Ramayana and Ramayanas 3447031166, 9783447031165

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Khoj - A Series of Modern South Asian Studies Edited by Richard K. Barz and Monika Thiel-Horstmann

Vol. 3

RAmAyat;ta and RAmAyaQas

1991 Otto Harrasowitz Wiesbaden

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RamayaQa and RamayaQas Edited by Monika Thiel-Horstmann

1991 Otto Harrasowitz Wiesbaden

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f3l.

J/31•21

·I?3 I

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CIP-Titelaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek

RillliyQa ud ~ / e d. by Monika Thiel-Horstmann. Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz, 1991 (Khoj ; Vol. 3) ISBN 3-447-0311~ NE: Thiel-Horstmann, Monika [Hrsg.] ; GT

0 Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1991. Das Werk einschlie8lich aller seiner Thile ist urheberrechtlich geschiltzt. Jede Verwertung au8erhalb des Urheberrechtsgesettes bedarf der Zustimmung des Verlages. Das gilt insbesondere filr VerviclfiUtigungen jeder Art, Obersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und filr die Einspcicherung in clcktronischc Systcmc. Gcdruckt auf sllurefrcicm Papicr. Reprodulction, Druck und buchbindcrischc Verarbcitung: Hubert & Co., Gottingen. Prinled in Gennany

ISSN 0937-2105

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE

IX

NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION

X

INTRODUCTION

1

Monika Thiel-Horstmann DHARMIC CHOICE AND 1llE FIGURE OF LoRD RAMA

9

Harry M. Buck FREE WILL IN 1llE RAMAYA~ OF BHANUBHAKT

29

Richard Barz

nm SANSKRIT AND 1llE NON-SANSKRIT TRADmONS OF RA.MAY A~A FROM 1llE WEST COAST OF INDIA

47

A. Govindankutty Menon DESCENT INTO PERFORMANCE: RAMA A VA TAR IN A FOLK TRADIDON OF KERALA

69

Stuart H. Blackbum RAVA~A AS TRAGIC HERO: C. N . SRIKANTAN NAYAR'S LANKALAK~MI

Clifford Hospital

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Table of Contents

VI

THE EPISODE OF A YI- AND MA YI-RAVA~A IN THE ORAL RAMAY A~A VERSION OF THE ALU KUR.UMBAS

103

Dieter B. Kapp THE R.i.MAYA~A IN CONTEMPORARY FOLK TRADmONS OF MAHARASHTRA

115

GUnther D. Sontheimer EKNATH'S TREATMENT OF THE RAMAY~A AS A SOCIOPOLmCAL METAPHOR

139

S. G. Tulpule RAJA AND PRAJA: PRESENTATIONAL CONVENTIONS IN THE RAMLfi..A AT RAMNAGAR

153

Anuradha Kapur LIFE AS THEATRE: PERFORMING THE RAMAY A~A IN

169

AYODHYA

Peter van der Veer THE "GREAT SACRIFICE" OF RAMAY A~A RECITATION: RITUAL PERFORMANCE OF THE RAMCARITMANAS

185

Philip Lutgendorf TELEVISION AND TRADmON: SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE SERIALIZATION OF THE RAMAYA~A

207

V asudha Dalmia-Llideritz NARRATIVE STRUCIURES IN MEWARI RAMAY~A ILLUSTRATIONS

Elke Loschhom

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VII

Table of Contents CONTRIBUTORS

239

INDEX

241

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PREFACE

This volume unites the majority of the papers read at the Conference on

Contemporary Rlmlyal)a Traditions, which was held in September 1987 in Sanlct Augustin, Germany. Professor Norvin Hein, Yale University, deserves special mentioning and gratitude. He presided over the conference, and his comments were a source of inspiration for all participants of the conference. Of the papers presented at the conference but not published in this volume, Devadatta Joshi's long bibliographical review 'Contemporary Rml!yaQa Tradition in Gujarat' has since appeared in the Journal of the Oriental Institute of the M. S. University of Baroda, 37 (1-2): 127-41 and 37 (3-4): 231-51. As it happens, another volume on the RlmlyaQa traditon, to which the editor is happy to refer the reader, is under preparation. Edited by Paula Richman, it is entitled Many RlmllyaJ}as: The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South Asia and will be published by the University of California Press in autumn 1991. Miss Nana Sohini Sen and Miss Angelika Pirie prepared the typescript of the book. Their graceful and enduring assistance is most gratefully aclcnowledged.

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NOTB ON TRANSLITERATION

New lndo-Aryan words have nonnally been transliterated in the mode followed by R. S. McGregor, Outline of Hindi Grammar, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972. Sanskrit and Prakrit words have been transliterated in accordance with the internationally standardired system of transliteration. The transliteration of words of Dravidian languages follows that of T. Burrow and M. B. Emeneau, A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961. South Asian words common in English have been spelt in the form as they appear in the Oxford English Dictionary. Place names, especially generally known ones, mostly appear without diacritical marks and in a spelling adopted by either the Times Atlas of the World or J. E. Schwartzberg (ed.), A Historical Atlas of South Asia, Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1978. Names of languages are written without diacritical marks. Dependent on the composite character of the traditions that are treated in the various papers, no uniformity of transcription could be achieved. Thus there may stand Rim side by side with Rima, and SltJ side by side with Sita. The word "RmnlyaQa" when printed in roman characters (and without quotation marks) refers to the Rmnlyal)a tradition. When italicired, RimlyBl}a refers to the Vllmlki-RimlyBl}a or other specific works known by that name. The names of the kil)I ff I~

(l'

~~

(2.16.3, ibid.:58)

Even the noblest high-minded person is corrupted through association with the wicked. Although this little maxim is Bhlnubhakt's version of the parallel section of the AdhyJtmarimlyBQa, which has been referred to above, that does not mean that it cannot reflect Bhanubhakt's true feelings. Because Bhlnubhakt did not translate everything in the Adhyltmarlmlyal)a, it is very probable that his inclusion of this passage emphasizing dharmic responsibility indicates his own sentiments.

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R.Barz

4. Free will in Bblnubhakt's Rlmlyal) There can be little doubt that in the standard text of the Rlmlyal)a of Vllmiki both Manthara and Kaikeyt act out of their own free will and are fully personally accountable for their deeds. In the Adhylltmaramllyal)a, with its bhakti orientation, Manthara and Kaikeyi are both controlled from within by the Goddess of Speech. Nevertheless, the assiduous use of guile is necessary to convince Kaikeyi she should do wrong. In the bhakti account of Tulsidls, Manthara can be molded to the will of the Goddess because she is not very bright and Kaikeyi has such a weak character that she need not even be entered directly by divine power. Bhlnubhakt carries bhakti to the extreme by leaving no place at all for individual will in either Manthara or Kaikeyi. They act as they do because the Goddess is directing them from inside themselves. Yet, Bhlnubhakt still finds it meaningful to warn righteous people against association with the corrupt as if such an admonition might have saved at least Kaikeyi from sin. If Kaikeyi were to have been able to save herself she would have had to have the possibility of successfully exercising her free will. There is just enough room for such a possibility in the bhakti framework of Bhlnubhakt's Rllmllyal). There are plenty of instances in religion and literature of absolute supernatural control of human events. To take the fliad for example, there is the passage in which Agamemnon gives a disclaimer of personal responsibility for his past folly with the words "So, I am not the cause" (ego d'ouk aitios eimi, 19.86 in Homer [Monro and Allen] 1978: vol. 2, 157) and goes on to explain: But Zeus and Fate and the Erinys who walks in darkness put wild folly into my mind in the assembly on the day when I deprived Achilles of his prize. But what could I have done?

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RimJyBI} of Bh!nubhakt

45

The god was causing all these things to happen.

It is this kind of lack of free wilJ that neither Bhnnubhakt's RamiyBI} nor any of the other three RlmlyaQas discussed in this article show in the Mantharl episode. Although Bhlnubhakt is certain that Mantharl and Kaikeyl are controlled by divine power, they are not aware of that. Unlike Agamemnon, they do not themselves attribute their actions to the operation of divine will. In their own perception they are acting according to their own volition. Bhlnubhakt's conception of bhakti does not lead him to blame the divinity for manipulating human behaviour, but rather leads him to try to reveal in human behaviour a harmony and balance with a universe under divine government References

Adhyatmaramayaqa [JavjI]. 1933. Adhyatmaramayaqa, ed. by P. Javji. Bombay: the author. Adhyatmaramayaqa [Nath]. 1979 [11913). The Adhyatma RamayaI)a, transl. by Lal Baij Nath. Allahabad: Panini Office. Reprint: New Delhi 1979: Orienta Books. Basnyat, L.V.S. 1972. Nepal ra~tr ko aitihlsik jhalak. Biratnagar: Nepffi Srurity Bhavan. Bhanubhakt. 1976. Nepali Bhanubhakt RamayaI), transl. by N. Amaty and T. Amaty. Lucknow: VAQi Bhuvan Trust. Brockington, John L. 1984. Righteous Rama: the evolution of an epic. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bulcke, C. 1971. Ramkatha: utpatti aur vikas. 3rd rev. ed. Pray!g: Hindi Pari~d Prak!san. Homer [Monro and Allen]. 1902. Homeri opera, ed. by D. Monro and T. Allen, vol. 2. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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46

KalyJQ kalptaru. [1950] n.d. The Manasa Number - II'. Reprint.

Chandigarh: Shree Geeta Press. Kamak~i-Rav, A. C. 1961. Rarlganatha RamJyaQa. Patna: Ra~trbhl~ Pari~ad. Monier-Williams, M. 1964 [1899]. A Sanskrit-English dictionary. New ed. Reprint Oxford: Clarendon Press. Sankrityayan, K. 1980. 'Rmt!yat)a in Nepali'. In: V. Raghavan (ed.), The RJmJyaQa tradition in Asia. New Delhi: Slhitya Akademl. Sarai), D.N. 1974. NepJII sihity kl itihJs. Patna: Bihlr Hindi Granth Akademi. Tulsidas [Growse]. 1978( 1877-81; 71937]. The RJmJyaQa of Tulasi DJsa, transl. by F.S. Growse. Delhi: Motilas Banarsidass. Tulsidas [Hill]. 1952. The holy lake of the acts ofRama: a translation of Tulasi DJs' RAmcaritamAnasa. Bombay: Oxford University Press. Tulsidas [Poddar]. 1983. Srlrlmcaritmanas, ed. and paraphrased in Hindi by HanumAn Prasad PoddAr. Gorakhpur: Gita Press. Tulsidas [Tripathi]. 1955. Srlrlmcaritmanas, ed. by V. Tripathi. Varanasi: Motilal Banarsidass. Valmiki. 1960. SrimadvalmikiramayaQam. Gorakhpur: Gita Press. Valmiki [Mudholkara]. 1913. Sri VilmikiramayaQam, ed. by S.S.K. Mudholkara, vol. 2. Bombay: Gujarati Printing Press. VAlmiki [Pollock]. 1986. The RAmayaQa of Valmiki, transl. by Stephen I. Pollock. Vol. 2: Ayodhyaklh}Qa. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

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A. GOVINDANKUI1Y MENON

1lm SANSKRIT AND THE NON-SANSKRIT TRADITIONS OF RAMAYA~A FROM THE WEST COAST OF INDIA

1. Introduction Tamil and Sanskrit influenced the origin and development of literature on the West Coast of India, which is now known as Kerala. Apart from the works written either in Tamil or Sanskrit, two types of literary works came into existence, of which one was influenced by Tamil and the other by Sanskrit. Accordingly, it is not surprising to see the fourteenthcentury grammar on MIJl)iprava/a, entitled Lllitilakam, distinguishing two literary styles based on the linguistic pecularities of the texts from the West Coast.I These styles are known as piftu and mlJl)iprava/am. Lilatilakam defined pa,ru as follows: (1) Its entire vocabulary could be written with the Tamil alphabet; (2) the first and second letters in every foot rhyme with the corresponding frrst and second letters in the following foot; (3) it uses non-Sanskrit metre.2 The earliest RamayaQa from the West Coast belongs to the pi,ru style while the later RamayaQas belong to the mlJl)ipravaJa style.

1

Lllltilakam - MaQipravi/alak$81)Bm (1968), Silpa I, satra 1 and 11 and their

2

commentary. The satras are in Sanskrit and the commentary given by the same author is in Malayalam. Ibid., p. 64.

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A. G. Menon

1.1 One of the texts which fulfills the requirements of pRttu is Rimacaritam, which is the earliest written version of Rlmlyaqa recovered from the West Coast of South India. It is a fourteenthcentury text which mainly deals with the well-known battle between Rima and Rlval)a. Therefore it is considered to be an incomplete Rlmlyal)a which was composed for a specific purpose. We shall discuss the problem of the contents of this Rlmlyal)a elsewhere in this paper.

2. Pre-fourteenth century Tamil RlmlyaJ)as As we will be dealing with the oldest RlmlyaI}a version (14th cent. A.O.) from Kerala, which follows the Tamil literary tradition, it is necessary to summarise the development of the Rima story within the Tamil-speaking East Coast in the period before the composition of the oldest West Coast Rmnayal)a.3 2.1

Fragments from the RamlyaI}a story, such as the ones listed below, are found in the old Tamil literature (first three centuries A.O.), known as Carlkam literature: the abduction of Sitl, Sitl throwing her ornaments during her enforced journey to Laiikl, a group of monkeys picking up these ornaments and wearing them on inappropriate places, Rama waging a war against Raval)a, the description of Raval)a as a ten-headed

3

For a detailed study of the historical development of the Rima story in the Tamil literature, see Shankar Raju Naidu (1971:48-60).

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West Coast R!mlyal)aS

demon and his efforts to lift the Mount Himalaya on which Shiva and Uml were sitting.4 2.2

The seventh-century Tamil epic Cilappatikiram makes ample use of the Rlmlyal)a story. Episodes like Sim, Rama and Lak~a 's proceeding to the forest, the bridging of the ocean, the killing of Rlvai,a, the destruction of LaJ\kl and the continuation of the Rllna-Rlval)a war for eighteen months are described vividly.s One of the twin epics, which is closely related to Cilappatikiram is MBl)im~kalai, which refers to the building of a bridge to Lanka, the killing of Rivai,a and the return of Sltl.6

2.3

References to the entire story of the Rimayai,a are found in the works of the Vaishnavite Alvars (6th to 9th cent. A.O.). Scholars have suspected a strong influence of the Alvars on the author of the first Malayalam RimiyaJ)a.7 One of the episodes mentioned by Periy!lvar (8th cent. A.O.) in ten verses deals with the first meeting between Sita and Hanuman in the Asokavana. During this meeting Sita recognised him as one coming from Rama by hearing his words and by recognising the ring of Rima.8 The first Malayalam Rlmlyai,a begins exactly at this point. However, it is only fair to mention that Periyllvar also

4 5

6 1 8

Ibid., pp. 49-51. Ibid., p. 52. Ibid., p. 53. Ibid, pp. 54-58. Periyllvir Tirumo/j, third ten, tenth tirumoli 1-10. See in Nlllyaira Tivviyap Pirapantam (1971:55-56).

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mentions other episodes in the earlier verses of the same text. It should also be mentioned that the details of the story differ in Periyll,vlr and the first Malayalam RD.mD.yaQa, which might have received its inspiration from the works of the AlvD.rs. Scenes from the "Yuddhakat)tam" are frequently portrayed in the works of the Saivite ND.yanmars (6th to 9th cent. A.D.).9 After the AlvD.rs and ND.yanmD.rs, the great Tamil poet Kampao narrated the story in about twelve thousand stanzas (12th cent. A.D.).10

3. The Rlmacaritam In order to determine what was known on the West Coast of the Rama story before the Ramacaritam, we have to tum to the Tamil sources which we have noted above. One recurring aspect in the partial references to the RamD.yaQa story in the early Tamil sources is the story of the battle between Rama and Ravai,a and the presence of Sitl in the Asokavana. The same aspect is also emphasized in the earliest Malayalam RD.mn.yai,a, which seems to be an enlarged version of what we have seen in the early Tamil literature before Kampao.11 The Rarnacaritam consists of 164 chapters, and the total number of verses is 1814. Each verse consists of four lines and each chapter has, in general, eleven verses with a few exceptions which have ten or twelve.12 The Rarnacaritam is written in such a strange language that it

Appar, Tirunlvukkaracar T!vlram, Tirurlmecuvaram (founh Tirumarai ), verse no. 3 (about thebridge) and verse no. 11 ( about the killing of R!v81)a). Cuntaramiirtti ~vlram, 7 .3.8. 10 KamparfmlyaQam (1948-58). 11 Govindankutty (1981). 12 Rlmacaritam ( 1932) is the only available complete edition of this text 146 of the 164 chapters have eleven verses each.

9

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is not possible to understand the text with a knowledge of either Tamil or Malayalam alone; profound knowledge of both is indispensable. 3.1

Some of the Malayalam scholars were convinced of the indebtedness of the author of the Rlmacaritam to the Tamil poet Kampan as far as the story is concemed.13 Did the author of this Malayalam Rlmly8Q8 follow Kampan's Tamil version which preceded him by about two centuries? On the basis of a few selected facts we shall try to answer this question. 1. The story of Hiral)yakasipu as told by Vibhi~ to Rlv8Q8 is a distinguishing feature of the Tamil Rlmly8Q8, whereas this story is absent in the Malayalam Rlmacaritam. It is also absent in Vllmlki and in the AdhyltmlllimlyBl}a. t4 2. 1be bridge to Larue! was constructed in five days according to Rlmacaritam and Vllmiki. According to Kampan it took only three days.IS 3. In Rlmacaritam, as in Vilmiki, Mandodarl returns home after Vibhl~ has performed the funeral rites for RlvaI)a. But in the Tamil version she dies with RlvaI).8.16 4. In the Malayalam version VibhI~aI)a was not willing to perform the funeral rites for RlvaQa because he was not worthy of such rites. However, on the advice of Rimi he

13 See Paramcswara Aiyar (1967:304) and Krishnan Nair (1973.29-32). 14 The Hiral)yakasipu-episode is found in the Vi$l}upurll}a and in the Bhlgavatapurll}a. It is also found in the hymns of Nammllylr (9th cent. A.O.). Kampao adopted this puranic story in his Rlmlyal)a. See also Shanlcar Raju Naidu (1971:328, 340). 15 RJmacaritam (1932: 19), text 9.9.10, Shankar Raju Naidu (1971 :347). 16 Rlmacaritam (1932:233-34), text 107.3, Shankar Raju Naidu (1971:426).

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performed the rites. This fragment is absent in the Rlmly&Qa of Kampau.11 5. In Ramacaritam Rima asks Sttl to choose any man: the king of Lat\kl, Lak~mal)a, Bharata, Satrughna, Sugrtva or anyone else. If she wants, she can go away with any one of them. But Sttl replies that she has never thought of anyone other than Rima himself. This is found in Vllmtki; but Kampau does not mention this fragment. IS 3.2

The above comparison points to the absence of the influence of the Tamil Rrunlyal)a on the oldest Malayalam Rlmlyal)a, though the Malayalam RlmlyaIJa follows the literary style known as pltfu which has been taken over from the Tamil literary tradition. It does not follow the Alvlrs either. On the other hand, as far as the story is concerned, it is closer to Vllmiki. 19 The language of the Rlmacaritam is closer to Tamil than any other South Dravidian language. Therefore the next question in our search for a possible Tamil affinity is: Is there any literary aspect which can bring the Rlmacaritam nearer to Tamil? Let us examine the following three structural similarities of composition. 3.2.1

One feature which is found from the first to the last verse in the Ramacaritam is the device of antati, i.e., the last word or the last part or

17 Rimacaritam (1932:234), text 107.6, Shankar Raju Naidu (1971:427). 18 Rimacaritam ( 1932:246), text 113.6, Shankar Raju Naidu ( 1971 :436). 19 The other two early Malayalam Rlmlyal)as, namely, Ka(u)assan and Rlmakathapplllu, also follow Vllmlki. The author of the Rlmacaritam registers his indebtedness to Vllmlki, cf. chapter 1, verse 9.

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any part of the last part or the last line itself of a verse begins the following verse.20 For example: 28.11.4 .............................. acantlr.

29. 1.1 arantanar.......................... . 29. 1.2 .......................................... 29. 1.3 ......................................... . 29. 1.4 .................................kol)fe 29. 2.1 ko1.1tal............................... .

This technique of antlti is also used in the Tamil Carlkam text Patiwppattu, where it is found in the verses 31 to 40, known as the fourth ten.2 1 These verses deal with the kings of the West Coast. Another classical Tamil text known as Airlkucunucu reflects the existence of this practice, which is found in the verses from 171 to 180, known as the "ToQtippattu", which describe the West Coast harbour ToQfi.22 From the incidental use, antlti developed into a minor literary form in Tamil. The three early Vai~I}ava Alvlrs - Poykai, Pfitam and P!y (ea. 8th cent) - composed hymns in antlti form. Tirumaljcai Al.vlr composed Nlomukao Tirovantlti. Nammllvlr, the greatest of the V~va saint-poets, composed Tirovantlti.

3.2.2 It deserves to be mentioned that one of the Saivite Nlyanmlrs, known as C!ram!n Peruml} Nlyanlr, composed PoovaI)l)attantlti (7th - early

20 Though the word antllti (anta + lti) is of Sanskrit origin, but this technique is not used in early Sanskrit or Indo-Aryan prosody. Kal)l)Bssarlmlyal)am and Rlmakathapplttu, the other two early Malayalam RlmlyaJ)as, also use it. 21 Patiaµppattu, the fourth ten, verses 31-40 (1972:134-72). 22 Airlkuc:unlI{u, 'ToQtippattu", verses 171-180 (1972:219-30).

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8th cent.). Nampiy~tar Nampi's Tirottoq(ar Tirovantlti and Vempaiyar Kon's Cirlmalai antiti also belong to the vast Saiva literature.

3.2.3 However, the literary technique antlti did not take the form of a genre in ancient or later Malayalam literature. It is also very significant that this technique was used in those verses in the Old Tamil literature which deal with the West Coast, i.e., the area where the Malayalam literature originated. The influence of the antiti tradition on the oldest Malayalam RmnlyaI)a can be explained only by the history of this tradition within Tamil literature.

3.3 Another literary technique which is used throughout Rimacaritam is moaai and etukai. The first letter or syllable is the same in each foot in the case of mooai. In the case of etukai, the second letter or syllable shows such similarity. It can be demonstrated with the help of the following examples:

Ratnacaritam, chapter 18, verse 1: etukai allal..................................... .

villoli.................................. . collinln .............................. . collinin .............................. . chapter 23, verse 10: mooai • c1nam .................................. . •

•

1n1 .•...•................•....•.•

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man1car....................... . manakanam ........................ .

Mo0ai and etukai have a very old history in Tamil.23 The oldest Tamil grammar, TolkAppiyam ("poru\". 393, 397, 398), refers to these features under prosody. The later Tamil grammars on prosody also mention these techniques. But the 14th-century Malayalam grammar LllJtilakam describes them as features of the PJ{tu-style literature, thereby making the sharp distinction between the Sanskrit oriented Maqipra vJ/a literature and the Tamil-oriented PJ{{u literature in Malayalam. However, the earlier and the later MBl)ipravJ[a texts in Malayalam, in general, employ mooai and etukai. Unlike antAti, this technique took root in the Malayalam literature. 3.4

The third feature which is almost constantly noticed in the Ramacaritam is the characteristic composition of each chapter. Among the 164 chapters, 146 chapters consist each of 11 verses. Fourteen chapters have twelve verses each and the remaining four chapters each have ten verses. The occurrence of eleven verses in a chapter is not a common literary feature of Tamil literature.24 Most of the Tamil anthologies and texts have ten verses in each chapter. However, in the works of the Vai~Qava Alvars one comes across many chapters with eleven verses. According to Ramanujan, "The eleventh is a signature and a meta23 The rhyming techniques mDoai and etukai are also marginally found in early Indo-Aryan poetry, cf. prfsa and yamaka. However, this type of rhyme seems to be foreign to early Sanskrit and Indo-Aryan poetry. See Hart (1975:210). 24 Paramesvara Aiyar (1967:299) has pointed out the similarity with the works of NlyanmArs and ALv!rs. He even went to the extent of saying that the presence of 11 verses in the Rlmacaritam is due to the influence of the Nlyanmlrs and the Alv!rs.

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poem, a phalasroti or srotiphala (a recital of results) describing the merits of the ten verses and the good results they will bring to the devoted reader or listener".25 The early Malayalam R~ym.as, like the fifteenth-century Kaiµµ,ssarlmAyBl}a and RamakathappJftu, also do not use this technique. The first two of the three features mentioned above are also found in the folksongs of Kerala and Tamilnadu.26

3.5. We have analysed above the story and some of the techniques used for the composition of the R!macaritam. Though there are similarities between the compositional structure of this Rmnayat}a and the Tamil texts, as far as the story is concerned it does not follow either the great Tamil poet Kampan, who predates it by at least two centuries, or the Tamil Vai~Qava saint-poets, some of whom lived five centuries before its composition.

4. The Rlmacaritam as a complete Rlmlyqa We have mentioned above that the Rarnacaritam deals with the story of "YuddhakaQtam". It starts with the scene of Hanuman meeting Sit! who was sitting under the Asoka tree. In the full-fledged Rmnayat}as this part of the story is found in the "SundarakaQtam" . However, the main difference lies in chapter 128, which describes the first meeting of Hanuman and Bharata. At the request of Bharata, Hanuman narrates 25 Ramanujan (1981:v). 26 Tamil and Malayalam folksongs arc full of repeating structures. Rhyming techniques like mllaai, etukai and antJti contribute to a recognizable formal pattern which, in tum, helps memoriution. See also Emeneau (1966:330).

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that part of the story which is described in the "Ayodhya", "Aral].ya", "Ki~kindha", "Sundara" and part of "Yuddha K!l].tas". Though such a narration is also found in the other Rlm!yal].as, what is peculiar to the Rimacaritam is the elaboration of details from the earlier part of the story. The ultimate result of this flashback method is the birth of another version of the R!m!yal].a which deviates structurally from the earlier IUm!yal].as. S. Linguistic features of the Rlmacaritam There are a few speculations of scholars about the origin and spread of this earliest Malayalam R!m!yal].a. I have made an attempt to trace the area of origin as well as the kind of people for whom this R!m!yal].a might have been composed in the fourteenth century. One of the linguistic peculiarities of this R!m!yal)a is the replacement of lndoAryan s by Dravidian t. For example, santati >tantati 'progeny', asura > atura 'demon'.This replacement is found in 34 Indo-Aryan loanwords in initial position, and in 32 IA loanwords in medial position.n 5.1

The replacement of IA s by t in the Rilmacaritam is similar to the sound change PDr. *c I IA s > t found in the Dravidian tribal language Toda and in the non-Brahmin dialect of Tulu, another Dravidian language. Both of them geographically share a border with Malayalam. If there is a modem Malayalam dialect with the same replacement, then this will substantially contribute to our discussion of the present problem.

27 For a detailed study of this problem see Menon (1989:28-63).

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5.1.1

There was a general belief that the Rlmacaritam was composed by a king of Travancore.28 Two arguments were given to support this belief: (1) The family-god of the author of Rimacaritam is Sn Padmanlbha, whose temple is still found in Trivandrum. It is under the patronage of the Travancore royal family. (2) The author's name, Oramln, probably refers to one of the Travancore kings, who is known as Sn VIrarlma Varml. According to this theory, the Rlmacaritam would have originated in the southern part of Kerala.29 Both the arguments are based on the dubious external evidence. Our method is based on the internal linguistic evidence, which will be compared with some of the distinctive features of the modem Malayalam dialects. 5.1.2

Though the dialect boundaries of the twentieth century need not be the same as those of the fourteenth century, we are struck by the phonological similarity between the language of the Rimacaritam and that of the northern Malayalam dialects. Two of the similarities can be discussed here. 1. The isogloss -u-/-i- divides the southern (u) and northern (i) Malayalam dialects. The language of the Rarnacaritam is nearer to the northern dialect with the feature -i-. Cf. iroppu which occurs only once as against irippu, which occurs sixteen times; aruppam occurs once as against arippam, which occurs eleven times; peruppam occurs thrice as against perippam, which occurs 22 times in the Ramacaritam.30 28 Paramesvara Aiyar (1967:303). 29 Krishnan Nair (1973:11-16). 30 See also Sekhar and Sankaran (1944:50). Sekhar notes the presence of the fonns with -i- in central and northern Kcrala.

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2. Another sound change which points to a possible origin in the north is bh orb> v in the IA loanwords in the Rilmacaritam. From the following instances collected from the Malayalam dialect survey report, one can assume that this change is frequent in the north: 1. varli 'barley' (p. 23, no 72), 2. velru 'belt' (p. 26, no. 103), 3. viskarru 'biscuit' (p. 27, no. 111), 4. klJvi 'personal name Gobi' (p. 231, no. 2341), 5. bc!vi'personal name Baby' (p. 231, no. 2342). All these recent loanwords belong to the dialect area Calicut.JI The following IA loanwords reflecting the same sound change are from the Rilmacaritam: 1. ilvattu 'mishap', 149.9.1 (Skt. ilpad-) 2. kanavati 'Gal)apati, the elephant-faced God', 140.2.4 3. kuv!ran 'Kubera, the God of wealth', 49.8.2 4. vllata 'childhood', 31.4.3 (Skt. balata) 5. villan 'boy', 7.4.4 (Skt. bJla-) 6. ventukkal 'relatives', 13.10.5 (Skt. bandha-) 1. velam 'strength', 17.8.1 (Skt.bala-)

In items 1 and 2, the development is intervocalic -p->-b->-v-.32 5.1.3

On the basis of these two possible traces of northern dialects in the Ramacaritam and on the basis of the similarity of the change IA s > t, found in this text, to the similar changes in Toda and non-Brahmin Tutu, a search was launched in this part of Kerala to find out whether a Malayalam dialect with the change IA s > t exists in that area. An additional piece of evidence suggesting this approach was the fact that 31 Subramoniam (1974:23, 26, 27, and 231). 32 Sec also Godavanna (1946:68).

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most of the manuscripts of the Rimacaritam were discovered in northern Kerala. In none of the known Malayalam dialects a regular change of IA s > t is noticed The high-caste social dialects of northern and southern Kerala do not reflect this change. During fieldwork in the summer of 1983 among the Pulayans in the Cannanore and Calicut districts, I noticed the existence of this change in the IA loanwords.33 5.1.3.1

The following words with t instead of s were collected from Pulati Panchayat near Cannanore and belong to the Pulaya dialect:

taiiji 'bag' (Skt. saifj - 'cling to') tandadi 'continuation' (Skt. santati-) tammadam ' permission' (Skt. sammata-) tiikkt(iu 'illness' (Skt. sukha- + Ma. klfu) tamm!nam 'present, reward' (Skt. samm!na-) Sdupatri 'hospital' (Eng. hospital) 33 The Pulayas were employed only in agriculture. One of the invocatory songs in the Rlmacaritam is dedicated to Lord Padmanlbha. The following passage from Cochin Tribes and Castes connects the Pulayas with Lord Padmanlbha: "..... so also is the worship of Padmanlbha in Trivandrum, intimately connected with a Pulayan. Once, the story goes, a Pulakalli (Pulaya woman) who was living with her husband in the Anantan kadu (jungle) suddenly heard the cry of a baby. She rushed to the spot, and saw to her surprise a child lying on the ground, protected by a cobra. She had pity on it and nursed it as her own. The appearance of the snake intimated to her the divine origin of the infant This proved to be true, for the child was an incarnation of Vishnu. As soon as the Raja of Travancorc heard of the wonderful event, he built a shrine on the spot where the baby had been found and dedicated it to Padmanlbha". The same book describes the Pulayas as wholly illiterate and their language as a kind of low Malayalam largely mixed up with Tamil words and terminations. Sec Anantha Krishna Iyer (1909:88-89, 92).

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Initial and medial s > t is sporadically found in the Harijan dialect of Tamarasseri (Calicut District).34 Some of the examples are given below:

taiijoyam for santo~ bappiness' tarlga(lam for sarlkatam 'grief mldam for mlsam 'month' Neither the available literature nor the enquiries made among the specialists point to the existence of this change in any of the southern Malayalam dialects. The above discussion strengthens the assumption that the replacement of IA s by t in the Rimacaritam is a reflection of the replacement which existed in one of the Malayalam dialects contemporary with this text. Furthermore, the area of origin of this text must have been northern Kerala.

6. Social facton in the sound change s >t One common factor in the two languages Toda and Tulu is the presence of this change in the non-Brahmin dialect, though this is not strictly applicable to Toda where the factor Brahmin is absent. In the northern Malayalam dialects it is found only in the low-caste (non-Brahmin) dialects. Such replacements emerged first in the lower social classes and remained in their colloquial speech.JS Loanwords show a general tendency to preserve the foreign phonology in the Brahmin dialect and

34 I am thankful to Dr A.P. Andrewskutty for his generosity in allowing me to oonsult his unpublished field notes on this Harijan dialect For the same change in the Paraya dialect of Kanjangad (Cannanore District), see Andrewskutty (1976:3). 35 See Kuiper (1967-68:96).

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to assimilate to native phonology in the non-Brahmin dialect.36 In the old Malayalam text Rimacaritam the replacement s > t is limited to the IA loanwords, reflecting a social differentation such as Brahmin vs. nonB rahmin. The fourteenth century Malayalam grammar Llliltilakam confirms the existence of such changes in the language of the nonBrahmins.37 The author of the Rilmacaritam remarks that this RamayaQa was composed for the "small men" living on this earth.38

7. Rlmdathapplttu Another RamayaQa composed in the non-Sanskritic plttu-tradition is Ramakathappattu.39 The author of this RlmiyaQa belonged to a small village near Trivandrum, Southern Kerala. This earliest complete RamayaQa, consisting of 3163 verses which were composed around the 15th cent. A.D., is still being recited during the temple festivals in the Sri Padmanabha Temple at Trivandrum. The language of this text is comparable to that of Rimacaritam. However, one exception is the more extensive use of Sanskrit. Besides this distinctive feature, a crucial deviation is also noticed. This deviation, which is not found in the other RamayaQas from Kerala, pertains to the story of Patala RamayaQa or the episode relating to the Patala RavaQa who is a relative of RavaQa, the king on Lanka.40 This is the earliest literary occurrence of a folk story of which various versions are found in the Dravidian and IndoAryan languages of India and in the Thai language.41

36 37 38 39 40 41

Bright and Ramanujan (1972:157 and 159). See also Zengel (1962:132-139) Uliltilakam (1968:52). Rimacaritam (1932:1), verse 2. RilmakathappltfU (1970). Ibid., vol. II, "Yuddhak!Qtam", chapters 89-93, pp. 526-555. See Singaravelu (1985:269-279).

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7.1

For the benefit of those who are engaged in the comparative study of RamlyaQa, and because it is one of the earliest versions, a summary of this episode is given below. In the Rimakathapplftu it occurs almost at the end of "Yuddhakll}tam". After the death of lndrajit, Rlval}a has been contemplating the ways and means to vanquish Rima and Lak~mal}a. He remembers his relative Maiyyarlval}a who is living in the PltAJa (the underworld). Secretly he goes there and meets his relative. Rlval}a narrates the story of Rama and Lak~mal}a to his cousin, the PltAJa Raval}a. On hearing the distress of Rlval}a, the Pltala Rlval}a promises to help him by kidnapping Rima and Lak~mal}a to Pat!la, where they will be killed. Meanwhile Vibhi~al}a sees some bad omens and therefore cautions everyone about the impending danger. Hanumln promises to guard Rima and Lak~mal}a. In spite of the precautions, Patlla Raval}a succeeds in his attempt. He comes in the guise of VibhI~al)a, enters into the fort and goes away with Rama and Lak~m31)a. Vibhi~a realises immediately that it is the work of his cousin, the Paf!}a Rlval}a. With the help of Siirya, the Sun God, Hanumln enters Pltala through the opening of a lotus. There he meets his own son, though he was unaware of the existence of such a son. Another episode narrates the birth of this son. While Hanuman was crossing the ocean, his sweat fell on the water of the ocean. A fish consumed that sweat and thus became pregnant. When the pregnancy matured, a son was born to her and he is the son of the bachelor HanumAn. In some of the Tamil versions he is known as Maccavallapan and Maccakarppan. This son helps HanumAn to pass through the protected entrance. There Hanuman meets a sister of Patala RavaQa. She is portrayed as a good person. HanumAn takes the form of a frog and enters into

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her water-pot. The guard fmds nothing abnonnal in the weight of the pot and therefore allows her to proceed further. Once inside, Hanumm jumps out of the pot and takes the fonn of a small monkey. The children of Patala Ravat)a see the small monkey. Hereupon, Pat1}a Rava11a 's wife asks her husband to catch the monkey. When Pitllla RivaQa tries to catch the monkey, it becomes a big Hanumm. In the battle which follows, Hanumm kills the Pitlla Rllvat)a. After conducting the coronation of his successor, Hanumlln leaves the underworld together with Rllm.a and ~ 7.2

The above version of the story of Plltila RivaQa, as found in one of the earliest RllmiyaQas of Kerala, is in many aspects different from the Tamil oral versions. This episode is absent in the Rlmacaritam. It is also absent in the Kal)qassarimiyaqam (15th cent.), which is the first complete RamiyaQa in Malayalam. It follows Vilmiki and the Sanskrit traditions. From the sixteenth century on, the Sanskrit tradition of RamayaQa took over the place of the Tamil-oriented tradition. The Adhyitmarimiyaqa of Eluthaccan (16th cent.), the Malayalam translation of the Valmlld-R!rniyaqa by Kottayam Kerala Vanni ( 17th cent), and the RimiyaQas composed for Kathakali and other dance fonns are ample evidence of the increasing influence of Sanskrit and Sanskrit learning on the later RimayaQaS of Kerala.

8. Conclusion The earliest RamiyaQa from the West Coast of India was composed according to the Tamil tradition. However, the narration of the story does not follow the Tamil Rimiyat)a which preceded it. An enquiry into

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some of the distinctive linguistic features of the Ramacaritam points to northern Kerala as the area of origin of the text. The same investigation suggests that the oldest RlmAyal)a must have been composed for the members of a low caste, which adds a social dimension to the study of RAmlyal)aS. The RJ.macaritam must be regarded as a folklore version of the well-known epic story because it deals with the story of "Bila", "Ayodhyl", "Aral)ya", "Ki~kindhl" and "Sundara Klt)tams" almost at the end of the "YuddhakllQtam"; furthermore, it shows some of the important features of folklore. Accordingly, it is necessary to revise our opinion about the R!macaritam. It is not a partial Rlmlyal)a dealing with "Yuddhaklt)tam"; rather, it is a complete Rlmlyal)a beginning with "Yuddhaklt)tam"! Another West Coast Ramayal)a, the Rilmakathapplffu, deviates from the other Rlmlyal)as by presenting the episode of ~tlla Rlval)a, which is also found in the Tamil folklore. Moreover, it should be noted that this is the earliest literary presentation of this folkstory.

References

Ainkul].lniil].1. 1972. Madras: Saiva Siddhanta Publishing Company. Anantha Krishna Iyer, L. K. 1909. The Cochin tribes and castes, vol. 1. Madras: Higginbotham for Government of Cochin. Andrewskutty, A. P. 1976. 'Observations on the vocabulary of Parayas of northern Kerala'. Studies in Dialectology 1( 1). Trivandrum: Department of Linguistics. Bright, W and A. K. Ramanujan. 1972. ' Sociolinguistic variation and language change'. In J. B. Pride and Janet Holmes (ed.), Sociolinguistics. New Yorlc: Penguin Books: 157-66. Emenau, Murray Barnson. 1966. 'Style and meaning in an oral literature'. Language 42 (2):323-45.

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Godavanna, K.1946. lndo-Alyan loan-words in Malayalam. Mavelikara: Rama Vanna 1,1 Brothers. Govinclankutty, A. 1972. "A grammatical study of Kamparlmly8Q8111". Ph.D. dissertation. Trivandrum: University of Kerala: 1-526 (grammar), 1-2468 (index). --- 1981. 'Tamil literary conventions and the oldest Malayalam Ramayana'. Proceedings of the Fifth International ConferenceSeminar of Tamil Studies, vol. 2 Madras: International Association of Tamil Research:73-82. Hart, George L. 1975. The poems of ancient Tamil. Berkeley: University of California Press. Kamparilmilyal)am. 1948-58. Ed. with commentary by V. M. Gopalakrishnamacariyar. Madras: V. M. Gopalakrishnamacariyar. Krishnan Nair, P. V. 1973. Rimacaritam - oru vimariJtmaka pafhanam. Kottayam: National Book Stall. Kuiper, F.B.J. 1967-68. 'The genesis of a linguistic area'. lndo-Iranian Journal 10:81-102. Llliltilakam-MaQipravil/alak$81)Bm. 1968. Commentary IJatikuJam Kufii'ian Pillai. Reprint. Kottayam: National Book Stall. Menon, A. Govindankutty. 1989. 'Phonetic change and phoneme substitution in Malayalam: PDr •c > t and IA s : t'. Proceedings of the International Seminar on Dravidian Linguistics. Trivandrum: Dravidian Linguistics Association:28-63. NiJlilyira Tivviyap pirapantam. 1971. Ed. by Sri Annangaracariya Swami. Madras: V. N. Devanathan. Parameswara Aiyar, S. Ulloor. 1967. Kera/a Sihitya Caritram, vol.1. 3rd ed. Kerala University Series No. 30. Patimippattu. 1972. Madras: Saiva Siddhanta Publishing Company. Ramanujan, A.K. 1981. Hymns for the drowning (Poems for Vi~Qu by NammlLvlr). Princeton Library of Asian Translations. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

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RJmacaritam. 1932. RJmacaritam, edited by Sambasiva Sastri, Sri Citrodayamafi'cari Bhl~l Series, No. 4. Trivandrum: Manuscripts Library. RJmakathappRffu. 1970. Vol. I \111, edited with commentary by P. K. Narayana Pillai. Kottayam: National Book Stall Sekhar, A. C. and Sankaran, C. R. 1944. 'Notes on colloquial Malayalam'. Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute VI (1\1 2):49-52. Shankar, Raju Naidu, S. A. 1971. A comparative study of Kamba Ramayanam and Tulasi Ramayan. Madras: University of Madras. Singaravelu, S. 1985. The episode of Maiyarab in the Thai RJmakien and its possible relationship to Tamil folk.lore'. Asian Folklore Studies, 44.2:269-79. Subramoniam, V. I. et al. 1974. Dialect survey of Malayalam (EzhavaTiiya). Trivandrum: Kerala University. Zengel, Marjorie S. 1962. 'Literacy as a factor in language change'. American Anthropologist 64: 132-39.

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STUART H. BLACKBURN DBSCBNT INTO PBRFORMANCB: RAMA AVATAR IN A FOLK TRADmON OF KERALA

1. Introduction Crisscrossing between court and village, oral and written, Sanskrit and local languages, Indian epics are broad pathways of cultural borrowing and integration.I No better example exists than the Rama story. Whatever the ancient appeal of this epic, since medieval times its popularity has been achieved largely through the great texts of Kampao, Tulsi, Krttivas, and others.2 Key factors here are language and the avatilr concept. Both made the story accessible; a RmilyaI].a in Tamil, for instance, meant that common people could actually feel the story, and the Rima-avatar brought it within the sweep of Hindu temples, iconography, cults, festivals. There can be no dispute regarding the power of language in the popularization of the Rl\ma

1 On the complexity of Indian epics, see the introductions to the translated volumes of Vllmlki (Goldman 1985, 1987); Smith (1980); Blackbum et. al. (1989). Hiltebcitel's new book (1988) on a Tamil Mahibhlrata partially perfonned in folk ritual also promises new infonnation on this issue. 2 These bhakti texts represent the third of four stages in the evolution of the Rima story, according to Brockington (1985).

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story, but the avatlr concept is more complicated.3 Bhakti RlmlyaQas have taken the story to nearly every comer of the subcontinent, but how does folk tradition in a particular locale receive the bhakti epic? How does the avatlr concept fit with other concepts of deification in folk Hinduism? These are the questions posed in the following discussion of Kampao's RlmJlyaQa in a folk tradition. Fortunately, it will not be necessary to jump back and forth in a comparison between epic and folk tradition because (as if in a scholar's dream) Kampao's lrnmlvatlram is performed today as a shadow puppet play in central Kerala.4 Kampao's epic poem, one of the earliest bhakti RlmlyaI)as (12th c. A.D.?), unambiguously presents Rima as a god, the avatir sent to rid the world of rak$Bsas.s Widely considered one of the finest literary works in Tamil, the poem has achieved a unique cultural status as the Tamil RlmlyaQa.6 It is a vehicle for philosophical discourse, for meditation, and (if one is lucky enough to be a rak$asa hurling himself against Rlma's arrows) for liberation. How and when the text came to be performed as a shadow puppet play in Kerala is unknown, although a date after A. D. 1500 seems likely .7

3

4

5 6

7

Even language accessibiblity, however, is not simply a case of putting the story in an everyday idiom. Rather, linguistic discrepancy (between Tulsl's Avadhi and modem Braj or Kumaoni, or between Kampao 's learned Tamil and Malayalam) appears not to impede but to enhance the story's popularity. It will be necessary, however, to abbreviate the argument in order to fall within the page-limit allowed by the publisher. Sec Shulman ( 1979) for a clear exposition of Rima avatlr in Kampau. The first successful English translation of Kampao (Aycx:lhyJ Klr)pun) has now been completed by George Hart (with Hank Hcifctz); sec Hart and Hcifctz ( 1988). For a discussion on this and other aspects of the Kcrala shadow puppet play, sec Blackbum (1987). Sec also Scltman (1986).

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In any case, it is sung today in more than one hundred temples in Palghat District, and the surrounding area. The puppeteers actually sing only about 1,200 of Kampao's more than 10,000 verses; they also sing other verses (roughly 10 percent of the total performance) that have no identifiable textual source and were probably composed and transmitted by the tradition of puppeteers; the focus of the present paper is an episode that comes from these outside sources. The great majority of the performance, however, are verses from Kampan, which are carefully memorized and recited with near word-for-word faithfulness to their printed versions.a Each verse is followed by an oral commentary that first glosses the meaning and then launches into whatever topic the individual puppeteer chooses. The most remarkable aspect of the shadow puppet performance of Kampan is its ritual role. The recitation of the verses is a mandatory ceremony in the annual festival at BhagavatI (K:lli) temples in Kerala. The performances are, in fact, an extended paja, a ritual shower of words that continues without interruption (even for a moment) from late night to early morning for eight nights, or twenty-one nights, or, on occasion, for sixty consecutive nights. The performances are also physically linked to the BhagavatJ temple through a small procession led by the priest (vellicapad) who carries a white cloth that becomes the puppeteer's screen and the lighted lamp that creates the shadows on the screen. On some occasions, BhagavatJ's sword is also presented to the troupe leader, who lights a small fire on its blade and then touches its tip to the head of the other puppeteers as they stretch in full nam~karam at his feet. Other rituals could be cited, but these should demonstrate that Kampao's Rlmlyal)a has become firmly embedded in local folk Hinduism. The epic has been "popularized". Yet, curiously, R:lma 8 The great majority of the puppet play verses arc verbatim with Kampao (my source is the edition by K~pllakiru$J)&mlclriyar 1926-1939); the only consistent modification is to render indirect speech in direct speech.

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bbakti (in the sense of personal, emotional experience, or intimate relation with god) is absent.9 The performance is a piijA, but the only expressions of bhakti during the singing are to Siva and the

goddess. lo The puppeteers do recite verses (from their own tradition and not from Kampao) that praise Rama's powers and stress the necessity of direct experience. One such verse claims that the merit gained by donating gold equal in weight to Mt. Meru is but a fraction of the merit gained by Rlma's name - only once. The immeasurable good gained by reciting and hearing Rama's long story is described this way: There is wealth, wisdom, fame, and blessings of lotus-throned Lak~mi, Even a path to liberation for those who tell of Rima's strong shoulders When he destroyed the great demon armies and wore the vakai victory flower. But these are only introductory verses, announcing Rima as a god combating the evil rak~aksas. When the avatAr truly descends and Rama appears on the puppet screen, he is more challenged than worshipped. Rima's descent into performance will be discussed with reference to one particular episode and its sequel in the epic, the episode of Sambukumlrao, son of SiirpaQakhl. The action can be quickly 9 Bhakti, as Ramanujan (1981) warns us, comes in many forms; the term is used here in its general sense of devotion to a god. 10 The considerable influence of Shaivism on Kampao is widely acknowledged, but goddess cults also appear to be imponant links between the bhakti epics and folk tradition (Kampao·s own son is named "Ampiklpati"). In the popular story of Mayili (Mahi) RlvaJ)a, for example, Rima and Lak$mal)a are delivered in a sealed box to the temple of Bhadraklll.

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summarized: when LaqmaJ)a chops down trees in order to build an ashram at Pancavatf, he inadvertently kills SambukumlraQ, sitting in a tree doing tapas to Siva. Many variants of the SambukumAran episode also mention, in commentary form, that Surpat)akhl's husband (Skt. Vidyujjihva) was killed by Rlvat)3 during his "victory march" and that Sambukumlrat) set out to do tapas in order to win a sword with which to avenge his father's death. A full version of the episode, including both Sambukumlran's death and the explanation for his tapas, is found in several folk Rlmlyat)as from South India. In addition to the Kerala shadow puppet play, it exists in the shadow puppet plays from both Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. The story of Sambukumlrao is found also in a wide variety of South and Southeast Asian texts: in two Tamil folk Rlmlyat)as that I collected in palmleaf; in (as far as one can determine from secondary sources) more literary Rlmlyat)as from South India (the Telugu Rarlganlltha RlmlyaQa; in the Torave RlmlyaQa and Pampa RlmlyaI)a in Kannada); in the Sanskrit Ananda-RJJmlyaI)a; in the Malay Hikayat Seri Rima and the Thai Rima Kien; and certainly in others as yet unreported. I I Returning to major Indian texts, Vllmiki's Uttarak!Qc.la contains the story of Rlvat)a killing SOrpat)akhl's husband, but not the death of her son; the Jain PaumacariyalTJ, on the other hand, includes the death 11

This information is culled from the following sources: Bulcke (1962:41924, 628-32); Singaravelu (1983:284-85); Sitaramiah (1980:191); Sarma (1973:87). There is some discrepancy regarding the presence of the episode in the Rima Kien: Bulcke finds it there, but Singaravelu does not. Dr. Anna Dallapiccola has lcindly sent me a photograph of the SambukumAraQ episode among the series of IUmllyar,a panels in the Hazlra Rllrna temple (nonheast enclosure wall) at Vijayanagar. I am indebted also to John Smith (Cambridge University) for translating the Bulcke passages for me. 12 K~pllakiru~r,amllcllriyar mentions it in his introduction to the Curpa,;,akai Pap/am and in his commentary to one verse (veyyatiJr).

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of Sambukumaran, but not the death of his father as motivation for his tapas. Kampan, for his part, knows nothing of the episode, nothing of Sambukumaran or of his father, modem editors of his text, probably following a scholastic trail to Valmtki, do mention the father in their commentary.12 Whether Kampau simply did not know the episode, or did and chose not to include it may never be determined with certainty .13 What is clear, however, is that the shadow puppet tradition has chosen to add the episode to a text it otherwise follows very closely. The story of Sambukumaran thus reveals, as a small example of a larger process, how this folk tradition interprets the bhakti epic.

2. The episode in the Kerala shadow puppet play By tradition, the episode of Sambukummu is the very first narrative segment in the performance of the Rima story. The performance discussed below was sung in 1985 in a village ten miles from the city of Palghat. Three puppeteers, one a very talented extempore storyteller, performed for seventeen nights, presenting the story from Pancavati until Rlma's coronation in Ayodhyl. The first night was taken up by invocation and ceremonies, since this perfonnance is also the first ritual of the temple festival. Then followed a long summary of the plot that began with the gods'request to Vi~QU and brought the story up to the point where Rima, Lak~maQa, and Sitl have reached the banks of the Godavari.

13 No pre-Kampao Tamil version of the episode exists, as far as I know; the Prakrit PaumacariyalJJ antedates Kampao by several centuries, but there is no assurance that even a learned Tamil poet in Kampao 's time would be acquainted with that work.

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It was only on the second night, then, that the puppeteers began to recite narrative verses and tell the story in the present tense. The very first two verses are Kampan 's description of the GodD.vari and it's beauty. The first, one of Kampau's finest, is an extended metaphor:

Look, brother, here is the GodD.vari 1ying as a necklace on the earth nourishing this rich soil rushing over waterfalls flowing through Pancavati in clear, cool streams Like a fine poet's verse.14 1be puppeteers' commentary (abridged) follows:

Just look, Lak~al}a, we've travelled a long time, taking Sill through these dangerous dark forests, and finally here is this beautiful river. From what the poets have said, it must be the GodAvarI. Of all the rivers in BhArata, including the holy Gangl, they say it is the most beautiful. In this verse, you see, the word puvi means bh Dmi : Bh0mi, goddess of earth, wears the river like an ornament. But the river is more than a sparkling jewel. It is like a person whose hands cradle the land, supporting the pious Brahmins who recite the RarniyaI)a and the Bhigavata PuraIJa and the other sacred books which tell us when to marry, how to live the four stages of life, when and where to travel, how to 14 The Kampan verse is puviyioukku. Its double meaning (cil!{ai) is that all the qualities attributed to the river arc equally attributable to poetry. The puppeteers arc aware of this, but miss some of its nuances.

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perfonn dhanna and sacrifices with mantras and oblations. 15 And the Godlvari feeds this special spot of five landscapes, which is called "Five-Lands" (pancavalf).16 I said that the verse compares the river to a necklace, but realize also that the river flows, it moves like a poem. The word "verse" (kavi) in these lines means poetry, especially Vilmiki 's epic (klviyam), which is packed with meanings. For instance, you need one commentary (pata urai) to give you the literal meaning and another (Vi$esa urai) to tell you the hidden meanings. The Godivari, you see, is like that It has the same sound, beauty and movement. The perfection represented by R!ma 's presence in Pancavati is the central image of this initial scene. The avat!r has entered an earthly realm that matches his piety and righteousness. The next verse adds little to this effect, but next the image of perfection is developed in the puppeteers' commentary. Thus far, the folk tradition is simply receiving the classical poem with little interpretation; with the third verse, however, the puppet play leaves Kampan's text (to which it returns only after a string of thirteen verses that comprise the heart of the Sambukumiran episode). In this folk verse, Rima speaks to Lak~maQa of the evil rik$asas that infest the Pancavati forest; the puppeteers explain in the (abridged) commentary: 15 This image of the river banks holding up flowers like human hands actually occurs in the next verse; reference to it here indicates the extent to which the puppeteers have intemalii.ed the Kampan text 16 This interesting folk etymology utilizes the "five-landscape" (aint:itJai)concept from classical Tamil poetics to explain PancavatJ.

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You see, Lak~mal)a, there are five kinds of trees here, just like the five types of land; and that's why it's called Pancavatl. We heard that many demons live here and commit the five heinous crimes of lying, stealing, drinking, killing, and abusing one's guru. But don't worry, brother. It is for that very reason that we must perform austerities on earth, isn't it? To root out evil and protect the good. The demons have attacked dharma since the beginnings of time, especially here in Pancavati. So we must stay and destroy them. Here we begin to see how the folk performance interacts with the bhakti epic. After the first two verses, which set up the perfection of the RAma avatar, this verse plunges headlong into the essential conflict of the epic: divine perfection threatened by evil. But this contrast has been made explicit and the moral battle line nearly drawn only as a means of testing them. The puppet play does not (and cannot) reject Rama as an avatar; rather, by accepting the concept on its own terms, even exaggerating it, the avatlr 's moral separation from the rnk$asas can be stretched to the breaking point. Into this ominous scene steps SurpaQakhD.. Looking for her son, who has gone to do tapas in the forest, she is startled by his bloody body and cries: Is cruel death your reward for long tapas to the gods? Wearing fresh flowers you came and you wear them now, Riding to Siva's heaven in death's golden bier; I've lost you forever, my son Sambukumlirao.

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It can't be true ...are you really dead? You came here to win liberation and got death. Is this everyone's fate who worships Siva? Or is it your special fate? Where are you now? Somewhere on the journey to heaven ... who knows? (verse)

Covered with tunneric and ash, I prayed at Siva's feet for a son; Now your golden body lies in pieces; Who did this, Sambukumaran? Who makes me collapse in grief? (commentary)

I chanted and meditated on Siva's name for months, and finally you were born. But now... is this Siva's boon? Did my tapas win your death?

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(verse)

Your killers have gone but not escaped; It might be the Great God, or the Flower-God, or the husband of the red-lotus goddess; No matter who it is, I'll follow his trail, Find him and drag him to Lanka. (commentary)

Hah, let them try to escape! They can jump off this earth, and I'll follow. Revenge will be mine, no matter who it is. He might be the strong lndra, who once imprisoned the gods and has performed so many sacrifices and victory marches. Or it might be Brahma, the flower-god, who creates birds, animals, hwnans, and the other 80,000 lakhs creatures in our world. Even if Nlirayat}a, consort of Lak~mI, did this evil deed, he will not escape. Killer of my son, whoever you are! I will find and imprison you in Lanka, and no one ever escapes from the hands of my brother, RavaI}a. These three verses are the centerpiece of the SambukumAran episode. Sung in a pained voice that slowly draws out the words and compresses emotions to pin-points, they resemble the traditional Tamil dirge (oppm). Like many of those songs, SurpaQakha here cries out against a breakdown in the tapas -boon (tavam-varam) formula: piety

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is rewarded with death. The angry, mocking tone of her appeal for justice from an uncaring god is one of the few expressions of bhakti in the puppet play; but it is addressed to Siva, not Vi~l}u or Rima. When the puppet play returns to the Kampan text for the remaining three hours of performance, the realignment of moral forces continues. Although the puppeteers sing the Kampan verses virtually verbatim, they are able to alter them in minor yet significant ways. By altering a word or two in Surpa11akha's speeches, for instance, she appears very much unlike the pathetic fool portrayed in Kampao. The relation between Rima and the rik$asas is more explicitly transformed in the long commentaries, which the puppeteers append to the Kampao verses. Here, Rama is more than a little attracted to SurpaQakha. And on the crucial question of kJma, which in Kampan is evidence of the rik$Bsi's irremediable evil, SurpaQakhl forcefully explains that this emotion is not only natural, but also neccessary for the proper maintenance of the world. In the end, after the many, many nights of performance, Rlval}a is killed and Rima does triumph. But by means of the Sambukumru-an episode, the substitution of single words in verses, and the oral commentary, the puppet play subtly shifts the moral balance between the avatar and the demons. The Kampao text has been transmitted, but also translated into the local worldview.

3. Conclusions It is a curious fact that a major bhakti Ramayal}a has been transmitted in folk tradition without Rima bhakti. In central Kerala, Kampan 's IrlmivatAram functions as a ritual instrument in temple

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festivals, but it has not made Rima an object of popular devotion.17 An explanation, as we have seen, lies in the clash between bhakti and folk perspectives on the avatir. The theology of the avatar (divine perfection categorically opposed to evil) and its mission (conquest of the demons) violate the principle of balance in local folk culture. Balance underlies both the local worldview that accepts the necessity of kima and the dramatic aesthetic that seeks a calibrated tension between the two forces on the white cloth screen. Bhakti texts of the Rima story, however, do not always conflict with folk tradition. Sometimes they may merge, as for example in the folk stories that celebrate SIUi (CatakaQ(arivaI)aD Katai) and Hanumi\n (Mayilirival)an Katai).18 But neither Sit! nor Hanumiin is considered an avatir in South India. Born from the soil and (in folk tradition) a daughter of RAvaQa (a Dravidian hero in some minds), Sill's story contains elements that led to her deification as a Tamil folk goddess: amman. The early figure of RAma, on the other hand, lacked local roots in South India; he was a northern king.19 Folk tradition did attempt to localize his story in place-legends ("This village is called vii 17 Generally speaking, there is little Rllma bhakti in South Indian folk Hinduism. In the Kerala puppet play region, for instance, I found only two Rima temples (a large one at Tiruvilyllmalai and a smaller one at Qnapllarn); neither are visited much by the puppeteers. 18 On the CatakB1,1{arlva,;,ao Katai, see Shulman (1986). His statement (p. 114) that this folk text contains "one of the classical tensions of Hindu myth and ritual - that between the gods' desire...to defeat their demon enemies once and for all, and the axiomatic necessity for the daivlsura struggle to continue without end" might well describe the conflict between bhakti and folk perspectives identified in the Sarnbukumllrao episode. Once again, folk and Vedic worldviews converge. 19 George Hart (Hart 1979) has shown that when Nonh Indian gods came south, they were modeled after the Tamil king; a northern king, however, could not so easily become a southern god.

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kuci because it is where Rima took aim at Tatakai"; or, "That's the

rock where Rima sat after losing Sitl"), but Rima never developed into a bhakti -god in Tamil folk religion. Paradoxically, the avatJr role only thrust Rima further from folk Hinduism in South India. If prematurely and violently killed, in some caste conflict, Rima might have been deified like other Tamil folk heroes; but his story did not emerge from that particular strain of folk Hinduism. What happened was deification by the reverse process: the avatar's claim of prior divinity. This, however, did not bring the aloof god (Vi~Qu) closer; it simply made the human hero more distant. It is ironic that the "bhaktification" of the world's greatest folktale undermined itself by stimulating the counter-balancing moves we have observed in the Kerala shadow puppet play. The descent into performance is more truly a fall, a return to Rima as human hero.

References

Beck, Brenda. 1982. The three twins: the telling ofa South Indian folk epic. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Blackbum, Stuart H. 1987. ' Epic transmission and adaptation: a folk Rlmly31)3 in South India'. In Bo Almqvist, et al. (eds.). The heroic process: fonn, function, and fantasy in folk epic. Dublin: Glendale Press: 569-90. --- 1988. Singing of birth and death: texts in performance. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. --- et al. (eds.). 1989. The oral epic in India. Berkeley: University of California Press. Brockington, John L. 1984. Righteous RJma: the evolution of an epic. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Bulcke, Camille [Buike, Kamil]. 1962. Ram kathil: utpatti aur vikas. Prayag: Hindi Pari~ad Prakasan.

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Goldman, Robert P.,see VAlmiki [Goldman] Hart, George. 1979. 'The nature of Tamil devotion'. In Madhav Deshpande and Peter Hook (eds.), A.ryan and Non-Aryan in India. Ann Arbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies:11-33. Hart, George and Hank Heifetz (trans.). 1988. The forest book of Kampaa "'s R4mlly81)a. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hein, Norvin. 1972. The miracle plays of Mathur!. New Haven: Yale University Press. Hess, Linda and Richard Schechner. 1977. ' The Rrunlil! of Ramnagar'. Drama Review 21(3):51-82. Hiltebeitel, Alf. 1988. The cult ofDraupadi, vol. 1: Mythologies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Kl>pllakiru~Qalll!c!riyar, Vai. Mu. 1926-39. ed. Kampa1irnJy81)am. Madras. Lutgendorf, Philip. 1985. 'The life of a text: Tulasidas"'s R!rncaritmanas in performance'. Ph.D. dissertation. University of Chicago. Robair, Gene. 1982. The epic ofPalnll(lu: a study and translation of PaJ.nati Virula Kath!. New York: Oxford University Press. Ramanujan, A.K. 1981. Hymns for the drowning: poems for Vi$l)U by NammRLvllr. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Sanna, C.R. 1973. The R!mllyBl)a in Telugu and Tamil. Madras: Lakshminarayana Granthamala. Seltmann, Friedrich. 1986. Schattenspiel in Kera/a. Stuttgart: Steiner. Shulman, David D. 1979. 'Divine order and divine evil in the Tamil tale of Rama'. Journal of Asian Studies 38:651-69. --- 1986. 'Battle as metaphor in Tamil folk and classical traditions'. In Stuart Blackbum and A.K. Ramanujan (eds.), Another hannony: new essays on the folklore ofIndia. Berkeley: University of California Press: 105-30. Singaravelu, S. 1983. 'The literary version of the Rama story in Malay' . In K.R. Srinivasa Iyengar (ed.). Asian variations in Ramayana. New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi.:276-95.

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Sitaramiah, V. 1980. ' The Rmn!yw,a tradition in Kannada'. In V. Raghavan, The Rim!yBJ)a tradition in Asia. New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi: 178-203. · Smith, John D. 1980. 'Old Indian: the two Sanskrit epics'. In A.T. Hatto (ed.), Traditions ofheroic and epic poetry. London: Modem Humanities Research Association: 48-78. Valmlki [Goldman]. 1985. The Rmnlyw,a ofV!lmlki, intr. and transl. by Robert P. Goldman, vol. l: Bllakli}~. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Whaling, Frank. 1980. The rise of the religious significance ofRima. New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

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CLIFFORD HOSPITAL RAVA:t{A AS TRAGIC HBRO: C. N. SRIICANTAN NAYAR'S

LANKALAICSMI .

LarlkJlak~ is a play written in Malayalam and first published in 1976,

the second of a series of three plays written by C. N. Srikantan Nayar which together tell the story of the Runlyal}a. In many respects the play is a reminiscent of recent European plays which draw upon the Western heritage of heroic stories, but reimagine them, often in the light of modem perceptions and interests.• What is perhaps most interesting initially with respect to Larlkalak~mi is that the characterization of Rlval}an reflects recent South Indian interpretations of Rlval}an as a Dravidian hero, and the story of the defeat of the Rlkpsas as a veiled account of the domination of the Dravidian peoples by the northern Brahmanical culture.2 Srikantan Nayar, however, does not pick up this Dravidian view in doctrinaire fashion. Although he portrays Rlval}an as a very positive figure, he draws on, and retains remarkable consistency with, the standard accounts of the actual events of the Valmlki-RamayBl)a. What he changes are the interpretations of these events. Most important, I

1 The three plays are, in the order in which they recount the story of the Rlmlyar,a, Sikctam (1975), Lankllak$mi (1976), Kilrcanasfta (1961). 2 It was E.V. Ramaswami Naiker, the leader of the Dravida Kashagam, who gave strongest expression to this view. See Barnett (1976:71, 92, 116).

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think, is his presentation of the story from the perspective of the ~.3

In most RlmlyaQas the overall perspective is from the side of the hero Raman and his followers or devotees. On occasion RivaJ)an may receive a treatment which points up some aspects of his greatness, or in which his evil deeds are interpreted as those of an enemy devotee seeking liberation through death at the hands of Raman; but these serve ultimately either to underscore Raman's heroism or to highlight in a powerful way the wide embrace of Ramabhakti.4 Srikantan Nayar, on the other hand, presents the story from within the worldview of the Rik~asas, shows us the quests and ideals of the vamsa of Rik~asas. Above all, he takes us into the thoughts of Raval)an as he attempts to determine the appropriate actions for the difficult situation in which he finds himself and his people. In order to explore this, it is necessary that we undertake three tasks: first to outline briefly the setting and structure of the play; second, to look at the early discussion in the court of Lanka, presented at the beginning of the first act; and finally to look in some detail at the characterization of RavaJ)an. Larikllak~mi is in three acts with brief prologue and epilogue. The three acts are set in the sabhlmaQ(lapa or assembly hall of RlvaJ)an 's palace. This means that the major action of this section of the RamlyaJ)a, the many battles between RivaJ)an and Raman and their respective forces, takes place off stage. What we are shown is the wrestling of the Rile~ with these events and their implications. The prologue, though brief, is important in that it sets the stage for what is to follow. It portrays the release from an ancient curse of 3

4

It seems to me unlikely that Srikantan Nayar would have contemplated this approach had it not been for the recent South Indian emphasis, mentioned above. For a brief discussion of some examples of these and other positive portrayals, see Hospital (1985).

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Lat\lcllak~mi, a Rlk~asi who is the gatekeeper of Lat\lca and whose name suggests that she is the guardian of Lanka's prosperiy. This release is effected by Hanumln. He comes seeking Sita in Lanka by night, attacks this hideous guardian IUk~i and she falls to the ground. Then, as the stage directions put it (31 ): "When she rises one can see that her form is beautiful. "5 She explains the transformation to Hanuman (31): A Brahman blessed me saying, "ff one day you are struck by a monkey, you will leave the Rlk~asa form and return to your divine form." In return for his release of her, Lat\lcllak~mi tells Hanumln where he can find Sill in the Asoka grove.6 This brief exchange is of crucial importance in terms of the play's central themes. It suggests at the outset a change in the fortunes of the Rlk~sas. The result is that the play becomes an exploration of the response of the leaders of the Rlk~asas to this change of fortune. Although they mention this event, their discussion includes a wide variety of alternative explorations of the nature and causes of the ascendancy and prosperity of the Rlk~as, and of what should be done in the face of an enemy which threatens in a way none has ever done before. But for the reader or audience, the prologue suggests at the 5

6

All page references arc to the Malayalam text referred to in f n. 1 above. The translations are my own; however, I would like to acknowledge the help I received from Dr. V. S. Sharma of the University of Kerala in my initial work on the translation. It should perhaps be noted that the figure of Lar\k!lak~mi is not found in the critical edition of V!lmtki, though she is found in the southern recension, where she is just called "Lanka". The event is also recorded in Kampan, where she is referred to as "Lank!lak~mi".

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outset an inevitability in the declining fortunes of the Rlkpsas. We see what is happening, and we are taken into a fascinating and subtle exploration of the Rnk~s' response. Having said that this event is of crucial importance, we must beware on the other hand of reading to much into it Srikantan Nayar does not intend this to be the sole explanation of subsequent events. The worldview into which he takes us is, like many worldviews that we humans inhabit, one which provides multiple causal explanations. Srikantan Nayar introduces us to various kinds of wrestling with the question of appropriate action - but within a context established by the prologue, in which one knows that the Rak~as are facing those trying times that come to all within mundane existence. We thus are placed sympathetically on their side as we view their response. The first act opens on a discussion between Viriipak~n. Suparsvan, Nikumbhan, Indrajittu, and the young Atikayan. In short order we are introduced to a number of inauspicious events that have occurred in Lanka - the rusting of RavaQan's sword; the destruction of the palace by Hanuman, who also set fire to the flag-pole; the killing by Hanuman of Jambumali, the son of the commander Prahastan, and Ak~. a son of RavaQan; and the prediction by lndrajittu of the collapse of the central golden dome of Lank!, a prediction which is fulfilled while their discussion continues. RavaQan then enters and sits on his jewelled throne. During almost all of the remainder of the play, apart from the first part of the second act, RavaQan is on stage. He is clearly at the heart of the play. The latter part of the first act is given in large part to an exchange between RavaQan and Vibhi~aQan and Vibhi~aQan's defection to the enemy (we shall return to look in detail at this). The second act opens with reports from the battlefield and with the Rak~asas ' response to hearing these: the death of Prahastan; Vibhi~aQan's hurling a spear at RavaQan; the killing of multitudes of the monkey army and their return to life through the use of divine

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herbs. RavaQan returns wounded and depressed from the field and is comforted by Mal)Ql>dari. The act ends with the death of Kwnbhakarooan, and lndrajittu 's final entry on to the battlefield. The third act begins in hope with reports of magnificent fighting from lndrajittu. But then there is a series of events which lead Raval)8Il to realize how tenuous the situation is. This culminates in the death of lndrajittu. RavaQan and MaQQOdari comfort each other, a powerful moment of great pathos. Then at MaQQodari 's instigation Raval)8Il goes to the Nikumbhila to make an oblation to Sivan; he sings the Pancacimaram, a hymn to Sivan which he had composed, but the monkeys enter the fortress, Angadan comes to the mouth of the cave, and RavaQan is unable to complete his sacrifice. He dons his armour and goes off to the battlefield. There is a short postlude in which Hanuman comes to the Asoka grove to rescue Sita. My purpose in outlining the major movement of the play is for us to be aware of the way in which Srikantan Nayar develops the sense of increasing hopelessness that pervades the scene. He also manages to develop considerable pathos at the same time that he is revealing Raval)an's attempt to determine what should be done, and thereby unveiling RavaQan's character. Before looking at the characterization of Raval)an, however, it is important to see the way in which the initial discussion among his ad visors sets the scene for Raval)an 's own decisions. This discussion involves a skilful and complex interweaving of three themes: the past vicissitudes of the fortunes of the R~asas and the greatness of RAvaQan in bringing them to their present dominance of the three worlds; the details of the present threat from RAman and his monkey army; and speculations about the necessary course of action in the light of the threat (these are linked to the first theme in that these Rak~asa leaders seek the appropriate action in the light of a consideration of successful responses to past threats).

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The account of the rise of the Rlk~asas is interesting at one particular point: it makes the case for the peculiar Rlkpsa propensity for abducting women and bringing them into the Rlk~asa varpsa. The case of Dhanyamlli, an Apsaras and the mother of Atiklyan, who was abducted by RlvaQan is mentioned; but the crucial point is made by Nikumbhan that (38) "the Rlk~asa dhanna is that if he sees beauty, and tried to avoid it, he becomes bitter." To which Virilplk~ responds: "It is the means of the flourishing of the race." This is a theme which recurs in various fonns. The context of this particular piece is itself important. Suplrivan asks the pointed question (37), "Should Lanka engage in war for the sake of a woman?" and further suggests that the seeds of destruction and flourishing may be one and the same. Indeed, it is such questions about what are appropriate actions that are of central interest to us, for they quite quickly set the general parameters of Rlk~asa responses, including those of RlvaQan. In this early section the following views are expressed: (1) Indrajittu observes in the light of the negative events (34):" ... everyone in Lanka is afraid. So if the memory of drinking the wine of greatness lies dormant, we must strive to perform tapas for ten thousand years." The suggestion is that, as he has already said earlier, the power of RlvaQan has faded; and, correspondingly, the Rlk~asas have lost the awareness of greatness, and hence their courage. The implication, picked up later, is that this greatness needs to be recaptured. (2) The possibility and dangers of compromise are introduced via RavaQan 's mercy towards the Rak~asa Madhu who had abducted Kumbhinasi; RlvaQan went to Madhupuri, Kumbhinasi was surrendered, RlvaQan showed mercy, and Madhu flouted his freedom. (3) Indrajittu argues for a new battle strategy, just at the point when Prahastan, the commander of the anny, enters the court. Suplrsvan fairly quickly adds another point, that the holy commitment

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of the warriors is the centre of battle strategy, and asks (37), "But how can a battle for Lanka, which is carried out for another man's wife, be a holy battle?" Prahastan avoids the question by suggesting that "the power to destroy constitutes the holiness of war"; but Suplrivan persists in his question, and this leads into the piece mentioned above on the Raqasa dhanna and the abduction of women. (4) Indrajittu suggests that the appropriate action according to the sJstra is to go to the Asoka grove and kill Sita. In the context of these issues we can now tum to look at some of the key features of the portrayal of Rlv81)an. The first striking point is the way Srikantan Nayar draws the contrast between Rlval)an and Vibhi~. Traditionally, Vibhi~aI)an is a very positive figure, a devotee of Raman. By using a Rlk~asa perspective - and, incidentally, picking up some of the ambivalent tone that one finds in Kampan - Srikantan Nayar shows him in another light, as a coward and traitor to his family and people. When Rav81)an asks him to expel the monkey army, he says (46): "That's no easy task. The spies inform us that the abundance of the army is such that it is impossible to oppose it." He goes on to highlight the heroism of the monkey leaders, Sugrivan, Angadan, and Hanumln. He suggests that the strength of Lank! will not be sufficient. And he recounts the details given by the spies of the prowess of Rima!) in destroying Kharan, Dii~81)an and Trisirassu and the R~sa army of fourteen thousand, and of the enormous army of monkeys building a bridge to Lankl. He describes Raman (47): In appearance he is brilliant in his warrior splendour. Metal melts in the fire of his imperishable heroism. I hear that he has numerous sacred divine weapons of his own. One may perceive an invisible halo of invincibility on Raman.

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Rlval}an acknowledges Rlman's heroism, but doubts his invincibility. Vibhi~al}an goes on to talk of Rlman 's rare power and acute truth - with the further comment (48): "The truth which is sharper than a divine weapon is to liberate the bearer of dhanna who has been abducted." He thus implies that in abducting the dharmic human wife, Sita, Rlval}an has himself strayed from what is dharmic. But his motivation is suspect. He points out that Brahm! did not give him immortality as he did to Rlval}an when the latter performed tapas for a thousand years. He counsels returning Sita to Rlman, letting Rlman decide whether to continue with the battle or strike a treaty. If it is to be a battle, they should, of course, fight. But he also acknowledges that if Kuberan came to recapture the sky-chariot, Puwak.a, he would give it to him. And when Rlval}an asks him to be the leader of the army, he protests that he has not the strength to oppose Rlman. Again he says that he will accept the command if Rlval}an will release Sita. But later he observes that Lanka is being attacked because Lak~mi has withdrawn, and says that he has no desire to stay in Lanka. Throughout this exchange, Rlval}an concentrates on the ascendancy which he has achieved for his family and people. Gradually it becomes clear that what is at issue here for the Rlk~asas as a whole is a question of loyalty to the race and kingdom. This is central for Rlval}an: he recounts the piteous condition of the Rlk~asas "writhing in Pltlla" and his own determined ascendancy (he uses the royal plural: 49): We have walked from hidden valleys to the hills. We have trodden the earth, we have tramped over rocks, we have triumphed, we have climbed. We climbed and climbed to every mountain peak, and when we arrived at the summit, we saw it was difficult to climb further, but we grasped at the stars, we tramped among the spheres,

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still climbing. And as we ascended, we raised up a family that had been destroyed. We were victorious. Over against this magnificent ambition and determination of RlvaJ)an for the return of his people to and beyond their past glory we see Vibhi~qan invoking some more abstract dhanna ; but the point of it is not developed, so that we suspect that his true motivations are those in which he expresses his view that R!man will win. Further contrasts are given to highlight this point. When Vibhl$8l)811 asks to leave, RlivaJ)all says (53): But whom are you leaving? Your brother, though on another occasion that brother won glory for you. Your close relatives, your people, your kingdom. Well, if that is your wish, I will permit it. I allow you to escape with your life. I hope you understand what I am doing. H you were in my position, it surely wouldn't happen like this. And although Prahastan suggests that Vibhi~aqan should be imprisoned and Kumbhan moves to kill him as he leaves, R!vaJ)an sees that he goes unharmed. This is contrasted with a later event in which on the battlefield Vibhi~aJ)an hurls a spear at RlvaJ)an. R!vaJ)an deflects it, but he is clearly quite depressed at this traitorous act on the part of a member of his family. When he returns from the battlefield he says (61):

To destroy the family may be possible for a member of the family. No one else is able to do it. The power of Rlman is that someone is aiding him against us. A chameleon is not the heroic ideal of Raqasas!. .. Plotting against the family!. .. a brother!. ..my own brother!. ..He

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may learn brotherhood from his new masters. Alas, I was aware of it. He was jealous of me... Rlivanan earlier had made it clear that he was aware that Rliman is • not above using Vibhi~aJ)an against him (54): "Perhaps he will be caught in the net of Rliman. Never mind. It is well known that RlvaJ)8Il is not Bllli." The well known story of the use of Sugrlvan by Raman to effect the death of his brother B!li - always something of a problem in the portrayal of Rllman's character - is alluded to here. It is picked up again later by Indrajittu (59): It's clear that Vibhi~an has been deceived. The policy of Rllman is to make friends with the younger brother and then to fight with the older brother. The weak younger brother and servant of Rliman engages in a feud and gains respect. Rllman used Sugrivan to kill his brother Bllli in Ki~kindha. He may well use the same policy in Lanka. It is clear that Srikantan Nayar is making skilful use of this tradition to reverse the traditionally positive approach towards Rllman and the denigration of RlivaJ)an. Raman and Lak~maQan become much more equivocal figures, Rllval}an much more positive. And it must be emphasized that RlvaJ)an does not deviate from this loyalty to his family. VibhI~an's wife, Sarama, is attacked by warriors because she goes to the fort at night, and they suspect that she is spying, showing the enemy how to gain entrance to the fort. She tells RllvaQan that, having heard her husband had joined the enemy's side, she hoped to see him in the distance; she has never tried to harm her own people, she says. And Rlival}an grants her protection, allowing her to live in MaJ)c;ll>