formed from the turtle’s body (Taube et al. 2010:fig. 48). This connection is still evident today: the word for “cave” in Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 371

228

229

230

231

232

233

Yucatec is aaktun (V. Bricker et al. 1998:2), combining the words for ‘turtle’ (aak) and ‘stone’ (tun). A possible reference to the turtle earth may be found at B18 on M. 36 (see Appendix 8.1 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPC​ link231.html), which consists of the elements ko-kab-??.27 One of several possible readings for this collocation is kok kab ‘turtle earth’. A more explicit reference to the turtle may be found at B11, if we bear in mind that turtles had a number of different associations for the prehispanic Maya. In addition to representing the earth, the belt stars of Orion were conceptualized as a turtle (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992:177; Lounsbury 1982:167–168), with the middle star also serving as the third of the three stones that form the celestial hearth (see Chapter 3). As either the earth or a celestial object, turtles are portrayed as the place of the maize god’s resurrection, following the Hero Twins’ defeat of the Underworld lords (see discussion in Chapter 3). The collocation at B11 on M. 36 is of particular interest in this regard. It is arranged in the configuration of the three hearth stones (see Figure 8.2), but the topmost of the stones has been replaced by a T506 glyph, representing waah ‘food’ or the maize seed; the collocation as a whole is associated with the number 3. We interpret this as signifying the birth of the maize god from the stones of the celestial hearth. On M. 71a, these stones are carried on the back of the celestial turtle, and ahaw nal ‘maize lord’ is named in the text caption (see Figure 3.8 and http://www​ .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink232.html). One of the dates associated with the frame is 5 Muluk, which corresponds to the sixth date on the yearbearer page.28 The text captions on D. 49 also refer to the turtle as the place of the maize god’s rebirth (see Chapter 7). Madrid 37 (Figure 8.2 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink233.html), as we have previously discussed, also appears to link primordial events (an episode related in the Popol Vuh) to the depiction of rituals associated with Ix years. The death of the maize god in the Underworld and the ascendance of Seven Macaw signify the inauspicious nature of Ix years, as does the presence of the axe next to the vessel filled with maize. On the other hand, the hieroglyphic text found on this page includes a number of positive auguries. Of these, a possible reference to children in association with the kab-ch’een ‘earth-cave’ of the north is of special interest, since it may be referencing the creator grandmother who was responsible for creating humans from maize that was ground nine times and mixed with water (see Christenson 2007:195). The earth-cave, said to be the location where the second of the three hearthstones (the serpent throne stone) was placed according to Quirigua Stela C, is also referenced in the texts associated with Kawak and K’an years (west and south).29 It is likely that they correspond to the hòol kàah ‘holes of the town’ associated with the four entrances to contemporary communities; indeed, the two are quite similar linguistically (kab refers to ‘land’ and kàah to ‘community’; ch’een to ‘cave’ or ‘well’ and hòol to ‘hole’). 372 Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

234

235

Figure 8.8. Opossum Mam in fr. 5 of M. 89a–90a. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

We have previously discussed the role of the kab-ch’een in ritual reenactments of creation events (Hernández and Vail 2013; Vail and Hernández 2012). Another example of interest occurs on M. 90a (Figure 8.8), in the fifth frame of an almanac referring to the four world directions plus the center (see http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink234.html). The frame referring to the center includes a reference to kab-ch’een in its hieroglyphic caption and also names the protagonist, pa[wah] ooch, the opossum Mam. This figure is shown in the scene below holding two torches within a thatched structure. This iconography calls to mind that associated with the almanacs on M. 3a–6a (picturing Chaak; see Figure 8.9 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink235. html), M. 24c–25c (picturing what may be a dog or an opossum; see Figure 8.4 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink236.html), and D. 31b–35b (picturing Chaak; see Figure 4.15 and http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink237.html), each of which can be related to the yearbearer ceremonies.30 Further indications that the scene on M. 90a has yearbearer associations are the thatched structure (compare to the “houses” on D. 25b–28b; see Figure 4.1) and the opossum Mam (compare to the figures on M. 25a–28a; see Figure 4.2). In addition, M. 68a (Figure 8.10) pictures an opossum Mam receiving offerings in a thatched structure, likely in the context of yearbearer ceremonies (see Vail and V. Bricker 2004 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/ Documentation/UPClink238.html). Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 373

236

237

238

Figure 8.9. Yearbearer prognostications on M. 3a–6a. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

Figure 8.10. The opossum Pawahtun seated within a house on M. 68a. After Villacorta C and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

The almanac on M. 89a–90a (see Figure 8.8 and http://www.hieroglyphicre​search .org/Documentation/UPClink239.html) has an unusual calendrical structure in that each frame is associated with four named days without coefficients. The frame with the opossum Mam is linked to the days Kaban, Etz’nab, Kawak, and Ahaw. These same days are highlighted in the last frame of the almanac that pictures the opossum Mam in a thatched structure (see Figure 1.7 and http://www. hiero​glyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink240.html); here, Chaak is shown in a cenote (one of the possible referents of the kab-ch’een compound), associated with the same set of days as the opossum Mam on M. 90a. In this case, however, they each have an associated coefficient (10 Kaban, 11 Etz’nab, 12 Kawak, and 13 Ahaw). Although an exact correspondence cannot be established, evidence from the various almanacs considered previously suggests a yearbearer association for the scene on M. 90a. 239

Overview of Chapter This chapter demonstrates that explicit references to creation events similar to those occurring in Classic period and colonial texts may be found on the yearbearer pages and in a series of related almanacs from the Madrid Codex. It is especially significant, we believe, that the 10 Kawak yearbearer date highlighted on M. 34a is the first yearbearer to occur following the 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u era date, when the three hearthstones were set at the celestial turtle by a series of primordial deities. Our finding of references to the turtle constellation and hearthstones and to explicit incidents that are also related in the Popol Vuh mythology—including the decapitation of the maize god and the ascendancy of Seven Macaw during the time the maize Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 375

240

god was dead in the Underworld—provides a much fuller picture of how yearbearer ceremonies were conducted by the prehispanic Maya of Yucatán and of the rituals and performances undertaken to incorporate the events of world creation and destruction within the context of this transitional time period when the certainty of the world’s continued existence was in question. Correspondences between page 35a of the Madrid yearbearer pages and the “rebirth” ceremony of Bolon Tz’akab cited in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel (Knowlton 2010:76) also serve to highlight the mythological context of the rituals depicted. A more complete understanding of the hieroglyphic texts and iconographic referents will undoubtedly provide a fuller picture. Renewed efforts at decipherment have, however, offered additional information about how the yearbearer ceremonies were conceptualized. References to “end of the sun, end of time” on the K’an and Ix pages, coupled with iconography that may be indicative of actions taken to scare off an eclipse agent on the Ix page, suggest that the yearbearer ceremonies were viewed as times of danger during which celestial and Underworld forces could threaten the natural order. Uncertainties such as these help to explain the ceremonies of propitiation pictured in the upper register of each of the yearbearer pages and described in some detail in Landa’s Relación. Yearbearer ceremonies, of course, also represent times of renewal. This is signified by the rebirth ritual on M. 36, for example, and by similar ceremonies associated with Muluk years, which are depicted in detail on M. 19b and are addressed in the following chapter.

Appendix 8.1. Texts Associated with the Madrid Yearbearer Almanac M. 34

M. 35

M. 36

M. 37

o-hu’un-ya ?? hu’un ?? paper/headband

o-hu’un-ya ?? hu’un ?? paper/headband

o-hu’un-ya ?? hu’un ?? paper/headband

o-hu’un-ya ?? hu’un ?? paper/headband

ek’-k’uh eek’ k’uh black god

k’uh-k’in-ya k’an* k’uh yellow god

k’an-k’uh chak* k’uh red god

sak-k’uh sak k’uh white god

cha-ki chaak Chaak

cha-ki chaak Chaak

cha-ki chaak Chaak

cha-ki chaak Chaak

chi-k’in-ni chik’in west

nohol nohol south

ba/ha’-??-ni lak’in* east

na-nal? nal north

ba/ha’-?? ?? ??

ta-ak’bal-la ta ak’bal in the darkness

ba/ha’-?? ?? ??

??-ba/ha’ ?? ?? continued on next page

376 Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

Appendix 8.1—continued M. 34

M. 35

M. 36

M. 37

lahun-itzamna lahun itzamna 10 Itzamna / the end of Itzamna

lahun-kisin-hi lahun kisin 10 Kisin / the end of Kisin

lahun ?? lahun ?? 10 ?? / the end of ??

lahun-??-ya lahun ?? 10 ?? / the end of ??

u k’ul k’aaba u k’ul k’aaba his holy name

u k’ul k’aaba u k’ul k’aaba his holy name

u k’ul k’aaba u k’ul k’aaba his holy name

u k’ul k’aaba u k’ul k’aaba his holy name

tolok? tolok? basilisk lizard [Cancer?]

k’awil k’awil K’awil

lob?-itzamna lob? Itzamna Evil? Itzamna

??-itzamna? ?? itzamna? ?? Itzamna?

pa-wah-k’in pawah k’in Pawah K’in

pa-wah-k’in-?? pawah k’in Pawah K’in

pa-wah-k’in pawah k’in Pawah K’in

pa-wah-k’in pawah k’in Pawah K’in

??-le/men? ?? ??

ko-ak’bal ok? ak’bal night enters?

??-??-wuk ?? wuk ?? 7

lu-ba lub? ??

??-k’in-li-?? ?? k’inil ?? ?? day/sun ??

te’-?? ?? te’ ?? tree

u-tun-ni u tun his stone

te’-tun te’ tun stone tree?

yu?/ek’?-??-la ?? ??

wuk-nal-ha’-hi wuk ha’ nal 7 water place

u tz’ak?-ya u tz’ak?-iiy it changed?

ho’-pop ho’ pop 5 Pop

u-tz’ak-ka u tz’ak it changes

haab-na nah? haab first? year

pa-le/men?-ya ?? ??

k’in-na k’in sun/day

u kim-ka u kimil [u muuk?] his death [omen? / evil omen?]

??-??-le/men?-chi ?? ??

chak-to-ko chak tok red cloud

ahaw-tz’ak tz’ak ahaw lord of the succession

ahaw-nik?-??-ka-u u nik? ahaw the flower? lord

haab-li-hi haabil year

nah?-??-?? nah ?? first?/honored ??

nah?-k’uh/nal nah? nal first?/honored? maize

u-__-ya ?? ??

??-nal-la ?? nal ?? maize/place

chak-k’uh chak k’uh red god

??-wah-ha’ ?? waah ha’ abundance of food and water

??-te’?

continued on next page

Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 377

Appendix 8.1—continued M. 34

M. 35

M. 36

M. 37

nal-??-u ?? nal ?? maize/place

tz’ak-ki-ka tz’ak it changes

??-??-ha-ku ?? ak? turtle?

haab?-?? haab? ?? ?? year?

ka-__-?? ?? ??

hu-pu?-??-tal?-ka ?? ??

??-kab ?? kab ?? earth?

??-ba/ha’-tun/ku-?? ?? ??

??-??-te’ ?? ??

sak-kab-hi sak kab white earth

??- ??-ya ?? ??

ha-wa-kab-?? kab ahaw earth lord

kan-mu?-o?-ba kan ?? 4 ??

ti’-??-na ?? ??

ox-??-wah-tun-tun ox tun 3 stone place ?

nal-tz’ak tz’ak nal succession place

??-u ?? ??

bolon-wuk-muluk? bolon wuk muluk? 9, 7 ??

ah?-kim ah kim dead person

yo-chan?-ni ?? ??

nik-??-hi nik ?? flower ??

tu-u tu uh? on the moon?

nal-ki nal ki tasty? maize

ahaw-le/men? ahawle rulership

hi-?? ?? ??

ba-??-ba ?? ??

u-mu/muk-ka u muuk his omen/evil omen

cha-ki-tun/ku chaak tun Chaak stone

k’ab?-winik-kab k’ab? winik kab ?? earth person

wah-hi? waah food

winik-u u winik the person

ba/ha’-k’uh ha’ k’uh water god

haab-k’in k’intun haab drought

winik-hi-u u winik the person

ya?-kim yah? kim ?? death

u-wa u waah his food

k’ul-nik-ya k’ul nik [+ deictic] holy flower

u-kim-u-la u kimil the dead person

??-??-hi ?? ??

haab-li haabil year

wak-??-?? wak ?? 6 ??

i?-ba? ?? ??

u-mu/muk-ka u muuk his omen/evil omen

??-??-?? ?? ??

k’uh-ya? k’uh-?? god [+ deictic]

i?-chi ?? ??

ki-k’uh-ya ?? k’uh ?? ?? god

o-??-ku-ku ?? ?? continued on next page

378 Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

Appendix 8.1—continued M. 34

M. 35

M. 36

M. 37

??-balam? ?? balam? ?? jaguar?

xul?-le/men xul? men end? of work

nah?-kuh/nal-tal?-ta/tan nal-?? nah? nal ?? ?? nal First/Honored Maize ?? ?? maize/place

??-ku?-??-li? ?? ??

xul?-haab xul? haab end? of years

u-kab-ba u kab the earth

??-na ?? ??

wak-winik? 6 person? [reference to Wak Mitun Ahaw? With next glyph block, Six Underworld Lord Sun]

nal-winik/tze-le-ya tzel? nal ?? place/maize?

u tz’ak-ka u tz’ak the change/succession

u-mu/muk-ka u muuk his omen / evil omen

ahaw-k’in-?? k’in ahaw lord sun

??-??-wah-?? ?? waah ?? ?? maize ??

?? ?? ??

k’in-ni k’in day/sun

pa-??-k’in pawah? k’in

?? ?? ??

ah-kim ah kim dead person

lob?-winik/tze-i?-ya lob? winik? evil? people?

ko-kab-?? ok kab enter? the earth

??-haab-li ?? haabil ?? year ??-k’in ?? k’in ?? day ??-li ?? ?? muyal muyal cloud kam?-nal?-ki kam? nal? ki receives? the tasty maize?

??-ha-ya ?? ??

ox-k’in-na ox k’in 3 days

k’in-k’uh-ni? k’in k’uh sun god

sak-nal sak nal white maize continued on next page

Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 379

Appendix 8.1—continued M. 34

M. 35

M. 36

M. 37

ek’-muyal eek’ muyal black cloud

k’in-muyal k’an* muyal yellow cloud

chak-??-nik?-ki chak nik red flower

hu?-k’uh-??-li?-?? ?? k’uh ?? ?? god ??

k’uh k’uh god

Nal nal Nal [maize god]

la-k’in-ni lak’in east

hu?-k’uh-ni hun? k’uh one? god

pakal-?? pakal shield

lob-kim-la lob kimil evil death

??-??-??-u ?? ??

??-waah-ha’ ?? waah ha’ abundance of food and drink

k’uh?-haab-li k’uh? haabil god? of the year

??-waah-ha’ ??waah ha’ abundance of food and drink

u-nak?/xib?-kim-kim u ?? ??

u-sak-muyal u sak muyal his white cloud

la’-k’in-n?? lak’in east [west intended?]

i?-i?-ba ?? ??

wi’il-u u wi’il the food

??-waah-ha’ ?? waah ha’ abundance of food and drink

ti’-haab-li ti’ haabil in the year

??-waah-ha’ ?? waah ha’ abundance of food and drink

??-chak-k’in ?? chak k’in ?? red/great sun/day

wi’il-ox ox wi’il abundance of food

??-nal-?? ?? nal ?? maize?/place?

ba?-ek’?/u?-kim-na? ?? ??

u-ah-kim-li u ah kimil the dead person

nah?-k’uh/nal-na nah? nal first?/honored? maize

kab-ch’een kab ch’een earth-cave

Itzamna itzamna Itzamna

muyal muyal cloud

al-li-ki al-?? child of ? [or reference to spearing?]

ba-te’ ba’ate’ warfare/warrior

??-ak’bal ?? ak’bal ?? night/darkness

nah?-nik?-li nah? nikil first?/honored? flower?

kab-ba-ch’een?-na kab ch’een earth-cave

tok’-ba-te’-ti’? ti’? tok’ ba’ate’ in?/with? flint warfare

hu-nal?-le hun? nal? 1 maize?

??-nal ?? nal ?? maize

nal-li nal north

u-k’in-ni u k’in his sun/day

ba-ta ba’ate’ warrior/warfare

sak-k’uh sak k’uh white god

ahaw-taak/tzul?-wa tzul? ahaw [or ahaw taak] dog lord [or ‘lords’] continued on next page

380 Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology

Appendix 8.1—continued M. 34

M. 35

M. 36

lob?-ba lob? evil

nohol nohol south

tu-chak-kab tu chak kab on the red earth

kab-ba-ch’een?-na? kab ch’een earth-cave

kab-ba-ch’een-na-?? kab ch’een earth-cave

nah?-k’uh/nal nah? nal first?/honored? maize

chi-k’in-ni chik’in west

nohol nohol south

la-k’in-ni lak’in east

ahaw-taak/tzul?-wa tzul? ahaw [or ahaw taak] dog? lord [or lords]

nohol nohol south

yu-?? ?? ??

M. 37

* Refers to a reconstructed item.

Notes

1. These color-directional associations are congruent with those from the prehispanic codices, with the exception of ya’ax, which is associated with the center in prehispanic contexts. Although we had previously thought that the directional deities were associated with a particular side of the quadrilateral world (based on the evidence from M. 75–76), a review of almanacs containing directional glyphs reveals that they are almost invariably placed at the corners. The order varies, although the most common configuration is for east to be in the upper left, north in the lower left, west in the lower right, and south in the upper right. 2. The haab (T548) glyph represents both the 360-day period referred to as the tun and the 365-day year. It is commonly used in the Maya codices to indicate the prognostication for the year (see, for example, the tun almanac on the first thirteen pages of the Paris Codex; discussed by Love [1994:chap. 4]). 3. More recently, Vail has identified a glyphic spelling of pawah (as pa-wa?-hi) in reference to the northern aspect of this figure on M. 26a-27a (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink241.html), providing phonetic support for the identification of this group of deities as Pawahtuns. 4. Another example of a black-painted Pawahtun may be seen on D. 34a (discussed below; see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink242.html). 5. The term balaam [balam] ‘jaguar’ is used in reference to the mythic and historic texts recorded in the Books of Chilam Balam, or the Books of the “Jaguar Prophet.” 6. The Dresden trees reference the creator deity Itzamna; similarly, the Yalcobá crosses represent the protector deities of the community—referred to by the terms Balaam and Babahtun. 7. As previously suggested, the Dresden pillars may represent the Bakabs mentioned in Landa’s account, suggesting a link with the contemporary Balaam guardians. 8. Compare this to the principal in the yearbearer ceremonies described by Landa (Gates 1978:62). Madrid Yearbearer Celebrations and Creation Mythology 381

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9. Landa also describes a procession from the house of the principal to the entrance to the community (Gates 1978:62). 10. The arch within the church can be compared to the tree that is set up on the Dresden yearbearer pages (see, e.g., http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPC link243.html). 11. During the colonial period, Catholic saints (including the angels) merged with prehispanic deities; in this instance, the angel being referenced is represented by the maize god in the corresponding picture. 12. See Appendix 8.1 for a complete transcription of the hieroglyphic text. 13. We follow previous scholars (see Taube 1988:260) in interpreting the figure pictured on the haab glyph on the right as being the maize god, despite the lack of the usual identifying features. 14. It is also possible that this refers to the introduction of fire, with the dog playing the role of “fire bringer.” If so, it is appropriate that this reference appears on the page referring to the east, since east is the direction associated with beginnings. 15. Whether these are actual hearts from humans or animals or bread formed in the shape of deer hearts (one of the offerings mentioned by Landa for Muluk years [Gates 1978:64]) remains unknown. 16. A possible reference to xul k’in ‘end of sun’ or ‘end of days’ appears at B18 in the text caption. 17. Beneath this is a /na/ glyph, the significance of which is unclear. 18. Hummingbirds are also associated with bloodletting and sacrifice in Maya and other Mesoamerican cultures (Miller and Taube 1993:98) and with the rainy season (Hunt 1977:62). 19. The act of blinding is discussed in Chapters 3 and 7 in relation to a cosmic battle involving celestial and Underworld (Venus) deities. 20. The earth-cave as the primordial place of creation is discussed in more detail in Chapter 4. 21. The Dresden figures can be identified as Pawahtuns based both on their general appearance and by the pawah glyph and shell worn by the black-painted figure in the upper left. Pawahtuns are often depicted emerging from different types of shells, including conch, snail, and turtle shells. 22. We have previously discussed the fact that the codical deity K’awil has been identified with Bolon Tz’akab from colonial sources. 23. Seler (1902–1923, IV:486) and Taube (1988:261) identify the figures in question as anthropomorphic dogs. Opossums are also pictured holding torches elsewhere in the Madrid Codex (see, e.g., http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink244.html). 24. The next row of the almanac follows the same pattern, with its series focused on the yearbearer dates with a coefficient of 12. Twenty years separate 5 Kawak (1 Pop) from 12 Kawak (1 Pop). The same relationship is expressed by the other sets of dates in the almanac, with coefficients of 6 and 13. Reading down the columns, each date is separated by twenty days (or twenty years). The final interval of five days links the last date in each column with the first date in the next (e.g., 13 Kawak at the bottom of the first column with 5 K’an at the top of the next). The ‘5’ also serves to indicate the number of years between the two dates, if they are both associated with the haab date 1 Pop. 25. Bloodletting rituals are described for the Wayeb ceremonies associated with each of the yearbearers. In this case, however, the ceremony was also performed as one of the “rituals of propitiation” that were likely celebrated after Wayeb (although there is still considerable debate concerning the timing of the various ceremonies described by Landa).

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26. The rituals of propitiation described by Landa each involve a different aspect of Itzamna (Gates 1978:63–67): Itzamna-Kauil [K’awil] for K’an years, Yaxcoc-ahmut for Muluk years, and Kinich-ahau [K’inich Ahaw] Itzamna for Ix years. Note, however, that none of the four deities described for Kawak years—Chichac-chob, Ekbalam-chac, Ahcanuol-cab, and Ahbuluc-balam—have a known connection with Itzamna. 27. Another possible reference to the turtle earth may occur at B10–C10, which includes a kab glyph, followed by T563b:563b. The value of the T563b grapheme remains unknown, but we believe it may read /ko/. If this reading can be substantiated, this would give kab kok ‘earth turtle’. 28. Note also that the third frame on M. 24c–25c is associated with a 5 Muluk date and shows the maize god in his fertile aspect (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink245.html). 29. An alternate expression, chak kab ‘red earth’, occurs on M. 36 in reference to the east. 30. Torches are also held by various other figures in the Dresden and Madrid codices (for a complete list, search on “torch” at http://mayacodices.org/searchWiz.asp).

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9 Thirty almanacs in the Madrid Codex begin on the day 4 Ahaw in the tzolk’in calendar. The 4 Ahaw almanacs depict a number of different activities (see Table 9.1), many of which functioned as ceremonies of renewal. Several can be demonstrated to be rituals associated with renewing the world, having a function similar to ceremonies documented in Santiago Atitlán in connection with Holy Week (Christenson 2001) and by Landa in his Relación (see Chapter 3). Our discussion begins with M. 19b (Figure 9.1), which has a number of elements that tie it to creation mythology and to rituals replicating primordial time. It begins on the day 4 Ahaw and depicts five deities participating in a bloodletting ritual involving a rope (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink246.html). They include Itzamna (center); God A’, a deity associated with nighttime and darkness (upper left); God M (lower left), who is named in the text as one of the Pawahtuns; the death god Kimil (lower right); and Chaak (upper right).1 Itzamna and Chaak are painted blue, whereas God A’ (Ah Kam) and Kimil are wholly or partially red, and God M wears black body paint.2 The five deities are arranged around a structure that rests on a stone base; its upper part is painted blue, whereas the lintel is painted red and the walls/supports are blue and red.3 A rope is pictured winding through the architecture, and it may be seen to support the sun (represented by a k’in glyph) in the section passing by God A’. A turtle rests on top of the structure; its carapace contains a yax glyph and what may be drops of blood. The yax glyph on the turtle’s carapace names it as yax kok ‘first turtle’. Madrid 19b can be understood by reference to (1) an act of creation associated with the start of the bak’tun on 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u (August 11, 3114 B.C.), (2) central Mexican mythology identified with the birth of the sun,

World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex

DOI: 10.5876/9781607322214.c09

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Table 9.1. 4 Ahaw almanacs in the Madrid Codex Almanac M. 14a

Activity/Theme Renewing structures / blue paint

Associated figure Itzamna

M. 15a

Renewing structures / blue paint

Nal

M. 16a

ok nah ceremony

Itzamna

M. 19b

Turtle manifested, temple; bloodletting ritual

Itzamna and turtle

M. 20b–21b

Deities supporting lintels? / blue paint

Nik?

M. 22d–23d

Deities painting / blue paint

Itzamna

M. 23c

Blue / painted structures

Itzamna

M. 38a

Deer trapping

hunter hunter

M. 40a

Deer hunting

M. 46c (4 Ok or 4 Ahaw)

Deer trapping

M. 50a

Drilling fire

God M

M. 50c

Deer dance

God Y

M. 60b

Setting up Itzamna trees / blue-painted forked sticks

Chaak

M. 60b–61b

Carrying blue-painted K’uh

Nal

M. 62b

Fibers growing from earth

Itzamna

M. 63a

Bathing ritual

Itzamna

M. 63b

Deities seated in houses

K’uh

M. 72b, fr. 2 M. 79a (4 Ok or 4 Ahaw)

turtle captive-taking

God Z, captive

M. 79c

Weaving

Chak Chel

M. 80b–81b

Holding stone objects

Itzamna

M. 83b

Deities emerging from yax glyphs (yih ‘to sprout’)

K’uh/Itzamna

M. 85c (4 Ok or 4 Ahaw)

Deity in house w/torch and flint blade

Kisin

M. 87b–88b

Deities with bloodletters

Itzamna

M. 92c–93c

Bathing ritual

Ix Kab / Nik?

M. 96a (4 Ok or 4 Ahaw)

Presentation of offerings to K’uh

Pawahtun

M. 100d

Blessing K’uh

Itzamna

M. 102c

Warping thread

Sak Ix Kab

M. 102d

Weaving

Ix Kab Chel

M. 111c’

Burning incense

Itzamna

and (3) ceremonies associated with the initiation of the new year on days named Muluk in the tzolk’in calendar. As previously discussed, several important ritual acts occurred on 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u (see Chapter 3), including the manifestation of an image of a turtle and the 386 World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex

Figure 9.1. Bloodletting ritual in temple courtyard on M. 19b associated with the date 4 Ahaw. After Anders (1967).

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planting of three stones to form a cosmic hearth; according to Quirigua Stela C, the last of these stones was placed by the creator deity Itzamna to form a triadic arrangement within which a fire was lit. The association of the three stones with the constellation of the turtle, or Orion, was initially made by Matthew Looper (1995; see also Schele 1992), based on an image from the Madrid Codex (M. 71a) showing a turtle suspended from a skyband with three T528 tun ‘stone’ glyphs on its back (see Figure 3.8 and http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink247.html). The turtle and the hearthstones form two separate but overlapping constellations. Evidence from a series of Classic period murals from Bonampak indicates that the turtle constellation consisted of the three belt stars of Orion (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992:177). According to the contemporary K’iche’ Maya—who still identify a constellation in the form of a three-stone hearth—the leftmost of these stars (Alnitak) also represents the upper star of the three in the triadic hearthstone constellation, which consists of Alnitak, Saiph, and Rigel (B. Tedlock 1992:181). The example on M. 71a does not portray these relationships accurately, instead giving the impression of the turtle supporting the hearth. This may be related to the role the turtle plays in Classic period iconography as the birthplace of the maize god (see below). The text on M. 71a states that “Lord Maize is Kan Pawahtun Ayin; there is an abundance of food.”4 We believe this suggests a link between this frame and the Dresden Venus table, which pictures and names the deity Pawah Ayin (the crocodilian aspect of Pawahtun) on page 46 in association with K’awil, the deity of lightning and sustenance. Another link is suggested with the vessel known as the Resurrection Plate, which shows the maize god rising from a crack in the carapace of a turtle. He is named explicitly in this scene as the crocodilian aspect (ayin) of the maize god. Before examining this vessel in more detail, we return to the text from Quirigua Stela C to look more closely at the event that occurred on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u. The text tells us that three stones were set up or tz’ap ‘planted’ on this date. The first, named as the “Jaguar Throne Stone,” was placed at nah ho’ chan,5 ‘First Five Sky’ or ‘Five Sky House’, by a pair of supernaturals known as “Jaguar Paddler” and “Stingray Paddler,” who are mentioned in reference to primordial time in various other contexts.6 The second stone, identified as the “Serpent Throne Stone,” was placed at kab nal or kab ch’een ‘earth-place’ or ‘earth-cave’ by a deity named Ik’ Nah Chak ?? (Black House? Red [or Great] ??). Rather than using tz’ap in reference to the final stone, the scribe instead wrote k’al tun nah itzamnaaj ha’ tz’am? tun, signifying “First Itzamna binds the Water Stone Throne.” Although the stones are not pictured in association with the turtle on the Resurrection Plate, we believe that this scene can be identified with the rebirth of the maize god from the celestial hearth, suggesting that the turtle on the vessel serves as a model both of the surface of the earth floating on the sea (note the ha’ ‘water’ glyph directly below the turtle) and of the turtle constellation in the sky 388 World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex

Figure 9.2. Incised bone from Tomb 116 at Tikal showing the transport of the dead maize god to the place of resurrection in a canoe manned by the Paddler Deities. Drawing by Mallory Fenn.

(see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink248.html). The maize god’s rebirth can be understood as his emergence from the Underworld after K’awil has cracked open the shell (the earth) to release the maize, and as his journey in a canoe paddled by Jaguar and Stingray Paddler to a celestial location (Figure 9.2), where he is resurrected from the hearth. This interpretation is supported by the decipherment of a collocation on M. 36, which shows a T506 glyph, representing a maize seed, on top of two T528 ‘stone’ glyphs (see discussion in preceding chapter). Visually, this imagery represents the maize that emerges from the celestial hearth. The fact that this occurs on the page referring to yearbearer rituals celebrated in Muluk years is also significant, as we discuss in relation to M. 19b below. Although the turtle on M. 71a has ties to creation mythology, the picture itself can be dated to an astronomical event that occurred in June A.D. 1451, according to Victoria Bricker’s (1997) analysis. This involved the rise of the constellation at dawn, an event that is also highlighted in the Dresden Venus table (see Chapter 7), there corresponding to June 16, A.D. 1227. The conflation of primordial and historical time is a common component of Maya hieroglyphic texts and continues to play an important role in ritual today, where events from creation stories are commonly reenacted as part of saints’ day celebrations (Christenson 2001; Prechtel and Carlsen 1988). In the second run through the almanac on M. 65–72 and 73b, another date can be associated with the frame picturing the turtle and hearthstone constellations. This corresponds to 13 Ben 1 Pop, or August 18, 1451. This is fairly close in the seasonal year to the initial setting of the hearthstones on August 11. In addition, it corresponds to the beginning of Pop and to the sun god’s tenure as the year patron. He is seen in the following frame on M. 71a (Figure 9.3 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink249.html), where he is painted red (the color of the earth) and is seated in front of the bundled remains of a sacrificial victim. There is a possible reference to kab tun, or ‘earth stone’ in the caption above the picture. Several other images of turtles occur in the almanac on M. 65–72 and 73b. Of particular interest in the context of this discussion is the picture on M. 72b (Figure 9.4 and World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex 389

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Figure 9.3. The sun god seated in front of a mummy bundle on M. 71a. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

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http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink250.html), which can be linked to a 4 Ahaw date (the fifth of the eight dates in the tzolk’in column). Like the frame on M. 71a, it corresponds to an event that occurs during the third tun or haab represented in the almanac.7 The 4 Ahaw date does not imply that this frame pictures an event that took place on August 11, 3114 B.C., but it does suggest a connection with those distant mythological events. The pairing of 4 Ahaw with this particular picture was probably intended to signify an anniversary of that initial manifestation of the turtle in the sky. As we discuss below, a number of almanacs in the Madrid Codex can be associated with this tzolk’in date (4 Ahaw), which was presumably viewed as an appropriate time to perform renewal ceremonies linked to the initial creation events (setting the hearthstones, drilling a new fire, etc.). Madrid 19b (see Figure 9.1 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Docu​menta​ tion/UPClink251.html) provides a visual representation of one such renewal ceremony (also discussed by Hull and Carrasco [2004], who provide a slightly different interpretation). As we have seen, it begins on 4 Ahaw and depicts a turtle on top of an altar or structure, which is named in the text as yax kok and is closely affiliated with Itzamna. The almanac pictures a bloodletting ceremony, similar to one described by Landa as associated with yearbearer rituals performed during years beginning on the day Muluk (Tozzer 1941:145): The evil one caused them to make an idol called Yaxcoc-ahmut [Yax Kok Ah Mut], which they placed in the temple . . . ; then they erected in the temple court a stone block on which they burned their incense, and a ball of the resin or milk kik, with a prayer there to the idol, asking for relief for the ills they feared for the coming year . . . To gain this protection the evil one ordained offerings of squirrels and an unembroidered 390 World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex

Figure 9.4. Turtle on M. 72b, associated with the date 4 Ahaw. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta 1976 [1930]. cloth, which was to be woven by old women whose office it was to appease Yaxcoc-ahmut . . . The devotees had to draw their blood and anoint the stone of Chac-acantun with it. This ceremony and sacrifice they regarded as acceptable to their god Yaxcoc-ahmut.

Previous research suggests that Yax Kok Ah Mut (also called Ah Kok Ah Mut) refers to an aspect of Itzamna in which he is manifested as a turtle, or kok (Bassie-Sweet 2008:63–64; Knowlton and Vail 2010), whereas mut refers both to ‘bird’ and to ‘omen’. Itzamna has a bird aspect as well, associated with a falcon (see Figure 3.13), but we suspect that in this instance, the name of the “idol” can be best translated as ‘first turtle omen’ and that it refers to the turtle manifested on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u according to several Classic period texts. This explains the co-occurrence of Itzamna and the turtle in the central frame of the almanac on M. 19b. Yax Kok Ah Mut was also represented on a stone column described as the yax cheel kab ‘first tree of the world’ at the site of Noj Peten, as described by Fray Andrés de Avendaño y Loyola following a visit in 1696 (the year before Tayasal capitulated to the Spanish crown).8 Avendaño comments: The king and all of his family and followers worship together at this stone column. They call this same column, which is the title by which they give homage to it, yax cheel cab, which means in their language “the first tree of the world,” as I have understood in their ancient songs (there are few who understand them). They want it to be understood that they give homage to it because this is the tree of whose fruit our first father Adam ate, who in their language is called Ixanom. And there is a mask that is in the foundation of the said column, in the small part that is preserved fortunately. They give homage to him with the title of the son of Dios most wise. In their language they call him Ah Cocahmut. In the instant that we disembarked and I saw the said column and mask, I came to recognize it because I had already read of it in their ancient papers and seen it in the anahtees that they use, which are books of tree bark, polished, and coated with lime. In these they have prognosticated their future events through painted figures and characters. (Avendaño y Loyola 1987 [1696]:35; translation by Timothy Knowlton) World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex 391

As previously noted by Knowlton and Vail (2010), there are a number of specific correspondences between the column described at Noj Peten and the altar with the turtle on M. 19b. Based on Landa’s correlation of the “idol” Yax Kok Ah Mut with Muluk years, we suggest that the almanac on M. 19b portrays the Muluk yearbearer ceremonies. In addition to the previously mentioned bloodletting ritual, a number of other rituals were performed to initiate Muluk years. They involved the following: (1) an emphasis on the eastern direction and the color red, (2) ceremonies performed in honor of the sun god Kinchahau [K’inich Ahaw], (3) dances and offerings, and (4) rituals to ensure a favorable year. World renewal rituals associated with the Maya New Year were celebrated in August in the late fifteenth century and in July during the sixteenth century (due to the precession of the haab against the tropical year). Muluk rituals were performed every four years; in other years, yearbearer rituals coincided with Ix, Kawak, and K’an days associated with the start of Pop. In addition to the ceremonies discussed previously, the Pop rituals involved a renewal of “all the service things they used, as plates, vases, benches, mats and old garments, and the mantles around the idols. They swept their houses, and threw the sweepings and all these old utensils outside the city on the rubbish heap, where no one dared touch them, whatever his need” (Gates 1978:70). Fasting was also one of the important ritual preparations, as was the preparation of pellets of incense and the selection of the chaaks, the officials who helped the priests. The New Year’s festival was held at the temple, where only the men (and the old women who performed the dances) were permitted entry. Landa describes it as follows: “All having come together with the presents of food and drinks . . . the priest purified the temple, seating himself in the middle of the court, clothed like a pontiff . . . The Chacs seated themselves at the four corners, and stretched from one to the other a new cord, within which were to enter all those who had fasted, in order to drive out the evil spirit” (Tozzer 1941:152–153).9 This ritual was followed by the lighting of new fire and the burning of incense, ending with a general feast. Many of the elements of the Muluk New Year’s ritual are reflected in the almanac on M. 19b (Figure 9.1), including the deity Yax Kok Ah Mut, the purification of the temple courtyard in the form of the rope stretched between the four deities, and the homage paid to the sun god K’inich Ahaw (here represented by the k’in glyph rather than by the deity himself ). In addition, the turtle and the sun are both being fed by the blood of the deities pictured, who are engaged in a sacrificial ritual that involved letting blood from the genitals by first making an incision and then passing a rope through the incision. In the M. 19b almanac, the blood can be inferred to run through the rope in order to feed the sun. This has parallels to a story related in La Leyenda de los soles from central Mexico in which the gods had to sacrifice themselves so that the newly created sun would follow its path through the sky (Taube 1993a:44). The blood being let from the deities’ genitals on M. 19b presumably also served this purpose. 392 World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex

This bloodletting ritual also calls to mind a scene from page 53 of the Borgia Codex (Figure 3.14 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink252.html) that is part of the almanac occurring on pages 52–53, which highlights rituals associated with the world directional trees. That on page 53 involves the central tree, represented in the form of a maize plant born from the chest of the earth goddess Cihuacoatl. Two deities perform genital sacrifice over the tree, shedding a large quantity of blood onto it, which recalls the narrative relating the creation of people in highland Mexican sources. They were formed of ground bones (maize in the Maya tradition) mixed with blood shed by each of the deities.

Dating Model for Madrid 19b Although M. 19b has clear ties to the creation events associated with 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u in the Classic period calendar,10 there is good evidence to suggest that the almanac can instead be associated with a starting date of 4 Ahaw 17 (18) Pax, which places the date associated with the central frame forty days later, on 5 Ahaw 17 (18) Kumk’u. This forty-day interval is important in several contemporary Maya cultures, where it is equated with a “footstep” of the year (Milbrath 1999:68–69). The calendrical structure of M. 19b can be detailed as follows: Starting date: 4 Ahaw 17 Pax [associated with May] + 40 days [to central frame featuring Itzamna, the turtle, and the temple or altar]

Dates associated with central frame: 5 Ahaw 17 Kumk’u 11.13.10.0.0 ( July 31, A.D. 1490) [celebration of midpoint of k’atun, or lahuntun] 6 Imix 18 Kumk’u 7 Ik’ 19 Kumk’u 8 Ak’bal 20 Kumk’u 9 K’an 1 Wayeb 10 Chikchan 2 Wayeb 11 Kimi 3 Wayeb 12 Manik’ 4 Wayeb 13 Lamat 5 Wayeb 1 Muluk 1 Pop (Aug 9, A.D. 1490) [yearbearer date] 2 Ok 2 Pop 3 Chuwen 3 Pop (August 11, A.D. 1490 [August 11 creation date]

What is significant about this model is that it links a lahuntun celebration with the start of a Muluk year in the almanac’s central frame. Although k’atun rituals are not World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex 393

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well represented in the Madrid Codex, there is evidence to suggest that lahuntun endings were significant to the scribes who drafted the codex. This is made clear by the almanac on M. 49c–50c, where the lahuntun endings on 13 Ahaw, 12 Ahaw, 11 Ahaw, 10 Ahaw, and 9 Ahaw are highlighted. Moreover, k’atun and lahuntun endings associated with 8 Ahaw and 7 Ahaw are depicted on the west wall mural from Santa Rita (see Figures 5.9–5.10). If they correspond to the same cycle as the series in the Madrid Codex, they may be associated with K’atun 8 Ahaw (11.12.0.0.0 8 Ahaw 3 Mol), which ended on January 4, A.D. 1461, and the lahuntun ending on 7 Ahaw (11.12.10.0.0), or November 13, A.D. 1470. Several almanacs in the Madrid Codex begin on 6 Ahaw, but it is unclear if any of them refers to a k’atun ending. That on M. 63c–64c is a possibility, although its iconography (deities associated with blue-painted effigy vessels) seems more suited to a yearbearer ritual or one celebrated during the haab. The next date of significance, therefore, would be the lahuntun ending on 5 Ahaw that we believe is commemorated on M. 19b. The association of hotun (5 tun), lahuntun (10 tun), and k’atun (20 tun) endings with ceremonies celebrating the events of creation is a common feature in Classic period monumental texts (seen, e.g., at the site of Quirigua in the southern Maya area; Looper 2007), and these ceremonies were also important in Late Postclassic murals from Santa Rita in present-day Belize (see Chapter 5). A similar emphasis can be documented for the M. 19b almanac. It is for this reason, we believe, that Itzamna and the turtle (as yax kok ‘first turtle’) are highlighted. The rope recalls ceremonies associated with the yearbearer rituals at the start of the month Pop, but it also has associations with the ecliptic (the path of the sun). Itzamna and the turtle may represent the zenith, which the sun has already passed. In northern Yucatán, rather than being associated with an August 11 date, zenith passage occurs on July 20 (Milbrath 1999:13), just prior to the start of the central frame. On this day, the Maya of Yucatán believe that celestial cords, called utab ka’anil, descend from the center of the sky (Milbrath 1999:74), much as we see pictured on M. 19b. According to our model, not only does the central frame highlight a lahuntun ending and a zenith passage, but it may also be associated with the beginning of a Muluk year, occurring on August 9, A.D. 1490. The Muluk yearbearer ceremonies are highlighted on M. 36 (see Figure 8.2). Specific correspondences between this page and M. 19b include the references to bloodletting on both pages, the importance of the sun or sun god in the ceremonies, and the “idol” of Yax Kok Ah Mut (which is discussed in Landa and seen on M. 19b but not on M. 36). A number of almanacs in the Madrid Codex can be correlated with the calendrical model we have proposed for interpreting M. 19b. M. 51a, which shows the drilling of new fire, is one such example. Like M. 19b, the central panel occurs forty days after 4 Ahaw and is associated with an interval of twelve days (see Figure 9.5 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink253.html). If the two almanacs both begin on 4 Ahaw 18 Pax, the central frame of M. 51a can 394 World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex

Figure 9.5. Two versions of God M drilling new fire on M. 51a associated with the date 4 Ahaw. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

also be linked with a yearbearer date of 1 Muluk 1 Pop and, two days later, with August 11 in the seasonal year. Following the setting of the stones in the sky (corresponding to August 11 in the traditional mythology), fire would have been drilled to light the hearth, and a new fire was also drilled to celebrate the inauguration of a new year. The K’iche’ Maya today refer to Orion’s Nebula as the fire that burns in the celestial hearth (B. Tedlock 1985:86; 1992:29). The connection between the almanacs on M. 51a and M. 19b is further strengthened by the appearance of the black God M, the deity of merchants and travelers, in both. On page 19b, he is named Pawah-mak (the turtle aspect of Pawahtun). Landa mentions a merchant deity called Ek’ Chuwah (eek’ means ‘black’) and notes that he was honored by travelers in the following way: “Wherever they arrived at night they erected three small stones, putting a little incense on each, and three flat stones in front of these, on which they burned incense, praying to the god they called Ekchuah that he bring them safely back home” (Gates 1978:46). This passage implies a direct connection between the black merchant deity and the three-stone hearth that is borne out by his appearance in the almanacs on M. 19b and 51a. Another connection may be drawn between M. 19b and the almanac on its reverse, M. 75–76 (see Figure 4.13). The left-hand quadrant on M. 75 (the page directly opposite M. 19b) references the yearbearer rituals associated with 13 Lamat 5 Wayeb and 1 Muluk 1 Pop, which are represented by a bound and decapitated red-painted figure flanked by two youthful deities associated with flowers, breath, and the life force (see World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex 395

Figure 9.6. Figure performing genital sacrifice while standing on the back of turtle from Structure 213 cache, Santa Rita Corozal. Drawing by Mallory Fenn, after Chase (1991:fig. 9).

http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/ Documentation/UPClink254.html). In light of the coloration of the sacrificial victim and the death-eye collar he wears, we propose that the figure depicted is God A’, who is seen in the upper left quadrant on M. 19b, parallel to the k’in glyph. His sacrifice may have been necessitated by the need to feed the sun in order to help it on its journey.11 M. 75–76 has other connections to M. 19b, including the portrayal of Itzamna in the central panels of each. Neither the temple nor the turtle are shown on M. 75–76; instead, Itzamna sits beneath a stylized version of what may represent the world tree with his female counterpart Chak Chel. Both deities are associated with the T503 glyph, which reads ik’, meaning ‘wind’, ‘breath’, or ‘life’; it also represents the maize seed. Rather than being concerned with the origin of the cosmos like M. 19b, M. 75–76 focuses on the creation of human life from maize seeds and how time and space were thought to interrelate (see Hernández and Vail 2010 for a detailed discussion of this almanac).

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Turtles in Maya Codices and Postclassic Contexts Whereas Itzamna can be identified with yax kok, the turtle constellation manifested in the sky, other deities are associated with the turtle earth. Known as the Pawahtuns, these deities are portrayed wearing a turtle carapace and sometimes appear in place of the turtle in scenes showing the maize god’s emergence from the earth (Taube 1992:92–95; Thompson 1970a, 1970b:278–279). Bloodletting to feed the maize and the earth is a common theme in prehispanic Maya art and religious symbolism. 396 World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex

A cache of figurines recovered from the site of Santa Rita Corozal in presentday Belize can be compared to the scene on M. 19b. Four anthropomorphic figures modeled in clay stand on the backs of turtles, letting blood from their genitals (Figure 9.6). Like the deities arrayed around the temple on M. 19b, their ritual act serves as a means of sustaining the world. As Diane Chase (1985, 1991) originally suggested, it is likely that the ritual portrayed by the cache figures can be associated with the Muluk yearbearer ceremonies and that the figures performing the bloodletting can be identified as Pawahtuns. A mural from the north wall of Structure 1 at Santa Rita likewise shows a procession of figures associated with period-ending (tun) dates (see Figure 5.11). We have previously suggested that the mural portrays a creation narrative (see Vail 2008; Vail and Hernández 2009). Many of the figures are bound to each other with ropes, in a manner that recalls the scene on M. 19b. Although bloodletting is not explicitly represented, the rope calls to mind acts of bloodletting and sacrifice. The rope leads from one deity to the next, moving forward by intervals of tuns, suggesting that ropes and cords can be linked to the passage of time and the movement of the sun and other celestial deities. Ropes also served to enclose and protect “civilized” space from the natural world with its attendant dangers, such as evil winds (Sosa 1989), and were used to measure out house plots and the milpa fields used for farming. In the Popol Vuh, the earth is similarly laid out during its initial creation (D. Tedlock 1996:220). Elsewhere in the Madrid Codex, we see a further connection between turtles and rituals associated with bloodletting and sacrifice. Examples occur on M. 81c (Figure 9.7 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink255.html), where Itzamna is seated next to a turtle and holds a stingray spine (frequently used for bloodletting) in his outstretched hand, and on M. 88c (Figure 9.8 and http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink256.html), in an almanac containing sacrificial imagery (see Bill et al. 2000). The latter almanac’s five frames appear to highlight sacrificial and other rituals associated with the yearbearer ceremonies. Pictured are (1) a headless individual and a drum (fr. 1); (2) a turtle and a dog (fr. 2); (3) a monkey (fr. 3); (4) a bird perched on a kimi ‘death’ glyph (fr. 4); and (5) a conflation of the Underworld gods Kisin and Kimil seated in a thatched structure, holding an unidentified object in a sack (fr. 5).12 We interpret the picture in the first frame as the decapitation of a victim within the context of a festival such as that on D. 34a (see Figure 4.8) or the west wall mural from Structure 1 at Santa Rita (see Figures 5.9–5.10; note the presence of drums in all three instances). According to the frame’s caption, this sacrificial ritual takes place in the east, which suggests that it most likely corresponds to the 10 Ben date beginning the almanac, as the sun god is the patron of Ben years on D. 25c (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink257.html). The turtle in the second frame may correspond to Yax Kok Ah Mut, and dogs likewise play a role in the Muluk yearbearer ceremonies described by Landa (Gates 1978:64–65).13 The textual reference to ox kok World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex 397

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Figure 9.7. Itzamna holding a stingray spine bloodletter on M. 81c, seated next to a turtle. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

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‘three turtles’ (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink258 .html) calls to mind the three stars comprising the turtle constellation and also those associated with the hearthstone. This association suggests that the first two frames are meant to symbolize the maize god’s sacrifice in the Underworld and his resurrection from the turtle earth / constellation. Turning to the third frame, monkeys have a number of important associations in Maya mythology, corresponding to the older brothers of the Hero Twins, to the descendants of the previous race of wooden people, and at times to Venus (see Chapter 7). What the particular association intended in this frame was meant to be remains unclear. Bill et al. (2000) have argued persuasively that the bird on the kimi glyph in the fourth frame (see http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink259.html) corresponds to Landa’s description of the Kawak yearbearer rituals, in which an image of the Wayeb god was carried on a standard; on the image’s back a skull and a corpse were placed and on top of that a vulture rested (Gates 1978:66–67). The almanac’s final frame (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink260.html) also appears to be concerned with yearbearer rituals for a Kawak year, when the death god Wak Mitun Ahaw (likely an aspect of Kimil) was placed in the temple (Gates 1978:67). The almanac’s text and iconography have several explicit connections to the Dresden Venus table. For example, page 49 of the Venus table depicts the sacrifice of an anthropomorphic turtle (see Chapter 7); referred to as “rising turtle” in the caption above the middle picture, this most likely refers to the constellation. Its spearing (pictured in the bottom register) is associated with the opening of tzen nal ‘sustenance place’ (at A2 in the hieroglyphic caption to the bottom picture) and to the burial (defeat) of Kisin and the supreme lord of the Underworld Kimil. The role of the dog and the monkey in this context remains unclear, although it is of interest that both are pictured in the canoe from Burial 116 at Tikal (see Figure 9.2), which shows the ruler in the form of the maize god being paddled to the place of resurrection. 398 World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex

Figure 9.8. Yearbearer imagery in the almanac on M. 88c. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

Other 4 Ahaw Almanacs Several different almanacs from the Madrid Codex portray the activities associated with making cloth (warping and weaving), and three of these are associated with a 4 Ahaw starting date. It will be recalled that Landa mentions an unembroidered cloth as one of the offerings for the Muluk yearbearer ceremonies; this was “to be woven by old women whose office it was to appease Yaxcoc-ahmut [Yax Kok Ah Mut]” (Gates 1978:65). If these three almanacs begin with a 4 Ahaw 17 Pax starting date as suggested for M. 19b, warping (seen on M. 102c; Figure 9.9) would be done first; this may be associated with the first frame of the almanac in question, which shows the elderly earth goddess. The remaining two almanacs depict the figures who would then weave the thread into cloth—Chak Chel in the first frame of M. 79c (Figure 9.10), and the elderly earth goddess in the first frame of M. 102d (Figure 9.11), whose name glyph includes the chel appellative. This activity is completed in the second frame of the two almanacs by the female version of the death god (named Kimil Chel on M. 102d). Forty-nine days elapse between the start of the three almanacs and the first day of the Muluk year, allowing the necessary time to prepare the cloth needed for the yearbearer ceremonies. A number of the other 4 Ahaw almanacs (see Table 9.1) can be related to the model we have developed, either by association with the 260-day cycle before 4 Ahaw 17 Pax, World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex 399

Figure 9.9. Goddesses in the act of stretching their warping frames on M. 102c on the date 4 Ahaw. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

Figure 9.10. Chak Chel weaving on M. 79c on the date 4 Ahaw. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

which corresponds to 4 Ahaw 17 Sip, or to the one after, corresponding to 4 Ahaw 12 Yax. Landa mentions a number of different ceremonies associated with the month Sip, including one dedicated to the goddess of medicine Ix Chel; one to the gods of the 400 World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex

Figure 9.11. Ix Kab Chel weaving on M. 102d on the date 4 Ahaw. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

hunt (the Sips); and a third performed by the fishermen, which involved blessing and erecting a thick tree trunk (Gates 1978:72). Cassandra Bill (1997:119) has presented good evidence to suggest that the hunting ceremony described by Landa is represented in the almanac on M. 51c, which begins on a 4 Ahaw date (Figure 9.12 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink261 .html). According to Landa, “While it [the incense] burned each one took an arrow and the skull of a deer, which the chacs [priests’ helpers] anointed with the blue pitch; some then danced with these, as anointed, in their hands, while others pierced their ears and others their tongues” (Gates 1978:72). A date of 4 Ahaw 17 Sip works well for M. 51c and suggests that it falls one tzolk’in cycle before M. 19b and the other almanacs discussed. Other almanacs that may be associated with 4 Ahaw 17 Sip include the one showing the setting up of blue-painted forked poles on M. 60b, perhaps a reference to the ceremony celebrated by the fishermen in Sip (Figure 9.13), and two (on M. 63a and M. 92c–93c; Figure 9.14) that show the pouring of water over figures, or what the text describes as ichkil ‘to bathe’. Ix Chel was one of the patrons of the month Sip, and Landa terms the ritual dedicated to her “Ihcil [ichkil?] Ixchel” (Gates 1978:72). Another group of almanacs located at the beginning of the codex may be associated with the 260-day cycle after 4 Ahaw 17 Pax—that beginning on 4 Ahaw 12 Yax. Landa’s description of the Yax festival states that “they celebrated a festival they called Oc-na, meaning ‘the renovation of the temple,’ in honor of the Chacs . . . In this festival they consulted the predictions of the Bacabs . . . and if it was necessary they built a new World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex 401

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Figure 9.12. A hunting ritual associated with the month Sip on M. 51c After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870). Figure 9.13. The ceremonial planting of “trees” on M. 60b associated with the date 4 Ahaw. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

house or repaired the old one, placing on the wall the record of these things, with their characters” (Gates 1978:77). As we have previously noted (Vail and Hernández 2011), the 4 Ahaw almanac on M. 16a (Figure 9.15) can be linked to Landa’s description; not only does it depict blue-painted temples, but its four captions also explicitly begin with the phrase ok nah ‘to renovate the house [or temple]’. For a detailed discussion of how this almanac functioned, see Vail (2002, 2004). Several other almanacs in this section of the codex also depict the renovation of temples, which are likewise painted blue (see, e.g., M. 14a, 15a, 23c). The text captions on M. 402 World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex

Figure 9.14. A “bathing” ritual on M. 92c–93c associated with the date 4 Ahaw. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

14a, like those of M. 16a, can be related to Landa’s description of the Yax festival; they read, “The god stuccoes it, the god repairs it” (Vail and Hernández 2011; see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink262.html). The iconographic content of the almanac on M. 15a is virtually identical to that of M. 14a, but the initial collocation in the four text captions remains opaque (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink263.html). It is followed by sak lu, which is likely an abbreviation for sak lu’um ‘white earth’. On M. 23c (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink264 .html), the deities are shown in the actual act of painting the structures. Other calendrical models can be suggested for interpreting the remaining 4 Ahaw almanacs (these are discussed in more detail in Vail 2005). Here, we touch briefly on several of these almanacs that can be related to creation mythology. The first of these appears on M. 80b–81b (Figure 9.16 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink265.html) and shows five deities (Itzamna, Kimil, Nal, K’in Ahaw, and Chaak) holding large objects made of stone. These were originally identified as tun k’ul ‘hollow log drums’ (Fox and Justeson 1984) based on the hieroglyphic captions, but there is little evidence for reading the first grapheme (T5i5) as /tu/; rather, it represents /chu/ in all of the contexts where a reading can be determined. If this value is applied to the clauses, the first two glyph blocks would read chun k’uh ‘origin [or foundation] god’. These depictions call to mind the episode in the Popol Vuh in which the sun first dawns, at which time the K’iche’ gods Tohil, Auilix, and Hacavitz turned to stone (Christenson 2007:229). The five deities depicted in the Madrid almanac can be associated with the primordial gods of the lowland Maya and can further be linked to a particular directional location: Itzamna with north, Kimil with west, Nal with south, K’in Ahaw with east, and Chaak with the center.14 World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex 403

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Figure 9.15. The renovation of houses on M. 16a associated with the date 4 Ahaw. After Anders (1967).

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Similarly, we link the almanac on M. 83b (Figure 9.17 and http://www.hiero​ glyphic​​research.org/Documentation/UPClink266.html) with a 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u date. Rather than showing the setting of the three stones that mark the sky, earth, and watery Under­world, the almanac shows the birth (as the sprouting as seeds) of gods associated with these three realms—K’uh (named as Itzamna in the text) with the celestial realm, the flower god Nik with the earth, and the death god Kimil with the Underworld.15 Two other almanacs that are of interest to our study are those on M. 79a and 80a (Figure 9.18). They are almost mirror copies of each other, although certain details differ. Both show a black-painted deity with a scorpion tail that grasps a bound captive, and they both begin on Ahaw days (4 Ahaw and 7 Ahaw). We associate the two of them with k’atun or lahuntun endings, with M. 80a likely corresponding to 11.12.10.0.0 7 Ahaw 13 Tzek (November 13, A.D. 1470) and M. 79a to 11.14.0.0.0 4 Ahaw 8 Pax ( June 9, A.D. 1500). M. 79a can be related to ceremonies associated with the month of Pax that were dedicated to nacones ‘war captains’, a theme that fits the iconography of the almanac particularly well (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink267.html). Depicted is a black-painted god (warriors decorated their bodies with black soot) who holds a skull in one hand, wears God M’s head as a pendant, and grips a bound captive with his scorpion tail. In his other hand, he holds a wrapped bundle containing maize tortillas or tamales—one of the offerings given during the Pax festival (Gates 1978:79–80). This almanac may also be linked to the k’atun rituals portrayed on the west wall mural associated with Structure 1

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Figure 9.16. A ritual involving sacred stones on M. 80b–81b associated with the date 4 Ahaw. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

Figure 9.17. The “birth” of the deities from seeds on M. 83b associated with the date 4 Ahaw. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

at Santa Rita, which shows an unidentified deity with the decapitated head of God M (and also the sun god). The captive on M. 79a is the youthful flower god, who may have solar associations based on the fact that the sun was often portrayed in the form of a flower (Taube 2010:162). God M is also shown with a scorpion tail and, on at least one occasion, with a captive in the series of almanacs extending across the upper register of Madrid pages 79–84 (see Figure 5.14). It is also of interest that he appears as the victim of an armed attack World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex 405

Figure 9.18. Captive-taking by the black God Z (or L) on M. 79a and 80a. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

by Kisin on three separate occasions in the Madrid Codex (on M. 50a, 54c, and 84a; Figure 9.19). The context for these scenes remains unclear, unless they were related to rituals performed in association with the k’atun ceremonies described above (but see Bill et al. 2000 for another explanation). The scorpion tail worn in these almanacs likely serves as a moniker for Ek’ Chuwah, a merchant (and warrior) deity described in Landa’s Relación (Gates 1978:46), as suggested by previous scholars (Bill 1997:143; Carlson 1993). Perhaps the God M head worn by God L on M. 79a also serves as an identifier (since God M has been most commonly associated with the name Ek’ Chuwah). Alternatively, it has also been suggested 406 World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex

Figure 9.19. The spearing of God M by Kisin on M. 54c. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

that the scorpion tail may signify an astronomical association, pertaining either to the scorpion constellation (Vail 1997a) or to Venus in its scorpion manifestation (Carlson 1993:225–226). For the dates proposed in our model, however, we have been unable to find any consistent associations with either Scorpio or Venus. The cognate almanac on M. 80a (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Docu​ mentation/UPClink268.html) may also relate to a k’atun (lahuntun) celebration. In this case, the date in question (November 13) matches an important point in the maize cycle—that corresponding to the beginning of the harvest. It may be for this reason that the maize god is pictured as God Z’s captive. In the Dresden Venus table, the maize god is the victim of Venus as Morning Star’s dart on a November date that we associate with the maize harvest (see Chapter 7). It is of interest that Venus is a Morning Star on the date we have proposed for the almanac on M. 80a as well.

Overview of Chapter Thirty almanacs in the Madrid Codex begin with the tzolk’in date 4 Ahaw. A number of them link elements from creation mythology with real time events associated with rituals described in Landa’s Relación in connection with the haab calendar. They appear to have been developed in conjunction with period-ending ceremonies related to the fifty-two-year calendar as well as the k’atun and its subdivisions (the lahuntun, or period of ten tuns, in particular). World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex 407

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The almanac on M. 19b has long been thought to have connections with events relating to the start of the current era. We develop a model to suggest how it may have functioned to interrelate mythic and ritual events of particular importance to the Late Postclassic Maya, including a renewal ceremony associated with feeding the sun that mirrors an event from primordial time in which the sun was encouraged to make its journey through the sky, a yearbearer celebration associated with Muluk years and the appearance of the celestial turtle at the start of the current era, and a period-ending ceremony (lahuntun ending) that coincides with the solar zenith. Our discussion of other 4 Ahaw almanacs describes how they may relate to the same Calendar Round date as M. 19b or to the cycles immediately preceding and following it. Our analysis suggests that 4 Ahaw was chosen as the starting date of the almanacs in question because of the role played by each of them in ceremonies associated with renewing the world through the lighting of new fire, the dedication of new buildings, the weaving of cloth for yearbearer rituals, and other sacred activities of this nature. Links between weaving, birth, and creation are of considerable importance in contemporary Maya communities in highland Guatemala (Prechtel and Carlsen 1988). Our analysis suggests that similar connections were an important part of the worldview of the Late Postclassic Maya as well. Notes

1. See Appendix 4.1 for a discussion of these and the other deities mentioned in the chapter. 2. The body paint worn by the different deities serves to relate them quite clearly to different conceptual realms. Blue is the color of water and therefore has associations with life and fertility, red/brown is the color associated with the earth and the Underworld, and black is the color worn during purification rituals and liminal periods (such as warfare). 3. The almanac on M. 20b–21b includes depictions of similar lintels, associated with six seated or kneeling deities who appear to be supporting them. Only two of the deities—Itzamna and the death god—can be definitively associated with those on M. 19b, although several of the others may represent substitutions. 4. This is followed by a reference to 3 tuns, or haabs, and to a collocation that is found in the final glyph block of 32 (out of 33) of the almanac’s frames. It consists of the syllable /wa/, logographic yax/ya’ax ‘first’ or ‘green’ or phonetic /yi/, and the syllable /ha/. Alfonso Lacadena (personal communication, December 2011) reads it as wayiij, or será que haya “it will be that there is/are,” likely modifying the preceding calendrical expression. 5. The Yucatec form would be ka’an ‘sky’. 6. For example, a figure who may be identified as Jaguar Paddler occurs on the north wall mural from Santa Rita Corozal (on Chetumal Bay in present-day Belize), in association with the toponym nah ho’ chan. 7. The text on M. 73b suggests that the almanac refers to a 13 tun or haab period, meaning that it had to be recycled a number of times. 8. Noj Peten was located in the province of Tayasal in the region of Lake Petén Itzá in presentday Guatemala.

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9. This description resembles some of the contemporary rituals performed for the purification of Yucatec communities, such as the loh kàah (see discussion in previous chapter). But note that Looper and Kappelman (2001) provide another explanation for the rope pictured. 10. This date is equivalent to 4 Ahaw 7 Kumk’u in the Postclassic calendar represented in parts of the Madrid Codex. 11. God A’ is also shown as a bound captive associated with a Pop date on M. 72b, although this example refers to a different calendrical cycle. 12. It appears to be identical to the objects being carried by Itzamna and Kimil on M. 80c, which likewise remain to be identified. 13. Muluk years are associated with the east in Landa’s account, however, and the caption to the picture on M. 88c specifies the north. In the Dresden yearbearer almanac, Itzamna is the patron of years associated with the north, and we have seen that he and the turtle were closely associated. If one day is added to the date in the first row (1 Kaban) associated with the second frame, this is 2 Etz’nab, the start of years associated with the north in the Dresden calendar system. 14. The maize god Nal is normally associated with Itzamna and the north. In this instance, it appears that he is being linked with K’awil (the two together are known as Bolon Tz’akab) and the south. 15. It is unclear why K’uh’s right hand is missing. We suspect that the scribe simply forgot to draw it.

World Renewal Ceremonies in the Madrid Codex 409

10 Sip Deities in the Maya Codices God Y is depicted as a deer god on a number of occasions in the Maya codices (see, e.g., D. 13c, M. 45c, M. 50c, M. 51c, M. 68b; Figures 9.12, 10.1). Among the Yucatec Maya today, the spirits that guard the deer are called sip. The same name is given to the figure on D. 13c (Figure 10.2 and http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink269 .html): prefixed by wuk (seven), the collocation reads si-pu, or Sip (Fox and Justeson 1984:39). In another context, God Y is named with T159, followed by T181, or ah (see Figure 10.3). We interpret this as reading ah sip. In this example, he is shown with his arms bound and with an unknown element emerging from his head, to which a bird is attached. God Y is also shown as a bound captive on M. 68b (http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink270 .html). There, he wears a deer headdress and an incense bag; a stone rests on his back, and a stone in the shape of a bird appears in front of him. We discuss the significance of this scene below. The T159 grapheme also occurs in scenes picturing trapped animals (including deer, armadillos, and peccaries); in the Dresden Codex Venus table, where it is associated with the southern direction and the eight days Venus spends in the Underworld; and in the Dresden Mars table, where it is prefixed by a glyph reading k’ak’ ‘fire’. The phonetic spelling of sip occurs only twice: on D. 13c, as previously discussed, and on page 10 of the Paris k’atun pages (Figure 10.4), where it names a figure wearing a deer headdress who has the attributes of Yax Balam. It is likely that the term sip refers to a complex of deities of which both God Y and Yax Balam are members. The two share certain characteristics: both are associated with the hunt and also share an affiliation with the earth and its

A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

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DOI: 10.5876/9781607322214.c10

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Figure 10.1. God Y as a possible Sip on M. 45c in the context of a deer trapping almanac. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

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interior (Bill 1997; Taube 1992:64; Thompson 1950:76). Several of the depictions of God Y in the Madrid Codex may be related to the month Sip, when the hunters performed rituals in honor of their gods—the Acanum [Acantun?], Suhuysib, and Siptabai (Gates 1978:72).1 One of these hunt gods may be depicted on M. 39c, where we see God Y’s head within the open jaws of a deer or peccary (Figure 10.5 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink271.html). Incense is being burned in a brazier in front of this figure; it is also important to note that God Y’s empty eye socket (seen in all examples of this figure) is here painted blue. These characteristics suggest a possible correspondence with the festival described by Landa for Sip: “Then with worship the hunters invoked the gods of the chase . . . ; they distributed the incense, which they then threw in the brazier; while it burned each one took an arrow and the skull of a deer, which the chacs anointed with the blue pitch; some then danced with these, as anointed, in their hands” (Gates 1978:72). As previous scholars have noted, an even closer correspondence to this ceremony is suggested by the almanacs on M. 50b and 51c (Figure 9.12 and http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink272.html), which feature God Y (Bill 1997; Vail 2005). In both almanacs, God Y may be seen with the arrow and skull (head) of a deer, thereby substituting for the hunters who 412 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

Figure 10.2. God Y with antlers on D. 13c, where he is named Seven Sip and is paired with a deer, said to be his wife. After Förstemann (1880).

perform the ritual in Landa’s description. The blue paint used for the eye on M. 39c suggests a further connection to the Sip ceremony. Among many contemporary Maya groups, animals are under the protection of an earth lord, who may or may not be an aspect of Venus. Among the Q’eqchi’, for example, Lord Xulab is god of Venus as Morning Star and patron of the wild animals (Thompson 1970b:309). One of his names, Noh Ich or Nohoch Ich ‘Great Eye’, is of interest in relation to God Y, who has a large, empty eye socket. On this basis, it is possible to suggest that the two may be related, although it is also possible that God Y’s empty eye socket suggests an association with one of the stories related in colonial and contemporary Maya accounts that describe the blinding (also called “blindfolding”) of various deities (see discussion in Chapter 7). Based on the codical examples, a close connection can be made between God Y and deer. Likewise, in several instances the T159 logograph that we interpret as sip is also used in reference to peccaries (e.g., on M. 93a and D. 45b; see Figures 6.3 and 10.6 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink273.html), and it has been suggested that God Y is wearing a peccary skin on M. 39c (Graff and Vail 2001; A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 413

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Figure 10.3. God Y with his arms bound on M. 70a. The upper collocation on the right refers to him as sip-ah, likely reading Ah Sip. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

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Taack 1973:77; see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink274 .html). Several scenes from the Madrid Codex suggest that Sip may be an abbreviated reference to Zipacna [Sipakna], one of two “earth monsters” from the Popol Vuh. This name is believed to be derived from the Nahuatl Cipactli, the crocodile that represents the first of the twenty named days in the 260-day calendar (Christenson 2007:95– 96n168).2 Zipacna and his brother Cabracan are responsible for creating mountains (Zipacna) and destroying them (Cabracan). Because they represent forces of chaos, the Hero Twins are urged to destroy the two brothers by the creator deity Heart of Sky. This is accomplished by tricking Zipacna into entering a cave on his back, whereupon the earth comes to rest on him so that he can no longer move. They also feed Cabracan birds coated in quicklime, which causes him to become debilitated, whereupon his arms and legs are bound, and he is thrown into the earth and buried (see Chapter 3). On M. 68b (http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink 275.html), the stone on God Y’s back may signify the mountain that settled on Zipacna, and the stone bird may indicate the birds coated in quicklime that led to Cabracan’s defeat. The depiction of the bound God Y with the bird on M. 70a (Figure 10.3 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink276.html) may have a similar meaning. The scene on M. 39c (see Figure 10.5) may be an attempt to portray Zipacna as the Yucatec Maya conceived of this deity—with the sip represented by God Y and the ak (aak) by the peccary skin he is wearing.3 Deer and peccaries both play an important role in Maya celestial imagery.4 In Classic period contexts, the creature that is sacrificed to form the surface of the earth, dubbed the Starry Deer Crocodile, is a crocodilian that has several features suggestive of a deer (including hoofs and a “deer ear”).5 An animal that is described 414 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

Figure 10.4. A bearded figure (likely Yax Balam) named as Sip on P. 10b, where he wears a deer headdress. After Villacorta C. and Villacorta 1976 [1930].

Figure 10.5. God Y wearing the skin of a deer or a peccary on M. 39c. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

Figure 10.6. A peccary with an upturned snout on M. 93a, named with the grapheme that we interpret as logographic sip. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

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as peccary-like (but that may also share certain characteristics with deer) represents the planet Mars in the Dresden Codex (Figures 6.3, 6.7), as seen on D. 68a and on D. 44b–45b (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1986; Milbrath 1999:221–222; see http://www.hieroglyphic​research.org /Documentation/UPClink277.html). This creature has a head with a long upturned snout that is used as its name glyph. Although it remains unread, scholars have previously noted that it bears a close resemblance to the patron glyph of the month Sip (Milbrath 1999:223; see Figure 10.7). We believe that it is likely, based on the evidence presented above, that the name of the Mars creature/peccary was Sip, or a variant thereof. With this in mind, we provisionally suggest a reading of sip for T794, the glyph that refers to the Mars creature. The significance of the peccary in its role as Mars and in other representations in the Maya codices still remains to be fully understood. There is good evidence to suggest a connection between Chaak and peccaries, and the Mars peccary in particular. One example of this may be seen on D. 69 (Figure 5.3), where a black-painted warrior Chaak (likely an aspect of Venus as Evening Star, as we discuss in Chapter 5) wears a peccary headdress (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink278.html). Another example occurs in the Madrid almanac that is cognate to the Dresden Mars table (Figure 6.2 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink279.html), where an anthropomorphic figure with the face of the “Mars beast” appears in the almanac’s eight frames (although the upper four are substantially eroded). In each frame, the Mars creature descends from a skyband, holding either a torch or an axe. The axe is associated consistently in each case with rain, whereas the torch appears to represent dry weather (or perhaps a drought). In other almanacs in this section of the Madrid Codex, Chaak (and occasionally other deities) hold torches or axes that appear to have the same meaning (see discussion in preceding chapter). In other contexts, peccaries are associated with rain (see, e.g., M. 30b; Figure 6.9) or with blue coloration signaling rain or fertility (see D. 62; Figure 5.4). On D. 62, the peccary appears as one of four animals and/or deities emerging from the open jaws of a serpent—the first and third frames show Chaak, the second 416 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

Figure 10.7. Patron glyph of the month Sip. Drawing by Mallory Fenn.

a rabbit, and the fourth the peccary (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink280.html). Both the rabbit and peccary wear headdresses that are used elsewhere in the Dresden Codex to signify the Mams, earth deities that play an important role in yearbearer ceremonies.6 There is additional evidence to suggest an association between the peccary and the earth. Specifically, the legs of some Early Classic vessels are formed of peccary heads decorated with kaban curls, symbolizing earth markings (Looper 1991).7 In addition, the peccary may have been an earth god for the Huichol culture of northern Mexico (Miller and Taube 1993:133). We believe it is likely that the peccary and the Mars beast/peccary symbolized the earth for prehispanic Maya cultures as well. This may explain why Chaak, in his guise as a Venus warrior rising from the Underworld, wears a peccary headdress on D. 69 (see discussion in Chapter 5). In addition, the peccary’s association with the earth may also explain its link with rain, as the prehispanic and contemporary cultures of Mesoamerica believe that the rain and clouds originate within the earth (Christenson 2001:84–85; Thompson 1970b:251–276). Peccaries may also be associated with the creator god Itzamna and his K’iche’ counterpart Xpiyacoc (Christenson 2007; Looper 1991). Itzamna may be seen riding a peccary on occasion in Maya art (examples include vessels K1991, K2946, and K8622 in the Kerr Maya Vase Database), whereas one of Xpiyacoc’s manifestations was as Saqi Nima Aq, or Great White Peccary (Christenson 2007:60–61n17).8 In addition, the Lacandón relate the belt stars of Orion to a pair of peccaries,9 and a cartouche from the Bonampak murals shows mating peccaries in the sky (Figure 10.8), which may be identified with the constellation Leo according to the Brickers (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992:178). It may be the case that the mating peccaries are a representation of the creator deities; likewise, some of the vessels that show Itzamna “riding” a peccary may instead refer to a coupling. Like the episode in the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel in which a celestial deity copulates with the earth crocodilian (Knowlton 2010:70–71), the scene from the Bonampak murals may refer to the mating of a celestial peccary with the peccary earth in order to fertilize it. The available evidence suggests that God Y may be an anthropomorphic aspect of the Sip deity and the peccary a zoomorphic version. Although God Y lacks crocodilian attributes, peccaries are sometimes found with crocodilian features in the Maya codices. This may be seen most clearly in reference to the image of Mars in peccary form hanging from a skyband on D. 68a (see Figure 6.7 and http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink281.html). The back part of A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 417

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Figure 10.8. Peccaries from Bonampak mural. Drawing by Mallory Fenn, after M. Miller (1986:pl. 17).

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the creature very clearly shows the scales more commonly found on depictions of crocodilians (see, e.g., the example on D. 74 in Figure 5.1 and http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink282.html).10 In this respect, it is of interest that the rear portion of the Mars/peccary creature cannot be seen in the examples on D. 44b–45b (see Figure 6.3 and http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink283.html), so it is impossible to know if they, too, have the crocodilian scales. Scales may be seen in one other example illustrating a peccary, from page 93a of the Madrid Codex (Figure 10.6 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink284.html). In the illustration, not only are scales apparent, but so too is the upward-turned snout seen in the Dresden examples of the Mars beast. We find it of particular interest that this scene, like that on D. 68a (Figure 6.7), occurs in conjunction with a significant station of Venus.11 In the Madrid Codex, this event is signaled in the frame preceding that illustrating the trapped peccary by a picture of a figure (most likely Yax Balam) with the weapons carried by Venus at heliacal rise—an atlatl and darts (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink285.html). It is also of interest that the peccary headdress worn by Chaak on M. 69 (see Figure 5.3) appears to be associated with the Evening Star aspect of the planet Venus. Venus plays an important role in mythology associated with the formation of the earth from the body of the earth monster (most commonly described by the term ayin ‘crocodile’). In the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel, it is the Bolon Ti’ K’uh, a group of deities who can be associated with Venus, God L, and the Underworld realm (see discussion later in chapter), who are associated with the decapitation of Itzam Kab Ayin and with forming the earth from its painted body. Likewise, a similar mythological episode from Classic period Palenque links GI, another deity with possible Venus associations, to the same act (see Chapter 3), and Quetzalcoatl (or a related deity) spears a crocodilian in the Temple of the Fisherman mural from Mayapán (see Figure 3.5). Finally, on page 74 of the 418 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

Dresden Codex, God L, representing the rising Evening Star aspect of Venus, likewise can be associated with the flood episode and the formation of a new earth from the crocodilian’s body (see Chapter 5). Reanalysis of the Mars Peccary

If the peccaries on D. 44b–45b, D. 68a, and M. 91a are conflated with a crocodilian, as the previous discussion suggests, then the texts and iconography of these almanacs can be understood in a new—and very significant—light. As we describe in Chapter 6, frames 2 and 3 of D. 68a (see Figure 6.7) have a number of parallels with the scene on D. 74 (see Figure 5.1), suggesting that the same mythological episode may be referenced in both contexts. Parallels include the ascent of a creature that combines the attributes of a hoofed mammal and a crocodilian into the sky; the rain iconography; and the presence of skybands with eclipse glyphs. Different deities are portrayed in each, but we interpret the maize god on D. 68a as representing the patron of the year that was ending (see discussion in Chapter 6). On the other hand, the K’uh figure in the next frame appears to be named in the text as Bolon Okte’ K’uh. We have previously suggested that this may be one of the epithets of God L, thereby serving to associate the figure on D. 68a with God L on D. 74. In the frame that follows on D. 69a (see Figure 6.7), Chaak emerges out of a crocodilian tree with an upraised axe, perhaps in preparation for forming the earth and the sky from its body, as described in Mexican accounts of the creation of the earth (see discussion in Chapter 2). One half of it is painted blue (the color of water and fertility) and the other half red (the color of blood, death, and sacrifice).12 For the prehispanic Maya and other Mesoamerican cultures, both halves were necessary for the creation and continuation of life. D. 69a corresponds closely, we believe, to references to Mars in the Dresden Codex that are paired with an axe glyph, reading ch’ak-ah ‘was chopped’ or ‘decapitated’. Whereas an axe has connotations of sacrifice, it can also be associated with the rain waters (see, e.g., M. 2a; see Figure 6.2). Both of these meanings are implied by the image of Chaak in the tree on D. 69a and also, we would suggest, by the black-painted Chaak with his blue axe on M. 33a (see Figure 7.30) that is raised to strike (decapitate) the maize god, who stands in the rain (see discussion in Chapter 7). Each of the captions to the Dresden Mars table (see Appendix 10.1 and http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink286.html) begins with ch’ak-ah, followed by the Mars beast’s glyph.13 If the latter can be read as Sip or Sipak, then we suggest that the collocation serves as a reference to the decapitation of the earth monster, an episode that is prevalent in Maya mythological texts from the Classic through the colonial periods (see Chapter 3). This act may be associated with a flood of water or the flow of the creature’s blood; the end result in either case is a new creation. A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 419

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A review of the captions to the four frames of the Mars table indicates that they are primarily concerned with predictions relating to the weather, celestial events (such as eclipses), and prophecies concerning the maize crop. We find the third caption of particular interest in relation to the two frames discussed previously on D. 68a. In both almanacs, there is a reference to Mars (the Sip/Sipak), an eclipse season, the maize god, and the augural compound ?? waah ha’ ‘abundance of food and drink’.14 From these elements, it appears that the presence of the maize god in association with an eclipse may be an omen suggestive of regeneration. There are two other contexts in which the ch’ak glyph is paired with Mars, the first in the Mars almanac in the Madrid Codex (see Figure 6.2) and the second in the Upper Water table of the Dresden Codex (Figure 6.1). In the latter instrument, there are two separate references to the decapitation of the Mars  peccary. Both include depictions of falling water and are paired with evil tidings for the earth and/or the earth-cave. This imagery may signify the primordial flood that destroyed the previous creation, referring— in an abbreviated fashion—to the episode portrayed in greater detail on D. 74. There, however, the “Starry Deer Crocodile” appears in place of the “Mars Peccary Crocodilian.” We interpret these references to the decapitation of a peccary-like creature to mythic time that is made manifest in the historical present. From our analysis, it appears likely that the peccary, like the turtle and the crocodilian, was at times symbolic of the earth. In various contexts, it merged with the crocodilian to represent the earth monster that ascended to the sky to bring forth a deluge. It appears to have substituted for the crocodilian (Itzam Kab Ayin) in situations emphasizing the planet Mars and its journey through the sky (particularly its period of retrograde motion). Why the peccary was chosen for this role remains unclear, although its link to the rainy season (Asensio Ramos 2007) may provide one explanation, as each of the four frames of the Mars table relates to the summer months during the first run through the table. As we have shown, there is good evidence to suggest that God Y and the peccary may be associated with a crocodilian earth monster (comparable to Zipacna), as suggested by the examples discussed above of God Y bound as a captive on M. 68b and M. 70a and the conflated peccary/crocodilian on D. 68a and M. 93a, and possibly also by the figures on D. 44b–45b. An examination of Classic period iconography and texts, as well as colonial manuscripts, may help to clarify these relationships further.

God L In the Maya codices, God L plays two primary roles: as a Venus deity, and as a Bakab or Mam (Pawahtun) (Table 10.1). In these roles, he is associated with various other deities, including Chaak, God M, Pawahtun, and Chak Chel (Table 10.2). He is also affiliated with two animals, the opossum (Mam) and the owl. During the Classic period, God L is primarily depicted as a merchant deity and as the lord of the Underworld (Martin 2006; Taube 1992). In the Postclassic period, how420 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

Picture

Seated, gesturing with hand. Painted black and white. Has beard, no owl. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink287.html.

Deity resembling Pawahtun pictured; has own headdress and God L’s owl. Wears incense bag and holds T506 glyph. See http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink288.html.

Seated behind earth goddess. Painted black and white. Wears incense bag, headdress with owl feathers, owl, and sprouting maize glyph. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink289.html.

None. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink290.html.

Pawahtun pictured; wears elaborate cape and headdress with his glyph and owl. Seated facing earth goddess (marriage). See http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink291 .html.

Page

D. 7a

D. 14b

D. 14c

D. 21b

D. 23c

Table 10.1. Appearances of God L in the Maya codices

Positive auguries.

Positive auguries.

Text refers to his marriage to moon? goddess.

Positive auguries.

ha’ with portrait glyph.

ha’ with portrait glyph.

Portrait glyph (no ha’ prefix).

No name glyph.

continued on next page

Positive auguries.

Notes

ha’ with portrait glyph. Paired with pawah ooch.

Name glyph

Picture

None. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink292.html.

Kneeling pose, with shield and atlatl in upraised hand. Painted blue; has headdress with owl. See http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink293.html.

None. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink294.html.

Kneeling pose, with spear and darts. Painted black; wears incense bag. Owl perches on head. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch .org/Documentation/UPClink295.html.

Stands (or strides) with spear, shield, atlatl (or club), and darts. Painted black, has rattlesnake tail. Wears unique headdress. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink296.html.

Page

D. 24

D. 46b

D. 50

D. 74

M. 32a

Table 10.1—continued

No glyphic text.

Name glyph not present. May be referenced by bakab glyph.

continued on next page

This scene is believed to be cognate to that on D. 74.

Paired with Chak Chel in scene depicting flood associated with destruction of previous world /  wooden people. Crocodilian pictured in sky, belching forth torrents of water.

Refers to God L as “nourisher” of Venus in west.

Heliacal rise aspect of Venus (in east). Spears K’awil (pictured in register below).

ha’ with portrait glyph.

Portrait glyph (no ha’ prefix).

Named as Great Star (Venus).

Notes

ha’ with portrait glyph.

Name glyph

God M also appears wearing a scorpion tail and associated with prisoners in this series of almanacs (M. 79a–84a). Scorpion tail may identify them with scorpion constellation, with Venus, or indicate the name Ek’ Chuwah (black scorcher). See note for M. 79a.

The rain and eclipse glyphs suggest that this scene is cognate to that on D. 74.

None present.

None present.

Text largely eroded. God L’s glyph does not appear.

Stands with arms upraised, holding food in one hand and a skull in the other. Painted black. Has an insect thorax and a scorpion tail that grasps a rope tied to a captive flower god. Wears an owl feather headdress, effigy head of God M at waist. Also has paper hanging from ear. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink298.html.

Stands with arms upraised holding a k’uh glyph within a sacred bundle in one hand and a death glyph in the other. Painted black. Has an insect thorax and scorpion tail that grasps a rope tied to a captive maize god. Wears an owl feather headdress and incense bag. Also has paper hanging from ear. See http://www.hieroglyphic research.org/Documentation/UPClink299.html.

Stands with arm extended (lower body eroded). Painted black. Wears owl feather headdress above crossed-bands glyph. Stands next to open-mouthed serpent about to swallow sun that descends on a rope, likely signifying an eclipse. See http://www.hieroglyphic research.org/Documentation/UPClink300.html.

M. 80a

P. 21

M. 79a

Has some parallels to Chak Chel on previous page (M. 32b). Both associated with water and wind. On M. 31a, Chaak has scorpion tail and water pouring from region between legs. Spear and axe held by Chaak on M. 6a and D. 31b–35b.

None present.

Stands with legs apart, holding a torch and blue axe. Painted black. Maize foliage grows from head. Has scorpion “legs” with pinchers below his arms and a rattlesnake around his waist. Water pours from scorpion claws and from area between legs. Wears a skirt and appears to be releasing wind from mouth. See http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink297.html.

M. 33b

Notes

Name glyph

Picture

Page

Table 10.1—continued

Likely takes place in Underworld. Compare to the accoutrements of God L on the Cacaxtla murals (Figure 10.9). Associated with the east and with positive auguries. Named in text as the black manifestation of Chaak (Ek’ Xib? Chaak) and as an aspect of Venus as sak k’in, the Evening Star.

Chaak paddling boat that contains a merchant’s bundle, owl feathers, and an owl (only the upper part is visible). See http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink303.html.

Chaak holding spear and wearing shield (with ix ‘jaguar’ motif ). See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink304 .html.

Chaak, seated on glyphic collocation possibly representing a valley or bajo, grasps an owl. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink305.html.

Chaak seated in cenote with paint pot and brush. Owl perches on rim of cenote, likely having its tail feathers painted by Chaak. See http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink307.html.

God M seated, tending to his bees. Wears an owl headdress. See http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink306.html.

D. 43c

D. 67a

D. 69b

M. 73b

M. 109c

Note the possible link between bees and Venus (the Ah Musenkab deities may be associated with Venus as well as with bees).

Associated with positive auguries.

Text refers to “rising owl,” likely the constellation.

Chaak seated on owl’s head, holding his axe. See http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink302.html.

D. 38c

Notes Conflation with God L intended?

Picture Pawahtun walking with merchant’s pack and staff. See http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink301.html.

Page D. 17a

Table 10.2. Deities with God L’s attributes and associations

Figure 10.9. God L from a fresco at the Red Temple, Cacaxtla. Drawing by Mallory Fenn, after Miller and Martin (2004:fig. 24).

ever, these associations are much less in evidence. Instead, the former role is assumed by God M in the Maya codices and the latter by the death god Kimil, who at times merges with the punisher god of the Underworld Kisin. Perhaps the best-known depictions of God L are those from Cacaxtla, where he is portrayed in his jaguar aspect as a merchant and Underworld deity (Figure 10.9), and from the Vase of the Seven Gods (Figure 3.9), which depicts the setting in order of the Underworld and its lords at the start of the present era. There, God L is shown seated on his jaguar throne, with his characteristic owl headdress, smoking a cigar. The hieroglyphic caption names a series of deities (see discussion in Chapter 3). Scholars differ with regard to their interpretations of the text and its relationship to the figures pictured on the vessel (see, e.g., Carrasco 2010:611; Eberl and Prager 2005; Zender and Guenter 2003). One proposal links God L with the Bolon Okte’ K’uh title (Grofe 2009:5), although another interpretation suggests that he is named Ik’ (Y)ak’ab Tan ‘Black His Dark Heart’ (Zender and Guenter 2003:109).15 Another iconic image of God L is the depiction of this figure on page 74 of the Dresden Codex, where he is associated with a great deluge (see Chapter 5 and http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink308.html). There, he is likewise pictured with his characteristic owl. Instead of a cigar, he has the spear and darts of a Venus warrior.16 We have discussed God L’s role as a Venus deity in detail in Chapters 5 and 7. Here, our focus is on his other associations—with the Pawahtuns, Bakabs, and Mams, and with rain, floods, and the watery Underworld. As noted by Taube A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 425

308

Figure 10.10. God L pictured as the spouse of the earth goddess on D. 14c, fr. 2. Note his elaborate headdress containing owl feathers, an owl, and a flowering maize glyph. After Förstemann (1880).

309

(1992:84), the latter association is suggested by his name glyph (Figure 10.10), which appears on all but two occasions in the Maya codices with a prefix that can be read as ha’ (Davoust 1995:565) or ha’ ha’al ‘rainy’ or ‘rainy season’ (Lacadena 2004:92).17 God L is occasionally pictured producing rain (see M. 32b; Figure 5.6); more commonly, however, he is shown standing in the rain or associated with a deluge (on D. 74, M. 32a, and P. 21b; see Figures 5.1, 5.6, 5.13). On page 46 of the Dresden Venus table, he is painted blue (Figure 7.17 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink309.html), the color that Chaak and occasionally other deities assume to indicate their association with rain and the fertile forces of life. In each of these contexts, not only is God L’s association with the rains highlighted, but also the role he plays in bringing about a flood. In this respect, he may be likened to the deity Heart of Sky in the Popol Vuh, who causes the flood that leads to the destruction of the wooden people (Christenson 2007:85), and to the Bakabs in the Books of Chilam Balam, who caused the destruction of the “coreless people” by means of a flood (Chumayel page 43; Knowlton 2010:65). It is of interest in this regard that the bakab epithet appears on D. 74, just prior to Chaak’s name (Figure 5.1). Although it remains to be verified, we believe this epithet is being applied to God L, based on the role he plays in the associated scene (see discussion in Chapter 5). In other contexts in the Dresden Codex, God L is named not as a Bakab but as a Pawahtun (a broader epithet that appears to encompass both the Bakabs and 426 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

Figure 10.11. The Pawahtun God N named with God L’s glyph and wearing his owl in his headdress on D. 14b, fr. 1. After Förstemann (1880).

Mams). He occasionally takes on the attributes of the Pawahtun deities in the almanacs on pages 7–23 of the codex, both in anthropomorphic form (Figure 10.11) and as the Pawah-ooch, or opossum aspect of this deity (Figure 10.12). The opossum Pawahtuns are featured in a number of contexts in the Maya codices, most consistently in those having yearbearer associations, but they also appear in other contexts as well (see Table 10.3). Those that are most relevant to the present discussion appear on pages 25a–28a of the Dresden Codex (see Figure 4.1 and http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink310.html), where they are pictured as performers (note that they carry rattles, as well as serpent staffs topped with human hands; see discussion in Chapter 4) and as the bearers of the kuch (burdens) of the year that is ending. That God L played a similar role is demonstrated by the Pawah-ooch title he assumes on D. 7a (Figure 10.12 and http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink311.html), as well as depictions of this deity on several carved columns from sites in the northern lowlands. On a column that may be attributed to Santa Rosa Xtampak (Taube 1992:84), God L is shown holding a rattle staff and carrying a deity on his back, who has been identified as K’awil (see Figure 4.10). We believe this imagery suggests a link between God L and the opossum Mam of south years on D. 25a, who likewise carries K’awil. God L also takes the title mam on a polychrome pottery vessel nicknamed the Regal Rabbit Vase (K1398) from the Naranjo area (Hull et al. 2009:39). A distinguishing characteristic of the opossum Mams on D. 25a–28a is the particular headdress they wear.18 The same headdress is worn on three other occasions A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 427

310

311

Picture

God L

Opossum Mam

Opossum Mam

Opossum Mam

Opossum Mam

Chaak

Page

D. 7a

D. 25a

D. 26a

D. 27a

D. 28a

D. 31b

Chaak

Mam

Mam

Mam

Mam

Pawah-ooch

Text

Table 10.3. Pawah-ooch in the Maya codices Notes

Has accoutrements of the opossum Mams. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink317.html.

Carries Kimil as burden; associated with the west. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink316.html.

Carries Nal as burden; associated with the north. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink315.html.

Carries jaguar as burden; associated with the east. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink314.html.

Carries K’awil as burden; associated with the south. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink313.html.

See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink312.html.

continued on next page

Picture

Opossum?

None

None

Solar eclipse

Two Mexican-style warriors threaten Pawah-mak (the turtle aspect of Pawahtun)

Pawah-ooch

Vulture tearing eye out of victim

Page

D. 36a

D. 51b

D. 55b

D. 56a

D. 60a

M. 68a

M. 87a, fr. 1

Table 10.3—continued

Pawah-ooch

Pawahooch?

Pawah-ooch

Pawah-ooch

Pawah-ooch

Pawah-ooch

Eroded.

Text

This figure appears in the following scenes. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink324.html.

continued on next page

Appears in yearbearer context; painted red. ah kimil ‘dead person’ prognostication in text caption. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink323.html.

Occurs in context of possible Venus event. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink322.html.

Dresden eclipse table. Text also refers to God M. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink321.html.

Dresden eclipse table. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink320.html.

Dresden eclipse table. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink319.html.

This figure has been previously been identified as a dog (Schele and Grube 1997, 218), but we believe an opossum was intended, based on the ak’bal infix. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink318.html.

Notes

Picture

Opossum Mam

Opossum Mam

Opossum Mam

Black Pawahtun?

Opossum Mam

None

Page

M. 87a, fr. 2

M. 87a, fr. 3

M. 88a, fr. 2

M. 89d

M. 90a

P. 2b

Table 10.3—continued

Pawah-ooch

Pawah-ooch

Text

Notes

Named as lord of k’atun. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink330.html.

Stands in thatched structure, holding two torches. May have yearbearer associations. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink329.html.

Wears blindfold and has accoutrements of opossum Mams. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink328.html.

Grasps captive by hair. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink327.html.

Grasps captive by hair. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink326.html.

Grasps captive by hair. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink325.html.

continued on next page

Picture

Opossum Mam

Eroded

None

Opossum Mam?

Opossum Mam?

Owl

Page

P. 3a

P. 5c

P. 6b

P. 8a

P. 10a

P. 23

Table 10.3—continued

Sak Pawahk’in ooch?

Eroded

Eroded

Pawah-ooch

K’an ooch?

Eroded

Text

Paris zodiacal table. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink336.html.

Tun almanac. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink335.html.

Tun almanac. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink334.html.

K’atun almanac. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink333.html.

Main sign may be toolok glyph, not ooch. K’an refers to yellow and to the south. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink332.html.

Tun almanac. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink331.html.

Notes

Figure 10.12. God L named as Pawah-ooch on D. 7a, fr. 1. After Förstemann (1880).

337

338

339

in the Dresden Codex: by Chaak on D. 31b (see Figure 4.15), by a rabbit on D. 61, and by a peccary on D. 62 (see Figure 5.4). We believe that in each instance, the headdress serves to identify the figure pictured as a Pawahtun, or Mam. That this is the case on D. 31b is suggested not only by the headdress, but also by the rattle staff Chaak carries; like those on D. 25a–28a, it is topped by a human hand. Although not pictured in this frame, several of the other frames in the almanac on D. 31b–35b show Chaak emerging from the open mouth of a serpent, holding his lightning axe aloft (see discussion in Chapter 4 and http://www.hieroglyphic​research.org /Documentation/UPClink337.html). We interpret this imagery as representing the birth of the rains from their Underworld home in primordial times. The rabbit and peccary Mams on D. 61–62 are likewise being “born” from serpents, suggesting that their home is also within the earth. The peccary is painted blue, indicating an association with the rains, whereas the rabbit is not. Similarly, on M. 30b (see Figure 6.9 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink338.html), a peccary is pictured as one of the rain bringers (along with Chaak, Chak Chel, and the jaguar), whereas the rabbit and the dog are not.19 Another possible Mam (likely a variant of Pawahtun) is pictured on M. 89d (see Figure 4.7 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink339.html). This figure lacks the diagnostic headdress worn by the Mams in the Dresden Codex but wears a /pa/ glyph instead, which may serve as an identifying attribute linked to the Pawahtuns.20 The other accoutrements of the Mams from D. 25a– 28a are also present, including the serpent staff topped with a human hand, the rattle, and the incense bag. Unlike the other Mams from the codices, this figure is 432 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

Figure 10.13. The conflation of Chaak and Pawahtun on D. 41b. Frame 1 pictures Pawahtun in a conch shell, named with his glyph and Chaak’s, whereas fr. 2 pictures Chaak named as Pawah-mak (turtle) Chaak. After Förstemann (1880).

distinguished by a tied cloth band across his eyes. This may serve to identify him with the blindfolded deities associated with Venus— Kakatunal in the Dresden Codex and the Ah Musenkab in the Books of Chilam Balam (see discussion in Chapter 7).21 The preceding analysis suggests that the Mams can be manifested in several different forms in the Maya codices: as opossums, peccaries, or rabbits, or as the anthropomorphic deities God L, Chaak, and Pawahtun. This corresponds well with conceptions of the Mams among contemporary Maya cultures (specifically, the Q’eqchi), where there are multiple manifestations. The four chief Mams, who are associated with the four corners of the earth, are said to shake themselves in June, causing the rains (Thompson 1930:58–59).22 The directional Chaaks and Pawahtuns are described as being closely related in Landa’s discussion of the yearbearer rituals (Gates 1978:61) and among contemporary Maya cultures of Yucatán (Sosa 1989). This relationship is also expressed in the codices (see, e.g., D. 41b, fr. 1 and 2 in Figure 10.13), where both Chaak and Pawahtun are named by glyphs with the pawah prefix). As a corollary of this pattern, we are particularly interested in the relationship between Chaak (or more appropriately, the quadripartite Chaaks) and God L. We have already seen that one aspect of this relationship involves the fact that both can be associated with the Mams. There are several additional facets to the relationship that remain to be explored, however, including the fact that both deities play a significant role in the preface to the Lower Water table (D. 74) and in the table itself; depictions of the black Chaak (Ek’ Xib? Chaak), like God L, may represent Venus in its Morning Star or Evening Star aspect; both figures are associated with foundation rituals (the act of pacing sacred space and stopping to make prophecies and perform rituals); and they may both be linked to the deity/deities known as the Bolon Yokte’ K’uh. A black-painted Chaak and/or a deity named as Ek’ Xib? Chaak appears on several occasions in the Dresden Codex as the Evening Star (western) aspect of Venus (see Figure 6.6). In this aspect, he is associated specifically with a spear and shield (see D. 67a and D. 69; Figure 5.3). It may be the case that the spear can be correlated with the Evening Star aspect of the planet, as God L holds one on D. 74 as well (see discussion in Chapter 5). Black coloration may likewise be correlated specifically with the evening A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 433

340

341

342

343

appearance of the planet, since Chaak is unpainted (and not named with the Ek’ Xib? epithet) on D. 65b and 67b, where he rises from the eastern sea as the Morning Star aspect of the planet (see Figure 7.22), and God L is painted blue (rather than black) on D. 46b (see Figure 7.17), where he represents Venus at heliacal rise. On M. 33a, a black Chaak is pictured in the kneeling pose associated with Venus when it first rises from the Underworld as a warrior deity (see Figure 7.31 and http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink340.html). The dates that have been proposed for this frame suggest that the picture encompasses Venus’ last appearance as Evening Star, its eight-day sojourn in the Underworld, and its reemergence into the eastern sky as the Morning Star (Hernández and V. Bricker 2004:table 10.7). Chaak’s black coloration may relate to his manifestation as the last appearance of Venus as Evening Star. It has been suggested, but remains unproven, that the almanacs on M. 79a and 80a (and perhaps those that follow) represent the western aspect of Venus as a scorpion star (Carlson 1993:225; see Figure 9.18 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org /Documentation/UPClink341.html). One of the patrons for the western station of Venus in the Dresden Venus table is a scorpion. The scorpion tail may have other meanings as well, however (see discussion in preceding chapter); it may serve to associate the deity with Ek’ Chuwah, a merchant deity whose name means ‘black scorpion’ (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980:143; Bill 1997:143), or it may relate to the scorpion constellation (Vail 1997a). It is of interest that both God L and Chaak are shown wearing the scorpion tail in the Madrid Codex (see Chaak on M. 31a; Figure 6.10 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink342 .html). When worn by Chaak, the scorpion tail seems to have associations with rain. This is also the case of the scorpion legs with pinchers that form part of the composite figure of God L and Chak Chel figure on M. 33b (Figure 10.14 and http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink343.html). A comparison of the two figures suggests that Chaak and God L share a number of specific associations: 1. They may both be depicted as Mams related to the yearbearer ceremonies. 2. They are both pictured and/or named in relation to the deluge referenced on D. 74. 3. They can both represent the Morning Star or Evening Star aspect of Venus when it first rises from the Underworld. 4. Both inhabit the Underworld, or the region within the earth (caves, cenotes, etc.). 5. They are both associated with rain and water. 6. Both are paired with Chak Chel in scenes that show her emptying an olla of water. 7. They are both shown in association with footsteps or the act of walking along a road. 8. Both appear with owls that likely have an affiliation with the Underworld and also with rain and fertility. 434 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

Figure 10.14. The skirted figure on M. 33b may represent the female version of God L or a conflation of this deity and Chak Chel. He/ she is pictured holding an axe and a torch and with the symbol for wind emerging from its mouth. Note also the scorpion pinchers at the waist and the rattlesnake wrapped around the lower body. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

One thing that we find particularly interesting about their relationship is that they are rarely, if ever, pictured together.23 In Classic period contexts, God L is frequently shown with K’awil. Likewise, there is a strong relationship between Chaak and K’awil in the Maya codices (Vail 1996). As we note in the following section of the chapter, God L and K’awil may correspond with Older Brother and Younger Brother in contemporary Maya mythological traditions. If Chaak and God L represent different expressions of a more encompassing deity figure such as the Pawahtuns/Mams, then it makes sense that they are rarely, if ever, seen together. There is good evidence to suggest this is the case. We have previously shown that God L is named as a Pawahtun in the Dresden Codex. Moreover, it has long been thought that Chaak was the Yucatecan / northern lowland manifestation of the Mam earth deities (also called “mountain-valley gods”) found in the more mountainous areas of the Maya region. A review of ethnographic material makes it clear that there were a number of different rain and earth deities, each of whom played a slightly different role (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1934; Thompson 1930, 1970b; Wisdom 1940). It is useful to think of Chaak and God L in these terms, although both deities had a number of other associations beyond those linked to the production of rain. In this respect, they can be differentiated in the sense that Chaak is more commonly associated with the benevolent aspect of the rain god, and God L with floods and other disasters. Another commonality in their roles is that both Chaak and God L are paired with Chak Chel. Based on our analysis of the Q’eqchi’ material reported by Thompson (1930:58–59), it is likely that Chak Chel was the female aspect of one of the Mams (earth lords) as well. As such, she may represent the female side of Chaak or God L (or of both of them at different times). Thompson (1930:58) notes that the Mams, like most Maya deities, may be characterized by a duality of nature, which may be expressed by the fact that some rains are beneficial, whereas others do considerable harm. This characterization fits Chaak and God L particularly closely, and also explains the beneficent and bestial aspects of Chak Chel. A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 435

One way of further exploring the link between Chaak and God L involves an examination of the owl worn by God L and occasionally associated with Chaak. In the Classic period, God L is shorn of his finery and his accoutrements are stolen (including his owl). As various scholars have previously noted (e.g., Martin 2006:171), this manifestation may represent an aspect of the battle between the Bolon Ti’ K’uh and the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh recorded in the Books of Chilam Balam (see discussion below). In one particularly well-known context, a rabbit is responsible for taking God L’s clothes and regalia, most likely under the auspices of the sun god or Hun Ahaw (Hull et al. 2009). In another example, the rabbit and the moon goddess team up against God L (Martin and Miller 2004:60).24 In several scenes from the Maya codices, Chaak appears with God L’s owl (see Chapter 7), suggesting another link between them. As Taube (1992:81) notes, the owl (or what he terms the “moan bird”) has associations with rain and with the Underworld; in this regard, it is of interest that the examples associated with Chaak appear to correspond seasonally with dates in August, as does the owl worn by the blue-painted God L on D. 46b (see discussion in Chapter 7). It may be the case that the stealing of the owl and God L’s regalia seen in the Classic period vessels mentioned previously coincided with an event in the seasonal year (such as the beginning or end of the rainy season) or with a specific station within Venus’ cycle. In this respect, we call attention to a possible mention of a rabbit in association with the southern station of Venus on the page that pictures God L as the heliacal rise aspect of the planet (see Appendix 7.2). Might this be a mythological reference to the stealing of God L’s regalia when Venus was in the Underworld prior to rising anew as the Morning Star? On the Regal Rabbit vase mentioned previously, one of the text captions reads uxlajun ok waxaklajun ik’-k’at k’in ni ch’amaw ni kuy yitah bolon okte’ k’uh “On 13 Ok 18 Wo, I grasped my owl; he is the companion of Bolon Yokte’ K’uh.” Since the owl is most commonly shown as God L’s companion, we interpret this as an explicit reference to the fact that God L may be identified with the Bolon Yokte’ K’uh.25 This name has been interpreted in a number of different ways (see, e.g., Thompson 1970b:320); we believe that the most accurate translation is “Nine are the tree (or wooden) god’s footsteps.” Previous scholars have noted an association between God L (or God L’s owl) and Bolon Yokte’ K’uh (Gillespie and Joyce 1998; Grofe 2009). Our analysis suggests that this epithet is not the name of a single deity, but rather of a group of related deities that perform foundation rituals through the act of walking a ritual circuit. Both God L and Chaak are explicitly linked with this name—God L in the example cited previously, but also by the nine footprints he wears on his loincloth on the carved pier from the Temple of the Cross at Palenque (see Figure 4.11). Moreover, the deity called Mam among the contemporary Tz’utujil Maya of highland Guatemala is said to have been carved from a tree (Christenson 2001:179–181). On the Dresden yearbearer pages, Chaak is likewise depicted as a tree, with a single footprint on his cape, which 436 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

we interpret as referring to the fact that he represents the first of the deities whose journey completes the nine footsteps (of forty days each) required to complete the 360-day year (Gillespie and Joyce 1998:288–289). A total of nine footprints are shown on the loincloths of the Dresden trees. Bolon Yokte’ (without the K’uh) is also named on D. 60 (see Figure 4.14), in both the upper and lower registers. In the former instance, his name may be associated with that of Chaak. The text refers to an unknown action (the verb is eroded) performed to Pawah-mak, the turtle aspect of Pawahtun who appears in the picture (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink344.html). This action is said to be performed u kabiiy tz’ap tu bah “under the auspices of the planted / set up in Chaak’s image Bolon Yokte’, ” which we interpret as referring to the directional tree set up in the east that corresponds to Chaak on D. 25c (see Figure 4.2). It is unfortunate that the following glyph block on D. 60a is eroded, as it would likely have contained a second verb, or perhaps an augury. Following this, we are told yah? winik xul? k’in [xul? haab] tok’ pakal pawah-ooch: “Woe to the people / end of time? / flint and shield [warfare] / Pawah-opossum.” It is presently unclear what role the Pawah-opossum plays in this context, although we should bear in mind that this is one of the epithets given to God L earlier in the codex. In the lower register on the same page, there is another reference to Bolon Yokte’. The caption to the picture is difficult to interpret. According to the Brickers, the first part refers to a Venus event occurring on a 10 Yaxk’in date that falls in a K’atun 11 Ahaw (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:231). They associate the scene with a heliacal rise date, based on the presence of the Mexican god Xiuhtecuhtli (pictured as the heliacal rise aspect of Venus on D. 49b), who holds a spear with a captive tied to it. Heliacal rise dates associated with 10 Yaxk’in in a K’atun 11 Ahaw occur on 9.17.2.7.7 9 Manik’ 10 Yaxk’in ( June 7, 773), 9.17.10.9.7 4 Manik’ 10 Yaxk’in ( June 5, 781), and 9.17.18.11.7 12 Manik’ 10 Yaxk’in ( June 3, 789) (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:231). The text continues by making reference to the completion of the k’atun, followed by the collocations ah kimil ‘dead person’ and yukul kab ch’een ‘the earth-cave shakes’, which has been interpreted as a reference to an earthquake (Eberl and Prager 2005:33; D. Stuart 2001). The next part of the text reads hok’? u yaxk’in bolon okte’ ahaw y-ahaw yah? winik yah? kab ch’een. We interpret this as referring to the end (or tying) of the first sun of the lord of Bolon Okte’ Ahaw. This leads to “damage to the people, damage to the earth-cave.” In this instance, it is possible that Bolon Okte’ may correspond to Xiuhtecuhtli, who is the highland Mexican patron of time and occupies the central space of the cosmic diagram on page 1 of the Mexican Codex Fejérváry-Mayer (see Figure 3.6 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink345.html).26 Like God L, Xiuhtecuhtli can be associated with the Underworld (he was born in a cave, according to Sahagún [1969:19, 41, 88–89]) and can be identified as a Bakab, or skybearer (see Chapter 7). In addition, the two deities are associated A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 437

344

345

Figure 10.15. God M tending his bees on M. 109c, wearing the owl more commonly associated with God L. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

345a

346

347

with the capture of prisoners relating to proposed Venus events (compare D. 60b to M. 79a and 80a; see Figure 9.18), although the closest correspondence is with the captive tied to God M’s spear on M. 83a–84a (see Figure 5.14 and http://www .hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink345a.html). It is likely that God L took on multiple manifestations in the Madrid Codex— one as the deity formerly called God Z by Zimmermann (1956), and the other as God M. God M is a merchant deity and likewise plays an important role as a warrior and hunter (see Table 10.4). His association with God L is suggested by the correspondences of the two figures in the almanacs on M. 79a–84a, and by the fact that God M wears God L’s owl on M. 109c (Figure 10.15 and http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink346.html) and possibly on M. 96a (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation /UPClink347.html). Like God L, God M is also occasionally named as a Pawahtun, and he assumes the kneeling pose and spear of Venus deities on occasion (e.g., on M. 52a and 53b; see Figure 10.16). 438 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

God M

M. 19b

Pawah-mak

God M

God M

Eroded

M. 15b

God M?

D. 43a

God M

God M

God M

D. 16b

Text

D. 56a

Picture

Page

Table 10.4. God M in the Maya codices

Almanac pictures ritual of penis perforation. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink352.html.

Unpainted, with red lips and ear. Has pack; holds blue-painted axe. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink351.html.

Reference to God M’s maize. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink350.html.

On a road with footsteps. This may be God L. Not painted black; appears to have jaguar markings around mouth. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink349.html.

In planting almanac. Holds bone. Painted in black and white stripes. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink348.html.

Notes

continued on next page

Picture

God M

God M

God M

God M (twice)

God M

Page

M. 38b

M. 38c

M. 50a

M. 51a

M. 51b

Table 10.4—continued

None

None

None

Itzamna’s epithet

Itzamna

Text

Paired with maize god in almanac with yearbearer associations. Holds fan or rattle. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink357.html.

Drilling fire on road marked with footprints. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink356.html.

Speared by Kisin on road marked with footprints. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink355.html.

Drilling Itzamna’s fire. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink354.html.

Drilling Itzamna’s fire. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink353.html.

Notes

continued on next page

Picture

God M

Black Pawahtun?

God M

God M

God M

Page

M. 52a

M. 53a

M. 53a

M. 53b

M. 54a

Table 10.4—continued

Eroded.

God M

God M

God M’s glyph with TVI (wak) prefix

God M

Text

Holds rope attached to bundle (?). See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink362.html.

Has spear and pack. Kneels in posture of Venus warriors. (Kisin in almanac as well.) See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink361.html.

Has spear and pack. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink360.html.

continued on next page

Shows sacrificial victim attached to spear (Bill 1997). May be associated with 13 Kawak or 1 Ahaw. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink359.html.

Has spear and pack. Kneels in posture of Venus warriors. (Kisin appears in preceding frame.) See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink358.html.

Notes

Picture

God M

God M

God M

God M

God M

Page

M. 54b

M. 54c

M. 55a

M. 55b

M. 62c

Table 10.4—continued

K’uh

God M

God M

God M

God M

Text

Unpainted. Shown seated. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink367.html.

continued on next page

Holds spear. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink366.html.

Holds rope attached to bundle (?). See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink365.html.

Speared by Kisin on road marked with footprints. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink364.html.

Holds spear. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink363.html.

Notes

Picture

God M effigy or trophy head

God M

God M

God M

God M

Page

M. 79a

M. 81a

M. 82a

M. 82a–83a

M. 83a–84a

Table 10.4—continued

None

None

None

None

None

Text

Has scorpion tail and shield to which captive is tied. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink372.html.

Holds offerings; has scorpion tail. Young earth goddess also pictured. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink371.html.

Holds offering. Has scorpion tail being “ridden” by the young earth goddess. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink370.html.

continued on next page

Holds offering. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink369.html.

Worn as pendant by God L. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink368.html.

Notes

Picture

God M

God M

God M

God M

God M

Page

M. 84a

M. 88a

M. 90a

M. 91a

M. 95b

Table 10.4—continued

None

God M

God M

God M

None

Text

continued on next page

Paired with maize god in almanac with yearbearer associations. Holds fan or rattle and upraised flint blade. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink377.html.

Has spear and pack. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink376.html.

Holds cloth. Associated with west. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink375.html.

Burning rubber incense in brazier. Kisin appears in preceding frame. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink374.html.

Being speared by Kisin. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink373.html.

Notes

Picture

God M

Chaak or Itzamna

God M

Itzamna

Pawahtun

Page

M. 96a

M. 98b

M. 99b

M. 99c

M. 104b

Table 10.4—continued

God M and Ho’ Pawahtun

God M

None

God M

None

Text

Ceremony dedicated to the bees. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink382.html.

continued on next page

Seated in shelter. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink381.html.

Holds offering next to buried K’uh effigy. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink380.html.

Carving deity effigy. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink379.html.

Makes offerings to K’uh in a tree. Holds fan and wears owl (?) headdress. Pawahtun in previous frame. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink378.html.

Notes

None

God M

M. 107a

M. 109c

K’uh

God M

Text

Wears God L’s owl in ceremony dedicated to the bees. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink384.html.

In beekeeping almanac. See http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink383.html.

Notes

Figure 10.16. God M with a spear and in the kneeling posture reminiscent of the Morning Star deity on M. 52a–53a, fr. 2. The following frame pictures the sacrifice of a black-painted captive. After Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869–1870).

Picture

Page

Table 10.4—continued

A black-painted deity named with God M’s glyph prefixed by wak ‘six’ has been tied to a spear and sacrificed on M. 53a (Figure 10.16 and http://www.hiero​ glyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink385.html). Although lacking any distinguishing features beyond his black coloration, the figure depicted does not appear to be God M; rather, this may be the black Pawahtun depicted on M. 34a (the Kawak yearbearer pages). The sacrificial event may correspond to 13 Kawak or 1 Ahaw in the tzolk’in (Bill 1997). As we have seen, 1 Ahaw is the canonical date associated with Venus’ heliacal rise in the Dresden Codex. A sacrificial event associated with this date is depicted on page 3a of the Dresden Codex (Figure 7.35; see discussion in Chapter 7 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink386 .html). As we have shown, God L plays a number of important roles in the Maya codices: as a Bakab and Mam, a deity associated with Venus’ Morning Star and Evening Star manifestations, the agent responsible for the flood that destroyed the previous world, a rain bringer, and one of the foundational gods who can be equated with the Bolon Okte’ K’uh. He may likewise be associated with the narrative related in the Books of Chilam Balam concerning the Bolon Ti’ K’uh and the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh, as we discuss in the subsequent section of the chapter.

385

Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh and Bolon Ti’ K’uh Evidence from the Maya codices suggests that the Oxlahun Ti K’uh and the Bolon Ti’ K’uh from the Books of Chilam Balam (see discussion in Chapter 3) derived from a prehispanic source. A review of the textual material (see below) indicates that the Bolon Ti’ K’uh may be associated with God L in his role as a Venus/Underworld deity, and the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh with a group of deities having celestial associations, including K’awil and the sun god. In addition, we identify the Ah Musenkab as Venus deities. Ethnographic sources demonstrate that the same basic oppositions are maintained in contemporary indigenous deity complexes. Prehispanic Deity Complexes

The cosmogonic narratives associated with K’atuns 13 Ahaw and 11 Ahaw in the Books of Chilam Balam reference two deities (or more appropriately, we believe, two sets of deities) named Bolon Ti’ K’uh and Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh. Previous efforts to associate these gods with their prehispanic antecedents are illuminating, although not, we believe, completely successful. Based on the following lines from the Chilam Balam of Chumayel, scholars have recently suggested that the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh may be compared with the prehispanic Maya deity God L, who can be identified with the Mam (Martin 2006:171). A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 447

386

Then Oxlahun Ti Ku was caught and then his head was wounded. Then they put out his eyes. Then he was spat upon Then he was knocked down flat, too. Then his archangel was tugged and shall be removed. (Chumayel page 42; translation by Knowlton 2010:57)

Among the contemporary Tz’utujil Maya of the Lake Atitlán region, the Mam is associated with the Underworld and the inversion of the normal social order. This deity rules the dry season, a time of sterility and death, in contrast to Martín, who is associated with the rainy season, fertility, and the maize (Christenson 2001:178–179). As we note in the previous section of the chapter, depictions on several Maya pottery vessels suggest that God L was the principal lord of the Underworld, where he hoarded many riches (cacao, maize, etc.).27 His power was only temporary, however, as indicated by other vessel scenes that show his humiliation and defeat at the hands of various characters, including the maize god, the Hero Twins, a rabbit, and the moon goddess. His humiliation is best exemplified by the theft of his clothes and insignia (his staff and owl headdress). Martin (2006) and others have compared God L’s downfall to the lines cited above from the Chumayel manuscript. Although seemingly apt, we believe that God L can instead be associated with the Bolon Ti’ K’uh (see below), and we identify a series of celestial/lightning deities as corresponding with the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh. Before we turn to that discussion, it is instructive to compare God L’s downfall with that of Seven Macaw in the Popol Vuh. Both deities, we believe, have associations with Venus. God L is depicted as a Venus god on several occasions in the Dresden Codex (see discussion in Chapter 7), whereas Seven Macaw is named as the “false sun,” one of the epithets of Venus among contemporary Maya cultures (e.g., ah säh k’in among the Lacandón; Bruce et al. 1971:15). Seven Macaw’s defeat involved destroying the source of his pride, in a manner similar to what was done to God L, for instance, replacing Seven Macaw’s teeth, originally in the form of brilliant jewels, with white grains of maize (Christenson 2007:100): “Immediately his face fell. No longer did he appear as lord.”28 Likewise, the precious metal was removed from his eyes, which served to blind him. This was done “according to the word of Heart of Sky” (Christenson 2007:100). Similarly, an episode in the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel refers to the “blindfolding” (i.e., symbolic blinding) of the Ah Musenkab deities by the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh: On the Peten During the katun Eleven Ahau When the Ah Musen Cab emerged Oxlahun Ti Ku blindfolds them. (Chumayel page 42; translation by Knowlton 2010:55)

448 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

There is evidence to suggest that the Ah Musenkab, in addition to their role as bee gods (Knowlton 2010:56; Roys 1967:64), were also Venus deities. Names for Venus in contemporary Maya cultures include sina’an ek’ ‘scorpion star’ (Blom and La Farge 1926–1927:2, 469, 472), xulab ‘the leaf-cutter ant’ (Bruce 1979:247),29 and xux ek’ ‘wasp star’ (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980). In addition, among the Q’eqchi’ Maya, the Mams (earth/Underworld gods) were associated with serpents, bees, and wasps (Šprajc 1993a:28).30 On this basis, we believe it is likely that the Ah Musenkab can be associated with the Mams in their role as Venus gods. There are several examples of blindfolded deities in the Maya codices, at least one specifically linked to Venus: the figure named as Kakatunal on D. 50 (see Figure 7.16). This deity corresponds to Itzlacoliuhqui-Ixquimilli in highland Mexican sources, the Morning Star aspect of Venus who was transformed into the Evening Star after being shot by the sun god’s dart (Miller and Taube 1993:100; see discussion in Chapter 2). The “blindfolding” of the Ah Musenkab may refer to the fact that Venus is lost, shortly after helical rise, in the glare of the sun’s rays of light. If this is the case, and the Ah Musenkab can be identified as corresponding with a Venus deity, then the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh must be the sun. It is additionally likely that the Ah Musenkab can be equated with the Bolon Ti’ K’uh, who, based on a passage from the Tizimín manuscript, may also be identified as Venus deities. In contemporary folktales, Venus—or Lord Xulab—is described as the older brother of the sun. The identification of Venus as the older brother of the sun corresponds well with the relationship between the Bolon Ti’ K’uh and the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh described in the Chilam Balam of Tizimín: Then the dawn of Oxlahun Ku came because of Bolon Ti Ku when he was born, engendered. (Tizimín 14v; translation by Knowlton 2010:73)

Both the Popol Vuh and the Books of Chilam Balam make reference to the fact that the first dawning of the sun can be attributed to the prior appearance of Venus as Morning Star (Christenson 2007:228–229; Knowlton 2010:68–69). In light of this correlation, we interpret the passage from the Tizimín manuscript as referring to the sun’s, or Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh’s, first dawning, which came about as a result of Venus’ (Bolon Ti’ K’uh’s) prior appearance. There is another line of evidence to suggest an association between the Bolon Ti’ K’uh and Underworld/Venus deities: Then great Ytzam Cab Ain ascended that this deluge might complete the word of the katun series that the word of the katun might be complete. But Bolon Ti Ku did not desire it And then Ytzam Cab Ain’s throat was cut. A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 449

So he sprinkled the island, its back This is its name: Calligrapher Hill. (Tizimín page 14v; translation by Knowlton 2010:73)

The ascent of Itzam Kab Ayin is pictured, as discussed in Chapters 3 and 5, on page 74 of the Dresden Codex (see also Knowlton 2010:74; Velásquez García 2006). There, the deluge referenced on page 43 of the Chumayel manuscript is well under way. As Knowlton (2010:62) points out, this is described as “one fetching of rain, one lancing of rain” in the Chumayel narrative, which is represented pictorially by the emptying of Chak Chel’s water jar (the “fetching”) and the spears held by God L (the “lancing”) on D. 74 (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink387.html). God L is pictured in this scene as a Venus god who has recently risen from the Underworld with his weapons poised for attack (see Figure 5.1).30 We associate him with the Bolon Ti’ K’uh who cut Itzam Kab Ayin’s throat and created the earth from his body. Support for associating this act with a Venus deity comes from a comparison with the Temple of the Fisherman mural from a Late Postclassic context at Mayapán. There, a deity who can be identified as Venus by his accoutrements (although the face is eroded) has just speared a crocodilian that floats in the primordial sea. In addition, a text from Temple XIX at Palenque links the decapitation of a great crocodilian with the god GI of the Palenque Triad, who has associations with the sun of the previous era and with Venus (D. Stuart 2005:168–170). In the Books of Chilam Balam, it is not only the Venus deities who have their eyes blindfolded (i.e., blinded), but also the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh. This act occurs after the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh are caught by Bolon Ti’ K’uh (described on Chumayel page 42): When fire descended When the rope/cord descended When stone and wood descended When his stick and stone came, Then Oxlahun Ti Ku was caught and his head was wounded They put out his eyes Then he was spat upon Then he was knocked down flat, too Then his archangel [cangel] was tugged and shall be removed. (Chumayel page 42; translation by Knowlton 2010:57)

387

An analysis of the Chumayel passages makes it clear that there was an ongoing battle between these two sets of deities, with each alternately coming out the victor. Similar contests are related in stories from highland Mexico as well, such as those that tell of successive Suns destroyed by the gods Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca; the shooting of the sun by Venus, and vice versa; and Quetzalcoatl’s 450 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

journey to the Underworld to rescue the bones of the previous race of people (see Chapter 2). They may also be reflected in contemporary Maya folktales that tell of the competition between Venus and the sun, or of the battles between the Lacandón Underworld god Kisin and the celestial deity Hachäkyum (see discussion below). The description from page 42 of the Chumayel manuscript may be indicative of a solar eclipse, which is described by Maya people today as tupa’an u wich k’in “the sun is blinded” (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980:824; Milbrath 1999:26). Venus, likely because of its proximity to the sun in the sky, is thought to be one of the agents responsible for this action (i.e., causing an eclipse). A scene from page 21 of the Paris Codex corresponds closely with the Chumayel passage. It shows the descent of the sun on a rope, next to an image of the death god smoking a large cigar and holding a torch (see Figure 5.13 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink388.html).32 Below the sun is an open-mouthed serpent, which appears poised to swallow the sun; God L is also pictured in the scene, next to the serpent. Based on comparisons to the eclipse table in the Dresden Codex, this imagery likely relates to an eclipse of the sun. The cangel mentioned in the Chumayel text, which can be equated with the “archangel” of Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh, likely refers to the rain god aspect of the deity (Knowlton 2010:59). In the Maya codices, this could be expected to correspond to Chaak and/or K’awil. On P. 21, this figure may be represented by the avian aspect of Chaak, whose head appears attached to the skyband. Most likely, the streaming rain in the section of the picture associated with the descending sun is a deluge caused by the tugging and removal of the rain god from the celestial station where he is usually situated.33 Another set of important iconographic references to this episode may be found on D. 74 (see Chapter 5) and in the seasonal table on D. 65a–69a (see Chapter 6). Streams of water from solar and lunar eclipse glyphs like those of D. 74 and D. 68a, where the dating of the forecasted eclipse events clearly does not align with the rainy season, may instead allude to the primordial episode in which the cangel is tugged from the sun (and/ or the moon) as part of the process of world destruction (see http://www.hieroglyphic​ research.org/Documentation/UPClink389.html). From this perspective, the pictorial representation of water falling from eclipse glyphs has more to do with the potential for large-scale destruction (as occurred during mythic time) than with the arrival of the rains per se. The reference in the Chumayel text to the “descending” of ropes and cords, stone and wood, and sticks and stones can also be related to world destruction during an eclipse (see Chapter 7). These same instruments of destruction are shown being carried to earth by descending Tzitzimime (Cihuateteo and Ahuiateteo) gods on the occasion of the “little New Year” fire-drilling ceremonies portrayed on Borgia 49b–52b (Hernández 2004; Taube 1993b; Figure 10.17). A scene from the west wall mural at Santa Rita (Gann 1900), dated to the Late Postclassic period, shows what we believe to be a graphic representation of the battle described in the Chumayel narrative between the Bolon Ti’ K’uh and A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 451

388

389

Figure 10.17 Tzitzimitl ‘One House’ and Ahuiateotl ‘Five Flower’ descending from the sky on the occasion of a New Fire drilling, bringing sticks, stones, and axes to earth. Detail from Borgia 52b. Drawing by Christine Hernández.

Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh deities (see Figures 5.9–5.10). In the mural scene, an unidentified deity with possible Venus associations holds the decapitated heads of the sun god and the merchant deity.34 This depiction is followed in the subsequent section of the mural by the resurrection of both figures. Like the Bolon Okte’ K’uh discussed in the previous section, we believe that the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh epithet may be associated not with a single deity (i.e., the sun 452 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

Figure 10.18. Capstone from Xnubec featuring K’awil. Drawing by Christine Hernández.

god), but instead with a group of deities. Evidence for this interpretation comes from the following passage in the Chuma­ yel manuscript: Yax Bolon Dzacab wrapped the seed corn Then went to the thirteenth plane of the sky So then the maize husk resided there and only the tip of the corncob was here on the surface of the earth. So then her heart [referring to Lady Quetzal-Lovely Lady Cotinga] is gone missing because of Oxlahun Ti Ku Neither did they know that he [Oxlahun Ti Ku?] had made off with this heart bundle. (Chumayel page 43; translation by Knowlton 2010:61)

This passage suggests a correspondence between Yax Bolon Tz’akab [Dzacab] and the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh. The former deity has been associated with the prehispanic god K’awil, based on various lines of evidence from prehispanic and colonial sources. As Knowlton (2010:62) points out, scenes painted on capstones from a number of Classic period sites in the northern lowlands include depictions of the deity K’awil (identified by his serpent foot and forehead torch) carrying bulging sacks of maize and other foods (Figure 10.18); this iconography suggests a parallel to the lines from the Chumayel manuscript cited above. In addition, in his discussion of the Yucatec yearbearer ceremonies, Landa names the deity associated with southern years as Bolon Tz’akab (Gates 1978:62); on the corresponding pages of the Dresden Codex, K’awil is pictured. This suggests that Bolon Tz’akab/K’awil was another of the deities associated with the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh designation. K’awil has several important associations that are relevant to his role as a member of the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh. He is related to Huracan in the Popol Vuh, a triad of deities associated with the thunderbolt, lightning, and consequently with the celestial sphere.35 Lightning, as Allen Christenson (2007:71n63) notes, is “the force that fertilizes the A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 453

390

391

392

393

394

395

earth and promotes the growth of crops.” This is one of the things that is threatened by the warrior aspect of Venus in the Dresden Venus table. Based on textual and iconographic evidence, we interpret the Venus warriors in the Dresden Codex as manifestations of the Bolon Ti’ K’uh. Their battles with the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh (in particular the sun god and K’awil) are detailed in the hieroglyphic captions to the pictures. On page 46, for example, God L represents the Bolon Ti’ K’uh, and he aims his dart at K’awil, one of the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh (see http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink390.html. As we have previously discussed, this leads to the flood that destroyed the previous creation. On D. 47, the battle is between Lahun Chan and the jaguar sun (see http://www. hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink391.html. Although the sun god (Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh) is speared, he gets his revenge; the caption states that Kakatunal (one of the aspects of Venus) was buried (i.e., the sun’s dart caused him to fall into the Underworld). The scene on the next page refers to the death of the maize god in the Underworld, but it also makes reference to his eventual resurrection (see Chapter 7 and http://www.hieroglyphic​research.org/Documentation /UPClink392.html). On the following two pages, Mexican deities stand in for the Bolon Ti’ K’uh: Xiuhtecuhtli on D. 49b (see http://www.hieroglyphic​research .org/Documentation/UPClink393.html and Kakatunal on D. 50b (see http:// www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink394.html). The former wears a skirt made of a jaguar pelt, one of the animals having close associations with the earth and the Underworld, whereas Kakatunal can be identified with the punisher deity of the Underworld Kisin. The ongoing battle between the Bolon Ti’ K’uh and the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh is suggested by reference to K’in Ahaw (the sun god) and K’awil being “buried” on D. 49b, followed by the burying of Kisin in the lower register of that page (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink395.html). On D. 50b, Kakatunal prevails, burying the god, the lord of the succession, and the maize god; in return, the “foreigner from the west” is buried on D. 50c. Whom this figure corresponds to remains unclear, but we think it likely that the referent may be Venus in its Evening Star manifestation. On the Dresden yearbearer pages, K’awil, the jaguar sun, and the maize god Nal represent the burdens of successive years (the last being represented by the death god Kimil). K’awil and Nal’s names are paired on D. 26c (see http://www .hiero​g lyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink396.html), where they may be related to yearbearer ceremonies taking place in the south. In addition to his associations with lightning, K’awil is a god of sustenance. In this respect, it is not difficult to account for his association with the maize god in the codices. Indeed, one of the definitions for k’awil found in the Cordemex Dictionary is “deidad maya del maíz; podría también significar alimento [Maya deity of maize; it may also signify food]” (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980:387). 454 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

K’awil and the maize god are also paired on page 35 of the Madrid Codex (see Figure 8.1 and http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/ UPClink397.html), one of the series of four pages that details the rituals and prophecies corresponding to the inauguration of the new year (see Chapter 8). The text names K’awil as one of the deities associated with the yearbearer rituals in question (for a K’an year), which are oriented to the south. These details correspond well with the information depicted on the yearbearer pages of the Dresden Codex, where K’awil is said to be the kuch ‘burden’ of years associated with the south (see Figure 4.2). M. 35a pictures a sacrificial ritual (the casting of a prisoner upon a pile of stones) and the descent of the maize god, who has feathers on his arm, to receive the sacrifice (see http://www.hieroglyphicresearch.org/Documentation/UPClink398.html). The descent of a deity on a K’an yearbearer day is described in the Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel in the following terms: So then the word of Bolon Dzacab descended . . . Then he descended from the heavens and Kan is the day his burden had been tied.

396

397

(Chumayel page 45; translation by Knowlton 2010:76)

This passage suggests a correspondence between Bolon Tz’akab / K’awil and the maize deity, as pictured on M. 35a. In this respect, it is of interest that Landa describes the descent, not of the maize god, but of an angel (rain deity) to receive the sacrifice made during the K’an yearbearer ritual (Gates 1978:63). This interpretation fits the textual reference to K’awil (who is named in the accompanying text on M. 35a) particularly closely, as we address in the discussion of the ethnographic literature that follows. Ethnographic Counterparts

A review of the ethnographic literature suggests that the complex of deities associated with the Bolon Ti’ K’uh (God L / Venus) and the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh (the sun god and K’awil) during the prehispanic and colonial periods still plays an important role in representing the dualistic forces of nature for contemporary Maya groups. They are generally designated by their relationship to each other, with Older Brother (like the first-born Bolon Ti’ K’uh) corresponding to a complex of deities having associations with Venus and the Underworld and Younger Brother (like the second-born Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh) being linked to the sun, the power of lightning, and the celestial sphere. Table 10.5 illustrates these relationships. This dichotomy is expressed especially clearly by the Tz’utujil deities Mam (who corresponds to the Bolon Ti’ K’uh) and Martín (who corresponds to the A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 455

398

Table 10.5. Older Brother and Younger Brother in ethnographic contexts Older brother

Younger brother

Books of Chilam Balam

Bolon Ti’ K’uh (Underworld Venus)

Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh (sun/celes­ tial; also fertility and maize)

Prehispanic period (Carlson 2007)

God L (Underworld, Venus)

K’awil (thunder/lightning; maize), K’in Ahaw (sun god)

Mopán, Q’eqchi’ (Thompson 1930, 1970b)

Venus / hunt deity

Sun

Lacandón (McGee 1990)

Underworld lord Sukunkyum (note also punisher god of Underworld Kisin)

Upperworld lord Hachäkyum

Tzotzil (Groark 2010)

Tobacco (healing power)*

Anhel/Chauk (thunder and lightning, rain)

Tz’utujil Maya (Christenson 2001)

Mam (Underworld, sterility)

Martín (maize, rainy season)

* God L is frequently shown smoking a cigar in Classic period contexts.

Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh). It has been suggested that Martín developed from Tohil, a prehispanic deity associated with fertility, sacrifice, and the life-giving rain (Christenson 2001:169–170). Both he and Martín can be contrasted with the Mam, who is said to reside in the Underworld and represents the period of sterility associated with the dry season. The Mam plays a vital role, however, in that his slaying of Martín (who is also the maize god) is what allows the earth to regenerate and the maize to be born anew in the spring (Christenson 2001:178–179). The contemporary Tz’utujil deity Martín provides a useful analogue for interpreting Younger Brother / the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh. First and foremost, Martín embodies the maize seeds and the maize harvest; he is also at times invoked as the god of fire, the sun, rain, thunder, wind, and clouds, and he has additional associations with the natural world (Christenson 2001:157). In Santiago Atitlán today, the Mam and Martín are locked in a fierce struggle that ends with the symbolic death of Martín every November. In the dance representing this event, the Mam takes the form of a jaguar and Martín of a deer. This takes place at the beginning of the dry season, when Mam is triumphant for a period of time, marking his ascendancy over the rains, maize, and fertile forces of life (Christenson 2001:161–162). We interpret the spearing of the maize god on page 48 of the Dresden Venus table as a prehispanic variant of this event. Martín also shares attributes with K’awil and by extension with Chaak, as gods of the rainy season and the fertile forces of life. As previously discussed, it is likely that these deities correspond to the cangel that is tugged in the Chumayel narrative, leading to the 456 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

flood that destroys the wooden (coreless) people; of interest in this regard is the fact that the names for these deities in Tzotzil are Anhel and Chauk (Groark 2010). A similar story—told among the Maya from San Antonio, Belize, in the 1930s—relates the theft of Chaak’s clothes and implements (his drum, axe, etc.) to a deluge (Thompson 1930:149). Another useful analogue for interpreting the battle between the Bolon Ti’ K’uh and the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh may be found in Lacandón stories involving the deities Kisin and Hachäkyum (Thompson 1970b:345). The former killed and buried the latter; Hachäkyum’s body swelled within the earth, however, and on the fourth day it caused the earth to split open. Hachäkyum then climbed out to confront Kisin, who he banished to the Underworld; Hachäkyum himself then ascended to the celestial sphere, where he resides today (Cline 1944). There are significant parallels between this story and the events depicted on pages 49 and 50 of the Dresden Venus table (see Chapter 7). Parallels may also be found with the Popol Vuh and with scenes on Classic period Maya pottery vessels showing the maize god’s resurrection from the cracked earth. Similarly, the depiction of the rebirth of Pakal’s ancestors as fruit trees at Palenque likely stems from the same tradition (Stuart and Stuart 2008:177–180). Stories such as these and the other episodes recounted provide compelling evidence of continuities between the mythological traditions related in the prehispanic past and those told by contemporary Maya people. Although today’s stories reflect changes resulting from sustained contact with foreign cultures and religious influences, the same may be said of the narratives related in the Maya codices, which were strongly influenced by contact with highland Mexican cultures, and of those related in colonial period sources, which incorporated a number of elements from the Western tradition. It should be noted, nevertheless, that the essence of the mythologies remained constant across both time and space.

Appendix 10.1. Captions to Mars Table Frame 1

ch’ak-ah sip? Sip? is decapitated/chopped. ak’bal-k’in-ih The sun/day darkens.36 mu’uk kab The earth is buried.37 xa hul-iy o? nal He arrives again at [above?] place.

A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 457

Frame 2

ch’ak-ah sip? Sip? is decapitated/chopped. yah? k’uh k’ak’ sip38 Woe to the god fire Sip. ah kimil yah? nah? nal First?/Honored? Maize is the dead person. Frame 3

ch’ak-ah sip? Sip? is decapitated/chopped. ?? k’in ?? uh Solar eclipse, lunar eclipse [eclipse season]. hun nal ?? wah ha’ One Maize, an abundance of food and drink. Frame 4

ch’ak-ah sip? Sip? is decapitated/chopped. k’intun haabil yah? nal Drought; woe to the maize. yah? winik k’ak’ chetun Woe to the people; sudden fire.

Notes

1. The word sib is a variant form of sip, and suhuy means ‘uncontaminated’ or ‘virgin’ (Thompson 1970b:309). Among the contemporary Yucatec Maya, the Tabai are evil spirits that live in ceiba trees; the female version (XTabai) appears beautiful and alluring, but her embrace causes madness and death (Thompson 1970b:309). 2. The two names differ syllabically only in terms of their last syllable (-tli vs. -na). References to Sip in the codices could be an abbreviated reference to either the K’iche’ form (Sipakna) or the Nahuatl form, which could be spelled as Sipakili or abbreviated as Sipak in glyphic texts. 3. The word aak is one of the terms for peccary in the Cordemex Dictionary (Barrera Vásquez et al. 1980:4). If the peccary skin were thought of as God Y’s house, this would explain the final /na/ syllable (nah refers to house) as well. 4. A study by Asensio Ramos (2007) suggests that the deer provides the celestial vehicle by which Itzamna / the sun travels during the dry season, and the peccary plays the same role in the rainy season. We evaluate the implications of this proposal below. 5. Indeed, as scholars have previously noted (Thompson 1972:88), the crocodilian on D. 74 has hooves in place of a crocodile’s usual feet.

458 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

6. The text above the illustration of the peccary includes the ha’ glyph meaning ‘rain’ or ‘water’, a reference to the center (blue/green) Chaak, and to an earth goddess named Ix Kab Chel. 7. Alternatively, Houston (2010) suggests that the presence of the kab glyph in association with animals and deities implies a strong, earthy odor, or musk. 8. One of the manifestations of the female creator deity Xmucane was as Great White Coati. 9. More commonly, the belt stars of Orion were associated with the celestial turtle. It is interesting that the same word (aak) is used for both the turtle and the peccary. This may help to explain the association of both creatures with the earth. 10. The caption to this frame states that the sky was split (or broken) by Sip?/Mars [ T794]. 11. As the Brickers note (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1988) for the example on D. 68, Mars and Venus are both visible in the predawn sky on the date in question (see discussion in Chapter 6). 12. It is also possible that the color red here signifies fire, as it does in several scenes from the Mexican codices (Leibsohn 2009:123). If this is the case, then the scene encompasses both the flood and the subsequent reestablishment of the world through a fire-drilling ritual, much as is described in the Temple XIX text from Palenque. 13. The Brickers suggest an alternate reading (see H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:383–384). 14. It is of interest that the “eclipse” (T326) glyph is associated with k’in and ak’bal glyphs ‘sun and darkness’ or ‘day and night’, rather than with the k’in and uh glyphs ‘sun and moon’ in this instance. We are at present uncertain of the significance of this substitution. 15. The collocation Ik’ Ak’ab Tan has also been read as Ik’ U Tan ‘Black Is Its Center’ (Carrasco 2010:611). It may represent a deity name, but it has also been interpreted as a toponym (Freidel et al. 1993:68–69). 16. Taube (1988:144) interprets this figure as a black variant of Chaak, rather than as God L. A comparison with the cognate almanacs on M. 32, however, suggests that God L was intended. 17. Note the similarity to the Hahanak’uh, the Lacandón deities who assist the rain god Mensäbäk ‘Maker of the Black Powder’. The Hahanak’uh take the black powder made by Mensäbäk and spread it through the sky, forming dark rain clouds (McGee 1990:68). 18. Note, however, that that on D. 28a differs; it has more in common with the headdresses worn by hunters in the Madrid Codex. 19. It is likely that the peccary is an earth deity (see discussion earlier in chapter). Both Chaak and the hunt/deer deity God Y are closely associated with peccaries in the Maya codices. Chaak wears a peccary headdress on D. 69 (see Fig. 5.3), where he portrays the warrior aspect of Venus, and the creature representing Mars on M. 2a appears to be a conflation of Chaak and the Mars “peccary” (see Fig. 6.2). 20. The /pa/ headdress may also signify a ritual clown or performer and has a link to periodending ceremonies (Taube 1989b:366–367) 21. The presence of Kisin’s glyph in the almanac in question (appearing in the final glyph block in each frame except for one) is of interest in relation to this identification, as Kisin appears to share an affiliation with Kakatunal in the Dresden Venus table (Taube 1992:110–111; see also Chapter 7). Based on the intervals of 8 in the almanac’s first five frames, we suggest that it may be correlating an eight-year solar cycle (haab) with five Venus periods. The closest analogue to the blindfolded Mam in the almanac’s second frame appears to be Kakatunal on the last page of the Dresden Venus table (D. 50). The prefix to Kisin’s name glyph (lahun ‘10’) may refer to ‘end’ or ‘termination’. It is of interest that his portrait glyph appears without a visible eye in the first four frames of M. 89d–90d. This may relate to the mythology concerning Venus referenced in Chapter 7 and in the discussion of the Bolon Ti’ K’uh below. A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation 459

22. It is also of interest that one of the Q’eqchi’ Mams (called Itzam) is said to have both male and female aspects (Thompson 1930:58). We believe this figure can be linked to the creator couple of Itzamna and Chak Chel in the codices. The female Itzam is said to die every seven years, which leads to the destruction of all of creation (Thompson 1930:59). This belief appears to have its roots in prehispanic conceptions of Chak Chel’s role in the flood that destroyed the world preceding this one. 23. Some scholars, notably Karl Taube (1988:144), link the figure pictured on the bottom of D. 74 to the black Chaak, rather than to God L. We propose that this figure may represent a conflation of God L and Chaak, with God L being the primary referent. 24. A folktale recorded by Thompson from San Antonio, Belize, describes a flood that resulted from the stealing of Chaak’s clothes, axe, and drum (Thompson 1930:149). We find this additional example of a correspondence between the two deities significant. The ethnographic example also has parallels to the Chumayel narrative, in which it is the stealing of the Oxlahun Ti’ K’uh’s cangel, or rain-god aspect, that results in the flood (see Knowlton 2010:57–59). 25. See Zender and Guenter (2003) for a different interpretation. 26. Although this almanac does not picture the footsteps of the year explicitly, its counterpart on M. 75–76 does (Fig. 4.13). 27. In the Popol Vuh, it is the death lords Hun Came and Vuk Came (One and Seven Death) who play this role. 28. In contemporary Maya folktales, the king vulture has his teeth replaced by the sun god (Thompson 1930). This suggests an equivalence between the two (Seven Macaw and the king vulture) that is of relevance to our discussion of D. 3a in Chapter 7. 29. But note that the cognate xulub in Yucatec refers to a ‘devil’ or ‘demon’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:264), i.e., an Underworld lord, most likely used in reference to Venus. 30. Among the Yucatec Maya in Quintana Roo, the deer and hunt deities (the Sip) are in the form of small deer with a wasp’s nest between their antlers (Thompson 1970b:308–309). 31. According to the Anales de Cuauhtitlan, Quetzalcoatl was transformed into the god of the Morning Star Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli after being burned on his funeral pyre. Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli spent eight days in the Underworld, fashioning darts for his atlatl before he rose into the morning sky before the sun, ready to spear his victims (Miller and Taube 1993:66). 32. The cigar is more usually shown with God L, who is also pictured in the scene. 33. Knowlton (2010:59) links this act to the deluge referenced on page 43 of the Chumayel manuscript. It is also interesting to note the close connection between eclipses and rain in the Maya codices (Knowlton 2003). It may be that the two were thought to be connected: the blinding of the sun (i.e., an eclipse) was followed by the tugging of the cangel (i.e., a heavy rainfall). 34. The merchant deity corresponds to the middle brother Äkyantho’ in Lacandón mythology, who is associated with foreigners and commerce (McGee 1990:62). He is petitioned in prayers to intercede to stop eclipses (Baer and Baer 1952:232–234, 251). 35. Huracan is one of the manifestations of the creator god Heart of Sky (Christenson 2007:70). 36. This expression appears to be a metaphorical reference to an eclipse; we have found that it is used in a number of different contexts to signal the end of the previous creation. 37. This may refer to the episode in which Zipacna and Cabracan are buried within the earth. 38. We interpret k’ak’ sip as having a meaning similar to k’ak’ kab, used in reference to God Y on M. 68b; they both may be interpreted as referring to fire or fiery earth, based on our understanding of the Sip as earth deities. 460 A Reconsideration of Maya Deities Associated with Creation

11 The Gauntlet In his volume Aztec and Maya Myths, Karl Taube (1993a: 18) put forth a statement suggesting that the Maya codices contain little in the way of mythological content, being concerned instead with divination and prophecy. Unwittingly, Taube had thrown down the gauntlet for students and investigators of the Maya codices, and we have now risen to the challenge. Granted, Taube’s observation was originally made more than a decade ago, and since that time significant advancements have been made in the decipherment of Maya hieroglyphic texts, the decoding of the calendrical structure of almanacs, and understanding the role of astronomy in Maya religious thought. Because of this, we now have a much broader perspective and a willingness to consider new sources of comparative material relating to ancient and modern Maya cosmology, which allow the possibility of uncovering the meaning in certain phrases, as well as in images and combinations of images, and their association to cycles and intervals of time. Our newly enhanced knowledge of the codices—of their content, dating, internal development, and likely function—reveals that they contain a great deal of creation mythology encoded in the texts, imagery, and calendrical structures of the codical almanacs and tables. Through new types of analyses, we can identify clear connections between certain tables and almanacs in the Maya codices and creation episodes known from the corpus of Maya and Mexican mythology. We believe that the scribal priests and diviners who painted and used divinatory codices were well acquainted with this body of lore and were the keepers of these stories because their use in almanacs and astronomical tables granted them access to knowledge of the supernatural world that few others in ancient Maya society could obtain.

Cosmology in the Maya Codices

DOI: 10.5876/9781607322214.c11

461

That the Maya codices employ references to cosmogony should not come as a surprise. The protagonists in practically all of the pictures are gods, who are likewise named in the text captions. We have known from some of the earliest research on the codices that Maya calendrical calculations reach far back into the past, before the time of the earliest Maya settlements, and yet the full extent of the mythological meaning of these numbers and the images associated with them have not been fully appreciated until quite recently. An additional source of support for our present work comes not from the realm of Maya studies, but from Elizabeth Boone’s (2007) analysis of pre-Columbian highland Mexican codices. In her investigation of Codex Borgia, she presents a persuasive and revealing description of an eighteen-page extended pictorial cosmogony found on pages 29–46. Its proposed function was to serve as a highly detailed mnemonic instrument from which diviners could recount sacred creation lore when called upon. We find it highly significant that it exists within one of the premier examples of preColumbian divinatory codices—indeed, one having known ties and parallels to Maya codices and creation lore—where it represents a substantial section of the manuscript. Its focus on creation mythology recorded in a pictorial format is of even greater interest because the almanacs that surround it are structured in a much more conventional format. Boone’s discovery gives credence to our work by showing that creation mythology, rather than simply providing additional sacred material to add to the mix, was actively incorporated into almanacs because it was considered integral to the divinatory process recorded in the codices.

Why Cosmology Is a Necessary Component In writing about the painted books of the highland Mexican tradition, Boone (2007:238) notes that divinatory codices are literally about the gods, how they shaped the world and control it, and how to supplicate and worship them. The codices explain the calendar and how humans should live to fulfill their obligations to the gods, and they reveal the structure and functioning of the cosmos. By keeping and preserving this knowledge, the scribe-priests and diviners (like all religious specialists) maintained their monopoly on access to supernatural power. Mythic history was necessary to the purposes of the scribes and diviners because the whole philosophy behind the ancient Mesoamerican’s belief system is that of cycles— what has transpired in the past is bound to repeat itself again and again. One must know something of past events in order to predict when they will recur and how they reoccur and what, if anything, should be done to prepare for or take advantage of their coming. One of the ways agents preserved mythic history was to physically copy out-of-date instruments from older screenfolds into new books and to revise or recycle portions of these older almanacs and tables for current use (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011:chap. 5; V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1992; Vail and Hernández 2011). Based on a long-standing 462 Cosmology in the Maya Codices

tradition in Maya codical scholarship, dating the calendrics of almanacs and tables contained in the codices has been the key to our analysis of their mythological underpinnings. As we have shown in the study of the Venus and water tables in the Dresden Codex, understanding the internal structure and calendrics of these and other tables provided critical pieces of the puzzle essential to understanding the functioning of the instruments themselves. Having this information in place then allowed us to decode the iconography and texts, especially those with an astronomical focus. For Maya scribes, conserving sacred information in this way played the dual role of sacralizing newly created codices and retaining vital information necessary for creating new instruments relevant to more current time periods. This scribal process literally serves as a reiteration of the primordial creation acts of the gods by disassembling the old, transforming some parts and discarding others, and remaking the world into something that better satisfies the needs of the creators. Another component that has proven especially interesting from these broad-scale and comparative investigations is the diachronic perspective provided on how the body of creation myths shared across central and southern Mesoamerica has (or has not) changed and been manipulated through time. Maya creation stories surely had their origins in oral story-telling traditions; as the ancient Maya became a literate people, these stories began to be physically recorded in ways that were of use to the Maya elite. The murals uncovered within a Late Preclassic period structure at the site of San Bartolo in Guatemala provide extremely early evidence of scribal efforts to record Maya creation narratives (Saturno et al. 2005). As we have discussed in the previous chapters, we see the prolific use of creation mythology in texts and images painted on elite pottery, used to decorate the walls of elite structures, and incorporated into the personal adornments and costumes of elite personages during the Maya Classic and Postclassic periods (e.g., H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2011; Houston et al. 2006; Martin and Miller 2004; Milbrath 1999; Reents-Budet 1994; Schele and Miller 1986; Sharer and Traxler 2006). Clearly, these examples of the use of creation mythology by scribes in the service of elite personages reveal the importance of cosmology to ancient Maya politics. The codices of the Late Postclassic period represent another framework and social context in which there is evidence for a somewhat different use and depiction of creation mythology. It is one thing to relate a mythic episode to an audience who may be ignorant of the full story through a series of detailed pictures and multiple captions in scenes carved in stone or painted on the walls of buildings; it is quite another to do so within the spatial confines of an almanac or even a table on the pages of a codex. As they were tools to be used by persons presumed to be fully knowledgeable of these stories, codical almanacs and tables were highly abridged, with only a minimal set of cues provided for the user. It is this abridged nature that makes understanding the codical material so difficult. Is it literal, or is it metaphorical? Does it refer to current or to primordial time? The results of our recent investigations reveal how important both a broad-based approach to comparative sources and historical dating are to this decoding process. Cosmology in the Maya Codices 463

By the colonial period, codices were rarely being actively produced. As a result, when creation stories surface again, they have become encoded within the indigenous alphabetic manuscripts of the colonial period—such as the Yucatecan Books of Chilam Balam and the Popol Vuh from the K’iche’ culture of highland Guatemala—and syncretized with the Christian belief system introduced to native peoples by Spanish clerics. Analysis of these sources provided an integral component to our investigation. In addition, allusions to many prehispanic creation stories continue to persist among today’s Maya in the form of chants, songs, and dances performed for ceremonies and rituals.

Subjects Addressed We now briefly summarize some of the new interpretations put forth in this monograph that could only have come from considering the data in light of creation mythology. The first several chapters introduce the Maya codices and establish the body of mythology that is at issue. Our discussion is mainly concerned with the major creation episodes and their variants—destruction of failed worlds or beings/worshippers, recreation of the earth and the creation of humans, creation of the sky, the discovery of maize and the means of making it available to humans, and the creation of warfare and institutions of sacrifice—as known to us from the study of material culture remains recovered from the archaeological record, ethnohistoric accounts and descriptions, and ethnographic data compiled from studies of modern Maya ritual practices. Perhaps the most significant breakthroughs made in this study concern the connections discussed in Chapter 4 involving the Dresden Wayeb pages (D. 25–28) and the almanac on D. 31b–35b and their relationships with creation narratives recorded on the Vase of the Seven Gods, Quirigua Stela C, and other texts that are explicitly assigned to the base date of the current era, 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk’u, corresponding to August 11, 3114 B.C. From these connections, we learn that the form of primordial acts of creation undertaken by the gods involved bringing order to space and time by pacing it off into measured units (setting the hearthstones, creating the earth, creating the sky), ordering the deities, and establishing stopping points (sacred places and directions) and commemorating them with markers where prophecy making would take place (establishing world trees and making offerings and prognostications for future events). Our analysis of these foundational rituals leads to a clearer understanding of the function of Maya ritual almanacs and tables. Essentially, we believe that when a diviner calculated dates in an almanac, read its omens, and made prognostications or used them to organize rituals, he (or she) was literally retracing the “footsteps” taken by the gods on the eve of the world’s creation and making prophecies at specific stops on the journey. Knowledge of what had happened before was literally knowledge of what was likely to be, meaning that the diviner could channel this supernatural knowledge and power to a certain extent by virtue of repeating the acts of the gods. The scribal priest 464 Cosmology in the Maya Codices

who put the texts, images, and calendrics on fig bark paper or hide was repeating the sacred act of creation undertaken by the Bolon Ti’ K’uh, who “sprinkled” the blood of Itzam Kab Ayin—who had become the earth—onto his back. By understanding how the texts, images, and calendrical structures of D. 25–28 and D. 31b–35b allude to these creation narratives, we could then identify how other tables and almanacs (discussed in Chapters 5–10) made use of the same narratives. One of the few pages in the Maya codices that most scholars agree concerns mythology is D. 74. However, until recently discussions of its mythological content have failed to consider the dating and position of this page within the larger table of which it is a part. We take up this issue—along with others concerning the flood, crocodilians, and rain making—in Chapters 5 and 6. It is important to remember that D. 74 is not solely a representation of the flood story involving the celestial crocodilian and the formation of the earth; it is also the first frame of a working table or divinatory instrument. In other words, D. 74 concerns the point in the creation process at which prognostications about the future are made based on the interplay of calendrical cycles and their attendant deity associations and meanings. The role of D. 74 in the Lower Water table (LWT) is key to understanding the Upper Water table (UWT) and the connections it has to creation mythology as well, especially since it lacks associated pictures. In our analysis of the UWT, we refer to the astronomical study done by Harvey and Victoria Bricker (2010:chap. 10; V. Bricker and H. Bricker 2005) concerning the importance of Mars within this table. We have found that when mythology is considered, we see a broader and more intricate relationship between astronomical bodies, earth deities, and the sources of life-giving water pertaining to Maya belief systems represented in the table. We now have a better understanding and appreciation of Sip deities, their relationship to Mars, and their role as earth deities in other hunting and rain-related almanacs, as we discuss in Chapter 10. Not only have we documented the important dualism between celestial gods and earth gods in relation to the rains, but through our analysis of connections between the Dresden water tables, Madrid almanacs, and Mexican almanacs from the Borgia Codex, we now have a much better appreciation for the role of female deities in rain-making contexts and their relationship to the betterknown male rain gods Chaak and Tlaloc. In fact, we have shown that the female rainmaker Chak Chel directly influences the weather and the type of rain that will fall. Astronomy also played a crucial role in our investigation, and in Chapter 7 we consider the Dresden Venus table in light of the role of Venus deities in creation mythology. As we have seen, Venus plays a small but pivotal role in the story of the sun’s creation and its movement across the sky; moreover, the heliacal rise of Venus was seen as a particularly dangerous natural occurrence in both Mexican and Maya cosmological views, second only to solar eclipses. As we note, a fair amount of scholarly research has been devoted to decoding the calendrical functioning of the table and its astronomical precision, and the recent work published by the Brickers (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 2007, 2011) on this subject has clearly brought this aspect of scholarship to its full fruition. Cosmology in the Maya Codices 465

With this fuller understanding of the structure and dating of the table, we can begin to identify how the ancient Maya conceived of Venus as it moved through its four synodic stations and how the Dresden scribe emphasized the planet’s heliacal rise (MFIRST) as the theme for the table’s expanded texts and pictures. The preface to the Venus table, like that of the water and seasonal tables, conceives of Venus’ movement across the sky as a foundation ritual. At the location on the eastern horizon where it rises as a Morning Star in the guise of an attacking warrior over the course of five synodic cycles, a sacred place is established (or revisited) where prognostications for the evil influences cast by the warrior Venus on humans and the natural world are revealed through analogies with mythic episodes. Our analysis and decoding of the Venus table’s iconography and calendrics have enabled us to identify commensurations of Venus stations in other almanacs, and we discuss multiple examples in the latter half of Chapter 7. We have moreover described the various ways in which the Madrid and Dresden scribes alluded to or illustrated references to predicted Venus stations in a number of different almanacs, and we have found that there are approximately the same number of references to Venus as an Evening Star as there are to Venus as a Morning Star. Our study has also shown that Late Postclassic Maya scribes were as interested in observing and tracking Venus as their Classic period ancestors and their contemporary neighbors to the north. Our work with the Dresden tables (including the Venus table, UWT, LWT, and seasonal tables) has helped to illuminate an interesting aspect of the scribal process concerning the use of cosmological myths. Ties between the historical present and the mythological past were made in various ways in the Maya codices. In tables, the connection to the mythical past is made explicit and formalized by the inclusion of a preface, which includes calendrical calculations that reference mythical time and literally serve to connect the users of the divinatory table to the distant past. The preface texts relate the creative or foundational acts undertaken by specific gods at this time and the stopping places (base dates) where prophecy making is to be undertaken (depicted in the table proper). In the majority of the calendrical instruments found in the Dresden, Madrid, and Paris codices, however, this preface information is abbreviated in the form of a separate, smaller almanac, into a single frame or elements within a frame, or eliminated altogether and assumed by virtue of the almanac’s theme. Another clever method favored by the Madrid scribes was to use the tzolk’in date 4 Ahaw as the beginning date for almanacs with ties to creation episodes or those that focused on ceremonies that were meant to renew the world. Almanacs focusing on creation events use abbreviated iconographic references to turtles, sacrificial acts, the drilling of fire, and other creative activities (such as weaving) to associate rituals performed on specific dates (such as 4 Ahaw) with the acts performed by the gods in primordial time. Yearbearer rituals, such as those illustrated in the Dresden and Madrid codices, also provide a culturally sanctioned period in which to undertake acts reminiscent of those performed by the creator deities in establishing 466 Cosmology in the Maya Codices

the present world. They begin with a sacrificial act and the ascendance of the forces of chaos, followed by ritual means of ordering and controlling those negative forces (represented by the Bolon Ti’ K’uh in the Books of Chilam Balam). Such acts include performance of foundation events, such as ritual circuits and the setting up of pillars or trees to represent the separation of the earth from the sky. These events can be seen as comparable to the decapitation of Itzam Kab Ayin in the Books of Chilam Balam (the initial sacrificial act), whose body was used to form the surface of the earth in the ultimate act of world creation and renewal. In recognizing the presence of these primordial events in the codices, it has been possible to connect them—sometimes quite explicitly—with similar rituals that are performed by the descendants of the prehispanic Maya today. The most important parallel, we feel, is the idea that the performance of world renewal rituals leads to the telescoping of time so that the mythic past coexists with the present. Although lacking Long Count dates, Maya almanacs make these connections clear through calendrical, iconographic, and occasionally textual references to episodes from creation stories that have come down to us in many forms—from pictorial sources, hieroglyphic narratives, colonial period documents, myths and folktales related by contemporary Maya peoples, and ceremonies such as Yucatec rain-making rituals and the Tz’utujil Maya Dance of Martín.

A Positive Prognostication Concluding remarks often end with a declaration that additional work still needs to be done or further research will be needed, and this concluding statement will not deviate far from that time-honored tradition. This work is not intended to be the final word on the meaning of the extant Maya codices, but what it does strive to do is present a picture of the progress achieved by new and innovative approaches and broad-scale investigations of the content, function, and dating of divinatory tables and almanacs. It also gives promise that future research will enable us to say a great deal more about the other sections of the Maya codices that were not discussed in the preceding pages by giving heed to their cosmological content as revealed through the interplay of text, images, and calendrics.

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Acantun, 114–115; anointing with blood, 371; represented as Chaak, 371, 391 Aglio, Agostino, 22n8, 25 Aguateca, stela from, 277 Ahaw, 4; almanacs beginning on, 385–407, 386(table) Ah kin, 4, 9 Ahuiateotl, 291, 349n27, 350n32, 452 Almanac, xix; cognates, 21n7; Formee-cross style, 26; frames, 9; in Maya codices, 7–8; in Mexican codices, 26; mythological content, xxii– xxiii; to prophesize rain, 13; reading order of, 12; to schedule seasonal events, 11; and tables, 5; 260-day structure, 12 Anales de Cuauhtitlan (Códice Chimalpopoca), 29, 36–37, 38, 460n31; analyzed by Seler, 245–246; referent for negative auguries, 254, 255, 256, 296–298; referent for Venus warrior iconography, 243; Venus dates in, 249; Venus dates in the ritual calendar, 247(table) Antiquities of Mexico (Kingsborough), 4, 24, 25 archangel: as reference to Chaak, 93n8; ángel and, 95n37 Astronomical tables: function of, 3, 8, 71, 186, 230, 252, 347n2, 461; Madrid versions, 4, 217 Astronomy: in the Codex Dresden, 165, 167, 192–195, 168(table), 193(table); content in the Madrid Codex, 172–174, 173(table), 213(table), 213–214, 312, 315, 315(table); content in the Paris Codex, 176; role in codex divination, xxiii, xxiv, 8, 465–467

Aubin 20, 42n1; member of the Borgia Group, 23; provenience of, 24 Axe, 209, 368; wielded by Ahuiateotls, 452; wielded by Chaak, 125, 127, 194, 416 Aztec New Fire ceremony, 33, 116, 452. See also Xiuhmolpilli

Index Appendices are not indexed. Page numbers for figure captions are in italics.

Bakab: emerge from shells, 128; as epithet for Pawahtun, 355; God L as, 189n22, 420, 421(table), 425–433; in Madrid yearbearer pages, 355–356; in Maya creation myths, 55, 99, 115–117, 182; referred to on Dresden and Paris almanacs, 129, 171, 180. See also Mam; Pawahtuns Bak’tun: in almanacs, 252, 287, 385; in Classic period texts, 57–60; cycle, 11, 157, 187n1; ending, 48, 52, 57, 58, 60 Balankanche cavern, 121, 214 Ballcourt, in Maya creation mythology, 47, 112, 113 Basilisk lizard (Tolok), 365, 365(table), 366 Benavente Motolinia, Toribio de, 28, 29; Historia de los indios de la Nueva España, 28; Memoriales, 28 Bench, from Temple XIX, xiii Beyer, Hermann, 322 Bill, Casandra, 401 “Birthing” posture, of figures in almanacs, 211, 216 Bloodletting, xxi, 175, 321, 394, 396–397; instruments for, 250, 362, 371 Bloodletting rituals, 97, 360, 371, 383n25, 385, 387, 390, 393 Bolon Ti’ K’uh (”Nine As God”), 48

493

Bolon Yokte’ (”Nine Are the Wooden God’s Footsteps”): associated with Chaak, 118, 118–119, 120; associated with God L, 118, 118–119; associated with k’atun endings, 120; associated with M. 75–76, 121; associated with tun endings, 183–184; associated with Xiuhtecuhtli, 120; name meaning, 132; pictured on the Vase of Seven gods, 120; represented by footprints, 118; walks ritual circuit, 436 Bolon Tz’akab, 54, 55, 95n38; role in the Books of Chilam Balam, 54 Bonampak, 64, 64, 226n10, 388, 417, 418 Books of Chilam Balam, 5, 6, 48, 53, 175, 284, 316, 433, 436, 447–449, 456(table), 464, 467; creation episodes in, 48, 162, 198–202, 250, 254, 283, 295, 318–319. See also by location Boone, Elizabeth, 24, 27, 462 Borgia Codex, 5, 25, 217, 347n5;, 465; cosmogony pages, 462; deer almanac in, 309; and the Dresden Venus table, 285, 293; fire-drilling in, 451; iconography in, 189n16; member of the Borgia Group, 23; rain-related almanacs, 212; renewal ritual in, 68; ties with Madrid almanacs, 211–214, 393; Venus almanacs in, 241–243, 242, 243, 293. See also Codex Borgia B. 26, 293 B. 27–28: reference to creation mythology, 211–213, 285, 212 B. 44, 189n16 B. 52b, 451, 452 B. 53b, 68, 70 B. 53–54: calendrical structure and dating, 241–243, 242, 243, 244(table); iconographic referents to creation mythology, 243–252, 247(table), 249 Borgia Group codices, 5, 11, 230, 347n6, 351n49; origins of, 23–25; Venus in, 241–243, 257, 297 Bourbourg, Brasseur de, 3 Bricker, Harvey and Victoria, xix, xxiii, 2–3, 4; astronomical studies of, 192–193, 465; studies of the Dresden seasonal table, 203, 206, 303; studies of the Mars table and peccaries, 195, 200, 417; studies of Venus, 259, 310, 318, 327, 437 Bundle: mummy, 293; of reeds, 33; sacred, 37; tying into, 61, 93n19 Burden, 94n25, 102, 105(table), 106, 110, 112, 113– 114, 151n4, 152n14, 454; in the Dresden Venus table, 285, 322, 343; in Madrid almanacs, 363, 365–366, 455; of Pawahtuns, 427, 428(table) Burner rituals: Calendar Round dating for, 134, 136; referenced in Dresden 31b–35b, 125–127

494 Index

Cabracan, 47, 52, 96n51, 176, 194, 251–252, 414 Cacaxtla, 348n16, 425, 425 Calendar Round, 11, 27, 408; dating models in almanacs, 101, 104, 105(table), 108, 166, 166(table), 259, 259(table), 315, 315(table); definition of, 11; explicit dates in almanacs, 25, 185, 230, 234, 257; explicit dates in texts, 16–17, 17, 323, 349n24 calpullis, 33 Cancer, constellation of, 312, 365 Canoe: in Maya almanacs, 305; in Maya art, 302, 389, 398; in Maya mythology, 70–71; suggested by the Milky Way, xxii Capstone: dating of, 323; depicting K’awil, 135, 453, 453; depicting a Venus god, 322, 322–324 Carlson, John, 46 Carnival, as a termination ceremony, 106, 290 Carrasco, Michael, 58, 61 Cave, 77, 434; abode of earth deities, 211, 216; location for renewal rituals, 109, 129, 214; portal to the Underworld, 63; source of rain, 163, 208, 305 Cenote, 124, 127; as portal to the Underworld, 113, 152n16, 191, 434; source of water and rain, 63, 163, 208, 210, 211, 214; serpent, 115 Cetl (Mexican Venus god), 36 Chaak (Maya rain god), 15, 15, 66, 70, 177, 183; associated with Bolon Yokte’, 118, 118–119, 437; associated with cenotes, 17, 96n59, 108–109, 115, 214; associated with Pawahtuns, 356–357, 363– 364, 433; associated with peccaries, 194–195, 416–417; in Borgia rain almanacs, 211–214, 212; in the Dresden water tables preface, 159–161; as rain bringer with Chak Chel, 207–217, 209; as rain god, 64, 70, 95n32, 163, 169, 465; related to God L, 420, 433–436, 459n19; related to prophecies for the rains, 122–129, 123, 126(table), 127(table), 131–132; in the Tulum murals, 129–131; as Venus deity in codical contexts, 299–307, 314–318 Chak Chel (Maya earth goddess): in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel, 165, 251; coupled with Chaak in Maya codices, 207, 210–211; in Dresden seasonal table preface, 160–161, 162(table), 163; with God L, 46, 49, 49, 54, 155, 165–166, 166(table), 167, 184; in Madrid water almanacs, 172, 172–174, 465, 173(table); as a Mam, 435; part of the Maya Postclassic creator couple, 46, 396; representing prophecies for rain, 166(table), 191, 202–204, 204, 206; as a rain bringer, 208, 214, 215, 215–217; as a weaver, 399, 400; as world destroyer in myth, 155, 169, 328, 450, 460n22. See also Lady Earth Stone

Chalchiuhtlicue (Mexican water goddess), 30, 31, 35 Chantico (Mexican fire goddess), 33 Chase, Diane, 397 Chichen Itza, 110 Chichimecs, 42–43, 43n5 Chicomoztoc, 38, 289, 371. See also Seven Water Place Chilam Balam of Chumayel (Chumayel), 6, 54, 55, 60, 64, 65, 96n59, 131, 165, 169, 182, 199–201, 205, 250–252, 256, 284, 365, 369–371, 447–455; parallels with the Dresden yearbearer pages, 99–101 Chilam Balam of Tizimín, 6, 51, 54, 250, 449 Ch’orti Maya, 209, 210, 215 Christenson, Allen, xxii, 7, 107, 159, 290, 453–454 Chronologies, of Maya culture, 21n4 Chuchiak, John, 2, 3–4 Cihuacoatl (Mexican earth goddess), in the Codex Borgia, 68 Cihuacoatl-Quilaztli (Mexican earth goddess), 34, 68, 94n29, 393 Cipactli: day glyph, 26, 94n24, 197, 414; mythological figure of, 30, 51–52 Cipactonal, 30; with Oxomoco, 34 Classic period, almanacs dating to, 1 Clowns, Ritual, 110, 459n20 “Closed days” celebrations, 112–113 Cordemex Dictionary, xxiv, 128, 365, 454, 458n3 Codex Borgia. See Borgia Codex Codex Cortesianus, 3. See also Manuscrit Troano; Madrid Codex Codex Fejérváry-Mayer, 25–26; member of the Borgia Group, 23; provenience of, 24 FM. 1, 1-coefficient dates in, 245–246, 247(table), 249; reference to creation mythology, 55–57, 56; reference to Venus, 120; representing a central place, 294, 437; similarities with Maya almanacs, 5 Codex Grolier, provenience of, 21n1. See also Maya codices Codex Porfirio Díaz: member of Borgia Group, 23; provenience of, 24 Códice Chimalpopoca, 29, 36; Anales de Cuauhtitlan, 29; Leyenda de los soles, 29, 33, 34; translated by, 29 Códice Pérez, 6 Codices, pre-Columbian, 28. See also Maya codices; Mexican codices; Screenfold Colonial period, 464; chroniclers, 39; sources, 5, 6, 11, 13, 106, 115, 457, 464, 467; texts from, xxi– xxii, xxiv, 45, 65

Conjunction: Inferior, 195, 233, 245, 270, 312, 332, 346n2; Superior, 167, 233 Constellation, astronomical: in the Maya codices, 4, 8, 78, 388, 389; visual relationship to planets, 193, 229 Copán, 1, 51 Cortés, Hernán, 2, 3 Correlation constant, 21n2, 323 Cosmogony, Mexican: in the Codex Borgia, 462; episodes in, 29. See also Creation stories; Mexican mythology Cosmogony, Maya, 298–299, 462. See Creation stories. See Maya mythology Cosmogram, 56, 56 Cotton: agricultural prognostication, 361(table), 362; related to the origin of rain, 211, 216 Creation myths, 6, 28, 463. See also Creation stories; Mythological episodes; Mythology, Maya; Mythology, Mexican Creation stories, xxii, 5–7, 199, 389, 464, 467; Maya, 292, 463; Mexican, 30–38, 197; sources for, 28. See also Creation myths; Mythological episodes; Mythology, Maya; Mythology, Mexican Creator couple (Mexican creation gods), 30, 36. See also Tonacatecuhtli Crocodilians: as “earth monsters,” 47, 52, 177, 202, 215; bicephalic, 165, 167; bound, 2, 53, 174, 176, 251; bringer of floods, 164, 171; conflated with peccaries, 197, 417–420; decapitated, 50, 50, 177, 197; as the earth (Zipacna), 194, 213–214, 250–252, 417; Itzamna, 181; in Maya mythology, 48–53; painted back, 51; as Pawahtun, 283–285, 388; Skyband Throne, 174, 175, 176, 176, 177; speared, 53, 53, 177, 178, 178, 418, 450 Cross Group temples, Palenque, 51 Dance of Martín, 151n3, 289, 291, 448, 467; dualistic protagonists in, 455–456, 456(table) Dances, 65, 70, 111, 114, 360, 371, 392, 464; performed during Wayeb, 94n30 De Jonghe, Edouard, 28; Histoire du Mechique, 28, 29, 32, 33 De León, Ponce, 28, 29; Breve relación, 29; with Ángel Garibay, 28; Teogonía e historia de los mexicanos, 28 De Olmos, Fray Andrés, 28 Death (Maya gods), 104; in the Popol Vuh, 96n50 Death lord, Mexican, 34. See also Mictlantecuhtli Decapitation: of crocodilians, xxiii, 50, 51, 169, 176, 177–178, 193, 250, 418, 450, 467; in the Dresden water tables, 315; in Madrid 88c, 397–398; of the maize god, 362–364, 369; as a means of sacrifice,

Index 495

109, 152n11, 195; in the Santa Rita murals, 177; in yearbearer ceremonies, 369, 375–376 Deer: in the Dance of Martín, 289; in Madrid hunting almanacs, 386(table), 411–413; as offering, 15, 125, 153n38, 382n15; in Sip ceremonies, 401, 412; speared, 307, 308, 308– 309, 309 Deluge: as a means of world destruction, 48, 54–55, 450–451; related to eclipses in mythic time, 329; related to the origin of fire, 33; represented on Dresden 74, 155, 425–426; and Venus, 250, 283–284. See also Floods Directional trees, 55, 56–57, 64, 68, 120, 321, 350n33, 393. See also Imix trees; World trees Divinatory codices, 25, 27, 38, 461–462. See also Hieroglyphic books; Pictorial manuscripts Dog: in creation mythology, 31, 33, 326, 328; in the Madrid yearbearer pages, 329, 361, 362, 363, 365, 371; in Venus almanacs, 242, 244(table), 348n16; to ward off eclipses, 325; in yearbearer ceremonies, 371, 373, 397 Dresden Codex, xxi; cognates with the Madrid Codex, 4; dates in absolute time in, 8; previous studies of, 2–3; provenience of, 2–3. See also individually named sections and tables D. 4b–56, 50, 50 D. 6b–7b, 8, 8–12; calendrical structure, 10; captions, 8–9; 52-year structure, 12(table); frames, 9; reading intervals as haabs, 12; 260day structure, 10(table) D. 24, 46–50: calendrical structure of, 259–266, 272(table), 273(table); creation mythology in the preface, 252–257, 253; creation mythology in the 3 Xul run, 274–299; dating of, 257–259, 259(table); iconography in, 269(table), 276(table); Maya mythology surrounding, 250–252; Mexican mythology, 243–250; multiples in, 232, 234; preface to, 230–232, 233, 253; registers of pictures, 274, 274; sections in the table proper, 234, 257, 258, 259–266, 260, 261; 3 Xul run in, 266–270, 266, 267(table), 271(table); upper register deities in, 273, 276(table); Venus table proper, 231, 232–235 D. 25–28, 56, 97, 98; concerning New Year’s ceremonies, 99, 105(table); directional associations, 101–102; explanation of its calendrical structure of, 99–107, 105(table); parallels with the Chilam Balam of Chumayel, 99–100; reference to ceremonies described by Landa, 97–99; register correction, 101–102, 102; third set of dates, 103–106

496 Index

D. 25, Eb and Ben ceremonies, 100, 100–101 D. 26: corrected, 103; Kaban and Etz’nab ceremonies, 101–103, 102 D. 27, Ik’ and Ak’bal ceremonies, 104 D. 28, Manik’ and Lamat ceremonies, 102, 104 D. 25a–28a: iconography in, 107, 110, 115, 124, 125, 322, 365, 427, 432; text in, 112 D. 25b–28b, iconography in, 117, 122, 373 D. 25c–28c, iconography in, 113, 115, 117–118, 121, 124, 126(table) D. 31b–35b, 115, 123, 131, 161, 367, 373, 464; calendrical structure of, 124; connections with Dresden yearbearer pages, 124, 412; prognostications for rain and maize, 126(table), 127(table), 127–129; ‘serpent’ stones as cenotes, 124–125; staff iconography, 108; torch iconography, 126–128, 370(table) D. 33c–39c, xx, 210 D. 42c–45c: cognate to M.33a, 315–317, 316; four cardinal directions, 13, 13 D. 60, reference to K’atun 11 Ahaw, 182–183 D. 61–62, Seasonal table preface, 160–161, 160 D. 65a,b–69a,b: calendrical structure, 303(table); cognate to M.10b,c–11b,c, 203–204; explanation of, 198; references to creation myths, 198–207, 299–307; table proper, 300 D. 65a, 199, 202 D. 66a, 199, 202, 301 D. 67a, 200, 204–205 D. 68a–69a, 200, 205–206 D. 74: astronomy on, 167–168, 168(table); captions on, 168–169, 426; cognate to M. 32, 208; connections to Dresden Venus table, 283, 324, 433; connections to yearbearer pages, 169–171; crocodilians, 194 (See also Crocodilians); dating of, 166–167; iconographic connections to the Dresden Seasonal table, 199–205, 251, 327–328, 329, 419, 450, 451, 465; iconographic references to creation stories, 49, 49, 52, 54, 93n10, 97, 99, 164–166. See also Dresden seasonal tables; Dresden Venus table Dresden Mars table, 198, 411, 416, 419. See also Codex Dresden: D.43b–45b; Mars: table Dresden seasonal table, 185, 194, 198–202; creation mythology in, 198–207; Venus references in, 299–307, 303(table). See also Codex Dresden; D. 65a,b–69a,b Dresden Venus table, xxiii, 71, 278; dates within, 204; dating the table proper, 257–270; deities pictured in, 183, 251, 350–351n41; as divinatory instrument, 230, 235, 245; iconography in other

almanacs, 299–302; victims in, 113, 275. See also D.24, 46–50 Dresden water tables: structure of, 155–157, 157; preface to, 157–159, 158, 160–163, 162(table); water iconography, 157 Dresden Lower Water table (LWT): cognate in the Madrid Codex, 171–174 (See also M. 32); crocodilian iconography in, 52; God L in, 107– 108, 122; references to creation myths in, 54, 71, 99, 163–165; table structure, 163–164, 164 Dresden Upper Water table (UWT), 155, 166, 216, 465–466, 192; astronomy in, 192–193, 193(table); cognate with M. 33a, 314–318, 317, 318(table); connections to Mars, 193–194; dating of, 195; preface to, 191 Dresden yearbearer pages: bottom register of, 115–116; explicit links to the Chilam Balam narratives, 121–122; middle register of, 114–115; references to myths of world destruction, 99–103; third set of dates encoded in, 103–106, 105(table); upper register of, 106–114. See also D. 25a–28a; D. 25b–28b; D. 25c–28c; D. 25–28 Drought, 14; associated with images of torches, 125, 367–368, 416; contemporary Maya rituals regarding, 208–209; omens for, 112, 113, 316, 348n17; origins of, 30, 37; as yearbearer burden, 151n4, 206, 362–366 Durán, Fray Diego, 28; Historia de las indias de Nueva España y islas de la Tierra Firme, 28 Dwarves, 96n49 Eclipse, 2, 176; linked to serpent iconography, 328; in the Mars table, 420; Maya glyphs of, 49, 49; methods to ward off, 328–329; as portents for world destruction, 169–170, 171, 172, 174, 201, 216, 280, 324–325, 329, 465; references to, 325, 460n33; tables for, 8, 96n59 Eclipse season: in almanacs, xx, 172, 173(table), 189n13, 217, 301, 315(table), 420; in Dresden Lower Water table, 167, 168(table), 171; in Dresden Seasonal table, 167, 301; in the Paris Codex, 182; indicated by paired glyphs, 167, 201, 207, 327 Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl (Mexican wind god), 35–36, 52 Facsimile, 189n20; Duc de Loubat’s, 24 Fire-drilling, 153n352, 386(table), 439(table), 451, 459n1; as a creation act, 32, 33, 390, 394–395, 395, 452, 466; in the Cantares de Dzitbalché, 115; in Palenque texts, xxiii, 48, 51, 177; in Yucatec Maya ritual, 70

Flood: in the Books of Chilam Balam, 54, 165, 348n14; created by Itzam Kab Ayin, 48, 164, 250; in Dresden Lower Water table, 97, 122, 151n1, 169, 183, 201, 251, 465; in Dresden Seasonal table, 201, 202, 203, 205, 207; in Dresden Mars table, 419, 420; in Dresden Venus table, 250, 256, 283, 284, 289–301, 343; as method of mythic world destruction, 31, 32, 54, 94n29, 171; in Palenque texts, 67–68, 459n12; in the Popol Vuh, 54–55, 189n14, 350n39; prelude to mythic world renewal, 99, 115, 117, 153n23; related to God L, 425–426, 435, 447, 454; related to the origins of rain, 155; represented in Madrid almanacs, 171–174; represented in Paris almanacs, 174–176, 330; theme in Mesoamerican mythology, xxi, 5, 54. See also Deluge Florentine Codex (Sahagún), 27, 35, 96n59 Florimond, Joseph (Duc de Loubat), 24, 26 Footprint: on loincloths, 118, 118; pacing out ritual space, 119, 120–121, 132, 159, 191, 301, 316, 439(table); as referents to primordial time, 118–121, 348n16, 356–357, 434, 436–437, 464; as referents to Bolon Yok’te, 118–120; representing the passage of time, 183, 188n7, 354, 394 Förstemann, Ernst, 3, 230, 245 4 Ahaw 8 K’umku, 2, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 464; in Classic period texts, 57–64, 251; explicitly given in prefaces, 157–163, 252, 257; in 4 Ahaw almanacs, 386, 388, 391, 404; in seasonal almanac, 304; starting date for yearbearer pages, 121, 368–369; in the Venus table, 294 Frog: constellation of, 312, 314; in Madrid rain almanacs, 209; in rain-making rituals, 211, 213, 216 García Campillo, José, 323 Garibay, Ángel, 28; with Pedro Ponce de Léon, 28; Teogonía e historia de los mexicanos (Teogonía), 28–29 Gemini: constellation of, 306; in the Paris zodiacal table, 306 God L (Maya Venus god), 46, 49, 49, 54, 63; conflated with Chak Chel, 433–437, 435; as member of the Bolon Yokte’, 118; as a merchant, 420–425, 421(table); as Pawah-ooch, 432; as Pawahtun, 111; related to God M, 438–447, 439(table), 425 God M (Maya merchant deity): associated with creation myths, 385, 386(table); associated with God L, 420, 421(table), 438, 446, 447; captivetaking, 75, 183, 446; conflated with Chaak,

Index 497

303; drilling fire, 178, 395, 395; glyph of, 447; Lacandon counterpart, 281; as Pawahtun/Mam, 107, 395, 428(table); in the Santa Rita mural, 405; in scorpion aspect, 183, 405–406; stoned by Kisin, 280–281, 407; symbol of warfare, 404 God Y (Maya hunt deity): anthropomorphic aspect of Sip, 417–419; associated with crocodilians and peccaries, 420, 459n20; bound, 414; as a deer god in the Maya codices, 411–419, 412, 413, 414, 415; related to Yax Balam, 411 God Z (variant of God L), 207, 407, 438, 406. See also God L GI (Palenque god), xxiii, 48, 51, 59, 60, 63, 450 Haab, definition of, 11 Haab calendar, 12, 152n12, 407 Heart of Sky (Maya creator god), 45, 46, 47 Hearthstones: astronomical references to, 64, 294, 375, 388; related to Xiuhtecuhtli, 294; referred to in texts, 58–60, 58, 59, 64; 122, 205, 372 Hieroglyphic books, xxiii. See also Divinatory codices; Pictorial manuscripts Hieroglyphic script, xx, xxiii–xxiv; decipherment of, xix Histoire du Mechique, 28, 32, 33 Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas, 28, 30, 32, 37, 42n5, 57 Historia de los reynos de Culhuacan y Mexico, 36 Hummingbird: associated with blood-letting, 175, 382n18; collocation of, 8–9; in creation mythology, 70; imagery, 9; as prophecy, 12; associated with Quetzalcoatl, 189n16; representing the sun, 363 Hun Ahaw (Maya Hero Twin), 66, 67, 67 Hunahpu (Maya Hero Twin), xxi, 45, 362; as the sun, 94n31; One, 46–47, 65, 363; Seven, 46–47, 363; with Xbalanque, 65, 351–352. See also Xbalamque; Xbalanque Iguana: in colonial texts, 53; as devourer of the sun, 324, 327; as an offering, 53, 125 Imix glyph, 63, 94n21 Imix tree, 55, 77, 115, 137, 256. See also Acantun; World trees Itzam Kab Ayin (Maya earth crocodilian), 48, 49, 49, 50, 50; in the Books of Chilam Balam, 48, 53, 63; representation in the Maya codices, 48 Itzamna (Maya creator god), 45, 50, 50, 63, 65, 66, 69, 103; falcon aspect , 69, 321. See also Seven Macaw Itzpapalotl (Mexican creator goddess), 38

498 Index

Jaguar: bound, 269(table), 312; in creation mythology, 31, 35, 36, 37, 55, 71; decapitated, 177; in Dresden yearbearer pages, 101, 103, 105(table), 112–114; in Dresden Venus table, 268, 269(table); and eclipses, 325; speared, 269(table), 271(table), 276(table), 285, 286; symbolic of the earth’s interior, 63, 77, 94n22, 162, 210, 286; symbolic of world destruction, 329–330 Jaguar Paddler (Maya supernatural), 59, 62, 63, 93n16, 388–389. See also Stingray Paddler kab-ch’een glyph, 124–125, 183, 215, 215, 359, 372– 373, 375 K’atun: in the Books of Chilam Balam, 93n6, 202; cycle of, 162, 176; description of, 22n11; named for, 22n17; rituals associated with, 69, 69, 109 K’awil (Maya god of lightning and sustenance), 14, 22n18, 46, 66, 67, 98; associated with God L, 427, 435; as burden of the yearbearer, 113–114, 151n4, 365–366; in the Dresden seasonal table, 202–207, 299–301; effigy of his head, 14, 14, 174–176; as lightning, 66, 214, 209; as a member of the Oxlahun Ti K’uh, 447–456; in the Palenque Triad, 67, 95n32, 112; in the prophecies of Katun 11 Ahaw, 250; as a victim of Venus, 256, 268, 283–284, 292, 294, 323 Kelley, David, xix, 52 K’iché Maya, xx, xxi, xxii, 175, 388, 417; myths of, 46, 197, 252, 289–290, 395, 403; Popol Vuh of, 6, 464 Kimil (Maya death god), 9, 398–403; in the Dresden yearbearer pages, 103, 105(table), 114, 200; in the Madrid yearbearer pages, 363, 385; as One Sky Lord, 254, 275, 279, 285, 323; as Pawahtun, 159 K’in Ahaw (Maya sun god): in the Dresden yearbearer pages, 98, 101, 103, 105(table), 112, 122, 126(table); in almanacs related to creation, 403, 454; Hun Ahaw transformed into, 320, 379; in the Santa Rita murals, 178–179, 322. See also Sun: creation of K’in bowl, 52, 165, 250 Kingsborough, Lord Edward, 4; Antiquities of Mexico, 4, 24, 25 Kisin (Maya death god), 96n51 Knowlton, Timothy, 6, 48, 54, 55, 64, 93n8 K’uh (generic Maya god), 16, 61, 201, 204, 206 K’uk’ulkan (Maya god), 70, 95n35; Temple of, 280 Lacadena, Alfonso, 153n28, 408n4 Lady Earth Stone, 160, 163, 191

Landa, Diego de, 12, 55, 69, 97, 98; Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan, 7, 16, 55, 97. See also Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan Leo, constellation of, 226n10, 417 Libra, constellation of, 193, 310 Long count calendar, xix, 11; conversion to the Gregorian calendar, 21n2; dates in, 12 Long count. See Long count calendar Long round numbers, 157, 162, 185–186, 187n1 Lords of the Night, 94n22, 120, 121 Looper, Matthew, 58 Macaws, 203; as evil omens, 361, 362; in Lacandon mythology, 96n59; Mexican symbol of, 226n12 Madrid Codex: beekeeping section, 15; counts of time, 15; explicit haab dates in, 16; provenience of, 3. See also Codex Cortesianus; Manuscrit Troano M. 2, cognate to Dresden Mars table, 22n6, 459n19, 195 M. 3a–6a, yearbearers and maize prognostications in, 373, 374 M. 10bc–11bc, 203, 204. See also Dresden seasonal tables; D. 65a,b–69a,b M. 12b–18b: calendrical structure, 311; references to Venus, 310–312, 312; Venus events predicted in, 312, 317–318, 319 M. 19b: commemoration of lahuntun, 393–394; dating model, 393–396; explanation of, 385– 386; references to Muluk yearbearer rituals, 387, 390–393 M. 24c–25c: dating model, 367; prognostications for maize, 366–367; torch iconography in, 366, 367–368 M. 24d, prognostications for maize, 366, 367 M. 25d, prognostications for maize, 366, 368 M. 26a,b–27a,b: Pawahtuns planting in, 357–358, 359 M.2 6d–27d, prognostications for maize, 366, 369 M. 30–31: almanacs on, 208, 209, 210–216; astronomy in, 213(table); ethnographic referents, 208–210; layout, 207–208 M. 32: astronomy in, 172; dating model, 172–173, 173(table); reference to mythic flood, 171–174, 172 M.3 9b, 308–309, 309, 310 M. 34–37, 106, 207, 356–366; correspondence with other Madrid almanacs, 366–368; creation mythology in, 368–375, 370(tables) M. 34, Kawak rituals, 12, 108, 357, 447 M. 35, references to K’awil, 357, 455 M. 36, resurrection of maize, 358, 389, 394

M. 37, eclipse, 329, 358 M. 40a–41a, iconographic reference to Venus, 307–308, 308 M. 45c: Sip god, 411, 412 M. 51a, reference to Muluk yearbearer rituals in, 394–395, 395 M. 51c, hunting rituals in, 401, 402 M. 54c, spearing of God M, 405–407, 407 M. 60b, Sip ceremony, 401, 402 M. 65–72, 73b, 16; counts of time, 15 M. 67b: dating of, 328; eclipse iconography, 327 M. 68a, Pawahtun iconography, 375 M. 69b, 15, 15 M. 71a: correlations with Muluk yearbearers, 372, 390; link with Venus, 388; references to celestial hearthstones, 58–59, 59, 294, 388–390 M. 72b, commemoration of world creation, 389–390, 391 M. 73b, 16; references to rain in, 17, 96n59, 305 M. 75–76, reference to creation mythology, 120–121, 119 M. 79a–80a, captive-taking iconography, 404– 407, 406 M. 79c, weaving, 399, 400 M. 80b–81b, creation myth references, 403, 405 M. 81c, 397, 398 M. 88c, 397–398, 399 M. 83a–84a, captive taking, 183, 183 M. 89a–90a, yearbearer associations, 374–375, 373 M. 92a, Venus warrior iconography, 307, 308 M. 92c–93c, references to Sip rituals, 401 M. 99b–100b, explicit haab dates in, 16 M. 102c, weaving, 399, 400 M. 102d, weaving, 399, 401 Maize: for divining, 30; to fashion humans from, 46, 54; grinding of, 65; origins of, 34 Maize, god: depiction on the Resurrection Plate, 66, 67, 67; rebirth depicted on Palenque tablets, 66–68; resurrection of, 65–68 Mam (Maya earth gods): in animal form, 161–162, 191, 194, 432, 162(table); blindfolded, 432–433, 459n21; in the Cantares de Dzitbalché, 117, 171; Chaak as, 134, 135; in the Dresden yearbearer pages, 99–115; female aspect, 435, 460n22; God L as, 111, 420, 425, 427, 432, 435–437; Maya god of thunder, 66, 95n32, 107; represented in the Dance of Martín, 289, 290; 455–456; representing the Wayeb period, 102–103. See also Dance of Martín; Mam, Opossum Mam, Opossum, 95n36, 107, 115, 373, 373, 375, 428(table); accoutrements of, 107, 427, 432;

Index 499

Chaak as, 108, 124–125; God L as, 132, 427. See also Opossums Manuscrit Troano, 3 Mars: astronomical stations, 193(table), 465–466; in the Dresden Seasonal table, 198–202; represented by Sip, 415–416; retrograde motion, 226n4; table, 3, 22n6, 195–198, 196, 419–420; visible with Venus, 195 Mars “beast”: conflated with crocodilians, 188n10, 193–201, 195, 196; decapitation of, 195, 198, 216, 315, 419; related to Cabracan, 194–195 Maya codices, xix, xxii, xxiii, xxiv, 6, 7; content of, 7–17; primary source for Postclassic Maya culture, 1–2; sources for interpreting, 5–7 Mexican codices, 5, 16, 23–27 Mictlan, 34. See also Underworld, Mexican Mictlantecuhtli (Mexican death god), 30, 34. See also Death lord, Mexican Milky Way, 32, 51, 71 Mimixcoa (Mixcoa), 37, 38, 42n5 Mixcoatl: in the Anales de Cuauhtitlan, 38, 294; known as cloud serpent, 32. See also Mixcoatl-Camaxtli Mixcoatl-Camaxtli (Mexican hunt god), 32, 37, 38, 42–43n5. See also Mixcoatl Mixteca-Puebla style (International), 25, 42n2 Moon, 229, 235, 324, 325, 328, 344, 451; origins of in myth, 65–66, 68–70, 252; as earth’s satellite, 36, 37; role in fertility, 292 Moon goddess: in the Dresden Venus table, 252, 292–293; in Maya mythology, 436, 448 Murals: at Bonampak, 64, 64; at Mayapán, 5, 53, 53; at San Bartolo site, xxi, 5, 55–56; at Santa Rita Corozal, 5, 93n16, 178, 179, 341; at Tulum, 5, 130 mut, 22n19 Mythological episodes, Classic period, 5 Mythology, Maya: creation of the earth, 45; creation of the sun, moon, and planets, 70–71; crocodilians, 48–53; floods, 53–57. See also Creation myths; Creation stories Mythology, Mexican, 30–38; acquisition of maize, 34; creation of the current world, 32; creation of fire, 32–33; creation of humans, 33; creation of the sun, moon, and stars, 34–37; creation of time, 30; death of the gods, 37; origin of human sacrifice, 37; origin of warfare, 37; world ages, 31. See also Creation myths; Creation stories Nanahuatl (Nanahuatzin), 34–36, 43n6 Nemontemi (Nameless days), 26 Nicholson, Henry, 29, 30, 31, 42n2 Numbers, in Maya notation: ‘9’, 94n22

500 Index

Opossum, 366, 373, 382n23, 428(table); affiliation with God L, 420, 427; associated with Xpiyacoc, 152n9; Dresden, 110–111, related to Pawahtuns, 152n9, 375, 427, 428(table), 437. See also Mam, Opossum One Sky Place: lords of, 274–275; 279, 284, 298, 319(table), 323–324; in Venus table preface, 252–257, 286, 298, 327 Orion: constellation of, 58, 64–65, 388; Nebula, 395 Oxlahun Ti’K’uh (”Thirteen As God”): conceived among modern Maya, 455–457; in Lacandon stories, 457; in Maya mythology, xxiv, 48, 53, 178; references to in the Maya codices, 180–181, 205, 284, 295, 301, 316, 319, 321, 329; in relation to God L, 436; in textual sources, 447–455 Oxomoco, 30; with Cipactonal, 34 Palenque, 1, 5, 52, 57, 60, 66, 122, 321, 457; Palace, 188n10, 347n6 Palenque Triad (Gods GI, GII, and GIII), xxiii, 48, 51, 57, 59, 63, 67, 158, 450 Paris Codex: provenience and content of, 4; k’atun pages, 52; k’atun periods, 14; tun series, 14 P. 3, crocodilian skyband thrones in, 174–175, 175 P. 4, k’atun prophecies for maize, 182, 14 P. 6, k’atun prophecies in, 14 P. 7a, k’atun prophecies for maize, 13 P. 8a, k’atun prophecies for maize, 13 P. 10, owls as k’atun patron, 305, 415 P. 11, rituals associated with K’atun 10 Ahaw, 69, 69 P. 20: attacking jaguars in, 330; yearbearer associations, 329–330 P. 21–22, 62, 180, 181 P. 23–24: pawah-ooch in, 428(table); zodiacal table, 306, 328, 306 Pawahtuns (Maya directional gods): agents of world renewal, 14, 182; aspects of Bakabs, 99; in colonial texts, 45, 65; as directional gods, 107, 109, 348n13; God L as, 110–111, 420, 421(table), 425–433, 427, 432; headdress of, 180; as k’atun patron, 120, 182, 287; in the Madrid yearbearer pages, 108, 108, 115, 447; Maya counterpart of Ahuiateteo, 350n32; as One Sky Place lord, 252, 254, 275, 283, 283, 288, 291; turtle aspects of, 395, 396, 396; as wind gods, 128–129. See also Bakabs; Mam Paxton, Meredith, 2, 214–215 Peccary, 45, 188n10; celestial associations of, 226n10 414, 417, 418; in Dresden Mars table, 196–198; headdress, 161, 416; as Mams, 194–195,

433; related to the earth and fertility, 197–198, 210, 417; related to the Mars beast, 194, 416, 419–420; represented by Sip logograph, 413; trapped, 411, 416; zoomorphic aspect of God Y, 415, 417–418 Pictorial manuscripts, 29. See also Divinatory codices; Hieroglyphic books; Maya codices; Mexican codices Pictun, 157, 187n1, 188n7; calculations of, 159, 160, 161, 162, 184–185 Piltzintecuhtli (Mexican sun god), 31 Popol Vuh, xx–xxii, 6–7, 43n8, 45, 46(table), 47, 52; creation of the sun, moon, and stars, 68–71; mythological episodes, 45; resurrection of the maize god, 65–66; world creators, 46, 62 Priest-scribe, 28. See also Scribe Prisoner: bound, 312; for sacrifice, 120, 183, 438, 421(table) Prophecies: in almanacs featuring Chaak concerning rains and maize, 124, 161, 316; in the creation episodes of the Books of Chilam Balam, 162; in the Dresden seasonal table, 199– 207, 299–305; in the Dresden Venus table, 230, 278–296; in the Dresden water tables preface, 163, 166, 210; by God L, 433; in the Mars table, 420; in the Maya codices, 7, 464–465; in the Paris k’atun pages, 4, 12–15, 109, 126(tables), 182–183; related to yearbearers, 455 Quetzalcoatl (Mexican creator god), 30, 33–34, 36, 68, 174, 189n16, 418; in Mexican mythology, 30–38, 57, 94n29, 197, 202, 213, 450; representing fertility, 3, 14, 68; with Tezcatlipoca, 32; 243–245, 254, 255, 279, 280, 282, 289, 349n27, 418, 460n31 Quirigua Stela C, 58, 59, 60; East text, 58 Rabbit: animal aspect of Venus, 242; as Mam/ Pawahtun, 159, 417, 432–433; in Mexican mythology, 35; Mexican yearbearer day, 27; in relation to God L, 436, 448; symbol of the moon, 32 Reents-Budet, Dorie, 63 Relacion de la ciudad de Mérida, 53 Relaciones de las cosas de Yucatán (Landa), 7, 16, 97 Renewal rituals: represented in the Codex Borgia, 68; of the world, xx, 214, 392, 467 Resurrection Plate, 67, 67, 68 Ring numbers, 157, 161, 185–187, 187n1 Sacrifice, Human, xxi, 28, 36, 47, 65, 120, 183, 252, 282, 360–363, 419, 464; to nourish maize plants,

70, 393; to nourish the sun, 69, 112, 346, 347n6, 350, 357, 392, 396; origins of, 37–38; penile, 34, 68, 70, 321, 396 Sagittarius: constellation of, 328; in rain-related almanac, 173(table) Sahagún, Bernardino de, 27, 28, 29, 35, 246, 437; Florentine Codex, 27, 35; Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España, 28 Scorpion: constellation of, 407, 423, 434, 421(table); meanings of, 434 Scorpius, 309, 310. See also Scorpion, constellation of Screenfold: destruction of, 23. See also Codices; Divinatory codices; Hieroglyphic books; Pictorial manuscripts Scribe, 2, 4, 5, 462; conventions used by, 57, 224, 243, 298, 302, 312, 324, 350, 352n52, 466 Scribe, Maya, 7, 171, 184, 217, 235, 247, 299, 463, 466 Seler, Eduard, 29, 114; Collected Works in Mesoamerican Linguistics and Archaeology, 29; commentaries by, 24, 26; created the Borgia Group, 23; scholar of Venus iconography and almanacs, 241, 245, 270, 297 Serpent numbers, 156, 157, 161, 166, 187n1, 188n1, 188n6, 191; calculations of, 162, 185–188 Serpent, 32, 110, 115, 160, 161, 172, 209, 321, 449; causing eclipses, 328; as cenotes, 115, 125, 127, 161; constellation of, 172; feathered, 178, 211, 327, headdress, 165, 203, 210; “house,” 160–161, 163, 191, 194; intertwining, 129, 180, 215; as lightning, 202, 214, 301; open-mouthed, 131, 159, 161, 194, 180–181, 301, 416, 432, 451; as rain bringers, 211, 214, 215 Seven Macaw, xxi, 47, 319, 321, 362, 372, 375–376, 448 Seven Water Place, 38, 289, 371. See also Chicomoztoc Sip, as earth/hunt deity, 198, 460n38; association with Mars, 41, 416–418, 417; association with peccaries, 419–420; ceremonies for, 412–413; conflated with cipactli, 414 (See also Cipactli); glyph of Mars “beast,” 197, 417; month of, 11, 198, 400–402, 402, 417; protector deities of deer, 411–412, 412, 413, 415, 460n30 Skyband: 58, 63, 172, 194–197, 312, 314, 388, 416–417; crocodilian, 50, 164; in the Dresden seasonal table, 200–201, 203, 206–207, 303, 328; in the Dresden Venus table, 256, 274, 275, 283, 284, 285, 287; definition of, 21n3, 63; personified , 180, 180–181, 451; “thrones,” 2, 14, 174–176, 175, 177, 321

Index 501

Soot, used to paint things black, 96n59 Spanish chroniclers, histories written by, 28 Spear thrower (Atlatl), 56, 57, 167, 223, 251, 364 Spero, Joanne, 210–211 Spider monkeys: as scribes, 289, in Madrid almanacs, 397–398, 399 (See also M. 88c); turning into people, 31, 55, 95n43, 290–291 “Starry Deer Crocodile,” 48, 51, 51, 52 Stingray Paddler (Maya supernatural), 59, 388–389. See also Jaguar Paddler Stone, Andrea, 127 Stuart, David, xix, 51, 52, 58, 62, 63, 95n44 Stuart, George, 4 Sun: creation of, 30–31, 36, 47, 52, 65–66, 70–71, 112, 246, 252, 255, 259, 290, 321, 332, 385–386, 403, 465; movement of, 165, 180–181, 250–251, 257, 392, 396, 397, 408; personified, 392, 455; related to Venus, 178–179, 205–206, 233, 235, 328, 332, 347n6; as a star, 36, 37, 43n8, 233, 270, 363, 394, 451. See also Kinich Ahaw; Tonatiuh “Suns,” 31, 32, 184, 256, 286, 289–290, 291, 328, 362. See also Mythology, Mexican Tables: and almanacs, 5, 346–347n2, 461, 465; astronomical, xxiv Tails, Scorpion: aspect of Chaak, 209, 211, 216; associated with captives and Ek Chuwah, 404– 406; associated with Venus, 213–214, 307–309, 309, 332, 449; on black gods, 75, 183 Tamoanchan, 34 Taube, Karl, 11, 65, 95n36 Tecciztecatl (Mexican moon god), 35–36 Tedlock, Dennis, 252 Temple of the Cross, Palenque, 118, 118, 436 Temple of the Fisherman, Mayapán, 53, 53, 177, 418, 450 Temple of the Foliated Cross, Palenque, 67–68, 68, 291, 320 Temple XIX, Palenque, xxiii, 48, 50, 177, 197, 450; texts from, 48, 50, 51, 59 Tenochtitlan, 31 Teogonía, 28–29; Breve relación, 29; Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas, 28; Histoire du Mechique, 28 Teotihuacan, 35, 42n2 Texts, Classic period: focused on the bak’tun ending, 57, 60; on monuments, 58; on painted vases, 57, 61–64; from Palenque tablets, 59–60 Tezcatlipoca (Mexican creator god), 30, 31, 35, 37, 175, 286, 287; dismemberment of, 56, 56, 57; and Quetzalcoatl, 32, 57, 197, 202, 213, 282, 450 Thompson, J. Eric, 53

502 Index

Throne, 58, 284; bound crocodilian, 14; caiman, 129; crocodilian skyband, 2, 174, 175, 176, 177; jaguar, 63, 129; “Stone,” 58, 59, 59 Tikal, 1, 302, 389, 398 Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli (Mexican Venus god), 36, 179, 242–246, 270, 282, 289, 293, 296. See also Warrior, Venus Tlaloc (Mexican rain god), 30–31, 34, 35, 212, 213; in myth, 34; as a rain bringer, 465; related to Venus, 285, 291; sanctuary of, 30 Tlaloque, 30 Tlazolteotl (Mexican earth goddess), 35 Tobacco, 46, 70, 456(table) Tonacatecuhtli (Mexican creator god), 30, 32, 36, 43n6 Tonacatepetl (Sustenance Mountain), 34 Tonalpohualli (Mexican 260-day calendar), 26, 27, 27 Tonatiuh (Mexican sun god), 36. 165, 246–250. See also Sun: creation of Torch, 153n32, 194, 373, 382n23, 383n30, 416, 428(table), 373; agricultural prognostication, 366, 366, 367, 367–368, 370(table); wielded by Chaak, 125, 126(table), 127, 194, 416 Tree, 47, 152n19, 401, 402, 402, 457; in the Codex Borgia, 352n57; Dresden, 132, 381n6, 437; gods becoming, 32, 57; represented by wooden crosses, 359–360; setting of, 5, 67, 99, 171, 467; like wooden pillars, 117 Tree, Ceiba, 226n7, 304, 359, 360, 458n1 Tun, glyphs, 15, 15 Turtle, 45, 68; carapace, 66, 67, 67; constellation of, 58, 59, 59, 64, 64–65; ‘three’, 94n23, 398. See also Orion Tzitzimime, 33, 325, 327, 451; Tzitzimimitl, 452 Tzotzil Maya, 46 Underworld, Maya, 5, 13, 47, 65; Lords of, xxi, xxii, xxiii–xxiv. See also Xibalba Underworld, Mexican, 33, 36, 94n29; Lords of, 30, 34. See also Mictlan Vase of the Eleven Gods, 61–64 Vase of the Seven Gods, 57, 61, 61–64, 120–122, 152n5, 158, 184, 284 Venus, 36, 37, 63; appearances coinciding with eclipses in myth, 324–325; as eclipse agent in almanacs, 326–328; as Evening star, 36; as Morning star, 36, 62; paths across the sky as a morning star, 268, 270; planet, 36, 37, references to in Madrid almanacs, 307–318, 315(table); references in D.3a, 319–322; in the UWT, 317–318, 318(table)

Virgo: constellation of, 193, 309, 310 Vulture, 306, 319; in Dresden almanacs, 306; as an evil omen, 361; in Kawak yearbearer ceremonies, 398; in Madrid almanacs, 133, 319, 428(table), 320; in the 260-day calendar, 247(table); representing Seven Macaw, 460n28 Warrior, Venus, 257, 270, 298; as Bolon Ti Kuh, 454; gods as, 120, 162, 254, 294, 314, 315, 322, 323–324, 417, 425; victims of, 312 Wayeb: in the Maya calendar, 7, 11, 99, 101, 109, 169–170, 352n58; god of, 102; referred to in the Cantares de Dzitbalché, 170. See also Mam Wayeb rituals: described by Landa, 99, 106–107; referred to in almanacs, 169–170, 195 World creation: in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel, 64–65; in Classic period texts, 57–64 World creators, Maya, 46, 46(table) World trees, xxi, xxii, 66, 321, 464; gods becoming, 32; setting up, 55–57, 122; on B.53, 70, 70; on FM.1, 56, 56, 121, 294. See also Directional trees; Imix trees Xbalamque ( Jaguar Sun), 71. See also Xbalanque Xbalanque (Maya Hero Twin), xxi, 147, 94n31; in Maya creation myths, 65–68, 251–252. See also Xbalamque Xibalba, 47, 65, 68, 113, 254, 288. See also Underworld, Maya Xihuitl, 26 Ximénez, Francisco, 7, 112, 113 Xiuhmolpilli, 27. See also Aztec New Fire ceremony Xiuhpohualli (Count of years), 27 Xiuhtecuhtli (Mexican fire god), 43n6, 56, 56–57, 120, 183, 332, 437; in Dresden Venus table, 270, 292, 294–295 Xochiquetzal (Mexican flower goddess), 31, 37 Xpiyacoc and Xmucane (Maya creator gods), 45, 47, 66, 197, 417. See also World creators Yax Balam, xxi, 12, 66, 67, 67; associated with animals, 94n31; associated with Sip, 411–418;

god of the number 9, 94n22; jaguar traits of, 162, 321; in Maya creation myths, 65–71; related to the resurrection of the maize god, 295; in the water table preface, 166; in the yearbearer pages, 322. See also Xbalanque Yearbearers: correspondence between in the Dresden and Madrid codices, 365(table); days in the Codex Dresden, 103, 134, 152n6; days in the Madrid Codex, 152n6; in the Madrid Codex, 207, 356, 356(table), 361(table); in Mexican Postclassic calendar, 27 Yearbearer ceremonies, xx, 3, 11, 93n17, 98, 112, 136, 375–376; in the Codex Dresden, 360, 417, 454; Landa’s discussion of, 134, 355–356, 382n2, 453, 357; in the Madrid Codex, 209, 356, 358, 366, 371, 373; in the Madrid and Paris codices, 329; of Muluk years, 136, 371, 392, 394, 397, 399 Yearbearer pages, Dresden: calendrically linked to creation mythology, 121–122, 436; captions to, 94n30; correction to, 102, 103, 104; dating of, 103; erecting pillars/trees, 360, 382n10; reference to mythic world destruction and creation, 99–116, 364; related to rain-making, 105(table), 134–135, 362; reminiscent of the Cantares de Dzitbalché, 116–117; shifting of power, 111; year patrons, 200, 454. See also Prophecies Yearbearer pages, Madrid: correspondences with other Madrid almanacs, 366–368, 370(table); connection with the Yalcobá cross rituals, 359-360; creation mythology in, 368–375, 369, 373, 374, 375; deities appearing in, 355–359, 356(table), 359, 365–366, 455; haab dates in, 364; prophecies for, 361(table), 361–364, 366. See also Prophecies Zipacna, 52, 94n21, 194, 250, 254, 420; and Cabracan, 47, 251, 252; abbreviation as Sipak, 197–198, 414 Zodiacal table, Paris, 4, 306, 310, 328. See also P.23–24; individual constellations by name and by animal form

Index 503