Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education: Perspectives from First and Second Generation Ethiopian Students (Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education) 3030755517, 9783030755515

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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN RACE, INEQUALITY AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN EDUCATION

Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education Perspectives from First and Second Generation Ethiopian Students Adrienne Wynn · Greg Wiggan · Marcia J. Watson-Vandiver · Annette Teasdell

Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education

Series Editors Jason Arday, Department of Sociology, Durham University, Durham, UK Paul Warmington, Centre for Education Studies, University of Warwick, Coventry, UK Vikki Boliver, Department of Sociology, Durham University, Durham, UK Michael Peters, Wilf Malcolm Institute of Educational Research, The University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand James L. Moore III, Interim VP for Diversity & Inclusion, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA Zeus Leonardo, Graduate School of Education, University of California, Berkeley, Berkeley, CA, USA

This series focuses on new developments in the study of race, social justice and education. Promoting theoretically-rich works, contributions include empirical and conceptual studies that advance critical analysis whilst attempting to destabilise the institutionalised racist orthodoxy that has undermined the notion of education being a tool of social mobility. The series will consider social mobility as a form of equality narrowly defined whilst also critiquing the ideology of social mobility which essentially pits individuals against one another in a sink or swim competition, entirely ignoring the reality of deep and damaging structural inequalities. A central aim of the series will be to address important current policy issues, such as social mobility, widening participation etc., while also recognising that critical studies of race are also concerned with wider, fundamental transformations in education, knowledge and society, i.e. the dismantling of racist structures, concern with education’s role in reproducing racial inequality.

More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/16182

Adrienne Wynn · Greg Wiggan · Marcia J. Watson-Vandiver · Annette Teasdell

Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education Perspectives from First and Second Generation Ethiopian Students

Adrienne Wynn College of Education University of North Carolina at Charlotte Charlotte, NC, USA

Greg Wiggan College of Education University of North Carolina at Charlotte Charlotte, NC, USA

Marcia J. Watson-Vandiver Elementary Education Department Towson University Towson, MD, USA

Annette Teasdell Department of Curriculum and Instruction Clark Atlanta University Atlanta, GA, USA

ISSN 2524-633X ISSN 2524-6348 (electronic) Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education ISBN 978-3-030-75551-5 ISBN 978-3-030-75552-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75552-2 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: © Paolodelpapa This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Contents

1 2

Introduction: Background and History of Ethiopia and Cultural Context

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Ethiopia Un-colonized and Unbound: Ancient to Present

27

3

Critical Race Feminism and Afrocentricity

55

4

Ethiopian Immigrants in the U.S.: Research Context and Participants

81

5

Immigrant Identity in the U.S.: Black But Immigrant

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6

Black Like Me: Concepts of Africanness, Blackness, and Beauty

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7

Family, Traditions, and Customs

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8

Gender, School, and Culture: Education and Beyond

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Creating a Pathway for the Future: Recommendations and Conclusion

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References

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Index

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v

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Fig. 1.2 Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

1.3 4.1 5.1 5.2

Fig. 6.1 Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9 8.1

Fig. 9.1

Leading countries of birth for foreign-born African populations (Source Gambino et al. [2012]) Educational attainment of foreign-born populations from Africa (Source African Immigration Council [2012]) Emperor Menelik II Addis Ababa (Source Author) Emergent themes Empress Taytu and Emperor Menelik II (Source Author) Emperor Haile Selassie I Speaks Before the League of Nations (Source Author) Queen Tiye, 18th Dynasty, circa 1391–1353 B.C.E (Source Author) Queen Rae, 18th Dynasty (Source Author) Queen Anut Tawi, 18th Dynasty (Source Author) Traditional Ethiopian woman (Source Author) Pharaoh Narmer (Source Author) Greek imitation of Egyptian pharaohs (Source Author) Egyptian Pharaoh Burial Tomb (Source Author) Empress Zaiditu, Daughter of Menelik II (Source Author) Empress Menen of Ethiopia (Source Author) Ida B. Wells-Barnett (Source National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution) Emergent themes

4 4 6 84 101 103 123 123 124 125 126 127 127 138 139 167 184

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List of Tables

Table 1.1 Table 4.1

Total percentage of public school students by race/ethnicity: 2017 projected trends Ethiopian female participants

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Background and History of Ethiopia and Cultural Context

Education is rapidly changing in the U.S. (Maxwell, 2014; U.S. Census Bureau, 2015). At the end of 2020, Maxwell (2014) notes minority student enrollment will become the majority in public schools. The U.S. Department of Education projects that by 2027 the percentage of White students will decrease to 45%, and minority students will total 55% of the nation’s schools (NCES, 2019a). Recent census data predicts that in 2060, U.S. student demographics will reach 64% racial minority, with biracial and multiracial students increasing at rates of 226% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015). Table 1.1 provides a visual illustration of these changing population trends. As the data reflect, U.S. classrooms are rapidly diversifying. Yet, teacher population trends have remained relatively constant for the last five decades. According to the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), public schools are typically comprised of a teacher workforce which is 80.1% White (NCES, 2017). Thus, this book addresses a need to equip teachers with rich multicultural materials to effectively educate diverse students. The 2020 Supreme Court Decision ensured continued protection of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) recipients in the U.S. (Immigrant Legal Resource Center, 2020). DACA is an immigration policy that allows immigrants who were brought to the U.S. as children © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Wynn et al., Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education, Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75552-2_1

1

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Table 1.1 Total percentage of public school students by race/ethnicity: 2017 projected trends

2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018* 2019* 2020*

White

Black

Hispanic

Asian

Pacific Islander

American Indian/Alaska Native

Two or More Races

54.1 52.4 51.7 51.0 50.3 49.5 48.9 48.2 47.6 47.1 46.5 46.1

16.7 16.0 15.8 15.7 15.6 15.5 15.4 15.3 15.2 15.3 15.1 15.0

22.3 23.1 23.7 24.3 24.9 25.4 25.9 26.3 26.8 27.1 27.3 27.5

4.9 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.8 4.9 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5

0.1 0.3 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.3 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.4

1.2 1.1 1.1 1.1 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 0.9

0.7 2.4 2.6 2.8 3.0 3.2 3.4 3.6 3.9 4.1 4.3 4.5

*Projected trends at the time of the study Source NCES (2019b)

to receive protection from deportation (ibid.). The renewed protection for immigrant students and families adds an additional layer of student diversity in today’s classrooms. While immigration is an expansive issue in the U.S., there is limited research on African-descent immigrant student experiences (Anderson, 2017; Bodovsky & Avni, 1989; Chacko, 2003; Mana et al., 2009). Currently, the majority of foreign students studying in the U.S. come from Asia and Europe (Open Doors Report, 2019). As such, research on international education typically focuses on Asian and European students’ perspectives (Altbach, 2004; Lee, 2019; Lee & Rice, 2007). While the focus on international education is laudable, a systemic inquiry on Black immigrant student experiences is lacking. The projected increase in immigrant students in the U.S. will undoubtedly impact national school demographics, as well as English as a Second Language (ESL) and Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL) classrooms. In addition to changing school demographics, U.S. immigration trends will also impact the sociopolitical landscape. In today’s divisive political climate, many researchers are fearful of increasing cases of discrimination and xenophobia that could potentially target immigrants of color

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(Lee, 2019). This was most recently seen in the COVID-19 pandemic (Severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2) where Asian and Pacific Islanders were often targets of discrimination, xenophobia, and intolerance (Huerta, 2020; Human Rights Watch, 2020). In this sense, a more comprehensive understanding of international education is needed for teacher preparation, and multicultural and anti-racism education (Kendi, 2019; Kishimoto, 2018; May, 1999; Ohito, 2016; Sleeter & Grant, 1987, 2005). Since student experiences and outcomes vary depending on variables such as country of origin, race, class, gender, and religion, it is important to capture diverse perspectives within this critical topic (Altbach, 2004; Lee, 2010; Lee & Rice, 2007; Wilton & Constantine, 2003). Diversity, in this case, begins with further exploring minority perspectives in education. As such, this book explores critical race perspectives regarding immigration in schools and society. Additionally, this book raises questions about the role of immigrant status in U.S. classrooms, as well as the potential impact this could have on promoting greater diversity in schools.

African Immigration There is a persistent need to explore international student experiences within the U.S. Immigrants of African descent are particularly overlooked in current research (Anderson, 2017; Bodovsky & Avni, 1989; Carroll & Ryan, 2007; Chacko, 2003). Historical movement across the African Diaspora includes various patterns of migration, immigration, and displacement (Gomez, 2005; Harris, 1993). Whereas the transatlantic slave trade displaced the most African-born people, the Refugee Act of 1980 is one of the primary contributors to contemporary immigration patterns (Anderson, 2017). It is estimated that 2.1 million foreign-born Africans live in the U.S. today (ibid.). African immigration has increased over 500% between 1980 and 2016 (Anderson & López, 2018). Since the year 2000, the number of Black immigrants living in the U.S. has risen 71% (Anderson & Lopez, 2018). In 2018, native Africans constituted 39% of the international Black population in the U.S. (ibid.). Relatedly, over the last four decades, the number of African-born immigrants has nearly doubled each decade (Gambino et al., 2012). While West Africa is home to the largest influx of African-descent immigrants in the U.S., East Africans constitute over one-fourth of African immigrants (ibid). Demographic details of the region demonstrate that 36%

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of African-born immigrants are from West Africa, 29% are from East Africa, 17% are from North Africa, 5% are from Central Africa, 5% are from South Africa, and about 8% are from other outlying regions. As displayed in Fig. 1.1, Ethiopia is home to the second largest demographic group of African immigrants in the U.S., with 222,000 people respectively. The year 2015 marked some of the largest increases in East and Central African-born immigrants in the U.S. This is due in large part to economic and political destabilization in their home countries. Many African immigrants attain greater educational outcomes than native-born U.S. citizens (Gambino et al., 2012). Additionally, immigrants from Africa typically have higher educational attainment than other foreign-born groups. As displayed in Fig. 1.2, currently, 16.1% of the African-born population has a graduate degree, 24.2% has a bachelor’s

Fig. 1.1 Leading countries of birth for foreign-born African populations (Source Gambino et al. [2012])

Fig. 1.2 Educational attainment of foreign-born populations from Africa (Source African Immigration Council [2012])

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degree, 27.6% has some college, 20.0% has a high school diploma, and 12.1% has no high school diploma (African Immigration Council, 2012). Today, many African-born immigrants work in management, business, and science fields. This directly impacts the economy, as many Africanborn immigrants bring college and advanced-level educational skills to the U.S (Watson-Vandiver, 2018). Despite these high levels of educational attainment, Hanassab (2006) finds that African and Middle Eastern students experience more discrimination than international students from other regions. Within the U.S., many African-born immigrant students are inaccurately categorized as African American or Afro-Caribbean (Loo, 2019). While multiple intersecting historical and cultural themes connect the African Diaspora, there are also ethnic differences that are distinctive to each geographic region and cultural group. Showers (2014) notes that race and ethnicity are equally important in Black immigrant identities. Notwithstanding, the U.S. often groups international Africans with African Americans, since they generally have similar phenotypical features particularly skin color (Romanucci-Ross et al., 2006; Waters, 1990). In this regard, overt racism is often a new experience for many African immigrants (Getahun, 2007). Considering that Ethiopia was never colonized, this proves to be a complicated milieu for many Ethiopians who have generally lived outside of White supremacy ideology and institutionalized racism (Getahun, 2007). The added complexities of being an immigrant student, in addition to xenophobia and discrimination, are compounding issues that require further research. Since Ethiopians comprise one of the largest immigrant groups in the U.S., it is important to address their unique learning needs, which could help inform diversity in multicultural education. To better understand these unique learning needs, it is important to first explore the relationship between Ethiopia and the U.S. Ethiopian Immigration Ethiopia and the U.S. have generally maintained a convenient partnership (BBC News, 2019), yet the political relationship between the two countries has fluctuated. In 1896, in the Battle of Adwa, under the leadership of Emperor Menelik II, Ethiopia was successful in defeating the Italian army, thus remaining the only uncolonized country on the continent of Africa (Budge, 2001; Jonas, 2011; Milkias & Metaferia, 2005). Figure 1.3 shows an image of Menelik II below.

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Fig. 1.3 Emperor Menelik II Addis Ababa (Source Author)

At the time of the Battle of Adwa [1896], this victory served as a paradox to the U.S.’ historically racialized landscape where enslaved Africans and African Americans built the country, supplied free labor, were bought and sold, and lynched for centuries (Kendi, 2017; Wilder, 2014; Wood, 1996). In regard to Ethiopia, of interest to some, is an ancient version of Judaism told in the Kebra Nagast (Budge, 2001) which connects a King named Solomon in the tenth century B.C.E. to the Ethiopian Queen Makeda. She is often referred to by outsiders of her region as Queen of Sheba, rather than by her name Makeda. An off-spring between the two royalties became the first king in the line of Ethiopia’s ancient monarchy, Menelik I (900 B.C.E.). A very unique version of

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ancient Judaism in Aksum, Ethiopia has been the site of much discussion, archeological research, documentaries, and even popular movies surrounding the search for a secret relic or ark with covenants. Budge (2001) recounts: And I swear by Myself and by Zion, the Tabernacle of My covenant, which I have created for a mercy seat and for the salvation of men, and in the latter days I will make it to come down to thy seed, that I will have pleasure in the offerings of thy children upon earth, and the Tabernacle of My covenant shall be with them for ever. (pp. 6–7)

In this sense, Ethiopia is a very religious country, as it also has one of the oldest versions of Christianity, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC) that emerged from the Coptic Church in Egypt, which is recognized by some as the oldest church in the world (Chaillot, 2012). The EOC synthesizes aspects of Ethiopia’s Judaism within its Christianity, to which each church has a veil of the temple and a replica of a secret ark of covenants in it. In this sense, the country is full of ancient temples, churches, mosques, and other relics where people of various ethnic groups and faiths have coexisted, generally peacefully, for millennia. Nevertheless, due to the global and expansiveness of slavery and colonialism, Black and minority people around the globe were captivated by the continuous freedom of Ethiopia, which inspired them in their own liberation struggle. Since 1903, the U.S. and Ethiopia have served as military allies in both World War II and the Korean War (BBC News, 2019). After the Ethiopian national leadership changed from the ancient monarchy of kings in 1974, the country briefly pivoted to an alliance with the Soviet Union (Russia), which caused a rift in U.S. political relations. Notwithstanding, Ethiopia reestablished a positive relationship with the U.S. after the September 11th, 2001, attacks, as it was considered a vital partner against terrorism in Africa (ibid.). The recent influx of racism and xenophobia has disrupted the relationship between the U.S. and many African nations. Researchers believe the politicized rhetoric of the 2016 election, for example, polarized American beliefs about diversity and human differences (Hooghe & Dassonneville, 2018). The subsequent 2017 travel ban greatly impacted international students from African and Muslim-majority countries (Redden, 2018). Although Ethiopia was not directly affected, neighboring people from Sudan, Tanzania, and Eritrea were banned from entering the U.S. Since

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immigration and migratory patterns are intrinsically linked to school enrollment and student demographics, this undeniably impacts education. As immigrants enter the U.S., they quickly become central figures in American race relations, as they must navigate racism and their Black identity. The deaths of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery, along with many other Black people who died too soon because of the color of their skin, include: Eric Garner, Tamir Rice, Sandra Bland, Trayvon Martin, Jonathan Ferrell, Botham Jean, Korryn Gaines, Atatiana Jefferson, and countless others (Crenshaw, 2016). The police killings of Black people in America have generated national attention and protest and reinforce the notion that Blacks, in general, are disposable in U.S. society (Edwards & Harris, 2017). In this light, on Monday, May 25th, 2020, the world watched George Floyd crying out that he could not breathe while a White police officer knelt on his neck in Minneapolis, Minnesota. As George Floyd took his last breath, three other officers were standing by watching without offering any assistance (Henderson et al., 2020; Hill et al., 2020; Oppel & Barker, 2020). The reverberating reactions throughout the nation and around the world questioned these senseless police killings to understand why Blacks, in general, appear to be disposable outsiders in U.S. society. This is a reality that Black immigrants, like those from Ethiopia in our study, are forced to wrestle with. In many U.S. classrooms, teachers and students grapple with these difficult topics. In 2020–2021, the U.S. witnessed several notable events that are relevant to our study of assimilation and acculturation among firstand second-generation Ethiopian immigrant women. The COVID-19 pandemic (novel Coronavirus caused by SARS-COV-2) resulted in astronomical death rates in the U.S. and around the world. This prompted the U.S. and other countries to shut down or halt immigration to avoid the spread of the virus. This health crisis directly affected provision of educational services in the U.S. as school children received instruction remotely and sometimes without parental supervision. In addition, many families experienced economic hardship due to business closures and lack of work. The World Health Organization and the Centers for Disease Control as well as other groups provided resources to help stop the spread of COVID-19. Additionally, many countries introduced plans for mass vaccinations in hopes of decreasing the spread of the virus. While COVID-19 took an economic toll, the U.S. also experienced increasing levels of social discontent. In the midst of the pandemic, in

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the summer of 2020, the world watched a televised account of the tragic murder of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police (Henderson et al., 2020; Hill et al., 2020; Oppel & Barker, 2020). As we have noted, this was not an isolated incident as an increasing number of deaths of Black and Brown people due to state violence filled media headlines. The #BlackLivesMatter Movement (Garza, 2014; Taylor, 2016) and the #SayHerName Movement (Crenshaw et al., 2015) actively protested police brutality against Black and Brown people as the stories of Ahmaud Arbery and Breonna Taylor and countless others were being discussed. This growing sense of activism also led to a strong showing during the 2020 Presidential Elections, where Black and Brown minorities came out to the polls in record numbers. From a political standpoint, voters expressed their dissatisfaction by exercising their voice at the polls. This resulted in the election of the 46th President of the U.S., Joseph R. Biden and the first Black woman Vice President, Kamala D. Harris. This historic election has great implications for Black women in the U.S. and worldwide. Since Vice President Harris is also of South Asian and Jamaican descent, her story may be inspirational for the Ethiopian immigrant women in our study. With overwhelming support for the Biden-Harris team, the nation witnessed history. However, former President Donald Trump would attempt to challenge and disrupt the election results. On January 6th, 2021, members of White supremacist groups stormed the U.S. Capital in Washington, DC, which resulted in the deaths of five people. It also led to the second impeachment of President Donald Trump due to his alleged involvement in the insurgence. The economic, social, and political toll of these events raised great concerns. These developments were on open display for the world to see. They might also prove to be shocking for immigrants like the ones we studied. In light of the current racial injustices and the subsequent #BlackLivesMatter movement (a global non-violent civil disobedience organization committed to building local power to intervene in violence against Black communities), African-descent individuals navigate society within race and immigrant identity status (Camara, 2020; Edwards & Harris, 2017). Considering the history of race relations in the U.S., many Africandescent immigrant students are forced to traverse an unfamiliar landscape where skin color is a mode of systemic oppression (Romanucci-Ross et al., 2006). Given that Ethiopia is a majority Black country, and its uniqueness as both the birthplace of humanity (National Science Foundation, 2001;

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Relethford, 2008) and the fact that Europeans have never colonized it (Ani, 1994; Asante, 1990; Jackson, 1970; Karenga, 2002; Williams, 1987), many Ethiopian students are shocked at the systemic racism they see in the U.S. Ethiopia is known for its historical role as the birthplace of humanity, and it is the only place in the world where Black people were never enslaved by Europeans (Adogamhe, 2008). While this does not preclude Ethiopia from political conflict and outside interference, as we discuss in the next chapter, it does help to distinguish its history from the realm of Whiteness and colonial rule. As such, this is an important distinction that helps to recast East Africa and its descendants in a more positive light. Pre-colonial and De-colonial Ethiopian History Anthropologists and archaeologists alike have verified Ethiopia as the birthplace of humanity, dating back to 4.2 million years ago (National Science Foundation, 2001; Relethford, 2008). The word Ethiopia, which means “burnt skin” or “Black people,” is home to the region where the oldest human fossil remains are found (Hilliard, 1998; Jackson, 1970; Williams, 1987). This is the marker for the earliest human civilization. Along the Nile River, Egypt (originally known as Kemet, meaning “land of the Blacks”) was first located in the northeastern region of the ancient Ethiopian empire (Ani, 1994; Asante, 1990; Jackson, 1970; Karenga, 2002; Williams, 1987). In addition to its anthropological importance, Ethiopia is also historically significant for its influence on the Greco-Roman world. This can also be confirmed through primary interactions with the Greeks, as indicated in Aristotle’s Physiognomonica (Aristotle, 350 B.C.E./1966) and Herodotus’ Histories (Herodotus, 440 B.C.E./2014). Herodotus describes: For the people of Colchis are evidently Egyptian, and this I perceived for myself before I heard it from others. So, when I had come to consider the matter, I asked them both; and the Colchians had remembrance of the Egyptians more than the Egyptians of the Colchians; but the Egyptians said they believed that the Colchians were a portion of the army of Sesostris. That this was so I conjectured myself not only because they are darkskinned and have curly hair (this of itself amounts to nothing, for there are other races which are so), but also still more because the Colchians,

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Egyptians, and Ethiopians alone of all the races of men have [practiced] circumcision from the first. (Herodotus, 440 B.C.E./2014, p. 104)

Interactions between ancient Greeks, Romans, and East Africans are well documented. In fact, this region is explicitly mentioned in primary source texts such as Plutarch’s Parallel Lives (75 C.E./2012), Herodotus’ Histories (440 B.C.E./2014), Plato’s Laws (348 B.C.E./1968), and Aristotle’s Metaphysics Volume I (350 B.C.E./1966). The influence of Egypt and Ethiopia is important to consider when distinguishing the region’s undeniable contribution to humanity. In addition to pre-colonial history, some modern distinctions are notable. Ethiopia, the birthplace of humanity, an uncolonized African or Black country speaks to a tremendous story regarding the human family tree, as well as liberation and emancipation narratives in the Black experience (Younis, 2018). Ethiopia’s freedom helped to inspire other liberation movements like the Haitian Revolution and slave revolts throughout the Caribbean and in the U.S. As a result, Ethiopia’s independence also influenced global Black struggle movements and in 1963, resulted in the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). During the height of African decolonization efforts, Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie I’s aim was to unify individual nation states across Africa. Fifty-three (53) out of the then fifty-four (54) African countries joined the organization, with the exception of Morocco (Adejumobi & Olukoshi, 2008). This was a substantial accomplishment during the 1960s, since South Africa, in 1994, was the last African nation to obtain its independence (Adogamhe, 2008). This marked 300 years of European colonization in Africa. Emperor Selassie’s organization was eventually transformed into the African Union in 2002, which includes all 55 countries in Africa (Akokpari et al., 2008; Eloundou, 2019). Contemporary plans of the African Union are to establish a common continental currency by 2023 and execute other unifying initiatives, such as conflict resolution and peacekeeping missions (BBC News, 2012). Considering East Africa’s powerful role in ancient and contemporary history, research on immigrant education should consider Ethiopian immigrant students’ experiences when living in Western countries.

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Black Women Immigrants Race is a nuanced dynamic for many immigrants. Additionally, gender and class often provide further complexities for African-descent women (Waters, 1990). Yet, there is limited research that explores gender and class intersections within immigration discourse and public schools (Beoku-Betts, 2004; Bodovsky & Avni, 1989). Similar to African Americans in the U.S., international women often experience varying intersections of oppression, meaning the interconnectedness of race, class, gender, and sexuality on women’s lived experiences (Collins & Bilge, 2016; Crenshaw, 1991, 2016). As Collins (2000) notes, the demographic separations from Whiteness are described as the “matrix of domination” which is the interrelated domains of structural, disciplinary, hegemonic, and interpersonal power and how they shape human action. This positions Black immigrant women on the margins of society where power and privilege derive from White cultural ethos. As mentioned, many African immigrants have greater educational attainment than the average U.S. citizen. In relation to income, foreignborn African women typically earn more than both their male immigrant counterparts and native Black women in the U.S. (Nawyn & Park, 2017). Between 1990 and 2010, the earnings of African-descent immigrants increased by 130% (ibid.). While African immigrant women are the highest-paid group of immigrants today, “they still earn less than all groups of men in the U.S.—except for black, U.S.-born men” (Reese, 2017, p. 14). These trends in salary are noteworthy; however, many researchers suggest that African-born immigrants face economic disparities and underemployment due to work-related issues, school visas, and institutional racism. This is most observable in the healthcare and business professions (Obot, 2020; Nawyn & Park, 2017). In relation to education, foreign-born Black women are often encouraged to pursue their education in countries such as the U.S. and U.K., particularly in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields, where these countries are viewed as global leaders. Yet, they often receive less funding and institutional support than their White counterparts (Beoku-Butts, 2004). In classroom discussions, the discriminatory pitfalls of being a racial minority in the U.S. are often uncharted territory for Black immigrant students (Waters, 1990). Classroom dynamics like cultural mismatches, which describe racial and cultural incongruences between teachers and students, often compound these issues. Studies

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demonstrate that many Black women international students are often questioned about the authenticity of their written or oral communications by White professors and lecturers (Beoku-Butts, 2004; Waters, 1990). Constantine et al. (2005) found that international Black women students are often resistant to accept and adapt to the culture of the dominant group. In relation to international Black professors, studies show that their authority and academic expertise are often questioned by other faculty. Beoku-Betts and Njambi (2005) argue that Native African and Afro-Caribbean faculty appointments help to increase institutional diversity, yet they are generally hired in place of African Americans. It is clear that the history of race relations in the U.S. is nuanced. As such, proper theoretical grounding and analysis are needed.

Critical Race Feminism: A Foundational Framework Critical theory serves as a foundation for two related theoretical frameworks: critical race theory and feminism. Critical theory is a theoretical framework developed by German neo-Marxists such as Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno, and Jürgen Habermas among others, and can be traced back to social theorists George Hegel and Karl Marx (Lemert, 2004/2016; Morrison, 2006). The aim of critical theory is to expose and dismantle sources of oppression in society, in pursuit of greater liberation and human freedom (deMarrais & LeCompte, 1999). Relatedly, critical race theory [CRT] critically analyzes issues of race for the enfranchisement of those who have been oppressed based on race relations. CRT is discussed in greater detail in Chapter 3. Posited by constitutional law scholar, Derrick Bell, CRT was developed to examine society and culture as it relates to race, power, and the legal system (Bell, 1980; LadsonBillings, 1998; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Yosso (2005) notes that CRT is “a framework that can be used to theorize, examine, and challenge the ways race and racism implicitly and explicitly impact on school structures, practices, and discourse” (p. 70). CRT emerged as a theoretical response to address race and racism in American society. A major tenet of CRT is that racism is embedded into society (Bell, 1987, 1995; Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). Therefore, “it [racism] looks ordinary and natural to persons in the culture,” as a result of society constructing norms based on the self-interest of the status quo (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017, p.

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xvi). Given this notion, racism has been perpetuated through legal, educational, and social systems, which, in turn, structurally promote the interest of the dominant group. Therefore, CRT is the paradigmatic response for racial equity in American society. On the other hand, feminist theory originated in response to the need to analyze and address gender equity in society (Cooper, 1892; Collins & Bilge, 2016; Ferree & Tripp, 2006; Guy-Sheftall, 1995; hooks, 1981). Feminism critically explores how gender differences are constructed under patriarchal systems (Collins, 2000). Additionally, feminist theory analyzes gender equality and questions the patriarchal systems used to oppress women. Barak et al. (2007) note: Feminism comprises both a basic doctrine of equal rights for women and an ideology for women’s liberation from patriarchy. Feminism’s basic task is consciousness-raising about oppression and encouraging actions that undo the exclusions of women’s opinions, experiences, and accomplishments. (p. 71)

Here, feminism challenges the status quo of male privilege, calling into question misogynistic policies and practices favoring men. The marginalization and oppression of women are important when considering their social, political, and economic experiences. The primary tenet is to combat societal exclusionary practices and ensure greater gender equity. Therefore, the scope of this book is viewed through the blended lens of critical race theory and feminist theory, called critical race feminism (CRF). CRF is used to examine the discourse of race and gender for the purpose of deconstructing systemic power structures that marginalize women of color. The emergence of CRF surfaced in response to exclusive practices in mainstream, White feminist perspectives. According to Barak et al. (2007), critical race feminists: … have objected both to feminist approaches that presume White middleclass women’s experiences are representative of all women’s experiences and to critical race scholarship that presumes minority women are not only all the same, but that they are all the same as those of their minority male counterparts. (p. 113)

The framework of CRF examines race and racism’s impact on systemic structures in society, as well as challenges the underrepresentation and suppression of women in schools and society (Yosso, 2005). In relation

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to this book, CRF allows for the investigation and analysis of Ethiopian women’s matriculation in America. As Childers-McKee and Hytten (2015) note, there are a number of theoretical similarities between CRF and CRT: CRF shares a number of assumptions with CRT, including belief in the following ideas: the permanence of racism in our society; the importance of narratives, storytelling, and counternarratives to disrupting taken-forgranted and normative views about the world; the social construction of race; the need to critique liberalism for its individualistic and contextindependent perspective on the world; the reality of interest convergence, meaning that marginalized cultures have gotten ahead only when those from the dominant culture also benefit; and the importance of critical race praxis, or action to challenge the status quo. (p. 395)

However, CRF helps examine the experiences of women and girls of color in the U.S. In essence, CRF “negotiates boundaries and borders…” (Pratt-Clark, 2010, p. 27), which questions the normative gender roles and practices perpetuated by systemic structures. In doing so, CRF navigates the discourse of gender and identity toward personal and group emancipation and equity. Evans-Winters and Esposito (2010) add: Today, from a critical race feminist perspective we have to raise the following question: If a young Black woman’s worth is measured through her aptitude for reproducing the next generation’s labor (i.e. capital), what would be the interest of the privileged class in assisting in the development of her educational well-being through self-empowerment or social and financial support? Once more, where does the interest of the White middle class converge with the interest of young women of African descent? (p. 18)

To that end, gender considerations must address the intersection of race and ethnicity. This is important to explore, as research indicates that ethnic considerations are of equal importance to international students (Showers, 2014). In the U.S., discussions about gender are also interconnected with race relations (Collins & Bilge, 2016). Therefore, CRF becomes crucial when unpacking the dynamics of Ethiopian women’s experiences in American society. In Chapter 3, CRF is discussed further. CRF is beneficial when investigating and theorizing educational issues that impact diverse immigrant women. This theory illustrates that the

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experiences and perspectives of women of color are different from the experiences of men of all races and White women. CRF provides targeted analysis of the perspectives of Ethiopian women in America. Due to the intersections of race, class, and gender, many recent Ethiopian immigrants have encountered multiple forms of discrimination (Kibour, 2001; Lee, 2010; Lee & Rice, 2007). Theoretically, CRF allows Ethiopian women to be considered through a multidimensional scope that individualizes their experiences and resists monolithic assumptions (Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010). This flexibility provides a racial intervention in feminist discourse, which is necessary for the researchers to investigate concerns regarding the impact of assimilation and/or acculturation, systemic oppression, and issues of equality for Ethiopian women immigrating to America.

Afrocentricity In addition to critical race and critical feminist perspectives, this research also uses Afrocentricity to explain the narratives of Ethiopian women. Afrocentricity is a social, economic, and political framework that positions Africa and African Diasporic issues at the core of its vision and work (Asante, 2010, 2011; King & Swartz, 2015). While working for the continued improvement of Africa, the world, people of African descent, and the broader human population/family, Afrocentricity seeks to reclaim and uncover the suppressed contributions of African people (Asante, 2011). Collectively, CRT, CRF, and Afrocentricity strengthen the analysis and provide greater contextualization and explanatory power surrounding Ethiopian immigrant experiences in American society. In this book, Afrocentricity is a human framework that speaks to the origins of the human family tree in Africa, and our connectedness as members of the same embryo in Africa. It provides a lens for understanding how Ethiopian women interact in school, perform academically, and reconstruct their self-identity in America. A critical component of Afrocentricity is the acknowledgment that African people are participants, not objects within their own history (Asante, 2010, 2011). Afrocentricity mitigates against Whiteness as the norm and seeks to bring in diverse perspectives and contributions (Asante, 2011). Similarly, Parrillo (2008) notes that “[Afrocentricity] studies ideas, concepts, events, personalities, and political and economic processes from a standpoint of Black people as subjects and not as objects, basing all

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knowledge on the authentic interrogation of location” (p. 33). Asante (2011) explains that Black ideals, values, and consciousness are critical to the evolution and development of Black people. Thus, Afrocentricity fundamentally asks: What resonates more with people than understanding that Africans [Blacks] are central to their history, not someone else’s? If Africans [Blacks] can, in the process of materializing their consciousness, claim space as agents of progressive change, then they can change their condition and change the world. (Parrillo, 2008, p. 34)

Nevertheless, Afrocentricity involves a paradigm shift that moves African history and culture to the center of human understanding. Afrocentricity provides the contextual lens in which to explore how Ethiopian women find connections to their African culture in academia and American society. This is particularly important to consider when understanding Black immigrant perspectives in the U.S., as many nativeborn Africans are from countries where they are members of the majority group. Dei (1994) writes: Afrocentricity… is about opening up a new and transformed consciousness for all peoples, particularly those of African descent. It is about Africans taking up their right to the experiences of the continent, the enjoyment of their culture, the celebration of their historicities, and the continued survival and togetherness of African peoples, irrespective of where they have decided to reside. Afrocentricity is about inclusion… (p. 4)

In light of Dei’s (1994) treatise, when Ethiopian women enter the U.S., they are viewed by their race first, which positions them, like other Blacks, as subjects in the nation’s racial and ethnic relations. This is a new and complex positioning for Black immigrants in general, and Ethiopian immigrants in particular. In this book, we recognize that the concepts of race and identity in one country differ from another; however, due to the history of slavery and colonialism in the U.S., Black skin places all in the confluence of race relations in the U.S. Thus, Afrocentricity promotes the reclamation of historical knowledge (Conyers, 2015). Here, corrected historical knowledge is used to affirm and legitimize human agency (Conyers, 2015; Dei, 1994, 1996, 2003, 2012). CRF and Afrocentricity provide a critical lens

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to uncover and address historical and contemporary issues faced by Black women immigrants in schools and society.

Chapter Summary This book explores the impact of assimilation and acculturation on Ethiopian women’s academic achievement, self-identity development, and perceptions of beauty in America. The construct of race affects Ethiopians in America by categorizing them based on skin color. Therefore, CRF and Afrocentricity provide the lens to critically analyze the underlying issues impacting this as they enter U.S. schools. In the chapters to follow, case study research evaluates the life experiences of Ethiopian women navigating American culture. In the next chapter, we discuss the social and historical context of Ethiopia, which provides a foundation for our investigation and study.

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CHAPTER 2

Ethiopia Un-colonized and Unbound: Ancient to Present

As we noted, Ethiopians are one of the largest African immigrant groups residing in the U.S., second only to Nigerians (Anderson, 2017; Kibour, 2001). Research on African-descent immigrants widely covers issues on health care, educational attainment, child development, social identity, and acculturation/assimilation. However, the breadth of research fails to comprehensively encompass issues related to the Ethiopian experience, and with a particular focus on their education. Since the Black immigrant experience is not a monolith, the issues specific to Ethiopians are important to research. In this book, we explore cultural ontology and identity formation processes among first- and second-generation Ethiopian women in the U.S. In our study, first-generation refers to Ethiopian women who were born in Ethiopia and immigrated to the U.S. Second-generation refers to Ethiopian immigrant women who were born in the U.S. and have at least one parent who relocated to the U.S. (Chacko, 2003). Considering Ethiopia’s esteemed role in world history, this book provides additional context on multicultural education and immigrant and diversity-related issues in education. Chacko (2003) notes that many Ethiopians are knowledgeable of history and express pride in the fact that Ethiopia was the only African country that was not colonized. Thus, we explore the experiences of immigrants who were born

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Wynn et al., Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education, Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75552-2_2

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in a country that has historically resisted colonization and prides itself on long-standing independence. This book examines historical events that led to Ethiopian immigration and explores the impact of acculturation and assimilation among Ethiopian women who settle in the U.S. In order to understand the complexity of contemporary issues facing Ethiopian women, it is important to provide a brief historical and contemporary overview of Ethiopia’s national identity. The country’s historical movements help to explain today’s Ethiopian immigrants’ experiences.

Historical Overview African Colonization and Ethiopia’s Distinction According to Flynn and Giráldez (2006), colonization began as early as 1571. Flynn and Giráldez (2006) argue that colonization occurred “when all populated continents began sustained interaction in a manner that deeply linked them all through global trade” (p. 4). As such, globalization and capitalism are connected to colonization. In this case, neoliberal or “market-driven” globalization, which is the social and economic process characterized by growing levels of financial and technological integrations and interconnections around the world, promotes the idea that politics, culture, and ideology are all intertwined with a country’s economy (Wiggan & Hutchison, 2009). Here, the reference to neoliberalism describes the inclusion and promotion of privatized free markets, which stimulate enormous capitalistic economic growth. Mittelman (2000) further explains that neoliberal globalization: …[is] a coalescence of varied transnational processes and domestic structures, allowing the economy, politics, culture, and ideology of one country to penetrate another. The chain of causality runs from the spatial reorganization of production to international trade and to the integration of financial markets. Driven by changing modes of competition… compresses the time and space aspects of social relations. (p. 3)

Neoliberal globalization in Africa has gradually transformed the continent through the reduction of economic and political development. As such, this sort of globalization maximizes profits and economic interests at the expense of poor people and their natural resources.

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Africa’s production of large volumes of the world’s natural resources such as coltan (used to make cell phones), gold, ivory, coal, oil, bauxite, and diamonds created interest among European explorers dating back to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. At the Berlin Conference in 1884, Africa was divided and colonized like a “magnificent cake” (Juang & Morrissette, 2008, p. xvii). Countries like Belgium, England, and France destructively divided up Africa for political and economic gain (McKinney, 2018). This “scramble for Africa” had strategic and economic objectives, which included “protecting old markets or exploiting new ones” (Pakenham, 1991, p. 255). Pakenham (1991) notes, “the race to grab a slice of the African cake had started long before the first day of the conference… It had set no rules for dividing, let alone eating the cake” (p. 254). As noted, neoliberal policies shifted the ownership of core resources from host countries to colonizing countries. Insignificant growth produced sporadic economic and political development around continental Africa for decades, increasing “the continent’s external debt of more than two-hundred and fifty billion dollars means that debt service obligations remain high” (Bush, 2007, p. 35). High rates of poverty promoted inequality that linked to colonial domination in Africa. These economic and political structures have been multifaceted for centuries. Bush (2007) states that: Part of Africa’s difficulty is thus countering the intellectual deceit peddled by international financial institutions—that globalization brings universal economic growth rather than a continued subordination to the rule of capital. Globalization brings poverty and inequality to Africa as a result of the continent’s uneven incorporation into the world economy. The main hope for the future is not free trade, open markets and technological gains; rather it is resistance to the impact of globalization by workers and peasants, and the construction by Africans themselves of an alternative future. (p. 32)

Relatedly, these issues of economic and political instability have spanned the twentieth and twenty-first centuries (Gans, 1992). Ethiopian Internal Political Conflicts Ethiopia maintained its economic independence and was generally not affected by exploitative colonialism. However, it has not been exempt

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from civil wars. Between 1975 and 1989, there were approximately 750,000 civil war-related deaths in Africa (Toole & Waldman, 1997). Likewise, the Ethiopian Civil War resulted in one of the largest movements of refugees in Africa. The largest ethnic group in Ethiopia is the Oromo, and the Amhara people are the second largest ethnic group. The Oromoians represent approximately 40% of the total population, and the Amhara represent about 30%. The other 30% consist of other ethnic groups. The Oromo and Amhara are largely represented in Ethiopia as well as the U.S. (Ceglowski et al., 2011). The Oromo people originate from an oral, majestic, or mythical culture, while the Amhara derive from elite rulers (Ceglowski et al., 2011). The transition of power or struggle for power has oftentimes been between these two dominant groups in Ethiopia. During the period of the 1970s, students were at the forefront of social activism in Ethiopia. Tareke (2009) identified three ways in which students had differing perspectives on the issues in Ethiopia: (1) militant students acted upon the issues that resulted in a systemic shift of class and state bureaucracy, (2) militant students perceived the infiltration of capitalism as a detriment to Ethiopia’s development and people, and (3) militant students “embraced violence as a legitimate weapon of struggle and a rational instrument for changing contested power relations” (p. 26). Students subsequently questioned authority, thus allowing for overarching conversations of ethnonationalism in Ethiopia. Additionally, students provided an alternative to existing ideologies that, according to Tareke (2009), was based on “socialism to the dominant assumptions and beliefs of society” (p. 33). As a result, revolutionaries were able to capitalize on the divide of two political identities: “long march” (regime guzo) and “short march” (acher guzo). Ultimately, this propelled Ethiopia toward the most pivotal event in Ethiopian political history, when in 1974, it overthrew its own monarchy, which was the oldest in the world, through the support of the communist Soviet Union (S.U.), and ushered in a period of unrest, civil war, and ethnic killings in the country. The period from 1975 to 1990 under a S.U. backed government is often referred to as the “Red Terror,” in which over one million Ethiopians were killed. In Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, the “Red Terror” Martyrs’ Memorial Museum stands as a constant reminder of a dark period in the history of the country where its ancient monarchy was replaced by a S.U. backed government, often referred to as the Derg regime, meaning committee or council of a military government. The

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leader of the Derg, Mengistu Haile Mariam, through the support of the S.U., instilled a hard military government, which enforced rule with fear and mass killings. During the Derg regime, thousands of Ethiopians were being killed, thus fueling discontent and mobilizing student protests to challenge the military government (Harris, 1993; Tareke, 2009; Tronvoll, 2009). Spontaneity was a mark of the Derg regime, as all those who dissent were subject to violence and surveillance. During this time, Ethiopia’s national identity was challenged by foreign principles that separated people and created civil war. After years of fighting and bloodshed, the Ethiopians were able to topple the Mengistu Haile Mariam S.U. regime and restore order in the country. Mariam himself would flee the country in exile in Zimbabwe and avoid imprisonment for crimes against humanity in his native Ethiopia. Researchers argue that the Mengistu and Derg regime provided the pathway to great bloodshed, exile, and captivity known as “Red Terror” (Harris, 1993; Tareke, 2009; Tronvoll, 2009). Ethiopia was immersed in civil wars for sixteen years, which undoubtedly left an indelible impact on its citizens. Ethiopia Post-war Identity and Globalization’s Impact The result of the Ethiopian-Ogaden Civil War promoted opposition politics and ethnic nationalism in Ethiopia. As a result, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) originated from “discontent with the policy measures of the Derg, as well as a widespread feeling that the Oromo were under-represented in the central government and treated as ‘second-class citizens’” (Joireman, 1997, p. 394). The All-Amhara Political Organization (AAPO) was formed to promote support for rural areas and the trans-nationalist cohesion of Ethiopia. However, governmental instability and ethnic conflicts made peace delusional in Ethiopia (Joireman, 1997), thus leading to waves of migration. Considering that war is typically a precursor to globalization (Stiglitz, 2003), the years of civil unrest compelled Ethiopians to relocate to countries such as Israel and the U.S. (Harris, 1993; Kurman et al., 2005; Tareke, 2009; Tronvoll, 2009). The U.S. and Israel witnessed some of the largest influxes of Ethiopians after the civil war. As such, these countries will be discussed in more detail in subsequent sections. After 1974, many Ethiopians saw themselves as “sojourners or exiles” (Shelemay & Kaplan,

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2006). The Ethiopian War and the appeal of increased economic opportunities abroad provided conditions for many Ethiopian citizens to migrate elsewhere (Stiglitz, 2003). Many of the conditions that led to Ethiopian post-war immigration included high unemployment rates, concentrated poverty, violence, and economic insecurity. With the backdrop of civil unrest, many Ethiopians sought social mobility and prosperity elsewhere (Harris, 1993; Stiglitz, 2003; Tareke, 2009; Tronvoll, 2009). Generally, neoliberal globalization has led to high levels of poverty and the collapse of economic markets around the world (Harris, 1993, 2010). In the post-World War II era, European countries strategically rebuilt their economic structures and collectively created the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank to prevent a worldwide economic catastrophe (Stiglitz, 2003). The U.S., as well as other European and Asian countries, was able to restructure its economic markets into viable, global, and wealthy entities (Stiglitz, 2003). These countries became rich in capital and resources, which illuminated opportunities for individuals to also become financially prosperous (Stiglitz, 2003). Many African countries have experienced more complicated economic reconstructions. Since the last African nation, South Africa, did not receive independence until 1994 (Adogamhe, 2008), many of these countries have only recently started rebuilding a self-sustaining economy. As such, globalization in these cases typically involves international imports and exports of goods to generate revenue or capital (Stiglitz, 2003). Ethiopia’s independence was an indisputable benefit in securing international wealth. During the post-war era, the Ethiopian government understood that international commerce supports governmental vitality and the economy. As such, they relied on global trade to promote interdependence throughout thriving global markets (Harris, 1993; Stiglitz, 2003; Tareke, 2009; Tronvoll, 2009). After the war, Ethiopia struggled to balance dichotomous political relationships. Tareke (2009) notes that Ethiopia was both a land of “war, death, destruction, despair and misery,” and one of “hope, reform, and reconstruction” (p. 1). Overall, there was a struggle for a new national identity that promoted “autonomy, freedom, dignity, and an unfettered future” (Tareke, 2009, p. 1). While the Ethiopian revolution revealed strong disagreements about critical policy issues, Israel provided a migratory option for Ethiopian Jews to relocate. According to the Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Absorption (1996), there were approximately 8,000 Ethiopians who initially immigrated to Israel.

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The second wave of immigrating Ethiopians was in 1991 with an estimated 14,000 (Goldblatt & Rosenblum, 2007; Isralowitz et al., 2009). More recently, an estimated account for Ethiopian immigration in Israel revealed 56,000 in 1996 and 100,000 in 2009 (Isralowitz et al., 2009). The doubling of Ethiopian immigrants within a decade further drove Israel to support the case for strategic planning in order to presumably help integrate Ethiopians into the country (Isralowitz et al., 2009). The influx of immigrants required strategic planning to appropriately absorb the impact of Ethiopian culture (Stiglitz, 2003). Various systems were impacted, which resulted in the examination of governmental policies and structures, educational systems and schools, and social ideologies. Governmental agencies in Israel and the U.S. required close monitoring and citizenship authorization (Stiglitz, 2003). In Israel’s case, however, complications occurred when undocumented immigrants entered the country (Stiglitz, 2003). Transitioning from Ethiopia: SocioPolitical Perspective The Israeli government understood the need for integration throughout each wave of Ethiopian migration. This was reflected in the government’s construction of policies that incorporated Ethiopians into Israeli society (Berhanu, 2001; Isralowitz et al., 2009). However, the Israeli systems failed to provide inclusionary support for Ethiopians to preserve their culture while in Israel. Israeli systems reinforced assimilation processes, causing maladjustments, and cultural conflicts within the Ethiopian community. In a comparative study, Tannenbaum (2008) examined Ethiopian immigrants and Israeli natives. The study investigated ways in which age, gender, and language proficiency contributed to self-esteem and identity formation. The study included a total of 278 third grade, sixth grade, and junior high Ethiopian and Israeli students. The researchers utilized The Self Description Questionnaire, The Nicholls Scale, and Language Aptitude Measures as psychometric assessments. Results indicated that Ethiopian immigrants found it difficult to acculturate into the Israeli culture. This, in turn, impacted self-esteem and cultural awareness. Ethiopian children, as a result, began to gravitate to other cultures, such as Caribbean and American. Many also expressed interest in returning to Ethiopia (Tannenbaum, 2008). In Tannenbaum’s (2008) study, self-concept typically improved in older children, especially when students demonstrated a command of the

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Hebrew language in reading and writing (Tannenbaum, 2008). Language mastery provided Ethiopian immigrants with the skills and acumen to fluidly navigate throughout Israeli life. Additionally, the Israeli government provided Ethiopian immigrants resources to help them establish supportive social networks (Tannenbaum, 2008). In contrast, Ethiopian immigrants who enter the U.S. form ethnic enclaves within local urban communities where they maintain native customs and traditions. Chacko (2003) studied identity and assimilation among Ethiopians living in the U.S. The study noted that young Ethiopian immigrants’ concepts of race were “complicated by inconsistencies between the rhetoric of apparent choice and the actual practice of imposed racial labels based on physical appearance” (p. 499). Additionally, when questioned about their preferred ethnic identity, second-generation immigrants were more likely to describe themselves as “Ethiopian American,” whereas older generations simply preferred “Ethiopian” (p. 501). Similarly, Kibour (2001) investigated racial identity formation of Ethiopians in the U.S. and found that individuals between the ages of 40 and 50, who lived in the country for 20 or more years, were more likely to deny their own racial group and identify with White Americans. Additionally, Kibour (2001) found that many older Ethiopian immigrants experienced depression after living in the U.S. for four or more years. Research demonstrates that for many Ethiopians, ethnicity was more fluid than race in their personal experiences (Loo, 2019; Mana et al., 2009). Since their home country is majority Black, they had a tendency to view their ethnicity as central to their identity. However, in the U.S., they were suddenly thrown into the parlance of American race relations, which prescribes Blacks to a lower social status. While national pride is common for most immigrants regardless of their race, it is not uncommon for younger generations to embrace hybrid identities that merge home and host culture ethos. In the context of Ethiopian immigrants, many second-generation immigrants continue to participate in cultural celebrations, while others exhibit cultural atrophy, as they attempt to acculturate into the dominant culture (Chacko, 2003). Chacko (2003) ultimately notes that young Ethiopian immigrants often acculturate into mainstream American culture while differentiating themselves from African Americans. Additionally, many young Ethiopians “negotiate the position of the Ethiopian as African and/or Ethiopian American but shy away from the label ‘African American’” (Chacko, 2003, p. 504). This

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is due in part to the stigma associated with Black Americans. Notwithstanding, Chacko (2003) notes that many Ethiopian Americans embrace the idea of African unity, Pan-Africanism, and concepts of Blackness. This is not uncommon in research related to immigrants of color. Existing studies show that racial unity becomes a common theme for immigrants who are simply considered Black in the U.S., which means they share in a common struggle against racism and othering (Chacko, 2003). Thus, Black racial solidarity is an overarching theme for many Africandescent immigrants across the Diaspora, and this is particularly the case for younger immigrants. Transitioning from Ethiopia: Economic Perspective Tumultuous political climates derailed the vast majority of Ethiopians’ plans to return home after the 1974 Civil War that ended in 1991 when the Derg regime was removed. Even in the post-Derg era, political and economic uncertainty forced many Ethiopians to begin new lives in foreign countries. Consequently, the United States Citizen and Immigrant Services (USCIS) administrative records illustrate that between 1980 and 2011, there were twenty-seven million people, including Ethiopians, who obtained the legal and permanent right to reside in the U.S. (Rytina, 2013). California, New York, and Texas have the highest numbers of legal permanent residents within the U.S. (Rytina, 2013). The 2010 U.S. Census also reports that there were approximately 150,000 native-born Ethiopians living in America. According to Anderson (2017), that number in 2015 had reached 222,000. Although this number is significantly higher than the previous 2000 Census, it is important to note that this data is not inclusive of Ethiopians born in America, as they would be classified as Black or African American. Migration patterns indicate that 12% of immigrant women made up the total population of women in America (African Immigration Council, 2012). The U.S. Census Bureau documents immigrant subpopulations, such as ethnic subgroups; however, it does not aggregate the data based on gender. This, in a sense, is a form of globalized “othering.” Similarly, the U.S. Census Bureau, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund disaggregate based on race and gender, without considerations for specific ethnic groups. This perpetuates the “culture of power” (Delpit, 2006), as some groups may count while others are not considered as important to include. This issue draws a parallel with the invisibility of

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Ethiopian women in most studies on immigrants attending schools in the U.S. Relatedly, the lack of research on Ethiopian women makes equitable representation and opportunity impossible. As such, these issues serve as a catalyst for this book. In addition to gender, poverty is identified as a major concern for Ethiopian children and families (Goldblatt et al., 2008). The appeal of America’s wealth and Ethiopia’s civil instability enticed many Ethiopians to immigrate (Stiglitz, 2003). High unemployment rates, vast areas of concentrated poverty, and large percentages of marginalized people give rise to the influx of immigrants to the U.S. This is a common feature of the globalization era (Stiglitz, 2003). The Israeli government provided aid to some Ethiopian immigrants, particularly those who also practice Judaism, but, once entering the host country, they were treated like second-class citizens based on their race with limited access to housing, employment, and education (Isralowitz et al., 2009). However, even after lauding the inclusive actions of the government, Ethiopian youth expressed concerns surrounding disparity, inequity, discrimination, and even racism (Isralowitz et al., 2009). Research demonstrated high levels of Ethiopians in Israel lived in poverty. Similar to the experiences of other racial minorities in the U.S., it is difficult for many Black immigrants to balance assimilation and acculturation in majority White spaces. Culture socializes people to understand racial stratification and power hierarchies in society (Delpit, 2006). This is difficult to navigate for immigrants who are phenotypic outliers. Transitioning from Ethiopia: Education Perspective Many Ethiopian immigrants relocate abroad to pursue educational opportunities. Stavans et al. (2009) explore literacy and bilingualism from the parental perspective. It is important to note that Ethiopian parents describe the same goals for their children as other parents, which is for their children to be successful in school and beyond (Stavans et al., 2009). Stavans et al. (2009) find that Ethiopian parents desire to be actively involved with the education of their children. However, many of these parents lack bilingual literacy skills. This prevents a large number of parents from providing adequate support for their children to fully support them in school (Stavans et al., 2009). Thus, many Ethiopian children broker relationships between their home culture and the host culture

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and serve as translators and mediators between parents and teachers (Goldblatt et al., 2008). In addition to language barriers, research also demonstrates that cultural erasure further hinders Ethiopian immigrant achievement. Here, cultural misidentification and the incongruence between home and host cultures cause many Ethiopian immigrants to experience additional challenges in school. Cultural conflicts between school and home cultures make the immigrant experience a difficult enterprise. The high school dropout rates among some immigrants highlight this challenge (Goldblatt et al., 2008; Isralowitz et al., 2009). Similar trends are reflective of African Americans, Latinx, and other minority groups in public schools. Linguistic barriers and institutional racism create academic dissonance among some students (Delpit, 2006; Kunjufu, 2002). This is evidenced by higher suspension and expulsion rates among native-born and immigrant Black students. However, some students, with the support of their parents, are able to mitigate these obstacles. Mulat and Arcavi (2009) identified coping strategies of Ethiopian students in the form of support groups that promoted greater academic achievement (Mulat & Arcavi, 2009). The study showed that internal motivation was critical to Ethiopian immigrant success, as well as having a sense of self along with sustained parental involvement. Berhanu (2005) researched contributing factors that led to Ethiopian student underachievement and low self-identity in majority White countries. These children are challenged deeply by race relations and racism they are not equipped to handle. Some students become despondent and disengage from school. Additionally, Berhanu’s (2005) study acknowledged “Ferenj” [White] students in Israel subjugated Ethiopian students to racism and prejudice. This further promoted cultural division between native and immigrant students. Ethiopians endured names such as “cushi” [nigger] in public places and were expected to denounce Ethiopian customs. When considering assimilation and acculturation processes, this prohibited many Ethiopian immigrants from fully accepting Israeli culture (Berhanu, 2005; Gibson, 2001; Short, 1995; Stavans et al., 2009). In these cases, social institutions often fail to provide protection to marginalized students and families. As a result, such maltreatment often fuels student apathy and racialized resentment (Berhanu, 2005). Goldblatt et al. (2008) explored the dropout rate of Ethiopian immigrants ages fourteen through eighteen. Utilizing Brief Symptom Inventory, General Self-Efficacy, Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support, and

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Rey-Osterrieth Complex Figure, results illustrated that family dynamics, socioeconomic status, and identity formation contributed to the hidden dropout effect among Ethiopian students (Goldblatt et al., 2008). Results also demonstrated that some students were forced to support their family’s income with part-time work, which sometimes detracted from their study time (Goldblatt et al., 2008). However, children’s employment was important to navigate a fairly static economic system. Similarly, in the U.S., issues of equity and social mobility have been long-standing concerns. In education, the space that provides the tools that make social mobility possible—power and privilege—has created ongoing struggles and exclusionary practices. History proves that inequitable school funding prevents quality access to academic resources and school improvements (Kozol, 2005). This affects immigrants in the U.S. since the adverse effects of school inequity typically impact academic achievement and outcome. The most notable issues of equity hinges upon the desegregation ruling in the 1954 Brown v. the Board of Education of Topeka [1954] decision. This landmark case made it unconstitutional to segregate based on race. Yet, over sixty-five years after the Brown v. Board decision, today’s public schools are just as segregated as before. Zirkel and Cantor (2004) explain that: Students are often either resegregated by academic tracking or resegregate themselves along racial and ethnic lines. Students of color are disproportionately likely to find themselves in poorly-funded schools with few facilities and resources or assigned to non-college preparatory courses of study. Desegregation efforts have often been met with “White flight” from public schools. Those students of color who do make it to college are disproportionately likely to drop out before receiving their degree. (p. 5)

As noted, contemporary uses of tracking lead to twenty-first-century segregation. Here, students are separated based on race and class level (Mickelson, 2001). Tyson’s (2011) investigation shows that schools procedurally tracked Black students to lower-level classes and White students to higher level classes such as advanced-placement courses. This is a space that Black immigrants often find themselves in. Since race transcends ethnicity in the U.S., this affects Ethiopian immigrants who are seen as Black first and foremost. Race relations is such a pervasive part of the American landscape; it requires some specific contextualization and discussion.

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Social Constructions of Race vs. Ethnicity The social construction of race in early America primarily stratified Blacks and Whites (Khanna & Harris, 2009; Smedley & Smedley, 2005). Social and civic groups were created to further propagate bigotry and racial hierarchy. Such propagation included negative depictions, maltreatment, and offensive epithets toward people of color, particularly enslaved Africans and Blacks in general. The rhetoric of fear and intimidation, along with looming threats of disenfranchisement, helped to reinforce racism in the U.S. (Anderson, 1988; Barak et al., 2007). As such, all institutions, social, political, educational, religious, etc., were embedded in patterns of racism and racial exclusion. According to Smedley and Smedley (2005), race was “a folk idea in the English language; it was a general categorizing term, similar to and interchangeable with such terms as type, breed, and even species” (p. 19). Categorizing people allowed those in power to dominate and stratify people, which proved to be profitable (Williams, 1994). As a result, race became more intricately woven in American culture. The landmark Plessey v. Ferguson (1896) case illustrates an example of the importance of race in American society, where the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of racial segregation laws for public facilities under a pretext of “separate but equal.” Although the Court ruled it constitutional for Blacks to have “separate but equal” facilities, equality was elusive. Subsequently, race has consistently been a primary source of discontent and protest in America. In this regard, the historical underpinnings of race provide the foundational context for this book. Historically, after the decline of the eugenics movement (1883–1939), Black American psychologists, Kenneth and Mamie Clark, performed a doll experiment of children’s self-perceptions of race (Clark & Clark, 1950). The result of the study suggested that African American children demonstrate internalized racism and domination (Clark & Clark, 1950). The Clark doll study has been replicated numerous times throughout the last century and has consistently yielded similar results (Chavous et al., 2003; McAdoo, 1985; Spencer, 1977, 1984). The implications of these studies suggest that in particular, some African American girls’ self-perceptions reflect internalized oppression. This conclusion is important since the results show that African American girls thought the Black dolls were ugly, bad, and unintelligent (Azzarito, 2010; Clark & Clark,

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1939; Decuir-Gunby, 2009; Read, 2011; Stevens, 1997). Research illustrates that African American girls develop a sense of identity through various forms of social exposure, including: “(1) a mainstream society, Euro-American view, (2) a devalued societal status affected by the status convergence of gender and race, and (3) cultural reference group of an Afro-American worldview” (Stevens, 1997, p. 150). Therefore, Black girls must maneuver between two conflicting worldviews. This dynamic suggests that these girls develop double consciousness, meaning they learn to see themselves through the eyes of the oppressor via their own racialized group, from a very young age (Du Bois, 1903). In this light, the impact of American racism on Ethiopian immigrants is important to explore, as they are seen as Black in the U.S. and are subject to similar treatment as African Americans. Thus, if Black identity is an inhibitor in countries with tenuous racial pasts, how does this impact Ethiopian immigrants’ self-concept?

Social Problem Approximately 80% of Blacks in the U.S. live in poverty, 10% of Black students’ dropout of high school, and only 19% receive college degrees (Ballantine & Spade, 2012). Post-secondary degree attainment is relatively low when compared to the general population. These numbers include Blacks born in America who have parents from African countries. As such, the following question guides this inquiry: What are the effects of immigrating to a foreign country when those of similar phenotypes are maligned based on skin color? African-descent immigrants presumably navigate the same structures as Black Americans, while adjusting to their life in the host country. When transitioning to the U.S., Ethiopians must “redefine their personal identities on the basis of the color of their skin and on fundamental principles that are foreign to their upbringing” (Kibour, 2001, p. 47). The relevance of African American racial identity development is significant to some Ethiopian immigrants for the mere fact that there is a commonality in minority experiences in America. In this regard, “cultural attributes are presumed to be interconnected” (Kibour, 2001, p. 49). Kibour (2001) further argues that Ethiopians:

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… come from an ethnically, culturally, and linguistically diverse country that emphasizes strict family attachment, religiosity, and strong identification with one’s ethnic group. Immigration status, the cultural adaptation process, and change of status from a racial majority to a racial minority have also been identified as possible stressors for Ethiopians. (p. 49)

Transitioning to a place outside of the home country influences immigrants’ native customs. The impact of migrating affects the authenticity of the home culture by hybridizing home and host culture values (Goldblatt & Rosenblum, 2007). According to Goldblatt and Rosenblum (2007), prior to migration, Ethiopian culture is largely patriarchal, familyoriented, and the children are reared to be respectful and obedient to elders. This culture is considered traditional; however, Ethiopian immigrants often express shifting attitudes after immigration (ibid.). Ethiopian children thus have to master a foreign language, new school structures, and evolving parent–child dynamics in a new land (Goldblatt & Rosenblum, 2007). As a result, Ethiopian youth constantly “struggle with integration” (Goldblatt & Rosenblum, 2007, p. 591). Chacko (2003) explains that personal identity is central to notions of assimilation and “Americanization” (p. 491). As such, assimilation is a process of “properly” transitioning into American life. In contrast, acculturation occurs when the minority culture changes but individuals are still able to retain a unique cultural ethos that still distinguishes them from other groups (Mana et al., 2009). This presents an interesting quandary for Black immigrants in the American landscape.

Purpose of the Book Thus, the purpose of this book is to explore the experiences of Ethiopian women in America, with the hopes of ascertaining nuanced understandings of their academic and social experiences. In essence, the expectations of assimilation or acculturation force immigrant groups to aggressively change over time “until they become fully absorbed into and identified with the dominant society” (Chacko, 2003, p. 493). This leads us to consider: How do assimilation and acculturation impact Ethiopian girls in America? Comprehensively, this book analyzes the underlying influence of racial constructs on Ethiopian girls living in the U.S. In addition, this book further examines Ethiopian women’s academic achievement, self-identity, and perception of beauty.

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Coupled with this conversation is the discussion on beauty, aesthetics, and self-identity. Here, cultural perspectives on beauty impact personal views of identity (Chickering, 1969; Erikson, 1956; Poran, 2002). While researchers suggest that Black girls often lack cultural support to validate positive images of beauty, we consider how Ethiopian women might experience either similar or opposing realities. According to research, in the U.S., race and skin color purportedly shape perceptions of beauty, ability, and intelligence (Anderson, 1988; Barak et al., 2007; Khanna & Harris, 2009; Poran, 2002; Richardson, 2000; Smedley, 1999; Toll, 1974; Witke, 1930). Also, research shows that self-identity manifests in early childhood development (Kutob et al., 2010; Poran, 2002). By middle school, studies note that a positive self-identity can assist Black girls with navigating race relations in schools and society (Kutob et al., 2010). Therefore, it becomes imperative to consider Ethiopian women’s self-identity as a supportive measure for academic success (Camfield & Tafere, 2011). Thus, we provide a framework for answering the following research question: How has acculturation/ assimilation impacted first-generation, and/or second-generation Ethiopian women’s self-identity, academic achievement, and perception of beauty in America?

Significance of the Book Ethiopian immigrants are racial and ethnic “outsiders” in the U.S. As noted, of the African immigrants in the U.S., Ethiopians are the second largest subgroup (Kibour, 2001). Unfortunately, as the number of Ethiopians has grown, “research pertaining to their adjustment needs has not accumulated proportionately” (Kibour, 2001, p. 48). Therefore, there is limited research that discusses the experiences of Ethiopian immigrants in the U.S. This book contributes to the body of knowledge surrounding Ethiopians’ experiences in America. Additionally, the book expands the discourse on international student experiences to include more diverse perspectives. Disproportionate rates of high school drop-outs, concentrated poverty, and language barriers collectively make it difficult for Ethiopian immigrants to successfully navigate the U.S. landscape. Additionally, the dominant culture in the U.S. seems to have a difficult time understanding the insidious nature of racism. As consistently noted in the research, racism subjects people of color to noticeable discrimination, such as microaggressions, stereotypes, and prejudice. Barak et al. (2007) state:

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There is no more powerful position than that of being “just” human. The claim to power is the claim to speak for the commonality of humanity. Raced people can’t do that—they only speak for their race. But non-raced people can, for they do not represent the interests of a race. (p. 51)

With the minimal amount of research on Ethiopian immigrants, there is a limited understanding regarding the academic and interpersonal needs of this diverse group of students. Sparse research delves specifically into the transition of Ethiopian women, as they confront assimilation, acculturation, and issues of race in America. This book explores Ethiopian women’s academic achievement, self-identity, and perceptions of beauty. In this regard, this book highlights the cultural, social, and academic needs of young immigrant students of color. The results of this book provide critical information that expands the scope of inquiry on immigration in the U.S. As noted, the Supreme Court’s recent [2020] decision to extend the protection of DACA provides some assurance that immigrants will continue to immigrate to the U.S. (Immigrant Legal Resource Center, 2020). Thus, the conversation surrounding diversity and immigrant perspectives is crucial for teachers and educators. School officials and policy makers can gain additional insight into the issues facing immigrant students. The results of the study presented in this book help to expand multicultural education and diversity and inclusion in schools and society.

Definition of Terms This book utilizes terms that provide a framework for this research. These terms include neoliberal globalization, legal permanent residence, foreign-born, immigrants, assimilation, acculturation, “othering,” culture of power, acting White, social learning theory, beauty, identity, social identity, social integration, race, capital, social capital, and hegemony. These terms are defined below. Acculturation Acculturation is defined from a traditional immigration theory approach. This definition focuses on the cultural changes and exchanges “by which individuals change both by being influenced by contact with another

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culture” (Mana et al., 2009, p. 452). In particular, the process of acculturation refers to cultural norms and traditions of Ethiopian immigrants changing or integrating with the cultural norms and traditions of Americans. Through acculturation, immigrants are able to retain key aspects of their native ethos as they adapt to a new or foreign culture. Assimilation In the context of this book, assimilation is a process in which immigrants gradually adapt to the ways and thinking of the dominant or host culture. According to Chacko (2003), “assimilation did not entail the displacement of ethnic or cultural characteristics by those typical of mainstream America, over time assimilation came to imply a linear process through which immigrants discarded various home-country traditions and values and adopted those of the host country” (p. 493). This definition of assimilation is used throughout the book. Beauty In this work, beauty is understood to be the social construction of physical attributes that the dominant group deems exceptional. The dominant group often establishes the boundaries of beauty. Since research shows that physical standards for beauty are generally set by a dominant group, beauty is regarded as a subjective concept (Clark & Clark, 1939; McAdoo, 1985; Spencer, 1977, 1984). Additionally, this book considers that “the social construction of beauty is embedded in a larger social framework of individuality and success, and these social ideals of self and control seep into the presentation and interpretation of what it means to be beautiful” (Poran, 2002, p. 67). Therefore, the concept of beauty is derived from physical features pre-established by a reference group, as well as one’s own transcendental self-concept. Cultural Hegemony Gramsci (1971) introduced the concept of hegemony which is defined as the cultural dominance of one group over all other groups. Cultural hegemony suggests that the dominant group orchestrates the culture of society through beliefs, values, perceptions, and norms. Additionally, cultural hegemony focuses on imaging and cultural ethos, as found in

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media and curricular outlets, as conduits of the dominant group’s leadership. These hegemonic images provide a platform for conveying what is culturally acceptable. The dominant group, thereby, influences society when consent from the masses reinforces their cultural leadership. Culture of Power Culture of power refers to those in power being given access to privileges that those outside the group are not privy to. Delpit (2006) notes, “those with power are frequently least aware of—or least willing to acknowledge its existence. Those with less power are often most aware of its existence” (p. 24). Culture of power implies that there is a discrepancy regarding home, community, and school where the rules and codes reflect the dominant group. In this book, culture of power illustrates the power structure that generally supports the assimilation of immigrants into a main American identity construct that serves the interests of the dominant group. Foreign-Born Foreign-born are people who are born outside of the residing country. People who are foreign-born may be immigrants (those that are not born in the residing country) and/or naturalized citizens (immigrants that acquire citizenship to the country of residence). The difference between a naturalized citizen and a legal permanent resident is that the naturalized citizen is recognized as a national in the host country. Immigrant Immigrant refers to an individual who is not born in the country in which he/she resides (Reese, 2017). The most common understanding of the word immigrant is a person that comes to live permanently in a foreign country. On the other hand, migration describes voluntary and often temporary relocation. It is important to note that an immigrant can also be classified as a non-legal resident. Immigrants who do not follow the general procedures for acquiring legal permanent residency and/or citizenship in a country of residency are also known as undocumented immigrants by government classification.

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Legal Permanent Resident A legal permanent resident (LPR), as outlined by the United States Department of Homeland Security, is a person who is not a citizen of the U.S., but has been granted permission to live in the country (Rytina, 2013). Legal permanent resident is generally interchangeable with terms such as lawful permanent resident, immigrant, permanent resident alien, and green card holder. Neoliberal Globalization Neoliberal globalization, or neo-globalization, refers to current global economic, social, cultural systems, and trading policies (post-1960) where business practices are market or privatization driven (Mittelman, 2000; Wiggan & Hutchison, 2009). It is referred to as neo-globalization because of its rootedness in neoliberalist policies or the economic belief of free-market competition with unrestricted governmental regulations. Whether intended or not, neoliberal policies often led to the collapse of various developing countries’ fiscal market systems. Neo-globalization represents interdependent global interactions where policy predetermines countries’ monetary capital and prosperity. Othering Othering is a process in which people’s values are suppressed to fit the needs of the dominant culture. This is often seen in education. As such, Delpit (2006) discusses this phenomenon and explains, “The teacher cannot be the only expert in the classroom. To deny students their own expert knowledge is to disempower them” (p. 33). Delpit suggests that those who are in positions of power must be careful not to “other” people’s children, as this devalues rather than edifies. This book considers “othering” as a form of oppression that centers dominant groups while making minority groups referential to the group in power. Race Race is a social construction that denotes a person’s skin color as a means for classification. Although race has been associated with political, biological, and social hierarchies, it is generally a synthetic concept. The social

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construction of race establishes that it was created to delineate control and domination (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). While there is no scientific basis for race, as all human beings share 99.9% of the same mitochondrial DNA, this social construction has real implications for disparate treatment and structural barriers in schools and society (deMarrais & LeCompte, 1999; Shared DNA, 2005). From a sociological perspective, this book argues that race was created by humans for purposes of social control. Race is not ethnicity. In this book, race refers to color, whereas ethnicity refers to the cultural ethos that is associated with specific groups of people (Bell, 1987; Gilborn, 1990; Khanna & Harris, 2009; Kibour, 2001; Loo, 2019; Murji & Solomos, 2015). Self-Identity Self-identity refers to awareness, knowledge, or personal belief. Selfidentity is a psychological process by which people define themselves. This can be defined as cultural norms, beliefs, and traditions that connect or distinguish one person from another. Troiden (1985) states that self-identity references a connection to a social category that has a larger contextual meaning in society. In this work, we utilize Troiden’s conceptual framework of self-identity. The definitions and terms that are noted here help to operationalize the discussion that follows.

Chapter Summary This chapter explained the historical, social, and economic forces that led to increased immigration of Africans. These forces entailed political and economic destabilization in countries like Ethiopia, which has caused civil war. The chapter also established the context for the book on Ethiopian immigrant women studying in the U.S. Subsequent chapters provide additional detail on the research study. Kibour (2001) suggests that the failure of American systems to be sympathetic to the needs of Ethiopians has resulted in a systemic silencing of their voices. There remains a need for further research on this group of immigrants, which has implications for multicultural education and broader issues surrounding diversity and anti-racism education. In the next chapter, we further explore the theoretical framework and provide a social context for Ethiopian immigrants as they assimilate and/or acculturate in American schools and society.

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CHAPTER 3

Critical Race Feminism and Afrocentricity

As noted in the introduction, critical race feminism (CRF) and Afrocentricity provide the theoretical foundation for our research which explores the academic achievement, identity development, and notions of aesthetics among first- and second-generation Ethiopian immigrants (Asante, 1991, 1998, 2003; Barak et al., 2007; Childers-McKee & Hytten, 2015; Wing, 1997). In the contemporary era of globalization, meaning the increasing interconnections among countries and economic and political systems, there has been growing protests regarding gender inequities and exploitation of women working in sweatshops as cheap labor to produce goods that are consumed around the globe. Throughout the twentieth and into the twenty-first centuries, feminist movements prompted social justice for women (Arthur et al., 2012; Ferree & Tripp, 2006; Wiggan & Hutchison, 2009). Through growing levels of awareness regarding global inequities, the shift from government and elite domination to citizen activism popularized international protest in places like Libya, Hong Kong, Crimea [Russia], Ethiopia, and the U.S. (Bush, 2007; Ferree & Tripp, 2006; Mittelman, 2000). With the heightened technological advancements and innovations in the twenty-first century, people are able to connect and see the plight of the oppressed, specifically the case of women working in poor conditions and with low pay to make products that are sold in © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Wynn et al., Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education, Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75552-2_3

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the global marketplace. For example, the awareness regarding Chinese sweatshops and massive factories that manufacture cell phones and smart devices has become common knowledge as people can peruse online and find evidence of inhumane working conditions (USA Today, 2019). Increasing awareness has resulted in a baseline premise for the systemic shift away from conspicuous consumption to the focus on gender equity in women’s social justice developed through critical and feminist theories. As noted in Chapter 1, critical theory (CT), in essence, presumes that knowledge is power and that all knowledge can be questioned and contested which implies that oppressed groups can help transform their conditions through access to quality education (Bell, 1980; Crenshaw, 1991; Ladson-Billings, 1998). Connecting to CT, critical pedagogy developed by Paulo Freire, provides a student-centered framework to challenge teacher-centered pedagogy and to focus on critical thinking and student growth and development (Freire, 1970). Relatedly, CT allows for the investigation and analysis of Ethiopian female matriculation in America in an effort to understand if much of Ethiopian culture has been retained. In connection, feminist theory emphasizes the importance of equity for women by examining the sources of their oppression and while seeking to agitate for their liberation. Additionally, feminism critically analyzes how gender roles are constructed within patriarchal systems and institutions (Collins, 2000; Collins & Bilge, 2016; hooks, 1981, 2000, 2014). To undergird the intersections of race and gender, critical race theory (CRT) is also helpful to our analysis. In theorizing, examining, and challenging the ways race and racism implicitly and explicitly impact school structures, practices, and policies, CRT is an appropriate framework (Bell, 1987; Delgado & Stefancic, 2000; Yosso, 2005). CRT emerged as a theoretical response to address race and racism which are embedded in American society (Bell, 1987, 1995; Delgado & Stefancic, 2000). Systemic norms focused on patriarchy have been perpetuated through social institutions like schools that structurally promote racism. CRT is, therefore, the paradigmatic response in the quest for racial equity in American society. Relatedly, feminism, according to hooks (2000), can be considered as a movement to end sexist oppression. In Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center, hooks (2000) does not overlook White feminist theorists, but she places them in the context of the Black feminist movement and explains why it is important to do so. hooks (2000) explains:

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Much feminist theory emerges from privileged women who live at the center, whose perspectives on reality rarely include knowledge and awareness of the lives of women and men who live on the margin. As a consequence, feminist theory lacks wholeness, lacks the broad analysis that could encompass a variety of human experiences. Although feminist theorists are aware of the need to develop ideas and analysis that encompasses a larger number of experiences that serve to unify rather than to polarize, such theory is complex and slow in formation. At its most visionary, it will emerge from individuals who have knowledge of both margin and center. (p. 11)

In light of hooks (2000), Black feminist theory offers a comprehensive sociohistorical lens for understanding and analyzing the experiences of Black women and girls, particularly given the intersecting jeopardies they face. As a critical social theory, Black feminism posits that Black women/girls have historically faced interlocking forms of oppression that include economic, political, and ideological stratification (Collins, 2000; Collins & Bilge, 2016; Crenshaw, 1991). In this way, our study uses critical race feminism (CRF) as a framework to address the unique experiences of first- and second-generation Ethiopian immigrant women. CRF is closely related to CRT, which initially emerged as a way to address legal issues of “a significant group of people—those who are both women and members of today’s racial/ethnic minorities, as well as disproportionately poor” (Wing, 1997, p. 1). Given the unique experiences of Black women, the scope of this book is viewed through the combined lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, which examines the discourse of race and gender for the purpose of deconstructing systemic power structures that marginalize women of color (Childers-McKee & Hytten, 2015; EvansWinters & Esposito, 2010; Pratt-Clarke, 2010). CRF builds on CRT, yet it centers the “roles, experiences, and narratives of women of color” in analyzing systems, structures, and institutions (Pratt-Clarke, 2010, p. 24). Connecting to CRF, Afrocentricity, which is discussed in greater detail below, is also utilized to expand the framework to explain the social and academic outcomes of Ethiopian immigrant women in the U.S. (Asante, 1991, 1998, 2003). Afrocentricity also supports positive Black self-identity in schools and society. Afrocentricity is a framework that promotes a human-centered perspective in order to affirm those of direct or indirect African ancestry in regard to culture, education, history, sociology, psychology, and spirituality (Asante, 2010, 2011; King & Swartz,

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2015). Afrocentricity, in this book, provides the particular lens to understanding how Ethiopian women interact in schools, perform academically, and construct or reconstruct their self-identity and perceptions of beauty in America. It provides a context to understand the perspectives of our participants. Collectively, the combined framework of CRF and Afrocentricity allows us to explain the experiences of Ethiopian women in the U.S.

Critical Race Feminism CRF emerged to address areas that were previously omitted by feminists in the first and second waves of feminism (Barak et al., 2007; Childers-McKee & Hytten, 2015; Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010; Pratt-Clarke, 2010; Wing, 1997). While challenging the underrepresentation of minority/ethnic/racial representation in the workplace, inequity in schools, and beyond, CRF shares common assumptions with CRT. Both address the permanence of racism in American society. Additionally, the use of counternarratives to disrupt normative views about the world and to combat the social construction of race is common feature of both CRF and CRT. Both critique liberalism for its individualistic and contextindependent perspective on the world. Another important element is interest convergence which is the belief that marginalized cultures have gotten ahead only when those from the dominant culture also benefit; and the importance of critical race praxis, or action to challenge the status quo (Childers-McKee & Hytten, 2015). CRF expands race discourse to include gender by critically analyzing the experiences of women and minority girls. While extending the discourse toward redefinition and racial awareness, it also helps with negotiating boundaries and borders to deconstruct and reconstruct selfidentity, which questions the normative gender roles and racialized practices perpetuated in the broader society (Pratt-Clark, 2010). As a tool for understanding Ethiopian women’s lives in the U.S., CRF addresses the intersections of race, class, gender, and sexuality. When investigating and theory building around educational issues that impact Ethiopian women, CRF illustrates the unique experiences of women of color relative to White women and all men. The theoretical tenets, therefore, allow us to focus on the lives of Ethiopian women

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in America who may encounter multiple forms of discrimination. Theoretically, CRF allows Ethiopian women to be viewed through a multidimensional perspective as Black, female, and immigrant (Evan-Winters & Esposito, 2010). Therefore, CRF is utilized to analyze Ethiopian women’s experiences in America. It also allows the researcher to investigate the interactions of Ethiopians within American schools and beyond (Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010). The tenets of CRF allow for examination of identity, as well as investigations related to equity issues surrounding Ethiopian women transitioning in America. Critical Pedagogy Undergirding CRF, critical pedagogy helps to center education within critical discourse to investigate the process between what is being taught and what is being learned. According to McLaren (2002), “critical pedagogy asks how and why knowledge is constructed the way it is, and how and why some constructions of reality are legitimated and celebrated by the dominant culture while others clearly are not” (p. 72). However, scholars such as Giroux (1983) argues that schools were originally created to provide legitimacy regarding social, economic, and political policies that privilege the dominant group while disadvantaging their subjects. Freire (1970), however, theorizes that through a quality education, the oppressed can learn to read the word and read the world to better understand the sources of their oppression. Freire (1970) argues that there is a relationship between culture and power. In schools, the group with power determines what counts as knowledge and how instruction will be delivered. As such, schooling is not education. This book investigates Ethiopian immigrant experiences in U.S. schools. As a result, questions generated examine school experiences and curriculum access to analyze culturally relevant practices among teachers and students. According to Carnoy (1989): Critical analyses of American education have stressed only its negative and exclusionary aspects – the schools’ “hidden” message of subordination and failure designed to cull out those youngsters unable to handle the common curriculum. (p. 5)

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In light of Giroux (1983), perhaps educators should place greater emphasis on equity and inclusion. In connection with CRF and Afrocentricity, critical pedagogy challenges the status quo and focuses on social transformation. It also emphasizes a shift toward schools being places of change, and teachers and students as agents of that change. Critical pedagogy provides critical investigation of Ethiopian women’s views on teachers’ essential role of mapping out the curriculum, and the effectiveness and allowance of them to use their cultural capital as Ethiopians. In light of this, students’ home culture should be viewed as an asset, and teachers have a responsibility to understand and empower students with what they already know and possess in their tool box (Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 2009). According to Giroux (1983), teachers must also: …be able to critically analyze the ideologies, values, and interests that inform their role as teachers and the cultural politics they promote in the classroom. All of their actions presuppose some notion of what it means to be a citizen and a future society and to the degree that schools are actively engaged in the production of discourses that provide others with a sense of identity, community, and possibility, they must be responsible and reflective about their actions. (p. 7)

Per Giroux (1983), the absence of such discourse suggests that minority or Ethiopian students must navigate hegemonic schools that were not created for them. When students enter such spaces, they may even question themselves and their abilities and lose confidence. Thus, critical pedagogies help to nurture critical thinking and awareness among learners. It helps to empower them in their understanding of the world, as well as show them the role they must play to change their social condition. Therefore, relating to CRF and Afrocentricity, critical pedagogy helps teachers understand the art of teaching that raises consciousness among learners regarding the sources of oppression in schools and society. It empowers them to become agents of change.

Afrocentricity In connection with CRF and critical pedagogy, Afrocentricity, as a human centered theory, provides a central framework for exploring the contributions of the human family tree by studying ideas, concepts, events,

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personalities, and political and economic processes from a standpoint of a common humanity (Asante, 2010, 2011). A core element of Afrocentric theory is its premise that all humans are of African descent given that 99.9% of the 7.7 billion people in the world share the same DNA and derive from the human family tree that began in Africa (Shared DNA, 2005). Emphasizing commonalities rather than difference, Afrocentricity helps us understand that Africa is indeed the cradle of human civilization and the place where the family began its journey around the globe. Afrocentricity involves a paradigm shift from American colonialism that moves toward the inclusion of African and African American contributions. Asante argues that African contributions, values, and consciousness are critical to the evolution and development of Black people (Asante, 2011). Afrocentricity helps to disrupt stereotypical views African and African American students may have learned through the media and in American schools (Traore & Lukens, 2006). Through an exclusionary curriculum, students often are only exposed to information pertaining to the dominant group (Traore & Lukens, 2006). However, a more inclusive curriculum can benefit all students. In our study, Afrocentricity provides a context for understanding how Ethiopian women may connect to their culture while living in a foreign land and perhaps, directly encountering institutional racism for the first time (Dei, 1994).

CRF and Afrocentricity In the context of U.S racial and ethnic relations, being labeled as Black in America is an indictment on anyone with dark skin, even Ethiopian women who may be subjected to discrimination and unfair treatment due to their race, gender, and immigrant status (Foner, 2009). Ethiopians face new challenges in the U.S. and they must navigate unfamiliar grounds. As they experience life in a new country, they seek the support of the broader Ethiopian immigrant community. To this point, Conyers (2015) states that “we must learn about the particular insurgent responses to racial, ethnic, class, gender, cultural, and language hostility that necessitate the evoking of community…” (p. 220). Community in this book refers to the extended and surrounding support systems of family and friends who help these women transition in their new lives. Given that the women in this book are Black and from Africa, CRF and Afrocentricity allow for suitable in-depth discussion and analysis regarding their experiences.

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Through CRF and Afrocentricity, we explore the forces of acculturation and assimilation on Ethiopian women’s experiences in the U.S. and how they impact identity, academic achievement, and perceptions of beauty. According to Park and Burgess (1969), assimilation is “a process of interpenetration and fusion in which persons and groups acquire the memories, sentiments, and attitudes of other persons and groups and, by sharing their experiences and history, are incorporated with them in a common cultural life” (p. 735). In contrast, acculturation occurs when the minority groups adopt the cultural patterns of the host society (Gordon, 1964). In the case of Ethiopian immigrants, there has been limited research on their experiences in secondary or post-secondary public schools (Berhanu, 2001, 2005; Goldblatt & Rosenblum, 2007; Goldblatt et al., 2008; Kurman et al., 2005). In the next section, through the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, we examine the role of social ostracism and the impact of U.S. racial and ethnic relations on Ethiopian immigrants.

Social Ostracism Generally, when immigrants enter new countries, they can experience culture shock and feelings of alienation (Gibson, 2001; Kurman et al., 2005; Mana et al., 2009). From a CRF and Afrocentric perspective, this is particularly the case for Black immigrants who are from majority Black countries in which they were members of the dominant group. As such, they are not accustomed to being a racial minority. In the context of the U.S., Black minority treatment can include verbal and even physical abuse such as the murder of George Floyd by police officers in Minneapolis in 2020 and the police killing of Breonna Taylor along with many similar incidences of state violence against Black people (Crenshaw et al., 2015; Siegel, 2020; Zimring, 2017). Social ostracism can adversely impact Black minorities more so than other immigrants who may more easily assimilate into the dominant White American identity. These patterns of social ostracism can be individualized or systemic and can include aversive behaviors such as verbal abuse, racial profiling, and even educational and employment discrimination. Williams (1997) examines ostracism as a social phenomenon used on groups or individuals to exclude, reject, exile, and banish. Many social psychologists refer to this form of ostracism as being social in nature (Gruter & Masters, 1986; Kerr et al., 2008; Sebastian et al., 2010).

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To mediate these oppressive conditions, questions of conformity become a central focus. However, this is extremely difficult for people whose phenotype identifies them as outsiders. This can be psychologically and emotionally taxing on immigrants who are forced to navigate a new landscape. For immigrants from non-English-speaking countries, the language barrier can add layers to the complexities of their experiences. Having an accent or being unable to speak the host language with command signals their foreign-born status. Through CRF and Afrocentricity, social ostracism undermines equity in employment, housing, and access to resources (Gruter & Masters, 1986; Kerr et al., 2008; Sebastian et al., 2010). This is a great barrier that African immigrants encounter regularly. In the U.S., Africa is generally portrayed negatively in the news and social media. This is something that African immigrants might not be aware of when they enter the U.S. Due to a proliferation of negative media representations of Africa, Americans typically have seen images of starving Africans, droughts, civil unrest, and the spread of infectious disease (Traore & Lukens, 2006). Americans may have the impression that Africa is a jungle with wild animals and primitive people. African civilizations range from agrarian, hunter gatherers to high civilizations like those in Ethiopia, Egypt, Mali, and Nigeria. They may not know that Africa is the birthplace of humanity [Ethiopia] and is home of the first medical doctor Imhotep in Kemet, later called Egypt (WatsonVandiver & Wiggan, 2018; Wiggan, 2015). Most people may not know that Ethiopia is the only uncolonized Black or Brown country in the world, as throughout history, the nation has been successful in its defense against European colonization. Through CRF and Afrocentricity, Africa is also the birthplace of the first written language in the world MDW NTR (pronounced “meh-doo neh-ter”); and the first University called IPT AST University [2000 B.C.E.] also called the University of Waset (Clarke, 1977). Also, Africa is home to a later university in West Africa called the University of Sankore in Timbuctoo [circa 1100 A.D.] (Dubois, 1897). To this point, Clarke (1977) notes: [T]he Africans were producers of literature and art, and a philosophical way of life, long before their contact with the Western world… During the period in West African history – from the early part of the fourteenth century to the time of the Moorish invasion in 1591 – the city of Timbuctoo and the University of Sankore in the Songhay Empire were the intellectual centers of Africa. Black scholars were enjoying a renaissance

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that was known and respected throughout most of Africa and in parts of Europe…[T]he University of Sankore was the educational capital of the Western Sudan. (Clarke, 1977, pp. 142–143)

Since this knowledge is typically not taught in U.S. public schools and is omitted from higher education curriculum, most Americans are misinformed about African contributions to world history. In the news, the constant negative images of Africans may have a conscious or subconscious imprint on the thinking of most Americans, which can be a detriment to the African immigrant experience. Furthermore, decades of attention illuminating issues such as HIV/AIDS and Ebola further stigmatize African people. According to Rushton (2012), “in 2010, the U.S. repealed Section 212(a) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, which states that a non-citizen determined to have a ‘communicable disease of public health significance’ is not admissible into the country without a waiver” (p. 1). This had a big impact on African immigrants’ ability to enter the U.S. Due to decades of European colonialism, African economies have been saddled with debt, poor infrastructure, and lack of access to quality medical care, leaving many people vulnerable, marginalized, and subject to globalized social reproach (Aikins et al., 2010; Gruter & Masters, 1986; Kerr et al., 2008; Sebastian et al., 2010). Per CRF and Afrocentricity, social ostracism through stereotypes and negative images of Africa in general and Black and African Americans, are part of a global hegemonic system of misinformation and domination regarding people of African descent. In this sense, immigration policies can be viewed as an extension of racialization surrounding Black immigrants where those who enter the U.S. and are of European descent may have higher social status than continental Black Africans and Afro-Caribbean and Afro-Latinx. In the context of continental Africa, foreign aid may be tied to political and economic policies that allow major U.S. or Western corporations to have access to natural resources like cobalt, gas, oil, uranium, etc., as well as large markets to sell foreign goods. Thus, on the one hand, foreign aid support in Africa is tied to access to resources and market economy, while on the other hand restricting immigrants from entering the U.S. Among those who are able to immigrate, they experience high levels of discrimination and ostracism (Gruter & Masters, 1986; Kerr et al., 2008; Sebastian et al., 2010). Ethiopians emigrating in the U.S. may bear burdens as immigrants that they were not sufficiently prepared to endure.

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Race in America The history of the U.S. is unique in that the very founding of the country was premised on the enslavement of Black and Brown people and the annexation of land (Kendi, 2017; Wilder, 2014). In this sense, Europeans who were fleeing religious persecution in Europe entered foreign territory that was already inhabited by indigenous people. They quickly captured, killed, and enslaved Native people and other groups under the false claim of divine right or manifest destiny. In the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, the early 400 years of North American history provides a context for racialization that would become enduring legacies. A person’s phenotype would be a basis for determining their social status in society where Black or Indigenous features and cultural ethos were presumed to be inferior or less than human. Unlike other immigrant groups from Europe who could quickly assimilate into a White American identity, Black and Brown people were considered visible outliers, and as such, were relegated to servant or slave status (Chacko, 2003; Rumbaut, 1994; Smedley & Smedley, 2005). In the context of U.S. race relations, “the one drop rule” defined Blackness as having just one drop of Black blood and was used to classify citizens as early as the 14th U.S. Census in 1920 (Hickman, 1997; Khanna, 2019). Such racial classifications may be unknown to Ethiopian immigrants who are classified according to ethnicity rather than phenotype in their home country. Prior to the enslavement of Africans in the Western hemisphere, race was not clearly defined in the West. However, once the enslavement and colonization periods started, from a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, racialized systems of oppression would be embedded in the very fabric of American society. Since this started at Jamestown, Virginia, as early as 1619, North America was more or less the case study of how to enslave and colonize people around the world. Later, other colonizers like Nazi Germany would emulate the racism and skin superiority claims made under British, Spanish, and Portuguese colonization to invert the same narrative and purport the myth of Aryan superiority. Smedley and Smedley (2005) argue that “race was a folk idea in the English language; it was a general categorizing term, similar to and interchangeable with such terms as type, kind, sort, breed, and even species” (p. 19). The disparaging relationships among primarily Whites and Blacks reinforced racial conflicts. The 1915 release of D. W. Griffith’s Birth of a Nation reinforced these racial conflicts through a propagandized view of

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U.S. history that fueled White supremacist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan (Franklin, 1979; Stokes, 2007). Barbaric depictions, ill-treatment, negative epithets, and insidious schemes toward Blacks promoted oppressive symbols, themes, and cultural dissonance within the Black race, as well as among other groups (Khanna & Harris, 2009; Richardson, 2000; Smedley, 1999; Smedley & Smedley, 2005). From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, African Americans experienced a difficult and pioneering history in America. Enduring the trans-Atlantic slave trade, the enslavement period, the atrocities of lynching, institutionalized racism, and other historical moments illustrate the breadth of their resilience. African Americans condemned the core of prevailing and oppressive systems, as demonstrated in revolutionary acts of liberation (Anderson, 1988; Bell, 1995; hooks, 1981; Lorde, 2020; Smedley, 1999). Discrimination propelled African American activists to fight for equity and challenge the scale of power and privilege that glaringly favors a dominant group (Anderson, 1988; Bell, 1995; hooks, 1981; Lorde, 2020; Smedley, 1999). Gender, class, and racial hegemony, thereby, provided the catalyst to broadening political power and fiscal independence among African Americans (Anderson, 1988; Barak et al., 2007; hooks, 1981; Smedley, 1999). Per Gramsci (1971), hegemony is the universalization of one dominant group over all other groups. From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, African American females were a commodity to the future establishment of the nation. Black women were used in breeding farms to produce babies for sale. Black women in the Americas were used not only as slaves for free labor, but they were also viewed as a means of generating human capital through their forced reproduction (Gaspar & Hine, 1996; Morgan, 2011). The enslavement of African and African American women was central to the development of North America and its resultant capitalist economy. In this sense, Black women played a crucial role in the establishment of American society (Gaspar & Hine, 1996). As a result, racialized social stratification created hierarchies from White, Brown, to Black and in between color stratification of different shades of Brown or Blackness. The very bottom of the racialized social ladder was reserved for the darkest Blacks and those who were unassimilated into European-Protestant culture. Thus, skin color preference even within minoritized groups can be understood as internalized domination based on White supremacist thinking (Khanna & Harris, 2009; Richardson, 2000; Smedley & Smedley, 2005).

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Race as a Social Construct Social discrimination of individuals of African descent in America nurtured stereotypes, myths, and falsifications regarding Black and Brown people. In the purview of CRF and Afrocentricity, these falsifications can be internalized where minority groups may even unconsciously use the master’s scripts on themselves in the form of reifying oppressor narratives. This has been common with minority groups purporting Black and Brown jokes, minstrel shows, and derogatory epithets. Per the evidence used in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education case, these negative images can have harmful impacts on adults and children (Anderson, 1988; Clark & Clark, 1939, 1950; Smedley, 1999; Smedley & Smedley, 2005; Spencer, 1984). The common belief that dark-skinned individuals are inferior and less intelligent is a part of White supremacist ideology which is even purported and internalized among minority groups. The widespread and pervasive nature of these systemic beliefs developed into common hegemonic practices and views, such as physical abuse and views of Blacks as unintelligent, ugly, uncivilized, and savage (Anderson, 1988; Barak et al., 2007; Khanna & Harris, 2009; Richardson, 2000; Smedley, 1999). The myth of White superiority led to pseudoscience that aimed to prove that Blacks were inferior, racially and intellectually (Bashford & Levine, 2010; Murji & Solomos, 2015; Popenoe & Johnson, 2019; Richardson, 2000; Smedley, 1999; Smedley & Smedley, 2005). This fundamental notion propelled the eugenics movement in America. In essence, the eugenics movement scientifically attempted to prove Charles Darwin’s theory of racial superiority or the “survival of the fittest” (Bashford & Levine, 2010; Popenoe & Johnson, 2019; Smedley & Smedley, 2005). However, the eugenics movement simply attempted to utilize pseudoscience to make false claims of genetic deficiencies in humans (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). On the surface, eugenics appears to be associated with issues of birth defects and mental illnesses, such as mental retardation and schizophrenia (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). However, the term “feeble-minded” was used often to include delinquents or criminals, drug users, and individuals with communicable diseases (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). The support of the eugenics movement by governmental officials and physicians helped to legalize the practices of “feeble-minded” diagnoses, which was commonly ascribed to Black people (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). Individuals declared “feeble-minded,” provided legal permission

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for the government to sterilize them (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). In the parlance of CRF and Afrocentricity, this atrocity and inhumane act of sterilization supported public policies and opinion toward certain groups in America, which, as a result, led to Blacks being disproportionately sterilized (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). The eugenics movement would undoubtedly carry over into the twentieth century as Blacks became a primary target (Bashford & Levine, 2010; Popenoe & Johnson, 2019; Smedley & Smedley, 2005). However, the eugenics movement began to dissolve during Nazi tyranny in Europe. Negative attention to the eugenics movement slowed its momentum in America in the twentieth century (Bashford & Levine, 2010; Popenoe & Johnson, 2019; Smedley & Smedley, 2005). However, the ideology of White supremacy and domination disseminated throughout the world, along with claims of superior physical traits: eye color, hair color, ear shape, tongue shape, nose contour, size, and skin color. Consequently, the eugenics movement played a pivotal role in attempting to link race, superiority, and beauty to science (Bashford & Levine, 2010; Popenoe & Johnson, 2019; Smedley & Smedley, 2005). The remnant effects are evident as an overarching system privileges European aesthetics and cultural ethos (Sekayi, 2003). The eugenics movement became an influential catalyst to establishing a common sense of beauty in America. Physical traits and cultural signifiers precluded non-Whites from accessing spaces of power (Bashford & Levine, 2010; Popenoe & Johnson, 2019; Smedley, 1999; Smedley & Smedley, 2005). Per CRF and Afrocentricity, the struggle for positive representation was a key aspect of the Black experience (Anderson, 1988; Barak et al., 2007; Khanna & Harris, 2009; Richardson, 2000; Smedley, 1999). The consistent depiction of Blacks as inferior in advertisements such as political cartoons and minstrels supported stereotypes of acceptability in the degradation of individuals that were not considered White (Toll, 1974; Witke, 1930). Additionally, the depictions of White as beauty, established during the eugenics movement, were presented in various advertisements throughout subsequent years following its dissolution (Bashford & Levine, 2010; Popenoe & Johnson, 2019; Toll, 1974; Witke, 1930). In America and around the world, images of White women and men represented symbols of power and were even advertised to promote standards of beauty (Barak et al., 2007; Khanna & Harris, 2009; Richardson,

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2000; Smedley, 1999; Toll, 1974; Witke, 1930). The overt and subliminal messages found in advertisements proved to be a detriment to Black and Brown children born in America (Morrison, 1970; Toll, 1974; Witke, 1930). The silent cues were internalized by African American children, reflecting the ideology that White is superior and Black is inferior (Clark & Clark, 1939; Decuir-Gunby, 2009; Stevens, 1997). Ultimately, this places a burden on the identity development of African American children. Similarly, the minstrel circuit (White actors painting their faces and body Black to perform theatrical plays) in America proliferated the negative portrayal of being Black in America (Toll, 1974; Witke, 1930). Support was given and reinforced through stereotypical depictions that garner Blacks as ignorant, uncivilized, and comedic. Furthermore, minstrels’ roles reinforced oppression in America and maintained White superiority claims. Generally, African Americans viewed minstrelsy as an egregious lack of respect for their culture, identity, and intellect. However, minstrels were pivotal and effective in promoting racial dissent throughout America. As a result, minstrels served the purpose of entertainment for White Americans at the expense of Black culture (Toll, 1974; Witke, 1930). To develop positive self-identity in Black women, per CRF and Afrocentricity, a balanced self-view of race, gender, class, and body imagery is necessary (Azzarito, 2010; Khanna & Harris, 2009; Poran, 2002; Read, 2011). The introduction of technological and media competition to the global society presents differing perspectives on Black women’s selfidentity and perception of beauty (Azzarito, 2010; Poran, 2002; Read, 2011). Many argue for a return to more Afrocentric perspective; however, others adopt a hybrid perspective (Traore & Lukens, 2006). Sekayi (2003) found that while the American standard of beauty is primarily Eurocentric, Black women acknowledge those differences but adhere to their own cultural standards. This is a theme that is further discussed in Chapter 6. Resistance to aesthetic hegemony is grounded in moral and political indignation and is a continual process (Giroux, 1983; Sekayi, 2003). Research shows that self-identity evolves in the early years, and as such by middle school, it is crucial for Black girls to develop a positive selfidentity (Kutob et al., 2010; Poran, 2002). Therefore, in the purview of CRF and Afrocentricity, the need for Black women and Ethiopian immigrants to develop positive self-identities becomes central to academic and professional success.

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Identity Formation Throughout American history, the identity formation of Black and African American evolved throughout the enslavement and colonial periods into the contemporary era. Applying the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, these issues can be understood more clearly within the context of the U.S. racial and ethnic relations. In the case of Black women and girls, due to the roles they have played historically, their plight is unique and deserves special attention. In schools, Black girls have been viewed as overly assertive, deviants, and sexual objects (Fordham, 1993; Koonce, 2012; Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010). Generally, assertive behaviors have been stereotyped as the norm for boys, while girls are expected to be nurturing and soft spoken. Per CRF and Afrocentricity, however, this is not the case for Black girls where their assertiveness is often viewed as aggression (Fordham, 1993). hooks (2014) notes that to disrupt oppressive systems and discourses regarding African Americans in general and African American females in particular, we must confront these negative narratives which should take place at all levels and in all spaces. Per hooks (2014), schools are one of the places where this disruption must first occur. In light of CRF and Afrocentricity, in schools and the broader society, African American girls “often encounter different standards applied to the same behavior, and it is the African American woman who orients her daughter to know her place in the dominant world” (Pearson, 2008, p. 84). Thus, hooks (1981) argues that African American women have been consistently suppressed throughout mainstream America. Negative stereotypes about Black girls lead to labels such as “at risk,” “loud,” and “insubordinate” (Evans-Fordham, 1993; hooks, 1981; Koonce, 2012; McKnight & Loper, 2002; Morris, 2007; Winters, 2005). Systemically, internalization of negative discourse attacks the self-esteem and psychology of minority groups. In the case of Ethiopian immigrants in the U.S., they form ethnic enclaves to help them mitigate many of the negative stereotypes associated with Black Americans. This is an important practice as it helps to preserve their culture and native identity. In the purview of CRF and Afrocentricity, in some ways, these immigrants are learning to acculturate to their new environment. It also allows Ethiopian women to develop a positive self-concept (Chacko, 2003; Short, 1995; Tannenbaum, 2008).

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Acculturation, Assimilation, and Identity Formation Race reflects the outward issues that Ethiopians must contend with in America. In addition to this, there is the added burden to succeed in the host country. When Ethiopians go through “the process through which immigrants are gradually steered into the American way of life,” assimilation has transpired (Chacko, 2003, p. 493). Assimilation, traditionally, moves linearly from the adaptive process of acculturation. While assimilation refers to the minority culture changing and being absorbed into the majority culture, acculturation is a two-way process that involves cultural exchange (Gordon, 1964; Park, 1930). More current models of assimilation state that race, ethnicity, class, and gender are pivotal factors to, not only assimilation, but also identity formation (Chacko, 2003; Gans, 1992; Portes & Zhou, 1993; Zhou & Bankston, 1994). From a CRF and Afrocentric perspective, therefore, assimilation in modern day juxtaposes retaining the native or ethnic culture and maintaining prominent places in the host society. Chacko (2003) illustrated that “the children of poor minorities of color were noted to be at greater risk of downward socioeconomic assimilation” (p. 494). This suggests that Ethiopian immigrants may be at a disadvantage in achieving upward mobility in America. However, acculturation requires that Ethiopians adapt to social settings (Kurman et al., 2005). Kurman et al. (2005) state that “immigrants are faced with two major questions: (a) whether to maintain their former cultural identity; and (b) whether to develop closer relations with members of the host society and adopt some of its values and norms of behavior” (p. 956). However, as a group, Ethiopians must mediate rejection or acceptance as immigrants in the U.S. (Chacko, 2003; Kurman et al., 2005). Relatedly, Chickering (1969) finds that: (1) comfort with body and appearance, (2) comfort with gender and sexual orientation, (3) sense of self in a social, historical, and cultural context, (4) clarification of self-concept through roles and life-style, (5) sense of self in response to feedback from valued others, (6) self-acceptance and self-esteem, and (7) personal stability and integration. (Chickering, 1969, p. 3)

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On a micro-level, individual or group acceptance of normative behaviors of the host society shows contingency of approval based upon favorable reception by members of the host country. Ethiopians, therefore, must consider the following: 1. Maintain the culture and separate from the host society. 2. Adopt the host society and cultural identity. 3. Reconfigure the culture and integrate into the host society. 4. Deviate completely from the culture and identity (Adapted from Kurman et al., 2005). In American society, race and gender are twenty-first-century assimilation factors that contribute to class barriers and cultural conflicts. As a result, researchers have noted: First-generation Black immigrants overwhelmingly emphasized their ethnic identities and national origins, underplaying the more generic identification as Black. Non-native Blacks in the U.S. resisted identifying with American Blacks for a number of reasons, including prejudices against native Blacks, general aversion to an undistinguished Black identity, and pride in national identity. (Chacko, 2003, p. 494)

Common knowledge highlights the discourse history of Black Americans as that of progressive, yet deviant. Therefore, immigrants who have Black skin may reject the association with African Americans as they do not want connections to negative stereotypes and opposition. In essence, the argument suggests that Ethiopians living in America must often decide whether to identify as Black or African American.

Chapter Summary In this chapter, we developed the theoretical framework of CRF and Afrocentricity in the context of our study. We provided the cultural context for Ethiopians immigrants’ experiences in the U.S. We also discussed racial and ethnic relations, identity development, and cultural conflicts in the U.S. The next chapter discusses the research context, design, and introduces our participants.

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CHAPTER 4

Ethiopian Immigrants in the U.S.: Research Context and Participants

First- and second-generation Ethiopian immigrant women in the U.S. are a diverse group. For example, in Ethiopia, some of the ethnic groups include the Amhara, Oromo, Somali, and Afar among others (Gish, 2017; Marcus, 2002). As a diverse group, they might face similar challenges with poverty and lack of access to quality education. Thus, the desire for better opportunities forces immigrants to embark on journeys to the U.S. While many Ethiopians have seen images of the U.S. on television and may have hopes of living in a wealthy country and having access to many opportunities, they may be shocked and disappointed when they realize the challenges they will encounter in the U.S. In our study, our participants provided rich narratives of their experiences as immigrant women living in the U.S. The first section of this chapter explains our research method and process, while the second part introduces our participants and provides their contextual narratives about who they are and how they came to the U.S. The sampling, data collection, data analysis, and participant profiles provide details on the study. Collectively, this chapter provides the context for answering the research question: How has acculturation/assimilation impacted first-generation and/or second-generation Ethiopian women’s self-identity, academic achievement, and perception of beauty in America?

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Wynn et al., Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education, Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75552-2_4

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Ethiopian Women: Social Context and the Study This qualitative research utilized case study methods to explore Ethiopian women’s academic and social experiences in America. According to Yin (2003), “a case study investigates a contemporary phenomenon (the case) in its real-world context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context may not be clearly evident” (p. 2). Therefore, utilizing a case study design helps to explain the Ethiopian women’s experiences as immigrants, students, and mothers. The case study also allows us to explore the impact of assimilation and acculturation on Ethiopian women’s academic achievement, self-identity, and perception of beauty while living in North America. Our discussion provides context for educators, public policy makers, and community activists with information to support Ethiopian women with their transition into the host country. As we noted in the previous chapter, critical race feminism (CRF) and Afrocentricity are utilized to explain the impact of race, and the effect of acculturation/assimilation on the participants’ self-identity and perception of beauty. In connection, critical pedagogy is grounded simultaneously within the research to explore the art of teaching that helps to raise critical awareness regarding issues like immigrant experiences among students. This case study provides descriptions and narratives that frame the research discussion for Ethiopian immigrant women. The interview data provides further examination of the phenomenon of being Ethiopian and living in America. According to Stake (1995), “The case researcher plays different roles and has options as to how they will be played. The roles may include teacher, participant observer, interviewer, reader, storyteller, advocate, artist, counselor, evaluator, consultant, and others” (p. 91). The role of the researcher in this study is tri-fold: interviewer, constructivist, and interpreter. Sciarra (1999) notes that, comprehensively, “the role of the researcher can be viewed through Blumer’s metaphor of the lifter of veils” (p. 46). In essence, Blumer refers to lifting the veil metaphorically to identify the exposure of the phenomenon that was hidden. Applying a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, we explore the experiences of Ethiopian women who are first- and second-generation immigrants. These semi-structured interviews provided rich descriptions, where interview questions range from educational to life experiences (Appendix A). These narratives are central to our discussions in the next chapters.

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Research Context This qualitative research study investigates how race, assimilation, and acculturation have impacted first-generation and/or second-generation Ethiopian women’s life experiences, academic achievement, self-identity, and their perception of beauty in America. According to Merriam (1998), “qualitative research is an umbrella concept covering several forms of inquiry that help us understand and explain the meaning of social phenomena with as little disruption of the natural setting as possible” (p. 2). Relating to our research design, CRF and Afrocentricity help us to understand and ground our participants’ responses (Asante, 2011; Childers-McKee & Hytten, 2015; Creswell & Poth, 2018; Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010; Merriam, 1998; Wing, 1997; Wink, 2005). Creswell (2013) states that “qualitative research is an approach for exploring and understanding the meaning individuals or groups ascribe to a social or human problem” (p. 4). The research involved five Ethiopian women’s collective life experiences in the U.S. Data collection in this “bounded system” or case involves these women’s encounters in schools as well as in the broader society (Creswell, 2013, 2013; Merriam, 1998; Yin, 2003). Yin (2003) writes that the case study research design is an ideal way to answer questions regarding the human experience. As researchers we explore “the complex world of lived experience from the point of view of those who live it” (Schwandt, 1994, p. 118). As a result, this study views reality as socially constructed, thus we use interview techniques to unveil the participants’ stories (Cavana et al., 2001). Furthermore, Creswell (1998) argues that a researcher should “choose a case study to examine a ‘case,’ bounded in time or place, and look for contextual material about the setting of the ‘case’” (p. 40). Specifically, this study investigates the case of Ethiopian women and their racial and assimilation/acculturation experiences living in America. To participate in the study, the women had to have lived in the U.S. for at least one year. In-depth interviews with these immigrant women help us delve into their lives and stories (Yin, 1994). From our analysis of the interview data, six major themes emerged which are presented below in Fig. 4.1 and are further discussed in the subsequent chapters. According to Yin (2003), the analysis “requires that you combine or assemble your case study as a direct reflection of your initial study propositions” (p. 36). For this research, case study was particularly useful in providing rich information that allowed the researcher to probe in greater

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Fig. 4.1 Emergent themes

depth to capture “the emergent and immanent properties of life…especially where it is changing very fast” (Noor, 2008, p. 1603). Thematically coding the data into an overarching theme with sub-themes helped us understand Ethiopian females’ experiences in America. As shown in Fig. 4.1, the emergent themes derived from narrative analysis included: (1) Immigrant in the U.S.; (2) Identifying as Ethiopian vs. Black vs. African American; (3) Afrocentric Standard of Beauty; (4) Family, Traditions and Customs; (5) Struggle of Independence as a Woman vs. Family

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Interdependence; and (6) School Impacts Culture When Isolated. The interviews provided rich data allowing us to understand the experiences of our participants.

Sample Selection In qualitative research, sample selection is crucial to the quality of the study. Our sampling was purposive, meaning we were only interested in first- and second-generation Ethiopian women who had lived in the U.S. for at least one year. According to Patton (1990), “the logic and power of purposeful sampling lies in selecting information-rich cases for study in depth” (p. 169). In the context of our study, the participants provided rich narrative data which is central to the discussion in our book. Purposive sampling focuses on the particular characteristics of a population that enables answering the research question. Within purposive sampling, criterion sampling is the most commonly used strategy. Criterion sampling identifies cases from a predetermined set of criteria (Palinkas et al., 2015). The criterion utilized for this study was as follows: (1) born in Ethiopia or the parents were born in Ethiopia, (2) female, (3) attended school in the U.S. for at least a year, and (4) is at least 18 years of age. These criteria were helpful in identifying participants. Participants were recruited by flyers posted throughout Ethiopian religious institutions, businesses, and international studies programs at local universities and colleges. Five participants were selected that met the criteria. The monetary incentive was given to each participant at the end of the second interview.

Data Collection Data was collected through semi-structured interviews. As Horton et al. (2004) noted, “Semi-structured interviews were chosen in order to allow the interviewees a degree of freedom to explain their thoughts and to highlight areas of particular interest and expertise that they felt they had, as well as to enable certain responses to be questioned in greater depth, and in particular to bring out and solve apparent contradictions” (p. 340). Additionally, interviews are information-rich and allow Ethiopian women to discuss the impact of race, assimilation, and acculturation on their academic achievement, self-identity, and perception of beauty (Patton,

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1990). Five Ethiopian women participated in the study. Each participant voluntarily consented to two interviews—an initial interview and a follow-up interview. A consent form was signed by the researcher and the participant prior to the initial interview with opportunities to ask questions. The first interview was approximately 45 minutes, with a second interview of approximately 30 minutes. All of the interviews were scheduled and held in a quiet and convenient place for the participants or on the campus of Woodson University (pseudonym), a major university in the southeastern U.S. Interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. Transcriptions were electronically completed and stored on a flash drive in a locked cabinet. Upon completion of the interviews and transcription, each interview participant received a copy of their transcript in order to check the accuracy of the data and to clarify any missing or misunderstood information. However, the researcher reviewed the initial transcript with each participant at the beginning of the second interview. Reviewing the transcript involved the following: 1. The researcher highlighted comments and/or questions in preparation for discussion in the second interview. 2. The researcher gave the participant a copy of the transcribed interview. 3. The researcher provided the participant with additional time to review the highlighted items. 4. The researcher started the second interview from the highlighted questions. 5. The researcher allowed the participant to have the transcription of the first interview. 6. The second transcription of the second interview was hand-delivered after the second interview. Follow-up concerns were addressed at the time of delivery. The protocol for analysis followed closely the tenets of qualitative research method. Management of interview data ensured the confidentiality of participants. All identifiable information was removed from each interview transcript during the transcription process and replaced with pseudonyms.

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Data Analysis According to Creswell (2013), “the process of data analysis involves making sense out of the text and image data” (p. 190). Data analysis was ongoing during the data collection and reflection processes (Creswell, 2013). The use of open-ended questions helped to “develop an analysis from the information supplied by participants” (Creswell, 2013, p. 190). Data was analyzed through detailed descriptions of the individuals and their experiences, as transcribed from the interviews. The data was coded thematically, using qualitative research methods. Thematic codes were centralized from the data analysis and sub-themes. Follow-up data provided contextual meaning to the themes. ATLAS.ti, a software utilized for qualitative research data analysis, enhanced the coding process. The open coding options of the software were part of an initial phase of the coding process. Themes derived from open coding generated additional layers of analysis and sub-themes. Themes were translated into narratives that were categorized and utilized to convey the findings of the analysis. Thereafter, the researcher provided interpretation or meaning of the data.

Validity and Reliability Validity in qualitative research is the degree to which data is trustworthy for what is being measured (Guba, 1981). Guba (1981) states that validity or trustworthiness can be established by addressing; (1) credibility, (2) transferability, (3) dependability, and (4) confirmability (pp. 75– 91). To establish credibility, the researcher must acknowledge issues not easily explained. Utilizing descriptive and context-relevant information for setting identification establishes transferability. The researcher must also address data collection solidity (dependability), as well as acknowledge the data neutrality (confirmability). Maxwell (1992) identified five criteria for validity in qualitative research. This book focused on two of the five criteria: (a) descriptive validity or accuracy of what is stated and (b) interpretive validity or meaning of the participants’ perspective (pp. 279–300). Strategies for ensuring the facilitation of trustworthiness and understanding of research findings were adapted from Guba (1981). Guba identified several strategies for ensuring validity. This research utilized the following strategies taken from Guba (1981):

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1. Collect detailed descriptive data that will permit comparison of a given context to other possible contexts to which transfer may be contemplated. 2. Develop detailed descriptions of the context to make judgments about fit with other contexts possible. 3. Establish an audit trail. 4. Practice triangulation or the process of using multiple methods, data collection strategies, and data sources to obtain a more complete picture of what is being studied and to cross-check information. 5. Practice reflectivity or to protect against biases that may cause a person to formulate a set of questions or present findings in a particular way (p. 376–377). Thus, this study established interpretive validity and trustworthiness throughout.

Participant Profiles Based on the sampling method described above, five participants were selected for the study. Table 4.1 provides demographics including name (pseudonym), birthplace, age, occupations, and the number of years in the U.S. Aster Born in Ethiopia, Aster is 27 years old. She moved to Washington, D.C. when she was 12 years old (fifteen years ago) with her mother, but her Table 4.1 Ethiopian female participants Name

Birthplace

Age

Occupation

Years In the U.S.

Aster Mary Abena Afia Liya

Ethiopia Ethiopia U.S. U.S. U.S.

27 59 18 20 19

Business owner Unemployed College student College student College student

15 15 18 20 19

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father resided in Ethiopia. Aster lived in the U.S. for two years, returned back to Ethiopia for a year, then relocated to the southeastern region of the U.S., where she currently lives. She has been a successful Ethiopian business owner and restaurateur for approximately four years. She received a bachelor’s degree in the U.S. and plans to pursue her master’s degree either in the U.S. or in Ethiopia. Aster’s business serves the Ethiopian community in which she lives and maintains traditional Ethiopian customs for eating and drinking coffee. Aster spent her earlier years in Ethiopia with her traditional family. She attended primary school and middle school in her native country. Recounting her early memories of Ethiopia, she notes: Ethiopian people are social. I remember my parents going to work, then coming home. The neighbors would come over or we would go over to their homes and sit to have coffee and talk for hours. We would cook as a group and share.

Aster brings this core value into her restaurant business as a means to ensuring that Ethiopian customers experience the nostalgia of the home country. Patrons of the restaurant note that her family are employees. The primary language spoken is Amharic, and most of the patrons are Ethiopians. From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, Aster is setting an example of what Ethiopian immigrant women can accomplish while also operating as a culture keeper by maintaining Ethiopian cultural traditions and customs through her restaurant. Aster reflects that her life in America has been closely reflective of life in Ethiopia. Many of the cultural traditions have been preserved, mainly by her mother, Mary. Aster has learned to intellectually analyze her dual worlds of being an Ethiopian living in America. As a result, she hopes to eventually return to Ethiopia to live with her dad because: I miss the social way Ethiopians interact with one another. In America, people are not communal like back home. You rarely get to know each other here [America] unless you interact with other Ethiopians that understand the ways of back home [Ethiopia].

Nonetheless, Aster plans to continue living in the U.S. until she determines where she will complete her next degree. She is definitely sure that

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once the degree is completed, Ethiopia will be her final place of residency. For now, she continues to expand her business interests and lives in the community with her mother, Mary, and their extended family in the U.S. Mary A first-generation Ethiopian immigrant, Mary is 59 years old. She is a spirited Ethiopian-born matriarch and wife who has lived in the U.S. for fifteen years with her daughter Aster. Mary’s conversations reveal depth of experiential knowledge and wisdom. She walks in a stately manner and smiles often. One is keenly aware that Mary understands her position in the family. She is composed, speaks with an Amharic accent, and exhibits quiet strength. Mary lived her childhood years and most of her adult life in Ethiopia. She recalls living through civil unrest and the years of awakening patriotism. As a little girl, Mary grew up on a rural farm outside of the Ethiopian capital city, Addis Ababa, with her mother, father, grandmother, grandfather, three sisters, and four brothers. The men worked the land and herded the animals (goats, cows, and sheep). The women spun threads to make garments such as blankets, rugs, prayer cloths, and clothes. Mary led a simple life. She was fortunate enough to attend school and finished with a high school diploma. Mary had the opportunity to attend school in the capital city of Ethiopia where she met her husband Addaba. They had been married for approximately eleven years before having their only daughter, Aster. Mary states: I had such a big family [growing up]. Life was hard, simple, but hard. When I met Addaba, he made me feel great about growing up on a farm. He understood that I did not want our children to grow up on a farm. So we waited, and I am glad. Aster has made us proud.

During Mary’s childhood, women had traditional roles and jobs. Mary recalls how college educated women helped to effect change for women in Ethiopia. Applying the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, this reveals the critical role of women as human-centric social justice change agents. Mary understood the importance of education and wanted her daughter Aster to have better options than she had. During the Ethiopian Civil War,

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Mary experienced difficulty, which ultimately led her to leave Ethiopia. Mary explains: During the [Ethiopian] civil war, a lot of families were leaving Ethiopia for Israel and the U.S. Families were seeking opportunities in foreign lands in hopes that they will come back to a better and peaceful country. When I got the opportunity to come to America, my husband wanted me to stay. He knew I wanted to go, because Ethiopia was not in a good place with the economy. It was the hardest decision I made, besides leaving the farm I grew up on.

In spite of having to make this life changing decision in the best interest of her daughter, Mary raised Aster for the first two years in the District of Columbia where there is a large Ethiopian population. The summer before Aster was to enter high school, Mary decided to move to the southeastern region of the U.S. She initially worked for the Ethiopian church until her daughter finished college and opened the restaurant. Mary supports her daughter by working at the restaurant and maintaining the traditional customs of Ethiopia. Mary nostalgically states: The customs of Ethiopia are centered around social interaction. I remember my family customs of coffee making and drinking. The process took hours. By the time the process was over, we discussed so many things that concerned us. I make sure that Aster practices the same traditions at home and at the restaurant. Life always seemed much better after talking with friends and family.

Mary’s efforts to maintain cultural continuity by practicing Ethiopian traditions and customs include sharing them with her family and other Ethiopian immigrants in the U.S. Abena Abena, second-generation Ethiopian immigrant, is 18 years old and attends Hurston Community College (pseudonym) in a major southeastern city. Majoring in pre-nursing, she hopes to transfer to the local Woodson University to complete her Bachelors of Science degree in nursing. Abena was born in the U.S. to Ethiopian parents. After fleeing from the Ethiopian Civil War, her parents moved to the U.S. Her mother

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has never been gainfully employed, as her role was to take care of the children’s daily needs. Her father has multiple jobs, working as an insurance agent during traditional business hours, and as a professional chauffeur during the evening hours. Abena has an older sister that also attends Hurston Community College. Although two years apart, the siblings have starkly different views on how they feel about Ethiopian customs and traditions. Abena appears to be conflicted, yet, loves her familial heritage. For instance, during the interview, Abena stated: I enjoy going back home to Ethiopia. The respect you give to family there and here [America] is so different. It is frustrating when I am in America and Ethiopians my age are adopting the Black trends, like the sagging pants and the hip-hop style. Some parts of that lifestyle I enjoy, but my dad is so dead against us having any parts of it. He is so closed-minded at times. It’s not like we are going to lose our Ethiopian identity by enjoying a style of music.

According to Abena, family is extremely important. However, she enjoys the modern conveniences of American living. The purse that she placed on the table was made by the designer Gucci, her clothes exhibited the taste of high fashion, and her hair had been flat-ironed straight in a modern pixie style cut. Abena noted that her parents wanted her to be more traditional. Meaning, they wanted her to practice the customs and traditions of the culture. My dad is always complaining about what I wear, who I am friends with, where I am going. My mom tries to find a middle ground between us. I am not rebellious to my dad, but I enjoy the things that I like. He seems to think that I should look and act like we are back home [in Ethiopia]. I like the balance of having different friends of various cultures. We can’t seem to see eye-to-eye on this subject.

Abena is a cosmopolitan Ethiopian. She balances the dichotomy of Ethiopian living at home and American immersion in her daily interactions. Currently, she is advocating to live in an apartment with her sister. Her father is strongly opposed to her living outside the house. However, he has recently given consideration to the matter. The final decision is contingent upon her receiving a “B” or higher at the end of the semester. Therefore, Abena focuses on strong academic achievement

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to broker living with her sibling after the completion of her first year of college. Abena notes: I currently have all “A’s” in each of my classes. I am hoping that biology can stay up there. I make sure that I stay organized, have study schedules, and push really hard in my classes. I recognize that my dad sacrificed leaving his family in Ethiopia, works very hard for us to have a decent life, and wants only the best for us. I respect that. I just want him to trust that I am proud to be Ethiopian, but I like the American things too. Is that so bad? I don’t think so.

Her intense desire to live on her own is a motivator for doing well in school. Viewing this from a CRF and Afrocentricity lens reveals that family dynamics are important indicators of academic success. As a firstgeneration Ethiopian immigrant, Abena’s father is invested in ensuring that his daughters have a higher quality of life through education, however, maintaining Ethiopian customs is very important. Afia A second-generation Ethiopian immigrant, Afia, is 20 years old. She is currently living with her parents and her sibling Abena. Afia is the oldest of the siblings and has a semester left before completing an associate’s degree in business with a concentration in financial accounting from Hurston Community College. When in the room with her sister, Afia’s personality seems to be overshadowed. Afia exudes confidence, a quiet resilience, and sweet disposition. Afia grew up in the southeastern region of the U.S., but has had the opportunity to travel to Ethiopia frequently as a young teen and adult. Family and tradition are a priority in her life. However, she enjoys the luxuries that living in America has afforded her and the nuclear family. From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, the family connection of Afia, Abena, and their parents indicates the influence of one’s environment on one’s growth and development. In spite of benefiting from a supportive family, Afia expresses that she often suppresses her thoughts and abides by her father’s wishes. Afia states: In our house, my father speaks of us marrying traditional Ethiopian men. I want to be open to consider other cultures of men to marry. However,

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I am afraid that this will let him down or cause him great distress. He has done so much for us and I feel nothing but gratitude towards him. It’s just that I feel that he should understand that his sacrifice has opened up another set of possibilities for us.

Her actions are complicit toward following tradition, but her internal conflict challenges the essence of her traditions. Afia’s pride in her family was obvious when she further produced a portrait of her mother and one of the family. She discussed that her drive to achieve her educational goals derived from years of her father expressing how difficult life had been in Ethiopia, and that in America they have the opportunity to become successful and to make their people proud. The recognition at an early age that it is important to succeed was critical to Afia’s development and current matriculation. However, she wishes that she was afforded the opportunity to attend college away from the city in which she resides. I remember when I was in high school, I had dreams of living in the dorm and doing all the activities around campus. My father stated that it would be best for the family and me if I were to remain home, and attend community college. I was really hurt. I think he could tell. Instead of saying, “Afia, it’s okay or you can go ahead,” he said that my mom needed me and my little sister. So, I stayed.

According to Afia, she was allowed to seek employment after her first year of community college. Her father wanted to ensure that she would make excellent grades and adjust to college. She contributes to minimal household bills and places the majority of her paycheck in a savings account. The goal is for Afia and her sister to obtain an apartment together once her father approves of the college adjustment of the younger sibling. Afia believes that the solitude and independence of an apartment will provide her with the courage to speak up and function as the catalyst for her father to allow her and her sibling greater independence. She comments: I can’t wait until we move into our apartment. I make sure that my sister is doing what she needs to do, because she is sometimes feisty. She might try to do it [move out] any way. I wish I were more like that, but I am afraid that will break his heart. Perhaps when we leave, he will see that we are safe, we are making progress on our schoolwork, and that we deserve some freedoms to make our own decisions.

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The family unit is vital to her father. Afiya expressed that she can definitely see the progress her father has made throughout the varying phases of her development. She is hopeful that things will continue toward a positive trajectory. Liya Liya is 19 years old. She grew up in the District of Columbia, Maryland, Virginia (DMV) area in upper middle class and upper class neighborhoods. For the majority of her life, she enjoyed the benefits of affluent living. During most of her matriculation in elementary, middle, and high school, she was predominantly surrounded by White Americans. Liya’s intellectual acumen placed her in the gifted program in elementary school, the honors program in middle school, and advanced placement courses in high school. While Liya experienced academic achievement, she encountered social disparities throughout each grade level. However, her recognition of these phenomena did not actualize until the secondary years. Liya describes life as traditionally Ethiopian in the household, but peculiarly American outside the home. She recalls her father continuously reminding her that she was a “strong, proud, Ethiopian girl.” Liya admits that she understood the reasoning of her father after the fact. My dad used to remind me that I was a strong, proud, Ethiopian girl. I realized the meaning when I faced racism later on. Something bad happened in my class with a white student finding me attractive. Apparently, a popular white girl in the school had a crush on him. She would make snide remarks about me being black, and saying other derogatory things about me. I was hurt, but the guy liked me even more after that, and that tickled me for a moment until the gravity of the situation became starkly clear.

Family is a large part of Liya’s support system. Her Ethiopian-born parents married there and then came to the U.S. thereafter. She has a sister that resides in the Virginia area. Liya states that family traditions from Ethiopia continue in her family, but they also have become Americanized when it comes to certain customs. Liya currently attends a four-year university in the southeastern region of the U.S. She plans to become a forensic scientist for the Federal Bureau

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of Investigation or a neonatal nurse. Her family is well educated and has white-collar careers. Academic achievement is at the center of many family discussions. Social interactions remained secondary to education and family. Liya explains there were no overt discussions about social interactions. However, discussions regarding acceptance of dating were absent as well. My mom and dad were curious when I got in high school, about me wanting to date and who I might like. My dad would always encourage me to play a sport in hopes of getting a scholarship for college. When a boy found me interesting to date, my dad would find a way to discuss how I can improve my grades. I knew that he was showing his disapproval. My mom would say things about Ethiopian friends’ children that would make good guy friends to go to the movies. I understood they wanted me to consider an Ethiopian boy if I dated.

Liya’s features closely align with African and Middle Easterners. However, she is above average height for the average height in America. Liya refrained from participating in extracurricular activities most of her life with the exception of the time she ran track in high school. Throughout her collegiate experiences, however, she reflects on the shift from having more white friends growing up and having a network of Ethiopian friends in college. College is a five- to six-hour drive away from her childhood home. Liya and her Ethiopian friends find themselves frequenting local restaurants and socializing within their close group of friends. Liya proclaims the discussions from her father and family members provided a desire for the exploration of her Ethiopian culture in America. By American standards, I understand that I am less threatening in my appearance. But I find that away from home, I want to be close to my Ethiopian culture. It reminds me of home away from home. The words of my dad come back to me so clearly. I really appreciate what we have at home more, now that I am away.

Collectively, these participants reflect the diversity of Ethiopian women in the U.S. They are from different age groups. They represent varying socioeconomic backgrounds, and they offer different perspectives. Using the method outlined, this study explores their reflections to address

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how they experience acculturation/assimilation and its effect on their self-identity, academic achievement, and perception of beauty in America.

Chapter Summary To address the guiding research question, this chapter explained the research method and the participants. The first section discussed the role of the researcher, sample selection, data collection, data analysis, and participant profiles. The second part highlighted Ethiopian women in the social context of the study. In the next chapter, we explore the participants’ perceptions of being immigrant in the U.S. and identifying as Ethiopian.

References Asante, M. K. (2011). Afrocentric idea revised. Temple University Press. Childers-McKee, C. D., & Hytten, K. (2015). Critical race feminism and the complex challenges of educational reform. The Urban Review, 47 (3), 393– 412. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11256-015-0323-z Cavana, R. Y., Delahaye, B. L., & Sekaran, U. (2001). Applied business research: Qualitative and quantitative methods. John Wiley & Sons Creswell, J. W. (2013). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches. Sage Publications. Creswell, J. W., & Poth, C. N. (2018). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches. Sage Publications. Evans-Winters, V. E. & Esposito, J. (2010). Other people’s daughters: Critical race feminism and Black girls’ education. Educational Foundation, 24, 11–24. Gish, S. (2017). Ethiopia. Third edition. Cavendish Square. Guba, E. G. (1981). Criteria for assessing the trustworthiness of naturalistic inquiries. Ectj, 29(2), 75–91. Horton, J., Macve, R., & Struyven, G. (2004). Qualitative research: experiences in using semi-structured interviews. In The real life guide to accounting research (pp. 339–357). Marcus, H. G. (2002). A history of Ethiopia. University of California Press. Maxwell, J. (1992). Understanding and validity in qualitative research. Harvard Educational Review, 62(3), 279–301. Merriam, S. B. (1998). Qualitative Research and Case Study Applications in Education. Revised and Expanded from “Case Study Research in Education”. Jossey-Bass Publishers. Noor, K. B. M. (2008). Case study: A strategic research methodology. American Journal of Applied Sciences, 5(11), 1602–1604.

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Palinkas, L. A., Horwitz, S. M., Green, C. A., Wisdom, J. P., Duan, N., & Hoagwood, K. (2015). Purposeful sampling for qualitative data collection and analysis in mixed method implementation research. Administration and Policy in Mental Health and Mental Health Services Research, 42(5), 533–544. Patton, M. Q. (1990). Qualitative evaluation and research methods. SAGE Publications, Inc. Schwandt, T. A. (1994). Constructivist, interpretivist approaches to human inquiry. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 118–137). Sage Publications Inc. Sciarra, D. (1999). The role of the qualitative researcher. In M. Kopala & L. A. Suzuki (Eds.), Using qualitative methods in psychology (pp. 37–48). Sage Publications, Inc. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781452225487.n4 Stake, R. E. (1995). The art of case study research. Sage. Wing, A. K. (1997). Critical race feminism: A reader. New York University Press. Wink, J. (2005). Critical pedagogy: Notes from the real world. Pearson/Allyn & Bacon. Yin, R. K. (1994). Discovering the future of the case study method in evaluation research. Evaluation Practice, 15(3), 283–290. Yin, R. K. (2003). Case study research and applications: Design and methods. Sage publications.

CHAPTER 5

Immigrant Identity in the U.S.: Black But Immigrant

In the previous chapter, we addressed the scope of the study and shared participant profiles. In this chapter, we explore the challenges Ethiopian immigrants face when living in the U.S. and determining whether to maintain their culture and/or embracing African American culture. Navigating the hegemonic structures and stereotypes inappropriately imposed on them, they find that coping with anxieties associated with preserving, relinquishing, or transforming their cultural identity is a major challenge (Giroux, 1983). Analyzing the significance of being a minority in America, this chapter further explains what it means to be an immigrant and be categorized as Black. Since the development of positive self-identity is connected with academic and social success, this research offers insights on how to support Ethiopian immigrant women’s identity development through an expanded curriculum and multicultural perspectives that address the needs of diverse learners (Cross, 1991; Grant, 2018; May, 1999; Spencer, 1984). In the U.S., racial and ethnic relations are crucial to the American experience. In the parlance of CRF and Afrocentricity, analyzing the significance of race in America provides context for what it means to be an immigrant and be categorized as Black. The terms Black and African American may conjure up fear and resentment among groups, and for others, this is something to avoid. For Ethiopians, the dilemma © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Wynn et al., Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education, Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75552-2_5

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with the phrase African American is not the origin of a culture, but the experience of a group of people in North America. Ethiopian immigrants understand that the term African American might be synonymous with oppression, thus creating a silent demand to embrace an identity unattached to turmoil. In this chapter, we discuss two major themes: (1) being immigrant in the U.S., Black but immigrant, and (2) identifying as Ethiopian/Black versus African American.

Maintaining Ethiopian Traditions/Customs in the U.S. Matters As we have noted in the previous chapters, Ethiopia is the only country in Africa that has never been colonized. At the turn of the twentieth century, Europeans had colonized 85% of the world (Hertslet, 2012). This means that across the globe, the dominant political, economic, and cultural systems that survived are a reflection of who the conquerors were (Flynn & Giráldez, 2006; Mittelman, 2000). The dominant languages, religious systems, as well as the prevailing schools of thought surrounding capitalism, racial stratification, and ethnic identity are a reflection of European hegemonic domination. In the parlance of CRF and Afrocentricity, today’s global inequalities are indicative of the previous centuries of colonial rule and domination. In fact, as late as 1947, India was among the first countries to dismantle British colonial rule. Subsequently in 1957, Ghana was the first African country to gain independence from colonialism. Under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana gained its independence. Nkrumah was a follower of Marcus Garvey, the great Jamaican Pan Africanist—meaning a global Black liberation movement against colonialism and White supremacist ideology. Prior to this, Black and Brown people who were under European colonialism typically looked to Haiti and Ethiopia as beacons of freedom as they were relentless in fighting off European colonization (Younis, 2018). In the case of Haiti, in 1803, under the leadership of Toussaint L’Ouverture, it became the first free Black Republic in the world. This means the first Black country under European colonization to fight the colonists and was victorious in gaining its independence. At the beginning of the Haitian Revolution in 1791, it was Reported that the Honorable High Priest Boukman prayed the prayer before the Haitian warriors started their revolution against the French and after a long hard fought battle, they won their independence in 1803 (Carruthers, 1985; James, 2001).

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The word spread about Haiti’s independence and this was an inspiration for other Black and Brown liberators in the Caribbean Islands and throughout the Americas who were seeking to fight against enslavement and for their people’s freedom. Haiti’s independence was also the inspiration for Sam Sharpe’s Revolt in St. James, Jamaica, and Nat Turner’s Revolt in Virginia, North America, with both occurring in 1831 (Clarke, 1968, 1997; James, 2001). Later in the Battle of Adwa in 1896, as noted in Chapter 1, the Ethiopian Emperor Menelik II (shown in Fig. 5.1 with Empress Taytu) defeated Italy and thwarted their attempt to invade the country (Jonas, 2011; Milkias & Metaferia, 2005). Ethiopia’s defeat of the Italians was a global source of inspiration which helped to ferment the African liberation movement against European colonization, meaning the policy or practice of acquiring physical and political control over other countries or territories for economic gain (Gish, 2017). For instance, at the Berlin Conference, in 1884– 1885, European imperialist countries, which included France, Germany, the United Kingdom, the U.S., among others, met in Berlin to carve up the entire continent of Africa as European colonial territories (Hertslet, 2012). The Map of Africa by Treaty provides detailed descriptions

Fig. 5.1 Empress Taytu and Emperor Menelik II (Source Author)

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outlining the territorial borders agreed upon at the Berlin Conference. In the meeting, they negotiated which European nations, along with the U.S., would control parts of Africa. This would later be a pretext to World War I [1914–1918] as there were constant disputes among European countries over natural resources and colonial territories in Africa. By World War II [1939–1945], which began with the Nazi, Germany invasion of Poland, European countries were not only colonizing all of the Black and Brown countries, but also other European and Asian countries (Flynn & Giráldez, 2006). The European colonial powers’ expansion into Asia included, for example, the British colonization of Hong Kong, Taiwan, Vietnam, and India. The British also expanded into Australia, Mongolia, Burma, Malaya, the Timor Islands southwest of China, and much of Southeast Asia. Later, in World War II, an Asian country, Japan attempted westward expansion through colonization of Asia which included their conquest of China. Applying the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, these efforts toward manifest destiny provide evidence of the expanse of hegemonic domination which is still present in countries around the world (Kendi, 2017; Wilder, 2014; Williams, 1987). With colonization came Westernization. Then, Japan in the East, by way of trading with Russia and other Western powers, was able to solidify its military superiority over other European countries. By World War II, Japan amassed one-third of Asia as colonial territory. In World War II, Germany became an ally of Japan. The Japanese who were allies of Nazi Germany developed a Japanese version of racism in which they purported to be superior to all other Asians (Iwabuchi & Takezawa, 2015). Prior to the beginning of World War II [1939], fascist Italian leader Benito Mussolini, an ally and friend of Adolf Hitler, with the blessing of the Pope Pius XI, attempted to invade Ethiopia in 1935–1936 (Gish, 2017; Marcus, 2002). In 1936, in a speech before the League of Nations, Emperor Haile Selassie I warned European colonialists against global domination and conquest. He articulated the perils of human suffrage, dehumanization, as well as the destruction regarding the millions of lives being lost due to European conquest for power and the disregard for Black and Brown lives (Selassie, 1936; Spencer, 2006). Emperor Selassie I explains: No subtlety can change the problem or shift the grounds of the discussion. It is in all sincerity that I submit these considerations to the Assembly. At a time when my people are threatened with extermination, when the support of the League may ward off the final blow, may I be allowed to speak with complete frankness, without reticence, in all directness such as is demanded

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by the rule of equality as between all States Members of the League? Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation that is superior to any other. Should it happen that a strong Government finds it may with impunity destroy a weak people, then the hour strikes for that weak people to appeal to the League of Nations to give its judgment in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment. (Selassie, 1936, p. 4)

This iconic speech before the League of Nations (see Fig. 5.2) symbolizes Emperor Haile Selassie I commitment to Ethiopian independence in spite of the threats of colonization. The Italian invasion in 1935

Fig. 5.2 Emperor Haile Selassie I Speaks Before the League of Nations (Source Author)

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was unsuccessful and Ethiopia remained the only African nation to avert colonization (Gish, 2017). This eloquent and passionate speech by the Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie I was captivating for other leaders of countries seeking their independence from European colonization. It is also important to note that Emperor Haile Selassie I was the first African head of state to grant land in Shashamane, Ethiopia, to Black people who wanted to repatriate back to Africa to live. As a result, and within the context of CRF and Afrocentricity, hundreds of Black people accepted the invitation and repatriated back to Ethiopia. As leader of the Organization of African Unity [1963], Emperor Haile Selassie I was the first African head of state to visit the Americas in 1966 where he toured Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Haiti, and Barbados. The Emperor’s visit to Haiti was a validation of that country’s independence in 1803 for all Black colonies around the world. Haiti’s and Ethiopia’s independence inspired others to resist colonization and they both catalyzed the Black Liberation Movement (Younis, 2018). According to Ethiopian history, Emperor Selassie I is the 225th emperor in the line of kings and is a direct descendant of King Solomon and Queen Makeda, Queen of Ethiopia (Budge, 2001; Gish, 2017; Hausman, 1997). Due to the devastating effects of colonialism, Black and Brown Countries found themselves with limited resources and significant debt which rendered them unable to build their nations and develop infrastructure necessary for advancement. In the purview of CRF and Afrocentricity, the residual effects from years of economic and political exploitation have resulted in significant poverty. For instance, as of 2018, of the 7.7 billion people in the world, the majority live on less than $2–3 U.S. per day (Wiggan, 2011; Wiggan & Hutchison, 2009; World Bank, 2018). According to the World Bank (2018), extreme poverty is living on less than $1.90 per day. Half of the world’s wealth is controlled by less than 1% of the world’s population. Three powerful institutions help run the world system—the Group of Eight (G8) or G7, the World Bank (WB), and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The WB and the IMF are headquartered in Washington, DC. The G8 are the eight countries (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, Russia, and the U.S.) that control the world and set policy for the governance of 192 countries. With the passage of the 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act and the Refugee Act of 1980, immigrants came to the U.S. in masses (Anderson & López, 2018; Gish, 2017; Rytina, 2013). Often, they fled

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their native lands to escape poverty and civil unrest, and in most cases, they were in search of better opportunities in other countries. As such, Ethiopians immigrated to the U.S. in great numbers second only to Nigerians. When they immigrate to the U.S., Ethiopians face multiple challenges when determining whether to maintain their own culture or to embrace Black culture. According to Camfield and Tafere (2011), “Norms play a role in establishing the type of transitions children should pass through, the age at which they should experience them, and the resources required to actualize them” (p. 3). Additionally, norms play a role in the maintenance of Ethiopian customs and traditions in the U.S. Many Ethiopians have come to the U.S. as refugees impacted by civil war, whereas other Ethiopians sought financial opportunities (Camfield & Tafere, 2011). In the U.S., in the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, they must learn to navigate their new identities as Black and minority. For most Black immigrants to the U.S., this is their first time being a racial minority. This can be a very isolating feeling because of the significant differences between their way of life in their home country and the host country. To create a sense of belonging and to connect to their home culture, first-generation Ethiopians in the U.S. typically maintain rich cultural traditions and customs. Some Ethiopians are Orthodox Christians and others are Muslims. While both religious traditions are represented in the U.S., Ethiopians have unique practices that are specific to their culture. In this sense, they may seek out communities with other Ethiopians to continue their specific religious and ethnic practices. Traditions and customs appear to serve as faith, guidance, stability, and familiarity of all things Ethiopia while residing in the U.S.

Immigrant and Identity Status in the U.S. In the context of our study, participants suggest that traditions and customs are central to the preservation of the culture. Culture refers to a coherent set of attributes that characterize a social group (Clarke, 1975). Cultural customs transmitted intergenerationally helps to create solidarity among the group. In our study, the participants explained that cultural preservation was important in the Ethiopian community. Liya expressed the honor and pride of being Ethiopian. She states: At times my dad seems like he is driving us mad when he preach [lecture] to us about the Ethiopian way. It wasn’t until I was in college that I fully

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understood and appreciated my Ethiopian heritage. There were many times in my life that being Ethiopian gave me the fortitude to denounce racism directed towards me.

The benefit of culture, therefore, provides an anchor to self-identity. Culture provides power for constructing realities. In this sense, culture helps provide a framework for a worldview. Given CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, culture is crucial to one’s ethnicity and identity development. Decuir-Gunby (2009) argues that “identity formation is a multifaceted negotiation process that asks questions regarding one’s present, past, and future” (p. 104). Culture helps provide a lens to provide context and background to answer questions of the present, past, and future. Stevens (1997) theorizes that gender and race intersect in the milieu of identity development and cultural retention. From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, all groups have cultural systems, and none is superior or better than the other. They are all a part of the human experience. Throughout human history, as humans migrated within Africa and later outside to populate the other continents, they developed unique languages, belief systems, food consumption patterns, and behaviors which specifically could be identified with each group. Each group’s culture is a reflection of the historical and social context from which they emerged. Since all humans share 99.9% of the same DNA, the cultures they produce are equal in value and also in their contributions to the human experience (Shared DNA). In this way, we can think of culture as being a part of the building block of a person’s ethnic identity. Culture helps identify ethnic groups among the human family tree but does not constitute superiority or inferiority. Such claims of superiority are human creations for the benefit of powerful groups seeking domination. In this way, cultural bias is the practice of viewing all other cultures through the lens of one’s own culture while attempting to subjugate on the basis of difference. Presumptions regarding social constructions of race and gender roles also lead to misconceptions and creates barriers in the broader society (Decuir-Gunby, 2009; Marsella, 2005; Stevens, 1997). The impact of gender and race on human identity development can create sources of discrimination. For example, the British claim of Anglo Saxon superiority relegated Black and Brown people to institutional forms of discrimination that were legitimated legally, politically, and economically. In this same sense, Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy emulated this same system

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to create their own brand of racism and group supremacist claims. These are all false ideological claims with no factual basis which are commonly used for group control and dehumanization of others based on phenotype and/or cultural group practices. Nevertheless, in the context of CRF and Afrocentricity, right knowledge can help us understand our common stories as members of the same family tree. This can help promote love and respect for all cultures and for all people and help create positive relationships and identity constructs that are not detrimental to any group or individual. It can even help to promote harmony among different religious traditions and belief systems with a base understanding that all civilizations are a part of a common humanity which started in Africa (Decuir-Gunby, 2009; Marsella, 2005, Stevens, 1997). In light of our study, our participants spoke about the importance of their culture as part of their identity. While none of our participants claimed any form of cultural superiority, they all expressed the importance of culture in their identity development. Through the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, the participants’ sense of identity was connected to a rich legacy of Ethiopia, the only uncolonized Black country. When asked “how would you describe yourself,” each of the participants’ descriptions began with, “I am Ethiopian.” Commenting on identity and self-concept, Erez and Earley (1993) state: People everywhere are likely to develop an understanding of themselves as physically distinct and separate from others. Beyond a physical self, individuals have a private self, which conveys the awareness of internal thoughts and feelings that are private to the extent that they cannot be known by others. Yet these thoughts and feelings are shaped to a great extent by the shared understanding within a particular culture of what is to be human. The enduring attachments and commitments to the social environment help define who we are. The self is a composite view of oneself that is formed through direct experience and evaluations adopted by others. (p. 26)

Relating to the point raised by Erez and Earley (1993), in our study, participants provide narratives about being Black in the U.S. The term and association with being Black appeared to be offered as an alternative for African American. When commenting about being classified as Black in the U.S., our participant Aster asserts:

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In America [the United States] people treat you based on race. I am more than my skin tone, and when they find out you are from a place in Africa, it is immediately assumed that the things that they have seen on tv are facts. No! They have no clue about our history, our customs, or our traditions.

Similar statements are given by Abena, Liya, and Afia concerning the assumption of African ethnicity being automatically compartmentalized to whole group stereotypes. In Ethiopia, these participants perhaps identified by their ethnic backgrounds—with Amhara, Oromo, Somali, and Afar being four of the dominant group, among others—rather than identifying by their skin color. In the U.S., skin color classification by race and systemic racism would perhaps be new experiences for most Ethiopian immigrants. While experiencing a new system of racialization in the U.S., most Ethiopians consciously or unconsciously place strong emphasis on the retention and maintenance of their culture to create a bond and inclusion outside of their homeland (Decuir-Gunby, 2009; Erez & Earley, 1993; Stevens, 1997). Promoting Ethiopian cultural continuity in the U.S. offers support for those living outside of Ethiopia and provides a safeguard to children living in the U.S. as well as those who are born here and are considered Ethiopian Americans, to connect with Ethiopian culture. In our study, the interview data revealed participants’ understanding of the importance of culture. However, the question of whose responsibility it is to maintain and promote traditional Ethiopian cultural norms away from the home country was sometimes unclear. Nevertheless, Mary expressed a self-imposed obligation to ensure that Ethiopians in the community understood the culture. Mary states: It is my duty as a mother, a woman, an Ethiopian to continue the legacy of my beloved country. I see the generations of Ethiopians in restaurants and stores, and want so desperately to say to children that the ways of our people are prideful. Respect is critical. Obedience is necessary. God guides us. We must take responsibility to train our children in the ways of our Ethiopian people. Duty requires it.

Having grown up in Ethiopia and raising a daughter in the U.S., Mary recognizes the importance of tradition and customs. While embracing her Ethiopian culture, she had difficulty adapting to U.S. culture which she found to be very materialistic with little respect for parents and elders.

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This is also a common observation among other immigrants to the U.S. who may be from traditional cultures that value familial ties and customs over individual success, conspicuous consumption, and capitalism. Like Mary, Aster illustrated some resistance to the host country’s culture. Perhaps the experience of being uprooted during adolescence contributed to hostility toward assimilation. Aster speaks of cultural conflicts during her years living in the U.S. Different customs and expectations regarding how to treat visitors presented ongoing challenges for her. Aster states: When I first came to America [United States] I was somewhat angry that we came here to live without my father, and that I had to leave my friends. I thought the way they acted was disrespectful, especially when I saw how children acted in the store with their parents. To behave in such a manner was awful. My mom would shake her head, grab my hand, and start speaking in our native tongue. I thought the people were strange for a long time. The way they did things did not make sense to me, so I was happy to follow our traditions and custom. When I got older, the way children acted towards their parents made me further cling to how we did things in Ethiopia.

For Aster, culture continues to be a key aspect of her life. Cultural preservation is an important element of group advancement. Also, from a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, as an Ethiopian woman, Aster is not daunted by the challenges of racism and feminism. As a result, the restaurant she owns is used to preserve and transmit traditional Ethiopian customs. By sharing Ethiopian foods, folkways, as well as other forms of customs (schooling and parenting), Aster uses the restaurant as a type of cultural center for other Ethiopians in the community, offering a safe space and multiple opportunities to experience the culture daily. Abena, Afia, and Liya’s views on cultural traditions and customs support a pro-Ethiopian perspective. However, each of these participants realized the importance of their native culture as they entered adulthood. Our interview narratives suggest that for participants growing up in the U.S., there is a constant struggle between preserving their Ethiopian culture and adapting to the host culture. The appreciation of Ethiopian heritage emanated from the time when the freedom to choose between Ethiopian and U.S. cultures seemed imminent. Afia comments:

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I was in such a rush to leave home after high school. Even though I still live at home, I remember my dad giving me a speech about what it is like to be an Ethiopian. I never fully understood his talk until I started to take college classes. Studying and being in classes with privileged people made me question who I am. I remember the day there was a debate in class about Africans. It was the day that I distinctly remember being proud, and standing up for that pride. I realized that I had a lot to say about what we do, how we do it, and why we do it. That’s the day I started talking differently to my sister about Ethiopia.

For the participants in our study, pride in one’s culture was associated with childhood socialization. However, embracing Ethiopian culture appears to be a deliberate choice among our participants. Liya’s recollection of her childhood supports a silent affinity for American traditions. As the youngest child in the family, Liya explains that she was quiet and non-talkative. In most Ethiopian homes, children show respect by listening to their parents and only asking questions at appropriate times using proper manners. In her secondary years of school, Liya experienced overt racism. Liya’s experiences encouraged a heightened awareness and further strengthened her embrace of Ethiopian culture. Liya explains: Life can be cruel. In high school, a group of classmates thought it was okay to make references towards Africa as barbaric or uncivilized. I remember them saying that I had to receive free lunch because I was African, and that I was fortunate to not live in a hut because I was now living in America [United States]. I told my parents about what they said, and my dad brought me a history book on Ethiopia. That next Saturday, my mom taught me how to make Ethiopian coffee. Now, I wear my culture like a badge of honor, and correct people when they are ignorant.

Like Liya, many Ethiopian parents support and help their children in understanding Ethiopian culture. Living in the U.S., pressure to assimilate into American identity helps to mediate discrimination arising from having a Black immigrant identity. During her childhood, Afia embraced Ethiopian traditions and culture. However, further embrace occurred when she entered college away from family and friends. While being away and homesick allowed her to appreciate Ethiopian culture even more, Afia immersed herself in the local Ethiopian community to fill the void of missing home. Connecting with

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Ethiopian students, participating and enjoying activities in the community provided semblance to family life. Afia explains: When I got to college, I was severely homesick. I remembered all the things that we did as a family. I found myself calling home to family and friends, but then I started to get out and meet other Ethiopians. We started going to various Ethiopian restaurants, church, and events. It made being here much tolerable. At first, I thought that I would be so happy to be away from home. I am, but I missed the food and hanging out with friends and family. Now, my college friends are my extended family. I even talk to my dad more about Ethiopia. I used to think that he was obsessed. Now, I understand, it’s home.

These interviews reveal the depth of the participants’ experiences of assimilation and acculturation in the U.S. as Ethiopian immigrants. Another central element in our participants’ immersion in U.S. culture is understanding race as a social construct. In the next section, we address race in further detail.

Identifying as Ethiopian and Black Versus African American In the context of CRF and Afrocentricity, identifying as Ethiopian and Black versus African American is informed by issues of gender and race (Fordham, 1993; Nawyn & Park, 2017; Spencer, 1984). According to Smedley and Smedley (2005), “in many multiracial nations such as the U.S., there are profound and stubbornly persistent racial and ethnic differences in socioeconomic status, educational and occupational status, wealth, political power, and the like” (p. 16). These differences are latent in the psychological development of identity. Paying attention to culture and mental maturity, researchers explain that adolescence proves to be a critical gateway period to identity development (Decuir-Gunby, 2009; Erikson, 1956). While living in the U.S., Ethiopian immigrants experience new cultural symbols that they might not have seen before in their home country. For example, in the media, they may see images of Whites as powerful and Blacks as a subclass (Auty & Elliott, 2001; Chacko, 2003; Tannenbaum, 2008). They must also navigate the expectations of the dominant group who might see them as Black and deviants. As immigrants, they

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must maneuver through labels and stereotypes (Decuir-Gunby, 2009; Erikson, 1956) which can be very damaging. As such, Tannebaum (2008) explains the importance of Black immigrant children forming positive Black identities. The tumultuous history of Black Americans in the U.S. explains the common desire among some Black immigrants to differentiate themselves from African Americans. The resistance to identifying with African American identity reveals a desire to move away from turmoil and struggle. As noted through CRF and Afrocentricity, this desire is rooted in the social conflicts surrounding race. Smedley and Smedley (2005) state that, “race therefore can be seen as an ideology or worldview, and its components have often been spelled out explicitly in social policy…[and] can be analytically derived from ethnographic reality” (p. 20). In the U.S., institutionalized racism is embedded into society. Through CRF and Afrocentricity, Mary’s comments explain the effects of race as well as the influence of the media on how people may view and interact with each other. Mary states: I grew up in the beauty of Ethiopia. When I was older and moved to the capital city, we understood the meanings of the world and how colonization brought so much ugliness. Many of us my age prefer to associate with White than African American. We heard so many bad things before we got here about African Americans.

This narrative provides support regarding the theme of racialization in the U.S. In the parlance of CRF and Afrocentricity, Ethiopian immigrants’ ideas about African Americans are often already formed before they arrive in the country. As such, Smedley and Smedley (2005) outline six tenets regarding the social characteristics of race: 1. Race-based societies perceive designated racial groups as biologically discrete and exclusive groups, and certain physical characteristics become markers of race status. 2. They hold that races are naturally unequal and therefore must be ranked hierarchically. 3. They assume that each race has distinctive cultural behaviors linked to their biology. 4. They assume that both physical features and behavior are innate and inherited.

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5. They assume that the differences among races are therefore profound and unalterable. 6. They have racial classifications stipulated in the legal and social system. (p. 20) In the U.S., dating as far back as the seventeenth century, race ideology presumes superiority of one group over all others which became part of a global system of thought (Smedley & Smedley 2005). Immigrants are forced to adapt and navigate systemic racism in the U.S. In the U.S., physical features such as skin color is a prominent marker of racial identity. Through CRF and Afrocentricity, each of the participants refers to color when identifying their definition of self as “Ethiopian and/or Black.” However, Aster’s experience with race was traumatizing and she was not used to being judged by the color of her skin. According to Aster, her “skin tone is darker than the average Ethiopian. Many times people think I don’t know that I am Ethiopian until I begin to speak in my native language.” As Aster notes, due to her dark complexion, most people may mistake her for being a Black American. In this sense, having an accent helped to differentiate her from African Americans. This differentiation may be particularly important especially when interacting with Whites who have a low opinion of African Americans in general. Participant narratives reveal that race was central to their U.S. identity. In the U.S., race is a critical tool utilized to oppress people. According to Smedley and Smedley (2005), “race essentializes and stereotypes people, their social statuses, their social behaviors, and their social ranking” (p. 21). Immigrants and descendants largely want access to social, political, and economic freedom. Therefore, identifying with African Americans would immediately align Ethiopians with the history of oppression, social ranking, as well as economic and political disadvantage. Based on the findings and in the context of CRF and Afrocentricity, Ethiopian immigrants’ reluctance to identify as African American stems from the negative stereotypes, historical experiences, and systemic barriers participants have experienced or seen imposed on people of color in the U.S. Liya explains that she “has no issue with the African Americans, but I am Ethiopian, Black. To be African American suggests that I must set aside my background. I refuse to do that.” The stigma associated with African Americans is something that most people would try to avoid. Among all immigrant groups, there is a general perception that African

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Americans are on the bottom of the social ladder, and that rather than identifying with a powerless group, most immigrants would prefer to identify with the dominant group in power. Thus, White cultural ethos is generally privileged among all immigrants, Black, Brown, or White. In our study, the phenomenon of race in the U.S. continued to be a salient theme in our discussions. Our participants realized that they must navigate racialized institutions as African Americans do. In this way, the history of race relations in the U.S. adds complexity to immigrant identity development. Ethiopians generally attempt to mitigate discrimination by avoiding identification with African Americans. Understanding that the name African American is synonymous with oppression generates a silent desire to maintain an identity that is unattached to turmoil. Nevertheless, Ethiopian immigrants see many examples of successful African Americans like Michael Jordan [athlete and entrepreneur], Oprah Winfrey [billionaire media mogul], General Colin Powell [four star general and former U.S. Secretary of State], Beyonce [entertainer], Serena Williams [tennis star], Amanda Gorman [U.S. National Youth Poet Laureate], among many others, which helps them mediate an anti-African American framework. The election of the first Black president of the U.S., President Barack Obama, and the first woman Vice President Kamala Harris, who is also Black, Jamaican, and South Asian descent, represents counternarratives to the notion of Blacks as subordinates. In spite of many negative narratives surrounding Black Americans, our participants still saw the need to associate with this group to which they were most closely aligned. Aster explains: I am an Ethiopian woman. I love who I am, and where I have been in life. In America [the United States] they see a Black woman, but I see strength in who my people are and what we have overcome. We are the only African country to have not been colonized, and I am proud of that fact.

As a woman business owner in a male-dominated industry, Aster’s experiences help to shape her views. She is proud of being Ethiopian as well as a successful business owner. Like Aster, Afia identifies as both Black and Ethiopian. Afia says: I am a Black, Ethiopian woman. Born in America [the United States] but proudly live as an Ethiopian. I am strong, shy, quiet, and fun. My people

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have never been colonized and we are proud of that. We have overcome a lot in the motherland, but we have banned together to keep our traditions and customs. That’s who I am.

For Afia, pride in country and connection to the culture of the host country are integral components of her identity. In the purview of CRF and Afrocentricity, her comments represent a connection to her gender and race. As a 20-year-old college student, Afia recognizes the cultural differences and similarities between Ethiopia and the U.S. Abena explains: I considered myself Black American and Ethiopian American. My parents see themselves this way. My family also. I wouldn’t wish for anything less. They [family] may bother me, but there is a pride that we feel during the family celebrations and holidays. I love my heritage. It is rich and strong. We withstood being colonized. Ask any Ethiopian what is their proudest fact about home, and they will say this [not being colonized]. Without a doubt.

Abena has pride in her home country that represents her as a woman and as an 18 year old. She also embraces the U.S. culture that she has known through her educational and social experiences. Like Abena, Liya has lived in the U.S. for several years. Liya notes: For years I identified as a Black American. As I get older, that shifts to Ethiopian American. I understand that my skin is Black, but all things about me are Ethiopian. I am always participating in cultural events. I am fun-loving, funny, attitudinal, and possessive about my culture. We, Ethiopians, love our country and are proud to boast not being colonized.

Liya’s love of her culture aligns with Afrocentricity. Her pride in Ethiopia, as well as her identification with Black American culture, is worth noting. Mary explains: I received my citizenship to be an American, but I am Ethiopian. Now, I am Ethiopian American. We have come a long way as a people in the U.S. I am a matriarch for my family here [in the U.S.]. I am strong, prideful, and will persevere until I die. When I do, I hope to be buried in my beloved Ethiopia.

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Given the varying responses from the participants, it is clear that identity is impacted by the processes of assimilation and acculturation. Once they gained some command of race relations in the U.S., these Ethiopian immigrants saw the need to embrace and form alliances with their Black American counterparts, with whom they shared a common struggle.

Chapter Summary This chapter addressed two themes regarding Ethiopian women’s experiences in the U.S. and how they negotiated perceptions as immigrants or Black versus African American. From their testimonials, it is clear that our participants’ views were shaped by U.S. racial and ethnic relations. In the next chapter, we address these women’s perceptions of beauty and aesthetics in U.S. society.

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Erikson, E. H. (1956). The problem of ego identity. Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, 4(1), 56–121. https://doi.org/10.1177/000306 515600400104 Erez, M., & Earley, P. C. (1993). Culture, self-Identity and work. Oxford University Press, New York. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195075809. 001.0001 Fordham, S. (1993). “Those loud Black girls”: (Black) women, silence, and gender “passing” in the academy. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 24(1), 3–32. https://doi.org/10.1525/aeq.1993.24.1.05x1736t Flynn, D. O., & Giráldez, A. (2006). Globalization began in 1571. Globalization and Global History, 232–247. Grant, C. (2018). Du Bois and education. Routledge. Global History, 232–47. Giroux, H. A. (1983). Theory and resistance in education: A pedagogy for the opposition. Bergin & Garvey. Gish, S. (2017). Ethiopia (3rd ed.). Cavendish Square. Hausman, G. (1997). The Kebra Negast: The book of Rastafarian wisdom and faith from Ethiopia and Jamaica. Martin’s Press. Hertslet, E. (2012). The map of Africa by treaty. Routledge. Iwabuchi, K., & Takezawa, Y. (2015). Rethinking Race and Racism in and from Japan. https://doi.org/10.1080/10371397.2015.1044153 James, C. L. R. (2001). The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L’Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution. Penguin UK. Jonas, R. (2011). The Battle of Adwa. Harvard University Press. Kendi, I. X. (2017). Stamped from the beginning: The definitive history of racist ideas in America. Random House. Marcus, H. G. (2002). A history of Ethiopia. University of California Press. Marsella, A. J. (2005). Culture and conflict: Understanding, negotiating, and reconciling conflicting constructions of reality. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 29(6), 651–673. May, S. (Ed.). (1999). Critical multiculturalism: Rethinking multicultural and antiracist education. Psychology Press. Milkias, P., & Metaferia, G. (Eds.). (2005). The Battle of Adwa: Reflections on Ethiopia’s historic victory against European colonialism. Algora Publishing. Mittelman, J. H. (2000). The globalization syndrome: Transformation and resistance. Princeton University Press. Nawyn, S. J., & Park, P. (2017). Gendered segmented assimilation: Earning trajectories of African immigrant women. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 42(2), 216–234. https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2017.1400085 Rytina, N. (2013). Estimates of the legal permanent resident population in 2012: US Department of Homeland Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. Selassie, H. (1936). Appeal to the League of Nations. Astro.

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CHAPTER 6

Black Like Me: Concepts of Africanness, Blackness, and Beauty

In this chapter, we explore Black identity and beauty through a critical race feminism (CRF) and Afrocentricity lens to examine how Ethiopian immigrant women view their Africanness, Blackness, and beauty in the context of American culture. The relevance of African American racial identity development to Ethiopian immigrants’ self-concept is discussed through the lens of cultural attributes (Kibour, 2001; Portes & Zhou, 1993). Ethiopians share a rich cultural, linguistic, and ethnic diversity that, in the U.S., becomes secondary as phenotype often relegates Ethiopians to similar forms of discriminations African Americans face. Participants in this study viewed beauty from an African-centered lens. This provides a context for their self-concept. Questions about beauty and aesthetics are important in all cultures (Nuttal, 2006; Sekayi, 2003; Welsh-Asante, 1993). This is also the case in Ethiopia where as we noted, the human family tree started over 4.2 million years ago. In the parlance of human history, Black people have lived the longest on planet earth. Science suggests that Africans migrated into Europe only 40,000–50,000 years ago (Gugliotta, 2008). This perhaps suggests that Black people populated the earth for most of the history of humanity. Thus, the early forms of aesthetics showed Black skin, hair, and lips as symbols of beauty. For example, the Black Madonna

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Wynn et al., Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education, Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75552-2_6

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image was worshipped around Europe, not only as deity, but as a standard of beauty. In the second century A.D., the Black Madonna was used more expansively after the Nicene Council in 325 A.D. and commonly used throughout the Roman Empire all the way through the nineteenth century. In fact, in 2021, the image of the Black Madonna and child is still used around Europe and even as a symbol in many Orthodox churches. In early human history, the presence of high levels of melanin is equated with having high levels of beauty. Melanin is important for the human body as it forms a natural shield of protection from the sun, and working with the pineal gland, it is associated with cognition (Riley, 1997). In the purview of the African Diaspora, when Africans migrated into Europe, they adapted to the environment and the cold by producing less melanin. Over thousands of years, they would develop recessive genes for low levels of melanin to absorb more sunlight. Melanin helps to determine skin, hair, and even eye color. Perhaps one way to view this is that Blacks are the ancestors of Whites, as the latter evolved to have lower levels of melanin. As Black forebears, the epithets regarding dark skin and wholly hair were symbols of beauty. Since highly melanated people populated the earth for most of human history, they were viewed as standard bearers of beauty and as very desirable. Before the Greeks’ colonization of North Africa in 332 B.C.E., Black images of beauty were staples of the ancient world. Since a Black woman Dinkinesh meaning “you are marvelous” in Amharic and also known as Lucy in Ethiopia has been identified as the mother of the human family, Black females in particular were viewed as the standard for beauty and procreation. Of course the saying, “beauty is in the eye of the beholder” is true. However, the lens is often from the viewpoints of conquerors (Hall, 1995; Patton, 2006; Sekayi, 2003; Welsh-Asante, 1993). While each culture has its own standards of beauty, the point here is that for most of human history, prior to enslavement and colonization, Black was seen as beautiful and the source of human life. Similarly, in The Histories, Herodotus acknowledges that Egypt is Kemet, the land of the Blacks. He further states: “My own conjectures were based on the fact that they [Egyptians] are black-skinned and have wooly hair” (Herodotus, 440 B.C.E/2014). He continues: “the Colchians, Ethiopians, and the Egyptians have thick lips, broad nose, wooly hair and they are burnt of skin” (Herodotus, 440 B.C.E.). This early reference to beauty standards illustrates the importance of phenotype.

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Since Ethiopia is the cradle of humanity, the African concept of beauty begins there with the discovery over four million years ago of the first humans Dinkinesh and Ardi (Wiggan, 2015). Race is a social construct with no scientific basis, yet it is a pervasive component of American society and shapes its institutions (Bell, 1995). While race is used to categorize people based on phenotype and even intelligence, it has no biological basis. According to the American Anthropological Association’s (AAA) Statement On “Race” and Intelligence (1994): WHEREAS all human beings are members of one species, Homo sapiens, and WHEREAS, differentiating species into biologically defined “races” has proven meaningless and unscientific as a way of explaining variation (whether in intelligence or other traits), THEREFORE, the American Anthropological Association urges the academy, our political leaders and our communities to affirm, without distraction by mistaken claims of racially determined intelligence, the common stake in assuring equal opportunity, in respecting diversity and in securing a harmonious quality of life for all people. (AAA, 1994)

This statement affirms the interconnections of the human race. Since all human beings share 99.9% of the same mitochondrial DNA, all are part of the human family meaning all human beings are of African descent (Shared DNA, 2005). As such, Blackness served as a standard of beauty for most of human history. This would gradually begin to change as early as 332 B.C.E. once North Africa was colonized by Europeans, with the apex of the dehumanization of Africa and Blackness reaching in the fifteenth century with the rise of the global enslavement of Black people. Ethiopia as a free uncolonized country would raise intrigue regarding its customs, people, and aesthetics. In the case of Ethiopian women, these immigrant women view their Africanness, Blackness, and Beauty within the context of American culture, which is linked to the development of the African aesthetic, meaning African perception and appreciation of the nature, beauty, and value of artistic expressions or representations of African origin (Sekayi, 2003; Shava, 2015; Welsh-Asante, 1993). Shava (2015) notes: The essence of the African aesthetic is its representation as a construct of African people on the continent and people of African descent in the diaspora that articulates African culture, identity, and spirituality. It

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is how Africans consciously define their own concept of beauty—that is, the African-derived standards of perceiving, appreciating, appraising, or applying aesthetic values or knowledge of things African. The African aesthetic is African centered and it reveals the cultural bond between Africans in the continent and abroad. (p. 3)

Since aesthetics is the pattern that connects culture in a society, within African and African American culture, it helps keep cultural retention and expression alive. Within the African Diaspora, meaning anywhere in the world where Africans exist outside of the continent of Africa, an important marker of cultural continuity is African or Black aesthetics. As one of the oldest African civilizations, Ethiopia represents the birthplace of humanity. As a beauty standard bearer, it is important to this work because it represents the African aesthetic from the place where the oldest human remains were found. The Ethiopian civilization going down the River Nile gave birth to other civilizations such as Kemet, which is called Egypt by the Greeks (Williams, 1987). In the 18th dynastic period (1500–1200 B.C.E) in Egypt, the mummified remains of the queens show distinctly Black features and hair. For instance, Queen Tiye who ruled during the 18th Dynasty was the wife of Pharaoh Amenhotep III and mother of Akhenaten. In Fig. 6.1, she has distinctly African features including her hair. In addition to Queen Tiye, other mummified remains show a distinctly African aesthetic. For example, in Fig. 6.2, Queen Rae, who also reigned during the 18th Dynasty, has braided hair which is found in traditional African cultures. Also important in the 18th Dynasty, Queen Anut Tawi, shown in Fig. 6.3, has distinctly African features as well including her hairstyle. The images above show Black Egyptian Queens who ruled Egypt. It also shows their hair as part of Black aesthetics and part of their royal image. Similar hair styles can be found around the continent of Africa, and in some cases, among Black women around the Diaspora. Also, the image below shows an ancient Ethiopian woman in traditional regalia (Fig. 6.4). As civilization flowed down the Nile River, African aesthetics flowed with it which can be seen among the people. Constance B. Hilliard (1998) in her seminal work, Intellectual Traditions of Pre-Colonial Africa, explains that Queen Hatshepsut, the first woman Pharaoh, ruled Egypt from 1490 to 1468 B.C.E. Hatshepsut was an intellectual and national

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Fig. 6.1 Queen Tiye, 18th Dynasty, circa 1391–1353 B.C.E (Source Author)

Fig. 6.2 Queen Rae, 18th Dynasty (Source Author)

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Fig. 6.3 Queen Anut Tawi, 18th Dynasty (Source Author)

leader of her country. Her artifacts and images of her are memorialized in her tomb temple at Deir el-Bahari (also known as Djeser-Djeseru) (Hilliard, 1998). Queen Hatshepsut was one of the most powerful women in Egyptian history who is perhaps best known for her expedition to the land of “Divine Punt,” which is present-day Somalia. Even though the position of Pharaoh was passed down matrilineally and men were generally crowned after marrying a woman of royal ancestry, Hatshepsut’s ascension to Pharaoh was unique and she was a gifted intellect (Hilliard, 1998). Queen Hatshepsut (1505–1485 B.C.E.) was one of the first Warrior Queens in African history during the 18th Dynasty of Egypt and ruled for 21 years. According to Diop (1989), she was the first queen in the history of humanity. The Sphinx of Queen Hatshepsut and her funerary temple are just a few of the monuments that remain today which indicates her power in Egypt. The first pharaoh of Egypt was Pharaoh Menes also known as Pharaoh Narmer. For those who may question whether ancient Egyptians were

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Fig. 6.4 Traditional Ethiopian woman (Source Author)

Black, Egypt is in Africa and all of the early dynasties were ruled by Black Africans. The images above and of Narmer himself, who is regarded as the first pharaoh, clearly show Black phenotype. Ruling during the first dynastic period from 3100 to 2850 B.C.E., Pharaoh Narmer (see Fig. 6.5) unified upper and lower Egypt into one kingdom and established commercial trade. During his reign, he situated Memphis as the capital and fortified it as a symbol of military presence. Depictions of Pharaoh Narmer reflect a common practice that is worth explaining here. Like the Sphinx in Egypt, many African artifacts were defaced. In some images, the nose of Pharaohs has been chipped away. Phenotypically, early Pharaohs appears to be African. The removal of the nose reflects vandalization which attempted to remove any notable African features. This is because this Pharaoh and other artifacts bearing African features such as a rounded nose and thick lips were intentionally defaced to prevent others from recognizing the symbolism of African rulers and their significance in world history. Another theory holds that in defacing and removing the nose, the statue would lose its power or ability to breathe. Many examples of the removal of the nose on these representations indicate

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Fig. 6.5 Pharaoh Narmer (Source Author)

that it was a consistent practice perhaps because there is an attempt to prevent people from knowing these were Black Africans. Another belief is that in damaging the representation or image of the person, this in turn diminishes the power of the person. Nevertheless, these distinctly African features are an important part of the African aesthetic. The attempts to prevent people from knowing the African origins of these rulers are clearly depicted in artifacts following the Greek invasion of Kemet in 332 BCE. Figure 6.6 shows the imitation of European pharaohs during the period of Greek occupation in Egypt. In contrast, Fig. 6.7 shows the actual image from the tomb of Black Egyptian Pharaoh and burial practice. A comparison of Figs. 6.6 and 6.7 reveals the extent to which hegemonic forces sought to prevent African people from realizing their greatness and their beauty (Hall, 1995; Sekayi, 2003; Welsh-Asante, 1993).

Afrocentric Standard of Beauty Constructs of beauty intersect and often clash (Cross, 1991; Patton, 2006). The African continuum of beauty begins with Dinkinesh,

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Fig. 6.6 Greek imitation of Egyptian pharaohs (Source Author)

Fig. 6.7 Egyptian Pharaoh Burial Tomb (Source Author)

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continues with the Pharaohs, and the ethnic diversity of African cultures, and culminates in America, the context for our study. The book Exchanging Our Country Marks addresses the transformation from African to Black during the Middle Passage. Gomez (1998) notes: The transformation of the African into the African American actually began on African soil. Africans chosen for the fateful transatlantic voyage all experienced the barracoon phase of the exchange; that is, the stage at which those who had been captured by various means were transferred to points along the coast to await embarkation. Depending upon the specific location, captives from more than one ethnicity may have found themselves hold up in the same barracoon, thus initiating the message that the one thing they all shared was their blackness, a message that became even clearer upon considering the contrast with their European captors. (p. 155)

In the context of CRF and Afrocentricity, the Middle Passage represents a transformation from being uniquely African to becoming Black or African American (Gomez, 1998). Similarly, in Barracoon: The Story of the Last “Black Cargo,” Zora Neale Hurston (2018) creates a sacred space where Oluwale Kossula, the last known African survivor of the Middle Passage, comes to life in the magic and timelessness of his words. Hurston respectfully grants Kossula’s last wish: “I want tellee somebody who I is, so maybe dey go in de Afficky soil some day and callee my name and somebody der say, ‘Yeah, I know Kossula’” (Hurston et al., 2018, p. 19). He is stolen from his homeland, enslaved in the Americas, and emancipated to a life of Jim Crow servitude for survival in a strange country. Similar to the Ethiopian immigrants in our study, he develops a new identity in America and learns to exist in a society that is anti-Black and anti-African. In this way, Ethiopian immigrant women also encounter beauty standards that vary from their home country and the U.S. Definitions of beauty vary across cultures and are subject to the hegemonic standards of the ruling class (Myers & Biocca, 1992; Patton, 2006; Shava, 2015). In her groundbreaking novel The Bluest Eye, Nobel Prize winner Toni Morrison notes that beauty is very complex and has been used to objectify, subjugate, and even dehumanize (Morrison, 1970). Her novel tells the story of Pecola Breedlove, an eleven-year-old Black girl, who prays for blue eyes because she believes that with them she will be pretty like the blonde haired blue-eyed Shirley Temple whom most North Americans adore. Based on images of Whiteness that surround her, Dick

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and Jane in her primary school reader and Mary Jane on the wrapper of her favorite candy, she believes that as a dark-skinned Black girl, she is ugly. Her quest for blue eyes as well as the oppressive conditions she experiences as a Black girl growing up in a family that does not value her leads her to madness. In The Bluest Eye, Maureen Peal, a light-skinned girl with long hair and nice clothes, becomes the center of attention because she “fits” the beauty construct because her features are similar to the White standard of beauty. Through the narrator, Claudia, another young Black female character in the novel, illustrates the negative effects of self-loathing and the endemic nature of racist beliefs communicated through ideology in American society. Claudia cannot understand why she keeps getting White baby dolls for Christmas. She does not like them, and she does not understand why everyone wants her to have them. In this way, Morrison illustrates how beauty constructs are communicated to little Black girls and the effects that it has on their self-esteem. This bears similarity to the Kenneth and Mamie Clark doll study which served as background for the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education case which outlawed separate but equal facilities and ushered in school desegregation (Clark & Clark, 1939, 1950). In the study, Clark and Clark (1939) found that young Black children were deeply impacted by segregation. When asked what dolls they preferred to play with, the children chose White dolls. When asked what dolls were pretty, they chose the White doll. When asked which doll looked like them, they chose the White doll. This illustrates a deeply rooted self-loathing similar to what Morrison (1970) is conveying. Like Claudia and Pecola, Black women in American society are bombarded with media images that dictate standards of beauty thus perpetuating internalized domination. This novel highlights the importance of selflove as an antidote to counter the hegemony prevalent in U.S. society. According to Gramsci (1971), hegemony is defined as the cultural dominance of one group over all other groups. In the parlance of CRF and Afrocentricity, when Black women are judged by their skin color alone, this directly impacts their internalized views of themselves and their skin color. In his poem “No Images,” the poet William Waring Cuney (1973) celebrates Black beauty while also calling attention to how Black women are often unaware of their natural beauty. No Images She does not know

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her beauty, she thinks her brown body has no glory. If she could dance naked under palm trees and see her image in the river, she would know. But there are no palm trees on the street, and dish water gives back no images. (Cuney, 1973, p. 7)

Similarly, to Cuney’s (1973) point, in “The Criteria of Negro Art,” W. E. B. Du Bois (1926) acknowledges that all art is propaganda. He notes: Thus it is the bounden duty of black America to begin this great work of the creation of beauty, of the preservation of beauty, of the realization of beauty, and we must use in this work all the methods that men have used before. (Du Bois, 1926, p. 293)

Both Cuney (1973) and Du Bois (1926) echo Morrison’s (1970) sentiments surrounding beauty and the Black aesthetic. This concern also applies to media images in contemporary U.S. society. Azzarito (2010) writes, “contemporary media narratives about femininity play a powerful role in producing girls’ understandings of themselves and construction of their bodies…The media reconstruct, present and commodify women’s bodies through images that celebrate power, opportunities, desire, self-determination and success in Western society” (p. 261). In the purview of CRF and Afrocentricity, the use of media narratives contributes to a common sense of beauty in American society. These images convey messages regarding who has value and who is important. Therefore, particular attention is given to the attributes of beauty as outlined through the following definition: the combination of physical characteristics such as shape, skin tone/color, hair texture, and physical features (Azzarito, 2010; Townsend et. al., 2010). The historical epistemology of beauty in the U.S. derives from the legacy of slavery (Azzarito, 2010; Townsend et al., 2010). In light of this, Patton (2006) asserts:

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Given the racist past and present of the U.S., there are several identity and beauty issues that African American women face. Since 1619, African American women and their beauty have been juxtaposed against White beauty standards, particularly pertaining to their skin color and hair. During slavery, Black women were lighter-skinned and had features that were associated with mixed progeny (e.g. wavy or straight hair, White/European facial features) tended to be house slaves and those Black women with darker-skin hues, kinky hair, and broader facial features tended to be field slaves. This racist legacy and African American internalization of this White supremacist racial classification brought about what Jones and Shorter-Gooden have termed “The Lily Complex” This complex is defined as “altering, disguising, and covering up your physical self in order to assimilate, to be accepted as attractive…As Black women deal with the constant pressure to meet a beauty standard that is inauthentic and often unattainable, the lily complex can set in” (2003, 177). The desire to change her outer appearance to meet a Eurocentric standard may lead her to loathe her own physical appearance and believe that “Black is not beautiful...that she can only be lovely by impersonating someone else.” (p. 26)

The emphasis on straightening Black hair to emulate Whiteness catapulted Madame C. J. Walker, inventor, and entrepreneur to millionaire status while also leaving Black women conflicted about beauty standards (hooks, 1989). Social activist Malcolm X believed that hair straightening among Black women in some cases caused them to feel ashamed of their own unique beauty and to mimic White beauty standards (Malcolm, 1990; Patton, 2006). A contemporary trend of bleaching the skin and undergoing chemical peels is another remnant of what Malcolm X termed self-hate. He notes: You can’t hate the roots of the tree without ending up hating the tree. You can’t hate your origin without ending up hating yourself. You can’t hate the land, your motherland, the place that you come from, and we can’t hate Africa without ending up hating ourselves. The Black man in the Western Hemisphere—North America, Central America, South American, and in the Caribbean—is the best example of how one can be made, skillfully, to hate himself that you can find anywhere on this earth. (Malcolm, 1990)

Malcolm X said the antidote for self-hatred is loving oneself and things that are Black and African. Malcolm X further notes that culture is an

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indispensable weapon in the struggle for freedom. From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective and to Malcolm X’s point, having appreciation and value for one’s own culture helps to redress self-hate as internalization of European hegemony and aesthetics (Malcolm, 2002). Similarly, Shava (2015) states that cosmetic practices are an important part of the African aesthetic and skin bleaching is no exception. Shava explains: Xhosa women in southern Africa use a paste made from the dried bark of the onion wood, Cassipourea flanaganii, mixed with water as a facial mask to remove blemishes and lighten their skin, a practice that may be related to feelings of racial inferiority, yet like many other African women, they also apply white ochre as a facial mask. (Shava, 2015, p. 13)

This practice of skin bleaching signals how internalized domination is rooted in society. Malcolm X notes that the newspaper will have individuals hating the people who are being oppressed, and loving the people who are doing the oppressing (Malcolm, 2002). Conditioning of the mind which is reinforced through television, radio, and social media perpetuates negative images that contribute to ideological domination (Collins, 2005; Guy-Sheftall, 1995; Morris, 2016; Woodson, 1933). In contemporary U.S. society, from reality TV shows such as “Love and Hip Hop” to music videos, Black women are often portrayed as video vixens, welfare queens, matriarchs, mammies, and in other disparaging ways that do not reflect their lived experiences (Collins & Bilge, 2016; Crenshaw, 2016). Thus, Black women’s beauty standards are often dramatically influenced by racism, sexism, and classism and are directly influenced by hegemonic beauty standards. The Western canon contributes to miseducation and internalized domination by omitting key historical facts and supporting the hegemonic assumption that civilizations began in Europe (Wiggan, 2015; Woodson, 1933). According to Weitz (2001), the three most command standards of White beauty in the U.S. are: 1. Women’s hair should be long, curly or wavy—not kinky—and preferably blond; 2. Women’s hair should look hairstyled—this requires money and time; and 3. Women’s hair should look feminine and different from men’s hair. (p. 672)

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The objectification of women of color, primarily Black women, systematizes dehumanization and victimization. Ideological domination is part of what Patricia Hill Collins calls the New Racism (defined as a covert institutionalized ideology). Black Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and the New Racism analyzes how relations of gender and sexuality within contemporary Black communities reproduce and/or resist new forms of racism (Collins, 2005). As we have noted, Patricia Hill Collins’s matrix of domination or matrix of oppression is a sociological paradigm that explains issues of multiple oppressions. Though recognized as different social classifications, all are interconnected thus, intersectionality views race, class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, age, among others as mutually constructing systems of power (Collins & Bilge, 2016; Crenshaw, 1991). Locating lived experiences of oppression within the social contexts that produce them, Black feminist thought demonstrates Black women’s emerging power as agents of knowledge. Experience, as a criterion of meaning with practical images as its symbolic vehicles, is a fundamental epistemological tenet in Black feminist thought. By portraying Black women as self-defined, self-reliant individuals confronting intersectional oppression, Black feminist thought speaks to the importance that knowledge plays in empowering oppressed people. It insists that both the changed consciousness of individuals and the social transformation of political and economic institutions constitute essential ingredients for social change. New knowledge is important for both dimensions of change. Knowledge is a vitally important part of the social relations of domination and resistance. By objectifying Black women and recasting experiences to serve the interests of elite White men, much of the Eurocentric masculinist worldview fosters Black women’s subordination. The New Racism is at once impacted by (1) global capitalism, (2) the changing political structure that disenfranchises people, and (3) mass media which reproduces and disseminates ideologies that justify racism (Collins, 2000). The substance of racial ideologies under the new racism and the forms in which those ideologies are created, circulated, and resisted constitutes a New Racism that is pervasive. The connections between stratification of skin color or colorism and hair texture promote stereotypical images as an allocation for privilege in the U.S. (Asante, 1998; Azzarito, 2010; Russell et al., 1993; Townsend et al., 2010). McIntosh (2004) proposes that privilege is an unacknowledged inheritance (direct or indirect acquiescence) or advantage that is gained—and has social, political, and institutional rewards. Having privilege confers

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dominance and opportunities that are invisible and unearned and which are enjoyed at the expense of disadvantaged groups (Wiggan, 2011). Townsend et al. (2010) state: Societal messages and media images that emphasize the appearance of women and girls across ethnicities are thought to foster self-objectification. According to objectification theory, adolescent girls become aware that their bodies are examined and evaluated by others and consequently internalize the observers’ perspective to evaluate their own bodies. This pattern could lead girls to believe that their value and self-worth are a function of their appearance and sex appeal. (p. 274)

Studies indicate that strong ethnic identities serve as a buffer against negative racial stereotypes (Chavous et al., 2003; Townsend et al., 2010). According to Arthur (2010), the identities African immigrants construct often transcend country-specific cultures and normative belief systems. Human capital resources such as education and family contribute to Africans’ identity development in the context of new roles, norms, beliefs, cultural formations, manifestations, and contestations in the U.S. Thus, from a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, Africans are redefining what it means to be Black in a race conscious society. Four of the five participants in the study—Aster, Abena, Afia, and Liya—expressed an Afrocentric perspective related to their concepts of beauty. These participants provided counternarratives to Western views of beauty, to which they centered African aesthetics, culture, physical characteristics, attributes, traditions, etc., which were central to their worldview. Accordingly, Abena’s experiences made her acutely aware of the negative projections that she was not considered beautiful to the dominant culture during her childhood. When discussing her idea of beauty, she stated: All shades of color are beautiful to me. I have grown up with family members that exhibit many different features. I can see through the experience of her [a White girl attending the same school] rejection that she found it baffling that a White boy would want me over her.

Abena expressed affirmation that she and others that share similar characteristics are beautiful, however, sharing sentiment and exposure of the repudiation that the dominant culture considered it unfathomable to be secondary to such standards. Patton (2006) notes that during the teen years, assimilation to prevailing beauty standards is a common concern.

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Moreover, each participant spoke of colorism as identifying markers society utilizes to project standards of beauty. Colorism is a form of color discrimination wherein people were more highly rated on the basis of lightness of the skin and straightness of the hair (Burton et al., 2010; Hunter, 2007). Social constructions of beauty have the potential to compromise wellness and influence identity development. Du Bois asserted that the problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the “color line” which essentially is structural racism. Intersectionality, colorism, and white privilege are all systemic issues (Du Bois, 1903). Du Bois’ work embodies his efforts to “point out the desires of whites to maintain power and have privilege” (Grant, 2018, p. 22). Du Bois had no thoughts that Blacks were inferior. In fact, Du Bois was an “educated and sophisticated black [intellectual] who demanded human and civil rights and challenged discrimination, stereotyping and any form of racism” (Grant, 2018, p. 25). Per CRF and Afrocentricity, racism is embedded in U.S. society such that negative images support ideological domination. In the context of our study, Aster, who had non-traditional Ethiopian features, expressed further Afrocentric ideas toward the hair texture. On the continuum of good to bad, hair texture that is closely aligned to the White standard of beauty (straight, long, and bouncy) is considered good (hooks, 1989). Within Black culture in the U.S., there is a saying “If you Black, get back; if you Brown, stick around; if you are White, you all right.” This oft-repeated cliche adds to the perpetuation of negative stereotypes of Black women. Having “good hair” implies that White hair is the standard and the best type of hair to have. “Bad hair” refers to hair textures that exhibit a coil pattern like those of people of African descent. In our study, Aster explained: I am often vexed when people use the terms good and bad hair. There is no such thing as good and bad hair. Hair is a part of the regions of our lineage. Whites’ hair is straight because of the ancestral need to absorb heat from the sun based on the geography of their lineage. We Africans have a tight [coil] curl pattern to protect our scalp from the sun, based on where we are. It is such a shame that people use things like this to try and oppress others. The same can be said about skin color also.

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Aster’s comments reflect the pervasiveness of beauty standards in Ethiopian society. In the context of CRF and Afrocentricity, discrimination based on skin color is a common concern for Blacks and African Americans in the U.S. This connects back to the insititution of slavery and its efforts to separate the masses based on skin color and division of labor. In the plantation system, house slaves (who were often mulattos, octoroons, quadroons, or persons of mixed heritage) worked in the house and had features that were closely aligned with the master class. The field slaves, however, were generally of darker skin and had tightly coiled hair. It is this division of labor that contributed to within group discriminatory practices such as colorism. At the heart of this issue is how perceptions of beauty are informed by cultural context. The findings in this book reflect an Afrocentric concept of beauty (Asante, 1991, 2010, 2011; Welsh-Asante, 1993). Afrocentric theory centers the experiences of Black and immigrant women and encourages the appreciation of diversity in beauty standards by resisting hegemony (Patton, 2006). Consequently, Akbar (1984) argued that “the uncritical acceptance of the assumptions of Western science by African people is to participate in our own domination and oppression” (p. 395). Culture informs identity and provides strength to reject negative standards of beauty. Findings suggest Ethiopians in the U.S. have formulated structural supports inter-ethnically to safeguard the culture of Ethiopians and their Afrocentric views. Dominant beauty standards in the U.S. connect with popular images of women in mainstream media (Poran, 2002). According to Poran (2002), “Black women, however, have been found less likely to hold uniform notions of beauty, and far more likely to describe beauty in terms of personality traits rather than physical ones” (p. 65). Participants in this study viewed beauty from an Afrocentric lens. However, Whiteness is the normative base in which others are viewed. In the U.S., images reflect a White perspective, as opposed to an Afrocentric perception of beauty.

Concepts of Africanness, Blackness, and Beauty In our study [in which the design and methods are explained in greater detail in Chapter 3], four of the five participants—Aster, Abena, Afia, and Liya—rejected the ideology of standardized beauty being the traditional blonde hair, blue eyes, and replaced it with an array of Afrocentric aesthetics, whereas the oldest of the participants expressed thoughts

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of Westernized/Eurocentric constructs of beauty (Patton, 2006; Poran, 2002). As background, Ethiopia is a country where beauty standards are exemplified in the monarchy with women such as the five Candace queens and the last monarch, Empress Menen (Clarke, 1971, 1975; Reisner, 1922). John Henrik Clarke, in his essay, “African Warrior Queens” unquestionably affirms the matrilineal nature of African societies in antiquity and the role of women as militarists and rulers (Clarke, 1984; Van Sertima, 1984). The Meroitic title “Candace” which means queen refers to several Ethiopian women who ruled at different time periods (Reisner, 1922). Furthermore, the influence of Empress Zaiditu, Empress Menen Asfaw, Empress Taitu, and Queen Makeda is all central to Ethiopian women’s history. Empress Menen, the wife of Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia, founded the Empress Menen School for Girls in Addis Ababa (Gish, 2017; Marcus, 2002). The story of the Ethiopian Queen of Sheba also called Makeda is told in the Bible, the Torah, and the Koran and is closely linked to King Solomon. However, the Queen of Sheba reigned over Sheba, Arabia, Axum, and Ethiopia. Empress Zaiditu of Ethiopia, shown in Fig. 6.8, reigned from 1916 to 1930. Her father Menelik II served in the lineage of Ethiopian kings. Empress Zaiditu was one of the Black women head of states and a great warrior queen. From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, her reign represents the centrality of women in world history and the omission of this important contribution from the curriculum. Like Empress Zaiditu, in a similar vein, Empress Menen follows the line of Ethiopian royalty. She was crowned Empress of Ethiopia in 1930 and served alongside Emperor Haile Selassie who was the last Emperor in the long line of Ethiopian monarchs (Fig. 6.9). These images of Empress Zaiditu and Empress Menen represent qualities of African beauty that are at the heart of this work. The Afrocentric perception of beauty which is a central element in this book denotes that the participants defined beauty from a pro-Black perspective or proAfrican perspective. In our study, participants were asked to define their perception of beauty after looking at a series of photographs, with intentionality being placed on analysis of understanding a personalized view of beauty, as well as a collective sense of beauty and appreciation of Black women. In general, the women noted that even in Ethiopia the country has been penetrated with Western images. Mary, the elder of the participants, revealed, “the lighter the skin or closer you are to White, the

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Fig. 6.8 Empress Zaiditu, Daughter of Menelik II (Source Author)

woman is considered beautiful.” According to Mary, this perspective was considered a common occurrence growing up in Ethiopia. Mary recalls: Ethiopian girls and women that had hair closer to whites were treated better. Those women were given better opportunities than darker Ethiopians. It is interesting that we are all one, but there were some things that divided us. I happened to be a fair skinned Ethiopian and understood that I would sometimes be treated better. So, when I looked at my first choice for choosing certain women, I felt ashamed. All of them are beautiful in their own way.

The beliefs and practices that Mary shares are also present in other parts of the African Diaspora and particularly in the U.S. In the context of CRF and Afrocentricity, it is a remnant of the slave division of labor. Additionally, it reflects how intragroup racism is learned unconsciously through media and other images. Perhaps because of not being reared in Ethiopia, the other participants, Aster, Afia, Abena, and Liya, held contrasting views

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Fig. 6.9 Empress Menen of Ethiopia (Source Author)

on beauty. In addition, these participants were acutely aware of regional physical features and constructs of beauty for geographical locations around the world. Aster discusses during the interview: In America [the United States], people are shocked that I am Ethiopian until I speak. My dark skin is not seen as traditional Ethiopian. In Ethiopia, my family was popular, so there was no issue for me. When I got here [the U.S.] people assumed that I was a Black American. When they found out I was African, they assumed Ghana, Nigerian, Liberian. Of course they were Americans [shrugs and pause]. I have always loved who I am. I look like my father and he made sure that I felt good about being me. So, when I

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saw all those beautiful dark-skinned women in the photos, of course they were my top picks.

Aster acknowledges that her self-concept grounded her understanding of beauty standards. On the other hand, Abena, Afia, and Liya developed an Afrocentric construct of beauty from their encounters with racism in the U.S. Parents, family, and friends influenced the way they maneuvered through the layered oppressions. When viewing the photos, Liya recalls: These photos are interesting. They all look very different and come from various parts of the world. I can’t pick which one I think is the most beautiful from my personal standards, but I definitely can pick who society would think is more beautiful and least. Such a shame. [pause] I can honestly say, growing up in America [the United States] has made me reevaluate many teachings and how we are being indoctrinated to believe Black is ugly. Students used to make fun of our [Ethiopian] accent, and constantly reference my being a lighter African. One even said the British slept with my mother. I was angry. I corrected him and provided him with some African history. We come in all shades of color. Ethiopian pride all the way! African pride!

Through CRF and Afrocentricity, the concept of beauty is woven into the fabric of American society. Liya took great pride in her Ethiopian culture and rejected other’s opinions of her beauty. Abena shares similar experiences of racism. Her family circle helped shield Abena from its negative effects. In contrast to Liya’s experience, Abena had a different encounter. While ignoring the invitation of a popular White female classmate, Abena’s White, male classmate asked her out on a date. This experience forced Abena to question her ideas about beauty constructs. Abena states: This incident made me realize that as a Black, Ethiopian woman, that I am pretty. There will always be someone for you. I spent more time with my family. We had long discussions about how I may be seen by Whites and Blacks in America [the United States]. The texture of my hair, the color of my skin, the way I talk. I was a safe Black choice. My grammar was standardized. My heritage was not a badge of honor until I was provoked by my classmates. The experience made me realize that I understand that America [the United States] wants to make White a dominance. We all have value. Why try to dominate each other, when we could just respect our differences?

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Applying a CRF and Afrocentricity lens, it seems that Abena’s experiences inform her understanding of interracial dynamics particularly the idea of what constitutes beauty. Similarly, Afia understood the dynamics of racism in the educational environment. Consistent immersion in Ethiopian culture promoted an Afrocentric perspective of beauty that placed self at the center of analysis. Afia attended Ethiopian primary schools. Her transition to the local public school provides the context for her Afrocentric views. The initial public school she attended was Montessori and predominantly consisted of Black Americans. In Montessori schools, the exploratory style of learning provided an open academic environment that facilitated understanding constructs, such as beauty. Afia states: My teacher at the Montessori School was African. She questioned my everything during the early years of developing. I appreciate it more now, than back then. We had stations in our classroom to explore life. I remember being in the social section and picking up the Black dolls to play with. She asked me what was interesting about that doll. I told her that I liked her skin was dark like my favorite aunt, and her body was shaped like my mommy. I can’t remember ever choosing the White doll on the shelf except to play school. When I got older, I understood my black is beautiful [laughs]. That’s a commercial, and I believe it 100%. That doesn’t mean I don’t consider others beautiful. I think that some of those in the picture are beautiful too. I just feel that we all should view beauty from the perspective of our lineage. From those things that look like us, and there’s nothing wrong with that.

Explorations of Black identity and beauty from a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective reveal that Ethiopian women have culturally enriched views of their Africanness, Blackness, and beauty. Living alongside African Americans/Blacks in the U.S., these immigrant women learned to develop their own sense of beauty and belonging. As noted in the reports of first-generation and second-generation Ethiopian immigrants, concepts of beauty are often directly influenced by aesthetic hegemony which is perpetuated through prevalent media images that emphasize a Eurocentric standard of beauty (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Sekayi, 2003; Welsh-Asante, 1993). However, in general, our participants were able to embrace their own Black standards of beauty.

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Chapter Summary This chapter addressed concepts of beauty among first-generation and second-generation Ethiopian immigrants. Participant perspectives on Black identity and beauty within a critical race feminism and Afrocentricity lens demonstrate how Ethiopian immigrant women view their Africanness, Blackness, and Beauty within the context of American culture. In the next chapter, we explore family, traditions, and customs among our participants.

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CHAPTER 7

Family, Traditions, and Customs

In the previous chapter, we addressed Black identity and aesthetics from a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective to examine how Ethiopian immigrant women view their Africanness, Blackness, and beauty within the context of American culture. In this chapter, we explore family traditions and customs among first-generation and second-generation Ethiopian immigrants. As they embarked on their journey in a new country, these immigrants were forced to navigate the terrain of both Ethiopian and North American culture. As such, issues of assimilation and acculturation were constant challenges (Alba & Nee, 1997; Gibson, 2001; Kurman et al., 2005). As we have noted, assimilation involves the gradual process of immigrants adapting American culture and ways of life. In contrast, acculturation occurs when balancing two cultures, host and home cultures, while adapting to the norms of the new culture and simultaneously preserving native culture (Burgess, 1925; Mana et al., 2009; Park, 1930; Rumbaut, 1994; Sowell, 1981). The balancing of two cultures presents a constant struggle. As they navigate home and host cultures, Ethiopian immigrants are forced to adjust to new social and cultural realities which impact their family traditions and customs. In the U.S., these immigrants’ parents are invested in transferring Ethiopian culture to future generations. They do © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Wynn et al., Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education, Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75552-2_7

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so through family traditions and customs. In light of this, Chacko (2003) notes: Immigrant identity is configured through the process of adaptation, acculturation, and assimilation. A young Ethiopian immigrant creates a sense of identity through self-determination, but within the framework provided by socioeconomic setting and a cluster of cultural prescriptions and proscriptions, modified by norms in the receiving country. The Ethiopian diasporic community, the nuclear family, and neighborhood and school environments, as well as those provided by religious and secular institutions, collectively mold the young person’s sense of identity. (p. 504)

In their quest for social and economic opportunities in the U.S., Ethiopian immigrants strive to maintain cultural continuity through strong familial ties. Generation gaps, changing roles in the family, language barriers, and child rearing practices all impact family dynamics among Ethiopian immigrants. In our study, in the context of CRF and Afrocentricity, participants share their experiences and memories of family in Ethiopia and now in the U.S., which we discuss below. To understand Ethiopian immigrants’ families, a brief social context might be helpful. Under the imperial leadership of Emperor Haile Selassie I [1930– 1974], social status in Ethiopia depended largely on land ownership (Gish, 2017; Marcus, 2002). After the era of Ethiopian monarchy in 1974, and since the social unrest of the 1970s and 1980s that occurred under the Derg regime, social status has been tied to political influence. Bureaucrats and professionals form the Ethiopian middle class, but careers in government, military service, religious leadership, and farming are highly regarded. In addition, Ethiopian culture is very diverse due to the significant number of ethnic groups in the country. While the Amhara and Oromo are the largest groups, there are many other ethnic groups like the Tigray, Somali, and Afar. The Amhara were the dominant group during imperial rule and Amharic is still the official language along with English. The Somali are predominantly concentrated in Ogaden, the southeastern lowlands near the Somalian border. Other ethnic groups include the Afar also called the Danakil, along with many other groups varying by region (Gish, 2017). Across ethnic groups, the importance of family is a common feature among groups. As the basic social and economic unit, families are both nuclear (father, mother, and children) and extended (including aunts,

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uncles, cousins, grandparents). Fictive kin, meaning friends who are not related by blood or marriage, but who are treated as such, may also be considered part of the extended family. Generally, all ethnic groups treat elders with great reverence and respect. Traditionally, the men are head of household in this predominantly patriarchal society with women caring for the home and children. From an early age, children are taught to assist with household responsibilities. Several rites of passage facilitate the transition from childhood to adulthood such as male and female circumcision. While circumcision varies across ethnic groups, religious preferences, generally Orthodox Christian or Islamic, determine when this practice occurs. Most Ethiopians either belong to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church or they are Muslim. The Beta Israel or “Falashas,” a word Europeans usually use when referring to non-Europeans in a racialized way, are Jewish. The Ethiopian Jews are among the oldest in the world, and they maintain a tradition that is uniquely African, and connects to Queen Makeda and King Solomon and their son, Menelik I, who is regarded as the first Ethiopian Emperor. According to the Kebra Nagast, also called the Book of the Glory of the Kings, the Solomonic dynasty helped to establish Orthodox Christianity throughout the Ethiopian highlands (Budge, 2001; Gish, 2017; Hausman, 1997). Emperor Haile Selassie I, the last of the Solomonic dynasty, ruled Ethiopia from 1930 to 1974 and helped to modernize the political and economic systems and preserve Ethiopian independence. As family is highly regarded in Ethiopia, weddings are celebratory involving unique rituals and traditions. Similarly, marriage customs vary by ethnic group and include bridewealth, meaning the gift the groom’s family gives the bride’s family. Sometimes marriage crosses religious lines, but conversion sometimes occurs so that the couple is in one religious tradition. However, in many homes, the parents may practice two religions harmoniously. Ethiopians celebrate Ganna (Christmas), Timkat the feast of Epiphany, the Victory of Adwa, Ethiopian Patriots Day, Buhe, Enkutatash (New Year), Maskal, finding of the true cross, and Kullubi, feast of St. Gabriel in addition to a few national holidays and festivals (Gish, 2017). In rural areas, Ethiopian women typically hold traditional roles. However, in urban cities, Ethiopian women have increased access to educational opportunities as well as employment. For Ethiopian immigrants in the U.S., these gender roles are often blurred.

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While Ethiopian customs vary depending on the ethnic group, there are some basic customs that are observed by most people. Ethiopian meals are generally served on injera bread made from teff (an Ethiopian grain) which is also used as a utensil for scooping up food. The meal is presented atop Ethiopian baskets called mesob which serves as a table. Many meals begin with tej, a honey wine. Since Ethiopia is the home of the coffee plant, derived from the Kaffa region, coffee is an important part of Ethiopian culture and its economy. In Africa, Ethiopia is the largest coffee producer and the fifth largest in the world. The word coffee is an Ethiopian word as the Kaffa bean itself originated in the Ethiopian highlands where the plant has been grown for centuries (Gish, 2017). In traditional Ethiopian settings, coffee service is a ritual that often involves roasting the beans, grinding it, and serving the coffee in small cups. Once it is prepared, the elders are served first. The three servings are called abol, tona, and baraka. Thus, serving coffee is a ritual across ethnic groups. These Ethiopian traditions and customs also become a part of the practices they take with them to host countries like Israel, Sudan, and the U.S. According to the Migration Policy Institute (2014), the size of the Ethiopian-born population in the U.S. grew rapidly from a small base in the 1980s to now constituting the second largest African immigrant population. While large numbers of Ethiopian immigrants live in California, Virginia, Maryland, Minnesota, and Texas, they are most populous in the Washington, D.C. metropolitan area. Washington, D.C. has been a major gateway for Ethiopian for decades, as each group helps to support another group in the form of chain migration. Outside of Israel and Sudan, the U.S. is where most Ethiopians immigrate to (African Immigration Council, 2012; Anderson, 2017). In U.S. urban cities, Ethiopian immigrants have established ethnic enclaves and strong religious communities. They also form social organizations like the North American Conference on Ethiopian Jewry, African Services Committee, and The Ethiopian Community Mutual Association among others, that provide social services and transition assistance. Other U.S.-based organizations like the Ethiopian Community Development Council and the Ethiopian Community Center promote development of Ethiopia, as well as Ethiopian immigrants living in America. Some groups focus on the welfare of specific religious communities—Christian or Islamic (African Immigration Council, 2012; Foner, 2009; Ikpeze et al., 2013). These organizations are an important aspect of community development in

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the host country. Among these immigrants, access to social services and community building across ethnic groups are supported by religious and social organizations.

Family-Centered Social Structure Socialization for Ethiopians involves family whose primary role is cultural transmission. Bush (2007) notes “Social relationships within the family and communities interact to provide a bulwark against globalization. Everyday struggles, the negotiation of life itself, and struggles over access to resources with communities…” (p. 42) strongly suggests that Ethiopians maintain culture and traditions to safeguard against hegemonic domination. Throughout history, most of Africa has been politically and economically dominated by foreign nations. However, as noted, Ethiopia is the only African nation which has remained uncolonized. The wealth and abundance of Africa’s raw materials and resources help to fuel the world economy. As it is a place of great wealth, including mineral and natural resources, Africa was coveted among European colonizers (Bush, 2007; Dei, 2003; Goldblatt & Rosenblum, 2007). Throughout the history of colonial rule and enslavement in Africa, Africans have maintained a strong sense of community as part of their survival strategy. Ethnic group identifiers throughout the continent served as a forebear of the family; as in the case of Ethiopia, the emphasis on familial ties continued beyond the colonial era. Throughout the African Diaspora, the family unit, in rural and urban areas, serves as a support system and a way to transmit cultural values. Due to the modernization of Africa, traditional family structure has shifted somewhat; however, the familial framework remains important among most people (Bush, 2007; Dei, 2003; Goldblatt & Rosenblum, 2007). A family’s standing is determined by the actions of its members so collectivity is a primary obligation. In our study, which applies a CRF and Afrocentricity lens, the data illustrates that participants’ socialization included strong family interactions from birth throughout adulthood. As such, our participants maintain familial connections with relatives when nearby or with those who are living in a foreign country. In our study, all participants revealed that family systems are crucial to Ethiopian social structures, both in Ethiopia and in America. Nationally, the median age of Ethiopian immigrants in the U.S. is 37, and the median age of second-generation Ethiopian immigrants is seven, with the majority

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having parents who were born in Ethiopia (Migration Policy Institute, 2014). Our participants ranged from age 18 to 59 with one business owner, one unemployed person, and three college students. As noted, Mary, the oldest of the participants interviewed in our study had been in the U.S. for 15 years at the time of the interview. She provides a rich cultural background on Ethiopian families. Mary recalls: In Ethiopia, family is the staple of the community. Family come over [the house] all the time. Dinnertime is always a family event. Aunts and uncles, brothers and sisters, you name it, neighbors, will bring food over and we will eat and talk for hours about the day, the joys of life, what is happening in the community. These times were always fun and joyous. We would laugh, cry, dance, think about the good days past. Family is everything in our culture.

Mary acknowledges that family is the central focus of living within Ethiopian culture. Per CRF and Afrocentricity, her comments reflect the communal nature of social interactions and the family’s enjoyment of being in each other’s company. Shared meals as well as shared experiences help to keep the family close. Mary reminisces about the good old days. However, her family is also enjoying the present through these gatherings. Additionally, the family unit operates as a collective force for decision-making. Decisions about education, marriage, finances, and political maneuvering all involve family discussion. Mary explains: The family gatherings are spontaneous or organized. It depends on the situation. Whenever there is a celebration, like a child finishing school or birthday, we plan for that day. It is a wonderful occasion. The family gather, the neighbors come also. The women in the family made sure the food is prepared and everyone is having a good time. The men would talk and laugh at the kids playing and dancing. Those celebrations are big. The other gatherings are smaller. Coming home from work. Friends and family will stop by to eat dinner. They bring a dish [to eat] and we will sit and talk until everyone goes home.

Mary’s recollections suggest a fondness for the family gatherings and celebrations as they provide opportunities to develop close connections. Part of this relates to her time spent growing up in Ethiopia. Aster, Mary’s daughter, experiences similar familial bonds, however, she notes that family gatherings were not primarily with relatives. As a business

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owner, Aster has lived in the U.S. for 15 years. For her, long-time family friends filled the role of adopted family members. Aster explains: I loved growing up in Ethiopia. It was common to walk to the store and the people would say, “Oh, that’s so-and-so daughter.” I always felt like family members were watching us wherever we went. One day I was over my grandmother’s house and it began as a small gathering until someone came and said that a cousin got a fancy job. Out of nowhere, everyone started showing up to my grandmother’s house. At some point, a cousin told us that night our cousin was not really our cousin, but a friend of our uncle. I was surprised at first, but it didn’t matter because in Ethiopia we were raised to understand that family is blood and sometimes those that are grafted in.

As Aster notes, the traditional structure of the family evolved to include fictive kinship bonds. From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, although Ethiopian culture is generally communal, participants born in the U.S. appreciated the role of familial ties as they enter adulthood. For instance, Liya, because of her isolation from family while she was away at college, acknowledges the benefits of family in her life. While Abena and Afia, who are sisters who were both born in the U.S. and are college students, participate in the customs and traditions of the family, yet they prefer socializing away from relatives and neighbors or close friends of the family. Liya states: I used to get angry that we always did things with our aunts, uncles, cousins, and friends. My friends at school hardly ever talked about family gatherings being so huge. It seemed like our family got together every Saturday and Sunday. When I got to college, I felt lonely, but I didn’t know the reason why. I was sitting in my dorm room one Saturday and realized that all of my family were hanging out for a birthday party. The thought of them having so much fun, and I was alone made me somehow understand the big role family played in my life. I actually cried that day, because I missed them, but then I got up and decided to meet other Ethiopians to share the time.

Unlike Liya, during their college years, Abena and Afia remained at home. Because of the continued connection to the family, their experiences were quite different from Liya’s. In the purview of CRF and Afrocentricity, the core values of the Ethiopian family structure were evident. Abena explains:

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I love the Ethiopian dinners and eating habits of my culture. When we all come together for events, the euphoric feeling is incredible. However, I don’t always want to be around family, but my dad will get upset and think that I am breaking the mold of Ethiopian customs. Now that I am closer to finishing [my associate’s degree], I fully understand the importance of family and how it provides me with a pretty amazing system of support.

Abena’s experiences attending a college with a diverse student body may influence her view of traditional Ethiopian customs and familial ties. Echoing these sentiments, her sister Afia expands the conversation to distinguish family customs in Ethiopia from those of most Americans. Afia states: We have heard all of our lives about how close families are in Ethiopia. Things were supposed to be so much better than they are in the U.S. Family this, and family that. Our whole world centered around family there. So, now I am seeing [my parents] them replicate how things are in Ethiopia. We are constantly doing things around the family schedule, but my friends who are Black don’t focus making every decision based on family members being present. I wish that we could pick and choose to go to certain family gatherings like some of our Black friends. They [my parents] act like we can’t do anything without the family’s approval.

U.S. family customs vary based on region as well as other factors such as socioeconomic status and demographics. Collectively, the statements of each participant can be viewed through the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity. Mary passes on the Ethiopian family centered social values to her children. However, the second-generation immigrants in practice generally do not have as much appreciation for these traditions. In the case of Abena and Afia, they are somewhat active participants in maintaining Ethiopian culture in spite of their disapproval of the way decisions are made.

Patriarchal Family Structure Generally, African families are traditionally patriarchal where the father heads the household (Gish, 2017; Marcus, 2002). Per CRF and Afrocentricity, the family is a key component of socialization. In this way, important decisions are made by the father and/or males in the family with the eldest assuming a leadership role. Many Ethiopian families

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follow this traditional pattern of governance. As reflected in participant interviews, paternal leadership varies in Ethiopia compared to the U.S. As a result of spending most of her life in Ethiopia, and 15 years in the U.S., Mary views paternal leadership from a historical perspective. She discusses the evolution of Ethiopia in her comments. Mary states: Back in Ethiopia, when I grew up, my father set order to the house. I don’t recall ever doing anything without his approval. My father was the oldest of all his brothers. They came to him with family issues too. We had family traditions that meant a lot to us. I remember when my uncle died, the men came in to help her [my aunt] make decisions for burial, taking care of the children, and who she was going to be living with. They lived with us for about two years before she was remarried.

Males in the Ethiopian family offer leadership which safeguards the family during crisis situations such as the one described above. However, Mary’s statement expresses the importance of familial ties within Ethiopian culture. On the other hand, Aster accepts that fathers are respected as the head of household in the community. Paternal headed households signal respect for the tradition and customs. Aster observes that family structures are flexible given unique circumstances that can call into question systemic changes in how families operate. Aster explains: When I was young, my dad would get off work and they [neighbors] would hang out on the front yard area and talk. In Ethiopia, it was a regular thing to see people talking and doing things together. They could be relatives, distant relatives, or family friends. I remember when we [mother and I] moved to the U.S. my dad wanted to stay back in Ethiopia. It was hard at first for me, because I was so used to having to go through him for everything. When it was just me and mom, she made all the decisions. When we moved closer to family, my uncles helped with some decisions, but my mom still made sure that we are okay. When my dad comes, sometimes it feels weird, but I am older now and can make my own decisions.

In the parlance of CRF and Afrocentricity, Aster’s reflections on her mother assuming a leadership role in the family illustrate the fluidity of gender roles in the host country. We discuss gender roles in more detail in the next chapter. Afia and Liya have grown up respecting paternal headed

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households in the family structure. However, obedience to family sometimes causes internal conflict. Duty to family requires obedience. In their experiences in the U.S., Afia and Liya often interact with other cultures whose values are quite different. Afia shares: My mom attends an orthodox Christian church. The men and women have traditional roles in the church. I really don’t like going there now that I am old enough to make my own decisions, but my dad insists on us attending since we still live with him. I wish he would understand that I want to make my own decisions. Everytime I try to do that he starts to talk about how in Ethiopia daughters are respectful of their fathers. So, I just stay silent.

In spite of wanting to make her own decisions and perhaps be more like her American counterparts, Afia complies with her father’s request, understanding that it is her duty as an Ethiopian daughter to respect his wishes. On the other hand, Liya exhibits open resentment with the patriarchal family structure. Liya states: I understand that our father wants the best for us, but we are able to make our own decisions. It’s frustrating talking to our mom and wanting some advice or to make decisions that we feel a mother understands and she tells us we have to wait to ask our father. When I was in high school, I remember asking her [my mother] does she ever want to do anything for herself. She asked me where did I learn that from. I told her that I wanted to be able to get approval from her sometimes. That day, she sat me down and explained to me that she loves my dad and trusts him with her life. I understood love, but I had so much conflict inside, because people at school never said anything like this about their parents.

Liya’s conflicting ideas about the role of women in Ethiopian households, particularly motherhood, is informed by her understanding of parental relations in her American friends’ households. Because the U.S. generally values individualism and personal success, Ethiopian immigrants like Liya, who grew up in the U.S., negotiate between traditional culture and that of the host country. Based on her comments, Liya appears to view her mother’s reality from a vantage point that is quite different from her mother’s expectations or experiences. In spite of her reservations, Liya is seeing that the paternal head of Ethiopian families appears to be a continuing pattern of leadership in the family structure in Ethiopia and the U.S.

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Family Expectations In our study, participants embarking on their post-secondary education in the U.S. noted expectations from the family that ranged from concerns about life direction, choice of academic careers, and deviation away from Ethiopian traditions and customs. Family expectations placed a burden on generations who wanted to pursue their own personal goals while upholding the expectations of their parents. Compliance with parents’ wishes is important; however, the pursuit of the American dream is something that guided the thinking of second-generation Ethiopian immigrant women. Liya, with her family’s permission, attended college out of state which meant she had to leave her family. As a college senior, she notes that her communication with family evolved over time. Liya indicates: When I first started college, my parents would make random trips to check on me. It was annoying, like they didn’t trust me or something. My dad would borderline harass me about grades and questions about preparations for my major studies. The first two years, I made all A’s in my classes. They began to ease up on me. They would send my cousins to check up on me though. Our phone calls always led to questions about attending Ethiopian events, church, and hanging with the community. Once I was able to make my own decisions, it became evident that my dad obviously wanted me to lead this life of success that he envisioned, and the family supported it.

As indicated here, Abena’s family was rather strict in terms of checking up on her and sending others like her cousins to do so as well. Prior to attending college, Abena discussed moments of contention where her father placed strict rules on final grade expectations. According to Abena, her father noted that: “If you make less than a ‘B’ in any class, you will have to come home to attend college.” These comments from Abena perhaps reflect the high valuation that Ethiopian families place on education. It is also reflective of high academic standards Ethiopians expect their children to attain. Like Abena, Afia expressed some concerns about the expectations of her family with regard to her academic outcomes and her personal life. On the one hand, she wanted to reach the expectations her parents set for her, but yet still, she wanted her own sense of individual freedom to navigate her own life path. While living at home, Afia attended college locally. While this made sense and was economically feasible, Afia was

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overwhelmed by her parents’ constant supervision. In Afia’s view, her whereabouts, her academic performance, and her every move are monitored by doting parents who are doing what they think is best for her. However, she longed for greater freedom. Afia explains: I love my family, but living so close is a bit troublesome. It leaves me no time to collect my thoughts, make decisions for myself, and learn life lessons on my own. My dad means well, but he doesn’t understand that we [my sister and I] want to be as successful as he talks about often. He has these dreams in his head of what we should turn out to become. It’s like he and the family have planned out our entire lives.

Afia’s resistance may also be impacted by her relationships with friends at college whose families do not have the same traditions and customs. The patriarch of the Ethiopian immigrant family takes an active role in monitoring children’s progress. The millennial-aged family members find this behavior intrusive. The intention for many of the patriarchs suggests that this approach to parenting propels children toward accomplishing the desired goals. The expectation of academic excellence is obvious. Afia recalls: I remember when I was in high school and my dad thought that I had too many American friends. I think that he wanted me to stay away from some type of corruption that goes against the Ethiopian way. He would constantly talk to me about what it is to be Ethiopian, and my duty. I used to think that he felt like I was going to one day not want to be Ethiopian. I appreciate my culture. My friends love that I am different. I sometimes wish that he [my dad] would understand.

Afia’s comment reflects a disconnection between her father’s expectations and her own wishes to embrace American culture. Given the influence of patriarchal family structures, the expectations for family to continue the tradition of Ethiopian culture were part of a core value system. Consequently, academic success for Ethiopian children reinforces high expectations and foundational notions of achievement and familial duty. Relationships within the family structure place merit on authority and respect for parents and adults (Arthur, 2000; Bodovsky & Avni, 1989; Foner, 2009). In this sense, the family structure models a “natural growth” pattern for raising children. Lareau (2003) theorizes that natural growth requires children to be obedient through discipline and

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the imitation and observation of adults to pattern behaviors. A primary focus for the natural growth parenting style involves safety and discipline, where parents are viewed as having the final answer to all questions. Additionally, Lareau (2003) argues that children’s bonds are typically strong as a result of the family schedules being connected and free from long periods of separation. Each participant indicated that family gatherings, connections, and celebrations are essential in Ethiopian culture. The data analysis illustrates representation of a natural growth parenting style within Ethiopian culture, thereby supporting the data which emphasized a family-centered social structure. Mary explains that Ethiopian families are somewhat insulated from outside entities in a host country. However, in their home country, they are able to more deeply engage in their familial practices. Mary comments: When I grew up in Ethiopia we made rugs and different kinds of crafts, where the elders [older women] from the family organized and planned things. In America [the United States] we keep true to our traditions through our community.

As a first-generation Ethiopian immigrant, Mary maintains a connection to the experiences she remembers in her home country. The family, according to CRF and Afrocentricity, as a central socializing unit can transmit values and customs through practices such as the ones Mary mentions. Goldblatt and Rosenbaum (2007) explain that sometimes Ethiopian families’ bonds weaken outside of the home country for varying reasons, with language typically being the root cause. In some cases, children become the mediator for the adults’ navigation through the host culture. Language barriers prevent full engagement and can create social and cultural barriers in the host country. However, most of the participants in this study had parents who had some command of Amharic and English. Therefore, they were able to somewhat navigate U.S. and Ethiopian culture while maintaining their home structure. While living in the U.S., our participants enjoyed the increasing levels of opportunities for educational and economic advancements. However, they did not always agree with all aspects of American culture. The regard for individualism and conspicuous consumptions were areas of concern. Additionally, some of our participants felt that there was not a lot of respect for elders in American society. Thus, maintaining a sense

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of custom was important for them. Yet still, they wanted the freedom and economic success associated with being American. This also meant, at times wanting some liberation against patriarchy in the family structure. Among our younger participants, their narratives illustrated this point. They also want to have more voice in the decision-making in their family. Liya explains: I appreciate my Ethiopian culture, but some things I would like to establish in our family. It would be nice to have family trips without all of the family wanting to come with us. I understand the value of family, but it would be great to have a voice in what we do and who is allowed to come.

Four of the five participants echo the same sentiments of Liya. Even in the U.S., the presence of their father making family decisions grounds and dictates the direction in which the family navigates. Additionally, the growing undercurrent of embracing freedom of choice suggests a longing for a shift to embrace modernity while holding onto some aspects of tradition. According to Goldblatt and Rosenbaum (2007), it is more difficult to challenge family norms and values in Ethiopia than in the U.S. As immigrants in the U.S., young Ethiopian women find that it is easier to break with tradition as they enter what some would regard as a generally pluralistic society. Research indicates that changes in the Ethiopian family occur when parental support is unstable and unsupportive (Berry, 2005; Gibson, 2001; Goldblatt & Rosenbaum, 2007). This is sometimes the case in the U.S. where parents are working two or three jobs and there is less parental supervision. Furthermore, since divorces are common in the U.S., there is less emphasis on maintaining traditional family structure, which is highly regarded in Ethiopia. However, among our participants there was still a focus on preserving the family and protecting the children. In the context of the U.S., the constant interaction with racism further underscored the importance of family, which was a major source of support for daily interactions. The presence of a strong ethnic community and parental support protects immigrant children from the negative impact of racial discrimination they encountered in the U.S. (Berry, 2005; Gibson, 2001; Goldblatt & Rosenbaum, 2007). Even though there was a desire to be liberated from constant oversight of their fathers, the patriarch in each of the participants’ families provided direction and support for dealing with difficult situations. In the full view

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of these immigrant families, there was high regard for educational achievement, financial stability, and cultural participation and maintenance. While these outcomes were emphasized, as noted, among the younger participants, there was still a constant struggle between parental expectations and individual freedom. Abena expressed her concerns about the way her family questioned her about her goals. She states: At celebrations and family gatherings, the older men would question us about our major in college, the plan after college, and have we found a respectable Ethiopian community to engage in, and the look, the stare sometimes makes you uncomfortable because I am thinking that there must be a right answer, but what if I gave a wrong answer.

Abena wants to please her family but also be true to herself and follow her path. Navigating these forces was an area of great concern among some of our participants. For example, Liya referenced her father being upset with her when she declared herself as an artist major. She recalls the tension until she eventually appeased her father, by double majoring in both mechanical engineering and art. This is an example of the negotiation that many of our participants went through as they attempt to honor their parents’ wishes, while also pursuing their own goals (Berry, 2005; Gibson, 2001; Goldblatt & Rosenbaum, 2007). Through the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, the narrative analysis of each participant suggests that there is a strong desire to maintain Ethiopian family traditions. This is a central theme across our participants. And as we have noted, there was also a push for freedom and personal success among the younger immigrant participants.

Summary In this chapter, we explained the central role that family plays in Ethiopian culture. In the context of CRF and Afrocentricity, the importance of understanding family traditions and customs emerged throughout our findings. In the next chapter, we examine the role of gender and race in the U.S. and its impact on Ethiopian immigrants’ identity development.

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References African Immigration Council. (2012, June 28). African immigrants in America: A demographic overview. African Immigration Council. https://www.ame ricanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/african-immigrants-america-demogr aphic-overview Alba, R., & Nee, V. (1997). Rethinking assimilation theory for a new era of immigration. The International Migration Review, 31(4), 826. https://doi. org/10.2307/2547416 Anderson, M. (2017, February 14). African immigrant population in U.S. steadily climbs. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/facttank/2017/02/14/african-immigrant-population-in-u-s-steadily-climbs/ Arthur, J. A. (2000). Invisible sojourners: African immigrant diaspora in the United States. Greenwood Publishing Group. Berry, J. W. (2005). Acculturation: Living successfully in two cultures. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 29(6), 697–712. https://doi.org/ 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2005.07.013 Bodovsky, D., & Avni, B. (1989). Immigrants’ families from Ethiopia, issues in immigration and readaptation. Jerusalem: Beiteinu Betazin Pub [In Hebrew Translated to English]. Budge, E. A. W. (Ed.). (2001). Kebra Nagast. The Queen of Sheba and her only son Menyelek (I): Being the “Book of the Glory of Kings”. Routledge. Burgess, F. (1925). The growth of the city: An introduction to a research project. In R. E. Park, E. W. Burgess, & R. D. McKenzie (Eds.), The City (pp. 47–65). University of Chicago Press. Bush, R. (2007). Africa and globalisation. Soundings, 39, 32. https://doi.org/ 10.3898/136266208786879173 Chacko, E. (2003). Identity and assimilation among young Ethiopian immigrants in metropolitan Washington. Geographical Review, 93(4), 491–506. https:// doi.org/10.1111/j.1931-0846.2003.tb00044.x Dei, G. J. S. (2003). Why write “Black”? Reclaiming African culture resource knowledges in Diasporic contexts. Afrocentricity and the Academy: Essays on Theory and Practice, 211. Foner, N. (Ed.). (2009). Across generations: Immigrant families in America. NYU Press. Gibson, M. A. (2001). Immigrant adaptation and patterns of acculturation. Human Development, 44(1), 19–23. https://doi.org/10.1159/000057037 Gish, S. (2017). Ethiopia (3rd ed.). Cavendish Square. Goldblatt, H., & Rosenblum, S. (2007). Navigating among worlds: The experience of Ethiopian adolescents in Israel. Journal of Adolescent Research, 22, 585–611. https://doi.org/10.1177/0743558407303165 Hausman, G. (1997). The Kebra Negast: The book of Rastafarian wisdom and faith from Ethiopia and Jamaica. Martin’s Press.

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Ikpeze, C., Harushimana, I., & Mthethwa-Sommers, S. (2013). Reprocessing race, language and ability: African-born educators and students in transnational America. Peter Lang Publishing. Kurman, J., Eshel, Y., & Zehavi, N. (2005). Personal and group acculturation attitudes and adjustment: Russian and Ethiopian immigrants in Israel. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 35(5), 956–974. https://doi.org/10. 1111/j.1559-1816.2005.tb02155.x Lareau, A. (2003). Unequal childhoods: Class, race, and family life. University of California Press. Mana, A., Orr, E., & Mana, Y. (2009). An integrated acculturation model of immigrants’ social identity. The Journal of Social Psychology, 149(4), 450–473. https://doi.org/10.3200/SOCP.149.4.450-473 Marcus, H. G. (2002). A history of Ethiopia. University of California Press. Migration Policy Institute. (2014). The Ethiopian diaspora in the United States. Migration Policy Institute Rockefeller Foundation-Aspen Institute Diaspora Program (RAD). https://wamu.org/sites/wamu.org/files/file_attach/ rad-ethiopia.pdf Park, R. E. (1930). Assimilation, social. In E. Seligman, & A. Johnson (Eds.), Encyclopedia of the social sciences (Vol. 1, pp. 281–283). MacMillan. Rumbaut, R. G. (1994). The crucible within: Ethnic identity, self-esteem, and segmented assimilation among children of immigrants. International Migration Review, 28(4), 748–794. Sowell, T. (1981). Ethnic America: A history. Basic Books.

CHAPTER 8

Gender, School, and Culture: Education and Beyond

In the U.S., gender, like race, plays a central role individually and collectively, and has a major imprint on racial identity development. Ethiopian immigrant women experience intersections of gender, race, and class in much the same way that U.S. Black and Brown women do. However, as immigrants, they face unique challenges and must traverse linguistic and cultural barriers. In the context of CRF and Afrocentricity and in light of the role of Black women in North America, the historical roots of feminism help us to explain the experiences of women in connection to gender, society, and a feminist episteme or theory of knowledge. Considered one of the first women sociologists/social theorists, Harriet Martineau conducted a comparative study on the U.S. and Britain entitled Society in America (1837). This book helped to highlight issues of slavery in North America as well as the plight of women. Through her work, Martineau used her voice to help improve gender equity in society and promote women’s rights. Martineau questioned the institution of slavery and social conditions of women in society. Her early analysis of women’s rights and the subsequent quest for social, economic, and political access for women set the stage for the ensuing expansion of feminism. Particularly in light of CRF and Afrocentricity, Ida B. Wells-Barnett, an African American activist who contributed to sociology and feminism,

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Wynn et al., Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education, Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75552-2_8

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understood the influence of race and gender on human existence. WellsBarnett was a journalist who wrote extensively about lynchings, and she used systematic research and data collection to show the impact of racism on African Americans. In the 1890s, she confronted myths with reliable facts and led an anti-lynching crusade in the U.S. In Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (Wells-Barnett, 1892) and A Red Record: Tabulated Statistics and Alleged Causes of Lynching in the United States (Wells-Barnett, 1895), Wells-Barnett informed national and international audiences about the atrocities of lynching through primary data regarding this horrific crime (Wells-Barnett, 1892, 1895). Lynching based on Black skin is something that Ethiopian immigrants might have never heard of before they entered the U.S. In this sense, they must be educated about race relations in America. In regard to Wells-Barnett, Ethiopian immigrants may learn that even though she was born a slave in Mississippi, she used her freedom and her voice to campaign for social justice for African Americans against racial prejudices and discriminatory rules. In the purview of CRF and Afrocentricity, in 1883, after being dragged from her seat for refusing to move to a segregated section of the train, WellsBarnett sued the Chesapeake, Ohio, and Southwestern Railroad Company (Wells-Barnett & Duster, 1970; Wells-Barnett & Gates, 1991). She won the suit and gained a newfound respect for the power of the pen to effect change. In 1909, Ida B. Wells-Barnett along with W. E. B. Du Bois and members of the Niagara Movement founded the National Association for the Advancement of Negro Life and History (NAACP). The founding of the NAACP was a response to the increasing violence against Black people such as the 1908 Springfield, Illinois riots, and numerous lynchings around the country (Wells-Barnett, 1892, 1895). The story of Ida B. Wells-Barnett might intrigue some Black immigrants as they may not know of this history (Fig. 8.1). This is one way they can better understand the intersection of race and gender in the U.S. However, in most public schools, this information is not present for students to learn. Notwithstanding, like Wells-Barnett, Jane Addams’ pioneering work has had a significant impact on today’s feminists (Addams, 1990). An early leader of the Settlement House Movement, Addams, was a Nobel Prize winning feminist who helped establish compulsory education in Illinois. Important to the fields of sociology and education, she was the founder of Hull House, a settlement community that emphasized education, equity, respect, and job opportunities for girls and women. The Hull House was also known for delivering social services

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Fig. 8.1 Ida B. Wells-Barnett (Source National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution)

for women, as it had an open policy and would provide housing, food, clothes, education, childcare, etc. Through Addams, the Hull House also had a political agenda that sought to increase representation and opportunity for women (Addams, 1990). The name Jane Addams is one that Ethiopian immigrants may encounter in liberal art education if they attend a college or university in the U.S. However, even then, some might not even have this exposure. As such, gender roles, race and ethnicity, and

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feminism might be new areas of exposure for Ethiopians in the U.S. Applying a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective to the intersections of race, gender, and education in the U.S. provides context for understanding Ethiopian immigrant women’s experiences in the host country. In regard to Jane Addams’ work, advocating for social change through practical actions, she believed that education must address all of a learner’s needs, which might even include providing essentials like healthcare, housing, and food. Emphasizing that education goes beyond the classroom and is a social equalizer, the Hull House underscored the community’s role in education. As such, Addams sought to address patriarchy in the broader society and she was critical of the American social class system, which placed women and Black and Brown people at the very bottom of the social hierarchy. As a feminist, Addams confronted patriarchy in society, addressing major issues concerning women’s struggle and the demands of family and work. The Hull House social settlement was designed to help with these problems. Publicly, Addams critiqued the common belief at the time, that women were inferior. Through the Hull House, she created a community for women to grow and succeed. In light of Addams’ work with the Hull House and the sense of support and community it provided, the same attention to community and family is seen among Ethiopian immigrants in cultural enclaves in the U.S. Throughout the U.S., in major urban cities like Atlanta, Georgia; Baltimore, Maryland; Washington, D.C.; Charlotte, North Carolina, among others, where they reside in large numbers, many Ethiopians form communities that address their specific needs. Since Ethiopian women face challenges as part of traditionally male headed families, they have struggles that are similar to African American women in the U.S. As such, a brief background on the feminist movement is helpful to our discussion.

Feminist Movements While three definitive waves of feminism exist, however, there are many branches of feminist movements which seek equal rights and legal protections for women. Feminism is defined as the belief in social, political, and economic equity of the sexes and the social movements organized around that belief (Walby, 2011). The first wave of feminism addressed political and voting rights. In light of this, in 1848, Abolitionist Sojourner Truth delivered her now famous “Ain’t I a Woman” speech at the Women’s Rights Convention in Seneca Falls, New York. In the speech, Sojourner

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Truth addressed women’s rights from the perspective of a formerly enslaved Black woman (Truth, 1998). In the context of CRF and Afrocentricity, this speech is still relevant to twenty-first-century discourse on gender and race. This may intrigue some Ethiopian women, as the efforts to address gender equity are part of an ongoing social justice movement. Yet, one common complaint about first-wave feminism is that it addressed the needs of White women but did not address the concerns of their Black counterparts who were still being bought and sold as chattel (Gaspar & Hine, 1996). Even though the passage of the 19th Amendment in 1920 gave women the right to vote, it took many decades for Black women to gain suffrage rights due to discriminatory practices like poll taxes and literacy tests. The first wave of feminism was successful in addressing some of the issues regarding women’s rights, but the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s and other social justice movements prompted a change in direction. The second wave of feminism attempted to translate rights into economic and social equity by advocating for affirmative action and equal participation. Subsequently, the third wave of feminism [1990 to present] confronted issues of gender and sexuality barrier to equal participation and human freedom. Within feminism, there are various traditions like existential feminism which includes the works of Dorothy Smith and Simone de Beauvoir. Existential feminists are concerned with freedom, interpersonal relationships, and the human body (de Beauvoir, 2010; Smith, 1987). Existential feminism critiques the positioning of women as “other” and their objectification through assigned traits and behaviors. Thus, existential feminism seeks to liberate women from the status of object. For Ethiopian immigrant women, this specific type of North American othering and objectification may be something they have not previously experienced in their home country. Nonetheless, it is something they may often encounter in the U.S. As another type of feminism, liberal feminism emphasizes equity based on essential human capacity claims. Advocating for pay equity, educational parity, and against gender discrimination, liberal feminism emphasizes policy reform and legal changes that promote the achievement of women’s autonomous personhood (Friedan, 2010). This was the original thesis in the women’s convention of 1848 which focused on suffrage rights for women. Relatedly, psychoanalytic feminism reformulated Sigmund Freud’s work and argued for cognitive mobilization against patriarchy (Brennan, 2017; Kristeva, 1984). Furthermore, it

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uses psychoanalysis to further feminist theory and practice. Social feminists who are neo-Marxist, meaning a new tradition of Karl Marx’s conflict theory, argue against structures of patriarchal domination. From a post-colonial perspective, global feminism addresses women’s rights and feminist movements around the world. Radical feminism, which was popularized between 1967 and 1975, took a more progressive approach, particularly as it relates to Black women and people of color (Echols, 1989). Radical feminists believe that oppression extends across boundaries of race, culture, and economic class, and as such they are proactive in addressing all forms of gender oppression (hooks, 2000; Lorde, 1984, 2020). While these traditions of feminism helped to move the conversation on gender equity along, there were still unanswered questions about the specific experiences of Black women. In the purview of CRF and Afrocentricity, Black feminist scholar and sociologist Patricia Hill Collins is commonly associated with the matrix of domination and intersectionality analysis (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1991; Crenshaw et al., 1995). The matrix of domination or matrix of oppression is a sociological framework that explains issues of oppression that deal with race, class, and gender, which though recognized as different social classifications, are viewed as interlocking systems of oppression. Coming to prominence in the academic movement that arose from women’s activism in the 1960s and 1970s, Patricia Hill Collins (2000) locates experiences of oppression within the social contexts of racism and gender oppression. In this way and in light of CRF and Afrocentricity, Black feminist thought helps to empower women as agents of change. By portraying Black women as self-defined, self-reliant individuals confronting race, gender, and class oppression, CRF and Afrocentricity speak to the importance that knowledge plays in empowering oppressed people. Due to their phenotype, Ethiopian immigrant women in the U.S. may face similar forms of discrimination as their African American counterparts (Kasinitz et al., 2009). However, they may most likely need to learn how to navigate these issues. According to Black feminist thought, the heightened consciousness of individuals regarding oppressive forces calls for transformation of social, political, and economic institutions. New knowledge, a vitally important part of the social relations of domination and resistance, is important to social change. By objectifying Black women and recasting experiences to serve the interests of elite White men, much of the Eurocentric patriarchal

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worldview fosters Black women’s subordination. Per CRF and Afrocentricity, Black feminist thought, as a human-centric worldview, helps to promote social justice for women. Viewing the world through the lens of race, class, and gender oppression creates new possibilities for gender equity. As such, in Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center, bell hooks (2000) explains how Black women have often been left at the margins of the feminist movement. Similarly, Austin (1995) strongly suggests that women of color should collectively challenge institutions that marginalize their agency. Furthermore, hooks (2000) argues that everyone, women and men, should support feminism as it is a human rights issue. In this way, placing Black women’s experiences at the center of analysis offers fresh insights and could help create agency against patriarchy. To further explain the important connections among knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment, Black feminist thought helps to create a shift in how we think about oppression. Through an analysis of race, class, and gender as interlocking systems of oppression, Black feminist thought reconceptualizes the social relations of domination and resistance. Additionally, Black feminist thought addresses ongoing epistemological debates in feminist theory and in the sociology of knowledge concerning ways of assessing “truth.” Providing a space for oppressed groups to have a voice and speak to their own issues can be empowering. However, Ethiopian immigrants may learn that in the U.S., the power to speak is often associated with being a member of the dominant group. As such, a high emphasis is placed on qualifying and categorizing people in terms of race and gender. The significance of seeing race, class, and gender as interlocking systems of oppression is that such an approach helps to foster a paradigmatic shift in thinking inclusively about other oppressions such as age, sexual orientation, religion, and ethnicity (Crenshaw, 1991). In the U.S., race, class, and gender represent three of the pervasive systems of oppression that most heavily affect African American women. However, these systems and those who support them affect all oppressed groups. For example, people of color, non-European Jews, the poor, White women, and other minorities may have faced similar ideological justifications for their subordination. All categories of humans labeled “other” have been subordinated in relation to the dominant group. From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, placing Black and African American women and other excluded groups at the center opens up possibilities for richer analysis and social change. In this system, for example, White women may be

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oppressed in regard to gender but privileged by their race. Depending on the context, an individual may be an oppressor, a member of an oppressed group, or simultaneously oppressor and oppressed. Given the complexity of gender and race in the U.S., Ethiopian immigrant women may not be prepared to deal with these issues and particularly in schools, which acts as a main socializing force outside of the family (Kasinitz et al., 2004). While balancing home and school, there are specific issues immigrant women face. Like most immigrants to the U.S., education attainment is seen as being crucial and central to social mobility (Rebell & Wolff, 2008; Winkle-Wagner, 2010). However, there are unique challenges that Black women face and particular issues that affect Ethiopian women and homemakers. On a continuum, these women must negotiate their independence, education, and desire for career advancement with their roles as wives and mothers. This is further complicated with expectations of traditional Ethiopian customs. As Ethiopia tends to be more patriarchal, most Ethiopian women may not understand feminism as it is set forth in the U.S. context. In light of the Ethiopian Queens and empresses we discussed in the previous chapters, Ethiopian women may already have a sense of the royal heritage that is part of their country and culture (Gish, 2017; Marcus, 2002). Notwithstanding, as Black women in America, they may experience new racial and gendered realities, to which they must learn in order to survive (Rogers, 2006).

Struggle of Independence Versus Family Interdependence as a Woman From a CRF and Afrocentricity lens, the feminist movement in the U.S. reflects the pursuit for equal rights for women which is a global concern (Ferree & Tripp, 2006). For Ethiopian first-generation and secondgeneration women, the conflict regarding independence as women and family interdependence is revealed in the research. Because traditional Ethiopian culture is generally patriarchal, this provides challenges for women and girls. According to Goldblatt and Rosenbaum (2007), the Ethiopian family typically expects children to respect parents and adults. With reverence for authority, children are disciplined by adults. In patriarchal family settings, the father is the one who leads the family and makes decisions regarding what is best for everyone. In contrast, in the U.S., typically children exhibit more freedoms in the family unit. This might be

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different from what most Ethiopians practice at home. In general, women and girls sometimes assume a secondary role with their father making major decisions for the family (Gish, 2017; Marcus, 2002). In our study, four out of the five participants [Aster, Abena, Afia, and Liya] expressed the desire to make personal choices free from family intervention. The other participant, Mary, is a first-generation Ethiopian. Aster, a business owner, experiences daily challenges as a woman. In her restaurant, Aster has male family members as employees working alongside her mother. Due to the patriarchal nature of Ethiopian culture, this dynamic is not traditional. Aster speaks about the daily issues encountered when operating the business and the autonomy of being able to make decisions concerning her life as a woman. Aster states: Many times I come to the restaurant and have to present that I am the owner. Some customers are shocked that I was allowed to own the business, and not work the business. The business is now growing. Customers who used to find it strange that I was the owner, now come back and talk to me more. My mom gets in the way more. She thinks she can tell me how to run the business and my life. At times, I want to be in the business alone and hire people I don’t know, but family is important. Now I am honest about needing time to appreciate me, and time to deal with family.

In some cases, the value placed on women as leaders and business owners confronts Ethiopian traditions and customs. Aster has to deal with conflict from her mother and patrons who expect her to conform to traditional Ethiopian gender roles. In the context of CRF and Afrocentricity, these roles are also complicated in the U.S. education setting. In our study, Abena, Afia, and Liya expressed the need for independence during college. College is a liberating time for students who are living away from home and able to make decisions on their own for the first time. It is also a time where family customs are tested. During the holiday breaks when she has to return home, Liya struggles. She states: When I am off at college, it makes me aware that I can make my own decisions. I have a sense of freedom to go and do as I please. That freedom of choice makes it extremely difficult when I return home, because my dad wants to know everything. Where are you going, when are you coming back, who is going to be there, are they Ethiopian, and do I know their people? At college, I don’t have to worry so much about these questions since I attend school 5–7 hours away from my family.

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Liya has difficulty understanding why her father questions her. She may not understand the depth of his concern and his need for her to comply with Ethiopian customs and traditions. Since Abena and Afia currently live at home while attending college, they must consistently negotiate their independence. Abena states: My dad doesn’t want us to do anything. At least it feels that way. I get in trouble sometimes because I will rebel and not ask. I want to be trusted to do the right thing. It’s beginning to feel like I am a child trying to be an adult. I understand the importance of family but times are changing. We should be given some freedoms to be adults. Hopefully when I move out soon, things will be different.

In her desire to conform to American standards of independence and freedom, Abena resents her family’s wishes. She wants to be trusted and be able to make her own decisions, so she rebels to get what she wants. Her sister, Afia, responds to this situation in a different way. As a result of her eagerness for independence, Afia became silently angry about living at home. Nonetheless, she obeyed her parents and complied with their requests out of respect. Afia states: I love my parents, but sometimes it feels as though they allow my sister to do things because I am there. I had to wait to be able to do half of the things she gets to do because I am the oldest. Now I am supposed to get my own apartment, and my sister is supposed to be living with me. I don’t mind, but I do mind. I want to be able to take a moment to myself. I don’t want the responsibility of having to watch her.

Based on the interviews, sibling interactions add another layer of complexity to family interdependence. Tangible needs for the participants include the quest for financial freedom and the ability to make decisions as a woman. In many cases, the family structure prevents them from overtly stating these claims, as generally, this is not how females are expected to behave in the Ethiopian family. In this way, the status of women in Ethiopian families and society has shifted over time. Generally, in traditional Ethiopian families, women are sometimes secondary in the hierarchy of family rule. However, the geographic separation of parents and other external forces require transitory changes in the family structure. Due to Ethiopian immigration patterns wherein some family members remain in the home country, or

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there may be a delay in the father joining the rest of the family in the U.S., sometimes the mother may need to take on more responsibilities until the family is fully reunited. This is not typical in the traditional Ethiopian family setting. The resulting dynamic is a shift in traditional roles for women. From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, Ethiopian women in the U.S., like Black women, make adjustments to meet the needs of their family. In our study, the participants struggled to operate as independent women, free to make decisions concerning their lives without family and parental input. Inclusive in these behaviors is the evaluation of stereotypical household duties placed on girls such as cleaning, cooking, washing the laundry, and other duties associated with maintaining the household (hooks, 1981). Four of the five participants—Aster, Abena, Afia, and Liya—were conflicted about seeking family guidance and support in decision-making. Aster comments: My dad lives in Ethiopia. So, my mom and I adjust when he comes to visit. I get frustrated trying to operate the business. My mom thinks that I need to operate in one way, but that is not proper to running a business. She makes requests and thinks that I am obligated to honor them. It frustrates me, but she insists on working at the restaurant, and when my dad comes they both think I am a little child that needs to listen to their every command.

Even though Aster is 27 years old and has lived in the U.S. for 15 years and is running a successful business, from her perspective, she is still not viewed as an adult. While Aster’s response could be viewed as a typical child to parent interaction, it is much more complex. The role of men in traditional Ethiopian culture is distinct, as well as the role of elders such as her mother. Aster has to navigate this dynamic very carefully. As they traverse their experiences as immigrants in the U.S., Ethiopian women must adjust to new landscapes. Given the tenets of CRF and Afrocentricity, traditional gender roles that women experience in Ethiopian culture appear to shift in the U.S. From our study, narrative analysis illustrates participants’ struggles with maintaining Ethiopian customs and traditions versus the Westernized standards of women’s independence. Afia comments:

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I am grown, but still living with my parents. They try to regulate every aspect of my life, but I feel it is time for me to live on my own. They disagree. I don’t want to dishonor them by leaving on my own, but it can be too much for me at times.

Afia’s statement shows her desire for independence, as well as her regard for the cultural obligation of respecting her parents. Afia’s views are shared across all participants, with the exception of Mary who is a firstgeneration immigrant. Mary’s view may be different because she is older than the other participants and lived in Ethiopia much longer.

School Impacts Culture When Isolated For first- and second-generation Ethiopian women, who may not be familiar with the gendered experiences of women in the U.S., they generally have to make adjustments. In this way, the school plays a vital role in acculturation and assimilation among Ethiopian immigrants. Drawing on her 15-year experience in the U.S., Aster discusses the contrasting role of school in Ethiopia versus in the U.S. Ethiopian schools supported native children and immigrant children much differently. Largely, the classrooms were mono-cultural where most students identified as Ethiopian. For Aster, school in the U.S. reflected the population with diverse students from other countries who are following Americanized standards for teaching and learning. As a woman and having gone through English as a Second Language [ESL] program, Aster found that the courses consisted of primarily Latinx students. The absence of African students and girls like her with similar academic needs created feelings of isolation. Aster recalls: When I was in middle school, I lived in the D. C. [District of Columbia] area. There was a large Ethiopian population. When we moved [to the southeastern region] I was one of the only Ethiopians in my class. School was tough. Students would say mean things to me. I felt so alone. One day, I got into a [physical] fight with a student who had been talking about Africa. She would try to bully me every day. It was overwhelming to go to school every day and deal with these things. She pushed me in math class and the kids began laughing. So, I pushed her back. We started fighting, and the [ESL] teacher tried to speak on my behalf afterwards. I really hated that school. Everyday I felt so alone, but I eventually got through it.

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As an Ethiopian immigrant among other students who did not reflect her cultural background, Aster found that school in the U.S. made her feel disconnected and isolated (Richardson, 2000; Rumbaut, 1994). Based on her experiences as a woman, she reflects that she would not have feelings of isolation in her home country as she had many female friends. As a result, Aster was frustrated about the feelings of isolation and not having other Ethiopian girls in her U.S. classes. At 27 years old, Aster has had the benefit of growing up and attending school in Ethiopia and in the U.S. She recalls: When I lived in Ethiopia, we had a respect for our teachers. Teachers had permission to spank us in Ethiopia. So, we did not misbehave often in class. If there was an issue with a student, we would handle it directly after school. I was very vocal back then. I would fight if I had to. When I got to America [the United States] I was shocked to see students talking back and being disrespectful to teachers. School was always an extension of our family. The teacher may be your neighbor or live in the same community.

Through the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, the majority of the teachers in the U.S. are White females 80.1% which presents an interesting dynamic for immigrant students as well (NCES, 2017). Abena, Afia, and Liya’s academic experiences were similar to Aster’s. During critical moments of matriculation, each of these participants was in the ESL program in elementary school. In the case of the second-generation participants educated in the U.S., Abena, Afia, and Liya had command of the English language. However, Aster and Mary completed school in Ethiopia and were less fluent. However, each felt isolated in school. Abena speaks of isolation in the second grade. She states: ESL felt like a holding place when I was younger. We would spend so much time in there learning to speak English. I was confused because I already spoke very good English. My cousin was in the class with me, so things were not that bad. I did not like how we were embarrassed by pulling us out of class. Students would think that we have learning problems. They tried to make fun of us until they were told that I was one of the smartest students in the school.

From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, students have all types of encounters in school that require support. For many of the women in

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our study, the ESL program appeared to be a form of punishment and not support. Afia recalls: I remember hating my ESL class growing up. The teacher would have all these words on the wall, the desk, all over. She would try to get us to say things in English. I was really shy back then. No one in the class was of African descent. We spent a lot of time in the class and away from the other students. I always wondered what I had done wrong to be there. My mom would say that it was going to help me get ahead. I never saw how. It was so hard to make friends for a few years when I was able to be in classes with the other students’ all day.

The ESL program intended to provide support for students to become successful academically. Unlike Afia, Liya was not in a separate standalone class for ESL during her years in U.S. school. Instead, services were provided in the classroom by the general education teacher. The special services she was receiving as a female and a language minority made her feel embarrassed. As a result, she recalls that receiving ESL services made her feel like an outlier. Liya expresses: I had a heavy Ethiopian accent, because I stayed home until I began kindergarten. We could not afford to send me to daycare, so my mom stayed home and provided for me. So, by the time I got to the 5th grade my ESL services were in the classroom. The students would give me a funny look when the teacher gave me different assignments. I remember feeling so ashamed. Many times I tried to hide from my heritage when we had substitute teachers. It would allow me to feel a part of the group, even if it were only for a short time.

In the purview of CRF and Afrocentricity, social support in school plays an important role in cultural inclusion (Sleeter, 2005; Sleeter & Grant, 1987). Social support is also necessary for adolescent immigrants as they create new relationships in schools. In our study, Aster recalls attending school in the U.S. and participating in the ESL program which provided instruction in a separate setting from the general courses. Abena also received ESL instruction in school as well. Moreover, all of the participants except Mary, who is firstgeneration immigrant and who is not school aged, received some type of

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educational support. The narrative analysis shows the benefit of instructional support. However, gendered expectations and feelings of isolation from classmates may have had a negative impact on our participants. Aster found that support from the ESL teacher allowed her to balance home culture and school. Issues surrounding gender, the command of language, as well as cultural context and meaning presented challenges for her in school. As a young woman, Aster shared her experiences of cultural conflict in the school setting. Her experiences in the U.S. presented challenges as well as opportunities for her. From a CRF and Afrocentricity lens, successful immigration to the U.S. requires collectivity and systems of support. This book extends this argument to include schools and inclusive practices for immigrants. In the purview of CRF and Afrocentricity, being Ethiopian or of African descent was a basis of cultural conflict in schools. Narratives regarding feelings of isolation due to mistreatment from school classmates and the lack of cultural inclusion and sensitivity by the school were common complaints for the women in our study. As noted in the narratives above, gender, school, and culture intersect and impact the experiences of first-generation and second-generation Ethiopian immigrants. In the U.S., gender equity is elusive for both Black women and Ethiopian immigrant women in particular (Collins, 2005; Tembon & Fort, 2008; Wiggan, 2011). Likewise, schools sometimes emphasize cultural differences among Ethiopian immigrant students resulting in feelings of isolation. From our data, it was clear that race and gender, as CRF and Afrocentricity suggest, play major roles in the development of immigrant identities in the U.S.

Summary This chapter explored gender, school, and culture among Ethiopian immigrant women. It explained feminism and gender roles in relation to Black women and Ethiopian immigrant women’s experiences. According to our participants, challenges included gendered expectations and cultural norms that led to conflicts and feelings of isolation in schools. In the next chapter, we explore the findings, implications, and provide policy recommendations regarding our study of assimilation and acculturation among first-generation and second-generation Ethiopian immigrants.

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CHAPTER 9

Creating a Pathway for the Future: Recommendations and Conclusion

In the previous chapter, we explored gender and family in the context of Ethiopian immigrants in the U.S. In this final chapter, we address the overall results of the study and provide recommendations. Applying a CRF and Afrocentricity framework, this research investigates and describes how acculturation and assimilation impacted first-generation and/or second-generation Ethiopian women’s identity development, academic achievement, and perception of beauty. The guiding research question is: How has acculturation/assimilation impacted first-generation and/or second-generation Ethiopian women’s self-identity, academic achievement, and perception of beauty in America? The interview narratives from our participants were organized into six themes (see Fig. 9.1): (1) Immigrant in the U.S.; (2) Identifying as Ethiopian vs. Black vs. African American; (3) Afrocentric Standard of Beauty; (4) Family, Traditions and Customs; (5) Struggle of Independence as a Woman vs. Family Interdependence; and (6) School Impacts Culture When Isolated. Below, we discuss the themes, as well as implications and recommendations for policy and future research. In light of our text and discussion, a high quality education system that utilizes a curriculum that is inclusive and tells the complete story of human history and contributions helps to mitigate against exclusion and promotes cultural diversity and inclusion.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Wynn et al., Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education, Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75552-2_9

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Fig. 9.1 Emergent themes

A hidden curriculum that supports hegemony by excluding the contributions of minority groups, while advancing the dominant group, is a key issue facing today’s schools (Wiggan, 2011; Willis, 1981; Woodson, 1933). By hidden curriculum, we are referring to hidden messages in the curriculum based on the dominant group’s privilege that are used to convey their values and beliefs to students. In addition to these harmful practices, schools also contribute to racial stratification in society.

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However, this can be disrupted through school processes and curriculum design that are inclusive and reflect the contributions of all of humanity. Through the lens of the human family tree and the curriculum, as noted, the very first human Dinkinesh who is also called Lucy, was discovered in Ethiopia over 4.2 million years ago. In 2015, President Barack Obama, the first African American president of the U.S., visited Ethiopia. In his visit, he noted: “We honor Ethiopia as the birthplace of humankind… We are reminded that Ethiopian, Americans, all the people of the world are part of the same human family” (Gish, 2017, p. 22). In light of President Obama’s comments, expanding the curriculum to include information about the birthplace of humanity provides school children with a broader understanding of world history and where Africa fits on the world stage. Glaring omissions such as the contributions of countries like Ethiopia to world history supports cultural hegemony in schools and White supremacist thinking in the wider society. The book, In Search of a Canon: European History and the Imperialist State, helps outline several key omissions from the historical record (Wiggan, 2015). For instance, the oldest book in the world, The Teachings of PtahHotep [2300 B.C.E.], is omitted from public school curriculum in the U.S. and is generally not included in liberal arts studies (Hilliard et al., 1987; Myer, 1900). However, it begins the human history of written language and predates all other books. Written circa 2300 B.C.E. by PtahHotep, a master teacher and vizier to the Pharaoh of the Fifth Dynastic Period, this book contains maxims or instructions to improve Egyptian civilization and educate its citizenry. Another key work, The Book of the Coming Forth by Day and Night, also called The Book of the Dead dated circa 2000 B.C.E., is the oldest religious book in the world, yet it is not mentioned in the curriculum in U.S. schools or higher education (Budge, 1967). Furthermore, the oldest university in the world was IPT AST University WAST KMT dated circa 2000 B.C.E. in Luxor also called Karnak Temple in Egypt (first known as Kemet or “the land of the Blacks”) (Clarke, 1975; Obenga & Saakana, 1991; Wiggan, 2015). However, there is typically no mention of this as the University of Bologna, oldest in Europe, is often noted. In 1792 B.C.E. The Law of Hammurabi is written and provides a set of moral codes and laws intended to govern Babylonian society (Harper, 1999; Vincent, 1904). This book sets a foundation for other works related to governance and expected conduct for members of society; yet, there is often no mention of this work. Similarly, the Rig Vedas, a part

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of the canonical texts of Hinduism, is dated circa 1500–1300 B.C.E. (Doniger, 1981; Filipsky, 1986). These ancient books explain the Hindu creation story and foundational beliefs and prayers. The Rig Vedas are much older than other works used as the basis of higher education and liberal arts education, but are generally not mentioned. Often erroneously regarded as the oldest texts in the world, Homer’s Odyssey and Iliad, the first books from European history and are foundational works in the Western curriculum, are dated much later circa 850 B.C.E. (Homer et al., 1925; Homer, 2015). However, the above-mentioned works are not even mentioned in the curriculum. Similarly, in circa 800 B.C.E., the Olmecs, early explorers in America, establish a civilization whose artifacts remain on display in museums around the world, including the National Museum of Ethiopia, yet Christopher Columbus, who traveled in 1492 A.D., is still heralded as the discoverer of the Americas (Clarke, 1993; Van Sertima, 1976). In the twenty-first century, the myth of the Columbus discovery narrative remains a core tenet of the curriculum. Similarly, the Torah, also known as the five books of Moses or the Pentateuch, was written between 700 and 500 B.C.E. (Mann, 2013). Later, these narratives became essentialized through imperial and colonial domination, as colonizing nations used the stories as part of their socialization systems for the enslaved, and even though they are recent in relation to other ancient texts like the ones we have noted, they are sometimes confused as being the first books in the world. The Septuagint dated 270–250 B.C.E. is the Greek translation of the Torah (Dines, 2004). It was translated in Alexandria, Egypt by 70 Rabbis, and formulated a commonly used work in the GrecoRoman Empire. As such, students are more likely to encounter those writing, but not the aforementioned works. Finally, Virgil’s Aeneid, an epic poem dated 20 B.C.E., chronicles the Romulus and Remus creation story as more or less the beginning of the Roman Empire (Gransden & Harrison, 2004). This work is considered a centerpiece and is featured in secondary schools and particularly in higher education. However, examples of other important works that are noted here are often excluded. The point here is not that any work is more important than another, but that the curriculum, K-12 and higher education, should be more inclusive and reflect the contributions of the world’s civilizations and people. To disrupt hegemonic curriculum that focuses on Europe or a dominant group at the expense of others, a truly multicultural curriculum is needed. This curriculum should explain that Ethiopia is the birthplace of

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humanity and that all humans are members of the same family tree, and it should reflect all of our contributions. Perhaps, this could be an important step toward making schools and society more inclusive and humane. It might also help us to see our similarities and our common humanity. If the twentieth century is regarded as the bloodiest century in the history of humanity, where events like World War I, World War II, Russian Civil War, Jewish Holocaust, Vietnam War, Korean War, Rwandan Genocide, among others, were devastating to humanity, perhaps in the twenty-first century we can help to heal from the harm inflicted over previous centuries by confronting false ideologies and dogma that privilege one group over others. Toward this end, schools must be a starting place for respectful and humane conversations and discussions about our past, present, and future (Dei, 1996). As such, students and teachers must understand the benefits of inclusive curricular and pedagogical practices. From a CRF and Afrocentric perspective, meaning placing humans at the center of any analysis, critical curricular omissions in U.S. schools provide students with misinformation about human history and their place in society (Ani, 1994; King & Swartz, 2015; Williams, 1987; Woodson, 1933). Afrocentricity examines all knowledge in all academic disciplines and fields through an African worldview and analytical lens. As a human-centric theory, Afrocentricity argues for the continued improvement of Africa, the world, and people of African descent and the broader human family tree. Afrocentricity seeks to reclaim and uncover the suppressed contributions of African people and the rest of humanity (Asante, 1998). In this light, an inclusive curriculum provides greater advocacy surrounding educational equity while also creating a counterspace, as well as counternarratives aimed at transformation in schools and society. Since schools are currently sites where students experience injurious practice such as curriculum violence, which occurs when the manipulation of academic programming compromises the intellectual and psychological well-being of learners, effective reform can begin at the curricular level (Ighodaro & Wiggan, 2011). Since ideological domination and power are so intrinsically woven in the fiber of the American educational enterprise, curriculum reform is essential to creating counternarratives that disrupt internalized domination, gender inequalities, and racism (Asante, 2011). Furthermore, schools serve as socialization agents for all students— foreign born and native. As such, they can serve as a purposeful way to help confront exclusionary practices and “othering.” Through a more

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human-centered focus, schools can become inviting places where all students can feel valued and included. In his seminal book, The Miseducation of the Negro (1933), Carter G. Woodson addresses harmful practices of miseducation. In this text he argues “that if you can control a man’s thinking you do not have to worry about his actions…if you make a man think that he is inferior, you do not have to order him to the back door as he will go without being told” (p. xiii). From the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, internalized domination occurs when members of oppressed groups consciously or unconsciously accept the master scripting of the dominating group. This is often internationalization to the detriment of minoritized groups, who may even exact on each other oppressive behaviors learned from the dominant group, which can even include racialized behaviors and sanctioning. To this point, in The Souls of Black Folk, which are a series of essays about race, Du Bois (1903) addresses this and contends that the problem of the twentieth century was the problem of the color line. And a century later, that same problem persists. Du Bois personally understood the depth of the race problem in America as his son died because he was refused medical treatment in Atlanta, Georgia because of his race. As the social, economic, and political systems in the U.S. privilege a dominant group and its cultural ethos, minoritized groups may unconsciously internalize social and cultural cues about acceptable behaviors and even the aesthetics as referential against the dominant group. To this point, conveying his theory of double consciousness, Du Bois argues that being Black in America means that one’s identity is always divided into two parts—measuring one’s self through the eyes of the other (the dominant group)—thus making it difficult to have one unified identity (Du Bois, 1903). As evidenced through our study, consciousness is even more perplexing for Ethiopian immigrants who must also navigate their immigrant identity in a new country. Furthermore, as Black immigrant women in the U.S., participants were forced to learn how to maneuver an entirely new cultural landscape. They regularly experienced the impact of race, class, and gender in American society.

Implications The findings from our study may have implications for researchers, policy makers, community activists, and educators who are committed to improving the education of all students, but particularly those of minority

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and immigrant backgrounds. Our findings also speak to the academic, social, and personal needs of immigrants and Ethiopian women living in the U.S. and attending schools. As such, the goal of this book was to explain the experiences of these immigrants, as well as their sense of identity, academic success, and perceptions of beauty. As Ethiopian women are generally understudied, less is known about their experiences and particularly in regard to their interactions in schools and the broader U.S. society. This book helps to shed light on these experiences and adds to the discourse on immigrant and minority education. Existing literature on Ethiopians in other countries such as Israel and Sudan helps us to understand their unique experiences (Azzarito, 2010; Berhanu, 2001, Chavous, et al., 2003; Decuir-Gunby, 2009). Findings in the existing literature indicate that there is a struggle with being Ethiopian in America. In the U.S., the idea of a male-headed household that many Ethiopians bring with them to the U.S. might be challenged where there may be a greater focus on gender equity in the home, and where divorce is common, rather than a rare practice. Additionally, due to language barriers, children are often used as proxies and interpreters for their parents, which might place them in roles they normally would not have in Ethiopia (Azzarito, 2010; Berhanu, 2001, Chavous et al., 2003; Decuir-Gunby, 2009). While struggling to navigate a new country, Ethiopians have experienced higher levels of school dropouts as many find it difficult to make the adjustments that are needed to survive in American schools (Berhanu, 2001). With very little school support and sometimes experiencing isolation and cultural conflicts with teachers and other students, some Ethiopian students may even stop attending schools. This is something that teachers and administrators must become aware of, and they must introduce culturally responsive practices and policies to help these students succeed. In light of CRF and Afrocentricity, in the U.S., hegemonic structures in schools and society make it difficult for minority groups to succeed. They present obstacles that minority students must learn to navigate. This is an even bigger challenge for Black immigrant women who might have to directly encounter racism for the first time in their lives. Historical oppression centered on race may even force these women to traverse systems of colorism and other forms of stratifications based on gender and phenotype (Asante, 2011; Azzarito, 2010; Hunter, 2007). The literature suggests that Black immigrant women in the U.S. often struggle with juggling these issues and some may have low self-esteem, self-hatred, and

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may experience feelings of isolation (Beoku-Betts, 2004; Nawyn & Park, 2017; Obot, 2020). Considering what we know about the difficulties of being an immigrant in general, specific focus on Black women immigrants is important. Additionally, since we know less about the Ethiopian immigrants, particular attention should be given to this population. While they may be considered as Black in the U.S. and share in a common struggle with other groups such as African Americans, their particular experiences and concerns require specific attention (Anderson & Lopez, 2018; Asante, 2011; Getahun, 2007). In this sense, researchers, policy makers, community activists, and educators must be careful about treating Ethiopians as “other” in academic and social spaces. By “othering” this group of immigrants, the younger generation may grow up with poor self-concept, which directly impacts academic achievement and even low sense of beauty among young girls (Asante, 2011; Azzarito, 2010; Evans-Winters & Esposito, 2010). Schools must do more to support students’ growth and development. They must become places where all cultures are valued equally. Since ethnic identity entails a set of cultural characteristics by which an individual is recognizable as a member of a particular group, united by ties of blood and heritage, school must truly reflect multiculturalism, and even that of Ethiopian immigrant women. In the context of CRF and Afrocentricity, our findings suggest that for Ethiopians, culture promotes strong identity development, which supports academic and social achievement.

Recommendations In the purview of CRF and Afrocentricity, the findings reveal the need for policy makers, educators, and community activists to examine the impact of acculturation and assimilation in schools and society. Additionally, the findings suggest a need to evaluate the influence of race and gender in schools. Curriculum development, teacher pedagogy, and school policy must speak to the diverse needs of our students. Researchers should also explore more closely, the particular experiences of Ethiopian women in schools and beyond. Also, there remains a need for effective policies that support immigrants in schools and the broader society.

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Recommendations for Policy Makers Policy makers have a responsibility to create equitable legislation that supports all members of society. The growth of immigrants in the U.S. requires that policy makers consider the diverse makeup of the country when creating policies. The recent waves of anti-immigration discussions have created some new conflicts among U.S. born and immigrant populations. As a country that was forcefully annexed from Native people by Protestant immigrants fleeing religious persecution in Europe [1620] and built on forced labor of Native Americans, Africans, and African Americans, it may appear paradoxical to some people regarding the deep conjuring in the U.S. against non-European immigration, and Black and Brown immigrants in particular. In a nation where as a result of the Mexican–American War [1846–1848], the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo forced Mexico to give half of its territories to North America, antiimmigration discourse seems to be a paradox to some citizens. In an agreement at the end of the Mexican–American War, North America took more than 525,000 square miles from Mexico. In the year after this war, voluntary European immigrants would create a critical mass in the country. In the case of Africans and Natives, their enslavement and forced labor in North America would create a basis for the founding of the nation, as well as the financial capital that set the nation in motion. So profitable was the enterprise of enslavement and exploitation of “others,” that decades of wars, conflicts, and policies were created with the intent of maintaining White as standard bearer for the nation. As enduring legacies of these institutions and systems, in the U.S. minority groups and immigrants must navigate a racialized society that is premised on the interest of a dominant group. As such, gatekeeping helps to preserve access and privilege, while presenting barriers for those who are on the margins of the society or who may be seen as impostors. Policy makers should consider the impact of policies that benefit the dominant group. For example, immigration policies that disproportionately negatively impact non-European immigrants must be revisited. In some cases, immigration policies are lenient toward immigrants from some countries, but are oppressive or impenetrable for Black and Brown immigrants. Politicians must consider the impact of such policies. We recommend that policy makers receive training on cultural sensitivity awareness and inclusionary practices. This is also recommended for education policy makers. At the federal, state, and local levels, gaps in

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inequitable school funding continue to create challenges for urban and minority students. A century-and-half of school funding primarily based on local property taxes suggests a school system that is perhaps premised on inequality by design and benefits the wealthy and dominant groups, while oppressing the poor and the weak. As such, nationally, school financing must be addressed to create greater equity and to provide high quality education to all children, regardless of their race, class, gender, sexuality, or immigrant identity. The participants in our study lived in the Southeastern region of the U.S. in urban cities, and those who were enrolled, attended urban schools. In this sense, they are part of the growing urbanization of U.S. cities. Places, like Washington, D.C., Atlanta, Georgia, and Minneapolis, Minnesota among others, have large Ethiopian communities. These immigrants contribute to the local and national economy, and as members of the society, their particular needs must be explored. In education, policies should focus on the best inclusive practices that help minority groups achieve in schools. At the federal level, school reform must address the growing numbers of immigrants entering the country and how to meet their learning needs as they adapt to the U.S. educational system. From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, centering the learner in policy reform produces the best results. At the state and local levels, policies should address the unique learning needs of these students as it pertains to the impact of high stakes testing, and meeting the needs of students who are English language learners. From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, policy can address the development of and access to high quality education programs that emphasize the unique cultural contributions of Ethiopian immigrants. Recommendations for Educators Traore and Lukens (2006) present tenets of Afrocentric theory in regards to empowering students with knowledge or truth regarding their history, as well as to dispel stereotypes or misconceptions about Africa and Black people in general. The authors argue for the importance of multiculturalism in American educational institutions to support greater inclusion. Therefore, educators must be aware that their role is crucial and impactful. Freire’s (1970) description of most educators illustrates a “banking” metaphor where he explains that teachers “deposit” what is deemed important knowledge in students and the withdrawal

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being students’ exhuming that information. This is perhaps what happens in schooling. However, education involves a deeper process of critical thinking and analysis, problem posing, and personal and social transformation. Since the teacher workforce is comprised of 80.1% White teachers, this book provides insights on diversity and multiculturalism in education that could help enrich teacher preparation programs in general (NCES, 2017). In schools, three of the participants [Abena, Afia, and Liya] in our study said they benefited from the expertise of educators in the English as a Second Language (ESL) programs. Effective use of these programs can help students increase academic achievement and student outcomes. To be effective, these programs should value and promote students’ native language and culture. Also, rather than having them as separate classes, there may be some advantages of incorporating some aspects of them into general education, as non-ESL students might also learn about the language and culture of their peers. Rather than viewing these as challenges, they might present learning opportunities for students and teachers, while enriching the classroom with multiculturalism. Educators, therefore, play a crucial role in helping to promote diversity and inclusion in the classroom. They can utilize culturally responsive teaching practices in the classroom to help all students, immigrant and native born, increase cultural awareness and achievement (Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 2009). Building culturally responsive teaching practices provides opportunities to ground CRF and Afrocentric perspectives in pedagogy, while empowering students as knowers and their cultures as important tools for curricular design, lesson planning, and instruction. Our research suggests that these practices can help promote identity development, and high academic achievement and self-awareness among minority students (Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 2009; Watson-Vandiver & Wiggan, 2018; Wiggan, 2014; Wiggan & Watson-Vandiver, 2019). Recommendations for Community Activists Additionally, the findings of this book suggest that community activists are important and they should continue to grow in their support of their affinity groups. Community activists can also help to raise awareness regarding issues that affect immigrants. In the case of Ethiopian immigrants, they typically reside in ethnic enclaves and are members of community organizations and religious groups that help provide support

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systems. While many Ethiopian communities may already benefit from the support of community organizations that may assist with their transitions in the U.S., community activists can also help by promoting and highlighting the contributions and needs of this community. Ethiopians, like other immigrant groups, generally attend schools with other minority students, and they may live and operate businesses in urban cities. As such, integration and support from the community at large and other immigrants and minority groups help to promote harmony and togetherness among all members of the society. Through the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, this book began with a background and history of Ethiopia which provided a context for explaining the culture, traditions, and customs of first-generation and second-generation immigrants. Considering the social, economic, and political needs of minority groups in the U.S., we were intrigued by the unique experiences of Ethiopian women as a group that is understudied. Our interest was sparked as there is limited research on this group. Furthermore, the research shows that African immigrants, such as Ethiopians and other African Diasporic immigrants who share similar phenotypes, are often grouped with African Americans in existing literature. The absence of Ethiopian immigrant women’s voices in the research was also striking. As such, there is a need for more research.

Limitations and Future Research Our study was presented with several limitations. The limitations identified in this work include geographic location, sample size, and the age of the participants. While we were purposeful in selecting participants who were from similar geographic regions, other studies on different regions might be helpful, as they may also help us understand regional and national differences. In principle, qualitative studies are not intended to be generalizable. In contrast to quantitative research which can include hundreds or thousands of participants, qualitative studies provide smaller samples to offer greater depth and richer descriptions. While in qualitative research sample size is not a specific limitation, other studies with different samples might help to inform the treatise regarding the experiences of Ethiopian immigrant women in U.S. schools. We noted too that some Ethiopians are reluctant to be interviewed by outsiders, so it might be interesting to see studies where the researchers are also Ethiopians and compare those findings. Additionally, in our study there was some

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variance in the age of the participants. We viewed this as a benefit, as it allowed us to hear different views from different generations of Ethiopian immigrants. However, other studies may focus on a single age group, which is still within protocols of qualitative research.

Contributions to the Field Nevertheless, our study appears to be one of the first to examine the impact of acculturation/assimilation on Ethiopian women’s self-identity, academic achievement, and perception of beauty. We believe that this investigation helps to provide a foundation for rich literature on Ethiopian immigrants in the U.S. Our study also connects to other literature on the Black immigrant experience. Ethiopian immigrants comprise the second largest group of African immigrants in the U.S. In the U.S., these immigrants generally live in urban cities and attend urban schools. In these spaces, they interact with African Americans and other urban dwellers. Although they share the same space with other minorities, there may be misunderstandings and misperceptions among these groups. In this sense, African American and other urban minority dwellers might not understand the significance of Ethiopia as the birthplace of humanity, and they may not understand why many Ethiopians immigrate to the U.S. While they may share the same classroom and even live in the same neighborhoods, both groups may remain curious and have misconceptions about each other. This is one area where schools must do more to teach with a focus on cultural diversity and inclusion, which also helps to promote harmony and integration in schools and beyond. Applying the lens of CRF and Afrocentricity, this book explored first-generation and second-generation Ethiopian immigrant women’s academic and social perspectives to understand their collective experiences in the U.S. Ethiopia’s rich history as the only African country that has never been colonized, as well as it being a beacon of African independence for liberation movements around the world, is significant as a major achievement for humanity, but is rarely mentioned in the curriculum. Ethiopia is the birthplace of humanity and celebrating its unique contribution to world history will enrich and expand the U.S. school curriculum for all students, Black or White. Having a more diverse, equitable, and inclusive society benefits all and not just some of us. Our research speaks to the challenges that immigrants face in the U.S. As a country of immigrants, the nation has grown in diversity. However,

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there is a prevailing sense of an American identity and a dominant group narrative, which privileges some while alienating others. First- and secondgeneration Ethiopian immigrants in the U.S. find themselves in the midst of these social dynamics and are confronted with forces of assimilation and acculturation as they navigate a new life as immigrants in America. For females in particular, who were a focus of our study, while African American racial identity factors into Ethiopian immigrants’ views of their Africanness, Blackness, and beauty, findings reveal that they view beauty from a pro-African or Black perspective. This might prove to be a very strong trait. However, it is left to be seen if this psychology continues over future generations who might not have a direct connection to Ethiopia. From a CRF and Afrocentricity perspective, Ethiopian immigrant women’s educational experiences reflect challenges of having to mediate gender biases and anti-Black social forces in the U.S. For the participants in our study, maintaining and understanding their cultural heritage is important. Family is the main system of socialization and there is a strong emphasis of tradition and custom as part of preservation of Ethiopian culture. An examination of Ethiopian immigrants’ experiences in U.S. schools reveals a need for greater inclusive curriculum development to address the true history of African people and their place in world history. The role of Ethiopian immigrant women in regard to race, class, gender, and identity may provide context for discussions on gender and diversity in schools. It may also help to provide context and inform policy recommendations among policy makers, community activists, and educators to improve the outcomes of this unique population. Our findings may also have implications for other minority groups, but more importantly, for educators and citizens who are interested in issues of equity, diversity, and inclusion in schools and beyond.

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Index

A Abena, 88, 91–93, 108, 109, 115, 134, 136, 138, 140, 141, 153, 154, 157, 161, 173–175, 177, 178, 193 Academics, 13, 18, 37, 38, 41–43, 55, 57, 62, 69, 82, 83, 85, 92, 93, 95–97, 99, 141, 157, 158, 170, 176, 177, 183, 187, 189, 190, 193, 195 Acclimation, 165 Acculturation, 8, 16, 18, 27, 28, 36, 37, 41, 43, 44, 62, 71, 82, 83, 85, 97, 111, 116, 147, 148, 176, 179, 183, 190, 195, 196 Achievement, 18, 37, 38, 41, 43, 55, 62, 82, 83, 85, 92, 95–97, 158, 161, 169, 183, 190, 193, 195 Addams, Jane, 166–168 Aesthetics, 42, 55, 68, 116, 119, 121, 122, 132, 134, 136, 147, 188 Afar, 81, 108, 148

Afia, 88, 93, 94, 108–111, 114, 115, 134, 136, 138, 140, 141, 153–158, 173–178, 193 African, 2–7, 9, 11, 12, 15–17, 27, 29, 32, 35, 39, 40, 42, 47, 57, 61, 63–67, 96, 100, 101, 104, 108, 110, 114, 119, 121, 122, 125, 126, 128, 131, 132, 134–137, 139–141, 149–151, 154, 176, 178, 179, 187, 191, 194–196 African American, 5, 6, 12, 13, 34, 35, 37, 39, 40, 61, 64, 66, 69, 70, 72, 84, 99, 100, 107, 111–114, 116, 119, 122, 128, 131, 136, 141, 165, 166, 168, 170, 171, 183, 185, 190, 194–196 African-centered, 119, 122 African Diaspora, 3, 5, 120, 122, 138, 151 African independence, 195 Afrocentricity, 16–18, 55, 57, 58, 60–70, 72, 82, 83, 89, 90, 93,

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 A. Wynn et al., Race, Class, Gender, and Immigrant Identities in Education, Palgrave Studies in Race, Inequality and Social Justice in Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75552-2

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224

INDEX

99, 100, 102, 104–107, 109, 111–113, 115, 119, 128–130, 132, 134–138, 140–142, 147, 148, 151–155, 159, 161, 165, 166, 168–173, 175, 177–179, 183, 187–190, 192, 194–196 All-Amhara Political Organisation (AAPO), 31 America, 8, 15, 16, 18, 35, 36, 39–44, 56, 58, 59, 61, 66–72, 82–84, 89, 91–94, 96, 97, 99–101, 108–110, 114, 128, 130, 131, 139, 140, 150, 151, 159, 165, 166, 172, 177, 186, 188, 189, 191, 196 Amharic, 89, 90, 120, 148, 159 Assimilation, 8, 16, 18, 27, 28, 33, 34, 36, 37, 41–45, 62, 71, 72, 82, 83, 85, 97, 109, 111, 116, 134, 147, 148, 176, 179, 183, 190, 195, 196 Aster, 88–91, 107, 109, 113, 114, 134–136, 138–140, 152, 153, 155, 173, 175–179

B Beauty standards, 120, 122, 128, 131, 132, 134, 136, 137, 140 Belonging, 105, 141 Beta Israel, 149 Black, 2, 3, 5, 7–9, 11–13, 15–18, 27, 34–42, 57, 59, 61–70, 72, 84, 92, 95, 99–102, 104–107, 110–116, 119, 120, 122, 125, 126, 128–137, 140–142, 147, 154, 165, 166, 168–172, 175, 179, 183, 188–192, 195, 196 Black feminist thought, 133, 170, 171 #BlackLivesMatter Movement, 9

C Case study, 18, 65, 82, 83 Civilization, 10, 61, 63, 107, 122, 132, 185, 186 College, 5, 38, 40, 85, 90, 91, 93, 94, 96, 105, 110, 111, 115, 152–154, 157, 158, 161, 167, 173, 174 Colonization, 11, 28, 63, 65, 100–104, 112, 120 Community activists, 82, 188, 190, 193, 194, 196 country Ethiopia, 31 Critical pedagogy, 56, 59, 60, 82 Critical race feminism (CRF), 14–18, 55, 57–72, 82, 83, 89, 90, 93, 99, 100, 102, 104–107, 109, 111–113, 115, 119, 128–130, 132, 134–138, 140–142, 147, 148, 151–155, 159, 161, 165, 166, 168–173, 175, 177–179, 183, 187–190, 192–196 Cultural continuity, 91, 108, 122, 148 Cultural heritage, 196 Cultural preservation, 105, 109 Culture, 13, 15, 17, 18, 28, 30, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39, 41–46, 56–62, 66, 69–72, 89, 92, 93, 96, 99, 100, 105–111, 115, 119–122, 128, 131, 134–136, 140–142, 147, 148, 150–156, 158–161, 170, 172, 173, 175, 179, 190, 193, 194, 196 Curriculum, 59–61, 64, 99, 137, 183–187, 195 Curriculum development, 190, 196 Curriculum violence, 187 Customs, 34, 37, 41, 84, 89, 91–93, 95, 105, 108, 109, 115, 121, 142, 147–150, 153–155, 157–161, 172–175, 194, 196

INDEX

D Data analysis, 81, 87, 97, 159 Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), 1, 43 Derg, 30, 31, 35, 148 Discrimination, 2, 3, 5, 16, 36, 42, 59, 61, 62, 64, 66, 67, 106, 110, 114, 119, 135, 136, 160, 169, 170 Diversity, 2, 3, 5, 7, 13, 27, 43, 47, 96, 119, 121, 128, 136, 183, 193, 195, 196

E Education, 1–3, 5, 8, 11, 12, 27, 36, 38, 43, 46, 47, 56, 57, 59, 64, 81, 90, 93, 96, 134, 152, 157, 166–168, 172, 173, 178, 183, 185, 186, 188, 189, 191–193 Egypt, 7, 10, 11, 63, 120, 122, 124–126, 185, 186 Emperor Menelik II, 5, 6, 101 Emperor Selassie, 11, 102, 104 Empress Menen, 137, 139 Empress Taytu, 101 Empress Zaiditu, 137 English, 2, 39, 63, 65, 148, 159, 176–178, 192, 193 Equal rights, 14, 168, 172 Equity, 14, 15, 38, 56, 59, 60, 63, 66, 166, 168, 169, 187, 192, 196 Ethiopia, 4–11, 18, 27–33, 36, 47, 55, 63, 81, 85, 88–95, 100–102, 104, 105, 107–112, 115, 119–122, 137–139, 148–156, 159, 160, 172, 175–177, 185, 186, 189, 194–196 Ethiopian Jews, 32, 149 Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC), 7, 149

225

Ethnic groups, 7, 30, 35, 41, 81, 106, 148–151 Ethnicity, 2, 5, 15, 34, 38, 47, 65, 71, 106, 108, 128, 133, 167, 171

F Family, 11, 16, 38, 41, 60, 61, 84, 89–96, 106, 107, 110, 111, 115, 119–121, 129, 134, 139, 140, 142, 147–149, 151–161, 168, 172–175, 177, 183, 185, 187, 196 Feminism, 13, 14, 56, 57, 109, 165, 168–172, 179 First-generation, 27, 42, 72, 81, 83, 90, 93, 105, 141, 142, 147, 159, 172, 173, 176, 178, 179, 183, 194, 195 First wave feminism, 169

G Gender, 3, 12, 14–16, 33, 35, 36, 40, 55–58, 61, 66, 69, 71, 72, 106, 111, 115, 133, 149, 155, 161, 165–173, 175, 179, 183, 188–190, 192, 196 Gender equity, 14, 56, 165, 169–171, 179, 189 Globalization, 28, 29, 31, 32, 36, 55, 151

H Haiti, 100, 101, 104 Hatshepsut, 122, 124 Hegemony, 43, 44, 66, 69, 129, 132, 136, 141, 184, 185

226

INDEX

I Identity, 8, 9, 15, 17, 27, 28, 31, 32, 34, 40, 41, 43, 45, 55, 59, 60, 62, 65, 69–72, 92, 99, 100, 106, 107, 110–116, 119, 121, 128, 131, 134–136, 141, 142, 147, 148, 161, 183, 188–190, 192, 193, 196 Identity formation, 27, 33, 34, 38, 70, 71, 106 Ideological domination, 132, 133, 135, 187 Immigrants, 1–5, 8, 9, 11, 12, 15–18, 27, 28, 33–38, 40–47, 55, 57, 59, 61–65, 69–72, 81–84, 89–91, 93, 97, 99, 100, 104, 105, 108– 114, 116, 119, 121, 128, 134, 136, 141, 142, 147–151, 154, 156–161, 165–172, 175–179, 183, 188–196 Independence, 11, 28, 29, 32, 66, 84, 94, 100, 101, 103, 104, 149, 172–176, 183 Instruction, 8, 59, 178, 185, 193 International Monetary Fund (IMF), 32, 35, 104 Intersectionality, 133, 135, 170 Islam, 149, 150 L Liya, 88, 95, 96, 105, 108–110, 113, 115, 134, 136, 138, 140, 153, 155–157, 160, 161, 173–175, 177, 178, 193 M Martineau, Harriet, 165 Mary, 88–91, 108, 109, 112, 115, 137, 138, 152, 154, 155, 159, 173, 176–178 Matrilineal, 137

Matrix of domination, 12, 133, 170 Melanin, 120 Mengistu Haile Mariam, 31 Migration, 3, 31, 33, 35, 41, 45, 150 Minority, 1, 3, 7, 12, 14, 37, 40, 41, 46, 58, 60, 62, 67, 70, 71, 99, 105, 178, 184, 188, 189, 191, 192, 194–196 Miseducation, 132, 188 Multiculturalism, 190, 192, 193 Muslim, 7, 105, 149

N Neoliberal globalization, 28, 32, 43, 46 Nile River, 10, 122

O Ogaden, 31, 148 Oromo, 30, 31, 81, 108, 148 Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), 31 Othering, 35, 43, 46, 169, 187, 190

P Parental support, 160 Participants, 16, 58, 72, 81–83, 85– 88, 96, 97, 99, 105, 107–111, 113, 114, 116, 119, 134–138, 141, 142, 148, 151–155, 157, 159–161, 173–179, 183, 188, 192–196 Patriarchal, 14, 41, 56, 149, 154, 156, 158, 170, 172, 173 Pedagogy, 56, 190, 193 Perception, 18, 41–44, 58, 62, 69, 82, 83, 85, 97, 113, 116, 121, 136, 137, 183, 189, 195 Pharaoh, 122, 124–128, 185 Phenotype, 40, 63, 65, 107, 119–121, 125, 170, 189, 194

INDEX

Policy makers, 43, 82, 188, 190, 191, 196 Policy reform, 169, 192 poor people and their natural resources., 28 Q Qualitative, 82, 83, 85–87, 194, 195 R Race, 2, 3, 5, 8–10, 12–18, 29, 34–40, 42, 43, 46, 47, 56–58, 61, 65, 66, 68, 71, 72, 82, 83, 85, 106, 108, 111–113, 115, 121, 133, 161, 165–167, 169–172, 179, 188, 190, 192, 196 Racial identity, 34, 40, 113, 119, 165, 196 Research design, 83 S Sampling, 81, 85, 88 School, 1–3, 5, 8, 12–14, 16, 18, 33, 36–38, 40–43, 45, 47, 56–62, 64, 69, 70, 83, 85, 89–91, 93–96, 100, 110, 129, 134, 141, 148, 152, 153, 156, 158, 166, 172, 173, 176–179, 184–187, 189, 190, 192–196 Second-generation, 8, 27, 34, 55, 57, 81–83, 85, 91, 93, 141, 142, 147, 151, 154, 157, 172, 176, 177, 179, 183, 194–196 Second wave feminism, 58, 169 Segregation, 38, 39, 129 Self-concept, 33, 40, 44, 70, 71, 107, 119, 190 Self-identity, 16, 18, 37, 41–43, 47, 57, 58, 69, 81–83, 85, 97, 99, 106, 183

227

Shashamane, 104 Socialization, 110, 151, 154, 186, 187, 196 Social ostracism, 62–64 Somali, 81, 108, 148 Stereotypes, 42, 64, 67, 68, 70, 72, 99, 108, 112, 113, 134, 135, 192 T Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL), 2 Third wave feminism, 169 Traditions, 34, 44, 47, 84, 89, 91–95, 105, 107–110, 115, 134, 142, 147–151, 153–155, 157–161, 169, 170, 173–175, 194, 196 U Uncolonized, 5, 11, 63, 107, 121, 151 United States (US), 1–13, 15, 17, 18, 27, 28, 30–36, 38–43, 46, 47, 55, 57–59, 61–66, 70–72, 81, 83–86, 88–91, 93, 95–97, 99– 101, 104, 105, 107–116, 119, 128–136, 138–141, 147–157, 159–161, 165–173, 175–179, 183, 185, 187–192, 194–196 United States Citizen and Immigrant Services (USCIS), 35 W Wells-Barnett, Ida B., 165, 166 Whiteness, 10, 12, 16, 128, 131, 136 Women, 8, 9, 12–18, 27, 28, 35, 36, 41–43, 47, 55–62, 66, 68–70, 81–83, 85, 89, 90, 96, 97, 99, 116, 119, 121, 122, 124, 128–138, 140–142, 147, 149, 152, 156, 157, 159, 160,

228

INDEX

165–177, 179, 183, 188–190, 194–196

World Bank (WB), 32, 35, 104