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Quarter Notes and Bank Notes
T H E PRINCETON E C O N O M I C
H I S T O R Y O F T H E WESTERN W O R L D
Joel M o k y r , Growth
in a Traditional
Editor
Society: The French Countryside, by Philip T. Hoffman
The Vanishing Irish; Households, Ireland, 1850-1914,
1450-1815',
Migration, and the Rural Economy by Timothy W. Guinnane
Black 47 ana Beyond: The Great Irish Famine in History, Economy, Memory, by Cormac O Grada 3
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China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern Economy, by Kenneth Pomeranz
in and World
The Big Problem of Small Change, by Thomas J. Sargent and Francois R. Velde Farm to Factory: A Reinterpretation of the Soviet Industrial by Robert C. Allen
Revolution,
Quarter Notes and Bank Notes: The Economics of Music Composition Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, by F. M . Scherer
in the
Quarter Notes and Bank Notes
THE
E C O N O M I C S IN A N D
THE
OF
MUSIC
C O M P O S I T I O N
E I G H T E E N T H
N I N E T E E N T H
CENTURIES
F. M. Scberer
P R I N C E T O N
U N I V E R S I T Y
P R I N C E T O N
A N D
PRESS
O X F O R D
Copyright © 2004 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 W i l l i a m Street, Princeton, N e w Jersey 08540 I n the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 3 Market Place, Woodstock, Oxfordshire O X 2 0 1SY A l l Rights Reserved Library
of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication
Data
Scherer, F. M . {Frederic M . ) Quarter notes and bank notes : the economics o f music composition i n the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries / E M . Scheren p. cm. — (The Princeton economic history of the Western world) Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 0-691-11621-0 1. Composers — Economic conditions — 18th century. 2. Composers — Economic conditions—19th century. L Title. I I . Series. ML3795.S23835 2004 331.7'617813'09033-dc21 2003053645 British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available This book has been composed in Postscript Sabon Printed on acid-free paper, so www.pupress.princeton.edu Printed i n the United States of America 1 3 5 7 9
10
8 6 4 2
CONTENTS
List
of Figures
and Tables
Foreword
vii ix
CHAPTER O N E
Introduction
1
C H A P T E R TWO
T h e P o l i t i c a l , Social, a n d E c o n o m i c M i l i e u
14
CHAPTER THREE
M u s i c C o m p o s i t i o n as a Profession
53
CHAPTER FOUR
Composers' Backgrounds, A s p i r a t i o n s , a n d E c o n o m i c Rewards
79
CHAPTER FIVE
T h e Geography o f Composer Supply a n d D e m a n d
117
CHAPTER SIX
Changes i n T r a n s p o r t a t i o n a n d Composers' M o b i l i t y
142
C H A P T E R SEVEN
T h e Economics o f M u s i c Publishing
155
CHAPTER E I G H T
Conclusion
197
A P P E N D I X TO C H A P T E R O N E
A Currency Conversion M a t r i x
203
A P P E N D I X TO C H A P T E R F O U R
Consumption Outlays of Robert and C l a r a Schumann, 1 8 4 1
210
Notes
215
References
249
Index
259
FIGURES AND TABLES
FIGURES
1.1 2.1 2.2 2.3 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4
Recorded M u s i c for the 6 4 6 Composers by B i r t h Year Trends i n P o p u l a t i o n : Seven E u r o p e a n N a t i o n a l G r o u p s Trends i n I n c o m e per C a p i t a : Six E u r o p e a n N a t i o n s , 1820-1900 P r o d u c t i o n o f N e w Pianos i n the U n i t e d States, 1850-1939 Percentage o f Composer C o h o r t s w i t h Support from Nobility Percentage o f Composer C o h o r t s E m p l o y e d by the C h u r c h Composers Engaging i n Significant Freelance A c t i v i t y N u m b e r o f Composers w i t h Fewer T h a n T w o Operas Pursuing Significant Freelance A c t i v i t y
3.5
N u m b e r o f Composers w i t h M i n i m a l C h u r c h o r C o u r t E m p l o y m e n t Pursuing Significant Freelance A c t i v i t y
3.6
Percent o f Composers i n B i r t h C o h o r t w i t h O t h e r M e a n s of Support Percent o f H a l f - C e n t u r y C o h o r t s w i t h Selected Career Preparation M o d e s N u m b e r o f Composers B o r n i n N a t i o n s a n d N a t i o n a l Groups, 1 6 5 0 - 1 8 4 9 N u m b e r o f Composers B o r n per M i l l i o n P o p u l a t i o n C o m p o s e r Births per M i l l i o n P o p u l a t i o n , by 50-Year B i r t h Date P e r i o d N u m b e r o f Composers E m p l o y e d by N a t i o n a n d National Groups N u m b e r o f F T E Composers E m p l o y e d per M i l l i o n Population E m p l o y m e n t o f Composers, by 50-Year B i r t h D a t e Period Balance o f Trade i n Composers by N a t i o n B i r t h L o c a t i o n s o f G e r m a n Composers W o r k L o c a t i o n s o f G e r m a n Composers G r o w t h o f Rail N e t w o r k s i n M a j o r European Nations Percent o f Composers B o r n i n O n e N a t i o n W h o Died in Another
4.1 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 6.1 6.2
9 28 29 35 69 70 71 73 74 76 83 120 122 124 125 126 127 133 137 138 146 148
viii
FIGURES A N D TABLES
6.3
N u m b e r s Equivalents for N a t i o n s i n W h i c h Composers L i v e d f r o m Age 2 0 7.1 C o s t - V o l u m e Relationships for Engraved a n d Typeset Sheet M u s i c 7.2 D i s t r i b u t i o n o f B r e i t k o p f &c Härtel I n v e n t o r y b y M u s i c T y p e , 1823 7.3 P u b l i c a t i o n H o n o r a r i a for R o b e r t Schumann's Musical Works 1 A . 1 Estimated A n n u a l Wages o f E n g l i s h B u i l d i n g Tradesmen
149 162 190 192 209
TABLES
1.1 2.1
Composers I n c l u d e d i n the Select Sample, by Year o f B i r t h C h r o n o l o g y o f Significant P o l i t i c a l , P h i l o s o p h i c a l , a n d C u l t u r a l Events over T w o a n d O n e - H a l f Centuries 2.2 1 7 0 0 , 1 8 2 0 , a n d 1 9 0 0 G D P per C a p i t a a n d G r o w t h Rates 4.1 Value o f 23 Composers' Estates at o r N e a r T i m e o f D e a t h 5.1 Europe's Largest Cities, R a n k e d by 1750 P o p u l a t i o n 1 A . 1 U n i t s o f C u r r e n c y E x c h a n g i n g f o r O n e English P o u n d Sterling 4 A . 1 S c h u m a n n F a m i l y Expenditures i n 1 8 4 1
11 15 30 105 128 206 211
FOREWORD
T H A T a professional economist s h o u l d w r i t e a b o o k such as this re quires some e x p l a n a t i o n . T h e seeds began g r o w i n g m o r e t h a n h a l f a century ago. F o r someone raised i n a small, c u l t u r a l l y isolated, m i d w e s t e r n t o w n , undergraduate life at the U n i v e r s i t y o f M i c h i g a n was magically t r a n s f o r m i n g . I began learning a b o u t classical music i n the music literature course t a u g h t by Professor G l e n n M c G e o c h . I n i t , o n l y i n p a r t because I lacked perfect p i t c h , I received the w o r s t grade o f m y undergraduate career, b u t ac q u i r e d something m u c h m o r e i m p o r t a n t — appreciation a n d love o f an art t h a t has been a c o n t i n u i n g source o f joy. I n m y freshman English course, one o f the books w e read was A l d o u s H u x l e y ' s Point Counter point. I was fascinated t o see t h a t the i n t e r a c t i o n o f h u m a n lives c o u l d be l i k e n e d t o the i n t e r p l a y o f voices i n a Bach fugue (a p o i n t made also i n an 1865 letter f r o m R i c h a r d Wagner t o C o s i m a Liszt v o n B ü l o w ) . I began b u y i n g Bach recordings, a n d f r o m then o n , I was h o o k e d . R e i n f o r c i n g m y love for music was the other love o f m y life, m y w i f e . W h e n I first met her o n Christmas Eve i n 1955, one o f m y first reactions was, " H o w beautifully she plays M o z a r t . She must be the person I have been l o o k i n g for. " T h a t her ancestors t w o centuries earlier i n c l u d e d G o t t f r i e d Silbermann, w h o b u i l t organs a n d pianos played by J. S. Bach, added interest. She discovered o n l y relatively late i n life t h a t she c o u l d be a gifted p i a n o teacher, b u t w e shared i n n u m e r a b l e h a p p y musical experiences as her career evolved. I t helped t h a t a m o n g the m a n y places w e have l i v e d , a l l were first-rank "music t o w n s . " T h e seeds for this b o o k were p l a n t e d m o r e firmly sometime d u r i n g the late 1970s, w h e n w e acquired W o l f g a n g Hildesheimer's b o o k Mo zart. T h e y t o o k r o o t a r o u n d 1 9 8 0 , w h e n w e visited M o z a r t ' s b i r t h house i n Salzburg a n d were able t o observe first-hand the musical manuscripts i n t o whose margins M o z a r t h a d w r i t t e n numbers r e c o r d i n g his m o u n t i n g debts. W h y d i d M o z a r t , arguably the most n a t u r a l l y t a l ented composer w h o ever lived, die i n debt? Was he really, as H i l d e sheimer argued, a pioneer i n seeking his fortune as a freelance c o m poser? A n d was his choice o f m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d activity p r e m a t u r e , so t h a t economic failure was v i r t u a l l y inevitable? A n s w e r i n g these ques tions was a j o b for an economist, a n d perhaps f o r one like myself w i t h a repressed urge t o pursue economic history. F r o m t h a t t i m e , I k n e w I h a d t o w r i t e this b o o k . B u t a stream o f other challenges k e p t me f r o m w o r k -
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i n g seriously o n the project u n t i l m y retirement i n 2 0 0 0 f r o m H a r v a r d University's Kennedy School. Despite years o f neglect, the project's f o u n d a t i o n was l a i d i n the s u m mer o f 1982 or 1 9 8 3 , w h e n I d r e w u p a list o f questions t h a t interested me as an economist a n d asked m y high-school-age daughter C h r i s t i n a t o see w h e t h e r relevant materials c o u l d be f o u n d i n the music l i b r a r y o f S w a r t h m o r e College. T h e treasure t r o v e she assembled made i t clear t h a t the project w o u l d be feasible. F o l l o w i n g t h a t c r u c i a l c o n t r i b u t i o n , m a n y a d d i t i o n a l debts have been i n c u r r e d . M u c h o f m y research has been done i n five music libraries, at S w a r t h m o r e , H a r v a r d , P r i n c e t o n , the U n i v e r s i t y o f B a y r e u t h , a n d the U n i v e r s i t y o f Pennsylvania. I a m grateful t o the staffs o f a l l five, b u t especially t o George H u b e r o f S w a r t h m o r e , for their help i n finding elusive documents. Leads t o key w o r k s were also p r o v i d e d by W i l l i a m C o r n i s h o f the U n i v e r s i t y o f C a m b r i d g e , R u t h Towse o f Erasmus U n i versity, R o t t e r d a m , a n d Stefano Fenoaltea o f the Università d i Cassino. Valuable c r i t i c i s m was received f r o m seminar participants at the T e c h n i sche Universität Freiberg, the U n i v e r s i t y o f B a y r e u t h , H a u s W a h n f r i e d i n B a y r e u t h , H a r v a r d University, P r i n c e t o n University, a n d S w a r t h m o r e College. T h e help o f Joel M o k y r at several stages i n the project has been i n v a l u a b l e . Useful c o m m e n t s were also received f r o m W i l l i a m J. B a u m o l a n d M i c h a e l A r o n s o n . Excellent c o p y e d i t i n g by Genevieve V a u g h n saved me f r o m numerous errors a n d tightened m y prose. F r o m D r . Stephen J. Savage o f M o u n t Sinai H o s p i t a l , N e w Y o r k , and nurses Shannon L a w rence a n d M a x i n e Prescott, I received the gift o f life at a t i m e w h e n i t appeared t h a t I w o u l d be unable t o complete the project. M y debt is greatest t o m y w i f e f o r her i n s p i r a t i o n , encouragement, c r i t i c i s m , a n d the use o f her excellent m u s i c o l o g y library. T h e b o o k is dedicated t o her. Responsibility for errors is, o f course, m i n e . For someone p l u n g i n g i n t o such a c o m p l e x n e w field, the b u r d e n is heavy by m o r e t h a n the usual a m o u n t . E M. Scherer November 2002
Quarter Notes and Bank Notes
Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Hat man nicht auch Gold beineben Kann man nicht ganz glücklich sein. Traurig schleppt sich fort das Leben, Mancher Kummer stellt sich ein. Doch wenn's in den Taschen fein klingelt und rollt, Da hält man das Schicksal gefangen; Und Macht, und Liebe, verschafft dir das Gold, Und stillet das kühnste Verlangen. Das Glück dient wie ein Knecht für Sold, Es ist ein schönes, schönes Ding, das Gold! If you don't have gold at hand You can't be completely happy. Life drags on sadly, Many troubles intrude. But when it jingles and rolls in your pocket, The fates are at your command. Gold brings you power and love A n d satisfies the boldest desires. Fortune serves you like a hired lackey. Gold, it is a beautiful, beautiful thing! — Beethoven, Fidelio
FEW w o u l d disagree w i t h this a d m o n i t i o n o f Rocco the jailer t o his n e w apprentice Fidelio. Beethoven considered the message sufficiently i m p o r t a n t t h a t , after h a v i n g r e m o v e d Rocco's " G o l d " aria f r o m some perfor mances o f Fidelio, he restored i t ( w i t h m i n o r t e x t u a l changes accepted here) i n the 1 8 1 4 version, where i t remains f o r a l l eternity. Even c o m posers need m o n e y t o be " c o m p l e t e l y h a p p y " — o r at least, some ap p r o x i m a t i o n thereto. T h e m o r e difficult question is, h o w d i d composers, great a n d n o t so great, o b t a i n their gold? A n d there scholars are n o t o f one m i n d concerning the h i s t o r i c a l facts. I t is reasonably w e l l accepted t h a t at the outset o f the eighteenth cen tury, m o s t musicians creative enough t o be composers were e m p l o y e d either b y the n o b i l i t y o r by the c h u r c h . I t seems clear t o o t h a t by the m i d d l e o f the nineteenth century, the s i t u a t i o n h a d changed. T h e role o f 1
2
CHAPTER O N E
the c h u r c h a n d especially the n o b l e courts as employers h a d d i m i n i s h e d appreciably, replaced by o p p o r t u n i t i e s for composers t o w o r k as free lance artists p e r f o r m i n g , teaching, a n d selling their creations t h r o u g h p r i v a t e m a r k e t transactions. T h e change, i t w i l l be argued i n this b o o k , o c c u r r e d largely because o f economic a n d p o l i t i c a l developments t h a t simultaneously strengthened the d e m a n d o f middle-class citizens f o r music i n a l l forms a n d weakened the feudal f o u n d a t i o n s o f E u r o p e a n n o b l e courts a n d religious establishments. W h e r e consensus a m o n g scholars fades is o n h o w a n d w h e n c o m posers made the t r a n s i t i o n f r o m a c o u r t - a n d c h u r c h - o r i e n t e d system t o a m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d system. Some, such as W o l f g a n g Hildesheimer, see M o z a r t as the first "free" composer i n a sociological sense, w h o h a d t o endure m a t e r i a l p o v e r t y as a consequence o f his f r e e d o m . T h e sociolo gist N o r b e r t Elias argues t h a t : 2
3
Mozart's decision to set himself up as a freelance artist came at a time when the social structure actually offered no such place for outstanding musicians. The emergence of a music market and the corresponding insti tutions was only just beginning. W i l l i a m J. B a u m o l a n d H i l d a B a u m o l place M o z a r t w i t h i n a broader t r e n d , characterizing the second h a l f o f the eighteenth c e n t u r y as a t i m e o f t r a n s i t i o n " f r o m the universal system o f private patronage t o the beginnings o f a m a r k e t m e c h a n i s m under w h i c h the p r o d u c t o f the c o m poser a n d the p e r f o r m e r became a c o m m o d i t y t h a t c o u l d be b o u g h t a n d s o l d . " H o w a r d G a r d n e r s i m i l a r l y sees M o z a r t as " a n i m p o r t a n t t r a n s i t i o n a l figure i n l a y i n g a f o u n d a t i o n o f independence a n d self-initiated c r e a t i o n . " H a n s j ö r g P o h l m a n n , the leading student o f i n t e l l e c t u a l p r o p erty rights i n music, views the t r e n d t o w a r d freelance c o m p o s i t i o n i n a still broader t i m e frame spanning the entire eighteenth century. I n his schema M o z a r t occupies an intermediate r o l e : 4
5
6
Composers' struggle for independent freelance status and their attempt to escape positions of dependence under employment relationships — an at tempt that led to Mozart's tragic failure — found in Beethoven its first cli max. Beethoven is thus the culmination of a long developmental process. Consistent w i t h P o h l m a n n 's v i s i o n , a central a r g u m e n t o f this b o o k is t h a t a t r a n s i t i o n f r o m patronage-oriented t o m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d freelance c o m p o s i t i o n d i d occur, b u t t h a t i t was m u c h m o r e g r a d u a l a n d e v o l u t i o n a r y t h a n the focus o n M o z a r t as a t u r n i n g p o i n t i m p l i e s . A n t e c e d ents can be f o u n d a century before the death o f M o z a r t . A n d nearly a c e n t u r y after his death, remnants o f the o l d system s u r v i v e d .
INTRODUCTION
3
S O M E EXAMPLES
T h e c o m p l e x i t y o f the e v o l u t i o n is suggested by c o m p a r i n g t h u m b n a i l biographies o f three i m p o r t a n t composers, a l l b o r n i n the year 1685 — J o h a n n Sebastian Bach, D o m e n i c o Scarlatti, a n d George Frideric H a n d e l — w i t h three b o r n a c e n t u r y a n d a quarter later — Frédéric C h o p i n , R o b e r t Schumann, a n d Franz Liszt. Bach provides the archetype o f h o w composers earned t h e i r l i v i n g i n the early eighteenth century. H i s entire a d u l t life was spent as an em ployee — first as organist at churches i n A r n s t a d t a n d M ü h l h a u s e n , t h e n as organist a n d d i r e c t o r o f c o u r t music f o r the D u k e o f W e i m a r a n d prince o f K o t h e n , a n d finally as c a n t o r a n d d i r e c t o r o f music for the Thomasschule (School o f St. T h o m a s ) a n d f o u r affiliated L e i p z i g churches. L i k e m a n y e m p l o y e d composers o f his t i m e , he m o o n l i g h t e d i n activities outside his m a i n sphere o f e m p l o y m e n t , d e d i c a t i n g c o m p o sitions t o hoped-for p a t r o n s , p u b l i s h i n g (at his o w n expense) a few o f his w o r k s , h o l d i n g p r i v a t e lessons, inspecting n e w organs installed i n other t o w n s , a n d most i m p o r t a n t l y , between 1 7 2 9 a n d 1 7 4 1 , d i r e c t i n g an unofficial L e i p z i g orchestra, the C o l l e g i u m M u s i c u m , w h i c h charged admission for the concerts i t regularly held i n Z i m m e r m a n n ^ coffee house d u r i n g the w i n t e r a n d a coffee garden d u r i n g the summer. Bach's C o l l e g i u m M u s i c u m association became i m p o r t a n t e n o u g h t o lead C h r i s t o p h W o l f f ( 1 9 9 1 , p . 40) t o conclude t h a t " T o w a r d the end o f his life Bach came astonishingly close t o the r o m a n t i c ideal o f the free-lance a r t i s t . " B u t his c o m p o s i t i o n s for a n d d i r e c t i o n o f the C o l l e g i u m re m a i n e d secondary t o his salaried c h u r c h a n d school duties. 7
W h a t is k n o w n a b o u t D o m e n i c o Scarlatti's career shows fewer traces o f freelance activity. H e began as a composer o f religious w o r k s a n d operas i n the c o u r t o f the K i n g o f Naples. A f t e r b r i e f visits at other I t a l i a n courts, he spent four years i n the free c i t y o f Venice. V i r t u a l l y n o h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d exists o n t h a t p e r i o d . I t w o u l d n o t be unreasonable t o suppose t h a t he engaged i n freelance c o m p o s i t i o n for one o r m o r e o f the Venetian opera houses o r for w e a l t h y citizens, since there were n o noble courts. H i s success i n Venice m u s t have been l i m i t e d , however, since i n 1709 he m o v e d t o R o m e , where for a decade he was m u s i c i a n i n the houses o f l o c a l a n d v i s i t i n g nobles a n d t h e n presided over musical activities for a chapel associated w i t h St. Peter's basilica. A r o u n d 1 7 1 9 he m i g r a t e d t o L i s b o n , b e c o m i n g teacher a n d music master i n the c o u r t o f the K i n g a n d Queen o f P o r t u g a l , f o l l o w i n g t h e m t o M a d r i d i n 1728 w h e n marriage u n i t e d the r u l i n g families o f Spain a n d P o r t u g a l . H e remained a m u s i c i a n i n the M a d r i d c o u r t t h r o u g h o u t the remainder o f his life.
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George Frideric H a n d e l learned the art o f opera c o m p o s i n g first i n the free c i t y o f H a m b u r g , w h e r e the l o c a l opera was a p r i v a t e enter prise, a n d t h e n i n R o m e , w h e r e he shared the h o s p i t a l i t y o f C a r d i n a l Pietro O t t o b o n i w i t h D o m e n i c o Scarlatti, A r c a n g e l o C o r e l l i , a n d o t h e r composers. R e t u r n i n g t o Germany, he accepted a p o s i t i o n as d i r e c t o r o f c o u r t music f o r the Elector o f H a n o v e r , b u t t o o k a leave o f absence t o v i s i t L o n d o n a n d r e m a i n e d there, f o l l o w e d b y his w o u l d - b e H a n o v e r p a t r o n , n e w l y c r o w n e d as K i n g George I o f E n g l a n d . A f t e r residing f o r a w h i l e i n the h o m e o f R i c h a r d , E a r l o f B u r l i n g t o n , H a n d e l became m u s i c a l d i r e c t o r o f a L o n d o n opera company, T h e R o y a l A c a d e m y , w h i c h was a free-standing o r g a n i z a t i o n financed b y w e a l t h y L o n d o n e r s w h o delegated operating responsibilities t o an impresario. H a n d e l w o r k e d first as salaried d i r e c t o r o f the opera c o m p a n y ; t h e n , w h e n the o r i g i n a l financial backers w i t h d r e w t h e i r s u p p o r t , as co-impresario; a n d finally as p r i n c i p a l i m p r e s a r i o f o r the p u b l i c performance o f his o w n w o r k s . I n his i m p r e s a r i o r o l e , he l u r c h e d precariously between riches a n d r u i n . H i s s u r v i v a l i n lean years was facilitated by a generous a n n u i t y o f £ 6 0 0 per year f r o m the king's family. T h u s , d u r i n g m u c h o f his career, H a n d e l was n o t o n l y a freelance composer b u t also a r i s k - t a k i n g entrepreneur. H i s early eighteenth c e n t u r y freelance activities, however, were supple m e n t e d b y subsidies f r o m the r o y a l c o u r t . 8
W e advance n o w i n t i m e t o the years 1 8 1 0 a n d 1 8 1 1 , w h e n three representative nineteenth-century composers were b o r n . Frederic C h o p i n was a freelance artist t h r o u g h o u t his career. A f t e r b e i n g p r o v i d e d a n excellent m u s i c a l e d u c a t i o n by his upper middle-class W a r s a w family, he presented a series o f freelance concert performances i n B e r l i n , Dresden, Prague, V i e n n a , M u n i c h , a n d Stuttgart between 1828 a n d 1 8 3 1 . C o n t i n u i n g o n t o Paris, he achieved o n l y l i m i t e d finan c i a l success p e r f o r m i n g his c o m p o s i t i o n s at p u b l i c concerts. B u t his i n t r o d u c t i o n by a W a r s a w acquaintance i n t o the salons o f w e a l t h y P a r i sians p r o v i d e d a n e t w o r k o f contacts, t h r o u g h w h i c h he became the m o s t sought-after a n d best-paid independent p i a n o teacher i n Paris. H i s earnings were augmented t h r o u g h h o n o r a r i a f r o m music publishers. W h e n his h e a l t h deteriorated, he c o u l d n o longer c o n t i n u e his strenuous teaching schedule. A concert t r i p t o E n g l a n d failed t o solve his financial p r o b l e m s , a n d he d i e d i n p o v e r t y at age t h i r t y - n i n e . A f t e r c o m p l e t i n g his u n i v e r s i t y studies, R o b e r t S c h u m a n n settled i n L e i p z i g , where i n 1833 he f o u n d e d a j o u r n a l r e p o r t i n g o n c o n t e m p o r a r y music developments a n d was s u p p o r t e d at first t h r o u g h the i n c o m e f r o m an inheritance. After his m a r r i a g e t o C l a r a W i e c k , his receipts f r o m the j o u r n a l , the inheritance, a n d p u b l i c a t i o n fees p r o v e d t o be insufficient t o s u p p o r t a r a p i d l y g r o w i n g family. (See the A p p e n d i x t o C h a p t e r 4.) T h e y were supplemented t h r o u g h C l a r a Schumann's free-
INTRODUCTION
5
lance p i a n o performance t o u r s t h r o u g h o u t Europe. A n a p p o i n t m e n t t o the n e w l y f o u n d e d Leipzig C o n s e r v a t o r y faculty p r o v e d t o be unsuccessful a n d s h o r t - l i v e d . I n 1 8 5 0 , at the age o f forty, he assumed his first salaried p o s i t i o n , as music d i r e c t o r o f a m o s t l y amateur orchestra a n d c h o r a l society i n Düsseldorf. Supervision o f the sponsoring M u s i k v e r e i n (musical society) was exercised by representatives a p p o i n t e d by the c i t y c o u n c i l . Schumann's r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h orchestra musicians a n d the gove r n i n g b o d y was conflict-ridden. I n 1 8 5 2 his duties a n d salary were reduced, a n d i n 1853 he was r e q u i r e d t o resign. Soon thereafter he lapsed i n t o i n s a n i t y a n d d i e d i n an a s y l u m i n 1 8 5 6 . F o l l o w i n g music studies i n V i e n n a a n d Paris, Franz Liszt h a d f o u r distinguishable careers t h a t e p i t o m i z e d the experiences o f composers l i v i n g d u r i n g b o t h the eighteenth a n d nineteenth centuries. H i s first career was as a t o u r i n g freelance p i a n o performer. I n i t i a l l y his success was modest, b u t after he learned the art o f spectacular performance by o b serving N i c c o l ò Paganini, he became Europe's b e s t - d r a w i n g concert p i a nist, p e r f o r m i n g b o t h his o w n c o m p o s i t i o n s a n d those o f others (often transcribed) a n d amassing a substantial f o r t u n e . T h e n , i n 1 8 4 7 , he ended his freelance t o u r i n g a n d became d i r e c t o r o f music i n the d u c a l c o u r t at Weimar, G e r m a n y —a p o s i t i o n analogous t o those h e l d b y the p r o t o t y p a l eighteenth-century composer. I n 1858 he resigned his W e i m a r j o b a n d prepared f o r h o l y orders, b e c o m i n g an a b b é b u t n o t a priest, i n R o m e , w h i c h was his p r i n c i p a l residence between 1 8 6 1 a n d 1 8 6 9 . H i s desire t o become music director at St. Peter's w e n t unfulfilled. I n 1 8 6 9 he r e t u r n e d t o a free residence p r o v i d e d by the D u k e o f W e i m a r w i t h o u t any official d i r e c t i o n o r performance o b l i g a t i o n s . F r o m t h a t t i m e u n t i l his death i n 1 8 8 6 , he traveled extensively, w i t h p r i n c i p a l bases i n Weimar, R o m e , a n d Budapest, teaching hundreds o f students gratis a n d offering n u m e r o u s p u b l i c concerts, the proceeds o f w h i c h were largely d o n a t e d t o charitable causes. W h a t w e see f r o m these six vignettes is a t r a n s i t i o n f r o m c o u r t a n d c h u r c h patronage t o freelance activity, b u t the change was g r a d u a l , w i t h elements o f m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d efforts appearing early i n the e v o l u t i o n a n d elements o f the patronage a n d c h u r c h systems r e m a i n i n g w e l l i n t o the nineteenth century. J. S. Bach a n d especially H a n d e l e x h i b i t e d early manifestations o f m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d a c t i v i t y ; Liszt reverted after success i n the free m a r k e t t o noble a n d c h u r c h s u p p o r t .
NUMBERS A N D CREATIVE O U T P U T
T h u s , the question, p r o p e r l y framed, is n o t w h e t h e r composers earned their bread t h r o u g h patronage as c o m p a r e d t o the p o l a r alternative o f
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freelance activities, b u t the n u m b e r o f composers under one system visà-vis the other, o r even m o r e precisely, the extent t o w h i c h composers d i v i d e d their professional lives between the patronage a n d freelance alternatives. N u m b e r s matter. Some authors have suggested t h a t the patronage system, at least as i t existed i n Germany, A u s t r i a , and I t a l y d u r i n g the eighteenth century, p r o v i d e d an e n v i r o n m e n t u n i q u e l y conducive t o m a k i n g music as a profession, a n d as a result, music c o m p o s i t i o n expe rienced a k i n d o f g o l d e n age. T h e essence o f their a r g u m e n t is t h a t the b r e a k u p o f the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e left central Europe d i v i d e d i n t o hundreds o f i n d i v i d u a l p r i n c i p a l i t i e s a n d d u k e d o m s , m a n y o f w h i c h , f o r reasons t o be elaborated i n the next chapter a n d chapter 5, chose t o s u p p o r t musical ensembles a n d hence p r o v i d e e m p l o y m e n t f o r m u s i cians a n d w o u l d - b e composers. G i v e n widespread e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r tunities, m o r e i n d i v i d u a l s became professional musicians t h a n w o u l d otherwise have been the case. A n d w i t h m o r e i n d i v i d u a l s e m p l o y e d as musicians, m o r e t u r n e d t o c o m p o s i t i o n as p a r t o f their responsibilities, w h i c h i n t u r n , i t is argued, implies t h a t m o r e composers o f superior creative talent w o u l d emerge. 9
T h i s b o o k is w r i t t e n by an economist w h o recognizes t h a t economic analysis c a n n o t p r e d i c t the appearance o f genius. True genius is an ex t r e m e l y rare p h e n o m e n o n . Even i f e v e r y t h i n g else c o u l d be h e l d c o n stant (the economist's standard ceteris paribus assumption), w h i c h can h a r d l y be assured, an increase i n the n u m b e r o f i n d i v i d u a l s p u r s u i n g m u s i c a l c o m p o s i t i o n as a profession implies at best i n a very w e a k sta tistical sense t h a t one o r a few w i l l be o u t s t a n d i n g geniuses. A composer as great as M o z a r t m i g h t emerge n e x t year, or, as Joseph H a y d n specu lated o n l e a r n i n g o f M o z a r t ' s death a year before Beethoven m o v e d p e r m a n e n t l y t o V i e n n a , "Posterity w i l l n o t see such a talent again i n 100 years!" E c o n o m i c analysis can i l l u m i n a t e matters i n another w a y . E c o n o m i c incentives affect the specific challenges t o w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s , creative o r not, allocate t h e i r t i m e . A n o b l e c o u r t m i g h t p r o v i d e an ideal e n v i r o n m e n t f o r the f l o u r i s h i n g o f creative talent. B u t the seignior m i g h t also have s t r o n g preferences as t o w h a t k i n d o f music he prefers a n d insist t h a t his h i r e d composer h e w t o t h a t line, suppressing c o m p o s i t i o n s t h a t stray f r o m the preferred n o r m . A l t e r n a t i v e l y , the free m a r k e t m i g h t p r o vide m a x i m u m o p p o r t u n i t y for the composer t o pursue his m o s t cre ative instincts, o r i t m i g h t r e w a r d d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y the c o m p o s i t i o n o f u n i m a g i n a t i v e fluff appealing t o some lowest c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r . A p r i o r i , i t is n o t possible t o say w h i c h o f these plausible alternative hypotheses comes closer t o the t r u t h . T h e question is an e m p i r i c a l one. We c a n n o t pretend t o answer i t definitively, b u t we w i l l address the evidence systematically a n d advance some n e w insights. 10
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INTRODUCTION
METHODOLOGY
To repeat, this b o o k comes f r o m an economist, n o t a musicologist. T h e m e t h o d o l o g i c a l a p p r o a c h t a k e n here is u n o r t h o d o x by the standards o f m u s i c o l o g y a n d even t o some extent b y the standards o f economics, as one m i g h t expect f r o m a scholar w h o strays o n t o f o r b i d d e n d i s c i p l i n a r y turf. O n e i m p o r t a n t difference is the systematic analysis o f q u a n t i t a t i v e data. A l t h o u g h other q u a l i t a t i v e a n d q u a n t i t a t i v e materials w i l l be tapped as w e proceed, the m o s t u n i q u e n e w evidence comes f r o m a sample o f 6 4 6 composers b o r n d u r i n g the t w o centuries f r o m 1650 t o 1849 —that is, a p e r i o d d u r i n g w h i c h the t r a n s i t i o n f r o m c o u r t a n d c h u r c h e m p l o y m e n t t o freelance activity is believed t o have o c c u r r e d . T h e starting p o i n t for the sample was the " C o m p o s e r s " section o f the Schwann Opus reference guide t o recorded classical music (Fall 1 9 9 6 ) . A n a t t e m p t was made t o identify every composer w i t h e x t a n t recorded music b o r n d u r i n g t h a t t i m e span. T h e c r i t e r i o n i m p l i e d b y this selec t i o n approach was s u r v i v a l i n the ears a n d m i n d s o f posterity. M e e t i n g this s u r v i v a l test was a m a t t e r o f some concern t o L e o p o l d M o z a r t , w h o advised i n a 1778 letter t o his son: 12
13
Only your good sense and lifestyle w i l l determine whether you w i l l be a common musical artist forgotten by the entire world, or a famous Ka pellmeister about w h o m posterity w i l l read in books. O r as Giuseppe V e r d i w r o t e t o a friend a century later, " H i s t o r y w i l l tell us w h i c h epoch was g o o d , a n d w h i c h b a d . " Altogether, 7 4 2 composers were identified i n this w a y . B i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n o n each was sought i n the New Grove Dictionary of Music & Musicians (Sadie, 1 9 8 0 ) . For 76 composers n o entry was f o u n d i n the New Grove. C o m p a r e d t o r e c o r d listings i n Schwann Opus averag ing 25 centimeters (10 inches) i n length for composers o n w h o m infor m a t i o n was f o u n d i n the New Grove ( w i t h a Schwann range o f f r o m 1.8 t o 1 6 5 6 centimeters), o n l y 4 o f the 76 no-entry composers h a d rec o r d listings exceeding 3 centimeters. For 2 0 other composers listed i n Schwann, the b i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n i n the New Grove was t o o sparse t o s u p p o r t c o d i n g o f career patterns a n d locations. E x c l u d i n g these 96 composers left a usable sample o f 6 4 6 . T h e sample is i n c o m plete, o m i t t i n g the e x p l i c i t l y excluded composers a n d also any others w h o failed t o have recorded music m e m o r i a l i z e d by the Schwann Opus. A m o n g 9 1 composers o f I t a l i a n operas b o r n between 1 6 5 0 a n d 1 8 4 9 o n w h o m i n f o r m a t i o n was tabulated by E l v i d i o S u d a n , o n l y 4 2 made i t i n t o the sample. N o t surprisingly, the composers o m i t t e d f r o m Sudan's list w r o t e operas t h a t are seldom, i f ever, p e r f o r m e d i n m o d e r n times. 14
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A l l o f the 4 4 composers b o r n i n the 1 6 5 0 - 1 8 4 9 t i m e span whose o p eras are r e v i e w e d i n the New Grove Book of Operas (Sadie, 1996) w e r e i n c l u d e d i n the sample. A l l b u t 17 o f the sampled composers were b o r n i n E u r o p e ; the exceptions were b o r n i n N o r t h o r South A m e r i c a . Four teen o f the 6 4 6 composers were female, m o t i v a t i n g the use o f " h e " o r " h i s " w h e n a gender-dependent p r o n o u n o r adjective m u s t be used w i t h o u t further i n f o r m a t i o n . A m o n g the data collected were b i r t h a n d death years. F r o m t h e m , each composer's life span c o u l d be c o m p u t e d . T h e average age at death was 6 4 . 5 , the m e d i a n age 6 6 . T h e oldest composer i n the sample, G i a cobbe Cervetto ( 1 6 8 2 - 1 7 8 3 ) , died i n L o n d o n at the p r o b a b l e age o f 1 0 1 (his exact b i r t h date is u n c e r t a i n ) . T h e youngest, Juan A r r i a g a ( 1 8 0 6 - 1 8 2 6 ) , a student at the Paris Conservatoire, died a few days be fore reaching the age o f 2 0 . N i n e composers lived for 9 0 years o r m o r e . T h e r e are t w o explanations f o r the r e m a r k a b l e longevity o f o u r sample members, so c o n t r a r y t o accepted n o t i o n s o f h i g h m o r t a l i t y i n those days o f b l o o d l e t t i n g a n d other barbaric m e d i c a l practices. First, a m a j o r reason f o r l o w life expectancies i n the eighteenth a n d nineteenth centu ries was h i g h i n f a n t m o r t a l i t y . Those w h o lived l o n g e n o u g h t o become a composer o f note h a d passed t h r o u g h some o f the m o s t perilous years a n d p r o b a b l y (as M o z a r t d i d w i t h s m a l l p o x ) developed resistance t o m a n y p o t e n t i a l l y lethal diseases. Second, there m a y be a selection bias i n o u r sample. Composers w h o lived relatively l o n g h a d m o r e t i m e t o get their affairs i n order a n d ensure t h a t t h e i r musical manuscripts were preserved for posterity. T o estimate the relative creative o u t p u t o r " p r o d u c t i v i t y " o f sample members, the l e n g t h i n centimeters o f the recorded music listings i n the Schwann Opus catalogue was measured. T h i s variable is analogous t o the citations indexes w i d e l y used t o measure the p r o d u c t i v i t y o f schol ars a n d the value o f i n v e n t i o n patents. T h e m o r e music o f e n d u r i n g q u a l i t y a composer w r o t e , the m o r e items were l i k e l y t o survive i n re c o r d e d f o r m , a n d hence the longer the Schwann listing. T h e better any given w o r k was, the m o r e l i k e l y i t was t o be recorded by m u l t i p l e artists a n d groups, a n d so again, the longer the Schwann listing. T o r u b an o l d w o u n d b y w a y o f i l l u s t r a t i o n , there were 3 2 different f u l l recordings o f M o z a r t ' s Die Zauberflöte (The M a g i c F l u t e ) . A n t o n i o Salieri's opera La locandiera (The Innkeeper) h a d t w o recordings; the o n l y other recorded s u r v i v o r a m o n g his 4 0 operas, Azur, Re d'Ormus (Azur, k i n g o f O r m u s ) , w h i c h was p e r f o r m e d 28 times i n V i e n n a d u r i n g the 1788 sea son, h a d one. Gloria transit. 17
18
Figure 1.1 arrays the c i t a t i o n s data f o r the 646 composers, l e t t i n g each Schwann o b s e r v a t i o n be located at the year o f the composer's b i r t h . N o t surprisingly, a few composers t o w e r over a l l the others. W o l f -
9
INTRODUCTION
FIGURE 1.1 Recorded Music for the 6 4 6 Composers by Birth Year gang Amadeus M o z a r t , L u d w i g v a n Beethoven, a n d J o h a n n Sebastian Bach are the leaders, t r a i l e d b y the usual suspects. T h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f observations is w h a t statisticians call "skew," w i t h m a n y l o w - v a l u e o b servations (indeed, so m a n y t h a t i t is impossible t o d i s t i n g u i s h i n d i v i d uals a m o n g those clustered along the h o r i z o n t a l axis) a n d a few w i t h large o u t l y i n g values. Statistical tests reveal the d i s t r i b u t i o n t o be less skew t h a n the so-called Pareto d i s t r i b u t i o n a n d m o r e skew t h a n the l o g n o r m a l d i s t r i b u t i o n . T h e t o p 65 composers, c o m p r i s i n g 10 percent o f the t o t a l n u m b e r o f composers, accounted for 86.4 percent o f t o t a l Schwann catalogue lineage; the t o p 10 composers were responsible f o r 4 9 . 4 percent. T h i s c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f values is a b i t l o w e r t h a n the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f economic valuations for G e r m a n i n v e n t i o n patents t h a t were renewed t o their f u l l t e r m , a n d s o m e w h a t higher t h a n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f stock m a r k e t values resulting f r o m equal investments i n U.S. h i g h - t e c h n o l o g y startup enterprises held f r o m 9 t o 13 years. T h u s , i t lies w i t h i n the observed d i s t r i b u t i o n a l range o f outcomes f r o m h i g h l y creative activity. A large sample such as the sample o f 6 4 6 can i l l u m i n a t e b r o a d trends a n d patterns, b u t i t cannot y i e l d m u c h insight i n t o h o w i n d i v i d u a l c o m posers perceived their career o p p o r t u n i t i e s a n d outcomes, o r w h a t strat egies they pursued t o advance their careers. T o achieve d e p t h o f q u a l i t a tive analysis a l o n g w i t h q u a n t i t a t i v e b r e a d t h , a smaller sample o f 5 0 19
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CHAPTER O N E
composers was selected. For each composer i n this g r o u p , w h i c h w i l l be called "the select sample" i n subsequent references, at least one b o o k - l e n g t h b i o g r a p h y was read a n d a n n o t a t e d , a n d for the m o r e i m p o r t a n t composers, several biographies a n d correspondence collections were scrutinized. Altogether, 80 such b i o g r a p h i c a l references a l o n g w i t h n u m e r o u s c o l l a t e r a l w o r k s were consulted. 21
T h e composers i n c l u d e d i n the select sample are arrayed i n order o f b i r t h dates i n table 1.1. A l s o presented is the i n d e x t h a t measures, i n linear centimeters, the length o f recorded music listings i n the Schwann catalogue. T h e select sample i n c l u d e d a l l composers r a n k e d 1 t h r o u g h 2 6 i n l e n g t h o f Schwann catalogue listings, a l o n g w i t h 2 4 other c o m posers, w i t h the lowest Schwann r a n k i n g o f 1 3 7 , selected t o p r o v i d e representative coverage o f t i m e periods a n d geographic locations. There is a seeming coverage bias i n terms o f t i m e periods. A m o n g a l l c o m posers i n the large sample o f 6 4 6 , the select sample includes 7.1 percent o f those b o r n between 1 6 5 0 a n d 1 6 9 9 , 6.1 percent o f those b o r n i n 1 7 0 0 - 1 7 4 9 , 6.5 percent o f those b o r n i n 1 7 5 0 - 1 7 9 9 , b u t 10.6 percent o f the 1 8 0 0 - 1 8 4 9 b i r t h c o h o r t . T h i s bias is o n l y secondarily a t t r i b u t able t o the existence o f m o r e adequate b i o g r a p h i c a l m a t e r i a l o n c o m posers b o r n m o r e recently. T h e m a i n reason f o r the m o r e extensive sam p l i n g o f composers b o r n d u r i n g the nineteenth century is t h a t 14 o f the 2 0 i n the nineteenth-century c o h o r t were a m o n g the t o p 2 6 composers i n terms o f Schwann catalog listing l e n g t h . As perusal o f table 1.1 reveals, some c o n v e n t i o n h a d t o be a d o p t e d for the spelling o f names. T w o centuries ago spelling was under any circumstances a h a p h a z a r d t h i n g . T r a n s l i t e r a t i o n f r o m the Slavic l a n guages poses special difficulties. M a n y composers lived at diverse career phases i n several different nations, w h e r e their names often came t o be adapted t o the local c u s t o m . Handel's given name i n Germany, for ex ample, was G e o r g F r i e d r i c h Händel. M o s t E n g l i s h m e n were unable t o cope w i t h his u m l a u t , so he was frequently called H e n d e l . B u t w h e n he acquired English citizenship i n 1 7 2 7 , he registered himself w i t h the spelling o f table 1 . 1 . T h e spellings a d o p t e d i n table 1.1 a n d t h r o u g h o u t this b o o k are those f o u n d i n the revised e d i t i o n o f The Oxford Dictio nary of Music (Kennedy, 1 9 9 4 ) , except i n a few cases w h e r e the Oxford is at odds w i t h generally accepted practice. A b o o k a b o u t the economics o f music c o m p o s i t i o n can h a r d l y be w r i t t e n w i t h o u t m o n e t a r y measures. I n Europe over the t i m e span cov ered b y this w o r k , countless different currencies were i n c i r c u l a t i o n . T o m a k e sense o f the data, some c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r is needed. W e have chosen t o use the English p o u n d sterling, one o f the m o s t stable E u r o pean currencies, as the b e n c h m a r k . T h e a p p e n d i x t o this chapter p r o vides tables o f exchange rates a m o n g some o f the m o r e i m p o r t a n t cur-
INTRODUCTION
11
TABLE 1.1
Composers Included in the Select Sample, by Year of Birth Composer Johann Pachelbel Arcangelo Gorelli Henry Purcell Tomaso Albinoni Antonio Vivaldi Georg Philipp Telemann Jean-Philippe Rameau Johann Sebastian Bach Domenico Scarlatti George Frideric Handel Christoph W. Gluck C.P.E. Bach Leopold Mozart Franz Joseph Haydn Johann Christian Bach Johann Michael Haydn Johann Vanhal Luigi Boccherini Karl Stamitz Antonio Salieri Muzio Clementi Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart Ludwig van Beethoven Johann Nepomuk Hummel Niccolò Paganini Carl Maria von Weber Carl Czerny Gioachino Rossini Franz Schubert Gaetano Donizetti Vincenzo Bellini Hector Berlioz Johann Strauss Sr. Felix Mendelssohn Frédéric Chopin Robert Schumann Franz Liszt Giuseppe Verdi Richard Wagner Clara Wieck Schumann César Franck Bedfich Smetana
Birth Year
Death Year
Schwann
1653
1706
1653
1713
26.2 33.9
1659
1695
178.1
1671
1750
43.4
1678
1741
378.2
1681
1767
179.8
1683
1764
41.6
1685
1750
1190.2
1685
1757
40.4
1685
1759
306.5
1714
1787
36.3
1714
1788
62.5
1719
1787
17.3
1732
1809
460.5
1735
1783
44.0
1737
1806
29.0
1739
1813
10.5
1743
1805
72.8
1745
1801
21.9
1750
1825
11.6
1752
1832
24.7
1756
1791
1655.8
1770
1827
1262.4
1778
1837
56.5
1782 1786
1840 1826
66.2 135.4
1791
1857
8.4
1792
1868
197.7
1797
1828
552.5
1797
1848
150.4
1801
1835
84.2
1803
1869
129.5
1804
1849
15.4
1809
1847
290.6
1810
1849
497.4
1810
1856
414.9
1811
1886
398.2
1813
1901
408.4 433.7
1813
1883
1819
1896
20.4
1822
1890
104.7
1824
1884
88.2
cm.
12
CHAPTER O N E
TABLE 1.1 Continued Composer Johann Strauss Jr. Johannes Brahms Camille Saint-Saëns Modest Mussorgsky Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky Antonin Dvorak Edvard Grieg Gabriel Fauré
Birth Year
Death Year
1825 1833 1835 1839 1840 1841 1843 1845
1899 1897 1921 1881 1893 1904 1907 1924
Schwann
cm.
153.8 643.9 191.1 104.0 567.9 209.2 197.0 159.0
rencies a n d explains h o w the conversions were made. A d d i t i o n a l inform a t i o n is presented o n a n n u a l earnings i n a standardized j o b category (notably, f o r a b u i l d i n g craftsman i n s o u t h e r n England) a n d the pur chasing p o w e r o f those earnings.
PLAN OF THE B O O K
C h a p t e r 2 begins by l a y i n g h i s t o r i c a l f o u n d a t i o n s f o r the analyses t h a t f o l l o w . I t traces the p o l i t i c a l , p h i l o s o p h i c a l , a n d economic r e v o l u t i o n s d u r i n g the seventeenth t h r o u g h nineteenth centuries t h a t t r a n s f o r m e d the markets i n w h i c h composers sold their services. I t shows h o w i n creasing p r o s p e r i t y raised the d e m a n d f o r musical performances, educa t i o n , a n d instruments ( w i t h further changes d u r i n g the 1920s as r a d i o a n d electrical p h o n o g r a p h s p e r m i t t e d passive enjoyment o f music at h o m e ) . I t also reveals h o w musical performance audiences a n d venues changed i n response t o these developments. Chapter 3 explores f u r t h e r the diverse means o f e a r n i n g a l i v i n g open t o composers a n d uses the sample o f 6 4 6 composers t o discern h o w composers' o c c u p a t i o n a l choices evolved over a p e r i o d o f t w o centuries. Chapter 4 collects i n sights f r o m a host o f q u a l i t a t i v e materials o n the f a m i l y a n d e d u c a t i o n a l b a c k g r o u n d s o f composers, the role economic considerations p l a y e d i n t h e i r o c c u p a t i o n a l choices, the risks o f alternative choices, the strategies p u r s u e d t o deal w i t h those risks, a n d (for a l i m i t e d sample o f c o m posers) the extent t o w h i c h composers achieved economic success, mea sured i n terms o f net w o r t h at the t i m e o f t h e i r death. Chapters 5 a n d 6 investigate the geography o f composers' n a t i v i t y a n d their choices o f w o r k locations. A m o n g other things, chapter 5 tests the hypothesis t h a t the f r a g m e n t a t i o n o f the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e i n t o hundreds o f m o r e o r less independent p r i n c i p a l i t i e s a n d d u k e d o m s created especially attrac tive e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s for composers d u r i n g the eighteenth cen-
INTRODUCTION
13
tury. Chapter 6 investigates h o w r a d i c a l i m p r o v e m e n t s i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n m e d i a , o c c u r r i n g m o s t l y d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the nineteenth century, affected composers' geographic m o b i l i t y . Chapter 7 analyzes the alter native means by w h i c h composers' w o r k c o u l d be disseminated (often w i t h o u t permission), the emergence o f c o p y r i g h t systems, the i m p a c t o f c o p y r i g h t o r its absence o n composers' p u b l i c a t i o n strategies, a n d h o w m a r k e t o p p o r t u n i t i e s shaped publishers' preferences for diverse c o m p o s i t i o n f o r m s . Chapter 8 concludes.
Chapter 2 T H E POLITICAL, SOCIAL, A N D ECONOMIC MILIEU
T H E GREAT FLOWERING o f classical music t o o k place between the years 1 6 5 0 a n d 1 9 0 0 . M o s t o f the i m p o r t a n t events o c c u r r e d i n E u r o p e , w h i c h w i l l be the p r i n c i p a l geographic focus o f o u r analysis. Those t w o a n d o n e - h a l f centuries were times o f astonishing p o l i t i c a l , i n t e l l e c t u a l , e c o n o m i c , a n d c u l t u r a l change i n E u r o p e . T o learn h o w the business o f c o m p o s i n g music evolved, w e m u s t begin w i t h a b r o a d u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the u n d e r l y i n g p o l i t i c a l , i n t e l l e c t u a l , a n d economic currents. A c h r o n o l o g i c a l o v e r v i e w is p r o v i d e d by table 2 . 1 .
WAR AND REVOLUTION
W h i l e the s p i r i t o f n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y w i t h i n E u r o p e a n lands was g a i n i n g strength, p o l i t i c a l boundaries a n d alliances changed t h r o u g h a breath t a k i n g sequence o f m i l i t a r y encounters. T h e m o s t devastating o f the w a r s , the T h i r t y Years War, o c c u r r e d just before the p e r i o d o n w h i c h w e focus, leaving i m p o r t a n t legacies for, a m o n g other t h i n g s , the development o f music. T h e war's early roots lay i n the unsuccessful r e v o l t against R o m a n C a t h o l i c o r t h o d o x y led b y Prague's Jan H u s , b u r n e d at the stake i n 1 4 1 5 , a n d the Protestant refor m a t i o n i n i t i a t e d b y M a r t i n L u t h e r i n 1 5 1 7 . I t was i n the first instance a w a r over freedom o f r e l i g i o n , augmented by great p o w e r disputes a m o n g the leading E u r o p e a n nations. I t began i n 1618 w h e n the Protestant estates o f B o h e m i a , u n h a p p y over the lack o f tolerance s h o w n t h e m b y the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e , refused t o a c k n o w l e d g e H a b s b u r g - b a c k e d F e r d i n a n d I I as k i n g o f B o h e m i a a n d emperor-designate. C o m b a t a m o n g armies raised w i t h i n the A u s t r i a n empire a n d G e r m a n y escalated w i t h the entrance o f France, H a b s b u r g Spain, E n g l a n d (active m o s t l y t h r o u g h financial s u p p o r t ) , the increasingly p o w e r f u l Scandinavian n a t i o n s , a n d factions f r o m the Spanish-dominated L o w C o u n t r i e s . D u r i n g the ensu i n g t h i r t y years armies b a t t l e d back a n d f o r t h t h r o u g h m u c h o f Ger many, P o l a n d , B o h e m i a , a n d the L o w C o u n t r i e s a n d parts o f France, Italy, a n d Spain, l i v i n g f o r the n e x t engagement by p l u n d e r i n g l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n s . I n w h a t is n o w Germany, the focal p o i n t , deaths f r o m 1
P O L I T I C A L , SOCIAL, A N D E C O N O M I C M I L I E U
15
TABLE 2.1
Chronology of Significant Political, Philosophical, and Cultural Events over Two and One-Half Centuries 1637 1642 1643 1643-1658 1648 1660 1661 1666 1672 1683 1685 1688 1688-1689 1689 1690 1694 1700 1709 1709 1713 1719 1720 1723 1725 1733 1734 1737 1739 1740
1748
First Italian public opera house, Teatro San Cassiano, opened in Venice. Death of Galileo Galilei; birth of Isaac Newton. Death of Claudio Monteverdi in Venice. Church organs and sheet music destroyed during civil war, fol lowed by the protectorate of Cromwell in England. Thirty Years War ends w i t h Treaty of Westphalia. Royal Society in London for Improving Natural Knowledge officially established. Louis X I V assumes full powers as king of France. Académie Royale des Sciences established in France. Académie Royale de Musique inaugurated in Paris under JeanBaptiste Lully. Ottoman Empire's siege of Vienna broken. Birth of J. S. Bach, G. F. Handel, and Domenico Scarlatti. Collegium Musicum organized in Leipzig by Johann Kuhnau. Glorious Revolution in England; William of Orange becomes king w i t h powers limited by Parliament. Peter the Great assumes power as czar of Russia; begins open ing to the west. John Locke's Two Treatises of Government published. Bank of England established. Death of Charles I I separates Habsburg Austria from alliance w i t h Spain, triggers war of Spanish succession. Statute of Anne is first general copyright law. Battle of Poltova consolidates Russia's power in north. Treaty of Utrecht makes Austria sovereign in Flanders, M i l a n , Naples, and Sardinia. Royal Academy of Music founded in London w i t h Handel as music director. South Sea financial speculation bubble bursts. First opera theater of St. Petersburg inaugurated. Concert Spirituel founded in Paris by A . D . Philidor. John Kay invents the flying shuttle for looms. Voltaire's Lettres philosophiques and Alexander Pope's Essay on Man published. Death of Antonio Stradivari in Cremona. David Hume's Treatise of Human Nature published. Frederick I I (the Great) becomes king in Prussia, Maria There sia empress of Austria; Prussia seizes Silesia from Austria, triggering war of Austrian succession. Montesquieu's De l'Esprit des lois published.
16
CHAPTER T W O TABLE
1755 1756-1763 1757 1760 1762 1762 1762 1762 1765 1772 1776 1776 1778 1780 1781 1781 1783 1786 1787 1788-1791 1789 1791 1791 1792-1815 1796 1805 1805 1806 1810 1812-1813 1815
1816 1824 1825 1829
2.1 Continued
Rousseau's Discours sur Vorigine de l'inégalité published. Seven Years War rages in central Europe. Diderot's Encyclopédie banned by French Parlement. Era of English canal-building begins. Premiere in Vienna of Gluck's Orfeo ed Euridice. Rousseau's Du Contrat social published. Catherine the Great becomes czarina of Russia. Hereditary feudal servitude abolished in Savoy. James Hargreaves invents the spinning jenny. Poland partitioned among Austria, Prussia, and Russia. First commercialization of Watt-Boulton steam engine. American declaration of independence from England. Elector Karl Theodor moves his orchestra, the best in Europe, from Mannheim to Munich. Joseph I I becomes emperor of Austria. Immanuel Kant's Critique of Pure Reason published. Freedom of occupational choice proclaimed in Austria. Catherine the Great authorizes private printing presses in Russia. Premiere of Mozart's Le nozze di Figaro in Vienna. U.S. Constitution provides for copyright; enabling law passed in 1790. War between Austria and Ottoman Empire. Storming of Bastille initiates French revolution. Haydn's first London concerts; death of Mozart. French copyright law adopted. French revolutionary and then Napoleonic wars. French occupy territory east of the Rhine. First performance of Beethoven's Third Symphony (Eroica) in Vienna. French occupy Vienna briefly, returning in 1809. British defeat French fleet at Trafalgar. Napoleon defeats Prussia at the battle of Jena. Freedom-of-occupation law enacted in Prussia. French forces retreat from Moscow and (reconstituted) are de feated in battle of Leipzig. Treaty of Vienna ends Napoleonic wars, brings back Austrian domination of northern Italy, and ends Austrian control of Belgium. Premiere of Rossini's II barbiere di Siviglia in Rome. First performance of Beethoven's N i n t h Symphony in Vienna. Stockton &c Darlington railway opened in England. German music publishers enter no-copying accord; followed by political affirmation in German Bund.
P O L I T I C A L , SOCIAL, A N D E C O N O M I C M I L I E U TABLE
1831 1832 1834 1839 1840 1842 1842 1845 1848 1854 1858 1859 1861 1861-1865 1861 1864 1870-1871 1871 1872 1883 1885 1891
17
2.1 Continued
Paganini's extended performance trip capped by triumphs in Paris. English middle classes enfranchised. Zollverein (customs union) reduces tariff barriers in Prussia and Saxony. Dresden-Leipzig rail link completed. Austrian copyright law extended to Italian possessions. Premiere of Verdi's Nabucco i n M i l a n . Philharmonic Society of New York presents its first concert, including Beethoven's Fifth Symphony. Premiere of Wagner's Tannhäuser in Dresden. Popular revolutions in France, Germany, Austria, Italy. First war of Italian independence commenced, lost. New York Academy of Music creates opera venue. Premiere of Brahms's First Piano Concerto. Struggle for Italian unification escalated by Vittorio Emanuele and Giuseppe Garibaldi. Kingdom of Italy proclaimed, uniting most Italian states. Civil war in the United States. Emancipation of Russian serfs. Schleswig-Holstein taken from Denmark by Prussia. France defeated in Franco-Prussian war. Rome is named capital of united Italy. Johann Strauss Jr. conducts at Boston Peace Festival. Metropolitan Opera House opened in New York City. Berne convention initiates international copyright. Tchaikovsky presides at Carnegie Hall inaugural concert in New York City.
c o m b a t , s t a r v a t i o n , a n d hunger-induced disease a m o u n t e d t o as m u c h as o n e - t h i r d o f the resident p o p u l a t i o n . N o t a t y p i c a l was the small t o w n o f K l e i n b o b r i t s c h , located t h i r t y k i l o m e t e r s southwest o f Dresden a n d b i r t h p l a c e o f the leading early eighteenth-century o r g a n builders Andreas a n d G o t t f r i e d S i l b e r m a n n . F o u r decades before the T h i r t y Years W a r began, K l e i n b o b r i t s c h h a d 2 1 f a r m families a n d 6 other f a m ilies i n residence; w h e n the w a r ended, there were o n l y 10 families. As a consequence o f the p o p u l a t i o n loss, l a n d was cheap, so the g r a n d father o f Andreas a n d G o t t f r i e d c o u l d m a k e advantageous purchases t h a t eventually facilitated the grandsons' e n t r y i n t o the o r g a n - b u i l d i n g profession. I n w h a t is n o w the Czech R e p u b l i c , the w a r was even m o r e devastating. F o l l o w i n g the 1 6 2 0 t r i u m p h o f i m p e r i a l forces at the Battle o f W h i t e M o u n t a i n (three k i l o m e t e r s west o f Prague's H r a d c a n y castle), 2 7 barons, k n i g h t s , a n d other local leaders were executed; the proper2
3
18
CHAPTER T W O
ties o f 6 8 0 (mostly Protestant) Czechs were confiscated a n d t u r n e d over t o supporters o f F e r d i n a n d ; a n d thousands o f others fled B o h e m i a rather than convert to Catholicism. T h e T h i r t y Years W a r ended w i t h the Treaty o f Westphalia, c o n c l u d e d at the t o w n s o f M ü n s t e r a n d O s n a b r ü c k i n 1 6 4 8 . Some o f the w a r r i n g parties, n o t a b l y Sweden a n d France, gained t e r r i t o r y t h r o u g h the settlement. O w n e r s h i p o f m o s t lands, however, reverted t o t h e i r pre w a r feudal lords. T h i s left w i t h i n w h a t is n o w G e r m a n y some three h u n d r e d t e r r i t o r i a l l y sovereign p r i n c i p a l i t i e s a n d d u k e d o m s . M o s t were n o m i n a l l y under the j u r i s d i c t i o n o f the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e , b u t the emperor a n d his diet retained so little p o l i t i c a l p o w e r t h a t the various entities' leaders were effectively free o f i m p e r i a l c o n t r o l , w h i c h h a d i n any event w i t h e r e d even before the w a r as the emperor dispensed p r i v i leges i n exchange f o r s u p p o r t i n w a r s a n d conflicts w i t h the papacy. I n the century a n d a h a l f t h a t f o l l o w e d 1 6 4 8 , the courts o f these feudal l o r d s , w e shall see, became magnets t o musical talent. T h e religious d i v i s i o n o f G e r m a n y was largely frozen i n the status q u o ante b e l l u m , since the Treaty m a n d a t e d religious tolerance i n G e r m a n y ( b u t n o t i n H a b s b u r g A u s t r i a ) a n d r e q u i r e d local sovereigns t o forfeit t h e i r lands i f they changed religious affiliations. S w i t z e r l a n d a n d the N e t h e r l a n d s were guaranteed f o r m a l independence. 4
A m o n g the m a n y other w a r s t h a t f o l l o w e d , o n l y three can receive a t t e n t i o n i n this brief survey. T h e death o f Spanish k i n g Charles I I w i t h o u t direct heirs i n 1 7 0 0 was f o l l o w e d by the accession o f P h i l i p V , g r a n d s o n o f France's K i n g L o u i s X I V , m a r k i n g the end o f H a b s b u r g f a m i l y c o n t r o l i n Spain, the start o f a B o u r b o n dynasty, a n d acceleration o f the decline o f Spain's p o s i t i o n as a w o r l d power. T e r m i n a t i n g the W a r o f Spanish Succession t h a t f o l l o w e d , the Treaty o f U t r e c h t i n 1713 gave A u s t r i a sovereignty inter alia over Flanders, M i l a n , Sardinia, a n d N a ples. D u r i n g the n e x t c e n t u r y a n d a h a l f the territories a n d cities o f I t a l y became m i l i t a r y a n d p o l i t i c a l f o o t b a l l s , w i t h c o n t r o l o s c i l l a t i n g a m o n g A u s t r i a , France, Spain, the papacy, a n d status as independent cities o r states. I t a l i a n s ' deep resentment over their subjection by foreigners was e p i t o m i z e d i n the audience's t u m u l t u o u s reaction t o the l i b e r a t i o n chorus, " V a Pensiero," d u r i n g the 1842 premiere o f Giuseppe Verdi's opera Nabucco (Nebuchadnezzar) at L a Scala i n M i l a n . O n l y w h e n an I t a l i a n n a t i o n a l i s t a r m y seized R o m e i n 1 8 7 0 after Rome's French protectors left t o j o i n their homeland's defense against Prussian invaders was f u l l u n i f i c a t i o n achieved under K i n g V i t t o r i o Emanuele. W h e n M a r i a Theresia became empress o f A u s t r i a i n 1 7 4 0 , K i n g Fred erick I I o f Prussia t o o k advantage o f w h a t he perceived t o be a m o m e n t a r y weakness by seizing c o n t r o l o f Silesia, the most i n d u s t r i a l i z e d re g i o n o f the A u s t r i a n e m p i r e . Episodic attempts by A u s t r i a t o regain
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19
c o n t r o l escalated i n t o a full-scale Seven Years W a r between 1756 a n d 1 7 6 3 , p i t t i n g against Prussia ( w i t h financial s u p p o r t f r o m England) the allied forces o f A u s t r i a , France, Russia, a n d Sweden. T h e w a r w e n t b a d l y f o r Prussia, leading t o t e m p o r a r y o c c u p a t i o n o f B e r l i n , closure o f the c o u r t opera established b y Frederick, a n d disarray w i t h i n his stellar c o u r t orchestra. Prussia's defeat was averted m a i n l y b y Russia's deci sion, d u r i n g the brief reign o f Czar Peter I I I , t o change sides —an a l l i ance t h a t sowed seeds for the first p a r t i t i o n i n g o f P o l a n d a m o n g Russia, Prussia, and A u s t r i a i n 1 7 7 2 . A t r u l y independent P o l a n d reemerged o n l y w i t h the T r e a t y o f Versailles i n 1 9 1 9 . T h e huge expenses i n c u r r e d by A u s t r i a a n d some G e r m a n states d u r i n g the Seven Years W a r left m a n y r o y a l treasuries exhausted, leading t o stringencies t h a t u n d e r l a y a r e d u c t i o n o f s u p p o r t for musical activities. Even m o r e disastrous for the s u p p o r t o f central E u r o p e a n musical culture were the w a r s t h a t f o l l o w e d the i n i t i a l French r e v o l u t i o n o f 1789 a n d the French Assembly's declaration o f w a r against A u s t r i a i n A p r i l 1 7 9 2 . After i n i t i a l setbacks, French t r o o p s advanced o n the Ger m a n f r o n t t o F r a n k f u r t before w i t h d r a w i n g , captured N i c e a n d Savoy i n 1 7 9 2 , a n d c o n t i n u e d i n t o I t a l y i n 1 7 9 3 . Sporadic w a r f a r e also occurred i n Spain. French forces again crossed the R h e i n o n t o its east b a n k i n G e r m a n y d u r i n g 1 7 9 6 . After a p e r i o d o f relative quiet, the French w o n i m p o r t a n t battles at U l m a n d A u s t e r l i t z i n 1 8 0 5 , o c c u p y i n g V i e n n a briefly i n 1805 and again i n 1 8 0 9 . T h e y defeated Prussian forces de cisively at Jena i n 1 8 0 6 , k i l l i n g i n a precursor battle a gifted music composer, Prussian Prince a n d General L o u i s F e r d i n a n d . I n their m a r c h across Germany, they d i s r u p t e d the courts o f local p r i n c i p a l i t i e s a n d d u k e d o m s , levied heavy taxes o n the nobles w h o r e m a i n e d , a n d began i n t r o d u c i n g , i n the spirit o f the r e v o l u t i o n , n e w laws t h a t abolished the subservience o f peasants t o their masters. T h e i r fortunes were reversed o n l y w i t h their calamitous retreat f r o m M o s c o w i n 1 8 1 2 , f o l l o w e d by another loss t o Russian a n d Prussian forces at the battle o f L e i p z i g i n 1 8 1 3 . After the resignation o f N a p o l e o n a n d his r e t u r n , b u t before his defeat at W a t e r l o o i n June 1 8 1 5 , the w a r ended officially w i t h the Treaty o f V i e n n a . A u s t r i a regained its c o n t r o l over m u c h o f n o r t h e r n Italy, i n c l u d i n g Venice, w h i c h h a d been a free city u n t i l 1 7 9 8 ; P o l a n d was again p a r t i t i o n e d ; a n d B e l g i u m was ceded t o the N e t h e r l a n d s . M o r e t h a n one h u n d r e d previously independent G e r m a n d u k e d o m s a n d principalities were merged w i t h neighbors. M a n y o f the legal reforms i n i t i a t e d by the French occupiers were r o l l e d back, b u t the spirit o f liberté a n d égalité i n t r o d u c e d by France p r o v e d , as w e shall see, m o r e difficult t o eradicate. Despite the French example, g o v e r n m e n t a l repres sion o f local citizens actually increased i n some places, m o s t notably, i n A u s t r i a a n d its i m p e r i a l possessions. 5
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F o l l o w i n g the Treaty o f V i e n n a , w a r s c o n t i n u e d t o plague E u r o p e , b u t they were f o r the m o s t p a r t m o r e n a r r o w l y concentrated geograph ically a n d less bloody. Prussia i n p a r t i c u l a r regained the m o m e n t u m i t h a d achieved under Frederick the Great, seizing Schleswig-Holstein f r o m D e n m a r k i n 1 8 6 4 , u n i t i n g t h r o u g h carrots a n d sticks the m a n y fragmented states o f Germany, a n d dispatching its armies t o the gates o f Paris i n 1 8 7 0 . B u t the o n l y a d d i t i o n a l event t h a t can be added t o this g r i m n a r r a t i v e was m o r e i n the nature o f r e v o l u t i o n t h a n war. First i n Paris d u r i n g February 1848 a n d s h o r t l y thereafter i n A u s t r i a , Germany, a n d Italy, spontaneous revolts b y bourgeois a n d working-class citizens against established a u t h o r i t y b r o k e o u t . I n France, A u s t r i a , a n d parts o f Germany, they were b r u t a l l y repressed. O n e casualty was R i c h a r d Wagner, w h o h a d identified w i t h the r e v o l u t i o n a r y elements a n d was forced i n 1849 t o flee a c o m f o r t a b l e p o s i t i o n as Kapellmeister i n Dres den. F o r the n e x t decade he r e m a i n e d a fugitive o n the r u n f r o m the Saxon police (as w e l l as f r o m debt collectors a n d c u c k o l d e d husbands). A n o t h e r was J o h a n n Strauss Jr., w h o was refused a p o s i t i o n as d i r e c t o r o f the Viennese court's b a l l music f o r his s y m p a t h y w i t h citizens seeking l i b e r a l i z a t i o n . I n Italy, the uprisings triggered renewed efforts t o achieve l i b e r a t i o n t h a t succeeded t w o decades later. 8
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T H E E N L I G H T E N M E N T A N D T H E R E F O R M OF FEUDAL INSTITUTIONS
T h e century a n d a h a l f t h a t f o l l o w e d the Treaty o f Westphalia was a t i m e o f intellectual ferment i n t a n d e m w i t h struggles f o r m i l i t a r y a n d p o l i t i c a l power. There arose d u r i n g this t i m e a n e w p h i l o s o p h i c a l v i e w t h a t came t o be k n o w n as the E n l i g h t e n m e n t . T h e p h i l o s o p h i c a l w r i t i n g s o f the E n l i g h t e n m e n t were r o o t e d p a r t l y i n the Protestant R e f o r m a t i o n b u t most d i r e c t l y i n advances i n physical science a n d mathematics. A m o n g the latter, the m o s t i m p o r t a n t was the definitive r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t the earth r o t a t e d a b o u t the sun, n o t the o p posite. O r i g i n a l l y based u p o n a s t r o n o m i c a l observations a n d h y p o t h eses t h e r e f r o m b y N i c h o l a u s Copernicus ( 1 4 7 3 - 1 5 4 3 ) o f C r a k o w , the C o p e r n i c a n m o d e l t r i u m p h e d w i t h the p u b l i c a t i o n o f Isaac N e w t o n ' s Principia Mathematica i n 1686 a n d 1 6 8 7 . N e w t o n ' s m a t h e m a t i c a l m o d e l o f the solar system was b u i l t u p o n the p a i n s t a k i n g e x p e r i m e n t a l w o r k o f G a l i l e o G a l i l e i ( 1 5 6 4 - 1 6 4 2 ) a n d the laws o f planetary m o t i o n de r i v e d b y Johannes Kepler ( 1 5 7 1 - 1 6 3 0 ) , whose w o r k was i n t u r n made possible b y the unprecedentedly detailed a s t r o n o m i c a l observations o f T y c h o Brahe ( 1 5 4 6 - 1 6 0 1 ) . F r o m this a n d other advances i n physics a n d biology, i t became clear t h a t the u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f physical p h e n o m e n a progressed best t h r o u g h the marriage o f i n d u c t i v e t h e o r i z i n g w i t h care10
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ful e m p i r i c a l research. T h e value o f this a p p r o a c h was anticipated presciently by England's Francis Bacon ( 1 5 6 1 - 1 6 2 6 ) , whose w r i t i n g s i n spired w e e k l y meetings o f an " i n v i s i b l e college" i n L o n d o n b e g i n n i n g i n the 1640s a n d led i n 1660 t o the f o r m a l o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the R o y a l Society o f L o n d o n for I m p r o v i n g N a t u r a l K n o w l e d g e . I t was the R o y a l Society t h a t published N e w t o n ' s Principia, a m o n g other distinguished c o n t r i b u t i o n s . A s i m i l a r l y m i n d e d g r o u p , the Académie Royale des Sci ences, was established i n France under the patronage o f L o u i s X I V i n 1666. T h e r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t theory r o o t e d i n careful e m p i r i c a l observation c o u l d advance k n o w l e d g e o f the physical w o r l d so d r a m a t i c a l l y , a n d t h a t scientific advances i n t u r n led t o n e w technologies t h a t raised mate r i a l standards o f l i v i n g , made a p o w e r f u l impression u p o n philosophers w h o pondered the h u m a n c o n d i t i o n a n d man's relationship t o d i v i n e providence. T h e first i n a b r i l l i a n t line o f c o n t r i b u t i o n s came f r o m E n gland's J o h n L o c k e , w h o t r i e d t o a p p l y the m e t h o d o l o g y o f the physical sciences t o questions such as h o w the h u m a n m i n d reasoned (in his Essay Concerning Human Understanding, 1690) a n d h o w social rela tions between m e n and their rulers were structured (in i n i t i a l l y anony m o u s Two Treatises of Government (1690) a n d Letters of Toleration ( 1 6 9 0 ) ) . One theme sounded b y L o c k e a n d reiterated b y m o s t o f the E n l i g h t e n m e n t philosophers was rejection o f theological a u t h o r i t y as a basis f o r settling the great questions o f h u m a n existence. Rather, an swers were t o be o b t a i n e d t h r o u g h e m p i r i c a l observation (to be sure, as I m m a n u e l K a n t stressed a century later, a treacherous guide t o h u m a n behavior) a n d careful independent reasoning. E n l i g h t e n m e n t w r i t e r s were u n w i l l i n g a m o n g other things t o let popes suppress the evidence c o m p i l e d by scientists such as Galileo t o m a i n t a i n the t h e o l o g i c a l l y c o n venient fiction t h a t earth a n d hence the h u m a n beings Jesus C h r i s t came t o save were the fixed center o f God's universe. A n aggressively d o u b t i n g stance t o w a r d t r a d i t i o n a l theological doctrine was, sociologist R o b ert M e r t o n has s h o w n , a characteristic preponderant a m o n g the early members o f England's R o y a l Society a n d France's Académie Royale des Sciences. N o t surprisingly, advocacy o f religious t o l e r a t i o n was vir t u a l l y u n a n i m o u s a m o n g the E n l i g h t e n m e n t w r i t e r s . E q u a l l y i m p o r t a n t for the analysis t h a t f o l l o w s here was the v i e w o f m a n y E n l i g h t e n m e n t philosophers, as expressed i n America's 1776 Dec l a r a t i o n o f Independence, t h a t a l l m e n are created e q u a l . A m o n g the i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t o r s t o this v i e w were Charles L o u i s de M o n t e s q u i e u ( 1 6 8 9 - 1 7 5 5 ) a n d Jean-Jacques Rousseau ( 1 7 1 2 - 1 7 7 8 ) . I n his De l'Es prit des lois ( o n the Spirit o f the L a w s ) ( 1 7 4 8 ) , M o n t e s q u i e u traced h i s t o r i c a l l y the development o f l a w i n ancient a n d m o d e r n societies a n d f o u n d that the m o s t successful systems o f l a w were adapted t o meet the 11
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needs o f the people governed. I n his 1749 essay, Discours sur les arts et sciences, Rousseau surveyed evidence f r o m societies Europeans consid ered p r i m i t i v e a n d f o u n d , c o n t r a r y t o p o p u l a r conceptions, t h a t the " n o b l e savages" enjoyed an a d m i r a b l e " n a t u r a l l i b e r t y , " despite t h e i r meager c o m m a n d over w o r l d l y goods a n d services. T h i s led h i m t o c o n clude i n a later w o r k : 1 5
Look into the motives that have induced men, once united by their com mon needs in a general society, to unite themselves still more intimately through civil societies: you will find no other motive than that of securing the property, life, and liberty of each member by the protection of all. M o r e generally, most philosophers o f the E n l i g h t e n m e n t shared a v i e w t h a t " n a t u r a l l a w " r e q u i r e d the c i v i l laws a n d systems o f g o v e r n m e n t t o be structured so as t o benefit the great mass o f a nation's i n h a b i t a n t s , a n d n o t merely a p r i v i l e g e d elite. A t the t i m e o f these w r i t i n g s , the p o l i t i c a l structures p r e v a i l i n g i n E u r o p e c o u l d scarcely have departed m o r e f r o m the ideals p o s t u l a t e d by the E n l i g h t e n m e n t philosophers. D u r i n g the eighteenth century, m o s t o f Europe's inhabitants — p r o b a b l y 80 percent, averaged across the various territories — w o r k e d i n agriculture o r belonged t o f a r m f a m i l i e s . M o s t a g r i c u l t u r a l lands o f Europe at the t i m e were held by a s m a l l m i n o r i t y o f l a n d o w n e r s w i t h p r o p e r t y rights often d a t i n g back t o the m i d d l e ages. T h e l o r d s ' o r seigniors' l a n d was w o r k e d by peasants t o i l i n g under feudal master-servant relationships t h a t v a r i e d w i d e l y f r o m r e g i o n t o r e g i o n , b u t t h a t f o r tens o f m i l l i o n s o f peasants differed little f r o m chat tel slavery. U n d e r the best c o n d i t i o n s outside E n g l a n d a n d the Nether lands, n o t a b l y i n w h a t is n o w France a n d the western parts o f Germany, peasants h a d hereditary tenure i n the l a n d they w o r k e d a n d i n t h e i r residences, b u t h a d t o t u r n over an appreciable p a r t o f their p r o d u c e t o the master a n d devote a specified n u m b e r o f days o f personal service per year t o the master's estate operations. U n d e r the less favorable c o n d i tions t y p i c a l o f a g r i c u l t u r e east o f the Elbe river a n d e x t e n d i n g i n t o Russia, the peasants either lacked tenure o r c o u l d easily be dispossessed o f their lands a n d were unable t o pass residual rights o n t o their c h i l d r e n , w h o , however, were often b o u n d under a legal d o c t r i n e k n o w n as mainmorte t o r e m a i n o n the master's estate a n d c o n t i n u e their servitude f r o m generation t o generation. Indeed, i n E u r o p e a n Russia, the 90 per cent o f the p o p u l a t i o n w h o l a b o r e d as serfs were c o m m o n l y b o u g h t a n d sold by their masters or transferred t o repay g a m b l i n g debts. 16
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For readers f a m i l i a r m a i n l y w i t h c u r r e n t l i v i n g standards i n Western Europe a n d the A m e r i c a s , the c o n d i t i o n s under w h i c h the t y p i c a l E u r o pean peasant subsisted at the outset o f the eighteenth century are vir t u a l l y inconceivable. There were t o be sure some w e a l t h y peasants, 18
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f o u n d m o r e often i n the west t h a n the east, b u t most peasants l i v e d i n abject p o v e r t y a n d misery, sharing small huts w i t h t h e i r often sizable families a n d the few animals they happened t o possess. T h e i r n u t r i t i o n consisted p r i m a r i l y o f grains, c o m m o n l y i n the f o r m o f p o r r i d g e o r soup, supplemented by legumes o r (especially i n the East) cabbage. Bread was expensive; fines were i m p o s e d unless i t was b a k e d f r o m flour g r o u n d at e x p l o i t i v e m o n o p o l y tariffs i n the l a n d l o r d ' s m i l l (like beer b r e w e d i n the seignior's b r e w e r y ) . M e a t a n d (outside southwest Europe) w i n e were rarities reserved f o r i m p o r t a n t feast days. T h e p o t a t o , a c r u cial dietary supplement i n later periods, began g a i n i n g acceptance o n l y i n the second h a l f o f the eighteenth century. A m o n g peasants' few bless ings was the absence o f physicians, w h o i n those unenlightened times were as apt t o k i l l t h e i r patients as t o heal t h e m . B u t disease a n d early m o r t a l i t y were r a m p a n t . Indeed, t o articulate a theme t h a t w i l l emerge later, c o m p a r e d t o the peasant status under w h i c h m o s t i n h a b i t a n t s o f E u r o p e a n nations t o i l e d , the economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s o p e n t o musicians, h o w e v e r meager o n average, were quite attractive. I t can h a r d l y be s u r p r i s i n g , therefore, t h a t a m o n g the philosophers o f the E n l i g h t e n m e n t w h o stressed the d i g n i t y o f a l l i n d i v i d u a l s , the sys tems o f feudal tenure p r e v a i l i n g i n Europe were a p r i m e target f o r re f o r m . Because the relatively few l a n d l o r d s h a d p o w e r f u l influence over existing legal i n s t i t u t i o n s (courts o f first j u r i s d i c t i o n were t y p i c a l l y staffed by l a n d l o r d - a p p o i n t e d judges) a n d c o u l d b l o c k r e f o r m efforts, c o n s t i t u t i o n a l changes were considered necessary t o m a k e g o v e r n m e n t a n d the j u d i c i a l system m o r e responsive t o the needs o f the c o m m o n people a n d t o p r o v i d e checks against abuses b y the p o w e r f u l . 1 9
For E n l i g h t e n m e n t philosophers, E n g l a n d served as a m o d e l . T h e king's p o w e r was l i m i t e d b y the accord reached i n the G l o r i o u s R e v o l u t i o n o f 1 6 8 8 , t h r o u g h w h i c h James I I was d r i v e n f r o m the t h r o n e and replaced b y W i l l i a m o f Orange, w i t h the express u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h a t tolerance w o u l d be exercised t o w a r d dissenting religions a n d t h a t Par l i a m e n t , a n d n o t the k i n g , w o u l d have decisive p o w e r i n such matters as t a x a t i o n . T h e p o w e r o f Parliament was i n t u r n constrained, despite the u l t i m a t e appellate role o f the H o u s e o f L o r d s , by a relatively indepen dent j u d i c i a l system. I n E n g l a n d t o o , a substantial share o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n came f r o m y e o m e n w h o o w n e d the fields they c u l t i v a t e d . T o be sure, m a n y y e o m e n lost t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l access t o c o m m o n pasture lands d u r i n g the enclosure movements o f the sixteenth, seventeenth, a n d eighteenth centuries. B u t they were at least n o t burdened by onerous feudal servitude o b l i g a t i o n s , a n d i n m o s t instances, they received appre ciable c o m p e n s a t i o n w h e n larger l a n d o w n e r s fenced i n c o m m o n lands against the i n c u r s i o n o f others' grazing cattle. D u r i n g the eighteenth century, the enclosure m o v e m e n t was accompanied by intensified inter20
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est i n a m o r e scientific a p p r o a c h t o f a r m i n g , facilitating a considerable increase i n a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y a n d hence better n u t r i t i o n for m o s t English citizens. Greater a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y a n d r a p i d p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h together encouraged m i g r a t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r a l families' c h i l d r e n t o the cities a n d made i t possible t o feed the enlarged u r b a n w o r k force r e q u i r e d for an emerging I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n . 21
T h e m o r e intelligent E u r o p e a n sovereigns were keenly aware o f these developments. Some recoiled i n h o r r o r against proposed changes i n the ancien régime, b u t others embraced the E n l i g h t e n m e n t enthusiastically. M o s t notable a m o n g the latter were Frederick I I (The Great) o f Prussia a n d Joseph I I , kaiser o f the A u s t r o - H u n g a r i a n empire. V o l t a i r e ( 1 6 9 4 1 7 7 8 ) , b y c o m m o n consent the b e s t - k n o w n p o p u l a r i z e r o f E n l i g h t e n m e n t views, was guest at the c o u r t o f Frederick the Great i n 1743 a n d again i n 1 7 5 0 - 1 7 5 3 , a n d t h r o u g h o u t m o s t o f his a d u l t life Frederick m a i n t a i n e d a lively correspondence w i t h V o l t a i r e o n p h i l o s o p h i c a l a n d p o l i t i c a l questions. Pursuing an E n l i g h t e n m e n t agenda, Frederick ( a m o n g other things, a passionate composer o f flute music) abolished t o r t u r e a n d the p u n i s h m e n t o f w o m e n w h o h a d a b o r t e d , fostered free d o m o f religious practice, encouraged the educational w o r k o f Jesuits i n his c a p t u r e d Silesian t e r r i t o r i e s , a n d sought t o eliminate the Prussian serfs' feudal o b l i g a t i o n s ( b u t succeeded i n d o i n g so o n l y o n state-owned lands). Frederick's beliefs were p a r t l y i n keeping w i t h the views o f E n l i g h t e n m e n t philosophers, b u t he also h a d m o r e p r a g m a t i c goals. H e saw a liberated a n d prosperous peasantry as the best source o f t a x reve nue a n d w e l l - n o u r i s h e d conscripts f o r his armies, a n d i n his view, the m i l i t a r y p o w e r he sought for Prussia f l o w e d f r o m the size a n d prosper i t y o f the m o s t l y a g r i c u l t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n . I n this he was at odds w i t h Prussian l a n d barons, w h o sought t o preserve t h e i r advantageous feudal i n s t i t u t i o n s , a n d n o t u n t i l Prussia was almost prostrate e c o n o m i c a l l y d u r i n g the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s were the Prussian serfs emancipated a n d freedom o f o c c u p a t i o n a l choice a u t h o r i z e d . 22
Joseph I I o f A u s t r i a was perhaps even m o r e progressive, discussing E n l i g h t e n m e n t p h i l o s o p h y w i t h Frederick the Great at meetings i n 1 7 6 9 a n d 1 7 7 0 a n d w i t h Catherine the Great o f Russia i n 1 7 8 1 . W h i l e cosovereign w i t h his m o t h e r M a r i a Theresia, he i n i t i a t e d a p r o g r a m o f peasant legal rights a n d tenure reforms, conferred after M a r i a Theresia's death i n 1 7 8 0 freedom o n peasants t o learn a trade a n d leave the estate, a n d confiscated f o r the benefit o f the p o o r the p r o p e r t y o f m a n y monasteries. H e t o o experienced sharp conflict over l a n d tenure re f o r m w i t h his noble l a n d o w n e r s , w h o v i e w e d his policies as a threat t o their feudal dues, a n d after his death i n 1 7 9 0 , m a n y o f his initiatives were n u l l i f i e d . I t is w e l l k n o w n , i f o n l y f r o m the m o t i o n p i c t u r e Am adeus, t h a t Joseph I I pushed t h r o u g h , over the o p p o s i t i o n o f an a n t i 2 3
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M o z a r t cabal, the p r o d u c t i o n o f an opera, u l t i m a t e l y Le nozze di Figaro (The M a r r i a g e o f F i g a r o ) , f r o m the controversial play o f the same name (in French) by Pierre-Augustin Beaumarchais. T h e p l a y was controver sial n o t because i t t u r n e d o n the sexual licentiousness o f n o b l e m e n , w h i c h shocked n o one i n t h a t enlightened t i m e , b u t because i t depicted a h u m b l e barber as shrewder a n d m o r e intelligent t h a n C o u n t A l m a v i v a . T h i s was seen as a serious a f f r o n t t o the noble establishment. I t is said t h a t Joseph supported M o z a r t ' s efforts because he perceived the need f o r r e f o r m i n g the system o f feudal privileges ( i n c l u d i n g the count's r i g h t o f first n u p t i a l access t o Susanna) a n d w a n t e d t o send a message o f w a r n i n g t o the landed gentry w h o w o u l d be the opera's p r i n c i p a l lis teners. T h e message was i g n o r e d , leaving unresolved i n A u s t r i a as w e l l as France m a n y o f the feudal grievances t h a t p r e c i p i t a t e d the French R e v o l u t i o n a n d carried Joseph's sister M a r i e A n t o i n e t t e t o the g u i l l o t i n e in 1793. 25
Reforms d i d come, b u t o n l y gradually, over the course o f a century o n the E u r o p e a n c o n t i n e n t . Some occurred because progressive i n d i v i d u a l l a n d o w n e r s recognized f r o m the British d e m o n s t r a t i o n t h a t the feudal system was hopelessly inefficient, a n d t h a t i t was m o r e profitable t o rent l a n d t o w e l l - m o t i v a t e d peasants t h a n t o c o m p e l t h e i r activity. Some were the result o f actions by enlightened despots such as Freder ick the Great, Joseph I I , D u k e L e o p o l d I o f L o r r a i n e , a n d K a r l F r i e d r i c h o f Baden. T h e first f o r m a l p r o c l a m a t i o n abolishing mainmorte was is sued i n Savoy ( n o w the n o r t h w e s t corner o f Italy) d u r i n g 1 7 6 2 . L o u i s X V I o f France f o l l o w e d w i t h a p r o c l a m a t i o n i n 1 7 7 9 affecting o n l y c r o w n lands. I n 1 7 7 1 the k i n g o f Savoy established a c o m m i s s i o n t o r e c o m m e n d c o m p e n s a t i o n t o lords whose peasants were emancipated, b u t its efforts were desultory, a n d w h e n r e v o l u t i o n a r y French forces i n v a d e d Savoy i n 1 7 9 2 , the r e m a i n i n g peasant h o l d i n g s were emanci pated w i t h o u t compensation. Duress resulting f r o m the r e v o l u t i o n w i t h i n France, French m i l i t a r y o c c u p a t i o n outside i t , a n d the threat o r actuality o f peasant uprisings were i m p o r t a n t inducements t o change. I n Hessen, the H a n o v e r r e g i o n , a n d Westphalia, the o l d systems were re stored w h e n N a p o l e o n retreated, b u t a l o n g the Rhine's west b a n k a n d i n n o r t h w e s t e r n Germany, the lands h a d already been sold, usually t o their tillers, a n d i t was impossible t o u n d o w h a t h a d been done. T h e reforms i n i t i a t e d i n A u s t r i a by Joseph I I t h a t affected l a n d o w n e r s ' p o c k etbooks m o s t d i r e c t l y were reversed by his successors L e o p o l d I I a n d Franz I I . O n l y under the threats posed by the 1848 r e v o l u t i o n d i d A u s t r i a complete the e m a n c i p a t i o n o f its peasants. A m o n g the 38 i n i t i a l E u r o p e a n t e r r i t o r i a l e m a n c i p a t i o n decrees t a b u l a t e d b y Jerome B l u m , 4 2 percent f o l l o w e d the outbreak o f the 1848 r e v o l u t i o n . T h e D a n u b i a n p r i n c i p a l i t i e s o f R o m a n i a were the last o n Blum's list t o begin 26
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e m a n c i p a t i o n — i n 1 8 6 4 , a year after A b r a h a m L i n c o l n issued his E m a n c i p a t i o n P r o c l a m a t i o n f o r the U n i t e d States. T h e p r o v i s i o n s made t o compensate l a n d l o r d s f o r the rights they sur rendered t o t h e i r peasants v a r i e d w i d e l y . E m a n c i p a t i o n achieved under force o f r e v o l u t i o n or o c c u p a t i o n sometimes c a r r i e d n o c o m p e n s a t i o n . I n A u s t r i a , the g o v e r n m e n t issued bonds t o pay l a n d o w n e r s t w o - t h i r d s o f the estimated value o f t h e i r losses; the peasants w h o benefitted were expected t o repay h a l f o f the government's outlays w i t h interest over the course o f f o r t y years. I n Prussia, peasants w i t h hereditary tenure t o t i l l c e r t a i n plots c o u l d become u n e n c u m b e r e d freeholders by surrendering t o t h e i r l a n d l o r d s o n e - t h i r d o f the l a n d they w o r k e d ; those w i t h o u t ten ure h a d t o give u p h a l f t h e i r l a n d . 28
T h e consequences o f feudal tenure r e f o r m f o r l a n d l o r d s v a r i e d equally w i d e l y . Some l a n d l o r d s , especially i n A u s t r i a , received large sums o f m o n e y t h a t c o u l d be invested i n i m p r o v i n g their f a r m i n g operations o r i n c o m m e n c i n g i n d u s t r i a l endeavors o r c o u l d be squandered o n c o n s u m p t i o n . Some w h o c o u l d n o longer extract i n v o l u n t a r y service f r o m t h e i r peasants, like m a n y w h o embraced l a n d r e f o r m by assembling larger, m o r e efficient h o l d i n g s , began t o take a m o r e active interest i n f a r m i n g , c o n f e r r i n g less discretion u p o n h i r e d managers a n d i n t r o d u c i n g reforms t h a t raised a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y . A n exodus o f peasants f r o m the l a n d t o the cities led t o higher wages for the f a r m w o r k e r s w h o r e m a i n e d , increasing the incentive f o r l a n d l o r d s t o r a t i o n a l i z e t h e i r f a r m i n g operations. Still others f o u n d themselves w i t h greatly reduced w e a l t h a n d were forced t o cut back c o n s u m p t i o n — a m o n g other t h i n g s , for the s u p p o r t o f m u s i c a l a c t i v i t y as a p a r t o f t h e i r c o u r t l i f e . O n t h i s , m o r e w i l l be said b o t h here a n d i n later chapters. T h e E n l i g h t e n m e n t philosophers were also s t r o n g advocates o f o p e n intellectual discourse a n d opposed its antithesis, g o v e r n m e n t censorship. As an enlightened despot, Frederick the Great was less sympathetic. For instance, he w r o t e t o V o l t a i r e i n 1 7 6 6 : 29
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In society tolerance should guarantee to everyone the liberty to believe what he likes; but this tolerance should not be extended so far as to autho rize the effrontery and license of young scatter-brains who audaciously i n sult what the people revere. Censorship i n c l u d e d a m o n g its targets the p r o d u c t i o n o f operas. Jo seph I I greatly reduced censorship d u r i n g his r e f o r m regime, transfer r i n g censorship duties i n V i e n n a t o M o z a r t ' s c h a m p i o n (and H a y d n ' s l i b r e t t i s t ) , the l i b e r a l B a r o n G o t t f r i e d v a n Swieten. E m p e r o r Franz I I reinstated systematic censorship, shifting the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r its i m p l e m e n t a t i o n t o the police i n 1 8 0 1 . Between 1803 a n d 1 8 0 5 , a "recensori n g c o m m i s s i o n " banned 2 , 5 0 0 b o o k s . V i r t u a l l y a l l operas p r o d u c e d i n 31
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n o r t h e r n I t a l y f r o m the end o f the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s u p t o I t a l i a n u n i f i c a t i o n were prescreened. Verdi's Rigoletto was banned t o t a l l y b y the censors o f A u s t r i a n - o c c u p i e d Venice. Its 1 8 5 1 premiere t o o k place o n l y after considerable high-level persuasion, d e m o t i o n o f the l i b e r t i n e p r i n cipal f r o m k i n g t o d u k e , a n d a change o f title t o a v o i d the t h e o l o g i c a l l y sensitive w o r d maledizione (curse). T h e o r i g i n a l version o f Verdi's Un ballo in Maschera ( A M a s k e d Ball) m e m o r i a l i z e d the assassination o f Sweden's K i n g Gusta vus I I I i n 1 7 9 2 , b u t t o escape p r o h i b i t i o n by N e o p o l i t a n a n d then R o m a n censors, the opera h a d t o be r e w r i t t e n i n 1858 t o depict assassination o f a less sensitive G o v e r n o r o f B o s t o n .
D E M O G R A P H I C A N D E C O N O M I C CHANGES
Paralleling the intellectual, p o l i t i c a l , a n d m i l i t a r y changes surveyed here were significant demographic a n d economic developments. T h e p o p u l a t i o n o f Western E u r o p e , e x c l u d i n g Russia, B u l g a r i a , R o m a n i a , Turkey, Greece, a n d the Balkans, increased f r o m nearly 80 m i l l i o n i n 1 6 5 0 t o 1 0 1 m i l l i o n i n 1 7 5 0 a n d t h e n t o 182 m i l l i o n i n 1 8 5 0 . T h e average a n n u a l p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h rate for the first o f these cen t u r y - l o n g intervals was 0.25 percent; for the second i n t e r v a l , i t acceler ated t o 0.58 percent. Figure 2 . 1 graphs p o p u l a t i o n trends f o r seven i m p o r t a n t nations o r n a t i o n a l groups. T h e f o u r Scandinavian nations together were excluded because their t r e n d line c o i n c i d e d a l m o s t exactly w i t h the t r e n d line f o r B e l g i u m , the N e t h e r l a n d s , a n d L u x e m b o u r g . A m o n g the groups sampled, the U n i t e d K i n g d o m ( e x c l u d i n g n o r t h e r n a n d southern Ireland) h a d the m o s t r a p i d p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h , averaging 0.64 percent per year over the t w o centuries. E u r o p e a n Russia was second m o s t r a p i d at 0.63 percent. 32
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To s u p p o r t a g r o w i n g p o p u l a t i o n requires increased f o o d o u t p u t . As w e have seen, i n the typical c o n t i n e n t a l E u r o p e a n n a t i o n d u r i n g the eighteenth century, r o u g h l y 80 percent o f the p o p u l a t i o n was engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r e . O n e f a r m f a m i l y fed 1.25 families, i n c l u d i n g itself, o n av erage. W i t h H o l l a n d a n d E n g l a n d leading the w a y , spectacular increases i n a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y were achieved. For some nations, f o o d i m ports also p e r m i t t e d increasing cross-national specialization. By the 1890s, the f r a c t i o n o f the e c o n o m i c a l l y active p o p u l a t i o n engaged i n agriculture, forestry, a n d fishing d r o p p e d t o 10.7 percent i n the U n i t e d K i n g d o m . I n France d u r i n g the 1890s, an average f a r m f a m i l y fed 2.22 families. T h e A u s t r o - H u n g a r i a n empire's progress was m o r e modest. W i t h 65 percent o f the w o r k force still engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r e a n d for estry, one f a r m f a m i l y fed 1.54 families. 34
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FIGURE 2.1 Trends i n Population: Seven European National Groups
l u t i o n s i n h u m a n h i s t o r y —the first I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n — o c c u r r e d . I t was n o t unrelated t o the developments i n a g r i c u l t u r e , since a r e d u c t i o n i n the f r a c t i o n o f the w o r k force r e q u i r e d t o feed the p o p u l a t i o n facili tates i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n . B u t i n a d d i t i o n , science a n d t e c h n o l o g y were harnessed o n an unprecedentedly b r o a d f r o n t t o create n e w goods a n d services a n d t o increase w o r k e r s ' p r o d u c t i v e efficiency. H o w r e v o l u t i o n a r y the i n d u s t r i a l a n d a g r i c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n s were is suggested b y D a v i d Landes' r o u g h estimates o f changes i n economic o u t p u t per cap ita i n western E u r o p e over l o n g periods. Between the years A . D . 1 0 0 0 a n d 1 7 0 0 , he reports, o u t p u t per capita t r e b l e d , i m p l y i n g a n average 0.16 percent rate o f g r o w t h per a n n u m . Between 1 7 0 0 a n d 1 7 5 0 , the apparent g r o w t h rate rose t o 0.4 percent a n d t h e n accelerated i n t o the range o f 1 percent per year b y the second h a l f o f the nineteenth century. Estimates by N i c h o l a s Crafts based o n m o r e recent a n d m o r e complete data f o r the U n i t e d K i n g d o m i m p l y p r o d u c t i v i t y g r o w t h — t h a t is, g r o w t h i n o u t p u t per person e m p l o y e d — o f 0.3 percent per year be t w e e n 1 7 8 0 a n d 1 8 0 1 , 0.5 percent f r o m 1 8 0 1 t o 1 8 3 1 , a n d 1.2 percent per year between 1 8 3 1 a n d 1 8 7 3 . Since t h a t t i m e , even higher p r o d u c t i v i t y g r o w t h rates have become c o m m o n p l a c e i n the industrialized w o r l d . 36
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Because the concepts needed t o measure real gross n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t w e r e i n v e n t e d o n l y d u r i n g the 1930s, l o n g - t e r m statistics o n the g r o w t h o f o u t p u t per capita f o r i n d i v i d u a l E u r o p e a n nations m u s t be p a i n s t a k i n g l y reconstructed, a n d data series c o m p a r a b l e across nations are
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FIGURE 2.2 Trends in Income per Capita: Six European Nations, 1820-1900
exceedingly rare. T h e most w i d e - r a n g i n g series have been c o m p i l e d b y A n g u s M a d d i s o n , b e g i n n i n g i n a n early version w i t h 1 8 2 0 a n d c o n t a i n i n g l o n g gaps (notably, 1 8 2 1 - 1 8 4 9 a n d 1 8 5 1 - 1 8 6 9 ) before a n n u a l esti mates are offered. Figure 2.2 charts the o r i g i n a l M a d d i s o n data series o n real gross domestic p r o d u c t ( G D P ) per n a t i o n a l resident (roughly, i n c o m e per capita) for six i m p o r t a n t E u r o p e a n nations, w i t h linear i n t e r p o l a t i o n s f o r missing data years. O u t p u t is measured i n U.S. dollars at 1 9 9 0 p u r c h a s i n g - p o w e r levels, w i t h exchange rate conversions at purchasing-power parity. W i t h a head start o n the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n , E n g l a n d is s h o w n t o have h a d the highest G D P per capita i n 1 8 2 0 , c o n t i n u i n g its lead as the t w e n t i e t h century d a w n e d . T h e o r i g i n a l M a d d i s o n data series used for figure 2.2 p u t the N e t h e r l a n d s , w i t h Amster d a m as a p r i n c i p a l w o r l d t r a d i n g a n d b a n k i n g center s u r r o u n d e d by p r o d u c t i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l lands, i n second place. H i s later r e c o n s t r u c t i o n elevated the N e t h e r l a n d s t o first place f o r 1 8 2 0 , b u t n o t at later bench m a r k s . G e r m a n y started f r o m a t r a i l i n g p o s i t i o n (at least, a m o n g the relatively prosperous nations sampled) b u t m o v e d ahead t h r o u g h supe r i o r i n d u s t r i a l g r o w t h t o t h i r d place i n 1 9 0 0 . I n 1820 average incomes per capita i n A u s t r i a exceeded those o f Germany, m a i n l y f r o m the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f g o v e r n m e n t officials a n d commerce i n V i e n n a , b u t w h a t is n o w modern Austria industrialized more slowly than Germany during the rest o f the nineteenth century. 40
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F r o m early fragmentary estimates b y M a d d i s o n a n d his later recon-
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s t r u c t i o n e x t e n d i n g back i n some cases t o the year 1 0 0 0 , real per capita G D P averages i n 1 7 0 0 , 1 8 2 0 , a n d 1 9 0 0 a n d a n n u a l g r o w t h rates f o r those intervals can be extracted t o cover a w i d e r sample o f 13 n a t i o n s . T h e data, w h i c h , especially f o r nations whose borders changed signifi cantly, entailed considerable guesswork, are presented i n table 2 . 2 . T h e y are arrayed i n descending order o f estimated 1 8 2 0 G D P per capita. O f the 13 n at i o n s, 8 achieved g r o w t h rates o f 1.0 percent per year o r m o r e i n the 1 8 2 0 - 1 9 0 0 i n t e r v a l . A l t h o u g h m o s t o f the surveyed nations ( w i t h the notable e x c e p t i o n o f the U.S. colonies) began w i t h f a i r l y similar G D P per capita, reflecting similar i n i t i a l t e c h n o l o g i c a l c o n d i t i o n s a n d the p l o d d i n g g r o w t h t h a t was t y p i c a l before the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n , the n a t i o n s ' v a r y i n g success i n i m p l e m e n t i n g the fruits o f m o d e r n tech n o l o g y led t o greater cross-national i n e q u a l i t y o f i n c o m e levels b y the d a w n o f the t w e n t i e t h century. E c o n o m i c historians have w i d e l y divergent views o n h o w o u t p u t i n creases were d i v i d e d a m o n g the citizens o f i n d u s t r i a l i z i n g n a t i o n s . T h e m o s t complete data o n this p o i n t exist f o r the U n i t e d K i n g d o m , v a n g u a r d o f the a g r i c u l t u r a l a n d i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n s , b u t even f o r i t , there is disagreement. R a p i d p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h a n d i m p r o v e m e n t s i n a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y induced large numbers o f w o r k e r s t o seek jobs i n the t o w n s a n d cities. A l t h o u g h m e c h a n i z a t i o n o f i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n increased o u t p u t per w o r k e r greatly, increases i n the supply o f i n 42
TABLE 2.2
1700, 1820, and 1900 GDP per Capita and Growth Rates (Maddison Estimates, in Dollars of 1990 U.S. Purchasing Power)
Nation United Kingdom Netherlands Austria Belgium United States Denmark France Sweden Germany Italy Spain Czechoslovakia Russia
1700 GDP per Capita
1820 GDP per Capita
1286 1809 1056 1120 540 1000 976 977 940 1075 900 n.a. 666
1756 1561 1295 1291 1287 1225 1218 1198 1112 1092 1063 849 751
1700-1820 Growth Rate 0.26% -0.12 0.17 0.12 0.72 0.17 0.18 0.17 0.14 0.01 0.14 n.a. 0.10
Source-. Maddison (1995), pp. 194-200; and (2001), p. 264.
1900 GDP per Capita
1820-1900 Growth Rate
4593 3533 2460 3652 4096 2902 2849 2561 3134 1746 2040 1729 1218
1.20% 1.02 1.01 1.30 1.45 1.08 1.06 0.95 1.30 0.59 0.81 0.89 0.60
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d u s t r i a l l a b o r offset w h a t w o u l d otherwise be tendencies f o r the real wages o f c o m m o n w o r k e r s , a n d especially those w h o lacked special skills, t o rise. I n one o f the most a m b i t i o u s studies, Jeffrey W i l l i a m s o n f o u n d t h a t the real wages o f c o m m o n laborers i n E n g l a n d increased h a r d l y at a l l u p t o a b o u t 1 8 2 0 , after w h i c h they rose r a p i d l y a n d w o r k ers began sharing i n the fruits o f the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n . Despite this reversal, he f o u n d , income d i s t r i b u t i o n became increasingly unequal u p t o a b o u t 1 8 6 0 , w i t h relatively w e l l - p a i d a n d especially h i g h l y skilled employees g a i n i n g m o r e r a p i d l y t h a n u n s k i l l e d w o r k e r s . F o r a l l a d u l t male blue-collar w o r k e r s , real f u l l - t i m e earnings were f o u n d t o have nearly d o u b l e d between 1 7 9 7 a n d 1 8 5 1 . For w h i t e - c o l l a r w o r k e r s — i n d i v i d u a l s m o r e l i k e l y t o attend orchestral music concerts a n d operas a n d t o p e r f o r m music at h o m e — earnings m o r e t h a n q u a d r u p l e d , w i t h especially s t r o n g gains after 1 8 2 0 . Solicitors a n d barristers were f o u n d t o have fared p a r t i c u l a r l y w e l l , m o v i n g f r o m a n estimated average real income (assuming 1 8 5 0 consumer goods price levels) o f £ 1 1 9 i n 1 7 9 7 to £ 1 , 8 3 8 i n 1 8 5 1 . 43
44
W i l l i a m s o n ' s estimates have been challenged, m o s t n o t a b l y , b y Charles Feinstein ( 1 9 8 8 , 1 9 9 8 ) . Feinstein charges W i l l i a m s o n a m o n g other things w i t h a p p l y i n g i n c o m p l e t e a n d b a d l y t i m e d cost-of-living indexes a n d t a p p i n g unrepresentative samples, especially f o r the best-paid occupa t i o n a l specialties. A f t e r adjusting for these a n d other perceived p r o b lems, Feinstein concludes t h a t the average w o r k i n g - c l a s s family's stan d a r d o f l i v i n g i m p r o v e d by less t h a n 15 percent i n Great B r i t a i n between the 1780s a n d the 1850s a n d t h a t , since i n e q u a l i t y o f w o r k e r s ' incomes increased l i t t l e , middle-class employees fared h a r d l y better. After the 1850s, a l l scholars agree, the fruits o f the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n began t o benefit w o r k i n g - c l a s s i n d i v i d u a l s . T o the extent t h a t Feinstein's c r i t i cism is v a l i d , a puzzle remains. T h e best-accepted estimates, f o r e x a m ple, those o f N i c h o l a s Crafts, s h o w average real i n c o m e per capita at the e c o n o m y - w i d e level t o have been rising b r i s k l y d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the nineteenth century. I f employees d i d n o t reap the gains f r o m i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , w h o did? A plausible answer is t h a t i m p o r t a n t early gainers f r o m the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n i n Great B r i t a i n were the entre preneurs w h o b u i l t t h r i v i n g n e w businesses a n d the bankers w h o fi nanced t h e m . F o r t h a t core c o m p o n e n t o f the m i d d l e classes, the data t a p p e d by W i l l i a m s o n a n d Feinstein p r o v i d e l i t t l e insight. A n alternative w a y o f seeing h o w increasing p r o s p e r i t y affected, a m o n g other t h i n g s , the p o t e n t i a l d e m a n d f o r music is t o examine changes i n w e a l t h instead o f changes i n i n c o m e . I n d i v i d u a l w e a l t h i n centuries past is t y p i c a l l y estimated t h r o u g h the analysis o f p r o b a t e records assessing estate values at the t i m e o f death. T h i s is an a p p r o a c h t o w h i c h w e m u s t resort w h e n w e ask i n chapter 4 h o w w e l l composers fared e c o n o m i cally. There were clearly changes i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f B r i t i s h w e a l t h at
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the t i m e o f the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n . T h e i r analysis is c o m p l i c a t e d b y the fact t h a t b y far the greatest c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f w e a l t h i n the U n i t e d K i n g d o m d u r i n g the eighteenth century came f r o m the o w n e r s h i p o f l a n d . L a n d h o l d i n g s became less i m p o r t a n t over t i m e , however, b o t h be cause i n d u s t r i a l p r o d u c t i o n g r e w m o r e r a p i d l y a n d because l a n d l o r d s ' rents were held back by output-increasing technological changes a n d the phasing o u t o f the C o r n L a w s , w h i c h protected English farmers f r o m i m p o r t c o m p e t i t i o n , between 1828 a n d 1 8 4 6 . F r o m the m o s t care ful research o n asset holdings, Peter L i n d e r t f o u n d t h a t the wealthiest 10 percent o f English a n d Welsh households held 58.3 percent o f a l l w e a l t h , e x c l u d i n g the value o f l a n d h o l d i n g s , i n 1 6 7 0 ; 5 7 . 7 percent i n 1 7 4 0 ; 60.9 percent i n 1 8 1 0 ; a n d 7 7 . 1 percent i n 1 8 5 8 . T h u s , w e a l t h h o l d i n g s , e x c l u d i n g l a n d , became increasingly u n e q u a l l y d i s t r i b u t e d as the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n progressed. W h e n l a n d values are added i n , m o s t o f the t r e n d t o w a r d increasing i n e q u a l i t y fades because o f the rela tive decline i n the holdings o f the wealthiest l a n d o w n e r s relative t o w e a l t h holders generally. H o w e v e r one construes the e v o l u t i o n o f i n equality i n w e a l t h holdings, i t is clear t h a t the upper a n d m i d d l e classes fared w e l l as the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n progressed. T h i s is s h o w n b y the f o l l o w i n g average holdings o f w e a l t h ( e x c l u d i n g land) for selected groups at various p o i n t s i n t i m e . A l l holdings are estimated i n Pounds Sterling at purchasing p o w e r levels p r e v a i l i n g i n 1875: 45
46
Titled gentry Merchants Professionals Shopkeepers Industrial tradesmen Yeomen
1670
1740
1810
1858
1875
£552 296 n.a. 149 101 199
£563 573 n.a. 195 110 178
£2032 608 607 304 345 256
£3036 5917 1073 641 687 314
£9855 11804 1201 606 523 465
T h e n u m b e r o f professionals a n d merchants (the latter category i n c l u d i n g industrialists a n d financiers) — the core o f an increasingly affluent upper m i d d l e class — rose f r o m 8 1 , 0 0 0 i n 1670 t o 3 6 0 , 0 0 0 i n 1 8 7 5 , r e m a i n i n g at a p p r o x i m a t e l y 5 percent o f a l l households for w h i c h w e a l t h estimates c o u l d be hazarded. M e a n w h i l e , the n u m b e r o f t i t l e d gentry fell f r o m 1.45 percent o f a l l surveyed households i n 1670 t o 0.35 percent i n 1875. 47
I N C O M E , W E A L T H , A N D T H E D E M A N D FOR M U S I C
T h e i n d u s t r i a l a n d a g r i c u l t u r a l r e v o l u t i o n s made i t possible for E u r o peans t o enjoy— possibly o n l y after a substantial lag — m a t e r i a l stan-
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33
dards o f l i v i n g m u c h higher t h a n they h a d experienced d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the eighteenth century. First i n E n g l a n d a n d t h e n o n the E u r o pean c o n t i n e n t , the average citizen eventually became better fed, better c l o t h e d , better housed, a n d better able t o enjoy an occasional l u x u r y . A crude i n d e x o f progress is the c o n s u m p t i o n o f sugar, regarded i n M o z a r t ' s t i m e as a l u x u r y . Average sugar c o n s u m p t i o n per capita i n Great B r i t a i n ( e x c l u d i n g Ireland) has been estimated f o r the m i d - 1 7 9 0 s at 16.03 p o u n d s per year. By the m i d 1850s, average c o n s u m p t i o n h a d d o u b l e d , w i t h nearly t w o - t h i r d s o f the increase o c c u r r i n g i n final de cade. By 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 0 4 , i t h a d risen further t o a p p r o x i m a t e l y 79 p o u n d s . A basic hypothesis o f this b o o k is t h a t as Europeans a n d later A m e r i cans became increasingly affluent, their d e m a n d f o r music i n diverse forms increased a n d spread t o an ever-widening f r a c t i o n o f the p o p u l a t i o n . H e a r i n g music p e r f o r m e d professionally a n d h a v i n g the means t o p e r f o r m i t oneself were l u x u r y goods, defined by economists as goods whose c o n s u m p t i o n rises m o r e t h a n p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y w i t h advances i n real income. 48
49
T h e c o n s u m p t i o n o f music, o f course, is n o t the same as the c o n s u m p t i o n o f sugar. M u s i c is n o t a single g r a n u l a r p r o d u c t ; i t is a c o m posite o f m a n y integrated p r o d u c t s , some based u p o n others. M u s i c is n o r m a l l y " c o n s u m e d " b y hearing i t p e r f o r m e d , either b y amateurs o r professionals, a n d t h r o u g h the pleasure one derives f r o m p e r f o r m i n g i t oneself. T o p e r f o r m i t requires t r a i n i n g , instruments, a n d musical scores. Economists say t h a t the d e m a n d for inputs used i n p r o d u c i n g another desired p r o d u c t is a derived d e m a n d ; thus, the d e m a n d for m u sical instruments a n d t r a i n i n g is derived f r o m the d e m a n d f o r musical performance, a n d the d e m a n d for music p u b l i c a t i o n services is derived f r o m the d e m a n d f o r sheet music, w h i c h i n t u r n is derived f r o m the d e m a n d for music performance. T h e d e m a n d for music, moreover, calls for s o m e t h i n g other t h a n a static, never-changing, n a r r o w l y conscribed p r o d u c t . Consumers seek variety i n the music they hear, and they m a y tire o f hearing the same o l d t h i n g over a n d over again. T h u s , there is a d e m a n d for i n n o v a t i o n i n the c o m p o s i t i o n o f music — i n n o v a t i o n i n the sense t h a t n e w a n d variegated products are f o r t h c o m i n g o n a m o r e o r less regular basis. D u r i n g the last f o u r decades o f the t w e n t i e t h century there emerged a substantial literature i n economics s h o w i n g b o t h theo retically a n d e m p i r i c a l l y t h a t changes i n d e m a n d induce i n n o v a t i v e changes i n p r o d u c t s t o satisfy the altered demands. Changes i n the music p r o v i d e d t o consumers i n t u r n generate derived demands f o r m u sical instruments t h a t are i m p r o v e d t o confer greater versatility, better i n t o n a t i o n c o n t r o l , superior t i m b r e , a n d other characteristics. These c o m p l e x interrelationships must be kept i n m i n d i n the chapters t h a t follow. 50
I t w o u l d be pleasant i f w e c o u l d use standard economic tools t o c a r r y
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o u t statistical tests o f h o w concert attendance o r the purchase o f sheet music changed w i t h increasing per capita incomes a n d w e a l t h d u r i n g the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. I t is h o p e d t h a t a p p r o p r i a t e data m a y become available f r o m research i n L o n d o n . M e a n w h i l e , however, w e m u s t settle f o r a crude a n d i n d i r e c t test, r e l a t i n g the de m a n d f o r a p a r t i c u l a r m u s i c a l i n s t r u m e n t — the p i a n o — t o changes i n real incomes i n the U n i t e d States over an extended p e r i o d . 5 1
F r o m C y r i l Ehrlich's estimates o f U.S. p i a n o p r o d u c t i o n i n the years 1 8 5 0 , 1 8 7 0 , a n d 1 8 9 0 a n d U.S. Census Bureau statistics f o r i n t e r m i t tent years thereafter u p t o 1 9 3 9 , a data series o n U.S. p i a n o p r o d u c t i o n , r e p r o d u c e d i n figure 2 . 3 , was c o m p i l e d . Circles m a r k the years f o r w h i c h p r o d u c t i o n estimates were available; the connecting lines are i n t e r p o l a t e d . W e see an acceleration o f p i a n o o u t p u t u p t o 1 9 0 9 a n d a sharp decline after 1925 — i n the m i d d l e o f an economic b o o m . Eco n o m i c t h e o r y asserts t h a t the q u a n t i t y demanded depends u p o n (1) the price o f the p r o d u c t (the higher the price, the smaller the q u a n t i t y de m a n d e d ) ; (2) consumers' i n c o m e (usually a positive influence); (3) the size o f the relevant p o p u l a t i o n , o r the n u m b e r o f families; (4) the prices o r quantities o f substitute goods (the l o w e r substitute prices o r the higher substitute quantities are, the l o w e r the d e m a n d for the p r o d u c t i n question); a n d (5) for durable goods like pianos, the stock o f the p r o d uct already i n consumers' hands (the larger the stock, the smaller cur r e n t sales t e n d eventually t o be, a l l else equal). 52
53
T h e statistical technique used t o analyze p i a n o p r o d u c t i o n data here a n d other q u a n t i t a t i v e i n d i c a t o r s i n subsequent chapters is k n o w n as m u l t i p l e regression analysis. I n essence, one seeks t o find an e q u a t i o n o r set o f equations t h a t best explains v a r i a t i o n s i n some variable, k n o w n as the dependent variable — i n the present case, the v a r i a t i o n s over t i m e i n U.S. p i a n o p r o d u c t i o n . ( I n other regression analyses c o n d u c t e d later i n this b o o k , the dependent variable's v a r i a t i o n often occurs a m o n g sub jects at a fixed i n t e r v a l i n t i m e ; these are called cross-section analyses, whereas the p i a n o p r o b l e m requires time-series analysis.) T h e explana t i o n is e m b o d i e d i n a set o f independent, o r explanatory, variables whose v a r i a t i o n s can p l a u s i b l y be hypothesized t o affect the dependent variable's value. T h r o u g h m u l t i p l e regression analysis one estimates a set o f coefficients, one f o r each independent variable. T h e coefficients reveal the i m p a c t o f an independent variable o n the dependent v a r i able's v a r i a t i o n ( h o l d i n g other e x p l a n a t o r y variables m o m e n t a r i l y c o n stant). Because m a n y readers m a y be u n f a m i l i a r w i t h this m e t h o d o f a n a l y z i n g data a n d some m a y be p u t o f f by the use o f m a t h e m a t i c a l equations, w e consign the regression equations a n d their a c c o m p a n y i n g n o t a t i o n t o end notes, using the t e x t t o identify the variables analyzed a n d i n t e r p r e t the results.
P O L I T I C A L , SOCIAL, A N D E C O N O M I C M I L I E U
35
FIGURE 2.3 Production of New Pianos in the United States, 1850-1939
For those w h o w i s h t o pursue the end notes, some a d d i t i o n a l c o m ments are i n order. T h e strength a n d precision o f the e x p l a n a t o r y v a r i ables' i m p a c t o n the dependent variable are assessed using so-called i-ratios, w h i c h w i l l be u n i f o r m l y enclosed i n brackets [ ] . T-ratios i n excess o f 1.7 are presumed t o reveal statistically significant r e l a t i o n ships, i n the sense t h a t they are l i k e l y t o survive w i t h 95 percent o r higher confidence the chance elements t h a t invade v i r t u a l l y a l l q u a n t i t a tive measurements. H o w w e l l the e q u a t i o n " f i t s " the data is revealed by a coefficient k n o w n as R , w h i c h can v a r y f r o m zero ( i n d i c a t i n g n o r e l a t i o n s h i p between the dependent a n d e x p l a n a t o r y variables) t o 1.0 ( i n d i c a t i n g t h a t the regression e q u a t i o n explains a l l o f the v a r i a t i o n i n the dependent v a r i a b l e ) . Before squaring, R is the c o r r e l a t i o n coefficient w i t h w h i c h statistical associations are often described. D a t a o n G D P per capita at 1 9 9 0 purchasing-power levels, reflecting consumers' average incomes, are d r a w n f r o m the M a d d i s o n series used for figure 2 . 2 . T h e stock o f pianos i n homes a n d other locales was esti m a t e d by i n t e r p o l a t i n g linearly f r o m the observed p r o d u c t i o n values a n d assuming t h a t n e w l y p r o d u c e d pianos were added t o a stock t h a t began at 1 6 0 , 0 0 0 i n 1850 a n d depreciated at an a n n u a l rate o f 3 per cent o f any given year's stock level. T h e p r i n c i p a l l i k e l y substitutes t o the use o f pianos at h o m e were p h o n o g r a p h s a n d r a d i o s . Estimates o f the n u m b e r o f U.S. families w i t h p h o n o g r a p h s a n d radios (each i n t h o u 2
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sands) were derived f r o m Census r e p o r t s . Variables d e n o t i n g the n u m ber o f families i n the U n i t e d States a n d a c c u m u l a t e d p i a n o stock values were t o o h i g h l y correlated t o y i e l d separately m e a n i n g f u l insights. Therefore, a variable measuring the stock o f pianos as a percentage o f the n u m b e r o f families was substituted i n some analyses. C y r i l E h r l i c h observes t h a t the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f m a s s - p r o d u c t i o n methods i n t o p i a n o m a k i n g between 1 8 5 1 a n d 1 8 8 3 , first i n the U n i t e d States a n d t h e n elsewhere, led t o sharp declines i n p i a n o prices, a l o n g w i t h i m p r o v e ments i n q u a l i t y . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , a usable p i a n o price series was a v a i l able ( f r o m Sears R o e b u c k catalogues) o n l y b e g i n n i n g i n 1 8 9 7 . T h u s , prices can be i n c l u d e d i n e s t i m a t i n g the d e m a n d relationships o n l y f r o m 1 8 9 9 t h r o u g h 1 9 3 7 , so regressions f o r t h a t restricted sample were also c o m p u t e d . Even t h e n , the price data are crude. T h e n u m b e r o f pianos offered i n p a r t i c u l a r Sears catalogues v a r i e d f r o m one t o h a l f a dozen, w i t h the n u m b e r d i m i n i s h i n g considerably after 1 9 2 5 , a p p a r e n t l y i n re sponse t o generally reduced consumer d e m a n d . Q u a l i t i e s v a r i e d w i d e l y , a n d so the r e p o r t e d prices were adjusted n o t o n l y f o r changes i n econ o m y - w i d e price levels (using a Bureau o f L a b o r Statistics wholesale price series) b u t also f o r q u a l i t y differences, classified i n t o t o p , me d i u m , a n d l o w q u a l i t y classes. A l l p i a n o prices were f o r u p r i g h t s , w i t h o u t self-playing features. 54
55
56
57
Specific variable definitions a n d the regression results are r e p o r t e d i n a n extended end n o t e . I n a l l v a r i a n t s , income per capita p r o v e d t o be a n i m p o r t a n t e x p l a n a t o r y v a r i a b l e , p e r m i t t i n g one t o infer i n c o m e elas ticities o f d e m a n d . I n the regressions using observations f o r 17 years w i t h i n an 1 8 5 0 - t o - 1 9 3 9 i n t e r v a l , the estimated i n c o m e elasticities ranged f r o m 3.16 t o 4 . 3 2 , i n d i c a t i n g t h a t as i n c o m e per capita increased b y 1.0 percent, the purchase o f pianos rose b y 3.16 t o 4 . 3 2 percent. Products w i t h i n c o m e elasticities greater t h a n 1.0 are called " l u x u r y g o o d s " i n e c o n o m i c analysis; thus, pianos clearly fell i n t o the l u x u r y category. F o r the less complete t i m e series o n w h i c h prices were a v a i l able, the estimated i n c o m e elasticities were lower, i n the range o f 2 . 4 0 t o 2 . 7 5 . T h e estimated price elasticities i n those regressions failed t o pass c o n v e n t i o n a l statistical significance tests, b u t lay i n the plausible range o f - 0 . 6 2 t o - 0 . 7 8 , suggesting t h a t w i t h l o w e r prices, quantities sold rose, b u t less t h a n p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y . 58
A p a r t i c u l a r l y n o t e w o r t h y result is f o u n d i n the statistically p o w e r f u l negative coefficients associated w i t h the n u m b e r o f radios i n A m e r i c a n homes, or, i n the t r u n c a t e d t i m e series, w i t h the n u m b e r o f p h o n o graphs. I t w o u l d appear t h a t the i n v e n t i o n a n d sale o f p h o n o g r a p h s i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l acoustic f o r m h a d l i t t l e i m p a c t o n the purchase o f pianos. T h e appearance o f h o m e radios b e g i n n i n g i n the early 1920s, a c c o m p a n i e d b y the i n t r o d u c t i o n i n 1 9 2 4 o f electrical p h o n o g r a p h s , w i t h fi-
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delity far superior t o that o f p u r e l y mechanical p h o n o g r a p h s , h a d a p o w e r f u l negative i m p a c t o n p i a n o purchases. N o longer d i d h o m e entertainment have t o consist o f f a m i l y members p e r f o r m i n g music o n the p a r l o r p i a n o . T h e f a m i l y c o u l d hear the C o l u m b i a (CBS) Orchestra ( f r o m 1 9 2 6 ) , the M e t r o p o l i t a n O p e r a ( f r o m 1 9 3 1 ) , the N B C S y m p h o n y Orchestra, led b y A r t u r o Toscanini ( f r o m 1 9 3 7 ) , a n d m u c h else o n the r a d i o or listen t o 7 8 - r p m records o f their favorite music. O n e is h a r d p u t t o find an alternative e x p l a n a t i o n for the a b r u p t decline i n p i a n o purchases beginning d u r i n g the m i d - 1 9 2 0 s . A n e w w a y o f c o n s u m i n g music (and m u c h else) had emerged, changing r a d i c a l l y the character o f A m e r i c a n f a m i l y life. 59
T H E I N S T I T U T I O N A L I Z A T I O N OF M U S I C
PERFORMANCE
M u s i c performance requires a venue. For music p e r f o r m e d outside the home, venues have varied over t i m e w i t h changes i n p o l i t i c a l , religious, a n d economic c o n d i t i o n s . W e survey briefly here the h i s t o r i c a l e v o l u t i o n o f some p r i n c i p a l s u p p o r t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s , notably, churches, noble courts, opera houses, t o w n governments, and p r i v a t e l y organized con cert locales. 60
Church
Music
M u s i c played a significant role i n f o r m a l religious services f r o m at least the t i m e o f K i n g D a v i d three m i l l e n n i a ago. D a v i d p l a y e d several m u s i cal instruments, w r o t e m a n y o f the t r a d i t i o n a l H e b r e w psalms, a n d is said a p o c r y p h a l l y t o have organized f o r m a l musical activities i n the Temple. T h e t r a d i t i o n o f music was carried f o r w a r d i n C h r i s t i a n churches. Before the Protestant r e f o r m a t i o n , the varieties o f music per f o r m e d depended t o a considerable degree u p o n the w h i m s o f r u l i n g popes. C h u r c h music advanced by fits a n d starts f r o m the sixth-century plainsong associated w i t h Pope G r e g o r y I t o the magnificent a capella a n t i p h o n y and p o l y p h o n y o f G i o v a n n i da Palestrina ( 1 5 2 5 - 1 5 9 6 ) , called by Giuseppe V e r d i "the true Prince o f sacred music a n d the Eternal Father o f I t a l i a n m u s i c . " By a l l o w i n g differences i n taste t o flourish, the r e f o r m a t i o n p r o v e d t o be an i m p o r t a n t t u r n i n g p o i n t . M a r t i n L u t h e r ( 1 4 8 3 - 1 5 4 6 ) believed t h a t music s h o u l d have a central role i n religious d e v o t i o n a n d w r o t e m a n y great Protestant chorales. H i s c o u n t e r p a r t H u l d r y c h Z w i n g l i ( 1 4 8 4 - 1 5 3 1 ) banned musical performance f r o m c h u r c h services a n d h a d organs r e m o v e d f r o m Swiss churches. T h e F o r m u l a o f C o n c o r d , endorsed i n 1 5 7 7 by most o f the German-speaking Protestant p r i n c i 61
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palities a n d d u k e d o m s , decentralized decision m a k i n g o n m u s i c a l ques tions t o local governments, a l l o w i n g one h u n d r e d flowers t o b l o o m . I n Protestant E n g l a n d t o o there were differences o f o p i n i o n . I n 1 5 6 3 , dur i n g the reign o f Elizabeth I , a r e s o l u t i o n t o remove organs f r o m A n g l i can churches was defeated i n the l o w e r H o u s e o f C o n v o c a t i o n b y a single v o t e . Organs were i n fact banned f r o m the churches a n d , w h e n n o t r e m o v e d t o safer locales, demolished d u r i n g the protectorate under P u r i t a n O l i v e r C r o m w e l l f r o m 1649 t o 1 6 5 8 , b u t r e t u r n e d w i t h the R e s t o r a t i o n o f Charles I I a n d his successors t o facilitate inter alia the religious a n t h e m w r i t i n g o f H e n r y Purcell. 62
Struggling t o cope w i t h the challenges o f the r e f o r m a t i o n , the R o m a n C a t h o l i c C h u r c h debated a m o n g other issues at the C o u n c i l o f T r e n t the q u e s t i o n o f its p o s i t i o n t o w a r d c h u r c h music. There were pressures t o w i t h d r a w f r o m c o m p l e x p o l y p h o n y t o m o n o p h o n i e music whose w o r d s " m a y be clearly u n d e r s t o o d b y a l l . " T h i s approach was w e a k l y en dorsed b y the C o u n c i l i n 1 5 6 2 a n d m o r e firmly by a L i t u r g i c a l C o m m i s s i o n i n 1 5 6 3 , b u t i t was opposed by H o l y R o m a n E m p e r o r F e r d i n a n d I , a n d as a result, subsequent popes chose n o t t o arouse f u r t h e r c o n t r o versy b y d e m a n d i n g u n i f o r m i t y o f l o c a l practices. A g a i n , variegated flowers were p e r m i t t e d t o b l o o m , leading t o conservative c h u r c h music rules i n j u r i s d i c t i o n s such as Spain w h i l e i n G e r m a n y a n d A u s t r i a , local prelates encouraged l u x u r i o u s l y orchestrated Masses b y the H a y d n s , M o z a r t , Schubert, Beethoven, a n d (for d e d i c a t i o n t o R o m a n C a t h o l i c K i n g F r i e d r i c h Augustus I I o f P o l a n d a n d Saxony) J o h a n n Sebastian Bach. D e p l o y i n g c h u r c h music as a w e a p o n against Protestantism w a s advocated especially actively b y the Jesuits, w h o made m u s i c a l t r a i n i n g a significant c o m p o n e n t o f e d u c a t i o n i n the schools they m a i n t a i n e d . A s a result o f these developments, m o s t churches, Protestant a n d C a t h o l i c , retained a n organist, a n d the m o r e affluent parishes s u p p o r t e d professional orchestras t o accompany their choirs. A l t h o u g h the a b i l i t y o f churches t o m a i n t a i n elaborate orchestras was weakened by the c o n fiscation o f revenue-yielding religious-order properties (for example, b y a n E n l i g h t e n m e n t - m i n d e d Joseph I I i n the A u s t r i a n d o m i n i o n s a n d i n France f o l l o w i n g the 1 7 8 9 R e v o l u t i o n ) , the performance o f music c o n t i n u e d t o be a n i m p o r t a n t element i n R o m a n C a t h o l i c a n d Protestant worship. 6 3
64
Orchestras
of the
Nobility
D u r i n g the M i d d l e Ages, c h u r c h a n d state fused i n the m u s i c a l groups m a i n t a i n e d b y emperors a n d k in g s . I t was n o t u n c o m m o n for a sover eign t o e m p l o y musicians f o r his o r her r o y a l chapel, a n d t h e n t o d r a f t t h e m i n t o d u t y a c c o m p a n y i n g dinners a n d p r o v i d i n g dance music f o r
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festive occasions. G r a d u a l l y , specialization emerged, so t h a t i n d i v i d uals were designated t o p e r f o r m as either chapel musicians o r c o u r t musicians, b u t n o t necessarily b o t h . D u r i n g the seventeenth century the s u p p o r t o f c o u r t orchestras spread t h r o u g h o u t E u r o p e . T h u s , a m o n g the m o s t p r o m i n e n t composers b o r n between 1650 a n d 1 6 9 9 , A r c a n gelo G o r e l l i was e m p l o y e d i n the c o u r t o f ex-Queen C h r i s t i n a o f Sweden i n R o m e as w e l l as i n the households o f t w o cardinals, the equivalent o f r o y a l t y i n R o m e ; H e n r y Purcell d o u b l e d as r o y a l chapel organist a n d (erratically paid) composer o f secular music for the English kings; M a r i n M a r a i s was v i o l a da gamba player i n the c o u r t o f France's L o u i s X I V , for w h o m François C o u p e r i n served as c o u r t (and chapel) organist. G e o r g P h i l i p p Telemann was e m p l o y e d i n the t i n y d u c a l courts o f Sorau a n d Eisenach; J o h a n n Sebastian Bach i n the courts o f W e i m a r a n d K o t h e n ; George Frideric H a n d e l (briefly) by the Elector o f H a n o ver; D o m e n i c o Scarlatti by the r o y a l f a m i l y o f P o r t u g a l (and earlier, by a C o r e l l i benefactor); a n d J o h a n n Q u a n t z played the flute i n the c o u r t orchestras o f Frederick the Great o f Prussia a n d the k i n g o f P o l a n d a n d Saxony. By 1 7 0 5 , the c o u r t orchestra i n Vienna under E m p e r o r L e o p o l d I i n c l u d e d 107 members. 65
66
Indeed, w h a t happened i n central E u r o p e a n noble courts d u r i n g the h a l f century t h a t f o l l o w e d the end o f the T h i r t y Years W a r a n d the early decades o f the eighteenth century was a k i n t o a c u l t u r a l arms race. M a i n t a i n i n g a c o u r t orchestra (or even better, a c o u r t opera) added t o the sponsoring noble's prestige. M o s t nobles d r e w t h e i r w e a l t h f r o m the peasants w o r k i n g t h e i r landed estates. I n i t i a l l y , the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f u n w o r k e d l a n d depressed l a n d rents, b u t as p o p u l a t i o n levels were re stored b y the start o f the eighteenth century, the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f m o u t h s t h a t needed feeding placed increasing pressure o n f o o d supplies, d r i v i n g u p f o o d prices a n d the rents l a n d o w n e r s levied u p o n those w h o t i l l e d their lands. N o b l e s ' r e t u r n t o affluence, together w i t h the prestige de r i v e d f r o m s u p p o r t i n g one's o w n musical establishment, c o m b i n e d t o induce a vast n u m b e r o f courts, large a n d s m a l l , t o hire o r t r a i n m u s i cians a n d b u i l d u p an orchestra ( i n G e r m a n , Kapelle) o r at least a b a n d (Harmonie). A l t h o u g h n o exact census exists, i t is scarcely an exaggera t i o n t o say t h a t by the m i d d l e o f the eighteenth century, n o self-respect i n g noble c o u r t c o u l d be seen w i t h o u t its in-house m u s i c a l performance ensemble. 67
68
69
I n the second h a l f o f the eighteenth century, however, the c u l t u r a l arms race abated, a n d m a n y o f the c o u r t l y orchestras were disbanded. Just as o u r theoretical understanding o f h o w deadly arms races w i n d d o w n is i m p e r f e c t , w e d o n o t have exact i n f o r m a t i o n o n the dynamics o f the c u l t u r a l deescalation. There are at least five plausible explana tions, m o s t consistent w i t h the t h e o r y o f arms races a n d a l l s u p p o r t e d 70
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b y at least some evidence. First, once m o s t noble courts h a d orchestras, l i t t l e d i s t i n c t i o n was t o be h a d f r o m m a i n t a i n i n g one's o w n ensemble — even t h o u g h w i t h d r a w i n g c o u l d be difficult, since prestige m i g h t be lost by n o t h a v i n g one. Second, interest i n music, like m a n y other attributes, varies w i d e l y over generations w i t h i n a family, a n d w h e n the m o r e en thusiastic patrons d i e d , they were often f o l l o w e d by heirs w h o chose n o t t o c a r r y o n the t r a d i t i o n . T h i r d , as the c o m p e t i t i o n f o r a less t h a n c o m p l e t e l y elastic supply o f first-rate musicians intensified, the cost o f m a i n t a i n i n g a prestigious ensemble m o u n t e d , a n d this "fatigue a n d ex pense" discouraged c o n t i n u e d e x p e n d i t u r e . I n some instances b u d getary cutbacks were c o m p e l l e d b y financial distress a t t r i b u t a b l e m o r e o r less directly t o excessive outlays for (and i n some cases b o r r o w i n g t o s u p p o r t ) conspicuous c o n s u m p t i o n . F o u r t h , assertive leadership can help break o u t o f a h i g h - e x p e n d i t u r e e q u i l i b r i u m . Empress M a r i a Theresia a n d her son E m p e r o r Joseph I I o f A u s t r i a were n o t o r i o u s s k i n flints. T h e y economized v i s i b l y o n expenditures for their o w n c o u r t m u sical establishments a n d encouraged others w i t h i n their a m b i t , a n d es pecially religious prelates, t o f o l l o w their lead. A n d an i m p o r t a n t lead i t w a s , given the large n u m b e r o f noble courts i n the A u s t r i a n empire a n d adjacent Germany. F i n a l l y — a l t h o u g h one set o f events o c c u r r e d t o o late t o e x p l a i n the p r i n c i p a l w a v e o f c o u r t orchestra abandonments — the Seven Years W a r a n d t h e n the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s , a l o n g w i t h feudal reforms instigated b y French o c c u p y i n g forces, reduced the w e a l t h o f m a n y noble courts, i n d u c i n g t h e m t o i m p l e m e n t e c o n o m y measures. A l ready b y 1 7 9 6 , before N a p o l e o n ' s t r o o p s o v e r r a n A u s t r i a , B a r o n v o n Schönfeld, a Viennese n o b l e m a n a n d publisher, l a m e n t e d : 71
72
73
It was formerly most usual for our princely houses to maintain their o w n Hauskapellen. . . . N o w . . . to the detriment of art, this praiseworthy practice has been lost, and one Kapelle after another is extinguished, so that aside from that of Price Schwarzenberg, hardly a one still exists. T h e baron's o b s e r v a t i o n provides useful perspective, b u t his " h a r d l y a o n e " assertion was t o o pessimistic, since i n b o t h the A u s t r o - H u n g a r i a n empire a n d other E u r o p e a n lands, a substantial n u m b e r o f noble courts c o n t i n u e d t o m a i n t a i n orchestras w e l l i n t o the nineteenth century. T h u s , a m o n g the 8 5 A u s t r o - H u n g a r i a n - C z e c h K a p e l l e n identified b y Julia M o o r e , at least 9 — i n c l u d i n g those associated w i t h t w o separate C o l l o r e d o f a m i l y members, C o u n t Joseph Erdödy, the Esterházy family, t w o branches o f the H a u g w i t z family, Prince Liechtenstein, Prince Franz Joseph L o b k o w i t z , a n d Prince Schwarzenberg — were still i n existence d u r i n g 1 7 9 6 . I n Germany, noble courts m a i n t a i n e d Hauskapellen dur i n g at least p a r t o f the nineteenth c e n t u r y i n Dresden, H a n o v e r , Stutt74
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gart, Weimar, Kassel, Breslau, D a r m s t a d t , Wiesbaden, M e i n i n g e n , H e c h i n g e n , a n d Donaueschingen, a m o n g others. The Organization
of
Opera
A m o n g the varieties o f secular m u s i c a l performance s u p p o r t e d by the n o b i l i t y , chamber music a n d music for larger ensembles enjoyed prece dence i n t i m e , b u t a latecomer, opera, was b o t h m o r e spectacular a n d m o r e costly. M u s i c a l tableaus a n d dramas t h a t foreshadowed w h a t w e n o w call opera were first sponsored b y the M e d i c i family, rulers o f Flor ence, d u r i n g the closing decades o f the sixteenth century. O p e r a t o o k a significant step f o r w a r d w i t h the i n i t i a l performance o f C l a u d i o M o n teverdi's Orfeo at the Gonzaga c o u r t i n M a n t u a d u r i n g 1 6 0 7 . F r o m there i t spread t h r o u g h o u t Italy, facilitated i n p a r t by M o n t e v e r d i ' s de parture f r o m service t o the Gonzagas a n d his m o v e t o the free city o f Venice i n 1 6 1 2 . Venice premiered its first opera theater, San Cassiano, i n 1 6 3 7 . By 1 6 4 0 , Venice h a d three opera houses; b y the end o f the century, the n u m b e r o f opera houses has been v a r i o u s l y r e p o r t e d be t w e e n six a n d sixteen. T h e first opera performance i n R o m e occurred at the B a r b a r m i f a m i l y palace i n 1 6 3 1 . T h e first R o m a n theater dedi cated t o opera was c o m p l e t e d i n 1 6 7 1 , b u t i t was closed under an order f r o m Pope I n n o c e n t X I i n 1 6 7 4 , after w h i c h opera performance re t u r n e d t e m p o r a r i l y t o the homes o f w e a l t h y R o m a n s . T h e Naples r o y a l c o u r t m o u n t e d its first opera performance i n 1 6 5 0 . B y the last t w o decades o f the seventeenth century, v i r t u a l l y every I t a l i a n city o f any size h a d , o r was c o n s t r u c t i n g , a theater dedicated t o opera, a n d regular opera seasons were the n o r m . F r o m I t a l y the s u p p o r t o f f o r m a l opera establishments spread n o r t h w a r d , t o V i e n n a ( l i n k e d t o the Gonzaga f a m i l y by marriage) i n the 1620s, Dresden i n 1 6 6 7 , H a m b u r g i n 1 6 7 8 , a n d Paris ( w i t h the first performance o f an opera b y Jean-Baptiste L u l l y at the n e w Académie Royale de M u s i q u e ) i n 1 6 7 3 . H e n r y Purcell w r o t e operalike scores for L o n d o n theaters d u r i n g the 1690s. I n 1719 a for m a l L o n d o n opera company, the R o y a l A c a d e m y o f M u s i c , was estab lished, w i t h George Frideric H a n d e l as music director. 75
76
77
78
7 9
T h e first operas were p r o d u c e d under noble auspices. O r g a n i z i n g o p era i n a house financed a n d c o n t r o l l e d b y the local sovereign c o n t i n u e d t o be the c u s t o m i n Naples, T u r i n , Paris, V i e n n a ( u n t i l the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s ) , St. Petersburg, a n d G e r m a n c a p i t a l cities such as B e r l i n (where Frederick the Great b u i l t an opera house i n 1 7 4 2 ) , Dresden, D a r m s t a d t , Stuttgart / L u d w i g s b u r g , M u n i c h , a n d M a n n h e i m / Schwetzingen. U n der this o r g a n i z a t i o n a l m o d e , the local k i n g o r d u k e b u i l t the opera house w i t h m o n e y f r o m the state treasury, a p p o i n t e d an official o r c o m -
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mirtee t o manage the p r o g r a m , intervened frequently i n artistic deci sions t o impose his o w n artistic tastes, a n d p r o v i d e d generous subsidies t o keep the costly enterprise afloat. I n some cases a d m i s s i o n was re stricted t o members o f the c o u r t a n d guests i n v i t e d by the sovereign; i n others, the places left after the official p e c k i n g order h a d been satisfied w e r e offered at l i t t l e o r n o charge t o m i l i t a r y officers a n d p r o p e r l y at t i r e d citizens i n g o o d standing. T h e t r o u b l e w i t h this o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a p p r o a c h was t h a t i t generated incentives systematically biased o n the side o f i n c u r r i n g e x t r a v a g a n t cost. D u r i n g the eighteenth a n d nineteenth centuries, opera i n E u r o p e a n d especially i n I t a l y was the m o r a l equivalent o f f o o t b a l l , television, a n d social clubs a l l r o l l e d together i n m o d e r n Western society — i t was the m a i n source o f e n t e r t a i n m e n t f o r i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h m o n e y a n d lei sure. W h e n the opera was p r o d u c e d by a n o b l e house, the noble's r e p u t a t i o n a n d prestige h i n g e d o n the q u a l i t y o f the performances m o u n t e d . A s R a y n o r observes: 80
Expense was no object, for no nobleman would stint himself and his guests when he had an opportunity to impress his peers and possibly his betters. E v e n i n the nineteenth century, the heavily subsidized Paris operas were k n o w n f o r spectacular stagings, resulting f r o m " g o l d tossed i n w i t h t w o hands — s u b v e n t i o n a n d f a s h i o n . " I n m a n y locales a n alternative orga n i z a t i o n a l a p p r o a c h was sought t h a t balanced q u a l i t y a n d cost m o r e judiciously. A l s o , c o u r t bureaucracies sometimes lacked the competence o r flexibility t o i m p l e m e n t the expected m u l t i p l i c i t y o f operas suc cessfully, a n d so, as P a t r i c k Barbier states: 81
82
The Italians realised from the beginning of the seventeenth century that in order to satisfy their passion it was better to expect nothing of the au thorities; they must organize the building and running of the theatres themselves. T h e s o l u t i o n t o these p r o b l e m s , b e g i n n i n g w i t h Venice's San Cassiano i n 1 6 3 7 a n d e m u l a t e d t h r o u g h m u c h o f Italy, L o n d o n , some G e r m a n cities such as H a m b u r g , a n d eventually V i e n n a , was t o organize opera p r o d u c t i o n as a n essentially p r i v a t e venture. T h e funds f o r b u i l d i n g a n opera house were p r o v i d e d b y groups o f w e a l t h y , often b u t n o t always n o b l e , families. F o r t h e i r c o n t r i b u t i o n s they o b t a i n e d a p e r m a n e n t t i t l e t o the best boxes, just as U.S. sports stadiums are financed b y selling preferred boxes t o well-heeled c o r p o r a t i o n s . T h e financiers t y p i c a l l y se lected f r o m t h e i r numbers a g o v e r n i n g c o m m i t t e e , w h i c h c o n t r a c t e d w i t h an i m p r e s a r i o t o w h o m was delegated r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r p l a n n i n g the opera season (usually w i t h the advice a n d consent o f the c o m m i t -
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tee), r e c r u i t i n g singers, selecting composers a n d librettists, c o n t r a c t i n g w i t h scenery producers, a n d a t t e n d i n g t o the countless details t h a t m u s t be resolved t o m o u n t g o o d performances. Fi nanci al r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was d i v i d e d between the g o v e r n i n g families a n d the i m p r e s a r i o i n ways t h a t were n o t always crystal-clear, creating a lively business for the profes sion dignified b y P o r t i a i n Shakespeare's Merchant of Venice. Special levies o n the o r i g i n a l financiers helped cover perennial losses, b u t some impresarios were d r i v e n i n t o b a n k r u p t c y and/or were forced t o flee, u n der cover o f darkness, creditors w h o were accompanied by the local police. I m p r e s a r i o suicides were n o t u n k n o w n . I n short, f r o m the seven teenth century o n , opera i n Europe was often organized as a quasiprivate enterprise — a p o i n t t h a t w i l l become i m p o r t a n t w h e n w e c o n sider the career paths o f opera composers.
Instrumental
Concert
Venues
Private organizations dedicated t o the professional performance o f i n s t r u m e n t a l music emerged m o r e s l o w l y t h a n p r i v a t e l y organized operas. T h e i r genesis appears t o have been l i n k e d t o t w o phenomena — a vac u u m left by the absence, o r default, o f the noble establishment i n satis f y i n g local demands, a n d the g r o w t h o f prosperity, w h i c h created n o n noble audiences eager t o hear i n s t r u m e n t a l music p e r f o r m e d . L o n d o n , the largest a n d one o f the wealthiest E u r o p e a n cities, p r o v i d e d leadership i n this respect. After the R e s t o r a t i o n , K i n g Charles I I a n d his successor K i n g James I I e m p l o y e d c o u r t musicians, b u t p a i d t h e m so b a d l y t h a t they were forced (and a l l o w e d ) t o pursue freelance o p p o r t u n i t i e s outside the c o u r t . Consequently, d u r i n g the 1680s a n d 1690s H e n r y Purcell, J o h n B l o w ( 1 6 4 9 - 1 7 0 8 ) , a n d t h e i r c o n t e m p o r aries secured r o o m s , often associated w i t h inns a n d taverns, w h e r e they p e r f o r m e d music f o r p a y i n g listeners. W i t h the passage o f t i m e a m o r e systematic o r g a n i z a t i o n a l a p p r o a c h evolved. I n 1 6 9 7 T h o m a s H i c k f o r d opened a " G r e a t D a n c i n g R o o m " i n w h i c h concerts were r e g u l a r l y of fered. I n 1 7 3 9 H i c k f o r d m o v e d t o larger ( 1 4 2 0 square feet) a n d m o r e fashionable quarters o f f Soho Square, w h e r e nine-year-old W o l f g a n g A m a d e u s M o z a r t p e r f o r m e d w i t h his sister N a n n e r l i n 1 7 6 5 . N e a r b y was Carlisle H o u s e , where J o h a n n C h r i s t i a n Bach a n d K a r l F r i e d r i c h A b e l i n i t i a t e d a p o p u l a r concert series i n the same year. D u r i n g the second h a l f o f the century several m o r e concert halls were opened, i n c l u d i n g the H a n o v e r Square R o o m s ( 2 5 3 0 square feet, a c c o m m o d a t i n g 5 0 0 ) , i n w h i c h Franz Joseph H a y d n ' s first L o n d o n concerts were h e l d i n 1 7 9 1 . After the second r o u n d o f H a y d n concerts i n 1 7 9 4 , interest i n concert attendance ebbed, possibly because n o c o n t e m p o r a r y composer c o u l d replace H a y d n , b u t almost surely also because o f the economic 83
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burdens o f the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s . I n 1 8 1 3 , however, the R o y a l Philhar m o n i c Society was organized t o present a regular a n d c o n t i n u i n g c o n cert series, p e r f o r m i n g a m o n g other w o r k s m a n y o f Beethoven's m o s t i m p o r t a n t orchestral c o m p o s i t i o n s . G e r m a n y i n h e r i t e d a t r a d i t i o n o f concerts, often presented o n Sun days a n d holidays i n t o w n squares, by Stadtpfeiffer ( t o w n pipers) w h o were p a i d b y the t o w n s t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n ceremonial festivities a n d m i l i t a r y marches. Paralleling t h a t t r a d i t i o n was the emergence i n the six teenth century o f amateur music performance groups. These evolved d u r i n g the seventeenth century i n t o m o r e f o r m a l organizations, one o f the m o s t i m p o r t a n t being the L e i p z i g C o l l e g i u m M u s i c u m , i n i t i a t e d i n 1688 by J o h a n n K u h n a u ( 1 6 6 0 - 1 7 2 2 ) . L e i p z i g was distinctive i n at least three respects. For one, as a "free c i t y " i t had n o resident n o b i l i t y , a n d hence n o c o u r t concert life, b u t i t h a r b o r e d an affluent m i d d l e class. W h e n a v i s i t i n g Franz Liszt c o m p l a i n e d a b o u t the absence o f countesses a n d princes, R o b e r t Schumann is said t o have r e t o r t e d , " W e t o o [have] o u r o w n aristocracy here, namely, 150 bookstores, 5 0 p r i n t i n g estab lishments, a n d 30 newspapers." Second, i t was home t o the T h o m a s schule, considered the best m u s i c a l t r a i n i n g school for y o u n g Germans d u r i n g the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries. T h i r d , i t h a r b o r e d a great university, m a n y o f whose students h a d musical talent. K u h n a u b r o u g h t together u n i v e r s i t y students, p u p i l s o f the Thomasschule, a n d talented L e i p z i g residents i n t o the C o l l e g i u m M u s i c u m , whose m o s t l y amateur musicians offered regular paid-admission concerts t o L e i p z i g residents. Later the C o l l e g i u m , whose activity was m i r r o r e d i n other G e r m a n cities, often b y organizations w i t h the same name, was led b y G e o r g P h i l i p p T e l e m a n n , a n d between 1 7 2 9 a n d 1 7 4 1 , b y J o h a n n Sebastian Bach. Its concerts i n the Bach era were h e l d at Z i m m e r m a n n ' s coffee house. L i t t l e evidence has s u r v i v e d o n the Collegium's p r o g r a m , a l t h o u g h i t is v i r t u a l l y certain t h a t m a n y o f Bach's secular w o r k s f r o m t h a t p e r i o d were w r i t t e n f o r i t . T h r o u g h several further o r g a n i z a t i o n a l adaptations, the C o l l e g i u m M u s i c u m evolved i n t o a regular concert se ries located f r o m 1 7 8 1 o n i n Leipzig's Gewandhaus, whose orchestra i n c o r p o r a t e d professional musicians d u r i n g the n e x t t w o decades a n d r e m a i n e d one o f the w o r l d ' s great m u s i c a l organizations over the n e x t t w o centuries. 86
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I n V i e n n a the h o l d i n g o f private concerts emerged i n less independent w a y s because V i e n n a enjoyed such a r i c h array o f n o b i l i t y - b a c k e d c o n cert o p p o r t u n i t i e s . D u r i n g the eighteenth century, halls financed b y the m o n a r c h y o r the m a n y resident nobles were made available, sometimes gratis o r at n o m i n a l charges, f o r freelance m u s i c a l performances b y composers such as M o z a r t a n d ( i n his later years) Franz Joseph H a y d n . T h e Tonkünstler-Societät (Society o f M u s i c i a n s ) , f o u n d e d i n 1 7 7 2 t o
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organize periodic concerts for the benefit o f Viennese musicians, ap pears t o have been the first self-governing concert o r g a n i z a t i o n , using, however, halls p r o v i d e d by the m o n a r c h y . M o z a r t ' s start as a Viennese resident composer was also facilitated b y the a v a i l a b i l i t y f o r p u b l i c summer concerts o f the A u g a r t e n , a p a r k w i t h p a v i l i o n ceded t o p u b l i c use by E m p e r o r Joseph I I . O n l y d u r i n g the nineteenth c e n t u r y d i d a d d i t i o n a l i n s t r u m e n t a l concert venues emerge t h a t were independent o f the I m p e r i a l establishment. I n Paris, a larger a n d wealthier c a p i t a l city, concert life was at first concentrated i n facilities m a i n t a i n e d by the m o n a r c h y a n d t h e n , espe cially after the r e v o l u t i o n , i n private salons. A p a r t i a l e x c e p t i o n was the Concert Spirituel, w h i c h occupied r o y a l premises b u t operated largely independently o f the m o n a r c h y , presenting between 1725 a n d 1790 i n s t r u m e n t a l a n d secular v o c a l music concerts for the p u b l i c . U p t o the t i m e o f the R e v o l u t i o n , staging p u b l i c concerts r e q u i r e d a r o y a l p r i v i lege. After the R e v o l u t i o n independent venues began t o emerge, m a n y short-lived. T h e Paris Conservatoire, organized officially i n 1 7 9 5 , opened a concert hall i n 1 8 1 1 t h a t became a p r i m e locus for p u b l i c concerts by b o t h its students a n d outsiders. T h e Société des Concerts d u Conser vatoire, f o u n d e d i n 1 8 2 8 , helped b u i l d p u b l i c concert life t h r o u g h fre quent concerts by an orchestra c o m p r i s i n g C o n s e r v a t o r y students a n d a l u m n i . A l s o i m p o r t a n t was the Salle Pleyel, opened i n 1 8 3 0 by the Pleyel music p u b l i s h i n g firm, w h i c h a m o n g other things p r o v i d e d a f o r u m for Frédéric C h o p in ' s Parisian p u b l i c debut i n 1 8 3 2 . B y 1 8 6 6 , Paris was the setting for nearly 2 0 0 significant concerts a n n u a l l y . 90
91
A m s t e r d a m , p r o b a b l y Europe's richest c i t y i n terms o f i n c o m e per capita d u r i n g the eighteenth century, opened its first opera house i n 1680 a n d its first p u b l i c concert h a l l , sponsored by the Felix M e n t i s Society, i n 1777. Russia j o i n e d the ranks o f private-concert-giving nations relatively late. I n 1 7 1 8 , Czar Peter the Great issued a ukase encouraging p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s t o h o l d i n their homes mixed-gender assamblei analogous t o Parisian salons. T h e practice t o o k r o o t , a n d musical entertainment be came a regular c o m p o n e n t o f the gatherings, a m o n g others, those i n i t i ated a r o u n d m i d - c e n t u r y by C o u n t A . G . R a z u m o v s k i i . T h e first Rus sian m u s i c a l society offering w e e k l y concerts for its 3 0 0 dues-paying members was established i n St. Petersburg i n 1 7 7 2 . Its successors i n cluded the P h i l h a r m o n i c Society, f o u n d e d i n 1 8 0 2 . 92
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The Spread
to Broader
Audiences
As the decades advanced a n d the real i n c o m e o f the average citizen increased, i n n o v a t i v e venues for music performance began t o emerge,
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catering t o audiences t h a t h a d n o t been served by t r a d i t i o n a l perfor mance approaches. D u r i n g the first t w o centuries o f opera performance i n Italy, i t was c u s t o m a r y f o r the leading theaters t o present o n l y operas t h a t were n e w o r at least r e w o r k e d so t h a t they appeared t o be new. I n the t y p i c a l season, three t o five n e w operas w o u l d be p e r f o r m e d . F o l l o w i n g the d e m o c r a t i z i n g events o f 1 8 4 8 , however, there was a m o v e m e n t t o w a r d r e p e r t o r y opera — t h a t is, the performance o f operas t h a t h a d p r o v e d successful i n the past. T h i s saved the cost o f n e w l i b r e t t o s a n d m u s i c a l scores, a n d scenery b u i l t f o r previous performances c o u l d often be stored a n d recycled. These cost economies i n t u r n p e r m i t t e d l o w e r sub s c r i p t i o n o r admission fees t o be charged, d r a w i n g i n a broader range o f spectators. By the 1870s, the r e p e r t o r y strategy h a d become the n o r m i n Italy. 94
I n E n g l a n d the d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n o f opera t o o k an earlier a n d quite different t u r n . T h e decisive event was the premiere i n 1728 o f J o h n Gay's Beggar's Opera, a n irreverent musical extravaganza f e a t u r i n g p o p u l a r tunes sung i n E n g l i s h , c o n t r a r y t o the I t a l i a n t r a d i t i o n o f c o n v e n t i o n a l L o n d o n operas. Gay's offering is said t o have been the great est t h e a t r i c a l success o f the c e n t u r y i n E n g l a n d , p r e c i p i t a t i n g a decadel o n g craze for b a l l a d operas a n d d r a i n i n g a w a y p o t e n t i a l spectators f r o m L o n d o n ' s t w o I t a l i a n opera houses a n d aggravating t h e i r c h r o n i c financial difficulties. The Beggar's Opera a n d its derivatives p r o v i d e d a precedent for the h i g h l y successful G i l b e r t a n d Sullivan operettas d u r i n g the last three decades o f the nineteenth century. M a k i n g a n early t r a n s i t i o n t o i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n a n d e n j o y i n g ( w i t h H o l l a n d ) Europe's highest n a t i o n a l per capita incomes i n the latter p a r t o f the eighteenth century, E n g l a n d also pioneered other means o f m a k i n g music available t o a w i d e r spectrum o f the p u b l i c . Three are note w o r t h y . I n 1735 V a u x h a l l Gardens, southwest across the Thames f r o m today's V i c t o r i a Station, began presenting open-air orchestral concerts d u r i n g the summer — under cover o f a r o o f w h e n i t r a i n e d . L o w admis sion fees p e r m i t t e d w i d e p a r t i c i p a t i o n . O t h e r garden locales s o o n i m i t a t e d the V a u x h a l l i n i t i a t i v e , m a k i n g i t possible f o r L o n d o n ' s citizens t o hear m a n y o f the b e s t - k n o w n singers a n d instrumentalists p e r f o r m . T h e increasing p o p u l a r i t y o f George Frideric Handel's English-language o r a t o r i o s p r o v i d e d another vehicle for concerts d r a w i n g large n u m b e r s o f listeners. I n 1 7 5 0 , the first o f v a r i o u s a n n u a l l y repeated performances o f Handel's Messiah was presented at, a n d for the benefit of, L o n d o n ' s F o u n d l i n g H o s p i t a l . These concerts d r e w audiences i n excess o f 1,000 persons. I n 1 7 8 4 , a year before the centennial o f Handel's b i r t h , the first f o u r gigantic H a n d e l C o m m e m o r a t i o n concerts were h e l d at West minster Abbey. T h e orchestra a n d chorus t o t a l e d 5 2 5 . T h e series was 95
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repeated d u r i n g the next three years a n d again i n 1790 a n d 1791. T h e audience c o u n t at a 1791 performance was 1,067, i n c l u d i n g Franz Jo seph H a y d n , w h o was inspired f r o m his experience t o w r i t e his Cre ation a n d Seasons o r a t o r i o s . " Later, between 1840 and 1880, the p o p u lar d e m a n d for music performance was m e t b y the establishment o f hundreds o f music halls, w h i c h offered working-class p a t r o n s i n s t r u m e n t a l a n d v o c a l music l u b r i c a t e d by the sale o f a l c o h o l i c beverages. I n V i e n n a the d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n o f music anticipated the E n g l i s h music halls i n a s o m e w h a t different f o r m . T h e w a l t z , w h i c h evolved i n preced i n g decades f r o m A u s t r i a n ländler f o l k dances, was enthusiastically re ceived d u r i n g the 1814-1815 Congress o f V i e n n a . As A u s t r i a resumed its economic g r o w t h i n the years t h a t f o l l o w e d , b a l l r o o m s p r o l i f e r a t e d i n V i e n n a t o the p o i n t where, i t is said, they c o u l d accommodat e 50,000 participants simultaneously. M u s i c was p r o v i d e d by orchestras headed at first by Joseph Lanner (1801-1843) a n d , after he left the L a n n e r g r o u p , by J o h a n n Strauss Sr. T h e d e m a n d was so great t h a t Strauss expanded his forces a n d began serving m u l t i p l e b a l l r o o m s at the same t i m e . By 1830 he h a d 300 musicians under contract, w h o were t y p i c a l l y deployed i n groups o f 25. T h e a t t r a c t i o n o f the Strauss a n d Lanner orchestras was so great t h a t i t is said t o have i m p a i r e d attendance at V i e n n a concerts by Frederic C h o p i n i n 1830 a n d 1831. Johann Strauss Jr. later f o r m e d his o w n ensemble t o car r y o n the f a m i l y t r a d i t i o n independently a n d , after its success was assured, t u r n e d t o the c o m p o s i t i o n o f operettas p a r a l l e l i n g the offerings o f G i l b e r t a n d Sullivan. T o the Viennese operettas o f Strauss one can trace a c o m p l e x lineage f r o m J o h n G a y t h r o u g h the Singspiele — i n c l u d i n g M o z a r t ' s Magic Flute — p r o d u c e d t o p o p u l a r acclaim i n Vienna's Freihaus-Theater a u f der W i e d e n by E m a n u e l Schikaneder (1751-1812), a n d t o the French-lan guage operettas o f Jacques Offenbach (1819-1880). 100
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J o h a n n Strauss Jr. played a s t a r r i n g role i n w h a t m a y have been the pinnacle o f large-scale p o p u l a r music performance d u r i n g the nine teenth century. I n 1872 he was p a i d $100,000 plus t r a v e l i n g expenses t o c o n d u c t his o w n c o m p o s i t i o n s a n d those o f M e n d e l s s o h n a n d Wagner, p e r f o r m e d by an orchestra o f 2,000 a n d a chorus o f 20,000, before audiences o f 100,000 persons i n a huge w o o d e n shed erected for the Boston (Massachusetts) Peace Festival o f 1872. 103
A U D I E N C E S AT P U B L I C PERFORMANCES
We suggest i n this b o o k t h a t as average incomes per capita rose i n the various E u r o p e a n nations (and later i n the U n i t e d States), the d e m a n d for music i n diverse f o r m s increased a n d spread t o a n ever-widening
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f r a c t i o n o f the p o p u l a t i o n . T h i s n o t i o n a n d the s u p p o r t i n g assertion made b y some authors t h a t i n V i e n n a at the onset o f the nineteenth century "there was a p i a n o i n every house" have been questioned. Per haps the m o s t p o i n t e d challenge was m o u n t e d b y Julia M o o r e , w h o shows inter alia t h a t the " p i a n o i n every house" inference was d r a w n carelessly f r o m a c o n t e m p o r a r y g u i d e b o o k t h a t actually said " A p i a n o is f o u n d i n the h o m e o f every educated f a m i l y " — a m a j o r difference, since relatively few families c o u l d be called educated i n the year 1 8 0 0 . M o o r e goes o n t o dispute the c o n t e n t i o n t h a t , for V i e n n a at the t i m e o f Beethoven, "leadership i n musical patronage was wrested f r o m a n i m poverished aristocracy . . . by an increasingly large a n d p o w e r f u l m i d d l e class." M o o r e ' s c r i t i q u e is j o i n e d by sociologist T i a D e N o r a , w h o ar gues t h a t "the actual p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d p o w e r o f the m i d d l e class a n d second society i n m u s i c a l affairs at the end o f the 1 8 t h c e n t u r y was still relatively i n s i g n i f i c a n t . " D e N o r a advances the m o r e subtle a r g u m e n t t h a t i n V i e n n a , the aristocracy was m o r e distinct f r o m the upper m i d d l e classes, a n d t h a t i t opposed the spread o f concerts t o the m i d d l e class m o r e successfully t h a n i n L o n d o n , where a t h r i v i n g concert life e x i s t e d . As a leading biographer o f George Frideric H a n d e l ( w h o l i v e d i n L o n d o n m a i n l y d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the eighteenth century) observed: 104
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107
108
There was . . . a growing public for musical performances. Mercantile England was bringing into being large numbers of people who were strange to the uses of their o w n wealth and leisure and who were eager to know how to live. B u t even i n L o n d o n , S i m o n M c V e i g h asserts i n the preface t o his magis t e r i a l study o f eighteenth-century concert life i n L o n d o n , " i t w o u l d cer t a i n l y be a mistake t o a t t r i b u t e the rise o f the m o d e r n s y m p h o n y c o n cert t o a w e l l i n g - u p o f middle-class energies." T h e differences here are really m o r e matters o f t i m i n g a n d l o c a t i o n t h a n existence. T h i s is recognized by M c V e i g h , w h o observes t h a t the m i d d l e classes d i d d e m a n d music performance d u r i n g the eighteenth century, b u t h a d their o w n preferred concert venues different f r o m those o f the n o b i l i t y . For instance, the w e a l t h i e r middle-class members h a d a concert life centered o n the C i t y (that is, the b a n k i n g d i s t r i c t ) . A n d f o r others, the p u b l i c garden concerts were a d r a w . A t V a u x h a l l Gardens i n 1 7 8 6 , f o r example, a c c o r d i n g t o a c o n t e m p o r a r y account q u o t e d by McVeigh: 109
110
111
There were last night above 6000 persons present, among them some of the first people in the kingdom, but as is always the case at Vauxhall, it was a melange; the cit and the courtier jostled each other with the usual familiarity; the half guinea was no repellant to the middling order; John
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Bull loves to shoulder his superiors in rank . . . and where he pays as much for admission, he never considers them to be more than his equals. As w e have seen, the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n came later t o some na tions t h a n t o others, a n d f r o m the data i n figure 2.2 a n d table 2 . 2 , i t s h o u l d be clear t h a t changes i n i n c o m e per capita a n d w e a l t h were i n any event g r a d u a l rather t h a n r e v o l u t i o n a r y . A n d some nations such as E n g l a n d were less socially stratified a n d class-conscious t h a n others such as A u s t r i a . T h e Viennese n o b i l i t y m a y have c o n t i n u e d t o favor their salons a n d the I m p e r i a l concert halls, b u t the m i d d l e classes at tended concerts first i n the A u g a r t e n a n d the Freihaus-Theater a u f der W i e d e n a n d t h e n , by the 1830s, i n the b a l l r o o m s served b y the Lanner a n d Strauss orchestras. T h e g r a d u a l spread o f p i a n o o w n e r s h i p t o the m i d d l e classes, a n d hence the g r a d u a l increase o f d e m a n d f o r sheet music, can be seen q u a n t i t a t i v e l y f r o m o u r estimates (used earlier t o derive d e m a n d elas ticities) o f the n u m b e r o f pianos o w n e d relative t o the n u m b e r o f f a m i lies residing i n the U n i t e d States. I n 1 8 5 0 , the o w n e r s h i p rate was ap p r o x i m a t e l y 5 percent; i n 1 9 0 0 , i t was 12 percent. I t reached a peak i n 1923 at 2 3 percent (by w h i c h t i m e the U n i t e d States h a d become the w o r l d ' s richest i n d u s t r i a l n a t i o n ) before d e c l i n i n g under the onslaught o f c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m radios a n d p h o n o g r a p h s . O n attendance at a n d s u p p o r t f o r i m p o r t a n t p u b l i c m u s i c a l perfor mances, w e have fragmentary evidence t h a t fills o u t the picture m o r e completely. D u r i n g his t i m e i n V i e n n a , M o z a r t b r o u g h t m a n y o f his w o r k s t o p u b l i c notice t h r o u g h s u b s c r i p t i o n concerts — concert series for w h i c h admission tickets were sold i n advance by s u b s c r i p t i o n . I n M a r c h 1 7 8 4 he sent t o his father a list o f the 176 subscribers t o his first series o f three concerts, f o r w h i c h the subscription price was 6 Viennese florins (at p r e v a i l i n g exchange rates, r o u g h l y 15 English s h i l l i n g s ) . T h e m o r e detailed b i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t M o z a r t scholar O t t o E r i c h Deutsch derived f r o m the list permits the f o l l o w i n g b r e a k d o w n by social class: 112
Prince, count, baron, lord or other titled nobility Diplomats without noble title Generals Names w i t h " v o n " or "de" prefix Other, without evident distinction
111 3 2 55 5
Total
176
Clearly, M o z a r t attracted an audience heavily w e i g h t e d t o w a r d the n o bility. I n t e r p r e t i n g the " v o n " a n d " d e " designations is m o r e p r o b l e m -
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atic. As a n acute observer o f Viennese life, J o h a n n Pezzi, n o t e d i n 1 7 8 6 , the prefix " F r a u v o n " was used at the t i m e f o r " w i v e s o f merchants, wives o f lesser g o v e r n m e n t clerks, o f artists, w e l l - t o - d o professional m e n a n d house officers o f great f a m i l i e s . " T h i s is consistent w i t h the o c c u p a t i o n a l descriptions p r o v i d e d by Deutsch. T h u s , r o u g h l y a t h i r d o f the p a r t i c i p a n t s i n M o z a r t ' s concerts came f r o m w h a t m i g h t be called a bourgeois b a c k g r o u n d — w e a l t h y m i d d l e class, t o be sure. 113
F o r L o n d o n w e have nearly c o n t e m p o r a r y i n f o r m a t i o n o n the b o x holders f o r s u b s c r i p t i o n concerts h e l d by J o h a n n C h r i s t i a n Bach a n d K a r l F r i e d r i c h A b e l i n the K i n g ' s T h e a t r e , p r o b a b l y i n the s p r i n g o f 1 7 7 5 . T h e p a r t i c i p a n t s can be b r o k e n d o w n as f o l l o w s : 114
Prince, Duke, Count, Lord, Marquis, etc. "Honorable" " M r . " or " M r s . "
60 1 24
Total
85
A t 2 9 percent, the f r a c t i o n o f c o m m o n e r s appears slightly l o w e r t h a n a m o n g M o z a r t ' s subscribers. H o w e v e r , the B a c h - A b e l list is f o r b o x subscribers only. I n d i v i d u a l admissions were also s o l d f o r the p i t ( w h a t A m e r i c a n s w o u l d n o w call the orchestra) a n d the galleries — the latter at 5 shillings threepence, h a l f the single-concert b o x price. Those places usually w e n t t o the " l o w e r o r d e r s , " so i t seems l i k e l y t h a t the B a c h - A b e l concerts attracted a larger p r o p o r t i o n o f c o m m o n e r s t h a n M o z a r t ' s V i e n n a concerts, f o r w h i c h , w e k n o w f r o m an estimate o f t o t a l receipts, few i f any single-admission tickets were s o l d . A n earlier sample o f L o n d o n ' s m u s i c - l o v i n g p u b l i c can be gleaned f r o m a M a y 1 7 1 9 list o f o r i g i n a l subscribers t o the R o y a l A c a d e m y o f M u s i c , f o r whose opera presentations George Frideric H a n d e l became music d i r e c t o r . H e r e , however, the stakes were n o t a h a n d f u l o f s h i l l ings, b u t a m i n i m u m guarantee o f £ 2 0 0 , augmented over the years b y calls f o r m a n d a t o r y supplements t o cover the opera's recurrent losses. M y classification o f the list is as f o l l o w s : 115
Earl, duke, count, viscount, and lord Esquire and sir Other untitled
32 11 22
Total
63
R o u g h l y h a l f appear t o have been " g e n t l e m e n , " w i t h o u t titles o f n o b i l i t y (granted m o r e s p a r i n g l y i n E n g l a n d t h a n i n A u s t r i a ) b u t w i t h suf ficient w e a l t h f r o m p r a c t i c i n g a profession o r f r o m p r o p e r t y h o l d i n g s t o
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guarantee, i n b a c k i n g a costly, r i s k y venture, a n investment equivalent t o the a n n u a l i n c o m e o f six building-trades craftsmen. T h u s , i n b o t h L o n d o n a n d V i e n n a d u r i n g the eighteenth century, the n o b i l i t y p l a y e d a leading role i n s u p p o r t i n g p u b l i c m u s i c a l perfor mances, b u t there is evidence o f substantial upper-middle-class p a r t i c i p a t i o n t o o . I n free cities w i t h o u t a resident n o b i l i t y , such as H a m b u r g , F r a n k f u r t , a n d L e i p z i g , where a v i g o r o u s p u b l i c concert life nevertheless emerged, w e m u s t assume t h a t middle-class p a r t i c i p a t i o n was m u c h greater. I n Italy, t o o , some cities h a r b o r e d a preponderance o f m i d d l e class operagoers. F o r instance, Franco Piperno w r i t e s c o n c e r n i n g atten dance at the p u b l i c opera f o u n d e d by a r i c h Padua n o b l e d u r i n g the seventeenth c e n t u r y : 116
117
I n Padua the audience (from the back rows to the front) included "the citizenry," "students" at the university and "aristocratic foreigners," "rec tors and nobles of the Veneto," and "gentlewomen" and "gentlemen." We know little about the precise social composition of the audience at court theaters, but what is striking about this testimony from a university city in a republican state — aside from the hierarchical seating arrangements, which much resembled the custom of the courts — is the presence of people of modest social rank . . . who presumably would not have been admitted to court spectacles in the capital city of a monarchical state. By the nineteenth century, as w e have seen already f r o m the emer gence o f n e w venues f o r music performance, the s i t u a t i o n was c h a n g i n g significantly. O f his concerts d u r i n g 1 8 4 6 i n Prague, a c i t y w i t h m a n y nobles w h o frequently absented themselves t o V i e n n a , H e c t o r Berlioz recalled: 118
M y concert was attended not only by the lower classes but even by the peasants, to w h o m certain places were rendered accessible by the low prices; and I was able to judge the interest this audience took in my musi cal efforts by their singularly naive exclamations at the more unexpected effects, a proof that their memory was sufficiently well stocked to allow of their forming comparisons between the known and the unknown, the old and the new, the good and the bad. I n B i r m i n g h a m — an i n d u s t r i a l center w h e r e the English n o b i l i t y r a r e l y chose t o congregate — a performance o f F e l i x Mendelssohn's E l i j a h i n 1 8 4 6 was attended by a n audience o f 2 , 0 0 0 . Even at L a Scala i n M i l a n , the seat o f Austria's g o v e r n m e n t o c c u p y i n g L o m b a r d y d u r i n g the 1820s, the less costly seats were t a k e n b y the " b l a c k cape" servants o f the n o b i l i t y , soldiers, " w e l l - b r e d m e n a n d w o m e n " w h o d i d n o t dress elegantly, a n d the "lesser p e o p l e " such as artisans a n d p e t t y service p r o v i d e r s . W h a t one d i d n o t find i n the L a Scala galleries, Rosselli c o n 119
120
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CHAPTER T W O
tinues, was representation o f the l o w e r classes as a w h o l e — f o r instance, laborers a n d peasants. B u t t h a t t o o changed w i t h the advent o f reper t o r y opera d u r i n g the 1850s. T h e c o m b i n a t i o n o f l o w e r prices a n d g r a d u a l l y increasing p r o s p e r i t y made opera — s t i l l m u c h m o r e i m p o r t a n t i n I t a l y t h a n s y m p h o n i c music — so w i d e l y accessible t h a t w h e n Giuseppe V e r d i left T u r i n by t r a i n f o r Paris i n 1 8 9 4 , o r d i n a r y citizens a n d w o r k ers staged a d e m o n s t r a t i o n t o b i d h i m f a r e w e l l . T h u s , b y the end o f the nineteenth century, at least i n m a n y parts o f the w o r l d , g o o d music h a d become available f o r w i d e s p r e a d p o p u l a r c o n s u m p t i o n . 121
Chapter 3 MUSIC COMPOSITION AS A PROFESSION
W E SHIFT o u r focus n o w f r o m b r o a d socioeconomic trends t o the par t i c u l a r choices composers made, o r were impelled t o m a k e , a m o n g alter native ways o f keeping b o d y a n d soul together. Chapter 1 identified hypotheses advanced b y earlier w r i t e r s t h a t p r o v i d e b r o a d themes for the analysis here. I n particular, i t is said t h a t the late eighteenth century i n general, a n d the experience o f W o l f g a n g Amadeus M o z a r t i n p a r t i c u lar, m a r k e d a t r a n s i t i o n f r o m the s u p p o r t o f c o m p o s i n g activity t h r o u g h patronage a n d c h u r c h e m p l o y m e n t t o p r i v a t e m a r k e t alternatives, w h i c h i n t u r n meant t h a t composers became freelance artists accepting the risks o f creating for the m a r k e t . We shall find here t h a t changes d i d occur, b u t they were m o r e g r a d u a l a n d evolutionary.
T H E E M P L O Y M E N T ALTERNATIVES
Composers earned their bread i n m a n y ways. T h e y i n c l u d e d w o r k i n g for the c h u r c h , serving i n noble courts, securing s u p p o r t i n other ways f r o m w e a l t h y (mostly noble) patrons, a n d engaging i n freelance activ ities, w h i c h i n t u r n t o o k a diversity o f f o r m s . I t s h o u l d n o t be surprising t h a t m a n y composers availed themselves o f m o r e t h a n one such o p p o r t u n i t y , sometimes simultaneously a n d sometimes at differing career stages. As S i m o n M c V e i g h observes i n his excellent b o o k o n concert life i n eighteenth-century L o n d o n , " N o m u s i c i a n w o r k i n g i n L o n d o n for any length o f t i m e made his entire l i v i n g f r o m concert w o r k , a n d the career o f m o s t musicians was an ever-varying c o c k t a i l o f different enter prises." I n p u r s u i n g m u l t i p l e activities, composers h a d t o allocate t h e i r l i m i t e d t i m e a n d energy a m o n g c o m p e t i n g alternatives. 1
Church
Employment
F r o m at least the t i m e o f the Renaissance, E u r o p e a n musicians f o u n d countless o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o be e m p l o y e d i n the churches as organists, c h o i r directors, a n d ( i n the m o s t affluent churches) Kapellmeister pre siding over music r a n g i n g f r o m a capella singing t o f u l l orchestral per formances. V i r t u a l l y a l l R o m a n C a t h o l i c parishes o f any size a n d m o s t o f the Protestant churches, except those f o l l o w i n g the m o s t conservative
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CHAPTER T H R E E
C a l v i n i s t a n d P u r i t a n precepts, needed at least an organist, w h o i n the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries was expected t o p e r f o r m some o f his o w n c o m p o s i t i o n s as w e l l as using p u b l i c - d o m a i n materials. I n the smaller parishes the persons w h o filled these jobs were p o o r l y p a i d , b u t they were at least assured, as a n u n w h o t a u g h t the a u t h o r i n elementary school used t o say, o f "three squares a n d an o b l o n g . " I n the m o r e i m p o r t a n t churches a n d cathedrals, the Kapellmeister's p o s i t i o n was h i g h l y attractive a n d eagerly sought. H a d he been blessed w i t h better h e a l t h , M o z a r t ' s career need n o t have ended i n a morass o f debt. M o z a r t h a d a p p l i e d successfully f o r a p o s i t i o n t h a t w o u l d have made h i m the successor t o L e o p o l d H o f f m a n n ( 1 7 3 8 - 1 7 9 3 ) , Kapellmeister o f St. Stephan's cathedral i n V i e n n a . H o f f m a n n ' s salary was 2 , 0 0 0 florins per year ( £ 2 0 5 , o r five times the a n n u a l i n c o m e o f a fully e m p l o y e d b u i l d i n g craftsman i n southern England) plus generous e m o l u m e n t s , w h i c h , w i t h his various other sources o f i n c o m e , w o u l d have a l l o w e d M o z a r t t o live c o m f o r t a b l y . B u t M o z a r t d i e d before he reached his t h i r t y - s i x t h b i r t h d a y w h i l e H o f f m a n n , whose health was n o t considered g o o d at the t i m e , lived o n unexpectedly u n t i l 1 7 9 3 . H a l f a c e n t u r y later, the thirteen-year-old C a m i l l e Saint-Saëns chose t o concentrate o n o r g a n performance at the Paris C o n s e r v a t o r y instead o f p i a n o because i t offered better e m p l o y m e n t prospects at a French c h u r c h . 2
3
T h e level o f musical performance t h a t churches c o u l d sustain was adversely affected b y the confiscation o f income-earning c h u r c h lands i n A u s t r i a under reforms i n i t i a t e d by E m p e r o r Joseph I I a n d i n France f o l l o w i n g the r e v o l u t i o n o f 1 7 8 9 . B u t as the M o z a r t a n d Saint-Saëns examples testify, e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s r e m a i n e d . Support
from the
Nobility
A second m a j o r source o f s u p p o r t for composers d u r i n g the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries was f o u n d i n the noble courts, m a n y o f w h i c h , w e have seen i n chapter 2 , competed t o o u t d o one another i n the excellence o f t h e i r orchestras a n d operas. A c t u a l l y , s u p p o r t came i n t w o m a i n forms: f r o m e m p l o y m e n t i n the c o u r t a n d f r o m subsidies m o r e o r less detached f r o m w o r k o b l i g a t i o n s . E m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n c o u r t orchestras o r K a p e l l e n ranged f r o m i n s t r u m e n t a l performance positions t o d i r e c t o r s h i p o f a court's musical establishment, w i t h salaries steeply graduated a c c o r d i n g t o the responsibilities attached. U s u a l l y those w h o were proficient enough t o be remembered as significant composers rose t o the t o p o f the ranks a n d enjoyed substantial salaries — for example, Johann Sebastian Bach at K o t h e n , J o h a n n Stamitz i n the famous M a n n h e i m / Schwetzingen m u s i cal o r g a n i z a t i o n , Joseph H a y d n at the Esterházy palaces, a n d H a y d n ' s
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55
b r o t h e r M i c h a e l under the Prince / A r c h b i s h o p o f Salzburg. Occa sionally a m u s i c i a n rose even further by m o d e r n - d a y values, b e c o m i n g p o l i t i c a l adviser t o a sovereign, as castrato F a r i n e l l i ( C a r l o B r o s c h i , 1 7 0 5 - 1 7 8 2 ) d i d i n the c o u r t o f Spain's K i n g s P h i l i p V a n d t h e n Ferdi nand V I . Some nobles a n d other w e a l t h y i n d i v i d u a l s were also p a t r o n s o f the arts, a n d as such p r o v i d e d o u t r i g h t subsidies or c o n t i n u i n g pensions t o p a r t i c u l a r l y w o r t h y composers. Sometimes these r e q u i r e d a q u i d p r o q u o , such as delivering a commissioned w o r k , b u t i n other cases none was r e q u i r e d . 4
D u r i n g the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries a n d w e l l i n t o the nineteenth century, composers c o m m o n l y dedicated a w o r k t o a w e a l t h y hoped-for p a t r o n a n d sent i t t o h i m , unsolicited, accompanied by p r o fuse flattery. T h e etiquette o f the times called for the w o u l d - b e p a t r o n t o p r o v i d e i n r e t u r n an a p p r o p r i a t e h o n o r a r i u m , b u t this was n o t o b l i g a tory, a n d m a n y i g n o r e d the gesture. T h e Elector o f B r a n d e n b u r g failed t o acknowledge J. S. Bach's gift o f the six B r a n d e n b u r g concerti and let t h e m lie, u n p l a y e d and u n k n o w n , i n a m u s t y c u p b o a r d . Bach is believed t o have been sorely disappointed w h e n he traveled i n 1 7 4 7 t o Potsdam, i m p r o v i s e d o n a theme given h i m there b y Frederick the Great, a n d t h e n dedicated t o Frederick his magnificent Musikalisches Opfer ( M u s i c a l O f f e r i n g ) , b u t received neither an h o n o r a r i u m n o r t r a v e l expenses f r o m the k i n g . O n the other h a n d , he was handsomely r e w a r d e d w i t h a golden goblet c o n t a i n i n g 100 L o u i s d ' o r ( = £ 1 1 4 ) f o r dedicating t o C o u n t H e r m a n n v o n Keyserlingk the so-called G o l d b e r g V a r i a t i o n s . W h i l e i n L o n d o n Joseph H a y d n p e r f o r m e d t w e n t y - s i x musicales f o r the Prince o f Wales, b u t received n o t h i n g i n r e t u r n . W h e n the B r i t i s h Parlia m e n t later settled the prince's substantial debts, H a y d n sent a b i l l for 100 guineas, w h i c h the Parliament p a i d . Beethoven sent t o K i n g George I V o f E n g l a n d a dedicated c o p y o f his Wellington's Victory bat tle symphony, b u t heard n o t h i n g i n r e t u r n . H e d i d n o t let the matter rest, however, a n d t h r o u g h his m u s i c i a n friends i n L o n d o n , a p a y m e n t o f £ 6 0 0 was finally negotiated ten years later. H e was less successful i n dedicating his N i n t h S y m p h o n y (Choral) t o K i n g F r i e d r i c h W i l h e l m o f Prussia. T h e k i n g sent h i m i n r e t u r n w h a t was p u r p o r t e d t o be a d i a m o n d r i n g , b u t p r o v e d o n careful e x a m i n a t i o n t o c o n t a i n a cheap stone w o r t h 3 0 0 paper florins ( £ 1 2 ) . 5
6
7
8
9
Subsidies w i t h l i t t l e or n o r e t u r n performance o b l i g a t i o n were n o t unusual. D u r i n g m u c h o f his L o n d o n career, George Frideric H a n d e l received f r o m the r o y a l f a m i l y an annual pension o f £ 6 0 0 , o n l y £ 2 0 0 o f w h i c h was t i e d t o musical i n s t r u c t i o n H a n d e l p r o v i d e d members o f the f a m i l y . Beginning i n 1 7 8 7 , M o z a r t received f r o m the c o u r t o f E m p e r o r Joseph I I a stipend w i t h o u t duties o f 8 0 0 florins per year ( £ 4 6 , or 1.2 10
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CHAPTER THREE
times a n English b u i l d i n g craftsman's a n n u a l earnings). D u r i n g the early years o f his stay i n V i e n n a , Beethoven received f r o m Prince K a r l v o n L i c h n o w s k y an a n n u a l pension o f 6 0 0 florins ( £ 5 0 ) , w h i c h ended i n 1 8 0 6 after a dispute over a requested performance at the prince's summer estate. I n 1 8 0 9 , w h e n Beethoven was a b o u t t o accept a p o s i t i o n i n Kassel, Germany, three p a t r o n s persuaded h i m t o r e m a i n i n V i e n n a b y guaranteeing h i m an a n n u a l pension o f 4 , 0 0 0 florins. Its p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r eroded d r a m a t i c a l l y o w i n g t o i n f l a t i o n a n d c u r r e n c y reforms i n the w a k e o f the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s , b u t the renegotiated pension c o n t i n ued t o p r o v i d e significant s u p p o r t t o Beethoven t h r o u g h the rest o f his l i f e . Perhaps the m o s t generous r o y a l subsidy k n o w n w e n t t o R i c h a r d W a g n e r f r o m K i n g L u d w i g I I o f Bavaria. D u r i n g the last t w o decades o f Wagner's life L u d w i g conferred u p o n h i m personal cash gifts estimated at 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 m a r k s ( £ 2 5 , 0 0 0 ) a l o n g w i t h substantial loans, later r e p a i d , t o finance the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a n d heavy losses i n c u r r e d by Wagner's Festspielhaus i n B a y r e u t h . Even so, the c r i t i c i s m aroused i n M u n i c h over L u d w i g ' s generosity forced Wagner t o ask his publishers f o r supp l e m e n t a l loans. 11
12
13
M e m b e r s o f the n o b i l i t y were n o t the o n l y ones w h o p r o v i d e d financ i a l s u p p o r t t o s t r u g g l i n g composers. T c h a i k o v s k y , f o r example, received between 1 8 7 7 a n d 1 8 9 0 an a n n u a l pension o f 6,000 rubles (app r o x i m a t e l y £ 7 0 0 ) f r o m N a d e z h d a v o n M e e k , a w i d o w whose deceased h u s b a n d h a d accumulated a f o r t u n e t h r o u g h r a i l r o a d b u i l d i n g . T h e ann u i t y is said t o have c o n t r i b u t e d a t h i r d o f T c h a i k o v s k y ' s yearly i n c o m e . Perhaps the m o s t u n u s u a l subsidy was f r o m one composer t o another. I n 1838 N i c c o l ò Paganini, recognizing t h a t he was d y i n g b u t n o t t h a t unwise investments w o u l d b r i n g h i m financial difficulties, gave the s t r u g g l i n g thirty-seven-year-old H e c t o r Berlioz 2 0 , 0 0 0 French francs ( £ 7 8 2 , o r 13 times a n English b u i l d i n g craftsman's a n n u a l earnings). 14
15
FREELANCE A N D O T H E R PRIVATE SECTOR A C T I V I T Y
T h e increasing p r o s p e r i t y o f a m u s i c - l o v i n g p u b l i c opened u p m a n y o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r composers t o earn a l i v i n g t h r o u g h activities s u p p o r t e d b y neither the c h u r c h n o r n o b l e p a t r o n s . G r a d u a l l y , p r i v a t e l y organized orchestras came t o replace the orchestras a n d chamber concerts supp o r t e d b y the n o b i l i t y . These p r o v i d e d e m p l o y m e n t f o r composers as performers a n d directors. I n accepting such p o s i t i o n s , however, c o m posers c o n t i n u e d t o be employees. A m o r e i m p o r t a n t departure was the p u r s u i t o f freelance o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n w h i c h the composers were i n effect independent agents w i t h the discretion t o choose at arm's l e n g t h w h i c h
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tasks they w o u l d undertake a n d w h i c h they w o u l d decline. lance activities assumed numerous f o r m s . Composition
and Publication
16
These free
Fees
For one, there was a d e m a n d for the c o m p o s i t i o n o f specific w o r k s i n exchange f o r a fee o r h o n o r a r i u m . A l r e a d y at the start o f the seven teenth century, w e have seen i n chapter 2 , the c r e a t i o n o f n e w operas was organized i n this w a y t h r o u g h o u t m u c h o f I t a l y a n d i n E n g l a n d . Opera impresarios negotiated w i t h composers case by case for c o m p o s i t i o n t o a p a r t i c u l a r l i b r e t t o , sometimes suggested by the composer b u t usually by the i m p r e s a r i o . Fees a n d other terms o f the agreement were i n d i v i d u a l l y negotiated. A n a l o g o u s commissions were given o u t by p r i vate i n d i v i d u a l s a n d orchestra associations. M o z a r t ' s c o m m i s s i o n i n 1 7 9 1 f r o m an a n o n y m o u s n o b l e m a n ( m u c h later discovered t o be G r a f v o n Walsegg) for the c o m p o s i t i o n o f a R e q u i e m is a famous early e x a m ple. T h e P h i l h a r m o n i c Society o f L o n d o n negotiated w i t h Beethoven ( i n the end unsuccessfully, because o f c o o r d i n a t i o n a n d health difficulties) for first performance rights o n Beethoven's still-to-be-composed late symphonies. Fees c o u l d also be earned b y selling c o m p o s i t i o n s t o a music p u b lisher. A few composers b o r n i n the seventeenth century, such as George Frideric H a n d e l i n L o n d o n , Georg P h i l i p p Telemann i n H a m b u r g , a n d François C o u p e r i n i n Paris, earned appreciable sums t h r o u g h the p u b l i c a t i o n o f their music. T h e m a r k e t for serious w o r k s was t h i n , however, a n d the fees offered b y publishers were modest. P u b l i c a t i o n became an i m p o r t a n t source o f i n c o m e o n l y a century or so later i n the t i m e o f Beethoven. I t was so i m p o r t a n t t h a t w e devote t o i t a special chapter, chapter 7, a n d leave i t w i t h o u t further discussion at this p o i n t . Performance
Income
Composers often earned at least a p a r t o f their l i v i n g by serving as featured guest performers, either w i t h an orchestra t h a t needed special talent, as i n concertos, o r i n performances t h a t emphasized the c o m poser as a solo or accompanied artist. A n early representative o f the guest artist school was Jean-Marie Leclair ( 1 6 9 7 - 1 7 6 4 ) , w h o travelled w i d e l y i n n o r t h e r n E u r o p e , appear i n g as guest v i o l i n i s t w i t h various orchestras, before he received a stand i n g a p p o i n t m e n t as m u s i c i a n i n the c o u r t o f K i n g L o u i s X V . A l t h o u g h guest artists were occasionally used i n earlier concerts, the idea o f pay i n g a star instrumentalist a large fee t o enhance concert attendance m a y have o r i g i n a t e d w i t h L o n d o n impresario J o h a n n S a l o m o n ( 1 7 4 5 - 1 8 1 5 )
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i n 1793 ( t w o years after Salomon's first concert series f e a t u r i n g Joseph H a y d n as resident composer a n d c o n d u c t o r ) . S a l o m o n retained c o m poser G i o v a n n i V i o t t i ( 1 7 5 5 - 1 8 2 4 ) , considered Europe's leading v i o l i n ist, t o appear as soloist i n his orchestral concert series f o r the unprecedented season fee o f £ 5 7 8 . ( H i g h e r fees h a d been c o m m a n d e d b y opera singers, b u t n o t by instrumentalists.) By the second h a l f o f the nineteenth c e n t u r y the guest artist t r a d i t i o n was well-established, w i t h soloists such as Joseph J o a c h i m ( 1 8 3 1 - 1 9 0 7 ) a n d Johannes B r a h m s p l a y i n g v i o l i n o r p i a n o solo parts w i t h n u m e r o u s E u r o p e a n orchestras. 1 7
M u c h m o r e p r o m i n e n t were the artists w h o e m b a r k e d u p o n a g r a n d t o u r t o feature themselves as performers, often i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h accompanists and/or vocalists. A w e l l - k n o w n early example was the 1 7 6 3 - 1 7 6 5 t o u r o f W o l f g a n g A m a d e u s M o z a r t a n d his f a m i l y t o arrange c h i l d p r o d i g y performances i n M u n i c h , Stuttgart, M a n n h e i m , Paris, Brussels, a n d T h e H a g u e , a m o n g other locations. A t the age o f ten, J o h a n n N e p o m u k H u m m e l u n d e r t o o k a s i m i l a r t r i p w i t h his father, r e t u r n i n g h o m e o n l y five years later. N e t t i n g nearly 1 1 , 0 0 0 Reichsthaler ( £ 2 , 2 0 0 ) after d e d u c t i o n o f expenses, the t o u r was m u c h m o r e successf u l financially t h a n t h a t o f the M o z a r t s . T h e difference, i t w o u l d appear, lay i n m o r e patient a n d careful p l a n n i n g o f concert locations by father H u m m e l . H u m m e l ' s later a d u l t t o u r s , w h i l e o n leave f r o m K a pellmeister duties at W e i m a r , are said t o have b r o u g h t h i m "a modest f o r t u n e . " A f t e r a l i m i t e d y o u t h f u l t o u r w i t h his father, cellist L u i g i B o c c h e r i n i e m b a r k e d i n 1 7 6 7 u p o n a freelance concert t o u r w i t h v i o l i n ist V i n c e n z o M a n f r e d i n i ( 1 7 3 7 - 1 7 9 9 ) t h a t c a r r i e d h i m eventually t o Paris a n d t h e n t o a p e r m a n e n t p o s i t i o n i n M a d r i d . J o h n Field ( 1 7 8 2 1 8 3 7 ) t r a v e l l e d w i d e l y t h r o u g h western E u r o p e d e m o n s t r a t i n g pianos m a n u f a c t u r e d b y his mentor, M u z i o C l e m e n t i , before settling i n Russia d u r i n g 1 8 0 3 . T h e g r a n d t o u r t r a d i t i o n reached a pinnacle w i t h the spect a c u l a r l y successful a n d l u c r a t i v e E u r o p e a n tours o f N i c c o l ò Paganini a n d Franz Liszt. T h e successes o f the t w o were related, since Liszt is said t o have learned his audience-pleasing s h o w m a n s h i p f r o m a t t e n d i n g a Paris concert b y Paganini i n 1 8 3 1 . So s p e l l b o u n d were listeners by the solo performances o f Liszt t h a t C l a r a Schumann, w h o s u p p o r t e d her sizable f a m i l y t h r o u g h extensive c o n c e r t i z i n g , arranged her early t o u r s t o a v o i d appearing i n venues w h e r e Liszt h a d played, o r was scheduled t o play, d u r i n g the same t i m e p e r i o d . 18
19
2 0
21
Some w e l l - k n o w n composers were adept at solo performances a n d enjoyed g i v i n g t h e m ; others lacked the c r o w d - p l e a s i n g gift o r w e r e u n w i l l i n g t o m a k e the sacrifices necessary t o succeed. Beethoven h a d substantial early success as a p i a n o soloist i n V i e n n a , b u t h a d t o end his performance career i n 1808 as his deafness progressed. C a r l Czerny, an excellent p i a n i s t a n d composer o f u n u s u a l l y challenging p i a n o études, is
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MUSIC C O M P O S I T I O N AS A PROFESSION
said t o have done little c o n c e r t i z i n g beeause his p l a y i n g lacked spectacu lar effects. Frederic Chopin's p u b l i c performances were infrequent a n d confined w i t h few exceptions t o s m a l l halls, i n p a r t because his sublime p l a y i n g was quiet, p r o j e c t i n g p o o r l y i n a large r o o m . T o Franz Liszt he e x p l a i n e d , " I a m n o t fit for concerts. C r o w d s i n t i m i d a t e me. I feel p o i soned by t h e i r breath, paralyzed b y curious glances, a n d confused b y the sight o f strange faces." Johannes Brahms was an o u t s t a n d i n g p i a nist, b u t l i m i t e d his p u b l i c performances i n his early career, p a r t l y be cause, as he e x p l a i n e d i n an 1855 letter, " m y aversion t o p l a y i n g for people has g o t quite o u t o f h a n d . A t times I a m seriously f r i g h t e n e d . " T o earn a l i v i n g , however, he overcame his apprehensions a n d c o m m a n d e d considerable sums as a solo performer. A f t e r he achieved finan cial security, he c u t back his c o n c e r t i z i n g sharply because, as he ex p l a i n e d t o his father i n 1 8 6 2 , " I c o u l d n o w go o n g i v i n g fine concerts, b u t it's n o t w h a t I w a n t t o d o ; f o r i t w o u l d take u p so m u c h o f m y t i m e t h a t I w o u l d n ' t get t o m u c h else" [such as c o m p o s i n g ] . D u r i n g the 1860s a n d 1870s, R i c h a r d Wagner w e n t o n concert t o u r s t o alleviate his c h r o n i c financial needs, earning 1 8 , 0 0 0 florins ( £ 1 , 8 0 0 ) f r o m 1875 per formances, b u t feared the concerts w o u l d so delay his w o r k o n The Ring a n d other operas t h a t he w o u l d die before c o m p l e t i n g i t . 22
23
24
25
26
Entrepreneurship M o s t freelance composer-musicians o f the eighteenth a n d nineteenth centuries were c o n t e n t t o offer their w o r k s t o patrons, publishers, a n d impresarios a n d t o p e r f o r m i n concerts organized by others. Some, however, accepted m o r e o r less extensive entrepreneurial functions f o r the performance o f their c o m p o s i t i o n s . G e o r g P h i l i p p T e l e m a n n directed regular concerts o f Leipzig's Colle g i u m M u s i c u m i n the early 1700s, as d i d J o h a n n Sebastian Bach be t w e e n 1729 a n d 1 7 4 1 . A d m i s s i o n was charged, b u t l i t t l e is k n o w n a b o u t the d i v i s i o n o f proceeds a m o n g Telemann a n d Bach as organizers, the ( m o s t l y amateur) performers, a n d Z i m m e r m a n n ' s Coffee H o u s e , where the concerts were h e l d . F r o m the 1720s t o the t i m e o f his death i n 1 7 6 7 Telemann p e r f o r m e d similar entrepreneurial functions, organiz i n g concerts as a sideline t o his duties as c h u r c h a n d school music direc tor in Hamburg. A s w e have seen i n chapter 2 , L o n d o n d u r i n g the eighteenth century was the scene o f m a n y p r i v a t e l y organized concert series. A m o n g the m o s t famous o f t h e m was the B a c h - A b e l series b e g i n n i n g i n 1 7 6 5 . O r g a n i z a t i o n a n d r i s k - b e a r i n g f o r the series were u n d e r t a k e n b y J o h a n n C h r i s t i a n Bach, the son o f J o h a n n Sebastian Bach, a n d C a r l F r i e d r i c h A b e l ( 1 7 3 5 - 1 7 8 2 ) . A t first the concerts were h i g h l y successful. B u t t h e n 27
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CHAPTER T H R E E
the rent was t r e b l e d at their concert h a l l ; a m o v e t o a different l o c a t i o n failed t o attract remunerative audiences; a n d the purchase b y Bach o f a large house at H a n o v e r Square was even m o r e u n p r o f i t a b l e . Receipts fell f r o m £ 3 , 9 5 9 i n 1 7 7 4 t o £ 1 , 5 0 5 i n 1775 a n d further i n later years. As losses accumulated, A b e l d r o p p e d o u t o f the p a r t n e r s h i p , leaving Bach heavily i n debt. A c o n v e n t i o n a l w a y o f b r i n g i n g one's c o m p o s i t i o n s a n d often also one's performance skills t o the public's notice i n eighteenth-century V i e n n a a n d other parts o f c o n t i n e n t a l Europe was the s u b s c r i p t i o n c o n cert, also k n o w n as an Académie. M o z a r t pursued the m e t h o d w i t h considerable success d u r i n g his early years as a resident o f V i e n n a . A s w e saw i n chapter 2 , his first series o f three self-initiated concerts i n 1 7 8 4 attracted 176 advance subscriptions at a package price o f 6 florins. T h e standard procedure was for the composer t o announce i n advance the c o n t e m p l a t e d p r o g r a m , seek subscriptions, a n d i f a l l w e n t w e l l , r e n t the h a l l (or preferably, have i t p r o v i d e d gratis b y a n o b l e m a n ) , hire the necessary orchestral players, a n d proceed. I f subscriptions were inadequate, the series c o u l d be cancelled. T h i s means o f hedging p r o v e d i m p o r t a n t f o r a concert series a n n o u n c e d by M o z a r t i n 1 7 8 9 , by w h i c h t i m e A u s t r i a was at w a r w i t h the O t t o m a n E m p i r e , m a n y Viennese residents were absent f r o m the city, a n d taxes h a d been raised. O n l y a single person — M o z a r t ' s f a i t h f u l backer, B a r o n G o t t f r i e d v a n Swieten — subscribed, a n d the series was cancelled. 28
29
Beethoven sold subscriptions for some o f his self-organized concerts i n V i e n n a , usually offered as single events, a n d for others he depended m a i n l y o n box-office receipts. Julia M o o r e reports t h a t use o f the subs c r i p t i o n a p p r o a c h declined sharply d u r i n g Beethoven's early V i e n n a years — a p h e n o m e n o n paralleled nearly simultaneously b y a d r o p i n L o n d o n concert series. T h e t i m i n g coincidence suggests t h a t w a r w o r ries a n d increased taxes due t o the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s were i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t i n g factors. F r o m a meticulous study o f Beethoven's finances, M o o r e concludes t h a t "even t h o u g h h a l f o f his concerts were failures financially, a few p r o f i t a b l e concerts sustained Beethoven's o p t i m i s m f o r m a n y years." She infers m o r e generally (p. 2 8 6 ) t h a t " p u b l i c concerts were r i s k y ventures d u r i n g this p e r i o d , a n d the composers w h o dared t o organize their concerts were either o p t i m i s t s o r gamblers i n s p i r i t . " O n e - o f f concerts were u n d e r t a k e n b y composers w i t h o u t a f o r m a l s u b s c r i p t i o n mechanism, a l t h o u g h i t was c u s t o m a r y t o sell tickets i n advance. T h e experience o f H e c t o r Berlioz illustrates the range o f c o n d i t i o n s . W h e n Berlioz traveled t h r o u g h central Europe d u r i n g the 1840s a n d thereafter, his concerts were usually arranged by local impresarios o r nobles, w h o p a i d a l l the expenses a n d t y p i c a l l y offered Berlioz h a l f o f the receipts. I n Paris, however, the p r i n c i p a l concert venues - - the O p era a n d (later) the Salle d u Conservatoire — were frequently denied h i m , 30
31
32
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MUSIC C O M P O S I T I O N AS A PROFESSION
at least p a r t l y i n r e a c t i o n t o his sharply w o r d e d articles as a music c r i t i c . H e therefore h a d t o arrange a n d finance m o s t o f his o w n Parisian concerts, i n c l u d i n g a series o f several concerts a n n u a l l y between 1 8 3 4 and 1 8 4 2 at w h i c h b o t h his o w n music a n d t h a t o f others was presented i n the Salle d u Conservatoire ( f r o m w h i c h he was systematically ex cluded after 1 8 4 3 ) . Serving as i m p r e s a r i o f o r the performance o f his o w n music posed special problems because, u n l i k e M o z a r t a n d the y o u t h f u l Beethoven b u t like Beethoven o f the Missa solemnis a n d N i n t h Symphony, his w o r k s t y p i c a l l y r e q u i r e d massive orchestral a n d c h o r a l forces, m o s t o f w h o m h a d t o be p a i d . I n 1 8 4 4 , f o r example, he secured a t e m p o r a r y b u i l d i n g used f o r an i n d u s t r i a l e x h i b i t i o n , r e c r u i t e d a t h o u sand instrumentalists ( i n c l u d i n g 36 d o u b l e basses) a n d singers, a n d ad vertised the advance sale o f tickets for a "gigantic c o n c e r t " t h a t w o u l d feature selections f r o m his o w n w o r k s ( i n c l u d i n g Symphonie fantastique a n d a Hymne à la Fr ance). O n the m o r n i n g o f the concert, after one p a r t i a l a n d one f u l l rehearsal, advance t i c k e t sales a m o u n t i n g t o 1 2 , 0 0 0 francs were sufficient t o defray o n l y h a l f o f the expenses already sunk. But as the day advanced, eight t h o u s a n d Parisians streamed i n t o hear the concert, raising t o t a l t i c k e t sales t o 3 2 , 0 0 0 francs, o u t o f w h i c h , after a l l performance expenses, taxes, a n d police fees were p a i d , 800 francs remained for Berlioz as organizer a n d composer. Large losses i n c u r r e d w h e n he h i r e d the O p é r a C o m i q u e f o r the premiere o f his Faust i n 1846 were recouped o n l y t h r o u g h a profitable concert t o u r i n Russia. T h i s a n d similar experiences led Berlioz t o w r i t e a b o u t a n i g h t mare he h a d d u r i n g the 1850s: 33
M
35
36
37
I dreamt that I was composing a symphony. . . . I had gone to my table to begin writing it down when I suddenly reflected: " I f I write this part I shall let myself be carried on to write the rest. The natural tendency of my mind to expand the material is sure to make it very long. . . . When the sym phony is finished I shall be weak enough to allow my copyist to copy it out, and thus immediately incur a debt of 1,000 or 1,200 francs. Once the parts are copied I shall be harassed by the temptation to have the w o r k performed; I shall give a concert in which, as is sure to be the case in these days, the receipts w i l l barely cover half the expenses; I shall lose what I have not got; I shall want the necessaries of life for my poor invalid [wife], and shall have no money either for myself or for my son's keep on board ship!" . . . I threw down my pen, saying, "Bah! I shall have forgotten the symphony tomorrow. " But the following night the obstinate symphony again presented itself . . . Berlioz's experience was extreme, b u t i t illustrates a m o r e general p o i n t : t h a t o r g a n i z i n g a n d financing one's o w n concerts c o u l d be a n i g h t m a r ishly r i s k y business. O p e r a d u r i n g the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries, w e observed
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i n chapter 2 , was t y p i c a l l y organized i n m u c h o f I t a l y a n d i n L o n d o n w h e n groups o f w e a l t h y i n d i v i d u a l s j o i n e d t o b u i l d an opera house a n d subsidize regular performance seasons, e n t r u s t i n g t o a p r i v a t e i m p r e sario r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r b r i n g i n g together the v a r i o u s forces r e q u i r e d a n d assuming m a n y c o n t r a c t u a l r i s k s . T h e impresario's f u n c t i o n was a spe cialized one, d e m a n d i n g skills m o r e l i k e those r e q u i r e d i n the r e a l m o f business t h a n f o r musical performance. Composers c o n t r a c t e d w i t h the i m p r e s a r i o t o w r i t e the score, p a r t i c i p a t e i n rehearsals, a n d often t o c o n d u c t , t y p i c a l l y f r o m the h a r p s i c h o r d , the first three performances. B u t there were occasional exceptions i n w h i c h composers served also as 38
19
impresarios. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t early case was t h a t o f George Frideric H a n d e l . A f t e r several years as a freelance composer o f operas a n d diverse other w o r k s i n L o n d o n , H a n d e l was n a m e d salaried m u s i c a l d i r e c t o r o f the n e w l y organized R o y a l A c a d e m y o f M u s i c i n 1 7 1 9 , w h i c h became f o r a w h i l e L o n d o n ' s p r i n c i p a l opera c o m p a n y . T h e A c a d e m y was financed i n i t i a l l y by subscriptions o f at least £ 2 0 0 each f r o m 63 w e a l t h y i n d i v i d uals (by other accounts, 7 3 ) , w h o were called u p o n repeatedly i n subse q u e n t years f o r a d d i t i o n a l levies t o cover o p e r a t i n g losses. A t first H a n d e l ' s responsibilities were largely creative, w r i t i n g operas, r e c r u i t i n g talent, a n d overseeing the opera p r o g r a m . By 1 7 2 9 , however, the A c a d emy's subscribers h a d t i r e d o f being d u n n e d for a d d i t i o n a l funds, a n d t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n ended. F i n a n c i a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y was t h e r e u p o n t a k e n over b y H a n d e l i n p a r t n e r s h i p w i t h Swiss emigre J o h n Jacob Heidegger ( 1 6 6 6 - 1 7 4 9 ) . T h e i r p r o d u c t i o n s l u r c h e d p e r i l o u s l y between p r o f i t a n d loss. C r u c i a l t o the group's survival were subsidies f r o m the r o y a l f a m ily, w h i c h i n the 1 7 3 2 - 1 7 3 3 season c o m p r i s e d 2 0 percent o f t o t a l re ceipts. T h e s i t u a t i o n was made even m o r e difficult by the f o r m a t i o n i n 1733 o f a second c o m p e t i n g opera c o m p a n y , the O p e r a o f the N o b i l i t y , w h i c h a m o n g other things l u r e d a w a y f r o m Heidegger a n d H a n d e l sev eral o f their m o s t talented singers a n d i m p o r t e d f r o m I t a l y the m o s t r e n o w n e d o f a l l castrad, F a r i n e l l i . I n 1 7 3 4 Heidegger ended the partner ship. H a n d e l t h e n c o n t i n u e d t o stage operas o n his o w n i n i t i a t i v e , w i t h occasional help f r o m Heidegger, r e l o c a t i n g t o C o v e n t G a r d e n a n d devel o p i n g a n e w a n d m o r e successful f o r m a t , English-language o r a t o r i o s . T h e o r a t o r i o s rescued h i m f r o m w h a t otherwise w o u l d have been finan cial r u i n a n d i n the end, after n u m e r o u s reverses, made h i m a w e a l t h y m a n . I n serving as entrepreneur a n d i m p r e s a r i o f o r his o w n operas a n d o r a t o r i o s , H a n d e l a m o n g other things sold tickets f r o m the residence he h a d purchased at 2 1 B r o o k Street ( n o w a H a n d e l m u s e u m ) . I n 1 7 3 9 , H a n d e l began selling i n d i v i d u a l entrance tickets, p e r m i t t i n g attendance b y middle-class citizens w h o c o u l d n o t a f f o r d the t r a d i t i o n a l season's subscription. 4 0
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Even w i t h o u t the difficulties o f presenting Italian-language opera t o u n c o m p r e h e n d i n g L o n d o n e r s , Handel's c o n t e m p o r a r y A n t o n i o V i v a l d i was less fortunate i n t a k i n g o n impresario functions. V i v a l d i c l a i m e d t o have w r i t t e n 94 operas, m a n y o f t h e m lost t o posterity, as a sideline t o his teaching a n d maestro di cappella duties at the Ospedale della Pietà orphanage. H e also served occasionally as i m p r e s a r i o at some o f the lesser Venetian opera houses, p r o d u c i n g b o t h his o w n a n d other c o m posers' operas. I n 1 7 3 6 , however, he overstepped his l u c k , accepting a c o m m i s s i o n t o produce a three-year series o f operas, some w r i t t e n by others a n d revised by h i m a n d another o r i g i n a l t o h i m , t o be p e r f o r m e d i n the p a p a l city o f Ferrara, 114 kilometers f r o m Venice. A l l o f t h e m failed, i n p a r t because he was f o r b i d d e n t o enter Ferrara b y the local c a r d i n a l o n grounds o f alleged i m m o r a l i t y — t h a t is, for n o t fulfilling his priestly duties by saying Mass regularly, a n d because he was accomp a n i e d o n tours by a female opera singer-companion. T h u s , he was forced t o entrust local p r o d u c t i o n functions t o a substitute, w h o m a n aged t h e m badly. A n d after the obstinate cardinal's transfer f r o m Ferrara, Vivaldi's o w n Ferrara opera failed artistically. H e became m i r e d i n l i t i g a t i o n over alleged c o n t r a c t u a l debts a m o u n t i n g t o 6,000 I t a l i a n ducats (very r o u g h l y , £ 1 , 2 0 0 ) , 60 times his a n n u a l salary at the Ospedale. I n 1738 he lost his Ospedale p o s i t i o n a n d was reduced t o selli n g freelance w o r k s t o the Ospedale a n d w e a l t h y patrons. I n 1740 (some accounts say 1741) he travelled t o V i e n n a , h o p i n g t o revive his fortunes by w r i t i n g operas for a Viennese theater. I n this t o o he was unsuccessf u l . H e died there i n 1 7 4 1 a n d was given a pauper's b u r i a l . 42
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R i c h a r d Wagner served as impresario a n d manager o f his p r o d u c t i o n s after he settled i n B a y r e u t h . H e , t o o , i n c u r r e d losses. T h e first B a y r e u t h festival o f 1876 recorded a net loss m a r k s ( £ 7 , 2 5 0 ) . U n l i k e V i v a l d i , however, Wagner was saved erous patronage o f Bavaria's K i n g L u d w i g I I .
o w n opera substantial of 150,000 by the gen-
Teaching M a n y composers earned a l i v i n g t h r o u g h teaching. As economic g r o w t h enriched the m i d d l e class, w e have seen, i n d i v i d u a l s w h o w a n t e d t o p e r f o r m music at h o m e demanded i n s t r u c t i o n i n the a r t a n d skills o f p l a y i n g instruments. A l s o , as noble establishments reduced o r e l i m i nated their c o u r t orchestras, o p p o r t u n i t i e s shrank for l e a r n i n g i n s t r u m e n t a l p l a y i n g by d o i n g , increasing the need for alternative ways o f t r a i n i n g professional musicians. Some musicians such as Franz Schubert a n d Bedfich Smetana t u r n e d t o teaching as a last resort, because they f o u n d i t difficult t o earn a l i v i n g t h r o u g h music i n other w a y s . Julia M o o r e concludes f r o m 44
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a study o f Viennese estate records t h a t d u r i n g the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s , as noble courts were retrenching, there was a m a r k e d increase i n the n u m b e r o f musicians w h o described themselves as Klaviermeister, w h i c h she interprets t o m e a n t h a t they derived mos t o f their i n c o m e t h r o u g h teaching. F o r a few musicians, p r o v i d i n g p r i v a t e lessons was a successful means o f a c c u m u l a t i n g w e a l t h . W h e n he r e t u r n e d t o L o n d o n i n 1 7 8 4 after a l o n g p i a n o performance t o u r o n the c o n t i n e n t , M u z i o C l e m e n t i t o o k u p teaching a n d c l a i m e d t o have given lessons 16 hours per day. By the t u r n o f the century, he had amassed a f o r t u n e o f some £ 1 5 , 0 0 0 — c a p i t a l t o finance his entry i n t o music p u b l i s h i n g a n d later p i a n o manufacturi n g , w h i c h increased his w e a l t h even m o r e . A s one o f Vienna's leading independent p i a n o teachers, C a r l Czerny gave private lessons f o r some 12 h o u r s per day, leaving at his death a f o r t u n e o f 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 silver florins ( £ 1 0 , 0 0 0 ) . I n 1 8 1 8 , Beethoven asked Czerny t o p l a y the solo i n the premiere performance o f the F i f t h Piano C o n c e r t o ( E m p e r o r ) , b u t Czerny was t o o busy teaching t o prepare adequately. Twelve years later, h o w ever, w h e n his finances were solid, Czerny r e p o r t e d t o Felix M e n d e l s sohn t h a t he was spending less t i m e teaching and m o r e c o m p o s i n g , since the latter yielded a better financial r e t u r n . T h a n k s t o his entrée i n t o the most fashionable Paris salons, Frédéric C h o p i n became the fav o r i t e p i a n o teacher o f w e a l t h y Parisians a n d , u n t i l his health failed, earned sufficient i n c o m e t o live stylishly. 45
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A g o o d r e p u t a t i o n a m o n g the w e a l t h y citizens o f a m a j o r city p e r m i t ted p i a n o teachers t o c o m m a n d substantial fees for an hour's instruct i o n . C l e m e n t i n o r m a l l y charged one guinea per hour. C o m i n g t o L o n d o n f r o m A u s t r i a i n 1 7 9 1 , Joseph H a y d n was astonished t o find t h a t , l i k e C l e m e n t i , he c o u l d c o m m a n d a guinea ( £ 1 . 0 5 ) per h o u r — m o r e t h a n a week's earnings f o r an E n g lis h b u i l d i n g craftsman. C h o p i n ' s stand a r d fee was 2 0 francs per lesson, w h i c h i n the 1830s was equivalent t o three-fourths o f a guinea. F o r m o r e r u n - o f - t h e - m i l l p i a n o teachers i n V i e n n a at the b e g i n n i n g o f the nineteenth century, M o o r e reports, the standard fee appears t o have been one florin, o r one-tenth w h a t H a y d n charged i n L o n d o n . F r o m his m o r e affluent Viennese students, o n the other h a n d , M o z a r t o b t a i n e d one-half g o l d ducat per hour, o r a b o u t £0.25. Composer-teachers engaged i n price d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , c h a r g i n g l o w e r rates t o less affluent students. P a r t i c u l a r l y p r o m i s i n g b u t i m p o v e r i s h e d students were often given free lessons. M o z a r t n o t o n l y charged the nine-year-old J o h a n n N e p o m u k H u m m e l n o t u i t i o n , b u t also t o o k the y o u t h i n t o his h o u s e h o l d ( i n 1787) a n d let h i m reside there w i t h o u t c o m p e n s a t i o n f o r nearly t w o years. A n t o n i o Salieri asked fees o n l y o f his noble a n d r i c h middle-class students; others, such as W . A . M o z a r t ' s 51
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son Franz, Beethoven, C a r l Czerny, Franz Schubert, Ignaz Moscheles ( 1 7 9 4 - 1 8 7 0 ) , a n d Franz Liszt, received free i n s t r u c t i o n . Czerny also instructed Franz Liszt w i t h o u t pay; Liszt i n t u r n charged his students i n W e i m a r n o t h i n g . I n Leipzig C l a r a Schumann h a d a less p h i l a n t h r o p i c a p p r o a c h . She w o u l d n o t accept L e i p z i g students at a l l because she ap p a r e n t l y believed she w o u l d lose respect engaging i n c o m m e r c i a l trans actions w i t h her f e l l o w citizens, b u t she consented t o take o n visitors f r o m a b r o a d at a fee o f t w o thaler ( £ 0 . 3 ) per h o u r . Teaching students o f mediocre talent was an onerous task, a n d c o m posers begrudged the t i m e teaching t o o k f r o m m o r e creative w o r k . As M o z a r t w r o t e t o his father f r o m Paris i n 1 7 7 8 : 55
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Out of good w i l l I gladly give lessons, especially when I see that someone has talent, enjoyment, and the desire to learn. But to have to go to some one's house at a particular hour, or to wait at home for someone, that I cannot do, even i f it brings in money. That's impossible for me. I leave it to other people who can't do anything but play the piano. . . . The talent that a kindly God gave me in such abundance I can use composing. Soon after his a r r i v a l i n V i e n n a d u r i n g 1 7 8 1 , M o z a r t i n f o r m e d his fa ther t h a t he h a d t a k e n o n f o u r students b u t w a n t e d n o m o r e : 58
I can have as many as I like, but I ' d rather not have so many — I want to be better paid than the others, and i n that respect I ' d rather have fewer. . . . I'd rather have three pupils who pay me well than six who pay me poorly. A f t e r his financial fortunes worsened, however, he t o l d a benefactor i n 1 7 9 0 t h a t he h a d t w o students c u r r e n t l y a n d w i s h e d t o raise the n u m b e r to eight. Beethoven h a d n u m e r o u s students ( i n c l u d i n g Czerny) d u r i n g his early V i e n n a years. As his health deteriorated, however, he l i m i t e d his teach i n g m a i n l y t o his p a t r o n A r c h d u k e R u d o l p h , a n d even t h e n , he observed i n a letter, i f he d i d n ' t s h o w u p f o r the A r c h d u k e ' s lesson, i t was a c r i m e against majesty, b u t i f he d i d s h o w u p , a l l he g o t was a stamp t o be displayed w h e n he collected his 1,500 florin yearly p e n s i o n . C h o p i n c o m p l a i n e d a b o u t students w h o left f o r t h e i r s u m m e r h o l i d a y s a n d failed t o pay t h e i r past-due fees — a p r o b l e m w i t h w h i c h the h u s b a n d o f a t w e n t y - f i r s t - c e n t u r y p i a n o teacher can readily empathize. W h e n his strength ebbed as a result o f tuberculosis, C h o p i n ' s teaching m a n n e r w i t h middle-class students became testy a n d i r o n i c — b u t n o t f o r his high-society students, w i t h w h o m he was always c h a r m i n g a n d consid erate. E d v a r d G r i e g is said t o have l o o k e d back w i t h bitterness o n his early years i n N o r w a y , " w h e n almost a l l his energy w e n t i n t o i n s t r u c t i n g y o u n g ladies w h o w i s h e d t o p l a y the p i a n o , instead o f being a v a i l able f o r m o r e creative w o r k . " 59
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I n a d d i t i o n t o g i v i n g p r i v a t e lessons, composers c o u l d earn t h e i r bread teaching i n schools. A few composers, such as Tomaso A l b i n o n i , Jean-Philippe R a m e a u , a n d B e d r i c h Smetana opened their o w n f o r m a l l y organized schools. M o s t , however, w o r k e d i n schools organized b y the c h u r c h , the n o b i l i t y , o r local governments. T h e existence o f f o r m a l music schools can be traced back t o c h u r c h c h o i r schools established at Y o r k , E n g l a n d , i n A . D . 6 2 7 , Salzburg i n 7 7 4 , a n d Lüneburg, Germany, i n 9 9 5 . B y the sixteenth c e n t u r y i n E n g l a n d , as m a n y as 4 0 c h o i r schools c o u l d be c o u n t e d , the best o f w h i c h was the C h a p e l R o y a l i n L o n d o n . Some E u r o p e a n universities offered courses i n music, a n d m u s i c a l t r a i n i n g was an accepted p a r t o f g r a m m a r schools' c u r r i c u l a o n the E u r o p e a n c o n t i n e n t . Especially i m p o r t a n t t o the development o f music i n the seventeenth t h r o u g h nineteenth centuries were schools i n a few key c o n t i n e n t a l cities — n o t a b l y , L e i p z i g , Venice, a n d N a p l e s . T h e Thomasschule o f L e i p z i g was f o u n d e d i n 1 2 1 2 t o t r a i n boys t o sing i n the local churches. I t was n o t the o n l y such school i n Germany, b u t s t o o d o u t f o r its distinguished cantors d u r i n g the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries — n o t a b l y , J o h a n n Sebastian Bach a n d J o h a n n K u h n a u ( 1 6 6 0 - 1 7 2 2 ) . I n Venice, a significant c o n t r i b u t i o n was made b y f o u r orphanages (ospedali), w h i c h i n i t i a l l y housed o r p h a n e d o r a b a n d o n e d girls, b u t w h i c h later accepted girls f r o m middle-class f a m i lies d r a w n by the excellent e d u c a t i o n the ospedali p r o v i d e d i n b o t h m u sic a n d the liberal arts. D u r i n g the seventeenth a n d early eighteenth centuries the ospedali h a d as faculty members m a n y o f the m o s t d i s t i n guished Venetian composers, i n c l u d i n g A n t o n i o V i v a l d i , G i o v a n n i L e grenzi ( 1 6 2 6 - 1 6 9 0 ) , N i c o l a P o r p o r a ( 1 6 8 6 - 1 7 6 8 ) , J o h a n n Hasse ( 1 6 9 9 - 1 7 8 3 ) , Baldassare G a l u p p i ( 1 7 0 6 - 1 7 8 5 ) a n d N i c c o l ò J o m m e l l i ( 1 7 1 4 - 1 7 7 4 ) . T h e i r orchestras gave w e e k l y concerts f o r the citizens o f Venice a n d p e r f o r m e d at civic a n d religious events. T h e m o d e r n t e r m " c o n s e r v a t o r y " stems f r o m the four conservatori o f Naples, founded d u r i n g the seventeenth century. I n i t i a l l y they, like the ospedali o f Venice, were f o u n d e d as orphanages a n d as schools f o r the p o o r . D u r i n g the seventeenth c e n t u r y they began t o emphasize musical e d u c a t i o n , t r a i n i n g composers inter alia for the N e a p o l i t a n opera a n d d r a w i n g f r o m a l l over I t a l y y o u n g castrati, w h o were given a superb musical e d u c a t i o n t o start t h e m o n careers as opera singers. Students f r o m p o o r families were a d m i t t e d free after r i g o r o u s screening; others p a i d fees. By the outset o f the eighteenth century they were considered Italy's leading i n s t i t u t i o n s o f m u s i c a l e d u c a t i o n . Political a n d economic i n s t a b i l i t y t h e n p r e c i p i t a t e d closures a n d mergers, so t h a t by the first decade o f the nineteenth century o n l y a single conservatory, the Real C o l l e g i o d i M u s i c a , s u r v i v e d . M e a n w h i l e other conservatories were being opened. I n 1 7 9 5 , the Conservatoire N a t i o n a l de M u s i q u e et de D é c l a m a t i o n was established 64
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i n Paris, i n h e r i t i n g a n d a d d i n g t o functions f r o m the earlier École R o y ale de C h a n t . A d d i t i o n a l conservatory foundings o c c u r r e d at B o l o g n a i n 1 8 0 6 , M i l a n i n 1 8 0 7 , Prague i n 1 8 1 1 , V i e n n a i n 1 8 1 7 , L o n d o n (the R o y a l A c a d e m y o f M u s i c ) i n 1 8 2 2 , a n d m a n y others i n successive years, i n c l u d i n g Leipzig i n 1 8 4 3 , B e r l i n i n 1 8 5 0 , St. Petersburg i n 1 8 6 2 , b o t h Venice a n d R o m e i n 1 8 7 7 , a n d A m s t e r d a m i n 1 8 8 4 . M u s i c e d u c a t i o n h a d become a systematic p u b l i c u n d e r t a k i n g spread t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d , d r a w i n g i m p o r t a n t composers o n t o faculties a n d t u r n i n g o u t n e w generations o f musicians, some o f w h o m w o u l d become composers. 67
A SYSTEMATIC E N U M E R A T I O N
M u s i c i a n s also earned their l i v i n g t h r o u g h w o r k largely unrelated t o c o m p o s i t i o n o r performance. We n o w advance, however, t o investigate the choice o f career paths f r o m a m o r e q u a n t i t a t i v e perspective. We analyze data o n the sample o f 6 4 6 composers b o r n d u r i n g the t w o cen turies f r o m 1 6 5 0 t h r o u g h 1 8 4 9 . H o w the sample was c o m p i l e d is de scribed m o r e fully i n chapter 1 . 68
I n i n t e r p r e t i n g the data t h a t f o l l o w , i t is i m p o r t a n t t o recognize t h a t there was a slight u p w a r d t r e n d over t i m e i n the n u m b e r o f composers d r a w n i n t o the sample, w h i c h was 1 4 1 f o r those b o r n between 1 6 5 0 a n d 1 6 9 9 , 148 f o r 1 7 0 0 - 1 7 4 9 b i r t h dates, 168 f o r 1 7 5 0 - 1 7 9 9 b i r t h dates, a n d 189 f o r the 1 8 0 0 - 1 8 4 9 c o h o r t . F o r each sampled composer, a battery o f i n f o r m a t i o n was coded o n b i r t h a n d death dates a n d locations, years w o r k e d i n diverse nations, a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l experiences. T h i s chapter d r a w s m a i n l y o n the occu p a t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n , w i t h categories i n c l u d i n g c h u r c h a n d n o b l e c o u r t e m p l o y m e n t , freelance activity o f various types, e m p l o y m e n t as a per f o r m e r o r d i r e c t o r o f a private sector orchestra, a n d v a r i o u s other cate gories t h a t w i l l be explained as w e progress. Each coded a c t i v i t y was given a score o f 3 ( p r i n c i p a l a c t i v i t y ) , 2 (secondary a c t i v i t y ) , o r 1 (ter t i a r y a c t i v i t y ) , t a k i n g i n t o account b o t h intensity a n d d u r a t i o n . Subjec tive judgments h a d t o be made, b u t the process was reiterated u n t i l there was n o longer reason t o believe t h a t serious systematic biases h a d i n t r u d e d . Needless t o say, m a n y composers pursued m u l t i p l e means o f earning a l i v i n g , sometimes s w i t c h i n g p r i n c i p a l occupations i n m i d career a n d often c a r r y i n g several jobs simultaneously. 69
Composers'
Occupational
Experiences
We begin o u r analysis o f h o w composers earned t h e i r l i v i n g b y e x a m i n i n g the s u p p o r t they received f r o m the n o b i l i t y , r a n g i n g f r o m counts t o
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emperors a n d czars. T h e h i s t o r i c a l data were coded i n three m a i n ways: t o s h o w e m p l o y m e n t as d i r e c t o r (for instance, Kapellmeister) o f c o u r t m u s i c a l activities and/or performances; as a p e r f o r m e r i n a c o u r t m u s i cal o r g a n i z a t i o n ; a n d as recipient o f n o b l e subsidies f o r s u p p l y i n g occa sional c o m p o s i t i o n s o r (as w i t h the annuities received b y George F r i deric H a n d e l f r o m the E n g l i s h kings o r M o z a r t f r o m the A u s t r i a n e m p e r o r ) f o r a d o r n i n g the r o y a l d o m a i n . Figure 3.1 shows h o w s u p p o r t o f these types v a r i e d over fifty-year b i r t h - d a t e intervals, t a k i n g as the measure the percent o f a l l composers b o r n i n a p a r t i c u l a r c o h o r t so engaged. I n each case, o n l y activities t h a t were p r i m a r y o r secondary t o the composer's means o f s u p p o r t are t a l l i e d . T e r t i a r y codes were f o r the most p a r t sparingly u t i l i z e d a n d p r o b a b l y underestimate the a m o u n t o f sporadic o r occasional a c t i v i t y by composers. Brahms's three m u l t i m o n t h visits e n j o y i n g the h o s p i t a l i t y o f the d u k e o f D e t m o l d , f o r i n stance, w e r e considered insufficient t o m e r i t a t e r t i a r y code. I t m u s t be n o t e d again t h a t a composer can be coded i n m o r e t h a n one category. I t was n o t at a l l u n u s u a l , f o r example, f o r an i n d i v i d u a l t o begin as a c o u r t p e r f o r m e r a n d r e m a i n i n t h a t p r i m a r y role f o r several years before being p r o m o t e d t o Kapellmeister. B u t some c o n t i n u e d i n performance positions t h r o u g h o u t t h e i r careers. F r o m figure 3.1 we see t h a t composers b o r n between 1 6 5 0 a n d 1 7 4 9 experienced substantial e m p l o y m e n t as c o u r t performers a n d directors. E m p l o y m e n t d r o p p e d m a r k e d l y f o r composers b o r n d u r i n g the second h a l f o f the eighteenth century, consistent w i t h the evidence t h a t the " a r m s race" a m o n g central E u r o p e a n nobles f o r prestige t h r o u g h the maintenance o f c o u r t orchestras began e b b i n g d u r i n g t h a t i n t e r v a l . F o l l o w i n g the t u m u l t u o u s events o f the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s a n d the r e f o r m o f feudal i n s t i t u t i o n s , e m p l o y m e n t i n n o b l e courts declined p r e c i p i t o u s l y for composers b o r n i n the first h a l f o f the nineteenth century. A l l the composers e m p l o y e d i n n o b l e courts were engaged at least p a r t - t i m e i n c o m p o s i n g , so the r i g h t - h a n d bars i n figure 3 . 1 , represent i n g e m p l o y m e n t f o r c o m p o s i t i o n per se, include o n l y those composers w h o received stipends merely t o compose, w i t h o u t any c o n c u r r e n t per formance o r d i r e c t o r a l o b l i g a t i o n s . These elite subventions were m u c h fewer i n n u m b e r a n d d r o p p e d steadily over t i m e t o 7.4 percent, cover i n g 14 composers, by the last fifty-year i n t e r v a l . A few composers were e m p l o y e d i n courts m a i n l y t o teach music t o the n o b l e o f f s p r i n g . A n example is Franz Schubert's e m p l o y m e n t at the s u m m e r residence o f C o u n t J o h a n n Esterházy i n Z e l i z , H u n g a r y . I t is coded as "secondary" despite its relatively short t i m e d u r a t i o n because i t was the o n l y real e m p l o y m e n t Schubert enjoyed after leaving his fa ther's school. Eleven composers were coded as h a v i n g p r i m a r y o r sec o n d a r y c o u r t e m p l o y m e n t o f this t y p e , w h i c h is n o t c o u n t e d i n figure
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FIGURE 3.1 Percentage of Composer Cohorts with Support from Nobility 3 . 1 . There were 4 cases for composers b o r n i n the first fifty-year inter v a l , 2 i n the second, 4 i n the t h i r d , and 1 i n the f o u r t h . Figure 3.2 summarizes the h i s t o r y o f composers' e m p l o y m e n t w i t h the various churches. T h e data are d i v i d e d i n t o o n l y t w o categories, for d i r e c t o r a l positions a n d f o r performance responsibilities (such as c h u r c h organists). C h u r c h e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s were embraced m o s t ex tensively by composers b o r n d u r i n g the second h a l f o f the seventeenth century. A f t e r t h a t , decline set i n , especially f o r c h u r c h c h o i r o r music director jobs. O n e possible reason f o r the decrease i n d i r e c t o r a l o p p o r tunities was the loss o f revenue needed t o m a i n t a i n extensive musical organizations as properties were t a k e n f r o m the churches, especially i n the A u s t r i a o f Joseph I I a n d r e v o l u t i o n a r y France, d u r i n g the late eigh teenth a n d early nineteenth centuries. A few composers such as A n t o n i o V i v a l d i , Francesco B o n p o r t i ( 1 6 7 2 1 7 4 9 ) , (Abbé) G e o r g Joseph Vogler ( 1 7 4 9 - 1 8 1 4 ) , A r c h d u k e (and Car dinal) R u d o l p h o f A u s t r i a ( 1 7 8 8 - 1 8 3 1 ) , a n d Franz Liszt received s u p p o r t as o r d a i n e d priests or other officers o f the c h u r c h w i t h o u t nec essarily h a v i n g t o discharge m u s i c a l duties. I f t h e i r c o m p e n s a t i o n was unrelated t o musical duties, t h e i r c h u r c h s u p p o r t was n o t recorded i n figure 3.2. There were 9 such cases f o r the 1 6 5 0 - 1 6 9 9 b i r t h c o h o r t , 6 for the second fifty-year b i r t h i n t e r v a l , 1 ( R u d o l p h ) f o r the t h i r d , a n d 1 (Liszt) f o r the f o u r t h .
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FIGURE 3.2 Percentage of Composer Cohorts Employed by the Church
Freelance
Activity
A s w e have seen, composers engaged i n v a r i o u s f o r m s o f freelance activ ity. T w o o f the m o s t i m p o r t a n t categories were freelance performance a n d freelance c o m p o s i n g . T h e c o d i n g f o r freelance c o m p o s i n g was de liberately conservative. A c t i v i t y was n o t c o u n t e d as freelance w h e n a n artist composed f o r the sake o f c r e a t i o n per se o r w h e n an i n d i v i d u a l e m p l o y e d t o p e r f o r m , direct, and/or compose music dedicated a n occa sional w o r k t o someone other t h a n his employer, p u b l i s h e d a n occasional w o r k , o r s p o r a d i c a l l y p e r f o r m e d his w o r k s outside his employer's a m b i t . Rather, a composer was inferred t o have been freelance o n l y w h e n he r e g u l a r l y c o m p o s e d t o earn fees f r o m publishers o r impresarios, o r w h e n he c o m p o s e d w o r k s f o r performance at concerts organized o r p l a n n e d b y the composer i n the e x p e c t a t i o n o f r e m u n e r a t i o n w h o s e m a g n i t u d e w o u l d depend u p o n the size a n d willingness t o p a y o f the audience attracted. Altogether, 2 8 7 o f the 6 4 6 sample composers, o r 4 4 . 4 percent, were f o u n d under these criteria t o have engaged i n free lance c o m p o s i n g . A m o n g t h e m , 186 pursued freelance c o m p o s i n g as a p r i n c i p a l activity, 95 as a secondary activity, a n d 6 (sparingly coded) as a t e r t i a r y activity. Figure 3.3 arrays b y fifty-year b i r t h - d a t e cohorts the data o n c o h o r t fractions engaged i n freelance c o m p o s i n g a n d freelance performance as
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FIGURE 3.3 Composers Engaging in Significant Freelance Activity p r i m a r y or secondary activities. Composers were deemed t o have been freelance performers w h e n they w e n t o n t o u r t o earn m o n e y t h r o u g h solo performances o r w h e n they regularly earned a l i v i n g b y appearing as guest soloists i n a t y p i c a l l y large h o m e city such as L o n d o n , Paris, M i l a n , or Vienna. For b o t h freelance c o m p o s i n g a n d freelance performance, there is a m a r k e d u p w a r d t r e n d over t i m e . T h e t r e n d is m o r e consistent for c o m p o s i n g t h a n for performance, a n d f o r composers b o r n d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the nineteenth century, the relative g r o w t h o f freelance perfor mance activity is f o u n d t o cease. There is d o u b l e - c o u n t i n g across the t w o groupings. T h e f r a c t i o n o f b i r t h - d a t e - c o h o r t composers w h o pur sued both freelance c o m p o s i n g a n d freelance performance t o a signifi cant degree rose f r o m 5.0 percent for the 1 6 5 0 - 1 6 9 9 p e r i o d t o 8.8 percent for 1 7 0 0 - 1 7 4 9 , 17.3 percent for 1 7 5 0 - 1 7 9 9 , a n d 18.6 percent for 1 8 0 0 - 1 8 4 9 . As w e observed b o t h i n chapter 2 a n d earlier parts o f this chapter, an i m p o r t a n t source o f freelance c o m p o s i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s d u r i n g the first century covered by o u r sample o f composers was c o m p o s i n g operas, especially i n I t a l y a n d E n g l a n d b u t also t o some extent i n Paris a n d other parts o f E u r o p e . I t is useful therefore t o d r a w a d i s t i n c t i o n be t w e e n composers w h o pursued opera c o m p o s i t i o n t o a significant de gree a n d those w h o d i d n o t , a n d especially t o see the extent t o w h i c h
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FIGURE 3.4 Number of Composers w i t h Fewer Than Two Operas Pursuing Sig nificant Freelance Activity freelance c o m p o s i t i o n t h r i v e d outside the w o r l d o f opera. T o d o so, composers w h o w r o t e at m o s t one opera, n o t c o u n t i n g cantatas a n d o r a t o r i o s , were segregated f r o m those w h o w r o t e t w o o r m o r e operas. C o m p l e t i o n o f o n l y one opera was v i e w e d as evidence t h a t the c o m poser f o u n d , as Beethoven d i d after his p a i n f u l experience w i t h t w o early versions o f Fidelio, t h a t his c o m p a r a t i v e advantage lay i n other directions. O f composers b o r n d u r i n g the 1 6 5 0 - 1 6 9 9 i n t e r v a l , 4 7 w r o t e t w o o r m o r e operas; 5 4 o f those b o r n i n the 1 7 0 0 - 1 7 4 9 i n t e r v a l d i d so, a l o n g w i t h 76 f r o m the 1 7 5 0 - 1 7 9 9 i n t e r v a l a n d 88 f r o m the 1 8 0 0 1849 cohort. Figure 3.4 traces the g r o w t h o f freelance c o m p o s i n g for the sample members w h o w r o t e n o operas o r at m o s t one. T h e vertical axis n o w measures the n u m b e r o f composers i n each fifty-year b i r t h - d a t e c o h o r t . T h e numerals above the frequency bars p r o v i d e a d d i t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n , s h o w i n g the percent o f composers w i t h fewer t h a n t w o operas i n a rele v a n t b i r t h - d a t e c o h o r t w h o engaged i n p r i m a r y o r secondary freelance c o m p o s i n g activity. B o t h the n u m b e r s o f n o n o p e r a t i c freelance c o m posers a n d the c o h o r t percentages rise sharply over t i m e . N e a r l y h a l f o f the composers b o r n d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the nineteenth c e n t u r y w h o w r o t e fewer t h a n t w o operas engaged i n significant a m o u n t s o f free lance activity. A t the other extreme, a m o n g the opera-shy composers
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FIGURE 3.5 Number of Composers w i t h M i n i m a l Church or Court Employ ment Pursuing Significant Freelance Activity
b o r n i n the earliest fifty-year p e r i o d , o n l y t w o , Pietro L o c a t e l l i ( 1 6 9 5 1764) a n d Jacques-Christophe N a u d o t ( 1 6 9 0 - 1 7 6 2 ) , were f o u n d t o have pursued freelance c o m p o s i t i o n as a p r i m a r y activity. A f t e r being e m p l o y e d by b o t h c h u r c h a n d c o u r t i n s t i t u t i o n s i n Italy, v i r t u o s o v i o l i n ist L o c a t e l l i emigrated at the age o f t h i r t y - f o u r t o A m s t e r d a m , a h u b o f enterprise a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l trade, where he earned a l i v i n g by teaching, directing a private orchestra, a n d p u b l i s h i n g his c o m p o s i t i o n s . H e was one o f the relatively few composers i n the sample t o g a i n a state p r i v i lege (the forerunner o f c o p y r i g h t , as w e shall see i n chapter 7) f o r the exclusive p u b l i c a t i o n o f his chamber c o m p o s i t i o n s . N a u d o t t a u g h t flutep l a y i n g , p e r f o r m e d i n Parisian salons, earned m o n e y by dedicating his w o r k s t o w e a l t h y patrons, a n d aggressively p u b l i s h e d his flute c o m p o s i t i o n s . H i s b i o g r a p h y contains n o evidence o f c h u r c h or c o u r t e m p l o y ment. Freelance c o m p o s i n g m i g h t be v i e w e d as either a c o m p l e m e n t t o or substitute for c h u r c h o r c o u r t e m p l o y m e n t . Figure 3.5 focuses o n the composers w h o were coded as h a v i n g n o p r i m a r y o r secondary e m p l o y m e n t w i t h either the c h u r c h o r noble courts. F r o m figures 3.1 a n d 3.2, w e m i g h t expect t o find relatively few p r i m a r y o r secondary freelance composers w i t h this h i s t o r y i n the earliest b i r t h c o h o r t b u t a r i s i n g n u m ber i n later periods. O u r expectation is c o n f i r m e d ; 5 such i n d i v i d u a l s
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were b o r n d u r i n g the second h a l f o f the seventeenth century, 15 i n the second fifty-year i n t e r v a l , 35 i n the t h i r d , a n d 78 i n the f o u r t h . A m o n g t h e m , figure 3.5 shows, b o t h the n u m b e r w h o pursued freelance c o m p o s i n g a n d the percent o f those w i t h o u t c h u r c h o r c o u r t e m p l o y m e n t engaged i n freelance c o m p o s i n g rose over t i m e , the f o r m e r m u c h m o r e r a p i d l y t h a n the latter. T h e five p r i m a r y or secondary freelance c o m posers b o r n d u r i n g the first i n t e r v a l a n d w i t h o u t significant c h u r c h o r c o u r t e m p l o y m e n t were Tomaso A l b i n o n i , a Venetian w h o i n h e r i t e d i n dependent w e a l t h f r o m his m e r c h a n t father a n d w h o supplemented his i n c o m e b y teaching a n d w r i t i n g operas; J o h n Gay ( 1 6 8 5 - 1 7 3 2 ) , w h o adapted music composed m a i n l y by others i n musical performances f o r the L o n d o n m a r k e t , i n c l u d i n g the sensationally successful Beggar's Op era, first staged i n 1 7 2 8 ; Joseph de B o i s m o r t i e r ( 1 6 8 9 - 1 7 5 5 ) , w h o c o m p o s e d b o t h operas a n d i n s t r u m e n t a l music i n Paris a n d was p a r t i c u l a r l y successful i n p u b l i s h i n g i n s t r u m e n t a l w o r k s ; Francesco Barsanti ( 1 6 9 0 - 1 7 2 2 ) , w h o emigrated as a y o u t h f r o m I t a l y t o p l a y the flute and publish numerous compositions i n L o n d o n and Edinburgh; and Jacques-Christophe N a u d o t , whose activities i n Paris are described above. Was there something different a b o u t the composers w h o braved the vicissitudes o f the freelance market? A n d i n particular, were freelance composers m o r e p r o d u c t i v e , i n terms o f h a v i n g m o r e recordings listed i n the Schwann Opus catalogue, t h a n composers w h o r e m a i n e d content w i t h c h u r c h or c o u r t employment? T o explore this question, a regres sion analysis was p e r f o r m e d . Variables used t o e x p l a i n v a r i a t i o n s i n Schwann listing lengths i n c l u d e d composers' b i r t h years a n d f o u r career p a t h categories i n t r o d u c e d i n this chapter. Those w h o e m b a r k e d u p o n freelance c o m p o s i n g were f o u n d t o be significantly m o r e p r o d u c t i v e t h a n those w h o d i d n o t , a l l else equal. Composers w h o served as n o b l e c o u r t music directors and/or received subsidies f r o m n o b l e patrons were also m o r e p r o d u c t i v e . Evidently, the composers accorded the greatest f o l l o w i n g b y posterity g r a v i t a t e d t o w a r d prestigious c o u r t a p p o i n t m e n t s as w e l l as, o r as a substitute t o , engaging i n freelance c o m p o s i t i o n . Composers b o r n later i n o u r t w o - c e n t u r y t i m e span tended also t o be m o r e p r o d u c t i v e . O p e r a composers achieved Schwann listings insig n i f i c a n t l y longer t h a n peers whose forte was i n s t r u m e n t a l music. T h e f o r m o f freelance a c t i v i t y w i t h the strongest element o f entrepreneurship is acting as i m p r e s a r i o , supervising a n d o r g a n i z i n g the perfor mance o f one's o w n o r others' musical w o r k s a n d acting as residual risk-bearer, reaping the profits i f the performance succeeds e c o n o m i c a l l y a n d i n c u r r i n g the losses i f i t does n o t . I n this category, 2 6 composers were coded as h a v i n g been impresarios as a p r i m a r y activity, 18 i n a secondary r o l e , a n d 19 i n a t e r t i a r y r o l e . Across b i r t h c o h o r t s , the n u m 70
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ber o f p r i m a r y a n d secondary impresarios was relatively stable at 7 f o r 1 6 5 0 - 1 6 9 9 , another 7 for 1 7 0 0 - 1 7 4 9 , a n d 8 f o r 1 7 5 0 - 1 7 9 9 . T h e c o u n t t h e n surged t o 2 2 for composers b o r n between 1 8 0 0 a n d 1 8 4 9 . P r o m i n e n t a m o n g the p r i m a r y - a c t i v i t y impresarios d u r i n g the earliest t i m e p e r i o d were A n t o n i o V i v a l d i , G e o r g P h i l i p p T e l e m a n n , a n d George Frideric H a n d e l . T h e others w i t h p r i m a r y impresario designations were J o h a n n Kusser ( 1 6 6 0 - 1 7 2 7 ) , w h o staged his o w n opera w h e n he was denied access t o the H a m b u r g opera a n d t h e n directed a t r a v e l i n g opera house c o m p a n y p e r f o r m i n g t h r o u g h o u t Germany; R e i n h a r d Keiser ( 1 6 7 4 1 7 3 9 ) , w h o was a leading figure i n H a m b u r g opera p r o d u c t i o n a n d c o m p o s i t i o n ; a n d Jean Baptiste Loeillet ( 1 6 8 0 - 1 7 3 0 ) , w h o emigrated f r o m B e l g i u m t o L o n d o n , w h e r e he offered a w e e k l y i n s t r u m e n t a l c o n cert series f r o m his C o v e n t G a r d e n residence. I n c l u d e d a m o n g the i m presarios i n the 1 8 0 0 - 1 8 4 9 c o h o r t were Joseph L a n n e r ( 1 8 0 1 - 1 8 4 3 ) a n d his p o p u l a r V i e n n a orchestra i m i t a t o r s J o h a n n Strauss Sr., J o h a n n Strauss Jr., a n d E d u a r d Strauss ( 1 8 3 5 - 1 8 8 0 ) , as w e l l as R i c h a r d Wagner a n d Jacques Offenbach ( 1 8 1 9 - 1 8 8 0 ) . Other
Means
of
Support
Composers earned their keep i n a vast variety o f ways other t h a n free lance c o m p o s i n g a n d performance and service w i t h the n o b i l i t y or the churches. Figure 3.6 provides a b r o a d overview, s h o w i n g seven clusters o f occupations a n d the f r a c t i o n o f composers i n the relevant fifty-year b i r t h c o h o r t receiving p r i m a r y o r secondary income s u p p o r t w i t h i n the cluster. T h e m o s t impressive g r o w t h is observed i n three categories, c o n servatory teaching, private orchestra d i r e c t i o n , and as w e have seen, serving as i m p r e s a r i o . T h e conservatory vocations, whose g r o w t h coincides w i t h the cre a t i o n o f n u m e r o u s f o r m a l conservatories d u r i n g the late eighteenth a n d early nineteenth centuries, were coded sparingly. T h u s , the teaching o f J o h a n n K u h n a u a n d J o h a n n Sebastian Bach i n the c h o i r school o f L e i p zig's St. T h o m a s C h u r c h was excluded, i n p a r t because their duties ex tended i n p r i n c i p l e t o other subjects; b u t A n t o n i o V i v a l d i ' s duties at the Ospedale della Pietà i n Venice were i n c l u d e d . N o r was B e d f i c h Smetana v i e w e d as a conservatory teacher f o r o p e r a t i n g his o w n p r i v a t e music schools i n Prague a n d G o t h e n b u r g , Sweden; rather, his role was coded as t h a t o f a p r i m a r y freelance teacher. A m o n g the seven p r i m a r y conser v a t o r y teaching occupations recorded for the first fifty-year p e r i o d , five were at Naples, f r o m w h i c h the concept o f the m o d e r n conservatory evolved, a n d one ( V i v a l d i ) at Venice. N o appreciable g r o w t h is observed i n the p r i v a t e teaching category, perhaps i n p a r t because i n later periods f o r m a l l y organized conserva-
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FIGURE 3.6 Percent of Composers in Birth Cohort w i t h Other Means of Support
tories attracted m a n y o f the m o s t able composers w i t h an i n c l i n a t i o n t o teach. Similarly, w e observe a substantial increase i n service as music direc tors f o r private-sector orchestras (that is, those n o t associated w i t h a noble c o u r t o r c h u r c h ) , whose f o r m a t i o n paralleled the expansion o f a prosperous m i d d l e class desiring t o hear p u b l i c performances o f orches t r a l music. Service as performers i n such private-sector orchestras increased d u r i n g the eighteenth c e n t u r y b u t t h e n declined, p r o b a b l y because i n d i v i d u a l s able e n o u g h t o earn t h e i r spurs as m e m o r a b l e c o m posers m o v e d r a p i d l y i n t o d i r e c t o r s h i p positions rather t h a n h a v i n g t o r e m a i n i n the h i r e d - p e r f o r m e r r a n k s . T h e " o t h e r e d u c a t i o n a l " category includes composers w h o t a u g h t music i n e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s n o t p r i m a r i l y o r i e n t e d t o w a r d music e d u c a t i o n , such as J o h n K n o w l e s Paine ( 1 8 3 9 - 1 9 0 6 ) at H a r v a r d o r Sir Charles H u b e r t Parry ( 1 8 4 8 - 1 9 1 8 ) at O x f o r d ; p a r t - t i m e composers w h o t a u g h t other subjects at the u n i v e r s i t y level (Alexander B o r o d i n ( 1 8 3 3 - 1 8 8 7 ) , chemistry, a n d César C u i ( 1 8 3 5 - 1 9 1 8 ) , engineering); composers such as Jean-Philippe R a m e a u , L e o p o l d M o z a r t , a n d C a r l Czerny, w h o w r o t e m u s i c a l t h e o r y o r technique b o o k s ; composers such as R o b e r t Schumann, H e c t o r Berlioz, a n d C h a r l e s - M a r i e W i d o r ( 1 8 4 4 -
M U S I C C O M P O S I T I O N AS A PROFESSION
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1 9 3 7 ) , w h o r e g u l a r l y w r o t e c o l u m n s o f music c r i t i c i s m ; w r i t e r s o n p h i l o s o p h y such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau ( 1 7 1 2 - 1 7 7 8 ) , a n d fiction, such as E . T . A H o f f m a n n ( 1 7 7 6 - 1 8 2 2 ) ; a n d Giuseppe Verdi's l i b r e t t i s t A r r i g o Boito (1842-1918). N o t surprisingly, the nonmusic o c c u p a t i o n category spans a w i d e ar r a y o f other occupations pursued by composers. T h e y range f r o m lead i n g a n a t i o n (Frederick the Great o f Prussia); serving as a m i l i t a r y leader (Prince L o u i s F e r d i n a n d o f Prussia, k i l l e d i n 1806 d u r i n g the Battle o f Saalfeld, a n d A l e x a n d e r B o r o d i n ) ; other high-level g o v e r n m e n t a l service (such as F a r i n e l l i , B e n j a m i n F r a n k l i n , a n d Benedetto M a r c e l l o ) ; d i p l o macy ( A g o s t i n o Steffani a n d J o h a n n M a t t h e s o n ) ; m i d r a n k c i v i l service ( E m m a n u e l Chabrier, E . T . A . H o f f m a n n , Johan H a r t m a n n , M o d e s t M u s s o r s k y , a n d A l e x a n d e r D a r g o m y z h s k y ) ; legal practice (Johann K u h n a u ) ; r o y a l astronomer ( W i l l i a m Herschel); general newspaper p u b lisher a n d physicist (Benjamin F r a n k l i n ) ; stonemason ( C a r l F r i e d r i c h Z e l l e r ) ; w i n e m e r c h a n t ( G i o v a n n i V i o t t i ) ; a n d m a n a g i n g a glass factory (Franz B e r w a l d ) . Some composers pursued business occupations m o r e closely related t o their musical abilities, notably, music p u b l i s h i n g a n d the manufactur i n g o f musical instruments. A m o n g the composers w i t h music p u b l i c a t i o n as a p r i m a r y a c t i v i t y were Ignaz Pleyel ( 1 7 5 7 - 1 8 3 1 ) , M u z i o C l e m enti, J o h a n n Baptist C r a m e r ( 1 7 7 1 - 1 8 5 8 ) , Franz A n t o n H o f f m e i s t e r ( 1 7 5 4 - 1 8 1 2 ) , A n t o n D i a b e l l i ( 1 7 8 1 - 1 8 5 8 ) , Joseph Eisner ( 1 7 6 9 1 8 5 4 ) , a n d L e o p o l d K o z e l u c h ( 1 7 4 7 - 1 8 1 8 ) . T h e music p u b l i s h i n g busi ness w i l l be analyzed at greater l e n g t h i n chapter 7. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t producers o f musical instruments were Ignaz Pleyel a n d M u z i o C l e m e n t i , b o t h o f w h o m m a n u f a c t u r e d pianos, a n d T h e o b a l d B o e h m ( 1 7 9 4 1 8 8 1 ) , w h o i n v e n t e d i m p o r t a n t i m p r o v e m e n t s i n flute design a n d f o u n d e d a f l u t e - m a n u f a c t u r i n g enterprise. O f the 646 composers i n the sample, 2 4 enjoyed d u r i n g at least a significant p a r t o f t h e i r careers sufficient w e a l t h t h a t they d i d n o t have t o earn t h e i r l i v i n g t h r o u g h m u s i c a l activities ( a l t h o u g h some d i d i n any event). A m o n g those w h o were independently w e a l t h y t h r o u g h i n h e r i tance were Tomaso A l b i n o n i , Benedetto M a r c e l l o , Frederick the Great o f Prussia a n d his n e p h e w L o u i s F e r d i n a n d , A r c h d u k e R u d o l p h o f A u s t r i a , Felix M e n d e l s s o h n a n d his sister Fanny Hensel, J o h n M a r s h , a n d M a r c i a l del A d a l i d y Gurréa. M a r r y i n g i n t o independent w e a l t h w e r e , for example, J o h n Stanley, Peter Heise, a n d M a r i a n n e M a r t i n e z . Some f o u n d themselves at the other extreme, w i t h o u t independent means a n d , t h r o u g h i l l health, b a d l u c k , o r personal choice, forced by lack o f i n come t o depend u p o n others for their existence. A m o n g these bohemians were Franz Schubert, N o r b e r t Burgmüller, Samuel Wesley, A n t a l György Csermak, a n d W i l h e l m F r i e d e m a n n Bach.
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Finally, a few composers benefitted d u r i n g at least parts o f t h e i r ca reers f r o m generous prizes a l l o w i n g t h e m t o pursue music c o m p o s i t i o n w i t h o u t h a v i n g t o seek r e m u n e r a t i v e e m p l o y m e n t . O f the 646-composer sample, 1 1 received the prestigious French (or i n one case, Belgian) P r i x de R o m e . E d v a r d G r i e g w o n a s i m i l a r prize a n d later a c o n t i n u i n g Sti p e n d i u m f r o m the N o r w e g i a n g o v e r n m e n t .
CONCLUSION
T o s u m u p , the w a y composers o f e n d u r i n g m e r i t earned t h e i r l i v i n g changed significantly over t i m e . Consistent w i t h the c o n v e n t i o n a l w i s d o m , the p r i n c i p a l sources o f i n c o m e i n the late seventeenth a n d early eighteenth centuries were positions as employees w i t h the churches a n d n o b l e courts. C o n t r a r y t o the assertion o f some scholars, however, the p u r s u i t o f m u s i c a l c o m p o s i t i o n as a freelance profession d i d n o t emerge suddenly, n o t a b l y w i t h M o z a r t , d u r i n g the second h a l f o f the eighteenth century. A considerable n u m b e r o f composers b o r n between 1 6 5 0 a n d 1 6 9 9 engaged i n substantial freelance w o r k , m o s t l y b y c o m p e t i n g f o r opera c o m p o s i t i o n commissions, a l t h o u g h even w i t h i n this early c o h o r t there were composers w h o k e p t b o d y a n d soul together t h r o u g h free lance activities i n n o n o p e r a fields. D u r i n g the eighteenth a n d nineteenth centuries, the p u r s u i t o f freelance c o m p o s i t i o n increased f a i r l y steadily as g r o w i n g general p r o s p e r i t y raised the d e m a n d for music p e r f o r m a n c e at h o m e a n d i n p u b l i c concerts a n d as the feudal system a t r o p h i e d . T h u s , the t r a n s i t i o n t o freelance c o m p o s i n g was a g r a d u a l e v o l u t i o n a r y process, n o t a p u n c t u a t i o n o f otherwise static e q u i l i b r i a . Composers also earned a l i v i n g i n countless other w a y s , i n m a n y cases v i e w i n g c o m p o s i t i o n as a p a r t - t i m e a v o c a t i o n a p a r t f r o m t h e i r p r i n c i p a l occupa t i o n s . I m p o r t a n t c o m p l e m e n t a r y changes i n c l u d e d the e x p a n s i o n o f o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o earn a salary teaching i n conservatories a n d d i r e c t i n g the p r i v a t e orchestras created t o meet the d e m a n d f o r music p e r f o r m a n c e i n p u b l i c fora.
Chapter 4 COMPOSERS' BACKGROUNDS, ASPIRATIONS, A N D E C O N O M I C REWARDS
H A V I N G SECURED a b r o a d q u a n t i t a t i v e perspective o n h o w composers earned a l i v i n g , w e advance n o w t o m i c r o m o t i v e questions. F r o m w h a t social a n d f a m i l y b a c k g r o u n d s d i d i n d i v i d u a l s embrace the profession o f music c o m p o s i t i o n ? H o w d i d they hone their musical talents? W h a t were t h e i r aspirations a n d m o t i v a t i o n s ? H o w w e l l d i d they succeed i n achieving their economic goals? W h a t choices, strategies, a n d interven i n g variables affected the degree t o w h i c h they succeeded economically?
F A M I L Y BACKGROUNDS
Career choices are influenced by the f a m i l y circumstances i n w h i c h i n d i viduals g r o w t o m a t u r i t y . A n o b v i o u s variable is the role music occu p i e d i n the families o f those w h o became composers. F o r the sample o f 6 4 6 composers analyzed at m a n y points i n this b o o k , i n d i v i d u a l s were coded as t o w h e t h e r a parent o r other relative serving i n loco parentis (such as a residentially p r o x i m a t e uncle o r aunt) earned a l i v i n g at least i n p a r t as a professional m u s i c i a n . E x c l u d e d were m a n y other cases i n w h i c h a parent o r near relative was an enthusiastic amateur performer. For 1 3 7 o f the 6 4 6 composers, insufficient i n f o r m a t i o n was available t o determine w h e t h e r the specified f a m i l y c r i t e r i o n was satisfied. Since the presence o r absence o f professional musicians i n the f a m i l y is one o f the m o s t c o m m o n l y recorded details i n the biographies o f composers whose early lives were otherwise obscure, this t y p i c a l l y implies the absence o f p a r e n t a l antecedents. For 2 6 3 o f the sample members, o r 4 0 . 7 percent o f the t o t a l , one o r m o r e members o f the p a r e n t a l f a m i l y d i d f u n c t i o n as professional musicians. T h i s estimate, w h i c h p r o b a b l y errs m i l d l y o n the u n d e r c o u n t side, implies t h a t the serious p u r s u i t o f music was an i m p o r t a n t f o r m a t i v e variable i n a near m a j o r i t y o f composers' career choices. I t is n o t inconsistent w i t h E l v i d i o Sudan's estimate for 8 1 I t a l ian opera composers o n w h i c h reliable i n f o r m a t i o n was available, w i t h b i r t h dates e x t e n d i n g o n b o t h sides o f o u r 200-year s a m p l i n g frame, t h a t 4 6 . 9 percent o f the composers came f r o m musical families. 1
D u r i n g m o s t o f the t w o centuries f r a m i n g o u r sample
composers'
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b i r t h dates, economic a c t i v i t y i n E u r o p e was p r e p o n d e r a n t l y a g r i c u l t u r a l . A p p r o x i m a t e l y 80 percent o f the p o p u l a t i o n lived i n r u r a l areas d u r i n g the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries, many, especially before 1 8 1 4 a n d i n the m o r e easterly parts o f E u r o p e , i n servile peasant status. Systematic i n f o r m a t i o n o n possible peasant o r i g i n s was n o t collected f o r the sample o f 6 4 6 composers. H o w e v e r , f o r the m o r e select sample o f 5 0 o n w h i c h b o o k - l e n g t h biographies were e x a m i n e d , i t is clear t h a t m o s t composers d i d n o t stem d i r e c t l y f r o m peasant stock. O n l y t w o o f the 5 0 came close. T h e father o f C h r i s t o p h W i l l i b a l d G l u c k was a for ester, b u t his p r i n c i p a l duties were those o f a forest manager f o r n o b l e l a n d o w n e r s , so he is classified b e l o w as an estate o f f i c i a l . A b o u t the f a m i l y b a c k g r o u n d o f J o h a n n Baptist V a n h a l l i t t l e is k n o w n , b u t peas ant f a m i l y o r i g i n s are i m p l i e d b y the fact t h a t V a n h a l used his earnings f r o m music performance i n V i e n n a t o purchase his freedom f r o m the i n d e n t u r e d servitude he i n h e r i t e d f r o m his father i n B o h e m i a . F o r the other 4 9 members o f the select sample, no evidence o f peasant o r i g i n s was f o u n d . 2
3
F o r those 4 9 , the fathers' p r i n c i p a l occupations were recorded as follows: Professional musician Merchant or banker Mechanical and artisan trades Civil servant or estate official Teacher or educational administrator Physician or surgeon (e.g., barber) Landowner Clerk Clergy Showman-speculator 4
20 9 5 5 3 2 2 1 1 1
These are largely w h a t m i g h t reasonably be called middle-class occupa t i o n s . T h u s , m o s t composers i n the p e r i o d studied here f o u n d t h e i r r o o t s i n the m i d d l e classes —some, t o be sure, f r o m the least affluent strata, such as Gaetano D o n i z e t t i , a weaver's son; some f r o m the o p p o site extreme, such as the banker father o f Felix M e n d e l s s o h n o r the w e a l t h y V e n e t i a n paper m e r c h a n t w h o sired Tomaso A l b i n o n i . A l t h o u g h some a d d i t i o n a l traces o f peasant o r i g i n s were f o u n d f o r c o m posers i n the broader 646-person sample, i t is safe t o generalize t h a t f o r y o u n g people w i t h o r i g i n s i n the t y p i c a l l y bleak life o f Europe's peas ants, the odds against b e c o m i n g a composer were very h i g h . O n l y the m o s t e x t r a o r d i n a r y talent a n d d e t e r m i n a t i o n c o u l d overcome t h e m . 5
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COMPOSERS' ASPIRATIONS
Educational
Background
C h a r a c t e r i z i n g the educational backgrounds o f the sampled composers is even m o r e difficult. By any c r i t e r i o n , higher education — notably, at the university level —was a r a r i t y d u r i n g the t i m e p e r i o d w i t h i n w h i c h o u r sample composers were b o r n . Less t h a n one percent o f the E u r o p e a n p o p u l a t i o n attended university d u r i n g most o f t h a t p e r i o d , a n d even fewer o b t a i n e d t e r m i n a l degrees. B u t attending o r n o t a t t e n d i n g univer sity was h a r d l y a clear delineator between being well-educated o r n o t . For m a n y university students, lectures were seldom attended a n d a life o f socializing a n d dissipation was c o m m o n . O n the other h a n d , J o h a n n Sebastian Bach d i d n o t attend university, a n d m a i n l y because he lacked t h a t credential, he was the t h i r d - r a n k e d candidate for the cantor's posi t i o n at Leipzig's Thomasschule w h e n i t was filled i n 1 7 2 3 , securing the j o b o n l y because i t was refused by university-educated i n d i v i d u a l s ( i n c l u d i n g Georg P h i l i p p Telemann). B u t Bach was an o u t s t a n d i n g second ary school student, r a n k i n g first a m o n g the p u p i l s i n the second-to-last year o f his secondary studies a n d o b t a i n i n g a classical Abitur i n a Ger m a n G y m n a s i u m — the equivalent o f g r a d u a t i n g f r o m a t o p - n o t c h A m e r i can h i g h school. A l t h o u g h he sought t o focus his energies o n music a n d secured a substitute t o a v o i d t a k i n g o n n o n m u s i c subjects, he was w e l l equipped t o teach the L a t i n g r a m m a r a n d t h e o l o g i c a l courses t h a t were a n o r m a l p a r t o f the Thomasschule cantor's teaching responsibilities. 6
7
8
9
Recognizing these l i m i t a t i o n s , the biographies o f the 6 4 6 composers i n o u r sample were searched for evidence o f higher e d u c a t i o n . For 133 o f the 6 4 6 , there were n o clear i n d i c a t i o n s , w h i c h p r o b a b l y means t h a t university-level studies were n o t pursued. For another 2 8 2 , the evidence p o i n t e d s t r o n g l y t o a lack o f higher-level studies. B u t for 114 o f the 6 4 6 , or 17.6 percent, some f o r m o f higher education was pursued. A m o r e detailed b r e a k d o w n is as f o l l o w s : University studies alone University plus seminary or conservatory Seminary alone
83 6 25
Evidently, those w h o became composers p r o d u c t i v e e n o u g h t o enter o u r sample were o n average m u c h better educated t h a n the average E u r o pean o f the relevant era.
Musical
Training
A related analysis sought t o determine h o w sample members o b t a i n e d the t r a i n i n g t h a t l a i d a basis for their performance a n d c o m p o s i n g activ-
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ities. F o r 114 composers, the evidence available i n the New Grove was insufficient t o a t t e m p t any classifications. T h e i n f o r m a t i o n lacunae nar r o w e d f o r each successive c o h o r t . O w i n g t o insufficient i n f o r m a t i o n , i t was necessary t o exclude f r o m the analysis 32.6 percent o f the c o m posers b o r n between 1 6 5 0 a n d 1 6 9 9 , 2 3 . 6 percent f o r the 1 7 0 0 - 1 7 4 9 c o h o r t , 12.5 percent for the 1 7 5 0 - 1 7 9 9 c o h o r t , a n d o n l y 6.3 percent for those b o r n between 1 8 0 0 a n d 1 8 4 9 . E d u c a t i o n a l b a c k g r o u n d s were coded i n t o eight m a i n categories, i n c l u d i n g m e n t o r i n g w i t h i n the family, p r i v a t e t u t o r i n g (such as b y n o n f a m i l y members outside a f o r m a l i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o n t e x t ) , e d u c a t i o n i n a conservatory o r p r i v a t e music school, e d u c a t i o n connected w i t h p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a c h u r c h c h o i r o r c h o i r school, musical t r a i n i n g i n c o n v e n t i o n a l p r i m a r y o r secondary schools, m u s i c a l t r a i n i n g at the u n i v e r s i t y o r seminary level, on-the-job t r a i n i n g , a n d self-teaching. N o one can become a capable m u s i c i a n w i t h o u t arduous self-teaching, a n d m o s t u n dergo on-the-job t r a i n i n g . These categories were coded selectively. A sample m e m b e r was considered self-taught o n l y w h e r e there was evi dence o f e x p l i c i t efforts b y a y o u t h t o teach himself t h e o r y and/or per formance outside a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h experienced t u t o r s . T h e y o u t h f u l Handel's surreptitious practice o n a c l a v i c h o r d i n his attic w h e n his surgeon father forbade i t is a n extreme example. O n - t h e - j o b t r a i n i n g was coded m a i n l y f o r i n d i v i d u a l s w h o before reaching the age o f seven teen were regular o r apprentice members o f a performance g r o u p . N o t surprisingly, m a n y composers learned their trade i n m u l t i p l e w a y s — typically, b y b e g i n n i n g t o p l a y one o r m o r e m u s i c a l i n s t r u m e n t s , t h e n b y t r y i n g their h a n d c o m p o s i n g simple pieces, a n d o n l y later b y s t u d y i n g music t h e o r y systematically. Altogether, 9 7 1 codes were as signed t o the 5 3 2 i n d i v i d u a l s for w h o m there was sufficient evidence t o a t t e m p t a c o d i n g . Even t h e n , the evidence is i n c o m p l e t e . F a m i l y m e n t o r ship is almost surely u n d e r c o u n t e d , a n d private-lesson experience m a y be. I t is inconceivable, for example, t h a t 34 composers c o u l d have gained admission t o conservatories w i t h o u t any recorded evidence o f p r i o r t r a i n i n g . F a m i l y members o r p r i v a t e t u t o r s m u s t have s o w e d the seeds. Figure 4 . 1 traces the p r i n c i p a l modes o f career p r e p a r a t i o n b y 5 0 year b i r t h - d a t e c o h o r t s . F a m i l y m e n t o r s h i p was evident i n at least 4 0 t o 4 8 percent o f a l l cases, w i t h k n o w n understatement a n d n o clear t r e n d over t i m e . Private t u t o r i n g o c c u r r e d i n a n even larger f r a c t i o n o f cases, w i t h a slight u p w a r d t r e n d . A l t h o u g h n o systematic a t t e m p t was made t o evaluate the credentials o f teachers n a m e d i n the New Grove b i o g r a phies, an impressively h i g h incidence o f w e l l - k n o w n names p l a y e d a f o r m a t i v e role i n the early t r a i n i n g o f sample members. As i n presentday m u s i c a l t r a i n i n g , there was a r e c i p r o c a l d y n a m i c : youngsters e x h i b -
COMPOSERS' ASPIRATIONS
83
FIGURE 4.1 Percent of Half-Century Cohorts w i t h Selected Career Preparation Modes
i t i n g talent are attracted t o a n d attract talented teachers, w h o i n t u r n pave the w a y for later professional success. F r o m a modest level asso ciated m a i n l y w i t h the famous N a p l e s conservatories a n d the T h o m a s schule i n L e i p z i g , there was a s t r i k i n g increase i n conservatory t r a i n i n g for the 1 8 0 0 - 1 8 4 9 b i r t h date c o h o r t . Conversely, t r a i n i n g i n c h u r c h choirs a n d associated c h o i r schools declined steadily as the profession o f music became increasingly secularized. Self-teaching m a y have risen over t i m e w i t h the greater a v a i l a b i l i t y o f p u b l i s h e d t h e o r y a n d perfor mance treatises. O n - t h e - j o b t r a i n i n g declined as feudal i n s t i t u t i o n s at r o p h i e d a n d c o u r t orchestras n o t averse t o c h i l d l a b o r were disbanded. A m o n g the 7 t o 12 percent o f composers w h o received n o t e w o r t h y m u sical e d u c a t i o n i n nonspecialized p r i m a r y a n d secondary schools, t w o t h i r d s l i v e d i n B o h e m i a , M o r a v i a , a n d Germany, w h e r e m u s i c a l educa t i o n was a staple, especially i n Jesuit a n d other d e n o m i n a t i o n a l schools. U n i v e r s i t y o r seminary t r a i n i n g i n music ( n o t e x p l i c i t l y g r a p h e d i n fig ure 4.1) was recorded i n f r o m 0.7 t o 5.3 percent o f a l l cases. F a m i l y t r a i n i n g was coded as the sole career p r e p a r a t i o n i n 3 4 cases ( i n c l u d i n g W o l f g a n g M o z a r t , C.P.E. Bach, a n d C l a r a Schumann); p r i vate t u t o r i n g i n 88 cases. T h e c o m b i n a t i o n o f those t w o modes was m o r e frequent, encompassing a t o t a l o f 149 cases, i n c l u d i n g 9 4 i n w h i c h f a m i l y t r a i n i n g plus p r i v a t e t u t o r i n g were the o n l y t w o forms o f 10
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p r e p a r a t i o n i n evidence. I t is a wise teacher w h o recognizes t h a t her o w n talented child's m u s i c a l career is best advanced b y a m e n t o r insu lated f r o m i n t e r n a l f a m i l y tensions. There is little evidence o n the c o m p e n s a t i o n received by the private music teachers o f successful composers. As w e saw i n chapter 3, i t was n o t unusual f o r lessons t o be offered free t o the gifted c h i l d r e n o f f a m i lies w i t h modest means — for instance, w h e n M o z a r t h a d J o h a n n N e p o m u k H u m m e l live i n his h o u s e h o l d for nearly t w o years as a tutee. A n t o n i o Salieri p r o v i d e d free lessons t o a y o u t h f u l Beethoven, w h o charged little o r n o t h i n g f o r lessons given i n i t i a l l y "several times a w e e k " t o ten-year-old C a r l Czerny, whose t u t o r i n g o f Franz Liszt was free. Czerny t u r n e d a w a y less p r o m i s i n g candidates, i n c l u d i n g sample m e m b e r Stephen H e l l e r ( 1 8 1 3 - 1 8 8 8 ) , unable t o pay his usual h i g h fees. Liszt i n t u r n extracted n o t u i t i o n f r o m countless students. C h i l d r e n f r o m p o o r families also received tuition-free scholarships a n d residence privileges at the Naples conservatories d u r i n g the seventeenth a n d eigh teenth centuries. T h u s , for y o u n g people w i t h unusual p r o m i s e , l i m i t e d f a m i l y means were n o t a bar t o entering the w o r l d o f m u s i c a l perfor mance a n d c o m p o s i n g . 11
12
Differences i n the sources f r o m w h i c h composers received their early m u s i c a l t r a i n i n g appear t o have h a d little systematic influence o n the composers' subsequent p r o d u c t i v i t y , measured by the length o f listings for their recorded w o r k s i n the Fall 1996 Schwann Opus catalogue. A regression analysis using the diverse codings as independent variables h a d little e x p l a n a t o r y p o w e r . F a m i l y t r a i n i n g , p r i v a t e t u t o r i n g , a n d conservatory e d u c a t i o n e x h i b i t e d the strongest (albeit w e a k ) positive influences. 13
PECUNIARY A S P I R A T I O N S
W e advance n o w o n t o m o r e treacherous g r o u n d , asking w h a t role p r o spective financial rewards played i n composers' choice o f music as a profession a n d the intensity w i t h w h i c h they pursued i t . There are t w o m a i n p r o b l e m s . F o r one, a l l h u m a n beings, a n d n o t just composers, v a r y w i d e l y i n their pecuniary aspirations. Some are content t o live like the p r o v e r b i a l c h u r c h mouse, some are d r a w n t o a life o f affluence. Second, people often dissemble a b o u t their true motives. T h u s , the evi dence m u s t be read cautiously, a n d w e m u s t be satisfied w i t h little m o r e t h a n an impressionistic mosaic characterizing general tendencies a n d the range o f v a r i a t i o n . Composers also v a r i e d i n the levels o f c o n s u m p t i o n t o w h i c h they aspired. T h e a p p e n d i x t o this chapter provides detailed evidence o n the c o n s u m p t i o n expenditures o f a composer-performer family, R o b e r t a n d Clara Schumann, f o r the year 1 8 4 1 . A m o n g other
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things, i t supplements the a p p e n d i x t o chapter 1 o n the cost o f m a i n t a i n i n g a middle-class standard o f l i v i n g . F o r a l l the composers whose detailed biographies were read, p e r f o r m i n g music a n d c o m p o s i n g n e w music were activities pursued w i t h enjoy m e n t a n d even passion. M a n y composers such as Berlioz, H a n d e l , R o b ert Schumann, a n d Smetana embraced music as a profession despite o p p o s i t i o n f r o m t h e i r parents. W h e r e they v a r i e d was m a i n l y i n the intensity w i t h w h i c h they devoted themselves t o creating music f o r pay. T h e difference is characterized nicely i n a r e m a r k a t t r i b u t e d t o J o h a n n C h r i s t i a n Bach, c o m p a r i n g his m o t i v a t i o n w i t h t h a t o f his b r o t h e r C a r l P h i l i p p E m a n u e l : " H e lives t o compose, I compose t o l i v e . " Even w h e n the financial rewards were meager, p e r f o r m i n g a n d c o m p o s i n g music u n d o u b t e d l y p r o v i d e d f o r m o s t i f n o t a l l composers greater satisfaction t h a n they c o u l d derive f r o m feasible alternative e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i ties. 14
There is also n o composer a m o n g the 5 0 whose detailed biographies were e x a m i n e d f o r w h o m i t can be said t h a t m o n e y d i d n o t m a t t e r at a l l . Beethoven was surely being self-referential w h e n he declaimed, t h r o u g h Rocco the jailer, t h a t " I f y o u d o n ' t have g o l d at h a n d y o u can't be c o m p l e t e l y h a p p y . " H e negotiated fiercely over the fees publishers p a i d f o r his c o m p o s i t i o n s , a n d he litigated f o r recompense w h e n infla t i o n eroded the value o f the pension three noble families p r o m i s e d t o induce h i m t o r e m a i n i n V i e n n a rather t h a n accepting a generous sal aried offer t o relocate i n Kassel. Yet m o n e y matters were a bother t o him: 15
16
1 7
I do not understand any other money than Viennese ducats; how many thaler and gulden that makes is no affair of mine, for I am a bad business man and reckoner . . . There ought to be an artistic depot where the artist need only hand in his art work in order to receive what he asks for. As things are, one must be half a business man, and how can one under stand—good heavens! That's what I really call troublesome. I t w o u l d be equally w r o n g t o conclude t h a t financial r e w a r d was a sole o r p r i n c i p a l objective f o r Beethoven or indeed f o r m a n y composers. L i k e most i f n o t a l l successful composers, the i n s t i n c t t o create was f o r Beethoven a f u n d a m e n t a l m o t i v a t i o n a l force. A s Beethoven responded t o his student C a r l Czerny, w h o h a d a l l u d e d t o the master's w o r l d w i d e fame: 18
A h , nonsense! . . . I have never thought about writing to achieve fame and honor. What is in my heart must come out. L o n g after he h a d r e t i r e d f r o m c o m p o s i n g operas f o r pay, G i o a c h i n o Rossini c o n t i n u e d t o w r i t e i n c i d e n t a l music, observing t h a t " I compose because I can't help myself" a n d t h a t he c o u l d n ' t get o u t o f the h a b i t o f
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c o m p o s i n g . O r as H e c t o r Berlioz e x p l a i n e d his tendency t o w r i t e w o r k s t h a t b r o u g h t little r e m u n e r a t i o n : 19
20
I often find it pleasanter to smash through a gate than to jump it. . . . But this is the natural result of my passion for music — a passion which is always at white heat, and never satisfied for more than a moment or t w o . W i t h this passion love of money has never, under any circumstances, any thing to do; on the contrary, I had never any difficulty in making any kind of sacrifice in pursuit of the beautiful, or in keeping clear of the miserable commonplaces which are the delight of the crowd. Offer me a fortune to compose some of the most popular works of the day, and I should refuse it angrily. It is my nature.
Extremes T h e emphasis placed by composers o n financial rewards v a r i e d over a b r o a d spectrum. T h e extremes are a p p r o x i m a t e d by c o m p a r i n g fatheri n - l a w w i t h son-in-law: Franz Liszt a n d R i c h a r d Wagner. Wagner's attitude is e p i t o m i z e d b y his reaction i n 1 8 6 4 , the year w h e n his l u c k t u r n e d a n d he began receiving generous subsidies f r o m K i n g L u d w i g I I o f Bavaria, t o the assurances o f a friend t h a t the future h e l d great things for h i m : 2 1
H o w can you speak to me of the future, i f my manuscripts are locked away in some cabinet! W h o w i l l produce the works of art that I , only I , w i t h the help of friendly spirits, can create. . . . I ' m differently constituted — I have sensitive nerves — I must have beauty, splendor, and light! The world owes me what I need! I can't live in a miserable organist position like your Mas ter Bach! Is it an unreasonable demand, therefore, when I ask for that bit of luxury which I may crave? I , who prepare for the world a thousand pleasures! Wagner's quest f o r ideal w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s a n d an affluent lifestyle led h i m almost c o n s t a n t l y t o live b e y o n d his means, squeezing as m u c h s u p p o r t as he c o u l d f r o m w e a l t h y benefactors, publishers, a n d finally K i n g L u d w i g , a n d fleeing debtors w h e n the desired funds were l a c k i n g . T o one publisher, he c o m p l a i n e d i n 1 8 5 9 t h a t his lack o f b o t h p r o p erty — specifically, a quiet place i n the c o u n t r y t h a t c o u l d be purchased for some £ 1 , 6 0 0 — a n d financial means r o b b e d h i m o f his "sense a n d appetite for w o r k . " T o another publisher's rejection o f pleas f o r fur ther m o n e t a r y advances a n d i m p l i c a t i o n t h a t h u n g r y artists were m o r e p r o d u c t i v e , he replied a n g r i l y i n 1 8 6 2 : 2 2
23
You are in error, my best Herr Schott! You err seriously on how to deal w i t h a person like me. Through hunger one can induce much, but not
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works of a higher type. Or do you believe that when my nights are filled w i t h worries, during the day I ' l l bring cheerfulness and good ideas to my work? Five years later, he c o m p l a i n e d t o the same publisher t h a t w i t h m o r e generous financial s u p p o r t , he w o u l d have c o m p l e t e d his opera Die Meistersinger three years earlier. N e a r the other extreme was Franz Liszt, the father o f Wagner's seco n d wife C o s i m a . I n his early days, t o be sure, Liszt, f o l l o w i n g the example o f N i c c o l ò Paganini, amassed a small f o r t u n e tirelessly crisscrossing E u r o p e t o p e r f o r m his magic o n the p i a n o . B u t at the age o f t h i r t y - s i x , he announced a change o f life a n d never again concertized for his o w n benefit, first accepting a salaried p o s i t i o n i n the ducal c o u r t at Weimar, later being o r d a i n e d an abbé in R o m e , a n d finally c o m b i n i n g those roles w i t h t h a t o f fundraiser f o r charitable causes. H e t u r n e d d o w n a m o n g other things offers for a season p e r f o r m i n g i n the U n i t e d States t h a t (at r o u g h l y £ 2 0 , 0 0 0 ) w o u l d have m o r e t h a n d o u b l e d his assets. F r o m the end o f his for-profit concert career, a c c o r d i n g t o one o f his biographers: 24
25
26
We . . . see him, at the height of his renown, abandon that career, in order to devote himself to his music and what he considered to be the best interests of his art. The unselfishness and the true humanity of his life for the rest of his days are without parallel. He gave his services free, raising great sums of money for others, and teaching hundreds of pupils without asking payment for his pains. He lived contentedly upon some three or four hundred pounds a year, having no luxuries, drinking the cheapest and coarsest of wines; and even where his one weakness was concerned, in the matter of cigars, he would give away the good ones that had been presented to him and smoke, for preference, the cheapest sorts he could buy. 27
T h e difference between the cases o f Liszt a n d Wagner is less t h a n complete, however, for Wagner was incessantly overextended financially, w h i l e Liszt enjoyed the security o f an account w i t h the R o t h s c h i l d B a n k o f Paris t h a t , wisely invested, a l l o w e d h i m t o accumulate b y the t i m e o f his death a balance exceeding £ 8 , 0 0 0 . A n even sharper contrast is f o u n d i n the life o f Franz Schubert. A f t e r leaving a nine-hours-per-day teaching j o b he disliked at his father's school, Schubert enjoyed o n l y brief periods o f p o o r l y p a i d e m p l o y m e n t , w i t h C o u n t J o h a n n Esterházy i n H u n g a r y . A biographer observes: 2 8
29
[H]e had no exaggerated opinion of his general importance to the universe, and probably asked for little more from life than enough to eat and drink, a decent bed, a sympathetic friend or two, an occasional sight of the country (his letters show how sensitive he was to beautiful scenery), and money
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enough to pay for the vast amount of paper he needed for the absorbing business of writing music. U n l i k e Beethoven, Schubert d i d n o t t r y (or considered himself unable) t o e x t r a c t h i g h fees f r o m publishers. Ten years after he c o m p l e t e d his first for-pay w o r k , he sought p u b l i c a t i o n o f his w o r k s " f o r a moderate p r i c e " by L e i p z i g publishers because, he e x p l a i n e d , " I very m u c h w a n t t o become as w e l l k n o w n as possible i n G e r m a n y . " I n this he was unsuccessful, at least d u r i n g his brief lifetime. 30
T w o further examples i l l u m i n a t e intermediate cases. W i t h a large f a m i l y t o s u p p o r t , J o h a n n Sebastian Bach was zealous i n efforts t o en hance his i n c o m e . H e p e t i t i o n e d the k i n g o f Saxony t o intervene a n d m a n d a t e p a y m e n t o f a p a r t o f his L e i p z i g salary he considered his just due, b u t w h i c h h a d been denied h i m i n a r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f f u n c t i o n s . H e p e t i t i o n e d the c i t y c o u n c i l o f L e i p z i g t o receive the fee he w o u l d have earned h a d a L e i p z i g m e r c h a n t m a r r i e d at h o m e , rather t h a n o u t side L e i p z i g . Seeking (unsuccessfully) i n 1 7 3 0 an alternative t o his L e i p z i g p o s i t i o n , he c o m p l a i n e d t h a t " w h e n a healthy w i n d b l o w s , " he lost as m u c h as 100 thaler ( £ 1 6 ) i n fees for presiding over the perfor mance o f funeral m u s i c . Nevertheless, he h a d o r i g i n a l l y accepted the L e i p z i g p o s i t i o n a n d an apparent decline i n purchasing p o w e r (despite the p r o v i s i o n o f free housing) w h e n his earlier p a t r o n , the prince o f K o t h e n , m a r r i e d a w o m a n w i t h n o interest i n music, leading Bach t o believe t h a t his services h a d become less appreciated aesthetically, even i f n o t financially. ( A t K o t h e n , he h a d been the second m o s t h i g h l y p a i d employee i n the prince's c o u r t . ) A n a d d i t i o n a l n o n p e c u n i a r y m o t i v e for the sacrifice o f i n c o m e at L e i p z i g may have been the better o p p o r tunities there f o r p r o v i d i n g his c h i l d r e n w i t h a u n i v e r s i t y e d u c a t i o n . 31
32
33
34
35
S h o r t l y after he t o o k u p residence i n V i e n n a d u r i n g 1 7 8 1 , W o l f g a n g A m a d e u s M o z a r t assured his father by letter t h a t he h a d changed his p r e v i o u s l y easygoing v i e w o n life a n d t h a t " e x c e p t i n g m y h e a l t h , I k n o w n o t h i n g m o r e necessary t h a n m o n e y . " H i s c r i t i c a l assessment o f various e m p l o y m e n t possibilities reflected a m o n g other things the ad vice o f his father t h a t "one m u s t always be conscious o f one's reputa t i o n a n d keep oneself a b i t expensive." A l t h o u g h he c o m p o s e d m a n y pieces w i t h o u t regard t o m a r k e t a b i l i t y , he w o r k e d h a r d a n d assiduously sought commissions, performance o p p o r t u n i t i e s , d e d i c a t i o n p a t r o n s , a n d other w a y s o f c o m p o s i n g for i n c o m e — d r a w i n g the line m a i n l y against teaching mediocre students w h o diverted t i m e f r o m c o m p o s i t i o n . U n l i k e Wagner, he was t o o p r o u d t o beg f o r financial s u p p o r t t h r o u g h o u t most o f his career, a n d w h e n w o u l d - b e patrons d i s a p p o i n t e d h i m , he t o o k leave i n silent anger. D u r i n g the last three years o f his life, however, w h e n his i n c o m e fell far b e l o w the cost o f l i v i n g t o w h i c h he a n d his f a m i l y h a d become accustomed, he was reduced t o w r i t e a series 36
37
3 8
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o f heartrending letters seeking ever-increasing loans f r o m a M a s o n i c brother. 39
Insights
from Economic
Theory
Standard economic t h e o r y makes t w o simple predictions a b o u t h o w the supply o f an i n d i v i d u a l ' s m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d w o r k effort varies w i t h income: as the rate o f pay for a given task rises, m o r e effort is f o r t h c o m i n g ; b u t as income rises w i t h higher pay, eventually effort is reduced. " E v e n t u a l l y " is italicized here because activities t h a t i n modest quantities are pursued w i t h pleasure can become burdensome as increasing fractions o f one's w a k i n g hours are devoted t o t h e m . T h e evidence o n composers for the first o f these hypotheses is far t o o unsystematic t o p e r m i t m e a n i n g f u l tests. For the second, however, some useful insights emerge. 40
41
For l o w e r income levels, i t is also hazardous t o extract generalizations. M o z a r t composed furiously ( i n c l u d i n g his operas Così fan tutte (They A l l D o I t ) , La Clemenza di Tito (The Clemency o f T i t u s ) , a n d The Magic Flute d u r i n g the last t w o years o f his life, w h e n his income fell; b u t i t is n o t clear t h a t he w o r k e d harder t h a n i n his h a l c y o n V i e n n a years. O n e reason w h y C h r i s t o p h W i l l i b a l d G l u c k responded enthusiastically t o a lucrative opera c o m p o s i t i o n offer f r o m Paris i n 1 7 7 4 is t h a t he saw his o w n a n d his wife's fortunes d w i n d l e as a result o f losses at Vienna's Burgtheater, i n w h i c h he was an equity-holder. C l a r a Schumann observes i n her diaries ( w i t h R o b e r t ) , o n a visit t o Leipzig by the aging N o r w e g i a n composer O l e B u l l , " H o w s t r i k i n g i t is w h e n an artist says, ' I p l a y here one day a n d there the n e x t , a n d this I d o u n t i l I d r o p dead, since I ' m a p o o r m a n a n d m u s t earn m o n e y . ' O n the other h a n d , a sudden d r o p i n income can be p a r a l y z i n g l y t r a u m a t i c . W h e n the funds f r o m the generous subvention p r o v i d e d h i m by N a d e z h d a v o n M e e k failed t o arrive as expected, T c h a i k o v s k y was so upset t h a t " w o r k was o u t o f the q u e s t i o n . " 42
43
5,44
45
For higher income a n d w e a l t h levels, the evidence is clearer: m a r k e t oriented effort tended t o be reduced as composers achieved a c o m f o r t able level o f affluence. Joseph H a y d n t u r n e d o u t p r o d i g i o u s volumes o f w o r k as a h i r e d Kapellmeister w i t h the Esterházy f a m i l y a n d i n response t o the economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f t w o visits t o L o n d o n . B u t h a v i n g amassed a f o r t u n e i n L o n d o n , he reduced the pace at w h i c h he c o m posed, t a k i n g the better p a r t o f t w o years t o perfect his o r a t o r i o Die Schöpfung (The C r e a t i o n ) . E x p l a i n i n g his modest economic aspirations, he t o l d a v i s i t o r : 46
I have my own comfortable house, three or four courses at dinner, a good glass of wine, I can dress well, and when I want to drive out, a hired coach is good enough for me.
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A f t e r his operas h a d yielded substantial w e a l t h , G i o a c h i n o Rossini ceased c o m p o s i n g f o r pay at the age o f thirty-seven. H e explained t o a v i s i t i n g R i c h a r d Wagner i n I 8 6 0 : 4 7
I had no children. Had I some, I doubtless should have continued to work. But, to tell you the truth, after having labored for 15 years during that so-called very lazy period and having composed 40 operas, I felt the need of rest, and returned to Bologna to live in peace. O n the same theme, Gaetano D o n i z e t t i observed:
48
There are ways of earning a living in a thousand places, but I , used to little, to desiring little, cannot at all adapt myself to earning money. I am not Rossini and haven't his fortune, but when a man has enough to live on and to amuse himself enough, I think that he ought to retire and be satisfied. A t the t i m e , at age f o r t y - o n e , D o n i z e t t i h a d w r i t t e n m o r e t h a n 5 0 o p eras. I n the r e m a i n i n g decade o f his life, he w r o t e 13. S i m i l a r l y , at a relatively early stage (1846) o f his career, Giuseppe V e r d i l a m e n t e d : 49
They enjoy themselves; I w o r k from eight o'clock in the morning until twelve o'clock at night and kill myself w i t h w o r k . What a perfidious des tiny is mine. I n the same year he w r o t e t o a f r i e n d , "Perhaps one m o r n i n g I shall a w a k e a m i l l i o n a i r e . W h a t a lovely, f u l l - s o u n d i n g w o r d . H o w e m p t y b y contrast are the w o r d s fame, glory, talent, e t c . " B u t after his successes a l l o w e d h i m t o accumulate substantial assets, he relaxed his pace o f c o m p o s i t i o n , devoted increasing blocks o f t i m e t o leisure i n his v i l l a at Busetto (along w i t h p o l i t i c a l a n d p h i l a n t h r o p i c activities), a n d averaged o n l y one n e w opera per decade d u r i n g the last three decades o f his life. As he w r o t e i n 1874 t o his publisher-friend: 50
51
If I had wanted to be a business man, no one could have stopped me, after la Traviata [1853], from writing an opera a year and making myself a fortune three times as big as I have. B u t , he c o n t i n u e d , he h a d other artistic i n t e n t i o n s , w i s h e d t o take m o r e pains w i t h the operas he w r o t e , a n d t o enjoy r u r a l life. T u r n i n g d o w n prestigious orchestra d i r e c t o r s h i p offers a n d s h o w i n g indifference t o investment losses after b e c o m i n g financially secure, the n o t o r i o u s l y f r u g a l Johannes Brahms w r o t e : 52
I have . . . become only too accustomed to a quite different style of life, so I have . . . grown more indifferent to many things for which one in that position must have the liveliest interest. . . . But don't make a useless scene
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over the famous bankruptcy . . . for my losses —ridiculous! You must know that for now I still have enough to live on. Conversely, Brahms's suggestion t h a t his friend Clara Schumann cut back her strenuous concertizing tours was rejected vigorously, i n p a r t because Clara h a d the responsibility t o educate seven c h i l d r e n . " Y o u actually seem t o i m a g i n e , " she w r o t e , " t h a t I really have enough money a n d t r a v e l merely for m y o w n pleasure. . . . T h i s is h a r d l y the p o i n t at w h i c h I s h o u l d retire f r o m p u b l i c appearances." I n h e r i t e d w e a l t h c o u l d also affect composers' m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d behav ior, a l t h o u g h the n u m b e r o f cases is t o o small t o s u p p o r t generaliza tions. As the son o f a prosperous banker, G i a c o m o Meyerbeer refused t o accept fees for his early I t a l i a n operas. A n o t h e r banker's son, Felix Mendelssohn, w o r k e d h a r d t h r o u g h m u c h o f his career, b u t the lack o f financial need made h i m reticent t o have his c o m p o s i t i o n s p u b l i s h e d , a n d he l a b o r e d f o r years t o perfect t h e m . 53
54
55
TRADE-OFFS
I n a d d i t i o n t o d e t e r m i n i n g h o w m u c h effort t o devote t o remunerative o p p o r t u n i t i e s , composers faced m a n y trade-offs. T i m e spent teaching c r o w d e d o u t c o m p o s i n g t i m e . So also, except for rare i n d i v i d u a l s such as M o z a r t w h o c o u l d compose o n a b o u n c i n g stagecoach, d i d t i m e spent t r a v e l i n g t o p e r f o r m or supervise opera p r o d u c t i o n s . Even becom i n g a musician, w h i c h was considered a socially i n f e r i o r o c c u p a t i o n by many, h a d its psychological costs. B u t one o f the most i m p o r t a n t trade offs composers h a d t o make was whether t o seek a relatively secure p o s i t i o n w i t h the c h u r c h or n o b i l i t y , or t o accept the risks o f freelance c o m p o s i t i o n , performance, a n d teaching challenges. Social
Status
Generally
D u r i n g the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries, professional musicians tended t o be seen by the aristocracy a n d even by m a n y middle-class burghers as second-class citizens. A d a m S m i t h w r o t e i n 1 7 7 6 : 56
There are some very agreeable and beautiful talents of which the posses sion commands a certain sort of admiration; but of which the exercise for the sake of gain is considered, whether from reason or prejudice, as a sort of public prostitution. . . . The exorbitant rewards of players, operasingers, opera-dancers, & c . are founded upon those two principles; the rarity and beauty of the talents, and the discredit of employing them in this manner.
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A b o u t the status o f musicians i n E n g l a n d , the son o f C a r l M a r i a v o n Weber c o m p l a i n e d : 57
[The musician] performed, was paid, and then had to leave without be ing regarded as one of the guests of the house. The insolent lackeys served him differently from the "guests," and would have blushed at the idea of offering him refreshments in the drawing room. His host greeted him con descendingly and pointed out to him his place, which, in many salons, was separated by a cord from that of the guests. . . . A n d so, in spite of the loud and lavish applause he had received, the artist generally left the house hurt and angry, only too easily consoled by the clink of the lightly-won guineas in his pocket. M o z a r t ' s chances o f o b t a i n i n g a p o s i t i o n w i t h the c o u r t o f A r c h d u k e F e r d i n a n d i n M i l a n were u n d e r m i n e d by his previous tours as a g r a t u ity-seeking c h i l d p r o d i g y . W r i t i n g t o her son F e r d i n a n d i n 1 7 7 1 , E m press M a r i a Theresia c a u t i o n e d h i m t h a t " i t gives one's [ c o u r t l y ] service a b a d name w h e n such people r u n a b o u t like beggars." By b e c o m i n g a music publisher a n d p i a n o manufacturer, M u z i o C l e m e n t i , frustrated w h e n his offer o f marriage t o the daughter o f a bourgeois French f a m i l y was rejected because o f his state i n life, is said t o have freed himself " f r o m the o p p r o b r i u m attached i n E n g l a n d t o professional musicians a n d e m b a r k e d u p o n the k i n d o f purposeful activity t h a t was b u i l d i n g a p o w e r f u l n a t i o n a n d e m p i r e . " T h e degree t o w h i c h musicians were accepted socially, however, v a r i e d by l o c a t i o n as w e l l as w i t h the fame a n d social graces o f the i n d i v i d u a l . I n Germany, a n d especially i n mer cantile cities such as H a m b u r g a n d Bremen, social lines were said t o have been d r a w n less r i g i d l y t h a n i n other e n v i r o n m e n t s . Similarly, w h e n C l a u d i o M o n t e v e r d i left the service o f the duke o f M a n t u a i n 1613 a n d t o o k up residence i n Venice, mercantile center o f M e d i t e r r a nean Europe, he was said t o have become "the social equal o f anyone i n V e n i c e " a n d was "treated w i t h genuine respect by everyone i n the c i t y . " By w a y o f contrast, i n Russia, the last m a j o r E u r o p e a n n a t i o n t o accept m o d e r n values, M o d e s t M u s s o r g s k y hesitated for a consider able p e r i o d before deciding t o leave his p o s i t i o n as a c i v i l servant a n d become a m u s i c i a n , since "there were still traces o f t h a t m u s i c a l dilet t a n t i s m w h i c h demanded a n y t h i n g f r o m art rather t h a n m a t e r i a l gain. . . . T h e idea o f m a k i n g a m i l c h c o w o f art was almost blasphe mous." 58
59
60
61
62
Servility
and
Dependence
T h e musician h i r e d , even as Kapellmeister, i n a seventeenth- o r eigh teenth-century noble c o u r t was one o f the h o u s e h o l d servants. H e ate w i t h the servants. A t w h i c h o f the various ranks o f servant tables he sat
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depended u p o n his relative status w i t h i n the c o u r t . A m o n g W o l f g a n g M o z a r t ' s m a n y dissatisfactions w i t h his life i n the c o u r t o f P r i n c e - A r c h bishop H i e r o n y m u s C o l l o r e d o i n Salzburg was t h a t his meals were t a k e n w i t h uninteresting c o u r t retinue members — b e l o w the valets i n seating order b u t above the c o o k s . M u s i c i a n s were expected t o w e a r the master's livery at a l l times; failure t o d o so c o u l d be penalized w i t h salary reductions o r even (as i n the case o f Paganini at Parma) dismissal. 63
64
Despite his role as a d m i n i s t r a t o r o f an i m p o r t a n t c o u r t f u n c t i o n , the composer was expected t o treat the master w i t h a p p r o p r i a t e deference. M i c h a e l H a y d n ' s letter o f a p p l i c a t i o n f o r the p o s i t i o n o f Kapellmeister at Salzburg addressed the archbishop a p p r o x i m a t e l y (the English l a n guage can scarcely characterize the degree o f deference) as " Y o u r E x alted Princely Grace, etc. M o s t W o r t h y Prince o f the State a n d E m p i r e , etc. M o s t Gracious Prince a n d Sir L o r d , " figuratively p r o s t r a t i n g h i m self w i t h a l l submissive respect at the archbishop's feet i n o b e d i e n t l y seeking the p o s i t i o n . As Kapellmeister he, u n l i k e L e o p o l d a n d W o l f gang M o z a r t , was p e r m i t t e d t o dine w i t h the c o u r t officers — b u t n o t w i t h the archbishop himself. 65
C o u r t composers were t y p i c a l l y subjected t o strict l i m i t a t i o n s o n the dissemination t o others o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f music they h a d w r i t t e n . Even w h e n he was released f r o m his p o s i t i o n as Kapellmeister i n the Stuttgart c o u r t , N i c c o l ò J o m m e l l i ( 1 7 1 4 - 1 7 7 4 ) was denied p e r m i s s i o n t o take w i t h h i m copies o f his o w n musical m a n u s c r i p t s . A f t e r he h a d negotiated t o o b t a i n p u b l i c a t i o n rights f o l l o w i n g eighteen years o f service w i t h the Esterházy c o u r t , Joseph H a y d n f o u n d i t p r u d e n t t o be secretive a b o u t the a m o u n t o f m o n e y he received i n p u b l i c a t i o n fees. As Kapellmeister t o Frederick the Great, K a r l H e i n r i c h G r a u n was r e q u i r e d repeatedly t o r e w r i t e his c o m p o s i t i o n s w h e n they failed t o please the sovereign. Dealings w i t h the l o r d a n d master often h a d t o be i n t e r m e d i a t e d t h r o u g h another c o u r t official. I n his early years at the Esterházy c o u r t , Joseph H a y d n was frequently i n conflict w i t h the prince's estates manager, Peter v o n Rahier, leading h i m , after he h a d left his service t o the Esterházys, t o w r i t e f r o m L o n d o n i n 1 7 9 1 t o the w i f e o f the prince's p h y s i c i a n : 66
67
68
69
Oh, my dear gracious lady! H o w sweet this bit of freedom really is! I had a kind Prince, but sometimes I was forced to be dependent on base souls. I often sighed for release, and now I have it in some measure. I appreciate the good sides of all this, too, though my mind is burdened w i t h far more work. The realization that I am no bond-servant makes ample amend for all my toils. Composers were subject t o dismissal at the w h i m o f the l o r d a n d , u n t i l feudal reforms spread d u r i n g the t i m e o f the N a p o l e o n i c W a r s , c o u l d n o t leave their positions w i t h o u t permission as l o n g as their em-
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p l o y e r lived. G e o r g P h i l i p p T e l e m a n n was i n i t i a l l y enthusiastic a b o u t the o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r c o m p o s i t i o n under n o b l e patronage. H e w r o t e t h a t " i f there is a n y t h i n g i n the w o r l d w h i c h encourages a m a n t o i m p r o v e u p o n his skills, i t is life at C o u r t . H e r e one seeks t o earn the f a v o r o f great m e n a n d the courtesy o f noble ones . . . " H o w e v e r , after being discharged i n an e c o n o m y m o v e f r o m the c o u r t at Sorau a n d other u n favorable experiences at the c o u r t i n Eisenach, he spent the rest o f his professional career i n the free mercantile cities o f F r a n k f u r t a m M a i n a n d H a m b u r g , w r i t i n g t h a t " w h o e v e r seeks life-long security m u s t settle i n a r e p u b l i c . " W h e n J o h a n n Sebastian Bach a t t e m p t e d i n 1 7 1 7 t o leave the service o f the d u k e o f W e i m a r f o r a p o s i t i o n i n K o t h e n , he was i m p r i s o n e d f o r nearly f o u r weeks before being dismissed. H i s son C.P.E. Bach h a d t o c l a i m illness t o be g r a n t e d a discharge f r o m the orchestra o f Frederick the Great a n d take the better-paying p o s i t i o n vacated at H a m b u r g by Telemann's d e a t h . J. S. Bach's c o n t e m p o r a r y George F r i deric H a n d e l was offered a p o s i t i o n at the r o y a l c o u r t i n B e r l i n (under Frederick I ) , b u t was advised by friends t o decline i t : 7 0
71
72
73
For they well knew, that i f he once engag'd i n the King's service, he must remain i n it, whether he liked i t , or not; that i f he continued to please, it would be reason for not parting w i t h him; and that i f he happened to displease, his ruin would be the certain consequence. As events ensued, the r o y a l orchestra was disbanded w h e n Frederick I d i e d a n d his son (Frederick W i l l i a m I , the so-called Soldier K i n g , father o f Frederick the Great) became sovereign i n 1 7 1 3 . T h u s , H a n d e l w o u l d have lost his j o b o r been s u m m a r i l y transferred t o the orchestra o f the margrave o f B r a n d e n b u r g (eight years before J. S. Bach sent t o the mar grave his six B r a n d e n b u r g Concertos, o n l y t o have t h e m lie u n r e a d i n a cabinet for decades). I t is w e l l k n o w n t h a t w h e n M o z a r t asked i n 1 7 8 1 to leave the service o f P r i n c e - A r c h b i s h o p C o l l o r e d o , he was p h y s i c a l l y b o o t e d o u t o f the V i e n n a chambers o f the archbishop's aide, G r a f K a r l Josef A r c o . T w o years later, c o n t e m p l a t i n g a visit t o his father i n Salzburg, M o z a r t w o r r i e d t h a t he m i g h t be arrested for v i o l a t i n g his employment contract. F r e e d o m o f m o v e m e n t was l i t t l e better w h e n composers were e m p l o y e d by the c h u r c h . C o m p l i c a t e d negotiations were r e q u i r e d before J o h a n n Pachelbel c o u l d vacate his p o s i t i o n as organist i n E r f u r t a n d become organist at nearby Sondershausen. I n 1 7 2 2 Jean-Philippe R a m e a u was denied p e r m i s s i o n t o leave his p o s i t i o n as c h u r c h organist i n C l e r m o n t , b u t secured his release t h r o u g h a l o u d a n d dissonant per formance a n d the threat t o c o n t i n u e p l a y i n g s i m i l a r l y i f n o t p e r m i t t e d t o m i g r a t e t o Paris. 7 4
75
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N o b l e l o r d s were free t o d i s c r i m i n a t e as they pleased, subject t o i n i t i a l h i r i n g - m a r k e t constraints, i n the salaries a n d w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s
COMPOSERS' ASPIRATIONS
95
they offered composers. C a r l P h i l i p p E m a n u e l Bach was perennially u n h a p p y over his pay o f 3 0 0 t o 5 0 0 thaler (at the upper l i m i t , £ 7 8 ) i n the c o u r t o f Frederick the Great w h i l e K a r l H e i n r i c h G r a u n a n d J o h a n n Q u a n t z were p a i d 2 , 0 0 0 thaler each a n d leading opera singers were p a i d 4 , 0 0 0 t o 6,000 thaler. A m o n g other things, Frederick f r o w n e d o n i n t e r m a r r i a g e a m o n g his employees. W h e n composer J o h a n n F r i e d r i c h A g r i c o l a m a r r i e d one o f the c o u r t singers, their j o i n t salary was reduced t o 1,000 thaler; his alone h a d been 1,500 thaler before the m a r r i a g e . T h e son o f a c o u r t chancellor was i m p r i s o n e d f o r several m o n t h s w h e n he proposed t o m a r r y one o f Frederick's singer favorites; the t w o were t h e n banished p e r m a n e n t l y f r o m B e r l i n w h e n they eloped after the y o u n g man's release f r o m p r i s o n . W h e n N a p o l e o n p o i n t e d o u t t o L u i g i Cheru b i n i a flaw he perceived i n one o f Cherubini's c o m p o s i t i o n s , C h e r u b i n i is said t o have r e p l i e d , " Y o u r M a j e s t y k n o w s n o m o r e a b o u t i t t h a n I k n o w a b o u t a b a t t l e . " A l l Cherubini's i m p e r i a l subsidies were thereupon eliminated. 78
79
80
81
As w e have seen i n J. S. Bach's reasons for leaving K o t h e n , composers were sometimes dissatisfied w i t h nobles' lack o f a p p r e c i a t i o n for their music. Franz Schubert w r o t e a b o u t his p o s i t i o n w i t h the Esterházy f a m i l y i n H u n g a r y , " T h e r e is n o t a soul here w i t h a genuine interest i n music except, perhaps, n o w a n d t h e n ( i f I a m n o t mistaken) the C o u n t ess." Similarly, o f his residence at the D e t m o l d c o u r t i n 1 8 5 7 , Johannes Brahms w r o t e : 82
83
Yesterday morning . . . I had to accompany the Prince in his singing. I don't exactly wish for this to happen often. . . . There is a complete desert of musical friends here, with the exception of a few ladies. A n d o n a later visit i n 1 8 5 8 , he w r o t e , " H a l f m y tenure here is over, thank G o d . " T o be sure, w h e n a composer's b a r g a i n i n g p o s i t i o n was s t r o n g , i t was possible t o overcome the m o r e onerous w o r k i n g - c o n d i t i o n constraints a n d even t o some degree the social stigma. Joseph H a y d n ' s fame t h r o u g h o u t Europe eventually let h i m enjoy freedom t o p u b l i s h a n d a salary exceeded o n l y b y those o f the Esterházy estates manager and the c o u r t p h y s i c i a n . W h e n H a y d n r e t u r n e d t o the Esterházy c o u r t after the death o f his benefactor N i k o l a u s I , his relationship w i t h the n e w prince, N i k o l a u s I I , was m u c h more strained. N i k o l a u s addressed h i m i n i t i a l l y , for example, i n the f o r m a l t h i r d person: thus, " H e r r H a y d n w i l l present his n e w quartets at tonight's festivities." T h r o u g h the i n t e r v e n t i o n o f friends, however, H a y d n soon set matters straight, so conversations were h e l d i n the second person a n d H a y d n was i n v i t e d t o dine at the table w i t h the prince a n d his consorts rather t h a n w i t h c o u r t officials. T h e d e m o c r a t i c a l l y i n c l i n e d Beethoven refused t o be constrained by c o u r t l y f o r m a l i t i e s . W h e n attempts were made by H a b s b u r g aides t o 8 4
85
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have h i m s h o w p r o p e r deference t o w a r d his student A r c h d u k e R u d o l p h , Beethoven t o l d R u d o l p h t h a t a l t h o u g h he h a d the greatest reverence f o r R u d o l p h ' s person, he c o u l d n o t be b o u n d by such rules. R u d o l p h is said t o have laughed g o o d - n a t u r e d l y a n d gave orders t o let Beethoven pur sue t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p i n his o w n w a y . U n h a p p y over interference b y officials o f the Stuttgart c o u r t , Beethoven's f o r m e r associate J o h a n n N e p o m u k H u m m e l m i g r a t e d t o W e i m a r a n d negotiated a n e w c o n t r a c t stating t h a t he, n o t the ducal i n t e n d a n t , w o u l d have final a u t h o r i t y i n musical matters. 87
88
Fame a n d the ascendance o f middle-class values d u r i n g the nineteenth c e n t u r y also helped composers overcome the social stigma t o w h i c h they were subjected d u r i n g the eighteenth century. B u i l d i n g u p o n the experience he gained i n the salons o f Warsaw, Frédéric C h o p i n f o u n d ready acceptance i n the m o s t fashionable salons o f Paris, w h e r e he regu l a r l y appeared dressed i n w h i t e tie a n d t a i l s . T h a n k s n o t o n l y t o his p o p u l a r i t y as a p e r f o r m e r b u t also his refined manners a n d c o m p e l l i n g appearance, Franz Liszt was one o f the first t o d e m a n d w i t h some suc cess t h a t composers be treated as equals t o members o f the m i d d l e class a n d even w i t h the n o b i l i t y . H i s views o n the matter, d e m a n d i n g a " n e w aristocracy o f intelligence," were p u b l i s h e d i n a Parisian j o u r n a l i n 1 8 3 5 . As the c u l t u r a l l y refined son o f a w e a l t h y banker a n d the g r a n d son o f a great philosopher, Felix M e n d e l s s o h n was one o f the first t o be accorded such status i n b o t h E n g l a n d a n d France. 89
90
91
Even before the social status o f musicians rose, e m p l o y m e n t i n noble c o u r t s , despite its aggravations, also h a d advantages i n a d d i t i o n t o the assurance t h a t (at the lord's pleasure) basic m a t e r i a l needs w o u l d be satisfied. D u r i n g his e m p l o y m e n t w i t h the Esterházy c o u r t , Joseph H a y d n observed, he c o u l d perfect his c o m p o s i t i o n technique w i t h o u t fear o f outside c r i t i c i s m , p e r f o r m i n g a l l k i n d s o f musical experiments t o see w h a t pleased a n d w h a t d i d n o t . A n d despite the tedious character o f his c o m p a n y at the c o u r t i n D e t m o l d , Brahms a d m i t t e d t h a t he h a d a b u n d a n t t i m e for c o m p o s i t i o n w i t h " m o d e s t b u t secure e m o l u m e n t s " and that: 92
93
Here we must once again loudly sing the praises of the art-loving little German princely courts of the 18th and 19th centuries, which encouraged the arts, while respecting the justifiable desire of the artist for freedom, both outward and spiritual.
COMPENSATION HIERARCHIES A N D RISK
Those w h o entered music, o r m o r e precisely, music c o m p o s i t i o n as a profession faced t w o b r o a d k i n d s o f r i s k . First, there was career risk i n
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the degree t o w h i c h one's talent — genetically acquired a n d assiduously h o n e d — matched the demands o f the marketplace. Second, especially for those w h o chose freelance forms o f music p r o v i s i o n , there were event-specific risks: was the p a r t i c u l a r performance o r c o m p o s i t i o n re ceived w e l l by the c o n s u m i n g public? Compensation
Norms
I n career income-earning o p p o r t u n i t i e s , there was t h r o u g h o u t most o f the eighteenth a n d nineteenth centuries a fairly clear hierarchy o f pay levels. O u t s t a n d i n g v o c a l a n d i n s t r u m e n t a l soloists, a n d especially the h a n d f u l w h o qualified for w h a t t o d a y w o u l d be called "superstar" sta tus, were p a i d best. Particularly d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the eighteenth century, the most h i g h l y p a i d musicians, w i t h annual incomes several times those o f lead i n g salaried Kapellmeister, were the most able castrati. T o p castrati such as F a r i n e l l i , Caffarelli, a n d Senesino earned season fees o f £ 1 , 0 0 0 t o 1,500 i n the best-paying L o n d o n m a r k e t — at the l o w e r b o u n d , 35 times the a n n u a l earnings o f English b u i l d i n g craftsmen — supplemented sev eral times over by ad hoc performance fees a n d gifts f r o m the n o b i l i t y . B u t entering this select g r o u p was a r i s k y p r o p o s i t i o n . As Patrick Barbier observes: 94
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Castration was like a lottery from which very few emerged victorious, for while the fortunate winners would be received by the great ones of the world, the others, for whom the operation had brought no success, would have no future beyond taking their place sadly in the depths of some ob scure parish church choir. A n d even at the first phase o f the lottery, m o r t a l i t y rates f o l l o w i n g cas t r a t i o n ranged f r o m 10 t o 80 percent, depending u p o n the competence o f the surgeon. P r i m a d o n n a sopranos sometimes earned as m u c h as t o p castrati; other singers were less w e l l p a i d . As i n the case o f castrati, relatively few made i t i n t o the t o p - p a y i n g ranks. A n d w i t h f o u r or five perfor mances per week being the n o r m d u r i n g opera seasons, v o c a l c o r d d a m age t h a t ended careers p r e m a t u r e l y was n o t unusual. T o p singers tended t o operate i n a relatively footloose m a r k e t , sometimes accepting c o n tracts for a season at an opera house a n d sometimes e m p l o y m e n t c o n tracts f r o m noble courts t h a t managed their o w n opera establishments. T h u s , c o m p e t i t i o n operated t o influence pay levels. I n his excellent b o o k , J o h n Rosselli argues t h a t the share o f t o t a l p e r f o r m e r outlays received by the t o p stars escalated beginning i n the 1830s, w h e n i m p r o v e d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n media made i t easier t o move f r o m one venue t o
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another. T h i s p r o p o s i t i o n , a l t h o u g h consistent w i t h the received t h e o r y o f superstars, is less t h a n fully supported. A century earlier t o p castrad a n d female sopranos p r o v e d quite able t o c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h a n d m i grate t o L o n d o n i n quest o f the highest superstar fees, a n d George F r i deric H a n d e l e m b a r k e d u p o n h u n t i n g t r i p s t h r o u g h o u t the o p e r a - l o v i n g parts o f the European c o n t i n e n t t o sign u p r e n o w n e d singers for his R o y a l A c a d e m y opera. B u t certainly, b e g i n n i n g w i t h the spectacular V i e n n a debut o f N i c c o l ò Paginini i n 1 8 2 8 , t r a v e l i n g superstars gained increased prominence. So p o w e r f u l was the r e p u t a t i o n o f Swedish sop r a n o Jenny L i n d t h a t she n o t o n l y received an advance o f $ 1 5 0 , 0 0 0 f o r an 1 8 5 0 - 1 8 5 1 concert t o u r i n A m e r i c a (managed by P. T. B a r n u m ) , b u t her c o o p e r a t i o n was sufficient t o t u r n some p u b l i c p i a n o concerts b y C l a r a Schumann f r o m feared d i s a p p o i n t m e n t t o substantial success. 96
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T h e salaries o f Kapellmeister paled i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h these t o p perf o r m e r fees. J. S. Bach's highest m o n e t a r y salary ( w i t h fringe benefits) at K o t h e n a m o u n t e d t o r o u g h l y £ 1 0 5 per year, o r nearly f o u r times the a n n u a l earnings o f a fully e m p l o y e d b u i l d i n g craftsman i n southern E n g l a n d . T h e best-paid Kapellmeister o n the c o n t i n e n t d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the eighteenth century were said t o be those e m p l o y e d by the k i n g o f Saxony at Dresden. Vice-Kapellmeister J o h a n n H e i n i c h e n ( 1 6 8 3 - 1 7 2 9 ) received i n 1 7 2 0 nearly three times Bach's K o t h e n salary. T h e salary o f Dresden Kapellmeister A n t o n i o L o t t i ( 1 6 6 7 - 1 7 4 0 ) is harder t o interpret, since i t was b u n d l e d w i t h t h a t o f his star soprano w i f e . I t a m o u n t e d t o nearly £ 2 , 5 0 0 . Joseph H a y d n ' s peak salary w i t h the Esterházy f a m ily before his first L o n d o n visit a m o u n t e d t o a p p r o x i m a t e l y £ 1 0 0 per year, n o t c o u n t i n g fringe benefits such as meals, housing ( i n c l u d i n g the r e b u i l d i n g o f H a y d n ' s Eisenstadt residence w h e n i t b u r n e d ) , a n d the l i k e . Needless t o say, back-chair fiddlers were p a i d m u c h less t h a n those w h o h a d sufficient c o m p o s i t i o n a l a n d o r g a n i z a t i o n a l talent t o be a p p o i n t e d Kapellmeister — somewhere i n the range o f 3 t o 6 times less. I n s t r u m e n t a l soloists' pay ranged between the extremes. 9 8
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Risks
F o r those w h o elected t o earn their l i v i n g t h r o u g h free-lance performance a n d c o m p o s i t i o n activities, incomes tended t o be m u c h less steady over t i m e t h a n those o f h i r e d employees, depending inter alia u p o n event-specific contingencies. T o be sure, r e p u t a t i o n was i m p o r t a n t . O p e r a composers such as Rossini, B e l l i n i , D o n i z e t t i , a n d V e r d i c o u l d i n their m o r e m a t u r e years c o m m a n d c o m p o s i t i o n commissions m a n y times higher t h a n those they received at the start o f their careers, before they h a d established a t r a c k r e c o r d f o r p r o d u c i n g hits. B u t a d d i n g a h i t t o one's repertoire was a chancy t h i n g ; a substantial m a j o r i t y o f n e w
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operas failed w i t h i n a few performances. T h e risks were well-recognized by father L e o p o l d M o z a r t i n a letter h o m e f r o m M i l a n o n the eve o f the premiere o f fourteen-year-old Wolfgang's opera Mitr adate : iin
N o w it all depends upon the orchestra and ultimately on the w h i m of the audience. Thus, much depends upon luck, as in a lottery. T h e opera i n fact p r o v e d t o be a substantial success, p r e c i p i t a t i n g an i n v i t a t i o n back t o M i l a n for another successful visit the f o l l o w i n g year. C o m p o s i t i o n s m i g h t be b a d l y received f o r m a n y reasons. T h e c o m poser himself m i g h t be t o blame for w o r k t h a t failed t o please o r t h a t was n o t c o m p l e t e d o n t i m e . I t a l i a n opera impresarios sometimes sought police i n t e r v e n t i o n t o induce composers t o satisfy their c o n t r a c t u a l o b l i gations. Donizetti's 1839 c o n t r a c t w i t h the Paris O p é r a i m p o s e d a penalty o f 15,000 francs ( £ 5 8 8 ) i f the composer failed t o deliver his score o n t i m e . ' Similar provisions b o u n d the librettist a n d the O p é r a itself for failure t o p e r f o r m . H a s t y p r e p a r a t i o n o r p o o r casting c o u l d mean u n w a r r a n t e d defeat. Verdi's opera La traviata (The Fallen W o m a n ) failed miserably i n its 1853 premiere at L a Fenice i n Venice, i n n o small m a t t e r because the soprano p o r t r a y i n g consumptive V i o l e t t a w e i g h e d i n at 2 3 5 pounds. Verdi's reaction was p h i l o s o p h i c ; " T i m e w i l l t e l l , " he w r o t e , a n d a year later, the essentially unrevised opera succeeded. Rossini's operas are said t o have experienced almost consistently disapp o i n t i n g premieres, i n p a r t because o f insufficient rehearsal and p a r t l y because first-night audiences were f r o m the richest strata o f society w h o appreciated Rossini's h u m o r less t h a n the middle-class spectators att e n d i n g later performances. A n d b a d luck c o u l d intervene. A t the first performance o f II barbiere di Siviglia (The Barber o f Seville) i n 1 8 1 6 , d o n Basilio t r i p p e d a n d b l o o d i e d his nose, e v o k i n g whistles f r o m the audience, after w h i c h a stray cat w a n d e r e d a b o u t the stage. 02
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C o m p e t i t i o n f r o m a second L o n d o n opera company, the Opera o f the N o b i l i t y , severely eroded the p r o f i t a b i l i t y o f Handel's operas between 1733 and 1 7 3 7 u n t i l the challenger disbanded f o l l o w i n g massive losses. Franz Schubert's p r i n c i p a l s u b s c r i p t i o n concert failed t o have a lasting i m p a c t o n his r e p u t a t i o n i n p a r t because a c o m p e t i n g performance by Paganini three days later captured the Viennese public's a t t e n t i o n . A n 1826 benefit concert i n L o n d o n c o u n t e d u p o n by a d y i n g C a r l M a r i a v o n Weber t o p r o v i d e for his f a m i l y was sparsely attended because a w e l l - k n o w n tenor h e l d a c o m p e t i n g recital at the same t i m e a n d because an i m p o r t a n t horse race was being r u n at E p s o m . After a packed premiere, the second performance o f Beethoven's N i n t h S y m p h o n y a n d Missa solemnis was p o o r l y attended because i t was scheduled f o r n o o n o n a beautiful M a y day a n d the Viennese p u b l i c preferred t o s t r o l l o u t doors rather t h a n t o be c r o w d e d i n t o a p u b l i c h a l l . A s m a l l p o x epi106
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demie led t o cancellation o f benefit concerts scheduled by the M o z a r t s o n their first visit t o V i e n n a i n 1 7 6 7 . Similarly, Frederic C h o p i n ' s first p u b l i c concert i n Paris was o n l y o n e - t h i r d f u l l because o f a cholera scare. A n o t h e r C h o p i n concert scheduled i n 1848 h a d t o be cancelled because o f the r e v o l u t i o n a r y events o f the t i m e . F o r composers w h o sought the p a r t i c u l a r l y handsome commissions attainable by scoring an opera, success ratios were affected b y e m p l o y m e n t status, the composer's degree o f financial security, a n d the c o m poser's innate literary taste. E m p l o y e d as house composer f o r Vienna's I t a l i a n opera, A n t o n i o Salieri was m o r e o r less c o m p e l l e d t o take any l i b r e t t o chosen by the opera management a n d compose t o i t . T h i s u n d o u b t e d l y c o n t r i b u t e d t o the n u m e r o u s failures he experienced. As a m a t u r e freelancer, o n the other h a n d , M o z a r t c o u l d a n d d i d r e v i e w carefully every t e x t p u t before h i m a n d chose t o compose o n l y the m o s t p r o m i s i n g ones. T h i s plus M o z a r t ' s inherent genius u n d o u b t e d l y ac counts for the h i g h success rate, b o t h at the t i m e a n d especially i n the l o n g r u n , o f his operas. Salieri's benefactor C h r i s t o p h W i l l i b a l d G l u c k acquired substantial w e a l t h t h r o u g h his marriage at age t h i r t y - s i x , a n d as a result, A l f r e d Einstein reports, he c o u l d choose his l i b r e t t o s w i t h care a n d declined t o compose w o r k s t h a t " d i d n o t c o r r e s p o n d t o his taste a n d character." Freelancer Beethoven was also selective; i n one year he t u r n e d d o w n t w e l v e l i b r e t t o possibilities, c o n f i n i n g his efforts m a i n l y t o a single opera, Fidelio, t h a t after several d i s a p p o i n t m e n t s achieved financial success i n 1 8 1 4 a n d remains an i m p o r t a n t staple i n the m o d e r n r e p e r t o i r e . M o s t o f the leading nineteenth-century free lance I t a l i a n composers were forced by financial necessity t o take o n v i r t u a l l y every l i b r e t t o offered t h e m . D o n i z e t t i , for example, was said t o have been caught u p i n "a self-inflicted p r o d u c i n g schedule t h a t made i t absolutely necessary f o r h i m t o set b a d librettos rather t h a n n o l i b r e t t o s at a l l . " D o n i z e t t i , Rossini, a n d V e r d i a l l become m o r e selective as their fortunes grew. V i n c e n z o Bellini was m o r e d i s c r i m i n a t i n g f r o m the outset. I t is n o t clear w h e t h e r this reflected a conscious strategy choice by Bellini o r because he h a d the g o o d f o r t u n e t o be teamed w i t h Italy's most able librettist o f the t i m e , Felice R o m a n i . B o t h J o h a n n Strauss Jr. a n d César F r a n c k were p o o r l y read i n literature generally a n d as a n apparent consequence, b o t h accepted deficient operetta o r opera l i b r e t t i , leading t o m a n y f a i l u r e s . 109
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O f the m a n y exogenous events t h a t affected the fortunes o f i n d i v i d u a l performance events, w a r a n d peace h a d perhaps the strongest system atic effect. M o z a r t ' s fortunes deteriorated d u r i n g the late 1780s i n p a r t because o f o p p o s i t i o n cabals, b u t they were n o t h i n g new. T h e m a i n negative influence was Austria's e n t r y i n 1788 i n t o a w a r against the O t t o m a n E m p i r e , i n d u c i n g m a n y o f the w e a l t h y i n d i v i d u a l s w h o h a d
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been his audience t o j o i n the forces at the f r o n t o r t o flee t o t h e i r c o u n t r y estates, a n d t h r o u g h heavy t a x a t i o n l i m i t i n g the p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r o f those w h o remained i n V i e n n a . M o z a r t ' s r i v a l Salieri was also adversely affected by the cancellation o f a c o m p l e t e d opera whose p r o p o s e d setting was i n Austria's w a r t i m e ally, Russia. T h e 1805 premiere o f Beethoven's opera Leonore (later, Fidelio) h a d the m i s f o r t u n e o f being scheduled seven days after the entry o f French o c c u p a t i o n t r o o p s i n t o V i e n n a , scattering w h a t w o u l d n o r m a l l y have been Beethoven's n a t u r a l audience. A n 1808 benefit concert featuring the F i f t h a n d S i x t h symphonies was financially unsuccessful i n p a r t because o f w a r t i m e a u d i ence d e p l e t i o n , b u t also because o f c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m a benefit concert for w i d o w s a n d o r p h a n s . I f w a r was b a d for freelance concert attendance, the onset o f peace was beneficial. By far the largest net proceeds f r o m Beethoven's various benefit concerts were realized i n 1 8 1 4 , w h e n V i e n n a was rejoicing over the departure o f French forces a n d the city was c r o w d e d w i t h w e a l t h y foreign dignitaries f o r the w a r - e n d i n g Congress o f V i e n n a . Similarly, the Parisian r e v o l u t i o n o f 1830 unleashed a surge o f democratic sentiments w i t h w h i c h Paganini's u n i q u e a p p r o a c h t o performance had p o w erful resonance. T h e asserted " t r i u m p h o f the bourgeoisie" led, a m o n g other things, t o a spectacularly successful ten-concert b o o k i n g for Pag a n i n i at the Paris O p é r a . 117
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Risk-Alleviation
Institutions
T h e risks taken by musicians a n d composers were i n p a r t hedged t h r o u g h a diversity o f i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a t helped those w h o f o u n d t h e m selves i n difficult financial straits. For those w h o h a d been e m p l o y e d over a substantial p e r i o d b y the n o b i l i t y o r c h u r c h , pensions were n o r m a l l y p r o v i d e d — sometimes at f u l l , sometimes reduced, salary. Pension s u p p o r t was n o t an u n i m p o r t a n t matter; fully 333 o f the 6 4 6 composers i n o u r statistical sample lived t o be 66 years o f age o r older. Joseph H a y d n was treated especially w e l l by his f o r m e r employers, the Esterházy s. N o t o n l y was H a y d n ' s pension increased d u r i n g the i n f l a t i o n o f 1 8 0 6 , b u t Prince N i k o l a u s I I also u n d e r t o o k t o pay H a y d n ' s physician a n d p h a r m a c y b i l l s . The treatment o f composers' w i d o w s was m o r e irregular. Some received pensions o f m u c h less t h a n their husband's previous salary. A n n a M a g dalena Bach p e t i t i o n e d the Leipzig C i t y C o u n c i l for the c u s t o m a r y halfyear's salary o f her husband i n 1 7 5 0 . She died later i n poverty. A destitute Constanze M o z a r t successfully p e t i t i o n e d the A u s t r i a n emperor f o r the w i d o w ' s pension (260 florins per year, or £ 2 7 ) n o r m a l l y accorded i m p e r i a l employees, even t h o u g h her husband h a d n o t served 121
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the ten years r e q u i r e d t o w a r r a n t such s u p p o r t . O n the other h a n d , the k i n g o f Saxony d o u b l e d the a n n u a l pension o f r o u g h l y £ 2 5 p a i d t o the w i d o w o f C a r l M a r i a v o n Weber after he recognized h o w w e l l regarded the composer was i n other parts o f E u r o p e . F o r musicians w h o lacked pension s u p p o r t o r w h o were otherwise indisposed financially, the p r i n c i p a l backstops, other t h a n occasional acts o f i n d i v i d u a l charity, were special benefit concerts a n d i n a few places, n o t a b l y L o n d o n a n d V i e n n a , organizations t h a t raised funds t o s u p p o r t i n d i g e n t musicians. I n L o n d o n , for example, the Society o f M u sicians c o n d u c t e d a g r a n d a n n u a l concert for the benefit o f needy m u s i cians between 1739 a n d 1 7 8 4 . T h e a m o u n t s granted by the Society t o i n d i v i d u a l musicians were t y p i c a l l y small — £ 2 5 per year i n 1 7 8 4 a n d £ 5 0 per year i n 1 7 9 4 . H a n d e l left £ 1 , 0 0 0 t o the Society u p o n his death i n 1 7 5 9 . I n V i e n n a , the Tonkünstler-Sozietät (Society o f M u s i cians) was f o u n d e d i n 1 7 7 2 t o a i d i n d i g e n t musicians a n d their w i d o w s . I t held regular f u n d r a i s i n g concerts d u r i n g the Christmas a n d Lenten seasons. Joseph H a y d n organized several performances o f The Creation a n d Die Jahreszeiten (The Seasons) for the benefit o f the Society. C u r i ously, M o z a r t ' s w i d o w Constanze received n o s u p p o r t f r o m the Society, allegedly because her h u s b a n d h a d failed t o produce the b i r t h certificate necessary f o r m e m b e r s h i p . T h e w o r k o f collective organizations like these was supplemented by similar p r i v a t e l y supported charities. A s the end o f his life approached, Giuseppe V e r d i left 7 7 5 , 0 0 0 francs ( £ 3 0 , 5 0 0 ) for the c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d maintenance o f a h o m e for r e t i r e d I t a l i a n m u s i cians. T h e w i d o w o f G i o a c h i n o Rossini d o n a t e d 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 francs ( £ 7 , 8 5 0 ) t o a Parisian welfare o r g a n i z a t i o n dedicated t o s u p p o r t i n g musicians. 124
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COMPOSERS' E C O N O M I C FORTUNES: Q U A N T I T A T I V E E V I D E N C E
T h e t y p i c a l composer, we have seen, was interested i n e a r n i n g a decent l i v i n g b u t faced m a n y economic hazards. H o w w e l l o v e r a l l d i d c o m posers fare? Especially f o r those w h o engaged i n freelance activities, i n c o m e v a r i e d t o o m u c h f r o m year t o year t o estimate i n any m e a n i n g ful w a y averages f o r groups o f composers. H e r e , u t i l i z i n g the sample o f 50 composers o n w h o m at least one full-length b i o g r a p h y was read, w e rely o n t w o p r o x i e s : h o m e o w n e r s h i p a n d net w o r t h o f the c o m poser's estate at the t i m e o f death. T h e best c o n t e m p o r a r y survey o f life i n V i e n n a at the t i m e o f M o z a r t is t h a t o f J o h a n n Pezzi. Pezzl's account implies t h a t the t y p i c a l n o n n o b l e Viennese rented rather t h a n o w n i n g his or her o w n h o m e . Was this t r u e f o r composers too? For 38 o f the composers i n o u r select sample o f 5 0 , i t was possible t o glean evidence o n house o w n e r s h i p . A t 129
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some stage d u r i n g their careers 18 o f the 38 o w n e d a h o m e ; some, such as Rossini a n d J o h a n n Strauss Jr., o w n e d m u l t i p l e homes. I t w o u l d appear t h a t the composers i n o u r select sample h a d a c q u i r e d at least one s y m b o l o f middle-class affluence m o r e successfully t h a n the average urb a n resident. A n alternative a p p r o a c h consistent w i t h existing data sources is t o ascertain the value o f the estate composers left at the t i m e o f their deaths. I m p l e m e n t a t i o n poses a range o f difficulties. F o r one, f o r m a n y composers, and especially f o r those b o r n d u r i n g the first c e n t u r y o f o u r sample span, the evidence is n o t available, o r at least, i t was l a c k i n g i n the biographies consulted. Second, f o r m a l estate v a l u a t i o n s , then as n o w , tended t o undervalue items w i t h n o clear m a r k e t value, u n d o u b t e d l y i n p a r t t o m i n i m i z e death taxes. J o h a n n Sebastian Bach's estate i n v e n t o r y i n 1 7 5 0 i n c l u d e d a Stainer v i o l i n — at the t i m e , a type w i d e l y preferred over v i o l i n s f r o m C r e m o n a — whose value was r e p o r t e d t o be 8 Reichsthaler, o r a b i t less than £2. I n 1 7 9 1 , a Stainer v i o l i n was a u c t i o n e d o f f i n L o n d o n for £ 1 3 7 ; nearer i n t i m e t o Bach's death, i n 1 7 5 6 , an excellent v i o l i n o f C r e m o n a provenance b r o u g h t £ 3 8 i n L o n d o n . Either Bach's v i o l i n was t r e m e n d o u s l y u n d e r v a l u e d i n the estate i n v e n t o r y , o r there was a massive failure o f arbitrage t o equalize the prices o f c o m p a r a b l e objects across distant geographic markets. N o value was attached t o the t r o v e o f priceless musical manuscripts left by Bach. Bach's heirs h a d o n l y modest financial success disposing o f his manuscripts, b u t f o r t y - p l u s years later, Constanze M o z a r t s h r e w d l y b r o u g h t i n substantial sums selling her husband's musical manuscripts, whose official estate valuat i o n c a n n o t have exceeded £ 2 . 1 3 1
1 3 2
1 3 3
T h i r d , then as n o w , some i n d i v i d u a l s gave a w a y substantial fractions o f their assets i n a n t i c i p a t i o n o f death, a n d w h a t was given d i d n o t appear i n the p o s t m o r t e m estate assessments. As n o t e d earlier, Giuseppe V e r d i donated 7 7 5 , 0 0 0 francs ( a p p r o x i m a t e l y £ 3 0 , 5 0 0 ) t o e n d o w a h o m e f o r r e t i r e d musicians. T h i s plus the estimated value o f his Busetto v i l l a h a d t o be i n c l u d e d t o o b t a i n a reasonable estimate o f Verdi's endof-life f o r t u n e . T h e case o f N i c c o l ò Paganini is m o r e difficult. A f t e r his performance career ended a n d his health deteriorated, Paganini emb a r k e d u p o n an o r g y o f gifts a n d investments, some o f w h i c h p r o v e d i n h i n d s i g h t t o be unwise, such as an estate i n Parma f o r 3 0 0 , 0 0 0 lire ( £ 9 , 9 0 0 ) o n w h i c h he failed t o o b t a i n clear t i t l e ; a second palazzo f o r 3 3 , 0 0 0 lire; a n d an investment t h a t u l t i m a t e l y m o u n t e d t o 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 francs ( £ 3 , 3 0 0 ) i n an ill-conceived Parisian casino scheme. H e also made a l o a n t o his banker o f 2 1 7 , 0 0 0 lire; created t r u s t funds f o r his t w o sisters t o t a l l i n g 1 2 5 , 0 0 0 lire; a n d gave 2 0 , 0 0 0 francs t o H e c t o r Berlioz. Even t h o u g h Paganini was forced t o b o r r o w funds a n d sell 134
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valuables t o cover his cash needs d u r i n g the last t w o years o f his life, his net w o r t h is estimated here t o include at face value his gifts a n d invest ments o n the a s s u m p t i o n t h a t , absent the s h a d o w o f death, Paganini w o u l d n o t have been so profligate. T h e reader m a y o f course disagree. A f o u r t h p r o b l e m arises i n stating the various net w o r t h estimates i n some c o m m o n m o n e t a r y d e n o m i n a t o r . T h e p o u n d sterling, one o f the m o s t stable E u r o p e a n currencies, is t a k e n as the standard. A s one sees i n the a p p e n d i x t o chapter 1 , exchange rates fluctuated w i d e l y over t i m e , a n d they are at best estimated w i t h i m p r e c i s i o n . R a m p a n t infla t i o n a n d currency d e v a l u a t i o n made i t especially difficult t o c o n v e r t Viennese estate values f r o m the t i m e o f the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s . F o r five such cases, w e benefit f r o m the careful 1795 p u r c h a s i n g - p o w e r adjust ments made by Julia M o o r e . I n a d d i t i o n t o changing w i t h i n f l a t i o n , wage a n d asset values tended t o increase over the t w o centuries covered by o u r sample because o f r i s i n g p r o s p e r i t y a t t r i b u t a b l e t o feudal re f o r m s a n d the i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n . T o o b t a i n a relatively constant b e n c h m a r k , o u r final estimates take m o n e t a r y estate values c u r r e n t a r o u n d the t i m e o f death a n d d i v i d e t h e m by an i n d e x o f the n o m i n a l wages received by b u i l d i n g craftsmen i n the s o u t h o f E n g l a n d , w i t h the b e n c h m a r k year set as 1 7 9 0 . T h e final estimates therefore a t t e m p t n o t o n l y t o s t r i p a w a y localized i n f l a t i o n b u t also t o adjust estate values f o r changes i n the c o m p e n s a t i o n o f an "average" skilled E n g l i s h w o r k e r . Since, as w e saw i n the a p p e n d i x t o chapter 1, the inflation-adjusted earnings o f such w o r k e r s nearly t r e b l e d between 1 8 0 0 a n d 1 8 9 5 , o u r figures t e n d t o underestimate the real purchasing p o w e r o f assets f o r later periods. T h e results f o r the 23 composers o n w h o m data o f acceptable q u a l i t y were available are s u m m a r i z e d i n table 4 . 1 i n descending order o f estate values adjusted f o r E n g l i s h b u i l d i n g craftsmens' earnings. There are, n o t surprisingly, huge differences a m o n g the various composers. Despite h a v i n g r e t i r e d f r o m active opera c o m p o s i t i o n at the age o f thirty-seven a n d l i v i n g the life o f a gentleman thereafter, Rossini heads the list. M u z i o C l e m e n t i , w h o enlarged an already appreciable f o r t u n e f r o m p i ano teaching by f o u n d i n g a firm t h a t p u b l i s h e d sheet music a n d later m a n u f a c t u r e d pianos, fared second best despite an 1 8 0 7 p i a n o f a c t o r y fire o n w h i c h insurance coverage was deficient by some £ 1 5 , 0 0 0 . F r o m the narratives o n his d e c l i n i n g revenues, h i g h expenses, a n d a c c u m u l a t i n g debts, i t s h o u l d be n o surprise t h a t W o l f g a n g A m a d e u s M o z a r t trails the list, w i t h s e l d o m - e m p l o y e d Franz Schubert i n second t o last place. T h e wealthiest 10 percent (by c o u n t , 2) o f the composers together accounted f o r 4 4 . 4 percent o f the 23 composers' estate w e a l t h ; the wealthiest 2 0 percent (5 composers), 80.3 percent. F o r 13 other c o m posers, i t was possible t o m a k e q u a l i t a t i v e judgments a b o u t estate sizes, 1 3 5
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COMPOSERS' ASPIRATIONS TABLE 4 . 1 V A L U E O F 23 COMPOSERS' ESTATES A T OR N E A R T I M E O F D E A T H
Estate Value Composer
Born
Own House?
£ at Time of Death
Craftsmen- WageAdjusted £
Gioachino Rossini Muzio Clementi G. F. Handel Niccolò Paganini Giuseppe Verdi Johannes Brahms Carl Czerny Gaetano Donizetti Franz Liszt J. P. Rameau J. N . Hummel Antonio Salieri Vincenzo Bellini F. J. Haydn Robert Schumann Ludwig van Beethoven Leopold Mozart César Franck J. S. Bach Michael Haydn Johann Vanhal Franz Schubert W. A. Mozart
1792 1752 1685 1782 1813 1833 1791 1797 1811 1683 1778 1750 1801 1732 1810 1770 1719 1822 1685 1737 1739 1797 1756
Yes Unknown Yes Yes Yes No Unknown Yes No Unknown Yes Yes No Yes No No No Unknown No No No No No
97,580 45,664 21,000 30,284 39,400 24,295 10,000 7,831 8,266 1,905 2,928 1,893 1,563 950 1,540 612 224 393 30 33 10 -14 -99
47,071 29,472 26,630 19,935 15,766 9,955 5,690 4,976 3,534 2,353 1,880 1,773 1,006 890 880 573 232 166 39 24 9 -13 -93
w i t h the categories being " s u b s t a n t i a l , " "modest," " s m a l l , " " n i l , " and "negative." A s s u m i n g extremely crudely the " s u b s t a n t i a l " estates t o be valued at the upper 2 0 percentile p o i n t o f the adjusted value d i s t r i b u t i o n i n table 4 . 1 , the " m o d e r a t e " estates at the m e d i a n , the " s m a l l " estates at the 7 5 t h percentile, a n d "negative" estates t o have an adjusted value o f —30, one finds t h a t the wealthiest 10 percent o f composers accounted for 52.8 percent o f t o t a l estate assets, a n d the wealthiest 2 0 percent o f composers held 72.5 percent o f estate assets. These net w o r t h estimates come f r o m a t r i p l y biased sample. T o enter o u r large sample, a composer h a d t o have some o f his music listed i n the Schwann catalogue for Fall 1 9 9 6 . Second, the sample selected for reading o f full-length biographies was biased t o w a r d the m o r e p r o d u c tive composers, as i n d i c a t e d by the length o f Schwann catalogue listings. Indeed, i t includes a l l the t o p 2 6 Schwann catalogue composers.
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T h i r d , t o enter table 4 . 1 , the composer's life h a d t o be interesting e n o u g h f o r biographers t o have i n c l u d e d detailed i n f o r m a t i o n o n sur v i v i n g estate values. T h u s , by a n d large, the composers recorded i n table 4 . 1 are " w i n n e r s " i n the j u d g m e n t o f posterity, even i f n o t at the cash register. T o the extent t h a t musical o u t p u t h o n o r e d by posterity yielded i m m e d i a t e economic benefits —a p o i n t t o w h i c h w e r e t u r n — one m i g h t expect the sampled composers m o s t l y t o have done w e l l economically, w h i c h means t h a t those i n the intermediate ranks o f the table 4 . 1 d i s t r i b u t i o n m a y have fared better t h a n w o u l d a completely r a n d o m selection o f composers. T h i s conjecture can be tested t h a n k s t o the p a i n s t a k i n g research o f Julia M o o r e . U s i n g Viennese estate v a l u a t i o n archives, she o b t a i n e d net estate value estimates for a t o t a l o f 69 Kapellmeister, freelance c o m posers, a n d o r d i n a r y c o u r t musicians w h o died i n a p e r i o d s p a n n i n g the heyday o f M o z a r t a n d Beethoven. A l l were adjusted by M o o r e t o c o n stant 1795 purchasing-power levels. For the 4 2 freelance composers a n d Kapellmeister, the t o p - r a n k e d 10 percent accounted for 6 4 . 0 percent o f t o t a l composer net w o r t h a n d the t o p 2 0 percent for 92.9 percent. T h e shares o f the leaders are higher t h a n for o u r m o r e select samples o f 23 o r 3 6 composers, a l l p r o m i n e n t enough t o survive a n d enter the Schwann listings. W h e n the list is augmented w i t h instrumentalists w h o lacked c o u r t leadership p o s i t i o n s , b u t w h o played i n c o u r t orchestras, one finds t h a t the t o p 10 percent accounted for 86.5 percent o f the 69 musicians' t e r m i n a l net w o r t h a n d the t o p 2 0 percent f o r 98.9 percent o f the net w o r t h . T h i s increase i n c o n c e n t r a t i o n occurs because the back-chair musicians were a l m o s t u n i f o r m l y less w e a l t h y t h a n the free lance composers a n d Kapellmeister (the f o r m e r s ' average estate net w o r t h was o n l y 5 percent t h a t o f the l a t t e r ) , b u t their a d d i t i o n t o the c o u n t meant t h a t a larger n u m b e r o f w e a l t h y i n d i v i d u a l s w o u l d be i n cluded i n the t o p 10 a n d 2 0 percent tallies. T h e less selective the sample, the higher is the share o f some given f r a c t i o n o f w e a l t h leaders. 1 3 7
138
D i s t r i b u t i o n s such as these, i n w h i c h the t o p - r a n k e d members ac c o u n t for the lion's share o f t o t a l sample w e a l t h or other q u a n t i t a t i v e attributes, are k n o w n as skew d i s t r i b u t i o n s . T h e y are t y p i c a l o f a l l such economic o u t c o m e d i s t r i b u t i o n s , w h e t h e r the focus be i n d i v i d u a l w e a l t h , p o p u l a r m o t i o n p i c t u r e o r r e c o r d receipts, o r the share o f stock m a r k e t p o r t f o l i o value a t t r i b u t a b l e after a substantial h o l d i n g p e r i o d t o the m o s t successful h i g h - t e c h n o l o g y enterprises. For the U n i t e d States as a w h o l e , the t o p 10 percent o f a l l families, r a n k e d i n descending order o f net w o r t h i n 1 9 9 8 , accounted for 53.3 percent o f t o t a l f a m i l y net w o r t h ; the t o p 25 percent for 7 9 . 7 percent. 139
140
Economists have l o n g speculated a b o u t the reasons for these skew w e a l t h d i s t r i b u t i o n s . There are three m a i n categories o f e x p l a n a t i o n , i n
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all o f w h i c h some k i n d o f uncertainty plays a key r o l e . T h e m o s t p o p u lar, w h i c h seems largely irrelevant t o the fortunes o f composers, is t h a t w e a l t h is accumulated t h r o u g h year-by-year investment, w i t h investors w h o enjoy a r u n o f l u c k d o i n g better t h a n those w h o are u n l u c k y (or i n e p t ) . Second, there m a y be " p a t h dependence" i n the fortunes o f a composer. Those w h o succeed at an early stage o f t h e i r careers i n at t r a c t i n g p u b l i c o r noble patrons' enthusiasm a n d b e c o m i n g superstars g a i n t h r o u g h a k i n d o f self-reinforcing s n o w b a l l effect fortunes d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e t o those l a c k i n g such auspicious beginnings. T h i s explana t i o n u n d o u b t e d l y has some relevance i n e x p l a i n i n g the skew d i s t r i b u t i o n o f composer w e a l t h . Finally, the more-or-less G o d - g i v e n d i s t r i b u t i o n o f talent a n d a b i l i t y t o m a r k e t oneself successfully t o the p u b l i c is u n d o u b t edly d i s t r i b u t e d unequally. Some are e n d o w e d w i t h better a b i l i t y t o t h r i v e i n j o b markets, freelance c o m p o s i t i o n , or performance markets t h a n others. There is evidence t h a t such differences i n inherent o p p o r t u n i t y — difficult o r impossible t o identify i n advance — help e x p l a i n the outcomes o f high-technology investments, a n d i t w o u l d n o t be unreasonable t o believe t h a t an analogous s a m p l i n g process was at w o r k i n d e t e r m i n i n g the fortunes o f composers. 141
142
W e advance f r o m this speculative r e a l m t o ask w h e t h e r w e can iden t i f y systematic variables t h a t affected composers' success i n accumulat i n g t e r m i n a l w e a l t h , as measured i n the r i g h t m o s t c o l u m n o f table 4 . 1 . F o u r plausible e x p l a n a t o r y variables c o u l d be quantified: the year o f the composer's b i r t h , the n u m b e r o f years l i v e d , w h e t h e r the composer en gaged i n substantial freelance c o m p o s i t i o n or performance, a n d the composers' musical o u t p u t , as measured by the length o f listings i n the 1 9 9 6 Schwann Opus catalogue. A m o n g the variables, o n l y the one mea suring the years lived by a composer was statistically significant: the longer a composer's life, the higher adjusted w e a l t h was, other things being e q u a l . W e a l t h tended t o be higher f o r composers b o r n i n later periods, even t h o u g h the w e a l t h values were adjusted ( i n later years, d o w n w a r d ) t o reflect increasing b u i l d i n g craftsmen earnings over t i m e . Composers w h o p l u n g e d i n t o freelance activities fared slightly b u t insig nificantly better t h a n those w h o earned their l i v i n g m a i n l y t h r o u g h em p l o y m e n t w i t h the n o b i l i t y o r the c h u r c h . Being j u d g e d w e l l b y poster ity, as evidenced by the length o f Schwann catalogue listings, was negatively b u t w e a k l y correlated w i t h c o n t e m p o r a r y w e a l t h accumula t i o n , other things being equal. I n other w o r d s , financial success d u r i n g a composer's lifetime d i d n o t project systematically i n t o r e p u t a t i o n a l suc cess over a longer h i s t o r i c a l perspective. L e o p o l d M o z a r t advised his son t h a t he s h o u l d c h a r t his career recognizing t h a t w h a t really m a t tered was t o become "a famous Kapellmeister a b o u t w h o m p o s t e r i t y w i l l read i n b o o k s . " C e r t a i n l y W o l f g a n g achieved t h a t , even i f n o t a 143
144
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substantial net w o r t h d u r i n g his lifetime. Yet i f the regression results can be e x t r a p o l a t e d , b o t h M o z a r t a n d Franz Schubert m i g h t have a c c u m u lated m o r e w e a l t h i f they h a d been granted the gift o f a longer l i f e . 145
FASHION A N D PUBLIC RELATIONS
T o say t h a t the fortunes o f composers depended entirely o n chance v a r i ations i n n a t u r a l talent a n d accidents o f the fates w o u l d be t o go t o o far. H o w composers used t h e i r talent a n d h o w they responded t o their o p p o r t u n i t i e s were also i m p o r t a n t . Changing
Tastes
Especially i m p o r t a n t was composers' a d a p t a b i l i t y t o the c h a n g i n g tastes o f music patrons a n d other aficionados. A few days before he was b o o t e d o u t o f G r a f A r c o ' s V i e n n a chambers, m a r k i n g the e n d o f his servitude t o P r i n c e - A r c h b i s h o p C o l l o r e d o , M o z a r t was w a r n e d b y G r a f Arco: 1 4 6
Believe me, you let yourself be blinded here. Here [in Vienna] the fame of a person is short-lived. A t the beginning one hears all sorts of praise and earns a great deal of money —that is true —but how long? After some months the Viennese want something new. M o z a r t a c k n o w l e d g e d t o his father t h a t there was w i s d o m i n this w a r n i n g , b u t he argued t h a t the fickleness o f the Viennese a p p l i e d m o r e t o theater c o m p o s i t i o n s (such as opera) t h a n t o the p i a n o music at w h i c h M o z a r t excelled. A n d w h e n he h a d accumulated fame a n d f o r t u n e w i t h his c o m p o s i t i o n s , he w o u l d i n any event leave V i e n n a i f the p u b l i c t i r e d o f h i m . M o z a r t was certainly aware t h a t composers h a d t o be sensitive t o audience tastes. A f t e r L e o p o l d w a r n e d h i m i n 1780 t o w r i t e n o t o n l y for the music-appreciating p u b l i c b u t also for the u n m u s i c a l , o f w h o m there were 100 f o r each ten true connoisseurs, W o l f g a n g assured his father t h a t i n his opera Idomeneo there was music for every species o f listener. Similarly, describing his strategy i n c o m p o s i n g three p i a n o concertos whose scores were offered f o r sale by s u b s c r i p t i o n i n 1 7 8 3 , M o z a r t w r o t e t h a t "the concertos strike a balance between being t o o difficult a n d t o o l i g h t — they are b r i l l i a n t — pleasant f o r the ears, n a t u rally, w i t h o u t falling i n t o emptiness — every n o w a n d t h e n o n l y the ex perts are gratified, b u t the great u n w a s h e d m u s t also be satisfied w i t h o u t k n o w i n g w h y . " I n this he m a y have been f o l l o w i n g the example o f his early m e n t o r J o h a n n C h r i s t i a n Bach, w h o a i m e d the v a r i o u s m o v e ments o f his L o n d o n symphonies at diverse segments o f the audience, 147
1 4 8
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targeting the finales t o w a r d those o f the least refined taste. Whether M o z a r t c o n t i n u e d t o f o l l o w these early principles is questionable. D u r ing the late 1780s, as his economic fortunes began t o w o r s e n , he ad vised his l i v e - i n student J o h a n n N e p o m u k H u m m e l : 149
1 5 0
Go as far as you can, my son, avoid the everyday tinkling and hurdygurdy playing, the nail-smith hammering, the powerful claptrap and thrashing about w i t h hands and fingers, that God have mercy, mindless critics call music. Remain true to your own feelings, my Hansl, it w i l l never lead you astray. I t seems clear t h a t i n his later V i e n n a years M o z a r t ' s music was some times t o o sublime for the tastes o f V i e n n a listeners. B u t ascertaining the reasons for the decline i n his economic fortunes is m o r e c o m p l e x . T h e w a r w i t h T u r k e y certainly h a d an i m p a c t , as d i d the cabals t h a t h a d been o p e r a t i n g against M o z a r t f r o m the t i m e o f his 1 7 6 7 V i e n n a visit, as d i d nobles' resentment over M o z a r t ' s unfavorable p o r t r a y a l o f their foibles i n Figaro a n d Don Giovanni. T h e t y p i c a l music patron's tastes d u r i n g m u c h o f the eighteenth cen t u r y a n d the early nineteenth century were far n a r r o w e r a n d m o r e fickle t h a n those o f t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y classical music lovers. I n opera, f o r ex ample, patrons demanded several n e w operas each season, a n d o l d suc cesses were rarely repeated i n subsequent seasons unless the music was extensively r e w r i t t e n , often w i t h title changes. O n l y i n the second h a l f o f the nineteenth century d i d r e p e r t o r y opera —the performance o f es tablished classics w i t h o u t substantial change — become c o m m o n p l a c e . O n the i n s t r u m e n t a l side, J o h a n n Sebastian Bach's p o l y p h o n i e s a n d i n novative progressions displeased the average churchgoer o f his t i m e , leading t o c o m p l a i n t s by the A r n s t a d t c h u r c h consistory a b o u t Bach's m a k i n g " m a n y curious variationes i n the chorale, a n d m i n g l e d m a n y strange tones i n i t , and for the fact t h a t the C o n g r e g a t i o n has been confused by i t . " I n a 1730 essay o n i m p o r t a n t G e r m a n composers, G e o r g P h i l i p p Telemann failed even t o m e n t i o n J. S. Bach, apparently because Bach's c o m p l e x c o n t r a p u n t a l music was considered o l d fashioned. Beethoven's early symphonies, n o t a b l y the T h i r d (Eroica) a n d F i f t h , were perceived by the Viennese p u b l i c a n d the press as t o o avant-garde a n d dissonant. B u t b y the t h i r d decade o f the nineteenth century, Beethoven's w o r k s h a d been overshadowed i n p o p u l a r i t y by the operas o f Rossini, w h o , i n Beethoven's o w n e v a l u a t i o n , "suits the f r i v o lous a n d sensuous spirit o f the t i m e s . " Similarly, Beethoven said i n 1 8 2 2 t o a v i s i t o r a b o u t his once-popular p i a n o solo pieces, " T h e y w e n t out o f fashion here l o n g ago, a n d [ i n V i e n n a ] fashion is e v e r y t h i n g . " Rejecting the advice o f his f a m i l y members t o compose music less re fined a n d m o r e suited t o a larger p u b l i c , César Franck persisted i n w r i t 1 5 1
152
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i n g his n o w - r e v e r e d S y m p h o n y i n D M i n o r ( m o t t o ) , presented t o an "ice c o l d " Paris C o n s e r v a t o r y audience i n 1 8 8 9 . T o be sure, n o t a l l music lovers' tastes were n a r r o w a n d m e r c u r i a l . I n L o n d o n d u r i n g the closing decades o f the eighteenth century, a m i n o r i t y o f concertgoers were devotees o f the Concert o f A n c i e n t M u s i c , w h i c h p e r f o r m e d the w o r k s o f J o h a n n Sebastian Bach a n d restored George Frideric H a n d e l t o p r o m i n e n c e , leading eventually t o large-scale H a n d e l C o m m e m o r a t i o n concerts b e g i n n i n g i n 1 7 8 4 a n d c o n t i n u i n g i n t o the 1790s. I n V i e n n a , s m a l l groups met o n Sundays b e g i n n i n g i n the 1780s at the h o m e o f B a r o n G o t t f r i e d v a n Swieten a n d i n other venues arranged by h i m t o p e r f o r m a n d hear the nearly f o r g o t t e n w o r k s o f J. S. Bach, C.P.E. Bach, a n d H a n d e l . A m o n g the p a r t i c i p a n t s were M o z a r t a n d Beethoven, whose often declared a d m i r a t i o n for Bach a n d H a n d e l stemmed at least i n p a r t f r o m those sessions. 155
156
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Adaptation Some composers adapted flexibly t o perceived changes i n p u b l i c tastes. T h e m o s t notable success story is t h a t o f H a n d e l . By the 1730s, i t be came clear t h a t L o n d o n operagoers were t i r i n g o f operas presented i n I t a l i a n . T h e s i t u a t i o n was c o m p l i c a t e d b y the existence o f t w o separate companies c o m p e t i n g t o present star-studded I t a l i a n operas, a n d H a n del, as i m p r e s a r i o a n d p r i n c i p a l composer for the older company, tee tered o n the b r i n k o f b a n k r u p t c y . B u t H a n d e l saw a possible s o l u t i o n , i n t r o d u c i n g i n 1732 an English-language o r a t o r i o Esther. W h e n its suc cess p r o v e d durable, he f o l l o w e d w i t h a series o f English language or a t o r i o s , i n c l u d i n g Alexander's E east, Israel in Egypt, Messiah, Samson, a n d Judas Maccabaeus, n o t a l l o f w h i c h were financially successful (Messiah was m u c h m o r e successful i n i t i a l l y i n D u b l i n t h a n i n L o n d o n ) , b u t w h i c h together restored Handel's b a n k balances. Similarly, d u r i n g the 1780s, w h e n Joseph H a y d n began c o m p o s i n g symphonies for an audience b e y o n d the Esterházy c o u r t , he adopted m o r e expansive or chestration a n d changed his style i n other ways t o appeal t o broader groups. Even so, after his o r a t o r i o The Creation was received w i t h great enthusiasm i n 1799 by the Viennese, his later o r a t o r i o , The Sea sons, was p e r f o r m e d t o half-full performance halls. H i s biographers o b serve t h a t "the fickle Viennese were t u r n i n g a w a y f r o m their d a r l i n g . " I n her early 1840s Paris concerts, Clara Schumann f o u n d m o s t listeners t o be " f r i v o l o u s a n d superficial." She saved for the final periods o f m u sical soirees, w h e n o n l y the connoisseurs remained, m o r e serious w o r k s , i n c l u d i n g the c o m p o s i t i o n s o f her h u s b a n d R o b e r t . M a n y composers, i n c l u d i n g C l e m e n t i , H a y d n , Beethoven, C a r l M a r i a v o n Weber, a n d B r a h m s , responded t o p o p u l a r tastes b y d e p a r t i n g f r o m t h e i r n o r m a l 158
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styles a n d orchestrating p o p u l a r pieces (for instance, Beethoven's "easy a n d pleasant" Scottish and I r i s h song settings ) t h a t b r o u g h t substan t i a l h o n o r a r i a f r o m publishers. Others adapted less w e l l . Vivaldi's plunge i n t o debt as a result o f operas he p r o d u c e d i n Ferrara d u r i n g the 1730s was a t t r i b u t a b l e i n p a r t t o changes i n operatic taste t o w a r d a bel canto style he s h u n n e d . JeanPhillipe Rameau lamented late i n life, " M u s i c is perishing; taste is changing at every m o m e n t . I s h o u l d n o t k n o w h o w t o manage i t i f I h a d t o w o r k as I d i d i n the p a s t . " Rossini's cessation o f opera w r i t i n g for pay was a t t r i b u t a b l e n o t o n l y t o satisfaction w i t h the f o r t u n e he h a d accumulated a n d a desire f o r leisure, b u t also by the r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t audiences n o w preferred m o r e serious w o r k s over his f l o r i d rococo style, a n d he was unable a n d u n w i l l i n g t o cater t o the changing de mand. V e r d i , w h o c o n t i n u e d w r i t i n g operas at a less frenzied pace i n t o his final years, was m o r e p h i l o s o p h i c a l : 161
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When an artist allows himself to have two or three successes while young, still under thirty, he can be sure that the public w i l l then grow tired of him. . . . If the artist has the strength to stand up to this turn of the tide [and abuse by the public] and go ahead on his own path, he'll be safe by the time he's forty. Then the public no longer has contempt for him but puts on its grand airs, keeping a gun cocked, ready at any time to let him have a good burst of shot. W r i t i n g i n her diary, Clara Schumann observed sadly t h a t the thenfamous composer Ignaz Moscheles h a d o u t l i v e d the reception for his w o r k s , a n d t h a t " g r a d u a l l y the enthusiasm for h i m evaporates, and t h a t m u s t cause h i m p a i n . " 1 6 6
Militaristic
Themes
A p o w e r f u l means o f g r a t i f y i n g c o n t e m p o r a r y musical tastes was the c o m p o s i t i o n o f p a t r i o t i c anthems i n t i m e o f war. T h e change i n H a n del's economic fortunes is clearly traceable t o the 1740s. D u r i n g this p e r i o d he composed t w o m a j o r w o r k s w i t h e x p l i c i t p a t r i o t i c appeal: his s t i r r i n g Dettingen Te Deum, w r i t t e n t o h o n o r England's June 1743 vic t o r y at D e t t i n g e n , Germany, over the hated French; a n d Judas Mac cabaeus, an o r a t o r i o c o m m e m o r a t i n g the famous ancient H e b r e w gen eral, w r i t t e n as the forces o f K i n g George I I prepared t o defeat i n A p r i l 1 7 4 6 a r e b e l l i o n by Stuart pretenders t o the B r i t i s h t h r o n e . A H a n d e l biographer asserts t h a t Judas Maccabaeus, w h i c h enjoyed fifty perfor mances d u r i n g his lifetime, " t u r n e d H a n d e l i n t o a n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n , henceforth unassailable" w i t h a " p u b l i c t h a t lived t h r o u g h the Spanish a n d A u s t r i a n w a r s a n d the Stuart r e b e l l i o n . . . eager t o hear B r i t a i n
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praised." H o w m u c h o f Handel's subsequent w e a l t h a c c u m u l a t i o n , despite occasional setbacks, was a t t r i b u t a b l e t o these p o p u l a r i t y - e n t r e n c h i n g w o r k s a n d h o w m u c h t o his general a d o p t i o n o f English-lan guage o r a t o r i o s over I t a l i a n operas a n d his sale o f tickets t o the general p u b l i c as w e l l as t o advance subscribers (resumed, after a hiatus, w i t h Judas Maccabaeus) is impossible t o determine. Similarly, the m o s t successful benefit concerts u n d e r t a k e n by Bee t h o v e n , i n 1813 a n d 1 8 1 4 , c o m b i n e d the grandest piece o f schlock ever w r i t t e n b y Beethoven, the so-called Battle Symphony, o r Wellington's Victory, w i t h the magnificent Seventh Symphony. T h e Battle S y m p h o n y c o m m e m o r a t e d the v i c t o r y o f England's General A r t h u r Wellesley W e l l i n g t o n over the forces o f Joseph N a p o l e o n , b r o t h e r o f N a p o l e o n Bona parte a n d self-asserted K i n g o f Spain, at V i t o r i a , Spain, i n June 1 8 1 3 . A t the i n i t i a l performances o f Wellington's Victory, J o h a n n N e p o m u k H u m m e l a n d G i a c o m o Meyerbeer beat the d r u m s a n d A n t o n i o Salieri directed b a t t l e - s i m u l a t i n g instruments i n the balcony. T h e applause at the first concert is said t o have risen t o "the p o i n t o f ecstacy." Bee thoven's amanuensis A n t o n Schindler w r o t e t h a t this was "one o f the m o s t i m p o r t a n t m o m e n t s i n the life o f the master, at w h i c h a l l the h i t h erto divergent voices, save those o f the professional musicians, u n i t e d i n p r o c l a i m i n g h i m w o r t h y o f the l a u r e l . " Those concerts plus a success ful r e m o u n t i n g o f Fidelio let Beethoven earn m o r e f r o m p u b l i c concerts i n 1 8 1 4 t h a n i n a l l the other years o f his life t a k e n together, p e r m i t t i n g h i m t o b u y b a n k stock shares t h a t c o m p r i s e d most o f his f o r t u n e at the t i m e o f his death t h i r t e e n years later. 167
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M a n y other composers, such as A n t o n i o V i v a l d i , A n t o n i o Salieri, H e c t o r Berlioz, R o b e r t Schumann, B e d r i c h Smetana, a n d C a m i l l e SaintSaëns w r o t e music calculated t o arouse p u b l i c spirits i n times o f m i l i t a r y or r e v o l u t i o n a r y fervor. Perhaps the m o s t lasting successes were those o f Joseph H a y d n , whose 1 7 9 4 L o n d o n S y m p h o n y n o . 100 (the Military) is said by his biographers t o have "caught the spirit o f the day i n a m i r a c ulous w a y " a n d t o have been "the greatest success o f his w h o l e career." H i s " V o l k s l i e d , " w r i t t e n i n 1 7 9 7 , w h e n the German-speaking p o r t i o n o f E u r o p e was under attack f r o m French forces, became the n a t i o n a l an t h e m o f b o t h A u s t r i a a n d Germany. 171
Self-Promotion
and Press
Relations
Success i n any career depends i n p a r t u p o n one's a b i l i t y a n d willingness t o t h r u s t oneself f o r w a r d ahead o f the j o s t l i n g c r o w d . Franz Schubert's experience defines an extreme i n this respect. H e was shy a n d self-effac i n g by nature, a n d his a b i l i t y t o p r o m o t e himself outside his i m m e d i a t e circle o f close friends was i m p a i r e d even m o r e w h e n at the age o f
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t w e n t y - s i x , as he began t o enjoy p u b l i c r e c o g n i t i o n , he w i t h d r e w f r o m general society for m o r e t h a n a year w i t h the onset o f venereal disease. H i s b i o g r a p h e r questions: 172
Why, w i t h the appearance of [more than 100 published items of] music, ambitious and yet so likeable, did Schubert still fail to catch the ear of Vienna, and hence of musical Europe? One can only remind oneself . . . of Schubert's inability to appear before the public in some executive capac ity. . . . It is . . . impossible to reconcile the externals of Schubert's being w i t h the internal fire of creative energy which transformed h i m when he worked. Frédéric C h o p i n was nearly as m i l d - m a n n e r e d as Schubert, a n d for h i m the stare o f large c r o w d s at concerts was i n t i m i d a t i n g a n d p a r a l y z i n g . B u t like Schubert, he fared w e l l i n s m a l l , i n t i m a t e groups. W h e n a n acquaintance f r o m P o l a n d , Prince W a l e n t y R a d z i w i l l , i n t r o d u c e d h i m i n t o the salon o f Paris's leading banker, B a r o n James de R o t h s c h i l d , a n d f r o m his regular subsequent appearances i n the best Parisian salons, he became the m o s t p o p u l a r m u s i c i a n i n Paris f o r p r o v i d i n g one-on-one p i a n o lessons t o affluent Parisians a n d f o r p e r f o r m i n g his music before small groups. T w o years after m i g r a t i n g t o Paris, C h o p i n r e p o r t e d t o a Warsaw friend: 173
174
I've been led into the best company, sit between ambassadors, princes, ministers, and I don't know through what miracle; for I haven't been per sonally pushy. O n the strength o f his immensely p o p u l a r operas a n d t h e n his selfeffacing h u m o r , G i o a c h i n o Rossini is said t o have i n d u c e d Parisians t o fight for the privilege o f a t t e n d i n g his soirees. W h i l e serving as a h u m ble c h u r c h organist, C a m i l l e Saint-Saëns was t a k e n once t o a Rossini soiree a n d asked t o p e r f o r m . Rossini was characteristically skeptical o f the p r o c l a i m e d prodigies paraded before h i m , b u t recognizing SaintSaëns's genuine talent, he i n v i t e d h i m back repeatedly a n d b r o u g h t h i m t o the notice o f m u s i c - l o v i n g Parisian society. T h e m o r a l is t h a t one's career as a successful composer can be fostered by being accepted i n t o the best circles, a n d for t h a t , one needs the r i g h t c o m b i n a t i o n o f talent, s e l f - p r o m o t i o n , o r w h e n one is reluctant t o b l o w one's o w n h o r n , en thusiastic backers. 175
176
Relations w i t h the press c o u l d also have a n i m p o r t a n t bearing o n composers' acceptance, especially d u r i n g the nineteenth century, as a m o r e v i g o r o u s press c o v e r i n g m u s i c a l matters emerged. A s a j o u r n a l i s t himself w h o was c r i t i c a l o f c o n t e m p o r a r y trends i n Parisian music, Hec t o r Berlioz aroused the a n t i p a t h y o f the Paris O p é r a a u t h o r i t i e s , f e l l o w musicians, a n d journalists. Consequently, except i n the closing years o f
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his life, his w o r k s tended t o elicit l u k e w a r m o r even negative reviews f r o m the local press. H i s reception was m u c h m o r e positive o n concert t o u r s t o Germany, Prague, A u s t r i a , Russia, a n d E n g l a n d , where there was n o latent h o s t i l i t y . César Franck's early acceptance as composer a n d p i a n o performer was i n h i b i t e d inter alia by the persistent o p p o s i t i o n o f a leading Parisian newspaper c r i t i c . T h e success o f Johannes Brahms i n V i e n n a was aided i n p a r t by s t r o n g s u p p o r t f r o m Vienna's b e s t - k n o w n music c r i t i c , E d u a r d H a n slick. C l a r a Schumann gave Brahms a c o p y o f Hanslick's b o o k , Vom musikalistischen Schönen ( O n Beauty i n M u s i c ) . H e r e p o r t e d back t o C l a r a i n 1 8 5 6 t h a t " I w a n t e d t o read i t , b u t paging t h r o u g h i t I f o u n d so m a n y d u m b things t h a t I p u t i t aside." Brahms made his first t r i p t o V i e n n a i n 1 8 6 2 , a n d i n 1 8 6 3 , he was offered the directorship o f the V i e n n a Singakademie. H e m u s t have come i n t o contact w i t h H a n s l i c k i n the process, for i n 1863 he w r o t e t o H a n s l i c k accepting the offer a n d adding: 177
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I must still express my great thanks for your outstanding book about Beauty in Music, to which I owe most delectable hours, enlightenment, yes, a kind of tranquility. . . . For one who understands his craft there is w o r k to do everywhere in our art and science, and I wish that we may soon be as handsomely enlightened about other matters. W h e t h e r Brahms h a d changed his m i n d a b o u t Hanslick's c o n t r i b u t i o n o r w h e t h e r he was strategically c u l t i v a t i n g an i m p o r t a n t p o t e n t i a l backer is unclear. W h a t w e d o k n o w is t h a t i n subsequent years, B r a h m s a n d H a n s l i c k became the closest o f friends, a m o n g other things sharing v a c a t i o n locales a n d b i r t h d a y celebrations. A n d Hanslick's favorable re views certainly c o n t r i b u t e d t o the acceptance o f Brahms's music. T h a t the friendship was eventually sincere is revealed i n a m u c h later letter a b o u t H a n s l i c k t o Clara S c h u m a n n : 181
I can't help i t , I know few people to w h o m I feel as sincerely drawn as to him. I consider it very fine and very rare to be as simply good, well-mean ing, honest, truly modest, and everything else I know him to be. . . . That he is uncommonly competent in his field I am entitled to say, the more so since we have very different outlooks — however, I demand and expect of him nothing that's unjustifiable. T h e p r o c l a i m e d attitude o f Brahms's c o n t e m p o r a r y , Giuseppe V e r d i , t o w a r d the musical press was m u c h less amicable: 182
I write my operas as well as I can, and let things go their way without ever trying to influence public opinion in the slightest. . . . Nowadays, what an apparatus accompanies each opera! . . . Journalists . . . all must carry their stone to the edifice of publicity, to build up a framework of
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wretched gossip which adds nothing to the merit of an opera, but merely obscures its real value. This is deplorable, deeply deplorable! W h e t h e r Verdi's aloofness vis-à-vis the press was offset by the p r o m o t i o n a l efforts o f his able managers, G i o v a n n i a n d later T i t o R i c o r d i , w h o p u b l i s h e d a house newspaper a n d engaged i n other p r o m o t i o n a l activities, remains unclear. 183
CONCLUSION
Composers experienced w i d e l y v a r y i n g economic outcomes i n their pur suit o f music as a profession. T h e y were subject t o a b r o a d spectrum o f risks, f r o m the hereditary a n d e n v i r o n m e n t a l variables t h a t d e t e r m i n e d h o w m u c h talent a n d energy they b r o u g h t t o their pursuits t o eventspecific risks d e t e r m i n i n g h o w w e l l p a r t i c u l a r strategies, decisions, a n d u n d e r t a k i n g s t u r n e d o u t . T h a t m u c h seems clear. N o w w e advance o n t o h i g h l y speculative g r o u n d . I t is possible, as I have argued elsewhere w i t h respect t o m o d e r n h i g h technology investments, t h a t the skew d i s t r i b u t i o n o f p o t e n t i a l rewards c o n f r o n t i n g composers p r o v i d e d a m o r e o r less ideal m o t i v a t i o n a l sys t e m t o induce s t r i v i n g t o w a r d fame a n d w e a l t h . Unless their affairs were managed p a r t i c u l a r l y badly, those w h o were gifted enough t o be composers c o u l d at least be reasonably certain o f e m p l o y m e n t , l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s as c o m f o r t a b l e as those enjoyed by less affluent members o f the m i d d l e classes d u r i n g the eighteenth a n d nineteenth centuries, a n d the sheer pleasure o f m a k i n g music. B u t i f their efforts t o excel i n per formance o r freelance c o m p o s i t i o n were u n u s u a l l y effective, they m i g h t achieve, i n Samuel Johnson's apt phrase, riches b e y o n d the dreams o f avarice. As economist Joseph A . Schumpeter observed o f businessmen, n o t composers: 184
185
Spectacular prizes much greater than would have been necessary to call forth the particular effort are thrown to a small minority of winners, thus propelling much more efficaciously than a more equal and more "just" distribution would, the activity of that large majority of businessmen w h o receive in return very modest compensation or nothing or less than noth ing, and yet do their utmost because they have the big prizes before their eyes and overrate their chances of doing equally well. Few composers, t o be sure, succeeded i n g a i n i n g spectacular prizes. T h e payoffs were l i k e those i n a lottery. I t is interesting i n this respect t h a t m a n y o f the m o r e a m b i t i o u s composers, such as M o z a r t , Paganini, Rossini, a n d R o b e r t Schumann, are k n o w n t o have been frequent par ticipants i n the p u b l i c lotteries o f their day. B u t i n those instances, 186
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except i n the case o f Paganini, w h o h a d t o p a w n his v i o l i n s t o cover early g a m b l i n g debts, they were b e t t i n g small sums against the r e m o t e prospect o f a sizable payoff, whereas i n the l o t t e r y o f career decisions, their w h o l e standard o f l i v i n g was at r i s k . T h e conjecture m a y therefore be false, b u t w e leave i t here as a t a n t a l i z i n g possibility.
Chapter 5 T H E GEOGRAPHY OF COMPOSER SUPPLY A N D D E M A N D
A L L BUT 17 a m o n g the sample o f 6 4 6 composers surveyed i n this b o o k were b o r n i n E u r o p e . W e t u r n n o w t o a m o r e detailed analysis o f geo graphic b i r t h a n d e m p l o y m e n t patterns. We ask w h e t h e r some n a t i o n a l locations o r ethnic constellations were m o r e prolific i n g i v i n g b i r t h t o composers, or i n e m p l o y i n g t h e m , t h a n others. 1
G e o g r a p h y c o u l d matter for m a n y reasons. T h e c u l t u r e o f one r e g i o n m a y have b r e d t r a d i t i o n s m o r e conducive t o the performance and en j o y m e n t o f music t h a n others. T h r o u g h o u t the t i m e p e r i o d emphasized here, some n a t i o n a l clusters were m o r e affluent t h a n others, a n d hence m a y have been better able t o p r o v i d e financial s u p p o r t f o r music educa t i o n a n d performance. There are economies o f scale i n some aspects o f music performance. For instance, a large c i t y is better able t h a n small cities consistently t o agglomerate audiences sufficient t o sustain costly opera o r s y m p h o n y orchestra offerings. Perhaps the m o s t interesting hypothesis o n h o w geography affected music c o m p o s i t i o n blends elements o f h i s t o r i c a l accident, p o l i t i c a l structure, a n d social relationships. A l t h o u g h there were fragmentary an tecedents, the hypothesis was first crystallized by the sociologist N o r bert Elias a n d t h e n by W i l l i a m J. B a u m o l , a p r o m i n e n t economist, and Hilda Baumol. T h e i r a r g u m e n t proceeds f r o m the h i s t o r i c a l developments traced i n chapter 2 , w h i c h w e r e v i e w briefly here. D u r i n g the centuries t h a t f o l l o w e d the c o r o n a t i o n o f Charlemagne as R o m a n emperor i n A . D . 8 0 0 , the secular p o w e r o f the emperor (called the H o l y R o m a n Emperor, beginning i n the late t w e l f t h century) over l o c a l k i n g s , princes, and dukes g r a d u a l l y a t r o p h i e d . T o g a i n s u p p o r t i n r e c u r r i n g m i l i t a r y en gagements, the emperor was forced t o g r a n t t e r r i t o r i a l a n d governance concessions t o the rulers o f i n d i v i d u a l states w i t h i n the E m p i r e , espe cially i n w h a t is n o w Germany, the Czech R e p u b l i c , a n d n o r t h e r n Italy. I n France, Spain, Russia, E n g l a n d , a n d H a b s b u r g A u s t r i a ( w h i c h c o n t r o l l e d substantial parts o f n o r t h e r n I t a l y ) , g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r h a d been concentrated by m i l i t a r y force a n d marriages o f convenience under a centralized sovereign ( w i t h Parliament p l a y i n g a r e s t r a i n i n g role i n England). B u t already by the outset o f the T h i r t y Years War, G e r m a n y 2
3
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was d i v i d e d i n t o hundreds o f local k i n g d o m s , p r i n c i p a l i t i e s , a n d d u k e d o m s whose rulers enjoyed substantial a u t o n o m y f r o m the emperor's a u t h o r i t y i n secular matters. T h e 1648 Treaty o f Westphalia c o n f i r m e d this decentralization o f p o w e r i n w h a t is n o w Germany. T h e n u m e r o u s local G e r m a n rulers derived substantial incomes f r o m the f a r m a n d forest lands over w h i c h they exercised feudal d o m a i n o r o u t r i g h t o w n e r s h i p a n d f r o m tariffs i m p o s e d o n trade a n d t r a v e l across t h e i r territories. T h e y c o m p e t e d w i t h one another for prestige by the excellence o f their c o u r t amenities. A m o n g other things, every l o c a l c o u r t (Hof) w o r t h its salt h a d its o w n orchestra or b a n d (Kapelle or Harmonie), a n d the m o r e affluent courts m a i n t a i n e d opera houses. T h i s c o m p e t i t i o n i n conspicuous c o u r t l y c o n s u m p t i o n is said t o have encour aged a flowering o f music c o m p o s i t i o n . T h u s , sociologist Elias argued i n 1991: 4
5
6
In France and England the decisive musical positions were concentrated in the capitals, Paris and London, as a result of state centralisation. A highranking musician in these countries therefore had no chance of escape if he fell out w i t h his princely employer. There were no competing courts that could rival the king's in power, wealth and prestige, and that could have given refuge to, for example, a French musician who had fallen from favor. But in Germany and Italy there were dozens of courts and cities competing for prestige, and thus for musicians. It is no exaggeration to trace the ex traordinary productivity of court music in the territories of the former Ger man empire among other things to this figuration — to the rivalry for pres tige of the many courts and the correspondingly high number of musical posts. A p p a r e n t l y u n a w a r e o f Elias's w o r k , B a u m o l a n d B a u m o l advanced a quite similar argument i n 1994: 7
Obviously, economic and political conditions cannot create talent, but they certainly can either inhibit it or provide opportunities for its exercise. Our main hypothesis is intended to narrow the pertinent geography — to account for the striking level of composing activity emanating from Ger many and Italy. This hypothesis suggests that the political division of the Holy Roman Empire and the Habsburg possessions into many petty states worked to produce the circumstances (notably substantial demand and a profusion of jobs) that help to explain the profusion of musical produc tivity. F r o m these hypotheses w e s h o u l d expect a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e n u m b e r o f composers t o emerge f r o m , a n d w o r k i n , territories t h a t c o m p r i s e d the fragments o f the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e . W e differentiate here between " s t r o n g " a n d " w e a k " f o r m s o f the hypothesis, the s t r o n g f o r m empha-
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sizing G e r m a n y alone, where p o l i t i c a l f r a g m e n t a t i o n was greatest, a n d the w e a k f o r m encompassing the f o u r m a i n E m p i r e remnants (defined by 1 9 9 2 borders) — Germany, A u s t r i a , Czechoslovakia, a n d Italy. T h e effects s h o u l d be observed at least u n t i l the closing decades o f the eigh teenth century, w h e n noble houses apparently t i r e d o f their costly c o m p e t i t i o n f o r prestige, o r the early nineteenth century, w h e n the feudal system collapsed i n western Europe as a result o f economic reforms a n d changes p r e c i p i t a t e d by the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s . T h e lavish s u p p o r t o f musical activities by noble courts does n o t nec essarily i m p l y , however, t h a t the choice o f music as a profession received special stimulus i n the geographic regions w i t h m a n y d u k e d o m s a n d principalities. A s w e have seen i n chapter 4 , there were substantial dis advantages as w e l l as advantages i n being e m p l o y e d as a c o u r t m u s i cian. M o s t c o u r t musicians h a d t o endure onerous servile relationships as underlings o f the feudal l o r d . T h e y were subject t o dismissal at the lord's w h i m , c o u l d n o t leave their positions for a better one w i t h o u t the master's consent, a n d m i g h t find t h e i r freedom t o compose w h a t suited their creative instincts a n d t o p u b l i s h i t elsewhere constrained by the master's c o n t r a r y preferences. A n d even as the g o l d e n age o f c o u r t m u sic reached its z e n i t h d u r i n g the eighteenth century, the I n d u s t r i a l Revo l u t i o n a n d its c o m m e r c i a l precursors were b e g i n n i n g t o materialize, p r o p a g a t i n g a prosperous a n d g r o w i n g m i d d l e class t h a t demanded the c u l t u r a l amenities o f music performance a n d education. These prosper ity-increasing developments were i n i t i a l l y clustered at locations other t h a n those d o m i n a t e d by noble courts, a n d so the courts were by n o means the o n l y places where w o u l d - b e composers c o u l d a p p l y their t a l ents — t o be sure, as w e have seen i n chapter 4 , w i t h m o r e risk for free lance a c t i v i t y i n m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d e n v ir o n m ent s . I t is an o p e n question, therefore, w h e t h e r music c o m p o s i t i o n was n u r t u r e d best i n locations characterized b y a p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f noble courts. We address i t i n this chapter. 8
BIRTH LOCATIONS
O u r m a i n a p p r o a c h w i l l be an analysis o f the birthplace a n d w o r k loca t i o n i n f o r m a t i o n coded for the 6 4 6 composers i n c l u d e d i n o u r large sample, whose d e r i v a t i o n is discussed i n chapter 1. W e begin w i t h figure 5 . 1 , w h i c h shows the n u m b e r o f composers b o r n i n diverse n a t i o n a l territories, as those territories were defined i n 1992 —thus, after the re u n i f i c a t i o n o f East a n d West Germany, b u t before the b r e a k u p o f Czech o s l o v a k i a . I n some cases, the geographic assignments c o u l d n o t be car ried o u t mechanically, b u t r e q u i r e d an element o f subjective j u d g m e n t . 9
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FIGURE 5.1 Number of Composers Born in Nations and National Groups, 1650-1849
F o r G e r m a n y i n particular, 12 composers were b o r n i n t e r r i t o r i e s t h a t housed n u m e r o u s ethnic Germans at the t i m e , b u t w h i c h have since become p a r t o f w h a t i n 1 9 9 2 was Czechoslovakia (Sudetenland), Po l a n d ( i n c l u d i n g Breslau a n d D a n z i g ) , a n d Russia (Königsberg). O n the basis o f f a m i l y ethnicity, 1 1 o f the 12 were classified t o G e r m a n y rather t h a n t o the nations o c c u p y i n g the m o r e recent boundaries. I n some cases, because exact p o p u l a t i o n matches c o u l d n o t be effected, such composers h a d t o be r e m o v e d f r o m analyses t h a t relate composer b i r t h s t o p o p u l a t i o n ( b u t n o t f r o m figure 5.1). Similarly, composers b o r n i n cities t h a t d r i f t e d f r o m one p a r t o f eighteenth-century A u s t r i a t o an other n a t i o n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n — f o r instance, Pressburg, w h i c h was the H a b s b u r g c a p i t a l o f H u n g a r y b u t is n o w Bratislava, i n Slovakia — were assigned t o n a t i o n a l categories o n the basis o f f a m i l y ethnicity, a d d i n g 2 composers o f debatable o r i g i n t o the A u s t r i a n c o u n t , 1 t o H u n g a r y , a n d 1 t o Czechoslovakia. Even t h o u g h he was b o r n i n B o h e m i a d u r i n g a t e m p o r a r y visit t o the family's o r i g i n a l h o m e l a n d , A n t o n Stamitz was classified as G e r m a n i n b i r t h , since his family's p e r m a n e n t residence at the t i m e was M a n n h e i m . G e r m a n y is seen t o have given b i r t h t o the largest n u m b e r o f c o m -
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posers, at 1 4 8 , f o l l o w e d b y I t a l y at 1 1 9 , France at 1 0 1 , w h a t was i n 1 9 9 2 Czechoslovakia 5 2 , a n d E n g l a n d ( i n c l u d i n g Scotland a n d Wales b u t n o t I r e l a n d ) 4 7 . F o r the nations t h a t are n o t i n c l u d e d i n figure 5.1 or t h a t are consolidated i n t o larger r e g i o n a l groups, the 200-year b i r t h tallies are as f o l l o w s : Sweden Denmark Norway Finland Spain Portugal Belgium Netherlands Switzerland
17 7 3 2 17 4 16 9 4
4 2 1 1 1 1 9 1 7
Ireland Romania Yugoslavia Liechtenstein Lithuania Estonia United States Canada Latin America
To be sure, the nations covered here were o f w i d e l y v a r y i n g size. A better test o f the c o m p e t i n g courts hypothesis is achieved b y analyzing the n u m b e r o f composers b o r n per m i l l i o n resident i n h a b i t a n t s . N a t i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n estimates (necessarily crude f o r the earlier p o r t i o n o f o u r 200-year span) were o b t a i n e d f o r 50-year intervals a n d i n t e r p o l a t e d linearly t o i n d i v i d u a l years w i t h i n those i n t e r v a l s . T h e composer b i r t h counts f o r the p r i n c i p a l nations, e x c l u d i n g composers b o r n i n areas o u t side the 1 9 9 2 n a t i o n a l boundaries, were related t o birth-year-matched n a t i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n estimates. Figure 5.2 summarizes the results. 10
Consistent w i t h a b r o a d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the c o m p e t i n g courts hy pothesis, composer b i r t h s per m i l l i o n i n h a b i t a n t s were highest i n the f o u r m a i n remnants o f the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e . Germany, however, w i t h the largest p r o f u s i o n o f independent p r i n c i p a l i t i e s a n d d u k e d o m s , ranks o n l y t h i r d w i t h an average t a l l y o f 8.52 per m i l l i o n , t r a i l i n g A u s t r i a w i t h 1 2 . 6 2 a n d Czechoslovakia w i t h 9.22. A d d i n g ethnics b o r n i n lands outside 1 9 9 2 n a t i o n a l borders, w h i c h imposes a bias because ad justments c o u l d n o t be made f o r the excluded p o p u l a t i o n s , does n o t change the r a n k i n g : G e r m a n y rises t o 9.20 a n d Czechoslovakia t o 9.40. Since the nobles o f A u s t r i a a n d Czechoslovakia were m o r e subser vient t o i m p e r i a l p o w e r t h a n those o f Germany, the data p r o v i d e less t h a n complete s u p p o r t for the c o m p e t i n g independent courts h y p o t h esis, a l t h o u g h the courts i n A u s t r i a a n d , s o m e w h a t less clearly, Czech oslovakia d i d compete w i t h one another for c u l t u r a l p r o m i n e n c e . Inter p r e t i n g the hypothesis f o r Czechoslovakia is c o m p l i c a t e d b y the fact t h a t the families o f m a n y leading B o h e m i a n courts tended t o spend the h i g h social seasons at t h e i r t o w n houses i n V i e n n a . I t is also possible t h a t n a t i o n a l cultures differed i n the r o l e music played i n everyday life, t h a t is, outside the scope o f n o b l e establish-
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FIGURE 5.2 Number of Composers Born per M i l l i o n Population
merits. Czechoslovakia's s t r o n g performance is consistent w i t h J o h n Clapham's o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t even s m a l l villages i n B o h e m i a h a d l o c a l bands a n d t h a t village schoolmasters were expected t o teach singing a n d v i o l i n t o t h e i r p u p i l s . A s H e c t o r Berlioz observed f r o m his travels across E u r o p e , " I m u s t say however — since i t is a matter o f p u b l i c n o t o riety — t h a t the Bohemians are the best musicians i n E u r o p e , a n d t h a t the love a n d feeling f o r music are universal i n a l l classes o f society." T h e t r a i l i n g performance o f Russia at the other extreme is a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the abject p o v e r t y o f the huge n u m b e r o f serfs (inflating the d e n o m i n a t o r o f c o m p o s e r s - p e r - m i l l i o n ratios) a n d t o the fact t h a t a Russian n a t i o n a l i s t school o f music c o m p o s i t i o n emerged, under the leadership of M i k h a i l Glinka ( 1 8 0 4 - 1 8 5 7 ) and then M i l y Balakirev ( 1 8 3 7 - 1 9 1 0 ) , o n l y i n the nineteenth century. F u r t h e r insight comes f r o m c a l c u l a t i n g composer counts per m i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n by 50-year intervals, as s h o w n f o r the leading n a t i o n a l o r i gins i n figure 5.3. T w o influences underlie the trends evident there: ris i n g p o p u l a t i o n counts, as s h o w n i n chapter 2's figure 2 . 1 , a n d an u p w a r d t r e n d i n the n u m b e r o f composers b o r n . T h e b r o a d balance o f these t w o tendencies, one affecting the n u m e r a t o r a n d one the d e n o m i n a t o r o f the figure 5.3 data, is revealed by the f o l l o w i n g s u m m a r y : 11
12
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Time
Period
1650-1699 1700-1749 1750-1799 1800-1849
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Total Composer Births
Cases with Matched Population Data
Births per Million
141 148 168 189
138 143 160 174
10.82 13.22 11.71 9.01
T h e t a b u l a t i o n o f b i r t h s per m i l l i o n is for o n l y 615 composers o n w h o m matched p o p u l a t i o n data were available. For 1 6 5 0 - 1 6 9 9 t o 1 7 0 0 1 7 4 9 , g r o w t h i n the n u m b e r o f composer births was m o r e r a p i d t h a n p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h . T h e 1 7 0 0 - 1 7 4 9 b i r t h c o h o r t reaches a peak t h a t parallels the heyday o f c o u r t music s u p p o r t d u r i n g the mid-eighteenth century. After t h a t the trends reverse, w i t h d e c l i n i n g composer counts per m i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n . 13
I n figure 5.3 w e see, consistent w i t h the c o m p e t i n g courts hypothesis, t h a t Germany's p o s i t i o n as a birthplace o f composers faded f o l l o w i n g the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s , w h i c h u n d e r m i n e d m a n y noble courts. Relative b i r t h rates also fell sharply i n Czechoslovakia i n the p o s t - N a p o l e o n i c p e r i o d b u t n o t i n its i m p e r i a l master, A u s t r i a , w h i c h , c o n t r a r y t o the competing courts hypothesis, experienced high composer b i r t h rates along
FIGURE 5.3 Composer Births per M i l l i o n Population, by 50-Year Birth-Date Period
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w i t h a c e n t r a l i z a t i o n o f g o v e r n m e n t a l p o w e r under E m p e r o r Franz I I a n d his foreign affairs minister, Klemens v o n M e t t e r n i c h . T h e decline i n relative b i r t h rates began earlier i n Italy, E n g l a n d , a n d I b e r i a . France, o n the other h a n d , experienced its g o l d e n age d u r i n g the r e i g n o f K i n g L o u i s X I V , after whose death the n u m b e r o f composers b o r n (relative t o an increasing p o p u l a t i o n ) declined sharply a n d t h e n rose g r a d u a l l y . Late-developing Scandinavia a n d Russia achieved their strongest g r o w t h d u r i n g the nineteenth century. V i e w e d i n t h e i r entirety, the b i r t h data e x h i b i t w e a k consistency w i t h the c o m p e t i n g courts hypothesis, b u t several anomalies b l u r the rela tionships.
EMPLOYMENT
Since the c o m p e t i n g courts hypothesis is at b o t t o m a statement a b o u t e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s , w h i c h are assumed t o influence y o u n g peo ple's decisions t o pursue a career i n music, w e m u s t also examine the p a t t e r n o f composer e m p l o y m e n t by n a t i o n . Analysis o f n a t i o n a l e m p l o y m e n t patterns is necessary because, d u r i n g the p e r i o d covered b y o u r sample, composers were q u i t e m o b i l e geographically. A y o u n g per son m i g h t embrace m u s i c a l activities professionally n o t because e m p l o y m e n t was available locally, b u t because i t was k n o w n t h a t attractive o p p o r t u n i t i e s existed somewhere else. Indeed, the geographic m o b i l i t y o f composers i n the eighteenth a n d nineteenth centuries, t o be investi gated m o r e f u l l y i n chapter 6, w o u l d astonish m o d e r n - d a y Europeans. O f the 6 4 6 composers i n o u r sample, 3 0 percent d i e d i n n a t i o n a l t e r r i tories other t h a n those i n w h i c h they were b o r n . A n d o f the sampled composers o n w h o m data w e r e available, 4 5 percent w o r k e d at least t w o years i n a n a t i o n other t h a n the one i n w h i c h they spent the p l u r a l i t y o f their w o r k i n g lives. T o e x p l o r e the geography o f composers' e m p l o y m e n t , data were c o l lected o n the n u m b e r o f years composers spent f r o m age t w e n t y t o t h e i r death i n each o f the leading E u r o p e a n nations o r n a t i o n g r o u p s , again assuming 1 9 9 2 boundaries. Visits o f less t h a n t w o years' d u r a t i o n were v i e w e d as t e m p o r a r y , as o n a concert tour, a n d were n o t t a l l i e d . T h e f r a c t i o n o f each composer's t o t a l w o r k i n g life spent i n relevant nations was c o m p u t e d , a n d the fractions were s u m m e d by n a t i o n t o o b t a i n a t a l l y o f " e q u i v a l e n t w o r k i n g lives" o r f u l l - t i m e equivalents (FTEs) at t r a c t e d t o each n a t i o n . Figure 5.4 summarizes the results f o r the entire 1 6 5 0 - 1 8 4 9 b i r t h d a t e sample. T w o quantities are graphed: the r a w n u m b e r o f composers w h o w o r k e d at least t w o years i n any given n a t i o n , a n d the f u l l - t i m e equiva-
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Nation G r o u p
FIGURE 5.4 Number of Composers Employed by Nation and National Groups
lents l i n k e d t o each n a t i o n . T h e differences between the t w o reflect h o w l o n g o n average a composer r e m a i n e d at a given w o r k l o c a t i o n . T h e Scandinavian nations e x h i b i t the strongest h o l d i n g power, w i t h equiva lent w o r k i n g lives averaging 80.9 percent o f the n u m b e r o f persons em p l o y e d . France is second w i t h a 7 1 . 1 percent average. Czechoslovakia h a d the least h o l d i n g power, at 4 1 . 4 percent; I t a l y the second least at 56.9 percent; a n d E n g l a n d (whose climate alienated m a n y v i s i t i n g c o m posers) the t h i r d least at 57.3 percent. Germany, w i t h its m a n y c o m p e t i n g courts, attracted the largest abso lute n u m b e r o f composers b u t emerged i n a v i r t u a l dead heat w i t h France, whose g o v e r n m e n t was centralized, i n terms o f equivalent c o m poser w o r k i n g lives. Italy, E n g l a n d , a n d A u s t r i a f o l l o w . A g a i n , however, i t is instructive t o relate these e m p l o y m e n t counts t o the w i d e l y v a r y i n g p o p u l a t i o n s i n the e m p l o y i n g n a t i o n s . T o d o this, equivalent w o r k i n g life sums were d i v i d e d by n a t i o n a l average p o p u l a t i o n counts, lagging the p o p u l a t i o n c o u n t for each composer b y 35 years f r o m his or her b i r t h date t o m a t c h o p p o r t u n i t i e s m o r e closely w i t h the peak o f m o s t composers' w o r k lives. T h e results f o r the f u l l 200-year sample are presented i n figure 5.5. 14
A u s t r i a stands head a n d shoulders above the other nations a n d na t i o n a l groups, w i t h 2 0 . 9 3 equivalent composer w o r k i n g lives per m i l -
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FIGURE 5.5 Number of F T E Composers Employed per M i l l i o n Population l i o n p o p u l a t i o n . G e r m a n y is second w i t h 6.57 FTEs, o r less t h a n a t h i r d o f the A u s t r i a n figure, b u t its average differs little f r o m t h a t o f E n g l a n d (5.86) a n d the Scandinavian nations ( 5 . 3 9 ) , whose governance struc tures were m u c h m o r e centralized t h a n those o f the H o l y R o m a n E m pire fragments. T h u s , the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f performance a n d c o m p o s i t i o n o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n n u m e r o u s c o m p e t i n g courts d i d n o t d i s t i n g u i s h Ger m a n y f r o m nations w i t h quite different, t y p i c a l l y m o r e centralized, c o u r t m u s i c a l e m p l o y m e n t structures. Figure 5.6 offers a d d i t i o n a l insight by b r e a k i n g the F T E e m p l o y m e n t counts d o w n i n t o f o u r 50-year composer b i r t h intervals. T h e averages for nations are u n i f o r m l y l o w e r t h a n those i n figure 5.5 because figure 5.5 sums e m p l o y m e n t over a f u l l 200-year p e r i o d whereas figure 5.6 uses f o u r shorter intervals. A u s t r i a continues t o occupy a d o m i n a n t p o s i t i o n , a l t h o u g h less so d u r i n g the first a n d last 50-year periods. Vienna's m u s i c a l c u l t u r e was i n v i g o r a t e d b y the ascent o f L e o p o l d I t o the emperor's t h r o n e i n 1 6 5 8 , w h e n the 35 year age m a r k e r used i n m a t c h i n g p o p u l a t i o n w i t h e m p l o y m e n t data w o u l d have been achieved b y composers b o r n t o o early t o be i n c l u d e d i n o u r sample. Consistent w i t h claims t h a t M o z a r t represented a k i n d o f t u r n i n g p o i n t , composer e m p l o y m e n t i n A u s t r i a peaked d u r i n g the second h a l f o f the eighteenth c e n t u r y a n d t h e n declined f o l l o w i n g the d e p l e t i o n o f g o v e r n m e n t a l 15
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127
FIGURE 5.6 Employment of Composers, by 50-Year Birth Date Period
funds d u r i n g the N a p o l e o n i c wars a n d the g r a d u a l r e f o r m o f feudal i n s t i t u t i o n s . As w i t h the b i r t h statistics o f figure 5.4, G e r m a n y e x h i b i t e d a sharp decline i n composer e m p l o y m e n t d u r i n g the 1 8 0 0 - 1 8 4 9 p e r i o d , after the French invasions d i s r u p t e d feudal c o u r t structures. T h e I b e r i a n nations, Spain a n d P o r t u g a l , experienced precipitous drops after 1 7 5 0 as their w o r l d w i d e empires disintegrated a n d they failed t o j o i n the n o r t h e r n E u r o p e a n nations i n the rising p r o s p e r i t y b r o u g h t by the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n . T h e Scandinavian nations o n the other h a n d at tracted r i s i n g numbers o f composers as t h e i r governments' policies shifted f r o m m i l i t a r y adventures t o economic development. T h e composer em p l o y m e n t patterns i n E n g l a n d , b i r t h p l a c e o f the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n , are inversely related t o its r a p i d l y rising p r o s p e r i t y —a p h e n o m e n o n i n consistent w i t h the hypothesis t h a t increasing affluence a m o n g the m i d dle class h a d a p a r t i c u l a r l y s t i m u l a t i n g i m p a c t o n the d e m a n d f o r music. F r o m the evidence e x a m i n e d thus far, i t w o u l d appear t h a t the i n f l u ences affecting the e m p l o y m e n t o f composers (relative t o p o p u l a t i o n ) are m o r e c o m p l e x t h a n can be a c c o m m o d a t e d by simple unicausal hy potheses such as the c o m p e t i n g courts hypothesis or the g r o w i n g m i d dle-class d e m a n d hypothesis. Before w e proceed further i n o u r a t t e m p t t o u n r a v e l the puzzle, one a d d i t i o n a l plausible l i n k m u s t be identified. Composers m a y be attracted t o a n a t i o n n o t so m u c h because o f its o v e r a l l p r o s p e r i t y or the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f decentralized w o r k o p p o r t u n -
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ities as b y the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f d e m a n d i n one or a few large magnet cities, whose citizens are m u c h m o r e affluent t h a n the average resident o f the n a t i o n as a w h o l e .
Magnet
Cities
Table 5.1 presents an o p e n i n g wedge i n t o this "magnet cities" h y p o t h esis. I t arrays, i n descending order o f estimated 1750 p o p u l a t i o n , the 14 largest cities o f E u r o p e . I n a l l years, L o n d o n a n d Paris t o w e r over a l l the rest. T h e presence o f a G e r m a n city, B e r l i n , o n l y i n 1 4 t h place as o f 1 7 5 0 provides the m i r r o r image o f the c o m p e t i n g courts hypothesis: U n t i l its r a p i d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n began d u r i n g the nineteenth century, G e r m a n y was fragmented i n t o n u m e r o u s s m a l l cities, hundreds o f w h i c h were the seats o f feudal courts. L o n d o n a n d Paris are universally a c k n o w l e d g e d as the m o s t i m p o r t a n t magnets t o composers d u r i n g the eighteenth a n d early nineteenth centuries. I t was t o L o n d o n t h a t George Frideric H a n d e l m i g r a t e d i n 1 7 1 0 a n d Joseph H a y d n traveled i n 1 7 9 0 t o seek their fortunes. Ros sini's seven m o n t h s i n E n g l a n d d u r i n g 1 8 2 4 l a i d the basis for his o w n personal w e a l t h . O n a t r i p t o L o n d o n i n 1 8 4 7 , Giuseppe V e r d i c o m 16
17
TABLE 5.1
Europe's Largest Cities, Ranked by 1 7 5 0 Population I Istimated
Popuhition
(Thouscinds)
City
1700
1750
1800
1850
London Paris Naples Amsterdam Lisbon Vienna Moscow Rome Venice St. Petersburg Dublin Milan Madrid Berlin
550 530
676 560
861 547
2,230 1,314
207 172
324
430
219
201
416 225
188
213
231
259
105
169
291
426
130
161
238
374
149
158
153
171
144
158
146
141
n.a.*
138
220
502 253
80
125
165
124
123
135
193
110
123
170
263
24
113
172
446
Source: Chandler and Fox (1974). * Established only i n 1703.
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p l a i n e d a b o u t the miserable weather, b u t w r o t e , " A n d they pay so m u c h m o n e y ! O h , i f I c o u l d stay here a couple o f years, I s h o u l d like t o c a r r y o f f a sackful o f this blessed m o n e y . " L a c k i n g the p e r s o n a l i t y t o perf o r m successfully before the large audiences one c o u l d a t t r a c t i n L o n d o n , Frédéric C h o p i n h a d a m o r e negative experience, w r i t i n g a year before his death t h a t the English love a r t because i t is a l u x u r y , b u t a person h a d t o be a machine t o present a l l the concerts they desired. I f he were y o u n g e r (and i m p l i c i t l y , i n better health), he c o n t i n u e d , he w o u l d become a machine a n d present concerts i n every corner. 18
19
Paris was also a magnet n o t o n l y t o musicians f r o m the o p p o r t u n i t y p o o r provinces o f France, b u t also t o foreign composers a s p i r i n g t o i m p r o v e t h e i r financial w e l l - b e i n g . B r o u g h t t o Paris b y M a r i e A n t o i n e t t e t o r e f o r m French opera, C h r i s t o p h W i l l i b a l d G l u c k earned opera fees i n Paris far above those t o w h i c h he was accustomed i n V i e n n a . H e advised one o f his o p e r a - w r i t i n g successors, N i c c o l ò P i c c i n n i ( 1 7 2 8 - 1 8 0 0 ) " t o t h i n k o f n o t h i n g i n Paris except m a k i n g m o n e y . " V i s i t i n g M a n n h e i m i n 1 7 7 7 , a y o u t h f u l M o z a r t was advised by a w e l l - t r a v e l e d acquaintance t h a t "Paris is the o n l y place where a person can g a i n b o t h m o n e y a n d f a m e . " As the debate over where M o z a r t s h o u l d t r a v e l n e x t c o n t i n u e d , his father p r o v i d e d an answer b y m a i l : 20
21
22
23
To Switzerland? To Holland? During the summer there you'll find not a soul, and in winter one earns in Berne or Zurich exactly enough so that one does not starve; otherwise there is nothing. A n d Holland presently has things other than music to consider, and half of your receipts would go to [an Amsterdam music dealer] and covering concert costs. A n d what would that do for your fame? That is something for small lights, for half-composers, for scribblers, for [names of three long-forgotten composers]. Name me one great composer who improves his honor by taking such a demeaning step. — Get on your way to Paris! A n d quickly . . . From Paris the reputation and name of a greatly talented person travel throughout the whole world. 24
O f f e r i n g c o m p o s i t i o n h o n o r a r i a m u c h larger t h a n those c u s t o m a r y i n Italy, plus an i n c r e m e n t a l p a y m e n t f o r subsequent repetitions o f a successful opera, the Paris O p é r a attracted the leading I t a l i a n opera c o m posers o f the nineteenth c e n t u r y such as Rossini, B e l l i n i , D o n i z e t t i , a n d Verdi. D e t e r m i n i n g w h a t other cities qualify as magnets is m o r e p r o b l e m atic. Despite its superior i n c o m e per capita, A m s t e r d a m is r u l e d o u t by its relatively s m a l l p o p u l a t i o n , especially at the later t i m e benchmarks. There is also reason t o believe t h a t its w e a l t h y burghers h a d m u c h m o r e zeal f o r m a k i n g m o n e y t h a n listening t o music. O n an 1853 concert tour, f o r example, C l a r a a n d R o b e r t Schumann n o t e d t h a t even t h o u g h
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Clara p e r f o r m e d t o a f u l l house, the A m s t e r d a m p u b l i c was " c o l d e r " t h a n audiences i n the other cities they h a d v i s i t e d . As the m u s i c - l o v i n g focal p o i n t o f the A u s t r i a n empire and h o m e t o nobles, well-heeled g o v e r n m e n t functionaries, a n d prosperous mer chants, V i e n n a , the sixth-largest E u r o p e a n city i n 1 7 5 0 a n d the f o u r t h largest i n 1 8 0 0 , is the strongest contender f o r magnet c i t y status. T h e n , d u r i n g the nineteenth century, t w o n e w candidates emerged. Russia was a c u l t u r a l w a s t e l a n d u n t i l G e r m a n - b o r n Catherine the Great began her systematic encouragement. T h e I r i s h composer a n d pianist J o h n Field ( 1 7 8 2 - 1 8 3 7 ) settled there i n 1 8 0 3 , g i v i n g lessons a m o n g others t o M i k h a i l G l i n k a , founder o f a n e w Russian c o m p o s i n g t r a d i t i o n . T h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f nobles a n d g o v e r n m e n t officials i n St. Pe tersburg a n d M o s c o w a n d a g r o w i n g hunger for western c u l t u r e t h e n attracted m a n y i m p o r t a n t performers a n d composers, i n c l u d i n g H e c t o r Berlioz, Franz Liszt, C l a r a S c h u m a n n , R i c h a r d Wagner, a n d J o h a n n Strauss Jr., for shorter b u t lucrative visits. 25
I n the second h a l f o f the nineteenth century, as steamships made travel m o r e reliable, r a p i d l y g r o w i n g N e w Y o r k C i t y ( 1 8 5 0 p o p u l a t i o n , e x c l u d i n g B r o o k l y n , Queens, a n d Staten Island, 5 1 5 , 5 0 0 ) became an other magnet. T h e N e w Y o r k P h i l h a r m o n i c Society began a regular c o n cert series i n 1 8 4 2 . T h e Schumanns w e i g h e d the pros a n d cons o f a t r i p t o the U n i t e d States i n 1 8 4 2 , b u t i n the end decided i t w o u l d remove t h e m f o r t o o l o n g a p e r i o d f r o m their first c h i l d . Felix M e n d e l s s o h n was offered $ 5 , 0 0 0 i n 1845 t o c o n d u c t the N e w Y o r k P h i l h a r m o n i c Orchestra, b u t t u r n e d the offer d o w n . I n 1850 soprano Jenny L i n d received f r o m P. T. B a r n u m an advance o f $ 1 5 0 , 0 0 0 against the first several concerts o f a U.S. t o u r t h a t eventually i n c l u d e d 93 perfor mances. H e r first appearance, i n N e w Y o r k C i t y September 1 1 , 1 8 5 0 , d r e w an audience o f 7 , 0 0 0 . D u r i n g the 1870s Franz Liszt received t w o offers o f £ 2 0 , 0 0 0 t o £ 2 4 , 0 0 0 for p e r f o r m i n g i n the U n i t e d States, b u t chose n o t t o make the t r i p . M o r e positive responses were elicited f r o m P y o t r I l y i c h T c h a i k o v s k y , w h o received $ 2 , 5 0 0 ( £ 5 2 0 ) for c o n d u c t i n g f o u r times at Carnegie H a l l i n N e w Y o r k a n d recorded his great plea sure f r o m occasional d i n i n g w i t h A n d r e w Carnegie; a n d A n t o n i n D v o r a k , whose i n i t i a l c o n t r a c t o n a t w o - y e a r U.S. visit between 1 8 9 2 a n d 1 8 9 4 p a i d h i m $ 1 5 , 0 0 0 ( £ 4 , 0 0 0 ) per year. 26
2 7
2 8
29
A Quantitative
Test
W e have accumulated three m a i n hypotheses c o n t e n d i n g t o e x p l a i n dif ferences i n the e m p l o y m e n t o f composers per m i l l i o n i n h a b i t a n t s across the v a r i o u s nations o f E u r o p e : the c o m p e t i n g noble courts hypothesis, the r i s i n g middle-class p r o s p e r i t y hypothesis, a n d the magnet cities hy-
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131
pothesis. For ten o f the nations a n d n a t i o n a l groups covered b y figure 5.6, sufficient data c o u l d be assembled t o a t t e m p t a crude q u a n t i t a t i v e test. For o u r measure o f affluence, w e use estimates o f gross domestic p r o d u c t per capita (adjusted t o constant 1990 d o l l a r terms) c o m p i l e d by A n g u s M a d d i s o n . T h e data are subject t o a l l the hazards o f h i s t o r i c a l backcasting i n the absence o f systematic n a t i o n a l i n c o m e statistics. I n a d d i t i o n , M a d d i s o n provides estimates o n l y f o r 1 7 0 0 , 1 8 2 0 , 1 8 5 0 , a n d 1 8 7 0 . T h e 1 7 0 0 estimates h a d t o be used as measures o f G D P per cap ita for b o t h the first ( 1 6 5 0 - 1 6 9 9 ) a n d second ( 1 7 0 0 - 1 7 4 9 ) composer b i r t h date periods. T h e 1 8 2 0 estimates were used f o r the t h i r d 50-year p e r i o d a n d the 1 8 5 0 estimates ( i n t e r p o l a t e d i n some cases) f o r the 1 8 0 0 1849 b i r t h date c o h o r t . 3 0
E n g l a n d ( w i t h L o n d o n ) , France ( w i t h Paris), a n d A u s t r i a ( w i t h V i e n n a ) were assumed t o have magnet cities t h r o u g h o u t the 2 0 0 years over w h i c h composers' b i r t h dates were sampled. Russia was assumed t o have m a g net cities (St. Petersburg a n d M o s c o w ) o n l y f o r the 1 7 5 0 - 1 7 9 9 a n d 1 8 0 0 - 1 8 4 9 composer b i r t h date c o h o r t s . T h e c o m p e t i n g n o b l e courts hypothesis is tested i n t w o w a y s . T h e strictest (strong f o r m ) c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the a r g u m e n t by Elias a n d the B a u m ö l s implies t h a t o n l y Germany, w i t h its hundreds o f independent courts, qualifies. A looser (weak f o r m ) c o n s t r u c t i o n ignores i m p e r i a l oversight f r o m V i e n n a a n d includes the f o u r m a i n remnants o f the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e — Germany, Italy, A u s t r i a , a n d Czechoslovakia — w h i c h h a d n u m e r o u s l o c a l k i n g d o m s ( i n Italy, Naples a n d Savoy), p r i n c i p a l ities, a n d d u k e d o m s , m a n y s u p p o r t i n g musical activities. G i v e n the ad verse i m p a c t o f the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s a n d feudal r e f o r m , the strong a n d w e a k noble courts hypotheses are assumed t o a p p l y o n l y f o r the first three 50-year composer b i r t h d a t e periods, b u t n o t f o r 1 8 0 0 - 1 8 4 9 . T h e dependent variable i n regression analyses is the measure o f equiv alent w o r k i n g lives p l o t t e d i n figure 5.6. I t is defined f o r f o u r 50-year composer birth-date intervals across 10 nations o r n a t i o n a l clusters. T h u s , there are 4 0 observations o n each o f the diverse variables. A test e m b o d y i n g the strong f o r m o f the c o m p e t i n g courts hypothesis, w i t h G e r m a n y alone as the n a t i o n whose courts p r o m o t e d composer e m p l o y m e n t , yielded meager results, w i t h n o e x p l a n a t o r y variable — c o u r t , magnet city, o r G D P — being statistically significant b y conven t i o n a l standards. T h e p i c t u r e changes d r a m a t i c a l l y w h e n the broader (weak f o r m ) H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e c o m p e t i n g courts hypothesis is tested. A l l three variables have coefficient signs consistent w i t h the u n d e r l y i n g hypotheses, a n d t w o variables are statistically significant at the 99-per cent confidence level. T h e strongest e x p l a n a t o r y variable is the measure designating H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e r e m n a n t courts. B u t nations also e m 31
32
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p l o y e d m o r e f u l l - t i m e equivalent composers per m i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n w h e n they h a d a magnet c i t y a n d (more w e a k l y correlated) w h e n t h e i r estimated gross domestic p r o d u c t per capita was higher. T h u s , there is s u p p o r t f o r a l l three e x p l a n a t o r y hypotheses w h e n a l l three are t a k e n i n t o account simultaneously.
THE
BALANCE OF TRADE
We advance n o w a further step. W e have seen t h a t m a n y composers w e r e geographically m o b i l e , being b o r n i n one n a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y b u t w o r k i n g a n d sometimes even d y i n g i n a different t e r r i t o r y . T h e induce ments t o a n d i m p l i c a t i o n s o f t h e i r m o b i l i t y w i l l be e x p l o r e d f u r t h e r i n chapter 6. B u t here w e utilize o u r b i r t h p l a c e a n d e m p l o y m e n t - l o c u s data t o measure the balance-of-trade i n composers, t h a t is, the extent t o w h i c h some nations tended o n balance t o e x p o r t composers a n d others tended t o i m p o r t t h e m . O u r balance o f trade i n d e x is the r a t i o o f f u l l t i m e equivalent w o r k i n g lives a t t r i b u t e d t o a n a t i o n d i v i d e d b y the n u m ber o f composers b o r n i n a n a t i o n . T h e higher the i n d e x , the m o r e a n a t i o n tended t o be a net i m p o r t e r o f composers; the lower, the m o r e composers t o w h o m i t gave b i r t h f o u n d w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o n s m o r e at t r a c t i v e i n other n a t i o n s . A value o f 1.0 implies t h a t a n a t i o n e m p l o y e d o n average as m a n y composers as i t b r e d . T h e data f o r the f u l l 200-year sample p e r i o d are arrayed i n figure 5.7. A u s t r i a , w i t h its magnet c i t y V i e n n a as the locus o f n u m e r o u s K a p e l l e s u p p o r t i n g n o b l e residences, m a n y o w n e d b y families whose feudal d o mains lay i n other parts o f the A u s t r i a n e m p i r e , was o n balance the strongest net i m p o r t e r o f composers. Czechoslovakia, w i t h w h a t m a n y observers c l a i m e d was a p a r t i c u l a r l y s t r o n g native m u s i c a l c u l t u r e , " was the leading net e x p o r t e r o f composers. Its largest city, Prague, h a d a p o p u l a t i o n o f o n l y 5 8 , 0 0 0 i n 1 7 5 0 , a n d its wealthiest feudal magnates tended t o spend the h i g h c u l t u r a l season at t h e i r V i e n n a t o w n houses. N e a r l y t i e d f o r second place as net talent i m p o r t e r s were E n g l a n d , w i t h its w e a l t h y magnet c i t y L o n d o n b e c k o n i n g t o composers b o r n o n the c o n t i n e n t , a n d Russia, whose nobles a n d g o v e r n m e n t officials were ea ger t o absorb western c u l t u r e f o l l o w i n g the lead o f Empress Catherine the Great, b u t w h i c h developed a s t r o n g l o c a l c o m p o s i n g t r a d i t i o n o n l y t o w a r d the m i d d l e o f the nineteenth century. T h e three m o s t v i g o r o u s net exporters after Czechoslovakia — H u n g a r y , P o l a n d , a n d I t a l y — were n a t i o n s whose m o d e r n economic development lagged relative t o t h a t o f the m o r e n o r t h w e s t e r l y E u r o p e a n countries.
G E O G R A P H Y OF SUPPLY A N D D E M A N D
133
FIGURE 5.7 Balance of Trade in Composers by Nation
BIRTHS A N D W O R K LOCATIONS W I T H I N G E R M A N Y
G e r m a n y is v i e w e d by proponents o f the c o m p e t i n g independent courts hypothesis as p r o v i d i n g the m o s t a b u n d a n t array o f j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s for w o u l d - b e composers. B u t Germany's g o v e r n m e n t a l structure was by n o means homogeneous. Some parts o f G e r m a n y h a d a vast p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f local courts, m o s t l y i n s m a l l t o w n s ; others h a d local g o v e r n m e n t a l structures i n w h i c h t i t l e d n o b i l i t y p l a y e d little o r n o r o l e . T h e socalled "free cities" — those t h a t d u r i n g the M i d d l e Ages escaped f r o m o r a v o i d e d local c o n t r o l by nobles or prelates w i t h secular g o v e r n m e n t a l power, o b t a i n e d special privileges f r o m the emperor t o act indepen dently o f the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e i n economic a n d l i t u r g i c a l matters, a n d established governments representative o f p r o m i n e n t , w e a l t h y local burghers (called the Patriziat) — m i g h t be expected t o project quite dif ferent incentives f o r the choice o f a n d l o c a t i o n i n a m u s i c a l career. H e r e w e address t w o questions: (1) Were fewer composers b o r n per m i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n i n the free cities, as defined here, c o m p a r e d t o the other parts o f Germany? A n d (2) were fewer composers e m p l o y e d i n free cities, relative t o their p o p u l a t i o n , t h a n i n the other parts o f Germany? 34
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As w e have seen i n chapter 4 , e m p l o y m e n t i n n o b l e courts c a r r i e d the disadvantages o f servility, restrictions o n j o b m o b i l i t y a n d p u b l i c a t i o n r i g h t s , a n d autocratic c o n t r o l o f the musical agenda. T h e free cities, as w e shall identify t h e m here, tended t o be the h o m e o f prosperous mer chants a n d craftsmen, m a n y o f w h o m appreciated music as m u c h as t h e i r n o b l e c o u n t e r p a r t s . T h e i r g o v e r n i n g bodies were t y p i c a l l y m u l t i m e m b e r councils, so the e m p l o y m e n t tenure o f a composer such as G e o r g P h i l i p p T e l e m a n n ( i n F r a n k f u r t a n d H a m b u r g ) o r J o h a n n Sebas t i a n Bach ( i n Leipzig) was d e t e r m i n e d t h r o u g h a m o r e o r less d e m o cratic process o f give a n d take, w i t h the possibility t h a t m i n o r i t i e s m i g h t b l o c k hasty decisions, a n d n o t t h r o u g h the capricious w h i m o f a m o n o l i t h i c noble l o r d . As T e l e m a n n observed later i n his life, " w h o e v e r seeks life-long security m u s t settle i n a r e p u b l i c . " To be sure, being a c o m poser i n a free, business-oriented, city, was n o t w i t h o u t its d r a w b a c k s . A s Felix M e n d e l s s o h n observed, c o m p a r i n g the quiet life o f musicians at the r o y a l c o u r t i n Stuttgart w i t h the s i t u a t i o n i n F r a n k f u r t a m M a i n : 35
36
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In Frankfurt everything is more upstanding, businesslike, and more met ropolitan, but less fun; may the devil take the republics, they're simply not suited for music. They are altogether stingy, asking first what it costs, and don't have the least bit of flair. O r as a d i s a p p o i n t e d Johannes B r a h m s c o m p l a i n e d t o his H a m b u r g resident father i n 1 8 6 9 , after f a i l i n g f o r the second t i m e t o w i n the H a m b u r g Senate's a p p r o v a l o f his candidacy t o become c o n d u c t o r o f the H a m b u r g P h i l h a r m o n i c orchestra, " V i e n n a is t o o i m p o r t a n t t o ex change w i t h H a m b u r g , w h e r e everyone has his eye o n business; V i e n n a , w h e r e y o u find u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d r e c o g n i t i o n t o a l l o w y o u t o w o r k a n d create." D e t e r m i n i n g w h i c h cities i n G e r m a n y t o classify as "free" was n o t u n p r o b l e m a t i c . T w o e m i n e n t G e r m a n historians were consulted b u t were unable t o p r o v i d e u n a m b i g u o u s advice, except t o read the histo ries o f plausible candidate cities. T h i s was done. E v a l u a t i n g candidates b y the free-city c r i t e r i a a r t i c u l a t e d earlier, the f o l l o w i n g list o f free cities was o b t a i n e d : 38
Augsburg Bremen Cologne Frankfurt am M a i n Hamburg (excluding Altona) Kiel Leipzig Lübeck
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Nürnberg Ulm Worms T h e t r e a t m e n t o f W o r m s was questionable because parts o f the t o w n area were governed b y burghers a n d parts by a b i s h o p , b u t since n o sampled composers were b o r n i n o r w o r k e d there, t o i n c l u d e i t causes n o u p w a r d bias o n the free-city averages. D a n z i g ( n o w G d a n s k ) was a strong candidate f o r i n c l u s i o n , b u t the lack o f m a t c h e d p o p u l a t i o n data a n d the absence o f any sampled composer b i r t h s there d i c t a t e d its ex c l u s i o n . Some other possible candidates m a y have been missed, b u t they c o u l d o n l y be quite s m a l l , a n d their misclassification w o u l d a d d a m o d est a m o u n t o f statistical noise t o the q u a n t i t a t i v e results. I t w o u l d be an overstatement t o insist t h a t these free cities were en tirely free o f noble c o n t r o l . J o h a n n Sebastian Bach's a p p o i n t m e n t as C a n t o r o f the Thomasschule was n o m i n a l l y the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the Leipzig city c o u n c i l , b u t w h e n the c o u n c i l failed t o resolve Bach's dis putes w i t h the school's a d m i n i s t r a t i o n satisfactorily, Bach appealed suc cessfully t o the k i n g o f Saxony. T h e r o y a l g o v e r n m e n t i n Dresden also i m p o s e d u p o n the L e i p z i g city c o u n c i l its o w n preferred choice as Bach's replacement. W h e n Leipzig's B r e i t k o p f & Härtel music p u b l i s h i n g firm sought i n 1816 t o close p a r t o f its operations a n d dismiss some em ployees, i t h a d t o p e t i t i o n the k i n g f o r permission, w h o i n t u r n c o n veyed his consent t o the Leipzig city c o u n c i l . W h e n Frederick the Great o f Prussia was angered i n 1 7 5 1 because his guest V o l t a i r e fled Potsdam after a dispute over affixing Frederick's i m p r i m a t u r w i t h o u t a p p r o v a l t o a p u b l i s h e d p a m p h l e t , Frederick's agents p r e v a i l e d u p o n the m a y o r o f "free" F r a n k f u r t a m M a i n t o keep V o l t a i r e under house arrest f o r t w o weeks u n t i l the F r a n k f u r t city c o u n c i l intervened t o a u t h o r i z e his re lease. Nevertheless, g o v e r n m e n t a l decision m a k i n g i n the free cities was clearly m o r e pluralistic t h a n i n a u t h o r i t a r i a n n o b l e c o u r t s . A n d f o r those w h o earned t h e i r l i v i n g t h r o u g h freelance a c t i v i t y directed t o w a r d prosperous burghers, the structure o f g o v e r n m e n t was less relevant. L i n k i n g p o p u l a t i o n data t o the cities, free a n d otherwise, was equally p r o b l e m a t i c . P o p u l a t i o n estimates are available at r o u g h l y 50-year i n tervals f o r some 3 1 G e r m a n cities, i n c l u d i n g a l l the cities listed above. B u t these include o n l y counts o f i n h a b i t a n t s w i t h i n c i t y boundaries, w h i c h sometimes expanded over t i m e . C i t y dwellers t y p i c a l l y d r e w m o s t o f t h e i r f o o d a n d other r a w materials f r o m outside the city, so the p o p u l a t i o n o f the c i t y alone c a n n o t be treated as a self-sustaining body. U n t i l G e r m a n y was unified d u r i n g the m i d - n i n e t e e n t h century, data o n the d i v i s i o n o f p o p u l a t i o n between f a r m i n g a n d c i t y occupations were n o t collected. H o w e v e r , f o r the generally c o m p a r a b l e t e r r i t o r i e s o f A u s t r i a 39
40
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(in 1790) a n d B o h e m i a ( i n 1 7 5 6 ) , 75 percent a n d 78 percent o f the e c o n o m i c a l l y active p o p u l a t i o n , respectively, were attached t o a g r i c u l t u r e . F r o m this a n d p a r a l l e l statistics for the U n i t e d States i n 1 8 2 0 , France i n 1 6 9 7 , I t a l y i n 1 7 0 0 , a n d E n g l a n d i n 1 8 0 1 , i t is estimated conservatively t h a t the t y p i c a l c i t y d w e l l e r derived f o o d a n d other r a w materials f r o m f o u r r u r a l persons. T h u s , t o arrive at the relevant p o p u l a t i o n f o r free cities, the recorded p o p u l a t i o n is m u l t i p l i e d b y 5 . 0 . T o the extent t h a t this estimate errs, the bias is o n the h i g h side, because a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y rose r a p i d l y d u r i n g the nineteenth century, so t h a t a given farmer c o u l d feed m o r e m o u t h s , and because the Hanseatic cities derived substantial p o r t i o n s o f their f o o d t h r o u g h trade w i t h East e r n Baltic lands. T h e p o p u l a t i o n f o r the remainder o f G e r m a n y was calculated as the i n t e r p o l a t e d n a t i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n f r o m p e r i o d i c esti mates (assuming 1992 boundaries) less the estimated free-city p o p u l a t i o n s . Special u p w a r d population-base adjustments were made for c o m posers w h o were b o r n o r w o r k e d i n parts o f G e r m a n y t h a t were neither free cities n o r w i t h i n Germany's 1992 boundaries. 44
45
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O n e further c o n s i d e r a t i o n developed i n chapter 2 needs t o be reiter ated. T h e N a p o l e o n i c wars b r o u g h t substantial changes t o the p o l i t i c a l structure o f Germany. C a r r y i n g w i t h t h e m legal reforms i n the r e l a t i o n ship between feudal lords a n d their peasants, French forces i n v a d e d the east b a n k o f the R h i n e i n 1796 a n d , after i n t e r r u p t i o n s i n the early 1800s, c o m p l e t e d their sweep t h r o u g h the rest o f G e r m a n y w i t h the battle o f U l m i n 1805 a n d the battle o f Jena i n 1 8 0 6 . B y 1805 at the latest, a y o u n g G e r m a n c o n t e m p l a t i n g a career i n music c o u l d r i g h t l y be apprehensive a b o u t the chances o f e m p l o y m e n t i n noble courts. A f t e r N a p o l e o n ' s armies w i t h d r e w f o l l o w i n g the battle o f L e i p z i g i n 1 8 1 3 , nobles w h o h a d fled their estates r e t u r n e d , b u t l a n d r e f o r m (already u n d e r w a y i n some parts o f G e r m a n y before the N a p o l e o n i c invasion) a n d the e l i m i n a t i o n o f laws u n d e r g i r d i n g feudal o b l i g a t i o n s c o n t i n u e d . G r a n t i n g their f o r m e r peasants clear tenure o n some l a n d i n exchange for the e l i m i n a t i o n o f servile duties o n other tracts o f l a n d , nobles often f o u n d i t necessary t o become serious f a r m managers rather t h a n mere rent collectors. A c c u m u l a t e d debts also forced m a n y nobles t o dismiss o r downsize their orchestras. T h u s , the e n v i r o n m e n t h a d changed, a n d one m i g h t expect b u d d i n g composers' incentives t o seek a n d retain e m p l o y m e n t i n the courts t o have been attenuated. We therefore investi gate w h e t h e r there was a change i n b i r t h a n d e m p l o y m e n t patterns f o r composers w h o were b o r n after 1 7 8 5 , d r a w i n g the d i v i d i n g line at those w h o were eleven years o f age w h e n the French i n v a d e d M a i n z a n d Stutt g a r t a n d t w e n t y years o l d w h e n N a p o l e o n defeated A u s t r i a n forces at Ulm. Figure 5.8 summarizes the evidence o n the birthplace o r i g i n s o f 143 47
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FIGURE 5.8 Birth Locations of German Composers
G e r m a n composers. O v e r the f u l l span o f t w o centuries, 2 2 composers were f o u n d t o be b o r n i n free cities, as defined here ( w h i c h o n average h a d 12.4 percent o f the t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n ) , and 1 2 1 i n other parts o f Germany. T h e n u m b e r o f composers b o r n per m i l l i o n average p o p u l a t i o n i n the free cities was 10.93; the n u m b e r i n other parts o f G e r m a n y 8.58. T h e difference is statistically significant at the 95 percent confi dence level. W h e n the data are b r o k e n d o w n i n t o t w o t i m e periods, f o r c o m posers b o r n between 1 6 5 0 a n d 1785 a n d those b o r n thereafter, a m o r e c o m p l e x p i c t u r e emerges, as s h o w n i n the m i d d l e a n d r i g h t - h a n d bar clusters o f figure 5.8. I n the earlier p e r i o d , w h e n the remnants o f the feudal system were strongest, composer b i r t h s per m i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n were slightly l o w e r i n the free cities: 6.49, as c o m p a r e d w i t h 6.98 i n the rest o f Germany. I n the later p e r i o d , there is a s t r i k i n g difference: 4 . 9 9 b i r t h s per m i l l i o n i n the free cities c o m p a r e d t o 1.79 i n the rest o f Ger many. (The average composer counts per m i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n are l o w e r i n the later p e r i o d because i t covers o n l y 65 years, c o m p a r e d t o 135 years f o r the p r e - 1 7 8 5 p e r i o d . ) 48
Figure 5.9 t u r n s t o the e m p l o y m e n t side o f the p i c t u r e . I n t o t a l , o f the 6 4 6 sample composers were f o u n d t o have w o r k e d at least o f their careers i n Germany, d e v o t i n g 1 1 1 . 7 full-career equivalent times t o their G e r m a n tenures. O f these, 17.0 FTEs were spent i n 49
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FIGURE 5.9 Work Locations of German Composers
cities ( w i t h 12.3 percent o f the average p o p u l a t i o n c o u n t ) a n d 9 4 . 7 i n other parts o f Germany. F o r a l l composers b o r n between 1 6 5 0 a n d 1 8 4 9 a n d e m p l o y e d i n Germany, full-career-equivalent e m p l o y m e n t i n free cities was 7.14 per m i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n (estimated at the i n c l u d e d composers' t h i r t y - f i f t h b i r t h d a y s ) , c o m p a r e d t o 5.52 f o r career-equiva lent e m p l o y m e n t per m i l l i o n i n other parts o f Germany. T h i s s u r p r i s i n g result, at odds w i t h the c o m p e t i n g courts hypothesis, is statistically sig nificant at the 95 percent confidence l e v e l . I t w o u l d appear t h a t e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n the free cities — f o r example, i n freelance ac tivities, i n the churches, a n d i n city-sponsored orchestras — were m o r e a b u n d a n t o n average relative t o resident p o p u l a t i o n t h a n o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n the regions p o p u l a t e d by noble courts o r l a c k i n g b o t h l o c a l courts a n d bourgeois governance. Since the free cities were f o r the m o s t p a r t prosperous centers o f commerce a n d finance, p r i v a t e w e a l t h w o u l d ap pear t o have been an effective substitute f o r noble patronage as a basis o f e m p l o y m e n t t h r o u g h w h i c h composers c o u l d earn t h e i r bread. 50
T h e m i d d l e a n d r i g h t - h a n d bar g r o u p i n g s i n figure 5.9 s h o w t h a t the tendency f o r free cities t o e m p l o y m o r e composers per m i l l i o n resident p o p u l a t i o n t h a n the rest o f G e r m a n y persists b o t h before a n d after the N a p o l e o n i c invasions. I n the b i r t h date p e r i o d before 1 7 8 6 , f o r w h i c h w e f o u n d nearly equal c o u r t versus free-city s t i m u l i t o y o u n g l o c a l i n h a b i t a n t s ' choice o f m u s i c a l careers, the r a t i o o f free-city t o rest-of-
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G e r m a n y e m p l o y m e n t per m i l l i o n was 1.34 t o 1; for the later p e r i o d , d u r i n g w h i c h the free cities generated a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e n u m b e r o f composer b i r t h s , the r a t i o rose t o 1.57 t o l . A l t h o u g h the difference between periods is modest, i t is consistent w i t h the evidence presented i n chapters 2 a n d 3, s h o w i n g the retrenchment o f noble courts a n d , o w i n g t o g r o w i n g prosperity, the increase o f freelance c o m p o s i t i o n ac tivities d u r i n g the nineteenth century. We address the data one m o r e t i m e t o i n q u i r e w h e t h e r e m p l o y m e n t patterns were the same for G e r m a n - b o r n as c o m p a r e d t o i m m i g r a n t composers. A m o n g the 199 i n d i v i d u a l s w o r k i n g for at least t w o years i n Germany, 143 were b o r n w i t h i n the 1 9 9 2 boundaries o f G e r m a n y o r belonged t o German-ethnic families i n lost territories, a n d 56 were for e i g n - b o r n . T h e i r career-equivalent e m p l o y m e n t experiences i n G e r m a n y were as f o l l o w s : 5 1
F o r G e r m a n - b o r n composers, the results m i r r o r figure 5.9 b u t are stron ger; e m p l o y m e n t per m i l l i o n average p o p u l a t i o n i n free cities was 1.61 times t h a t o f other G e r m a n areas. F o r f o r e i g n - b o r n composers, h o w ever, the r a t i o reverses. T h e y were e m p l o y e d m o r e intensely per m i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n outside the free cities. For f o r e i g n - b o r n composers, the p r i n cipal e m p l o y m e n t - f i n d i n g mechanisms were either being discovered b y a G e r m a n n o b l e m a n v i s i t i n g some other c o u n t r y o r t r a v e l i n g t o G e r m a n y and i n q u i r i n g at the m o s t o b v i o u s locus o f o p p o r t u n i t y — a noble c o u r t . G e r m a n - b o r n composers, o n the other h a n d , enjoyed a richer n e t w o r k — they c o u l d find w o r k as an organist o r Kapellmeister i n a local c h u r c h , o r pursue the freelance o p p o r t u n i t i e s t h e i r talent and relationships w i t h c o u n t r y m e n opened u p , i n a d d i t i o n t o seeking e m p l o y m e n t t h r o u g h the c o u r t l y r e c r u i t m e n t systems. A n d i n numbers d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e t o the resident p o p u l a t i o n , they o p t e d t o w o r k i n a free c i t y rather t h a n i n the parts o f G e r m a n y where the noble courts were d o m i n a n t . These results offer little s u p p o r t f o r the hypothesis t h a t noble courts c o m p e t i n g for prestige p r o v i d e d uniquely favorable inducements t o m u sical career choices i n Germany. T h e m o s t one can d o t o r a t i o n a l i z e t h e m is t o suggest t h a t w h e n prestige c o m p e t i t i o n a m o n g courts was i n
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f u l l flower, the abundance o f m u s i c a l e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s p r o v i d e d a generalized s t i m u l u s t o musical careers, recognized b y y o u n g people i n free a n d noble areas alike a n d e x p l o i t a b l e b y m i g r a t i o n t o localities, near o r far, i n w h i c h jobs were available. A f t e r the N a p o leonic invasions, the r e t r e n c h m e n t o f noble courts m a y have sent p a r t i c u l a r l y discouraging signals t o y o u n g people w h o were b o r n a n d raised i n t h e i r shadow.
T H E GEOGRAPHY OF OCCUPATIONAL CHOICES
C h a p t e r 3 analyzed patterns over t i m e i n the choice o f career paths a m o n g freelance performance a n d c o m p o s i n g , e m p l o y m e n t w i t h a n o b l e c o u r t , a n d e m p l o y m e n t w i t h the c h u r c h , a m o n g others. H e r e w e r e t u r n t o the o c c u p a t i o n a l choice question a n d ask h o w geography matters. W e again use m u l t i p l e regression analysis t o disentangle the r e l a t i o n ships. W e focus o n e x p l a i n i n g three different measures, i n d i c a t i n g (1) w h e t h e r a member o f o u r 646-composer sample engaged i n p r i m a r y o r secondary freelance c o m p o s i t i o n and/or performance; (2) w h e t h e r a composer h a d p r i m a r y o r secondary e m p l o y m e n t and/or s u p p o r t f r o m a n o b l e c o u r t ; a n d (3) w h e t h e r the composer experienced p r i m a r y o r sec o n d a r y c h u r c h e m p l o y m e n t . E x p l a n a t o r y variables include the year o f the composer's b i r t h a n d indexes (based u p o n the i n f o r m a t i o n u n d e r l y i n g figure 5.4) measuring the f r a c t i o n o f a composer's w o r k i n g life (be g i n n i n g w i t h age 2 0 ) spent i n each o f six n a t i o n a l territories — G e r m a n y , France, Italy, A u s t r i a , E n g l a n d , a n d w h a t i n 1 9 9 2 was Czechoslovakia. Regression equations f o r each o f the three o c c u p a t i o n a l variables (freelance, c o u r t , a n d c h u r c h ) are presented i n an end n o t e . F o r a l l three regressions, the b i r t h date v a r i a b l e is h i g h l y significant statistically a n d has a sign consistent w i t h the results r e p o r t e d i n chapter 3. T h e r e was an u p w a r d t r e n d over t i m e i n the incidence o f freelance activity, b u t the t i m e trends i n c o u r t a n d c h u r c h e m p l o y m e n t were d o w n w a r d . I n the regression e q u a t i o n e x p l a i n i n g differences i n freelance activity, the strongest p r o p e n s i t y t o w a r d freelance a c t i v i t y is f o u n d f o r Italy, w h e r e , as w e have seen i n chapter 2 , opera w r i t i n g was a favored o u t l e t f o r composers' creative energies a n d m o s t operas were organized i n such a w a y t h a t composers w o r k e d as freelance agents. T h e second strongest tendency was f o r E n g l a n d , a b a s t i o n o f freelance m u s i c a l ac t i v i t y , a n d the t h i r d strongest f o r France — a p u z z l i n g result t h a t m a y be a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f opera a l o n g lines s i m i l a r t o the I t a l ian pattern. 52
N o t surprisingly, the strongest positive tendencies t o w a r d n o b l e c o u r t e m p l o y m e n t are f o u n d i n Germany, t o w h i c h the c o m p e t i n g courts h y -
G E O G R A P H Y OF SUPPLY A N D D E M A N D
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pothesis applies m o s t closely, a n d A u s t r i a , w i t h a substantial i m p e r i a l m u s i c a l establishment a n d n u m e r o u s lesser Kapelle-sustaining c o u r t s . N o n e o f the other nations e x h i b i t e d significantly different c o u r t e m p l o y m e n t patterns. G e r m a n y a n d France deviated m o s t n o t i c e a b l y f r o m other nations i n terms o f c h u r c h e m p l o y m e n t , w i t h significantly fewer composers deriv i n g t h e i r l i v i n g i n t h a t way. I t a l y shows the highest relative incidence o f c h u r c h e m p l o y m e n t , b u t its coefficient does n o t differ significantly f r o m the values estimated f o r other nations.
CONCLUSION
T o s u m u p , the c o m p e t i n g noble courts hypothesis receives m i x e d sup p o r t f r o m the data o n 6 4 6 composers. A p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f courts offered visible j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s a n d apparently c o n t r i b u t e d t o the choice o f music as a career f o r y o u n g people i n Europe. B u t the s t r o n g f o r m o f the hypothesis — t h a t Germany, w i t h its preponderance o f independent courts a t t r i b u t a b l e t o the b r e a k u p o f the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e , was es pecially conducive t o composers' careers — is n o t s u p p o r t e d . T h e m o r e p o l i t i c a l l y centralized A u s t r i a n e n v i r o n m e n t d o m i n a t e d i n this respect, a n d Italy, another t e r r i t o r y f o r m i n g the core o f the H o l y R o m a n E m pire, was nearly as active as G e r m a n y i n g i v i n g b i r t h t o composers rela tive t o its p o p u l a t i o n . A u s t r i a also d o m i n a t e d G e r m a n y i n the e m p l o y m e n t o f composers per m i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n . A n d w i t h i n Germany, composers chose free cities d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y relative t o those cities' p o p u l a t i o n as places i n w h i c h t o pursue their profession. A lack o f large magnet cities is one p r o b a b l e reason w h y G e r m a n y c o u l d n o t p u l l be y o n d its p o p u l a t i o n w e i g h t . O n the balance o f e m p l o y m e n t choices w i t h i n Germany, i t remains u n c e r t a i n h o w m u c h w e s h o u l d a t t r i b u t e t o the economic p u l l o f the free cities, f o r e s h a d o w i n g the broader g r o w t h o f prosperous middle-class d e m a n d f o r the o u t p u t o f composers, a n d h o w m u c h t o composers' desire t o shun the servility o f the courts a n d t o m a k e their w a y i n a freer, m o r e m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d e n v i r o n m e n t .
Chapter 6 CHANGES I N TRANSPORTATION A N D COMPOSERS' M O B I L I T Y
M A N Y COMPOSERS, w e learned i n the previous chapter, w o r k e d i n m o r e t h a n one n a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y . B o t h t o change jobs a n d t o p e r f o r m at venues a w a y f r o m h o m e , t r a v e l was necessary. A c c o m p a n y i n g the I n d u s t r i a l R e v o l u t i o n were several r e v o l u t i o n s i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n m e t h o d s t h a t h a d a noticeable i m p a c t o n composers' w o r k i n g lives. W e analyze those changes here.
T H E TRANSPORT R E V O L U T I O N S
M u c h o f composers' i n t e r c i t y a n d even i n t e r n a t i o n a l t r a v e l was done by l a n d . D u r i n g the eighteenth century, the c o n d i t i o n o f the t y p i c a l r o a d was abysmal. E c o n o m i c historians C l o u g h a n d Cole describe the situa t i o n as f o l l o w s : 1
The traditional European road of the early eighteenth century was little more than a track across the land, comparable to the poorest dirt roads. I n winter, i f there was no frost, these roads became boggy w i t h mud; and i f there was frost, they were quagmires when the frost came out . . . The result was that travel by carriage was extremely slow, expensive, dan gerous, and judging from the remarks of travelers, extraordinarily irritat ing. A trip at five miles an hour is referred to as "winged expedition." C l o u g h a n d Cole observe t h a t the q u a l i t y o f the roads, a l t h o u g h a l m o s t u n i f o r m l y b a d , tended t o w o r s e n as one traveled t o the east f r o m E n g l a n d , France, a n d the L o w C o u n t r i e s . France a n d I t a l y benefited t o some extent f r o m the remnants o f the o l d R o m a n r o a d system. I n France f r o m 1 7 2 0 u n t i l the r e v o l u t i o n , peasants were r e q u i r e d t o spend t h i r t y days per year i m p r o v i n g the roads; after that, N a p o l e o n placed p r i o r i t y o n m a i n t a i n i n g g o o d t r u n k roads t o sustain m i l i t a r y m o b i l i t y . T h e extensive decentralization o f g o v e r n m e n t a l a u t h o r i t y was a serious b a r r i e r t o s i m i l a r efforts i n Germany. I n Russia, c o n d i t i o n s were even w o r s e . A person w h o traveled i n 1718 f r o m M o s c o w t o St. Petersburg r e p o r t e d t h a t i t was necessary t o i m p r o v i s e floats t o cross t w e n t y rivers t h a t h a d neither bridges n o r ferries. T r a v e l b y sled, w h e n the rivers a n d 2
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g r o u n d were frozen, was greatly preferable t o t r a v e l b y coach d u r i n g w a r m e r seasons. Travel
Conditions
G i v e n the p r i m i t i v e state o f the roads, travel i n M o z a r t ' s t i m e was slow, exhausting, a n d costly. O n his j o u r n e y home f r o m Paris i n 1 7 7 8 , M o z a r t was advised t h a t he m i g h t travel f r o m Paris t o Strasbourg, a distance o f a p p r o x i m a t e l y 4 0 0 kilometers as the c r o w flies, i n five days by " d i l i g e n c e " or express post coach. H o w e v e r , he ended u p i n a slower coach t h a t retained the same team o f horses and required at least ten days — t o be sure, w i t h costly o v e r n i g h t stops at inns a l o n g the w a y . I n September 1 7 9 0 , M o z a r t h i r e d his o w n coach t o t r a v e l f r o m V i e n n a t o F r a n k f u r t a m M a i n , where he offered freelance concerts i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the c o r o n a t i o n o f L e o p o l d I I as emperor o f the H o l y R o m a n E m pire. T h e t r i p , r o u g h l y 635 kilometers, as the c r o w flies, t o o k six days, w i t h o n l y three o v e r n i g h t breaks for rest. A s s u m i n g a generous eight hours for each o v e r n i g h t stop (departures o n other M o z a r t trips oc c u r r e d as early as 4:00 A . M . ) , M o z a r t ' s average over-the-road speed, i n c l u d i n g as p a r t o f travel t i m e stops t o change horses a n d the l i k e , was a p p r o x i m a t e l y 5.87 kilometers per hour, or 3.6 miles per hour. 3
4
Recognizing these t r a v e l times under favorable c o n d i t i o n s , i t is less surprising t h a t i n 1705 J o h a n n Sebastian Bach walked a l l the w a y f r o m A r n s t a d t , where he was e m p l o y e d as c h u r c h organist, t o study w i t h D i e t r i c h Buxtehude at L ü b e c k — a distance o f nearly 4 0 0 k i l o m e t e r s , as measured o n 1990s G e r m a n r o a d maps. A y o u t h i n g o o d physical c o n d i t i o n can w a l k at the average speed M o z a r t achieved o n his F r a n k f u r t coach t r i p , a l t h o u g h t o be sure, he w o u l d require m o r e rest breaks t h a n a stagecoach able t o change horses at regular intervals. W a l k i n g was a reasonable alternative for those w h o lacked adequate finances. T r a v e l i n g by stagecoach was also physically d e b i l i t a t i n g . O n an over n i g h t t r i p i n 1780 f r o m Salzburg t o M u n i c h t o present his opera Idomeneo, M o z a r t r e p o r t e d t o his father t h a t n o one was able t o sleep — the b o u n c i n g was enough t o drive the soul o u t o f one's body. H a l f w a y t h r o u g h the t r i p i n w h a t must have been an unusually b a d l y upholstered coach, M o z a r t believed t h a t he w o u l d n o t b r i n g his " f i r e - r e d " backside t o M u n i c h i n one piece; o n t w o laps o f the r o u t e , he braced himself w i t h his arms o n the seat a n d his b e h i n d i n the air. A s late as 1 8 4 6 , l a c k i n g other alternatives, H e c t o r Berlioz f o u n d i t necessary t o travel f r o m the Russian border t o St. Petersburg by closed sled, u n d e r g o i n g " t o r t u r e s , the very existence o f w h i c h I h a d never suspected, for four w e a r y days a n d as m a n y terrible n i g h t s . " Even w i t h i n larger cities, t r a v e l was t i m e - c o n s u m i n g a n d unpleasant. 5
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O n his visit t o spatially vast Paris i n 1 7 7 8 , M o z a r t f o u n d his a b i l i t y t o earn m o n e y severely constrained by the distances between his residence a n d the homes o f p o t e n t i a l students o r c o m p o s i t i o n p a t r o n s . " B y f o o t , " he w r o t e , " i t is generally t o o far — o r t o o littered w i t h excrement. T r a v eling b y coach w i t h i n Paris is u n b e l i e v a b l y dirty, a n d one can have the h o n o r o f p a y i n g o u t 4 t o 5 livres [for t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ] w i t h o u t m u c h r e s u l t . " M o v i n g t o Paris i n the 1830s, V i n c e n t o B e l l i n i chose his resi dence m o r e astutely. H e l i v e d i n s u b u r b a n Puteaux, seven k i l o m e t e r s f r o m the city center. A h o r s e - d r a w n o m n i b u s departed for c e n t r a l Paris every ten minutes, t a k i n g h a l f an h o u r f o r the t r i p . B u t even d u r i n g the late nineteenth century, after i n t r a u r b a n trains became available, G a b r i e l Fauré averaged three h o u r s per day t r a v e l i n g t o his v a r i o u s stu dents—a b u r d e n t h a t sapped his energy for c o m p o s i n g a n d depressed him. 8
9
1 0
W h e n w a t e r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n was available, as i t was, f o r e x a m p l e , t o composers t r a v e l i n g between Naples o r R o m e a n d the n o r t h w e s t cities o f Italy, i t was often preferable t o passage o n eighteenth-century roads. Germany, i n particular, m i g h t have benefited f r o m its abundance o f i n t e r n a l w a t e r w a y s . B u t its fragmented g o v e r n m e n t a l structure p e r m i t t e d l o c a l Raubritter (robber barons) t o set u p numerous t o l l - c o l l e c t i o n sta t i o n s , each a t t e m p t i n g t o extract f r o m travelers a p r o f i t - m a x i m i z i n g t o l l . O v e r the 8 5 - k i l o m e t e r stretch o n the R h i n e river between M a i n z a n d K o b l e n z i n 1 7 8 0 , there were 9 t o l l stations, a n d f r o m K o b l e n z t o the D u t c h border, there were 16 m o r e . T w o decades later, there were 33 t o l l - c o l l e c t i o n stations o n the M a i n river between M a i n z a n d B a m b e r g a n d 14 o n the Elbe between H a m b u r g a n d M a g d e b u r g . T h e p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f tolls discouraged m o s t o f the traffic t h a t otherwise w o u l d have used the rivers. T h e s i t u a t i o n was n o t fully remedied u n t i l the 1830s. Journeys o n the open seas i n eighteenth- a n d early nineteenth-century sailing vessels h a d their o w n hazards. Passage across the English C h a n nel posed w e l l - k n o w n difficulties. I n 1 8 2 9 , the t w e n t y - y e a r - o l d Felix M e n d e l s s o h n traveled by ship f r o m H a m b u r g t o L o n d o n . T h e t r i p lasted four days a n d was m e m o r i a l i z e d b y M e n d e l s s o h n as " v e r y l o n g a n d n o t pleasant." Delays o c c u r r e d because o f f o g , head w i n d s , me chanical p r o b l e m s , a n d congestion o n the Thames. Everyone o n the ship, he w r o t e , was seasick d u r i n g the C h a n n e l passage. T w o years later, as H e c t o r Berlioz was sailing f r o m Marseilles t o L i v o r n o t o begin his P r i x de R o m e tenure, a sudden s t o r m heeled the ship over t o a nearf o u n d e r i n g angle, t h r o w i n g the c a p t a i n d o w n f r o m the ship's h e l m . A s Berlioz prepared t o die, s a l v a t i o n came o n l y w h e n a Venetian seaman assumed the h e l m a n d o r d e r e d the crew t o t r i m the sails. A f t e r difficult t r i p s b y l a n d t o a n d w i t h i n Russia i n 1 8 4 4 , R o b e r t a n d C l a r a S c h u m a n n debated w h e t h e r t o r e t u r n t o G e r m a n y f r o m St. Petersburg b y l a n d o r 11
12
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sea. C l a r a w o n the argument, a n d they sailed — i n t o a fierce Baltic sea s t o r m t h a t came u p so suddenly t h a t the ship's sails c o u l d n o t be t r i m m e d i n t i m e t o a v o i d the t e r r i f y i n g shattering o f one mast. 15
The
Improvements
T h e nineteenth century saw m a j o r i m p r o v e m e n t s i n v i r t u a l l y a l l modes o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . O n l a n d , p r i v a t e t u r n p i k e companies received fran chises t o b u i l d a n d m a i n t a i n i m p r o v e d roads i n E n g l a n d b e g i n n i n g i n the late eighteenth century. G r e a t l y i m p r o v e d r o a d - b u i l d i n g techniques, using as a f o u n d a t i o n small stones l a i d over large stones, were t h e n developed by J o h n M c A d a m a n d T h o m a s T e l f o r d . After e x p e r i m e n t a l w o r k , M c A d a m began c o n s t r u c t i n g roads using his n e w methods i n 1 8 1 5 . By 1 8 2 9 , Felix M e n d e l s s o h n c o u l d r e p o r t t h a t the t r i p between L o n d o n a n d E d i n b u r g h — a straight-line distance o f a b o u t 5 3 0 k i l o m e t e r s — c o u l d be made by m a i l coach i n three days. A m u c h m o r e i m p o r t a n t step, however, was the development o f r a i l w a y trains p r o p e l l e d by steam l o c o m o t i v e s . A l t h o u g h there were p r i m i tive predecessors, the era o f r a i l w a y - b u i l d i n g was heralded by the c o m p l e t i o n o f a l i n k between L i v e r p o o l a n d Manchester, over w h i c h i n 1 8 3 0 George Stephenson's Rocket achieved an average speed o f 3 1 miles (50 kilometers) per h o u r . By A u g u s t 1 8 4 8 , Frédéric C h o p i n was able t o travel by r a i l f r o m L o n d o n t o E d i n b u r g h i n 12 h o u r s . T h e n e w technology spread q u i c k l y t o the E u r o p e a n c o n t i n e n t . Figure 6.1 shows h o w the c o m p l e t i o n o f r a i l lines progressed i n six m a j o r E u r o p e a n na t i o n s . G e r m a n y f o l l o w e d the U n i t e d K i n g d o m i n t r a c k l a y i n g , w i t h a notable acceleration d u r i n g the m i d - 1 8 4 0 s . One o f the first l i n k s , be t w e e n L e i p z i g a n d Dresden, was c o m p l e t e d i n 1 8 3 9 ; connections f r o m L e i p z i g t o B e r l i n f o l l o w e d i n 1 8 4 0 . France led G e r m a n y briefly b u t t h e n f o l l o w e d close b e h i n d f r o m the 1840s o n . Italy, w i t h fragmented gov ernments, l o w e r per capita i n c o m e , a n d superior coastal ship alterna tives, was m u c h slower t o f o l l o w , and over the vast expanse o f even p o o r e r Russia, acceleration o f r a i l w a y b u i l d i n g occurred o n l y i n the late 1860s. Steam p o w e r a n d then the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f i r o n - b o t t o m vessels also b r o u g h t m a j o r i m p r o v e m e n t s t o domestic a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l w a t e r trans p o r t a t i o n . R o b e r t F u l t o n demonstrated an e x p e r i m e n t a l steam-driven boat i n Paris d u r i n g 1 8 0 3 . H i s Clermont began t o navigate the H u d s o n River between N e w Y o r k C i t y a n d A l b a n y i n 1 8 0 7 . By 1 8 1 5 , a steamd r i v e n ship began regular service between L i v e r p o o l a n d Glasgow. D u r i n g the late 1830s several B r i t i s h companies began the c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d o p e r a t i o n o f steam-driven paddlewheel vessels for regular transatlantic service. Significant further i m p r o v e m e n t s f o l l o w e d w i t h m o r e reliable, 16
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FIGURE 6.1 Growth of Rail Networks in Major European Nations faster, screw-propelled i r o n - b o t t o m vessels i n the d r i v e n b y c o m p o u n d steam engines i n the 1860s.
How
COMPOSERS W E R E
1850s a n d
ships
AFFECTED
These n e w t r a n s p o r t a t i o n developments greatly reduced the t i m e c o m posers needed t o t r a v e l a given distance i n p u r s u i n g their trade a n d b r o u g h t i n t o the r e a l m o f p r a c t i c a l i t y t r i p s t h a t d u r i n g the eighteenth c e n t u r y w o u l d have been inconceivable. I n N o v e m b e r o f 1 8 4 3 , C l a r a Schumann presented a series o f p i a n o concerts i n Dresden. D u r i n g her three-week stay i n Dresden, she made t w o t r i p s home t o Leipzig (280 kilometers r o u n d t r i p ) —one t o attend the rehearsal o f her husband's o r a t o r i o Peri a n d one m o t i v a t e d by homesickness. A t eighteenth-cen t u r y stagecoach speeds, each segment w o u l d have t a k e n nearly a full day a n d n i g h t . A f t e r an 1884 concert t r i p t h a t carried h i m t o Weimar, Dresden, Leipzig, Breslau, C o l o g n e , F r a n k f u r t , K a r l s r u h e , the H a g u e , R o t t e r d a m , a n d A m s t e r d a m , E d v a r d G r i e g decided t o alter his plans a n d t r a v e l t o R o m e for w i n t e r h o l i d a y s . A year later he w r o t e t h a t "a h a p p y N o r w e g i a n artist ( N . B . one w h o really loves his fatherland) w i l l never be f o u n d t i l l a l l can strap o n their w i n g s a n d m a k e o f f like the birds i n presto t i m e wherever they feel i n c l i n e d . " Between 1 8 6 1 a n d 1 8 9 3 , Pyotr I l y i c h T c h a i k o v s k y u n d e r t o o k 2 0 major t r i p s outside the boundaries o f Russia, F i n l a n d , a n d Poland, some t o satisfy professional 21
22
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c o m m i t m e n t s , some for holidays, a n d some t o visit friends: 4 were t o E n g l a n d , 12 t o France, 5 t o Italy, a n d 1 t o the U n i t e d States, a m o n g other destinations. C a m i l l e Saint-Saëns was even m o r e peripatetic. Bet w e e n 1 8 7 1 a n d 1 8 9 3 , he v e n t u r e d f r o m Paris t o L o n d o n every year t o p e r f o r m his w o r k s . H e vacationed regularly i n A l g e r i a . I n 1 8 9 0 - 1 8 9 1 , he traveled t o w h a t is n o w called Sri L a n k a , a n d i n 1 8 9 5 , t o V i e t n a m , c o m p o s i n g an o r a t o r i o w h i l e at sea. H e made t w o t r i p s t o South A m e r ica a n d i n 1 9 0 6 , o n the first o f his t w o journeys t o the U n i t e d States, he visited N e w Y o r k , Chicago, Philadelphia, W a s h i n g t o n , a n d Chicago, a d d i n g San Francisco o n a 1915 t r i p . N o t a l l composers v i e w e d the n e w t r a n s p o r t a t i o n possibilities positively. O n his first t r a i n ride between A n t w e r p a n d Brussels i n 1 8 3 6 , G i o a c h i n o Rossini was so unnerved that, d u r i n g the r e m a i n i n g t h i r t y t w o years o f his life, he never again traveled by t r a i n . J o h a n n Strauss Jr. h a d a s i m i l a r fear o f r a i l w a y s , b u t overcame i t i n 1 8 5 4 t o accept a lucrative concert i n v i t a t i o n f r o m the v i c i n i t y o f St. Petersburg. O n a w i n t e r r a i l t r i p t o Russia d u r i n g the 1860s, Giuseppe V e r d i a n d his w i f e f o u n d themselves shivering i n an unheated r a i l car; the w i n e they b r o u g h t w i t h t h e m froze. O n a R h i n e steamboat t a k e n by R o b e r t Schumann i n 1 8 3 0 , the ship caught fire, t r i g g e r i n g anxieties a n d m o r b i d dreams. H o w e v e r , he overcame the fears engendered by this a n d his equally t r a u m a t i c Baltic sea voyage, a m o n g other things t r a v e l i n g u p the R h i n e t o S w i t z e r l a n d i n 1 8 5 1 o n w h a t was said t o be the best v a c a t i o n ever for the Schumanns. 24
25
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A Quantitative
Perspective
I n chapter 5, w e learned t h a t 30 percent o f the composers i n o u r sample o f 6 4 6 died i n a n a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y other t h a n the one i n w h i c h they were b o r n , a n d 45 percent w o r k e d at least t w o years i n a n a t i o n other t h a n the one i n w h i c h they spent the p l u r a l i t y o f t h e i r w o r k i n g lives. One m i g h t expect these statistics t o be affected by the changes i n transp o r t a t i o n t h a t increased composers' m o b i l i t y . N o w w e probe the 6 4 6 member sample data m o r e deeply t o identify the effects. Figure 6.2 plots by 50-year birth-date intervals the percentage o f composers w h o died i n a n a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y other t h a n their b i r t h p l a c e . W e see a sharp rise f r o m the first t o the second t i m e p e r i o d a n d , m o r e surprisingly, a m a r k e d d r o p — f r o m 37.5 percent t o 23.8 percent — for the c o h o r t b o r n between 1 8 0 0 a n d 1 8 4 9 , w h o presumably benefited m o s t f r o m the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n r e v o l u t i o n s o f the nineteenth century. For which i n g an where
further insight, w e use the data o n the geographic locations at composers resided a n d w o r k e d beginning at age t w e n t y , c o m p u t i n d e x k n o w n as a numbers equivalent. I t is defined as 1 / [ 2 F j ] , F¡ is the f r a c t i o n o f a composer's w o r k i n g (and retired) life spent 31
2
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FIGURE 6.2 Percent of Composers Born i n One Nation W h o Died i n Another
i n the i n a t i o n . I t rises n o n l i n e a r l y , the m o r e nations i n w h i c h a c o m poser w o r k e d , b u t i t falls, the m o r e composers concentrated t h e i r w o r k effort at one o r a very few locations a n d spent o n l y s m a l l fractions o f t h e i r w o r k i n g lives i n other venues. I f a composer's w h o l e life was spent i n one n a t i o n , the value w o u l d be 1.0. I f the composer's w o r k i n g life was d i v i d e d equally between t w o nations, the value w o u l d be 1 / [ . 5 + . 5 ] = 1 / .5 = 2 . 0 . I f the composer w o r k e d i n t w o l o c a t i o n s , spending 8 7 percent o f the t i m e f r o m age t w e n t y o n w a r d at one l o c a t i o n a n d 13 percent at the other, the numbers-equivalent i n d e x w o u l d be 1 / [ . 8 7 + . 1 3 ] = 1.292. A g a i n , the m o r e u n e q u a l the fractions are f o r a given n u m b e r o f nations, the l o w e r the numbers-equivalent i n d e x is. T h e aver age numbers-equivalent value f o r a l l 6 4 6 composers was i n fact 1.283, w h i c h suggests t h a t o u r 8 7 p e r c e n t — 1 3 percent example provides use f u l i n s i g h t i n t o the w a y average composers d i v i d e d t h e i r w o r k i n g lives. B u t there is considerable v a r i a t i o n a m o n g the composers. O f the 6 4 6 composers, 55 percent resided i n o n l y one n a t i o n f r o m age t w e n t y o n ( i g n o r i n g stays a b r o a d o f less t h a n t w o years). F o r t y - e i g h t composers, o r 7.4 percent, h a d numbers-equivalent values i n excess o f 2 . 0 . T h e composer w i t h the m o s t w i d e l y scattered w o r k i n g life (and a n u m b e r s equivalent o f 4 . 3 5 ) was M a n u e l Garcia ( 1 7 7 5 - 1 8 3 2 ) , b o r n i n Spain a n d residing f r o m age t w e n t y o n f o r t w o years o r m o r e i n Spain, France, Italy, E n g l a n d , the U n i t e d States, a n d M e x i c o . t h
2
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2
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CHANGES I N COMPOSERS' MOBILITY
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FIGURE 6.3 Numbers Equivalents for Nations in Which Composers Lived from Age 20
Figure 6.3 p l o t s the average numbers-equivalent values for each o f the f o u r half-century birth-date intervals. T h e picture is s t r i k i n g l y s i m i lar t o t h a t o f figure 6.2. T h e equivalent n u m b e r o f n a t i o n a l territories i n w h i c h composers resided a n d w o r k e d rises sharply f r o m the first t o the second i n t e r v a l , w i t h a peak at 1.337 for composers b o r n between 1750 a n d 1 7 9 9 . I t t h e n drops sharply, t o an average value o f 1.245, for c o m posers b o r n d u r i n g the nineteenth century. I t seems t h a t o u r b i r t h versus death a n d f r a c t i o n - o f - w o r k i n g - l i v e s indexes, w h i c h were intended t o measure m o b i l i t y , s h o w m o b i l i t y t o be declining just w h e n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n media were r a d i c a l l y i m p r o v e d . A n apparent p a r a d o x demands explanation. T h e p r o b a b l e answer is t h a t , w i t h m u c h faster a n d m o r e e c o n o m i c a l means o f t r a v e l at t h e i r disposal, composers b o r n d u r i n g the nineteenth century c o u l d choose t o live wherever they w i s h e d a n d , i f need be, travel t o other venues where the o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o earn commissions o r performance fees were most attractive. For composers b o r n i n earlier half-century intervals, the benefit / cost r a t i o for short t r i p s was m u c h less favorable, slanting choices t o w a r d longer visits o r even extended residence i n the nations presenting the richest o p p o r t u n i t i e s . S u p p o r t for this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n comes t h r o u g h m u l t i p l e regression analysis. We seek t o e x p l a i n w h e t h e r composers died i n a n a t i o n other
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t h a n the one i n w h i c h they were b o r n , o r alternatively, the n u m b e r s equivalent indexes whose average values are p l o t t e d i n figure 6.3. A m o n g the four 50-year intervals w i t h i n w h i c h sample composers were b o r n , e x p l a n a t o r y variables d i s t i n g u i s h w h e t h e r a composer engaged i n substantial ( p r i m a r y o r secondary) freelance c o m p o s i n g activity, a n d w h e t h e r a composer engaged i n substantial freelance performance activity. T h e r e s u l t i n g least squares regression equations are presented i n a n end n o t e . I n the first t w o o f four distinct analyses, variables differen t i a t i n g t i m e periods are consistent w i t h the patterns s h o w n i n figures 6.2 a n d 6.3, a l t h o u g h o n l y the i n d i c a t e d decline i n the numbers-equivalent i n d e x for composers b o r n between 1 8 0 0 a n d 1849 is statistically signifi cant. T h e coefficients reflecting substantial freelance c o m p o s i n g a n d per formance activity are b o t h positive a n d statistically significant. T h e larg est effects are for freelance performers. Relative t o composers whose p r i m a r y e m p l o y m e n t was w i t h n o b l e courts, churches, o r other i n s t i t u t i o n s , composers w h o engaged i n substantial freelance activity, a n d especially those w h o were freelance performers, tended t o w o r k i n a w i d e r diversity o f nations a n d t o die m o r e frequently outside the n a t i o n i n w h i c h they were b o r n . I n the t h i r d a n d f o u r t h analyses, a d d i t i o n a l shift variables p e r m i t the freelance c o m p o s i t i o n and performance v a r i ables t o have effects different for composers b o r n d u r i n g the nineteenth c e n t u r y t h a n for composers b o r n between 1650 a n d 1 7 9 9 . T h i s m o d ification largely nullifies the i m p a c t o f variables characterizing differ ences a m o n g half-century t i m e intervals. W h a t this means is t h a t m o s t o f the decline i n presumed m o b i l i t y indexes s h o w n by figures 6.2 a n d 6.3 was associated w i t h increasing freelance activity. Freelance artists were m u c h m o r e m o b i l e t h a n other composers, a n d as freelance a c t i v i t y increased over t i m e , w h a t otherwise appears t o have been an increase i n m o b i l i t y f r o m the first t o the second 50-year b i r t h p e r i o d a n d a decline f r o m the t h i r d t o the f o u r t h p e r i o d i n fact stemmed f r o m increases i n the extent o f freelance a c t i v i t y a l o n g w i t h changes i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n me d i a . M o b i l i t y appears i n figures 6.2 a n d 6.3 t o be l o w for composers b o r n between 1 6 5 0 a n d 1699 because there were very few freelance artists i n t h a t c o h o r t . M e a s u r e d m o b i l i t y appears t o have fallen d u r i n g the f o u r t h t i m e p e r i o d because the freelance artists w h o were m o s t m o bile c o u l d tap distant o p p o r t u n i t i e s t h r o u g h short t r i p s , rather t h a n hav i n g t o relocate i n foreign markets for periods o f t w o years o r m o r e . 32
Other
Effects
I m p r o v e d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n costs also benefited composers b y m a k i n g i t easier f o r t h e m t o hedge against the risks o f nonacceptance i n a p a r t i c u -
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lar locality, a v a i l i n g themselves o f m o r e receptive audiences elsewhere. M o z a r t r e m a r k e d o n m o r e t h a n one occasion t h a t i f the Viennese t i r e d o f his music, he w o u l d seek his f o r t u n e outside V i e n n a . B u t w h e n his l u c k t u r n e d i n the late 1780s, the prospective rewards f r o m e m p l o y m e n t possibilities elsewhere o r a r i s k y freelance t r i p t o E n g l a n d were o u t w e i g h e d by the h i g h costs o f u p r o o t i n g his f a m i l y a n d m o v i n g t h e m , o r alternatively, leaving t h e m b e h i n d t e m p o r a r i l y . W h e n queried w h e t h e r his extensive t r a v e l m i g h t be h a r m f u l t o his health, M o z a r t ' s c o u s i n - i n law, C a r l M a r i a v o n Weber, asked i n reply, h o w else he c o u l d find an arena i n w h i c h t o practice his art? H e saw n o alternative t o c o n t i n u i n g his search. Felix M e n d e l s s o h n w r o t e i n 1 7 3 2 t h a t w h e n the people o f G e r m a n y n o longer appreciated h i m , g o i n g a b r o a d , w h e r e i t was easier t o be received, r e m a i n e d a possibility. H o w e v e r , he h o p e d i t w o u l d n o t be necessary t o leave the place w h e r e he felt m o s t at h o m e . T h e music o f Johannes Brahms often encountered hostile receptions, b u t w i t h g o o d r a i l w a y connections, Brahms s i m p l y m o v e d o n t o another city a n d sooner o r later f o u n d appreciative audiences a n d favorable reviews. 33
34
35
T h e received t h e o r y o f superstars implies t h a t w h e n the costs o f trans p o r t a t i o n f a l l , c o m p e t i t i o n f o r t o p talent is less l i m i t e d geographically a n d hence becomes m o r e intense, r a i s i n g the salary differential between o r d i n a r y talent a n d superstars. A m o n g the 5 0 composers whose b i o g raphies were researched i n d e p t h , m a n y t o o k advantage o f easier l a n d a n d sea t r a n s p o r t a t i o n d u r i n g the nineteenth c e n t u r y t o embrace l u c r a tive o p p o r t u n i t i e s outside t h e i r h o m e territories. I t is also clear, h o w ever, t h a t even i n the eighteenth century, superstar p a y differentials ex isted. A n d despite the m o n e t a r y a n d psychic costs o f t r a v e l , those whose talent was i n h i g h d e m a n d were w i l l i n g t o t r a v e l t o the ends o f E u r o p e t o reap the rewards. O u r data are insufficient t o determine w h e t h e r fee a n d other c o m p e n s a t i o n differentials increased d u r i n g the nineteenth century, as the t h e o r y predicts. T h e m o s t t h a t can be said is t h a t , f o r the 23 composers o n w h o m estate values at death c o u l d be estimated, there was n o statistically significant adjusted net w o r t h difference be t w e e n the 6 composers b o r n between 1 8 0 0 a n d 1 8 4 9 a n d the 17 b o r n earlier. 36
37
As w e have seen, composers traveled a l o t . I n t h e i r travels, they m e t a n d interacted w i t h other composers. A l t h o u g h o u r research d i d n o t pursue the question systematically, i t seems clear t h a t n e t w o r k s o f c o m posers emerged o u t o f these contacts. I t w o u l d be a n interesting disser t a t i o n project i n sociology t o trace those n e t w o r k s a n d identify t h e i r foci. Some tentative observations can be offered t o help i n i t i a t e such research. D u r i n g the early eighteenth century, significant n e t w o r k s h a d t h e i r focal p o i n t s at the palace o f C a r d i n a l Pietro O t t o b o n i ( 1 6 6 7 1740) i n R o m e ; w i t h the distinguished g r o u p e m p l o y e d by the r o y a l
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c o u r t at Dresden, i n c l u d i n g J o h a n n D a v i d H e i n i c h e n ( 1 6 8 3 - 1 7 2 9 ) a n d J o h a n n Hasse ( 1 6 9 9 - 1 7 8 3 ) ; a n d w i t h J o h a n n Sebastian Bach, w h o s e f o u r composer sons fanned o u t t h r o u g h m u c h o f m u s i c a l E u r o p e . D u r i n g the second h a l f o f the eighteenth century, n e t w o r k s m i g h t be traced t o Padre G i o v a n n i Battista M a r t i n i ( 1 7 0 6 - 1 7 8 4 ) at B o l o g n a a n d ( t o w a r d the t u r n o f the century) A n t o n i o Salieri a n d l i b r e t t i s t a n d i m p e r i a l prefect G o t t f r i e d v a n Swieten ( 1 7 3 3 - 1 8 0 3 ) i n V i e n n a . A t the m i d d l e o f the nineteenth century, i m p o r t a n t focal p o i n t s i n c l u d e d Franz Liszt; R o b e r t S c h u m a n n ( w h o , as publisher o f a m u s i c a l c r i t i c i s m j o u r n a l , m e t the m a n y composers attracted b y Leipzig's G e w a n d h a u s ) ; a n d the sop r a n o Pauline V i a r d o t ( 1 8 2 1 - 1 9 1 0 ) , w h o traveled w i d e l y a n d m a i n t a i n e d an active salon i n Paris. I t is n o t m u c h o f an exaggeration t o propose t h a t , after second-order connections are t a k e n i n t o account, every composer o f note i n E u r o p e k n e w everyone else active at the t i m e .
T H E B U R D E N O F T R A V E L COSTS
F o r composers w h o traveled extensively, the costs o f t r a v e l c o u l d signific a n t l y affect the net receipts f r o m t r i p s . A l t h o u g h he c o u l d w e l l a f f o r d the best available facilities, Franz Liszt t y p i c a l l y traveled second-class — f o r instance, o n a t r i p t o Russia i n 1 8 6 7 , i n c r o w d e d , i l l - l i g h t e d , p o o r l y heated r a i l cars. Johannes Brahms h a d s i m i l a r a b i l i t y t o p a y a n d s i m i l a r l y modest requirements. I n 1 8 8 7 he was j o i n e d by his p u b l i s h e r F r i t z S i m r o c k o n a t r i p t o Venice. C o o r d i n a t i n g t r a v e l arrangements b y m a i l , he asked S i m r o c k before the journey, " A r e y o u t r a v e l i n g first class? It's a l l the same t o me, I just d o n ' t w a n t t o p a y f o r first class a n d t h e n come to y o u i n second." O n his extensive t o u r s , N i c c o l ò Paganini h a d a strategy f o r saving m o n e y a n d finding the ambience he desired: he w o u l d b o o k his first n i g h t at the best h o t e l i n the city w h e r e he was p e r f o r m i n g a n d t h e n find a less expensive, m o r e c o m f o r t a b l y middle-class guest house. R o b e r t a n d C l a r a S c h u m a n n , o n the other h a n d , always stayed at the best hostelry i n t o w n w h e n they t r a v e l e d . I t is perhaps n o c o i n c i dence t h a t the three composers w h o m w e k n o w t o have scrimped o n t r a v e l costs a l l h a d substantial net w o r t h at the t i m e o f t h e i r deaths. See table 4 . 1 above. 38
39
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41
M o z a r t ' s t r a v e l expenditures, o n the other h a n d , were often l a v i s h , a n d i t w o u l d n o t be unreasonable t o argue t h a t they were i n p a r t responsible f o r his u l t i m a t e l y i m p o v e r i s h e d state. O n a t r i p f r o m V i e n n a t o Pressburg i n 1 7 6 2 , the M o z a r t f a m i l y b o u g h t t h e i r o w n t w o - h o r s e coach. T h e y retained i t f o r subsequent t r i p s , i n c l u d i n g one t o Paris i n 1 7 6 3 , as a consequence i n c u r r i n g m a n y u n p l a n n e d expenditures w h e n
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wheels b r o k e o r replacement horses were difficult t o o b t a i n . T h e y still h a d i t w h e n W o l f g a n g a n d his m o t h e r e m b a r k e d i n 1778 u p o n a t r i p t h a t eventually b r o u g h t t h e m t o Paris (where F r a u M o z a r t died) by w a y o f M a n n h e i m . H a v i n g accumulated sizeable losses b y the t i m e o f their p l a n n e d departure f r o m M a n n h e i m t o Paris, they t r i e d t o sell the coach for 60 t o 70 florins ( £ 6 - 7 ) , b u t h a d t o settle for selling i t t o a coach operator (Mietkutscher) for 4 0 florins, w h i c h was deducted f r o m the 1 1 L o u i s d ' o r (105 florins = £ 1 0 . 6 8 , o r 3 1 percent o f an English b u i l d i n g craftsman's a n n u a l full-time earnings) charged by the same i n d i v i d u a l for t r a n s p o r t a t i o n t o Paris. By the t i m e M o z a r t reached Strasbourg o n the t r i p h o m e , the losses against w h i c h his father h a d made advances b y b o r r o w i n g h a d m o u n t e d t o 863 florins. O n his 1 7 9 0 t r i p t o F r a n k f u r t a m M a i n for the c o r o n a t i o n o f L e o p o l d I I as H o l y R o m a n Emperor, M o z a r t rented his o w n private coach, as he h a d done o n earlier t r i p s . H o w m u c h he p a i d is u n k n o w n , b u t i t must have been considerably m o r e t h a n p u b l i c coach t r a n s p o r t a t i o n w o u l d have cost. H i s freelance concerts i n F r a n k f u r t were a financial d i s a p p o i n t m e n t . A s his F r a n k f u r t t r i p d r e w t o a close, he p a w n e d a l l the f u r n i t u r e i n his V i e n n a apart m e n t t o b o r r o w 1,000 florins — the most d r a m a t i c s y m p t o m o f his g r o w i n g indebtedness. 42
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46
Joseph H a y d n was m o r e fortunate t h a n M o z a r t w h e n he made his second j o u r n e y t o L o n d o n i n 1 7 9 4 . H i s friend a n d (later) librettist G o t t fried v a n Swieten loaned h i m his personal c o a c h . Beethoven, o n the other h a n d , c o n t e m p l a t e d i n 1 8 1 7 a similar i n v i t a t i o n t o L o n d o n , for w h i c h a travel advance o f £ 1 0 5 was p r o m i s e d . Because o f his failing hearing, however, he required at least one person a n d preferably three (a p h y s i c i a n , a friend, a n d a servant) t o accompany h i m , a n d because the t r a v e l advance was insufficient t o cover such h i g h expenses, the t r i p fell t h r o u g h . T h e cost o f H e c t o r Berlioz's 1843 t r i p t o Germany, m o s t l y by stagecoach, was said i n the composer's m e m o i r s t o be " r u i n o u s " because o f difficult t r a v e l i n g - c o m p a n i o n requirements — a l t h o u g h i n Berlioz's case, the c o m p a n i o n s were m u s i c a l scores w e i g h i n g 5 0 0 p o u n d s for his c o n t e m p l a t e d concerts. H e made the t r i p s nevertheless a n d achieved substantial successes i n Leipzig, Dresden, a n d Braunschweig. 47
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CONCLUSION
T r a n s p o r t a t i o n costs are an aspect o f composers' economic lives t o w h i c h scholars have devoted little a t t e n t i o n . B u t as w e have seen, their i m p a c t can be quite i m p o r t a n t . T h e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n media r e v o l u t i o n s o f the nineteenth century increased the speed a n d reduced b o t h the financial
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a n d psychic costs o f t r a v e l for composers. T h e consequence was a sub stantial increase i n composers' m o b i l i t y , greater a b i l i t y t o reduce the risks o f unreceptive audiences at a single locale, a n d i f the analysis here is correct, the p o s s i b i l i t y o f h a v i n g one's cake a n d eating i t — t h a t is, l i v i n g where one prefers b u t also t r a v e l i n g t o tap r i c h performance a n d composition opportunities away from home.
Chapter 7 T H E ECONOMICS OF MUSIC PUBLISHING
T H E GROWTH o f d e m a n d for p r i n t e d sheet music, first f r o m religious establishments a n d the n o b i l i t y a n d t h e n f r o m the i n s t r u m e n t - p l a y i n g p u b l i c , u n d e r l a y the emergence o f a m u s i c - p u b l i s h i n g i n d u s t r y a n d aug mented the sources f r o m w h i c h composers c o u l d derive earnings t h r o u g h their w o r k . I n this chapter w e r e v i e w the industry's o r i g i n s , survey the various p u b l i c a t i o n technologies a n d their costs, a n d t h e n analyze h o w the e v o l u t i o n o f p r o p e r t y rights affected publishers a n d their r e l a t i o n ships, financial a n d otherwise, w i t h composers.
T H E EMERGENCE OF A N INDUSTRY
P r i n t i n g w i t h m o v a b l e m e t a l type, a t t r i b u t e d t o experiments by Jo hannes Gutenberg between 1430 a n d 1 4 4 8 , led t o the emergence o f v i b r a n t p u b l i s h i n g industries i n the p r i n c i p a l cities a n d t o w n s o f western Europe, Italy, a n d E n g l a n d . T h e industry's g r o w t h was spurred at first by the d e m a n d for p r i n t e d religious indulgences a n d t h e n , b e g i n n i n g i n the 1520s, by the Protestant r e f o r m a t i o n , whose leaders encouraged i n d i v i d u a l reading o f religious texts a n d g r o u p singing d u r i n g c h u r c h ser vices. N u m e r o u s firms, some specializing i n religious texts a n d others i n musical w o r k s per se, arose t h r o u g h o u t Europe t o meet these demands a n d the d e m a n d for treatises e x p l a i n i n g the principles o f music n o t a t i o n , c o m p o s i t i o n , a n d performance. Consistent w i t h research o n the e v o l u t i o n o f m o d e r n industries, most o f the early m u s i c - p u b l i s h i n g firms were s h o r t - l i v e d . Some entrepre neurs nevertheless managed t o pass their franchises t o successive gener ations a n d , w h e n a p p r o p r i a t e heirs were l a c k i n g , t o m a i n t a i n c o n t i n u i t y by selling o u t t o n e w owners. A m o n g the large n u m b e r o f early musicp u b l i s h i n g enterprises m e n t i o n e d by D o n a l d K r ü m m e l , 1 1 f o u n d e d be fore the year 1650 managed t o survive at least i n t o the second h a l f o f the seventeenth century a n d i n some cases i n t o the eighteenth century. T h e i r average s u r v i v a l d u r a t i o n was 86 years. T h e m o s t l o n g - l i v e d was L e R o y & B a l l a r d o f Paris, w h i c h enjoyed t h r o u g h m u c h o f its existence a r o y a l m o n o p o l y privilege for the p r i n t i n g o f music i n France. O f these early s u r v i v o r s , 6 were located i n G e r m a n cities, 4 i n Italy, 1 ( L e R o y & Ballard) i n France, a n d 1 i n w h a t is n o w A u s t r i a . 1
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T h e earliest music p u b l i s h i n g house t o survive i n t o the t w e n t y - f i r s t c e n t u r y was B r e i t k o p f & Härtel, w h i c h began as a L e i p z i g b o o k p u b lisher b u t diversified i n t o music p u b l i s h i n g d u r i n g the 1740s, a m o n g o t h e r things o n the strength o f i m p o r t a n t t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s . Its c o n t r i b u t i o n s w i l l be p r o m i n e n t i n subsequent analyses. T h e separation o f G e r m a n y i n t o t w o sectors after W o r l d W a r I I p r e c i p i t a t e d a m o v e o f the company's headquarters t o Wiesbaden. T h e firm's eastern remnants were reabsorbed f o l l o w i n g G e r m a n r e u n i f i c a t i o n i n 1 9 9 0 . T h e secondoldest l o n g - t e r m s u r v i v o r is the firm f o u n d e d i n 1 7 7 0 b y B e r n h a r d Schott ( 1 7 4 8 - 1 8 0 9 ) i n M a i n z , Germany, w h i c h continues t o d o busi ness as M u s i k v e r l a g Schott. T h e m o s t durable I t a l i a n firm is Casa R i c o r d i , Giuseppe Verdi's p r i n c i p a l publisher, w h i c h was f o u n d e d i n M i l a n by Giovanni Ricordi ( 1 7 8 5 - 1 8 5 3 ) around 1808, survived for m o r e t h a n a c e n t u r y under f a m i l y o w n e r s h i p , a n d continues under a l tered o w n e r s h i p arrangements. R i c o r d i a n d Schott are the o n l y t w o c e n t u r y survivors t o r e t a i n headquarters at their o r i g i n a l h o m e base. T h e m o s t c o m p l e x h i s t o r y a m o n g the l o n g - t e r m survivors exists f o r w h a t is n o w called the C. F. Peters C o r p o r a t i o n , w i t h head offices i n F r a n k f u r t , L o n d o n , a n d N e w Y o r k . Its founder, Franz A n t o n H o f f m e i s ter ( 1 7 5 4 - 1 8 1 2 ) , began p u b l i s h i n g m u s i c a l w o r k s i n V i e n n a d u r i n g 1 7 8 4 . I n 1 8 0 0 he sold his V i e n n a operations a n d m o v e d t o L e i p z i g t o j o i n A m b r o s i u s Kühnel i n f o r m i n g the Bureau de M u s i q u e , w h i c h i n t u r n was acquired b y C a r l F r i e d r i c h Peters ( 1 7 7 9 - 1 8 2 7 ) i n 1 8 1 4 . D o i n g business under the Peters name, the firm survived n u m e r o u s subsequent o w n e r s h i p changes. A s i m i l a r l y c o n v o l u t e d h i s t o r y l i n k s the p u b l i s h i n g firm f o u n d e d by N i c o l a u s S i m r o c k ( 1 7 5 1 - 1 8 3 2 ) i n B o n n d u r i n g 1793 a n d its s u r v i v a l n o w as the Benj a m i n - R a h t e r - S i m r o c k o r g a n i z a t i o n . M u sic p u b l i s h i n g was also u n d e r t a k e n i n c o l o n i a l A m e r i c a , b u t the oldest s t i l l - s u r v i v i n g firm, G . Schirmer, I n c . , was f o u n d e d o n l y i n 1 8 4 8 , re m a i n i n g i n t e r m i t t e n t l y under Schirmer f a m i l y management between 1854 and 1957. A m o n g others, some w e l l - k n o w n composers were attracted i n t o the business o f music p u b l i s h i n g . A n n o u n c i n g i n 1 7 8 6 t h a t he w o u l d be come his o w n publisher, Ignaz Pleyel ( 1 7 5 7 - 1 8 3 1 ) c o m p l a i n e d i n an advertisement seeking subscriptions t h a t : 3
The disagreeable emphasis, the often mutilated renditions of my works, which up to now robbed me completely of the fruits of my labor . . . all these reasons persuade me to become my own publisher and manager of the public good i n the future. T h e c o m p o s i t i o n s Pleyel advertised were i n the end p u b l i s h e d by a t h i r d party, b u t between 1795 a n d 1 8 3 4 , the house o f Pleyel was one o f the l e a d i n g music publishers i n Paris. I n 1805 i t expanded i n t o the p r o d u c -
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t i o n o f pianofortes — a business c o n t i n u e d u n t i l i t was a c q u i r e d by a G e r m a n firm i n 1 9 7 1 . M u z i o C l e m e n t i , one o f the m o s t b r i l l i a n t p i a n o performers o f his era, entered music p u b l i s h i n g w i t h a L o n d o n partner i n 1 7 9 8 , s h o r t l y thereafter diversifying, like Pleyel, i n t o p i a n o p r o d u c t i o n . A f t e r a spectacularly successful r o u n d o f performances t h r o u g h o u t n o r t h e r n E u r o p e , N i c c o l ò Paganini hovered o n the b r i n k o f o p e n i n g a music p u b l i s h i n g house i n Italy, b u t became immersed i n other financial speculations a n d d i d n o t take the step. These were the m o s t famous a m o n g a larger n u m b e r o f cases. Altogether, a m o n g the 6 4 6 composers o n w h o m systematic b i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n was collected for this b o o k , 12 were professional music publishers d u r i n g at least p a r t o f their careers, 1 1 o f t h e m ( i n c l u d i n g Pleyel a n d Clementi) p u r s u i n g p u b l i s h i n g as a p r i m a r y o r secondary o c c u p a t i o n a n d 1 as a t e r t i a r y o c c u p a t i o n . 4
5
F r o m the industry's early beginnings, music publishers reached o u t t o composers a n d consumers b e y o n d their n a t i o n a l borders. Concertos by Tomaso A l b i n o n i were p r i n t e d by the p r o m i n e n t A m s t e r d a m publisher Estienne Roger ( 1 6 6 5 - 1 7 2 2 ) , first i n p i r a t e d a n d later i n a p p r o v e d edit i o n s . Roger, w h o h a d sales agents i n L o n d o n , C o l o g n e , B e r l i n , L e i p z i g , Brussels, a n d H a m b u r g , also p u b l i s h e d p i r a t e d versions o f early c o m positions by A r c a n g e l o C o r e l l i a n d an a u t h o r i z e d version o f Corelli's C o n c e r t i Grossi o p . 6. M o s t o f Corelli's p u b l i s h i n g commissions t r a v eled 3 0 0 k i l o m e t e r s n o r t h f r o m R o m e t o B o l o g n a , his h o m e t o w n a n d a leading center o f I t a l i a n music p u b l i c a t i o n . Sonatas b y D o m e n i c o Scarl a t t i were p u b l i s h e d by L o n d o n houses i n b o t h official a n d p i r a t e d versions. By 1 8 1 6 , the B r e i t k o p f & Härtel firm h a d sales agents i n 16 cities considered by the firm t o be G e r m a n ( i n c l u d i n g three lost by G e r m a n y f o l l o w i n g W o r l d W a r I I ) plus 17 foreign cities. T h r o u g h agents, m a i l orders, a n d acquisitions made w h e n w e a l t h y music lovers traveled a b r o a d , m u s i c a l manuscripts circulated substantial distances t h r o u g h o u t E u r o p e . O n e o f the finest p o r t r a i t s by Francisco G o y a , p a i n t e d a r o u n d 1795 a n d h a n g i n g n o w i n M a d r i d ' s M u s e o del Prado, shows J o s é A l varez de T o l e d o , the duke o f A l b a , h o l d i n g a m u s i c a l c o m p o s i t i o n by Joseph H a y d n . 6
7
8
For B r e i t k o p f & Härtel ( B & H ) detailed data are available o n the sales made by its diverse agents between 1816 a n d 1 8 1 8 , after the firm recovered f r o m a severe s l u m p d u r i n g the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s . T h e h i g h est sales (2,500 Saxonian thaler = £ 5 5 0 ) were by its B e r l i n agent; the lowest by agents i n the small t o w n s o f Göttingen a n d G r e i f s w a l d . Econ o m i c analyses o f i n t e r r e g i o n a l a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l trade use a " g r a v i t y m o d e l " t o e x p l a i n h o w exports v a r y w i t h the p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r o f a d e m a n d locus a n d w i t h distance f r o m the p r o d u c t i o n site, w i t h w h i c h t r a n s p o r t a t i o n costs are r o u g h l y correlated. For 2 6 cities o n w h i c h B & H agent sales figures were r e p o r t e d , p o p u l a t i o n estimates were also 9
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a v a i l a b l e . T h e larger the p o p u l a t i o n o f a city, the higher one m i g h t expect the sales t h r o u g h agents i n t h a t c i t y t o be. T h e distance as the c r o w flies f r o m L e i p z i g t o sales outlets ( w h i c h was often different f r o m the distance stagecoaches traveled) was measured i n k i l o m e t e r s . T h e re s u l t i n g " g r a v i t y " regression e q u a t i o n is r e p o r t e d i n an end n o t e . I t reveals a s t r o n g positive r e l a t i o n s h i p between p o p u l a t i o n i n an u r b a n d e m a n d locus a n d agent sales i n t h a t area. T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between sales a n d distance was p o s i t i v e , c o n t r a r y t o the g r a v i t y m o d e l p r e d i c t i o n , b u t far f r o m statistically significant. Evidently, even t h o u g h t r a n s p o r t a t i o n was s l o w a n d difficult at the t i m e , s h i p p i n g costs were sufficiently modest relative t o high-value, c o m p a c t , a n d l i g h t music p u b l i c a t i o n s t h a t they d i d n o t appreciably i m p a i r sales. R e p l i c a t i o n o f the analysis for 1 1 cities considered by B r e i t k o p f & Härtel t o be w i t h i n G e r m a n y yielded a s t r o n g positive r e l a t i o n s h i p between sales a n d p o p u l a t i o n a n d a negative b u t statistically insignificant coefficient o n the distance v a r i able, suggesting again the u n i m p o r t a n c e o f distance w i t h i n the geo g r a p h i c boundaries o f early nineteenth-century Germany. 10
11
TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATIONS
T h e earliest mechanical p r i n t i n g o f music was done using p r e - G u t e n berg fixed-block plates o f w o o d o r m e t a l o n t o w h i c h the notes, staves, a n d t e x t were carved. A d a p t i n g Gutenberg's movable-type i n v e n t i o n t o the p r i n t i n g o f music was m u c h m o r e difficult t h a n p r i n t i n g simple let ter t e x t . U n l i k e the letters i n a line o f t e x t , the notes o f a m u s i c a l piece can o c c u p y nine different v e r t i c a l positions w i t h i n the standard five-line staff a n d at least as m a n y m o r e above a n d b e l o w i t . F u r t h e r c o m p l e x i t y is added by ties a m o n g the notes, dots, c h a n g i n g key signatures, phrase m a r k i n g s , a n d a l l the other accoutrements needed t o express m u s i c a l ideas i n p r i n t a n d by the fact t h a t t w o o r three notes i n a scale m i g h t be played simultaneously. A t first o n l y very p r i m i t i v e n o t a t i o n , f o r i n stance, f o r G r e g o r i a n chants a n d simple songs, c o u l d be p r i n t e d using m o v a b l e type. G r a d u a l l y the m e t h o d s were i m p r o v e d . N o t a b l e a m o n g the pioneers i n the t r a n s i t i o n t o m o r e c o m p l e x n o t a t i o n using m o v a b l e type was the I t a l i a n O t t a v i a n o dei Petrucci, w h o perfected his tech niques i n Venice between 1 4 9 0 a n d 1 5 1 1 . H i s early p r i n t e d master pieces r e q u i r e d three different impressions, the first t o p r i n t the linear staves, the second t o p r i n t the notes, a n d the t h i r d t o p r i n t t e x t a n d special m a r k s . P o l y p h o n y was h a n d l e d by p r i n t i n g parts side by side. Needless t o say, considerable precision i n p o s i t i o n i n g paper sheets o n the press bed was r e q u i r e d t o make e v e r y t h i n g fit together. L a t e r i m provements made i t possible t o p r i n t music w i t h o n l y a single impres12
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sion, each type element c o n t a i n i n g a note o r m a r k i n g i n the p r o p e r p o s i t i o n relative t o the five staff lines. A disadvantage was t h a t the sideby-side elements were difficult t o a l i g n h o r i z o n t a l l y . A l t h o u g h m o v a b l e type was the p r i n c i p a l basis o f music p r i n t i n g dur i n g m o s t o f the t w o centuries f o l l o w i n g Petrucci's w o r k , the technique became less a n d less w e l l suited f o r the c o m p l e x i n s t r u m e n t a l w o r k s t o w a r d w h i c h b o t h composers a n d connoisseurs o f music were t u r n i n g . T h e s o l u t i o n t o this p r o b l e m was a t r a n s i t i o n , b e g i n n i n g i n the late sixteenth century, t o the p r i n t i n g o f music f r o m engraved copper o r (less expensive) pewter plates. T h e technique spread t h r o u g h E u r o p e slowly, b u t b y the end o f the seventeenth century, i t h a d become the d o m i n a n t publication method. T o engrave music, one began w i t h a copper o r p e w t e r plate r o l l e d t o a s m o o t h flat surface. A skilled engraver scored the staff lines o n the plate. I n the early years o f engraved music, the engraver t h e n used a sharp i n s t r u m e n t t o score the various clefs, notes, key signatures, m a r k ings, a n d the l i k e i n the a p p r o p r i a t e places o n the staves — w o r k i n g t o create i n effect a m i r r o r image o f the m a n u s c r i p t . As the technique evolved b y the end o f the seventeenth century, h a r d m e t a l punches were fabricated w i t h the diverse note a n d m a r k i n g shapes so t h a t the r e q u i site n o t a t i o n c o u l d be t a p p e d o n t o the plate —a process m u c h faster t h a n hand-engraving each s y m b o l . O n average, i t t o o k a skilled en graver six t o eight hours t o complete a single plate, w h i c h t y p i c a l l y c o n t a i n e d t w o pages o f music t o be p r i n t e d . A f t e r r u n n i n g o f a p r o o f sheet, p r o o f r e a d i n g , a n d (the composer hoped) c o r r e c t i o n , the plate was l o c k e d o n t o a flatbed press, i n k e d , a n d w i p e d t o remove i n k f r o m a l l b u t the engraved crevices. A sheet o f paper was l a i d u p o n the plate a n d pressure was a p p l i e d t o transfer i n k f r o m the crevices t o the paper — u p t o a b o u t 1 8 1 3 , by screwing a p l a t e n d o w n u p o n the paper a n d plate, b u t after t h a t t i m e , t h r o u g h a m u c h faster lever mechanism. T h e p l a t e n was then r e m o v e d a n d the o p e r a t i o n was repeated, w i t h a t y p i c a l cycle o n old-design screw-type presses o c c u p y i n g a j o u r n e y m a n p r i n t e r a n d his apprentice f o u r t o five minutes o r one t o t w o minutes w i t h post1 8 2 0 flatbed press technologies. T h e sheets were a l l o w e d t o d r y a n d were then p r i n t e d again o n the reverse side. Because the w i p i n g stage caused abrasion, plates h a d t o be retouched a n d sometimes repunched every 100 t o 2 0 0 cycles. W i t h p r o p e r maintenance, a pewter plate c o u l d be used t o m a k e a few t h o u s a n d impressions, a copper plate far m o r e . For music set using m o v a b l e type, the w i p i n g stage was needed less often, speeding u p the process slightly a n d p e r m i t t i n g longer runs f r o m the o r i g i n a l b l o c k o f type. M o v a b l e type enjoyed a p a r t i a l renaissance t h a n k s t o i m p r o v e m e n t s made by a p r i n c i p a l o f the B r e i t k o p f & Härtel firm, J o h a n n G o t t l o b 13
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I m m a n u e l B r e i t k o p f , d u r i n g the 1750s. H e devised a c o m p l e x set o f some 2 3 2 t i n y staff, note, a n d m a r k i n g elements, each one-fifth staff i n height, t h a t c o u l d be assembled n o t staff b y staff, as w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l m e t h o d s , b u t i n t o a mosaic o r m a t r i x . W h e n the elements were p r o p erly set b y a h i g h l y skilled craftsman, i t was possible t o p r i n t c o m p l e x m u s i c a l n o t a t i o n w i t h accuracy a n d neatness a p p r o a c h i n g the standards achieved t h r o u g h engraving. T h e m a t r i x o f set type, like engraved plates, c o u l d be stored w h e n a r u n was c o m p l e t e d i n order t o p e r m i t a d d i t i o n a l runs w h e n d e m a n d c o n d i t i o n s w a r r a n t e d . P r i n t i n g using B r e i t k o p f ' s m o v a b l e type m e t h o d was less costly t h a n h i g h e r - q u a l i t y engraving, a n d so his firm was able t o m a k e sheet music available at prices better suited t o achieving substantial sales volumes. H o w e v e r , i n a d d i t i o n t o h a v i n g s o m e w h a t inferior p r i n t q u a l i t y , i t was less flexible t h a n engraving, h i n d e r i n g the issue o f significantly revised e d i t i o n s . 1 4
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F r o m the early years o f the nineteenth century, l i t h o g r a p h i c methods began t o challenge m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l type set a n d engraved methods as a means o f p r i n t i n g music. T h e o r i g i n a l inventions were made b y a Bavar i a n p l a y w r i g h t , A l o y s Senefelder ( 1 7 7 1 - 1 8 3 4 ) . After various unsuccess ful t r i a l s , Senefelder developed a m e t h o d o f impressing the staff lines a n d notes w i t h a w a x y i n k o n t o a s m o o t h l y polished stone plate. A f t e r the stone was treated w i t h other chemicals, p r i n t i n g inks adhered o n l y t o the i m p r i n t e d m u s i c a l notes a n d t e x t a n d n o t t o the rest o f the plate, a n d w h e n paper was pressed u p o n the stone, the i n k was transferred t o the paper. Senefelder c o l l a b o r a t e d w i t h Franz A n t o n v o n Weber, the father o f composer C a r l M a r i a v o n Weber, t o p r o m o t e his i n v e n t i o n a m o n g G e r m a n music publishers. T h e senior Weber was an inveterate wheeler a n d dealer, constantly i n debt a n d c o n c o c t i n g n e w schemes t o regain his f o o t i n g . I n 1 8 0 0 he approached the head o f B r e i t k o p f & Härtel w i t h an offer t o transfer l i t h o g r a p h i c t e c h n o l o g y t o the L e i p z i g firm. F u r t h e r inquiries revealed, however, t h a t Weber d i d n o t k n o w e n o u g h a b o u t the processes t o make t h e m w o r k , a n d so successful use o f l i t h o g r a p h y by B & H , i n direct c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h Senefelder, was de layed u n t i l 1 8 0 5 . M e a n w h i l e , Senefelder established i n V i e n n a d u r i n g 1803 a n e w firm, the Chemische D r u c k e r e i ( C h e m i c a l P r i n t i n g C o m p a n y ) t o a p p l y his n e w process t o music p u b l i s h i n g . Subsequent i n n o v a t i o n s enhanced the cost advantage o f l i t h o g r a p h y over older music p r i n t i n g methods, especially for manuscripts w i t h rela tively modest a n t i c i p a t e d sales. T h e first i m p r o v e m e n t s , already i n w i d e spread use b y 1 8 2 0 , a l l o w e d a copyist o r even the composer t o w r i t e the music w i t h special i n k o n special paper, f r o m w h i c h the images were transferred d i r e c t l y t o p o l i s h e d and chemically treated l i t h o g r a p h i c plates f o r p r i n t i n g . T h e scores for R i c h a r d Wagner's Rienze a n d Der fliegende Holländer (The F l y i n g D u t c h m a n ) , b o t h l i t h o g r a p h e d i n 1 8 4 4 , a n d Tannhäuser, i n 1 8 4 5 , were prepared by Wagner a n d his assistant i n 16
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this way. D u r i n g the 1850s the t e c h n o l o g y o f l i t h o g r a p h y was success fully merged w i t h a newer art, p h o t o g r a p h y . Photographs were made o f a n o r i g i n a l m u s i c a l m a n u s c r i p t o n special emulsions, f r o m w h i c h the images were transferred t o treated stone o r m e t a l p r i n t i n g plates. O t h e r i n n o v a t i o n s made i t possible t o transfer the images t o flexible plates o r sheets used o n high-speed r o t a r y presses. M u s i c nevertheless c o n t i n u e d t o be engraved, especially for w o r k s o n w h i c h h i g h r e p r o d u c t i o n q u a l i t y was sought. H e n r y R a y n o r argues t h a t the c o n t i n u e d v i a b i l i t y o f engraving was a t t r i b u t a b l e inter alia t o the g r o w t h o f d e m a n d f o r p r i n t e d music, lessening the disadvantage o f h i g h front-end costs. L i t h o g r a p h e d music, however, c o n t i n u e d f o r a l o n g t i m e t o be o f l o w e r q u a l i t y t h a n engraved music. T h i s negative feature i n i t i a l l y led R i c h a r d Wagner t o hesitate a b o u t dedicating Lohengrin to Franz Liszt w h e n B r e i t k o p f & Härtel chose t o p u b l i s h i t by l i t h o g r a p h , a l t h o u g h i n the end, the d e d i c a t i o n was m a d e . T h e use o f engraving was also constrained by the difficulty o f r e t a i n i n g craftsmen w i t h the necessary skills. L i t h o g r a p h y was chosen for Lohengrin i n p a r t because engravers were i n such short supply —a p r o b l e m t h a t also delayed the p u b l i c a t i o n o f later Wagner operas. Similarly, F r i t z S i m r o c k , the p r i n cipal publisher f o r Johannes Brahms, urged Brahms i n 1 8 7 7 t o establish a clear schedule f o r the p u b l i c a t i o n o f Brahms's Second Symphony, since " I t is n o t always easy t o have fine engravers a v a i l a b l e . " I n the t w e n t i e t h century the advent o f c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l o g y reduced the cost o f setting a n d p r i n t i n g music even m o r e , b u t those i n n o v a t i o n s came t o o late t o affect the fortunes o f the composers w i t h w h o m w e are concerned i n this v o l u m e . 18
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P u b l i c a t i o n o f music w i t h the p r i n c i p a l methods i n use at the b e g i n n i n g o f the nineteenth century entailed b o t h f r o n t - e n d fixed costs, f o r engrav i n g o r typesetting a n d the m e t a l used therefor, plus the modest costs o f m a k i n g the press ready for p r i n t i n g ; a n d variable costs, for paper, i n k , a n d the l a b o r o f t w o press operators. F r o m this i n f o r m a t i o n alone w e k n o w t h a t the average cost o f p r i n t e d music m u s t f a l l , the larger the n u m b e r o f copies t h a t are p r o d u c e d a n d hence the m o r e w i d e l y t h a t fixed costs can be spread. B u t o u r insights can be advanced m u c h far ther. I n 1 7 9 6 , G o t t f r i e d C h r i s t o p h Härtel secured f u l l o w n e r s h i p o f the B & H p r i n t i n g firm f r o m the B r e i t k o p f family. Härtel was a r e m a r k a b l e manager. Between the years 1 8 0 0 a n d 1805 he subjected every facet o f the firm's operations t o detailed q u a n t i t a t i v e scrutiny, a m o n g other things estimating the cost o f p r i n t i n g music i n diverse quantities using typeset a n d engraved m e t h o d s . Figure 7.1 summarizes his findings, 22
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FIGURE 7.1 Cost-Volume Relationships for Engraved and Typeset Sheet Music converted at p r e v a i l i n g exchange rates f r o m Saxonian thaler t o English pounds sterling. T h e average t o t a l cost curves for b o t h engraved (solid line, assuming t h a t p e w t e r plates are used) a n d typeset (dashed line) music reveal as expected t h a t for a four-page sheet ( i n G e r m a n , Bogen), the average cost is greatly reduced w h e n larger volumes are p r i n t e d . Solid a n d open circles s h o w ( w i t h one e x t r a p o l a t i o n t o be noted) the o r i g i n a l data p o i n t s c o m p u t e d by Härtel. W h e n the r e p o r t e d average costs are m u l t i p l i e d by the associated quantities, the t o t a l cost curve for engraved m u sic (not s h o w n i n figure 7.1) is f o u n d t o be an almost perfect straight line, i m p l y i n g fixed f r o n t - e n d costs o f £ 0 . 7 6 (or 4.5 days' earnings f o r a b u i l d i n g craftsman i n s o u t h e r n E n g l a n d at the time) per sheet a n d a constant m a r g i n a l cost o f £ 0 . 0 0 4 2 (one E ngl i s h penny, o r r o u g h l y , a b u i l d i n g craftsman's wage f o r a quarter hour's w o r k ) per a d d i t i o n a l sheet p r i n t e d . For typeset music the t o t a l cost f u n c t i o n is o n l y a p p r o x i m a t e l y linear. For the first 100 t o 2 0 0 sheets p r o d u c e d using m o v a b l e type the i n c r e m e n t a l cost appears t o have been o n the order o f £ 0 . 0 0 3 6 per sheet, w i t h an e x t r a p o l a t e d f r o n t - e n d fixed cost o f £ 0 . 6 3 per sheet. I n the range o f 800 t o 1,000 sheets, m a r g i n a l o r i n c r e m e n t a l cost falls t o £ 0 . 0 0 2 1 , o r one-half E n g lis h penny per sheet. 23
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I n 1 8 1 4 , after B & H h a d accumulated experience p r i n t i n g l i t h o g r a p h ically, Härtel c o m p a r e d the costs o f l i t h o g r a p h i c p r i n t i n g (apparently,
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w i t h notes a n d t e x t inscribed directly o n the stone plates) t o the older methods. H e f o u n d t h a t at volumes o f between 3 0 0 a n d 4 0 0 sheets, the average t o t a l cost per u n i t w i t h l i t h o g r a p h y was 2 9 percent l o w e r t h a n the average w i t h engraving. Three h u n d r e d copies c o u l d be p r i n t e d l i t h o g r a p h i c a l l y at a b o u t the same t o t a l cost as 150 copies using en graved plates. U s i n g this i n f o r m a t i o n , he decided t o i m p l e m e n t a shift a w a y f r o m engraving a n d typesetting a n d t o w a r d l i t h o g r a p h i c p r i n t i n g , especially f o r cheap fast-selling w o r k s . T o the extent t h a t B & H c o n t i n ued t o p u b l i s h n e w engraved w o r k s , t h a t is, those at the t o p o f the q u a l i t y scale, they w o u l d be made using o l d m e l t e d - d o w n pewter; no n e w pewter was t o be purchased. L i t h o g r a p h y , however, m u s t have p r o v e d d i s a p p o i n t i n g , p r o b a b l y o n q u a l i t y g r o u n d s , because the n u m b e r o f B & H employees engaged i n l i t h o g r a p h i c w o r k actually shrank be t w e e n 1 8 1 9 a n d 1 8 5 7 , a n d the p u b l i c a t i o n o f engraved music remained vigorous. 26
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These data are i m p o r t a n t n o t o n l y because they i l l u m i n a t e the cost differences a m o n g the three m a i n mechanical p r i n t i n g m e t h o d s , b u t also because they p r o v i d e a b e n c h m a r k against w h i c h t o c o m p a r e the cost o f still another p u b l i c a t i o n m e t h o d — the r e p r o d u c t i o n o f m u s i c a l m a n u scripts by h a n d copyists. T h r o u g h o u t the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries a n d w e l l i n t o the nineteenth century, large numbers o f copyists were engaged i n the p r e p a r a t i o n o f finished copies f r o m composers' o r i g i n a l manuscripts a n d copies o f the copies. Copyists were often u n successful o r back-chair musical performers, a n d since there was n o shortage o f i n d i v i d u a l s seeking t o supplement their meager performance income t h r o u g h c o p y i n g , they tended t o w o r k at l o w rates o f pay. T h e y were h i r e d by composers a n d t h e i r patrons t o m a k e presentation copies a n d by opera companies a n d orchestras t o c o p y a u t o g r a p h parts for the various performers. T h e y also pursued a freelance trade c o p y i n g n e w music f o r sale t o t h i r d - p a r t y consumers. I n V i e n n a d u r i n g M o z a r t ' s t i m e , f o r example, specialized c o p y i n g shops t h r i v e d w o r k i n g b o t h o n c o m m i s s i o n a n d as purveyors o f p i r a t e d manuscripts. O n one occasion Joseph H a y d n considered — i n the end, w i t h o u t result — b r i n g i n g a copy ist n a m e d Lausch before the m a y o r o f V i e n n a o n charges o f t h e f t . I n their freelance m o d e the copyists p r o v i d e d significant c o m p e t i t i o n t o music publishers o n sales i n t o the general m a r k e t . 28
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D e t e r m i n i n g h o w the costs o f l a b o r i o u s l y c o p y i n g musical m a n u scripts by h a n d c o m p a r e d t o the cost o f mechanical p r i n t i n g methods poses difficult b u t n o t insuperable p r o b l e m s . Scattered t h r o u g h the b i o g r a p h i c a l literature o n composers are numerous references t o the costs they i n c u r r e d h a v i n g t h e i r music c o p i e d by h a n d f o r performances a n d for presentation t o n o b l e p a t r o n s . I n f o r m a t i o n o n those outlays was l i n k e d t o the specific c o m p o s i t i o n s o f J. S. Bach, H a n d e l , Joseph H a y d n ,
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Beethoven, Schubert, a n d R o b e r t Schumann. Because copyists c o m p e t e d w i t h printers a n d vice versa, the relevant c o m p a r i s o n m u s t focus o n the a m o u n t p a i d f o r a h a n d c o p y against the n u m b e r o f p r i n t e d pages w i t h w h i c h the c o p y h a d t o compete, n o t the cost per page i n the copyist's m a n u s c r i p t . T o c o u n t the n u m b e r o f p r i n t e d pages, the earliest k n o w n p r i n t e d versions were used. I t m u s t be recognized t o o t h a t the c o p y i n g costs recorded by c o m posers were sometimes for presentation t o patrons o r publishers, i n w h i c h case a close c o m p a r i s o n can be made, and sometimes f o r use b y the musicians i n a performance, i n w h i c h case m u l t i p l e copies w o u l d be needed f o r the i n d i v i d u a l performers. T h u s , for the performances o f his Missa solemnis a n d the N i n t h S y m p h o n y i n 1 8 2 4 , Beethoven is said t o have i n c u r r e d c o p y i n g outlays o f 8 0 0 florins W . W . T h e i n i t i a l engraved versions o f these w o r k s together encompassed 5 2 6 pages. A t p r e v a i l i n g exchange rates, the c o p y i n g cost a m o u n t s t o £ 0 . 0 6 0 8 per p r i n t e d page. I n c o m p a r i s o n , Beethoven also e m p l o y e d copyists t o p r o d u c e t en Missa solemnis manuscripts d i s t r i b u t e d t o noble patrons. F o r these, his cost per c o p y was 6 0 florins W . W . , o r £ 2 . 4 0 , w h i c h implies a cost o f £ 0 . 0 1 0 7 per p r i n t e d page (based u p o n the o r i g i n a l Schott version w i t h 2 2 6 pages). Since m u c h d u p l i c a t i o n o f parts was r e q u i r e d f o r the large orchestra a n d chorus used i n the 1 8 2 4 performances, c o p y i n g costs per p r i n t e d page were m u c h higher for performance use t h a n f o r presentat i o n copies. F o r t w e l v e cases i n w h i c h reliable composer c o p y i n g cost data were f o u n d , the average c o p y i n g cost per p r i n t e d page ranged f r o m £ 0 . 0 0 4 9 t o £ 0 . 0 8 9 1 , the highest value being f o r a performance o f Beethoven's Gloreicher Augenblick ( G l o r i o u s M o m e n t ) . For another o f the m o s t costly cases, later editors express astonishment at the h i g h cost o f o r i g i n a l h a n d copies a n d speculate t h a t the copyist mus t have been c o m p e n sated for a d d i t i o n a l w o r k . E l i m i n a t i n g f r o m the sample f o u r cases w i t h c o p y i n g costs o f £ 0 . 0 4 8 0 per p r i n t e d page o r m o r e , the average c o p y i n g cost was £ 0 . 0 1 0 1 per c o m p a r a b l e p r i n t e d page — r o u g h l y , the pay o f a c o n t e m p o r a r y English b u i l d i n g craftsman f o r w o r k i n g 36 minutes. T h i s does n o t eliminate a l l ambiguities. T h e t y p i c a l sheet (Bogen) f o r w h i c h B r e i t k o p f & Härtel cost data exist h a d t w o pages o f music o n one side o f the page. I t w o u l d appear, a l t h o u g h i t is n o t absolutely cert a i n , t h a t the data p e r t a i n t o a sheet p r i n t e d o n b o t h sides. T h u s , the per-page c o p y i n g costs estimated here m u s t be m u l t i p l i e d by f o u r t o be c o m p a r a b l e w i t h the average p r i n t i n g cost data o f figure 7 . 1 . I t is also n o t c e r t a i n w h e t h e r the B & H cost estimates are before o r after a l lowances f o r spoilage, w h i c h a m o u n t e d t o a p p r o x i m a t e l y o n e - t h i r d o f t o t a l p r i n t r u n s . I f the estimates are gross, the costs i n figure 7.1 m u s t be increased b y r o u g h l y 5 0 percent, o r copyist cost estimates m u s t be reduced b y o n e - t h i r d , t o be c o m p a r a b l e . 30
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T a k i n g i n t o account the spoilage uncertainty, figure 7.1 presents t w o estimates o f the average c o p y i n g cost per p r i n t e d sheet. T h e h o r i z o n t a l d o t t e d line C C (the subscript H d e n o t i n g a high-end estimate) assumes t h a t the data i n figure 7.1 are net o f spoilage; the d o t t e d line C C adjusts c o p y i n g costs d o w n w a r d (and i m p l i c i t l y , p r i n t i n g costs u p w a r d ) , assuming t h a t the Härtel cost estimates were for p r i n t e d sheets before c u l l i n g o f spoiled items. T o b r i n g the p r i n t i n g cost estimates i n t o the same range as c o p y i n g costs, the average cost o f engraved music at a v o l u m e o f 25 sheets has been e x t r a p o l a t e d f r o m B & H data. For o u r high-end c o p y i n g cost estimate C C , the v o l u m e above w h i c h engraving becomes less expensive t h a n c o p y i n g is o n the order o f 25 copies; f o r o u r m o r e conservative estimate, the break-even p o i n t is r o u g h l y 4 0 copies. For c o m p o s i t i o n s o f l i m i t e d appeal, p r i n t runs o f this m a g n i t u d e were n o t at a l l unusual. D u r i n g the early years o f the Schott p u b l i s h i n g house, f o r example, i n i t i a l press runs o f 30 t o 100 copies were said t o be the rule, a l t h o u g h runs as small as 3 t o 12 copies were experienced, especially w h e n p u b l i c a t i o n was commissioned by noble p a t r o n s . T h u s , h a n d c o p y i n g p r o v i d e d serious c o m p e t i t i o n t o mechanical p u b lishers. A n d the h a n d copyists h a d a t i m i n g advantage, since they c o u l d b r i n g their copies t o the m a r k e t q u i c k l y a n d s k i m o f f eager purchasers w h i l e the mechanical publishers were still l a b o r i o u s l y engraving plates o r setting type. T h e m o r e l i m i t e d the p o t e n t i a l d e m a n d f o r replicated musical manuscripts, the greater was the advantage o f copyists relative t o mechanical publishers. H
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Still t o be reconciled w i t h this c o m p a r i s o n is the available evidence o n the prices at w h i c h copyists sold manuscripts. D u r i n g M o z a r t ' s last years i n V i e n n a , the t y p i c a l price f o r a sheet w i t h f o u r pages o f music f r o n t a n d back is said by H . C. R o b b i n s L a n d o n t o have been 5 k r e u t zer, o r a p p r o x i m a t e l y £ 0 . 0 0 8 5 at p r e v a i l i n g exchange rates. T h i s is close t o o u r estimates o f the c o p y i n g cost per p r i n t e d page — n o t per four-page sheet. A p r i n t e d page, however, usually contained considerably m o r e music t h a n the t y p i c a l page w r i t t e n by a copyist. F o r 2 1 s y m phonies, p i a n o c o n c e r t i , a n d sonatas by Beethoven o n w h i c h comparable page counts are available for b o t h the i n i t i a l p r i n t e d version a n d a u t o g r a p h manuscripts o r h a n d copies made for publishers, the average p r i n t e d page corresponded t o 1.56 h a n d w r i t t e n pages, w i t h a range f r o m 0.77 t o 2 . 7 0 . Even w i t h adjustment for the average difference, the price o f £ 0 . 0 1 3 3 per c o m p a r a b l e copied sheet remains w e l l b e l o w the l o w - e n d c o p y i n g cost estimate o f figure 7 . 1 , i m p l y i n g a break-even v o l u m e i n excess o f 90 p r i n t e d sheets. T h e o n l y other k n o w n r e p o r t o f c o p y prices comes f r o m an 1 8 3 7 Paris almanac. There i t is said t h a t w o r k c o u l d be c o p i e d for 25 centimes, or £ 0 . 0 0 9 8 , per 12-staff page — a value m u c h closer t o o u r estimates based o n composers' i n d i v i d u a l experiences. For the m o r e c o m p l e x n o t a t i o n t y p i c a l o f p i a n o , h a r p , a n d 36
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g u i t a r c o m p o s i t i o n s , the c o p y i n g price was said t o be d o u b l e d . T h e i n consistency between these Parisian data a n d those o f R o b b i n s L a n d o n suggests a tentative c o n c l u s i o n t h a t the R o b b i n s L a n d o n estimates m a y have been erroneous, confused perhaps by the c o m p l e x relationships a m o n g pages, four-page p r i n t e d sheets, a n d content per staff o f c o p i e d as c o m p a r e d t o p r i n t e d music. T h e publishers were i n any event acutely aware o f the c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m h a n d copyists. Since they enjoyed a cost advantage over copyists at higher volumes, a r a t i o n a l strategy for the publishers w o u l d be t o discourage purchases o f copyists' manuscripts b y a n n o u n c i n g prices bel o w those at w h i c h the copyists c o u l d p r o f i t a b l y operate. T h e average wholesale price, net o f 50 percent discounts t o retail outlets, charged by B r e i t k o p f & Härtel d u r i n g the early 1800s was a p p r o x i m a t e l y £ 0 . 0 1 5 0 per sheet — b e l o w o u r l o w - e n d estimate o f copyists' costs, a n d e n o u g h t o earn substantial m a r g i n s o n the sizable p r o d u c t i o n runs B & H t y p ically sought. A l t h o u g h the evidence is sparse, i t w o u l d n o t be unreasonable t o infer t h a t B & H was setting its prices w i t h one eye o n the hand-copyist c o m p e t i t i o n . 39
40
Publishers also recognized t h a t at l o w volumes, h a n d c o p y i n g was an attractive in-house alternative t o mechanical p r i n t i n g . T h e best evidence o n this p o i n t comes f r o m the experience o f Giuseppe Verdi's publisher, Casa R i c o r d i . I n the later years o f their r e l a t i o n s h i p , G i o v a n n i R i c o r d i m a i n t a i n e d a lively business d i s t r i b u t i n g i n d i v i d u a l parts f r o m V e r d i o p eras f o r postpremiere performances i n the m a n y large a n d s m a l l opera houses scattered t h r o u g h o u t Italy. R i c o r d i c o u l d o f course engrave a n d p r i n t the music, b u t he also m a i n t a i n e d a staff o f h a n d copyists. F o r at least I lombardi (The L o m b a r d s , 1843) a n d perhaps also later operas, he engraved a n d p r i n t e d the parts for the s t r i n g sections a n d chorus, since n u m e r o u s copies w o u l d be r e q u i r e d for any performance, b u t h a d the soloist a n d w i n d i n s t r u m e n t parts h a n d - c o p i e d . T h i s is exactly w h a t a knowledgeable p r o f i t m a x i m i z e r w o u l d d o , given the differences i n r e p r o d u c t i o n costs over alternative v o l u m e ranges. 41
T H E E V O L U T I O N O F I N T E L L E C T U A L PROPERTY
RIGHTS
M u s i c p u b l i s h i n g a n d the i n c o m e o p p o r t u n i t i e s i t p r o v i d e d f o r c o m posers were affected by the structure o f intellectual p r o p e r t y rights available t o composers a n d publishers. I n m o s t o f Europe before the nineteenth century, composers' a b i l i t y t o m a i n t a i n c o n t r o l o f m u s i c a l creations as i f they were their o w n p r o p e r t y was quite l i m i t e d . Copyists sold copies o f composers' w o r k s w i t h o u t the composer's p e r m i s s i o n , a n d publishers issued editions t h a t h a d neither been a p p r o v e d n o r
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p r o o f r e a d b y the composer, often i n markets far distant f r o m the c o m poser's residence b u t also i n head-to-head c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h a u t h o r i z e d publishers. W h e n George Frideric H a n d e l a r r i v e d i n L o n d o n i n 1 7 1 0 , he discovered t h a t J o h n W a l s h , w h o rose t o d o m i n a t e the L o n d o n music p u b l i s h i n g business t o w a r d the end o f the seventeenth century b y p r i n t i n g m a n y u n a u t h o r i z e d w o r k s , h a d already published some o f Handel's I t a l i a n c o m p o s i t i o n s . W h e n Jean-Philippe R a m e a u settled i n Paris at the age o f t h i r t y - n i n e , copies o f cantatas he h a d w r i t t e n ten years earlier were so w i d e l y c i r c u l a t e d t h a t he saw n o p o i n t i n h a v i n g t h e m engraved a n d p u b l i s h e d . U n a u t h o r i z e d p u b l i c a t i o n s o f Joseph H a y d n ' s c o m p o s i tions were available by 1765 i n L o n d o n a n d Paris, " l e a k e d " t o p u b lishers there by A u s t r i a n copyists. I n 1 7 8 2 , M o z a r t w r o t e t o his father t h a t he was indebted t o a B a r o n v o n Riedesel, w h o elected t o b u y the m a n u s c r i p t for Die Entführung aus dem Serail (The A b d u c t i o n f r o m the Seraglio) d i r e c t l y f r o m h i m , w h e n the b a r o n c o u l d have o b t a i n e d i t at any t i m e for cash f r o m a c o p y i s t . A n d as late as 1 8 3 0 , Felix M e n delssohn was astonished t o learn t h a t an u n a u t h o r i z e d t r a n s c r i p t i o n o f his S y m p h o n y n o . 1 i n C M i n o r h a d been cannibalized f r o m the offi cially published L o n d o n version by the Probst firm o f L e i p z i g . Despite a face-to-face c o n f r o n t a t i o n , M e n d e l s s o h n c o u l d n o t avert Probst's ac t i o n . Examples c o u l d be m u l t i p l i e d . Because the laws were w e a k o r even nonexistent, m u c h o f this u n a u t h o r i z e d dissemination was per fectly legal. B u t then — as w i t h t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y allegations a b o u t the c o p y i n g o f c o m p u t e r software a n d pharmaceutical p r o d u c t s i n nations w i t h c o p y r i g h t a n d patent laws t h a t p e r m i t such practices —the t e r m " p i r a c y " was w i d e l y used t o describe w h a t was o c c u r r i n g . O r i n M a r t i n Luther's c o m p l a i n t s , those w h o reproduced hymnals w i t h o u t permission were " r o b b e r s " a n d " t h i e v e s . " 42
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Composers'
Traditional
Rights
Composers were n o t w i t h o u t some rights t o the w o r k s they created. A b o d y o f t r a d i t i o n defined m i n i m a l standards o f the composer's just due — for one, the r i g h t t o be n a m e d as creator o f a published o r p e r f o r m e d w o r k . F r o m at least the t i m e o f the M i d d l e Ages, p l a g i a r i s m — passing o f f another composer's w o r k as one's o w n — was almost universally rec ognized t o be w r o n g . I n his magisterial survey o f early t r a d i t i o n s , P o h l m a n n recounts the case o f a m a d r i g a l presented i n 1 7 2 9 by G i o v a n n i B o n o n c i n i for performance by the A c a d e m y o f A n c i e n t M u s i c i n L o n d o n . T w o years later i t was alleged a n d eventually p r o v e n t h a t the w o r k c l a i m e d as his o w n by B o n o n c i n i h a d been published i n 1705 by the Venetian A n t o n i o L o t t i . Bononcini's r e p u t a t i o n was severely tar nished i n the f u r o r t h a t ensued, a n d he left L o n d o n i n 1 7 3 2 , experienc48
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i n g o n l y modest success i n attempts t o reestablish himself i n Paris, Lis bon, and Vienna. I t was also recognized t h a t composers h a d the r i g h t t o offer t h e i r w o r k s t o others f o r performance and/or p u b l i c a t i o n a n d t o be c o m p e n sated f o r c o n v e y i n g the requisite manuscripts, even i f they c o u l d n o t prevent further use by t h i r d parties i n t o whose hands the music fell b y fair means or f o u l . T h e r i g h t t o c o n t r a c t c o u l d cover a specific piece o f music, f o r instance, w h e n a composer conveyed music t o an opera i m presario for performance o r t o a publisher for p r i n t i n g i n exchange f o r a fee o r h o n o r a r i u m , o r m o r e generally, w h e n a composer agreed t o devote his c o m p o s i t i o n efforts t o a p a r t i c u l a r p a t r o n o r employer. O n these t w o themes n u m e r o u s variations c o u l d be p l a y e d , w i t h differences i n b a r g a i n i n g p o w e r a n d changes over t i m e i n t r a d i t i o n s a n d laws i n f l u encing the precise a l l o c a t i o n o f rights. 49
I n Italy, we have seen i n an earlier chapter, opera i n the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries was organized a l o n g private-enterprise lines. T h e w e a l t h y i n d i v i d u a l s w h o c o n t r i b u t e d financially t o the c r e a t i o n a n d maintenance o f an opera house delegated most managerial responsibil ities t o an i m p r e s a r i o , w h o i n t u r n contracted w i t h composers, l i b r e t tists, performers, a n d other functionaries. T h e t r a d i t i o n was f o r the composer t o surrender rights t o the o r i g i n a l music score t o the i m p r e sario i n exchange for his h o n o r a r i u m . T h i s a l l o w e d the i m p r e s a r i o t o arrange repeat performances w h e n a n d where he pleased and/or t o sell p u b l i c a t i o n rights. T h e i m p r e s a r i o t y p i c a l l y assigned o w n e r s h i p o f the first c o p y t o copyists, w h o c o u l d t h e n make a d d i t i o n a l copies a n d sell t h e m t o other theaters. W r i t i n g t o his w i f e f r o m M i l a n i n 1 7 7 0 , L e o p o l d M o z a r t predicted g o o d results for the ( u l t i m a t e l y hugely successful) o p era Mitridate by son W o l f g a n g f r o m the enthusiasm w i t h w h i c h the copyist received M o z a r t ' s o r i g i n a l score: 50
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The copyist is full of joy, which in Italy is a very good omen, since, when the music pleases, the copyist can sometimes make more money sending out and selling the arias than the composer received for his composition. A n d i n fact, the copyist refused t o surrender the o r i g i n a l score u n t i l copies h a d been dispatched t o L i s b o n , V i e n n a , a n d Parma. G r a d u a l l y , this d i s t r i b u t i o n o f rights changed. I n L o n d o n , where t r a d i t i o n s at the K i n g ' s Theatre were s i m i l a r t o those o f Italy, the courts intervened i n 1788 t o favor the composer over copyists. I n I t a l y changes came p a r t l y by happenstance a n d p a r t l y t h r o u g h shifts i n the balance o f b a r g a i n i n g power. W h e n an opera i m p r e s a r i o i n B o l o g n a refused i n 1 8 1 7 t o r e t u r n the score f o r an opera b y G e r m a n composer S i m o n M a y r ( 1 7 6 3 - 1 8 4 5 ) , M a y r ' s student, the t w e n t y - y e a r - o l d Gae t a n o D o n i z e t t i , attended the opera three evenings i n succession a n d 52
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w r o t e d o w n f o r his teacher the entire score. I n 1 8 2 1 , w h e n the o w n e r s o f a R o m a n opera theater refused t o pay G i o a c h i n o Rossini the p r o m ised h o n o r a r i u m f o r an opera w i t h an unsuccessful premiere, Rossini retaliated by confiscating the score, j u s t i f y i n g his a c t i o n t o the g o v e r n o r o f R o m e as an exercise o f his " p r o p r i e t a r y r i g h t " t o the score. A year later he confiscated w i t h less p r o v o c a t i o n the score f o r a n e w opera i n Venice. A l t h o u g h d i s p u t a t i o n over o w n e r s h i p rights c o n t i n u e d f o r a year, Rossini h a d become t o o p o p u l a r f o r the opera o w n e r s successfully to resist his demands. By 1 8 2 3 , he c o u l d c o m m u n i c a t e t o a friend a n inventive i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f his r i g h t s : 54
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I own all my originals, being the custom and the law that after one year following the performance of any opera the author has the right to have back his manuscript score. T h e balance changed decisively w h e n publisher G i o v a n n i R i c o r d i , w h o h a d started his career as a copyist a n d b u i l t his p u b l i s h i n g business by b u y i n g n u m e r o u s scores f r o m the various opera houses, began serving as agent f o r V i n c e n z o Bellini a n d t h e n Giuseppe V e r d i . T h e d e m a n d for those composers' operas was so c o m p e l l i n g t h a t the impresarios c o u l d n o t resist g r a n t i n g f u l l score o w n e r s h i p rights t o R i c o r d i a n d the composers — compensated, t o be sure, b y an i m p l i e d r e d u c t i o n i n c o m posers' h o n o r a r i a . 57
W h e n composers were e m p l o y e d t o compose f o r n o b l e courts, their e m p l o y m e n t contracts n o r m a l l y reserved t o the p a t r o n f u l l o w n e r s h i p rights i n the r e s u l t i n g musical scores. P u b l i c a t i o n o r even dissemination o f h a n d copies was t y p i c a l l y n o t p e r m i t t e d w i t h o u t the patron's express permission. T h e case o f N i c c o l ò J o m m e l l i ( 1 7 1 4 - 1 7 7 4 ) is perhaps extreme b u t revealing. Released d u r i n g a budgetary crisis f r o m the c o u r t o f D u k e C a r l Eugen o f Württemberg i n 1 7 6 9 after 15 years o f service, he requested, a n d was denied, permission t o take w i t h h i m copies o f the music he h a d w r i t t e n f o r the c o u r t . H i s p e t i t i o n t o the d u k e conceded the nearly universally applicable r i g h t o f patrons t o r e t a i n o r i g i n a l scores; b u t copies, he argued, were a different m a t t e r : 58
If I forego the right to my own autographs, then why must I be prohibited from having copies of them? It is very just and necessary that an author have i n his power and possession, under his own eyes, an example at least of his own production and work . . . [E]ven in Stuttgart itself, as everyone knows, my compositions are being circulated and sold [for shameful commercial enterprise], compositions that now I myself am being denied and that justly are my right to have. Jommelli's plea was unsuccessful, a n d he r e t u r n e d t o his native Naples to spend the r e m a i n i n g five years o f his life i n d i s a p p o i n t m e n t . T w o
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leading G e r m a n authors o n composers' rights assert t h a t Joseph H a y d n was s i m i l a r l y restricted by his c o n t r a c t w i t h princes Paul A n t o n a n d t h e n N i k o l a u s Esterházy I , u n t i l the death o f N i k o l a u s i n 1 7 9 0 . H e r e , however, they err. I t is t r u e t h a t H a y d n was n o t a l l o w e d t o disseminate his w o r k s w i t h o u t express consent (given o n some occasions) under his o r i g i n a l 1 7 6 1 c o n t r a c t . B u t by 1 7 7 9 , H a y d n ' s fame a n d his i m p o r t a n c e t o the Esterházy establishment's prestige h a d g r o w n t o the p o i n t t h a t N i k o l a u s I was i m p e l l e d t o w r i t e a n e w c o n t r a c t substantially increasing H a y d n ' s salary a n d a l l o w i n g h i m t o pursue outside p u b l i c a t i o n o p p o r tunities, w h i c h he t h e n d i d aggressively. T h e balance o f b a r g a i n i n g p o w e r h a d shifted. 59
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Defenses
Aside f r o m b a r g a i n i n g t o enhance t h e i r rights vis-à-vis patrons a n d i m presarios, composers used several tactics t o defend themselves against the p i r a c y o f copyists a n d u n a u t h o r i z e d publishers. O n e w a y t o c o n t r o l the p i r a t i c a l practices o f copyists was t o have t h e m w o r k i n the composer's l i v i n g quarters. Even t h e n , Joseph H a y d n lamented t o a V i e n n a publisher, " y o u m a y be s w i n d l e d a l l the same, because the rascals p u t a piece o f paper a parte under the music, a n d thus by degrees they secretly c o p y the p a r t they have i n f r o n t o f t h e m . " M o z a r t f o u n d t h a t copyists were m a k i n g t w o copies o f e v e r y t h i n g he gave t h e m , a n d therefore, like H a y d n , he h a d t h e m w o r k i n his o w n a p a r t m e n t . T h i s is said t o be one reason t h a t he m a i n t a i n e d l i v i n g quarters m o r e lavish t h a n his i n c o m e w a r r a n t e d . Even so, m a n y o f his manuscripts were said b y his sister t o have been lost because copyists helped themselves t o w o r k stored b y M o z a r t under his p i a n o f o r t e . M o z a r t also sought t o m i n i m i z e leakage by d i v i d i n g the w o r k a m o n g m u l t i p l e copyists so t h a t none h a d the complete c o m p o s i t i o n . Bee t h o v e n s i m i l a r l y left the last few pages o u t o f any m a n u s c r i p t given a copyist. W h e n publishers p r i n t e d u n a u t h o r i z e d versions o f his w o r k s , Bee t h o v e n sometimes f o u g h t back by t a k i n g o u t advertisements i n p e r i o d i cals serving the target m a r k e t area, p r o c l a i m i n g the editions t o be p i r a t e d . O n another occasion, the A r t a r i a p u b l i s h i n g house o f V i e n n a p r i n t e d w i t h o u t p e r m i s s i o n his Sextet o p . 2 9 . Beethoven w e n t t o the publisher a n d demanded t h a t he surrender the fifty p r i n t e d copies so t h a t corrections c o u l d be made. O b t a i n i n g the copies, he h a d his aide F e r d i n a n d Ries go t h r o u g h each c o p y a n d deface i t so t h a t i t w o u l d be unsalable. 6 2
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T o prevent Viennese pianists f r o m p e r f o r m i n g his p i a n o w o r k s i n c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h his o w n efforts, Beethoven made some o f t h e m so
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difficult t h a t r i v a l performers, characterized as "his deadly enemies," were unable t o p l a y t h e m , p e r m i t t i n g the p u b l i c t o recognize the true composer w h e n Beethoven p l a y e d . W h e n a r i v a l c o m p a n y announced t h a t i t w o u l d present a c r i b b e d version o f Handel's o r a t o r i o Esther, H a n d e l sought t o erode t h e i r patronage by hastily staging an u p d a t e d v e r s i o n . H i s efforts were successful; he netted an estimated £ 4 , 0 0 0 f r o m his five c o m p e t i n g performances. H a n d e l also was q u i c k t o understand the m a x i m , " I f y o u can't beat ' e m , j o i n ' e m . " Handel's early w o r k s were extensively p i r a t e d by J o h n W a l s h , w h o is said b y D a v i d H u n t e r t o have been the first English p u b lisher " t o e m p l o y u n a u t h o r i z e d p u b l i c a t i o n as a standard p r a c t i c e . " After nearly t w o decades i n L o n d o n , however, H a n d e l designated W a l s h as his p r i n c i p a l a u t h o r i z e d publisher, a n d i n 1 7 3 9 , H a n d e l a n d W a l s h j o i n t l y o b t a i n e d an exclusive p u b l i s h i n g privilege f r o m K i n g George I I c o v e r i n g a m o n g other w o r k s Handel's t w e l v e C o n c e r t i Grossi o p . 6 . 70
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Privilege
Grants
Grants o f privilege b y r o y a l authorities strengthened the intellectual p r o p e r t y rights o f composers, authors, a n d publishers d u r i n g several centuries preceding the emergence o f f o r m a l c o p y r i g h t systems. T h e composer (or publisher) w i t h a privilege received the exclusive r i g h t t o p u b l i s h a w o r k o r set o f w o r k s w i t h i n the g r a n t i n g government's d o m a i n , usually f o r a l i m i t e d t i m e p e r i o d , a n d t o utilize official legal insti t u t i o n s i n enforcing the r i g h t against infringers. T h e specific i n s t i t u t i o n s v a r i e d w i d e l y i n diverse parts o f Europe, so w e address separately the privilege systems i n E n g l a n d , France, a n d the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e . I n E n g l a n d , privileges were granted o n mercantilistic grounds t o en courage the p u b l i c a t i o n o f books a n d secure income f o r the c r o w n be g i n n i n g i n 1529 d u r i n g the reign o f H e n r y V I I I . A n early recipient was the composer T h o m a s Tallis ( 1 5 0 5 - 1 5 8 5 ) . I n 1556 the Stationers' C o m p a n y was chartered. Its m a i n f u n c t i o n i n the early years, c u r t a i l e d later, was t o screen b o o k manuscripts for m a t e r i a l c o n t r a r y t o the accepted r e l i g i o n — at first C a t h o l i c i s m under Queen M a r y , t h e n Protestantism under Queen Elizabeth. H o w e v e r , i t also acquired responsibility f o r reg istering the b o o k s p r i n t e d by members — i n c l u d i n g J o h n P l a y f o r d ( 1 6 2 3 1 6 8 6 ) , the m o s t successful L o n d o n music publisher o f his t i m e — a n d ensuring t h a t n o one p r o d u c e d or i m p o r t e d u n a u t h o r i z e d copies o f those books. I n effect, i t served as a c o p y r i g h t manager. Its f o r m a l au t h o r i t y was abolished i n 1 6 9 4 , p r e c i p i t a t i n g n e w legislation t o be de scribed shortly, b u t the C o m p a n y c o n t i n u e d t o operate w i t h o u t an ex press g o v e r n m e n t a l m a n d a t e f o r some t i m e thereafter, a m o n g other things serving as a registry for the w o r k s publishers c l a i m e d as their 7 4
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o w n . M e a n w h i l e , the c r o w n c o n t i n u e d t o g r a n t t o authors a n d c o m posers privileges o f exclusivity, w h i c h i n p r i n c i p l e conferred for a four teen-year p e r i o d (reduced f r o m t w e n t y - o n e years o r i g i n a l l y ) exclusive rights, p e r m i t t i n g confiscation o f a n d fines against i n f r i n g i n g materials. A m o n g the composers w h o received one or m o r e r o y a l privileges be t w e e n 1 7 1 0 a n d 1 7 7 0 were George Frideric H a n d e l ( i n 1 7 2 0 a n d , w i t h John Walsh, 1739), W i l l i a m Croft (in 1724), Thomas Arne (in 1741), W i l l i a m Boyce ( i n 1 7 4 5 ) , C a r l F r i e d r i c h A b e l ( i n 1 7 6 0 ) , J o h a n n C h r i s t i a n Bach ( i n 1 7 6 3 ) , a n d J. C. Fischer ( i n 1 7 7 0 ) . E n f o r c i n g privileges against infringers was costly a n d l o o p h o l e - p r o n e . W h e n c o m p e t i n g companies offered m o d i f i e d versions o f Handel's opera Ottone a n d his o r a t o r i o Esther, there was little H a n d e l c o u l d d o t o c o m b a t the i m i t a tors except, i n the case o f Esther, t o m o u n t his o w n i m p r o v e d v e r s i o n . 75
76
France m a i n t a i n e d a p a r a l l e l system o f privileges, some p r o t e c t i n g publishers a n d some composers. For publishers, the French a p p r o a c h embraced single-firm m o n o p o l i e s m u c h m o r e readily t h a n i n E n g l a n d , w h e r e m o n o p o l y privileges h a d been j u d i c i a l l y c o n d e m n e d i n Eliza bethan t i m e s a n d by Parliament t h r o u g h the 1623 Statute o f M o n o p o lies. I n 1 5 5 1 the firm o f L e R o y & B a l l a r d o b t a i n e d a r o y a l privilege t o be the exclusive p r i n t e r o f music i n France. T h e privilege was m a i n t a i n e d by members o f the B a l l a r d family, w i t h o n l y brief lapses, f o r the n e x t t w o centuries. T h e B a l l a r d privilege ended f o r m a l l y i n 1 7 9 0 after a g o v e r n m e n t a l c o m m i s s i o n f o u n d the c o m p a n y t o be unprogressive a n d inefficient, b u t the firm's m o n o p o l y was b r o k e n earlier w i t h a 1713 le gal r u l i n g t h a t the privilege covered o n l y typeset music p u b l i c a t i o n a n d n o t engraved music, w h i c h was g a i n i n g favor r a p i d l y . Privileges were also a w a r d e d t o i n d i v i d u a l composers. A m o n g the recipients were F r a n çois C o u p e r i n ( 1 6 6 8 - 1 7 3 3 ) , M i c h e l de LaBarre ( 1 6 7 5 - 1 7 4 3 ) , Jean Jo seph M o u r e t ( 1 6 8 2 - 1 7 3 8 ) , Jean-Philippe Rameau ( 1 6 8 3 - 1 7 6 4 ) , a n d Jean-Baptiste F o r q u e r a y ( 1 6 9 9 - 1 7 8 2 ) . N o r m a l l y , the French privileges f a v o r e d domestic composers w i t h close connections t o the r o y a l c o u r t . T h e u n a u t h o r i z e d p r i n t i n g w i t h i n France o f w o r k s composed a b r o a d was c o m m o n p l a c e . T h e p r i n c i p a l k n o w n exception is o f considerable interest. D u r i n g the 1730s, u n a u t h o r i z e d editions o f G e o r g P h i l i p p Telemann's music, i n c l u d i n g v a r i o u s t r i o sonatas, were published i n Paris. Telemann learned o f the p u b l i c a t i o n w h e n he began receiving enthusiastic letters f r o m French music lovers. H e decided t o t r a v e l f r o m H a m b u r g t o Paris, where i n 1 7 3 7 he o b t a i n e d a r o y a l privilege t o p u b l i s h exclusively a d d i t i o n a l t r i o sonatas a n d quartets. Telemann t o o k advantage o f his f o r m a l t r a i n i n g i n l a w at the U n i v e r sity o f Leipzig t o clarify a quite different question o f publishers' as dis t i n g u i s h e d f r o m composers' intellectual p r o p e r t y r i g h t s . I n 1 7 2 2 , a 77
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year after he was a p p o i n t e d c a n t o r o f five H a m b u r g churches, Telemann came i n t o conflict w i t h the firm enjoying a privilege as official p r i n t e r t o the city o f H a m b u r g . I t was c u s t o m a r y for the c a n t o r t o w r i t e passion music for L e n t services a n d f o r the congregation t o participate actively i n the service. T h i s r e q u i r e d p r i n t i n g numerous copies o f the passion t e x t — a r i g h t c l a i m e d by the printer. C o n t r a r y t o p r i o r c u s t o m , Tele m a n n insisted t h a t he be compensated by the p r i n t e r f o r his w o r k i n integrating t e x t w i t h music — a d e m a n d n a t u r a l l y enough resisted by the printer. I n iterations o f this dispute before the H a m b u r g c i t y c o u n c i l , Telemann's r i g h t t o receive c o m p e n s a t i o n was repeatedly affirmed, first w i t h a mandate t h a t the p r i n t e r supply Telemann w i t h 3 0 0 free copies ( w h i c h he c o u l d sell t o churchgoers) a n d later w i t h a m o n e y h o n o r a r i u m set at 100 florins annually. After Telemann's death, the r i g h t t o an h o n o r a r i u m was retained by his successor, C a r l P h i l i p p E m a n u e l Bach, the son o f J. S. Bach. Exclusive p u b l i s h i n g privileges, i n c l u d i n g m a n y c o v e r i n g the p u b l i c a t i o n o f music, were granted i n the territories c o m p r i s i n g the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e . T h e first k n o w n privilege appears t o have been issued t o a G e r m a n b o o k p r i n t e r i n 1 4 6 9 . I t f o l l o w e d earlier Venetian precedents conveying exclusive privileges t o T y r o l e a n w a t e r drainage experts dur i n g the f o u r t e e n t h a n d fifteenth centuries, a n d i t preceded by o n l y five years the Venetian statute considered t o be the w o r l d ' s first f o r m a l i n v e n t i o n patent l a w . I n the m o r e n o r t h e r l y parts o f the E m p i r e , e x c l u sive privileges c o u l d be issued either by the emperor o r by t e r r i t o r i a l rulers w i t h i n the e m p i r e . I n d i v i d u a l musical w o r k s were supposedly e x a m i n e d for o r i g i n a l i t y and c o n f o r m i t y t o religious canons before a p u b l i c a t i o n privilege was extended, a n d w h e n the recipients' rights were alleged t o have been infringed, c o m p l a i n t s c o u l d be addressed t o local l a w enforcement authorities a n d appealed t o an i m p e r i a l c o u r t (the Reichshofrat) i n V i e n n a . Fines were c o m m o n l y d i v i d e d a m o n g the ag grieved composer, the authorities, a n d i n f o r m e r s . Surveying the system as i t a p p l i e d t o t e x t u a l m a t e r i a l as w e l l as music, Gieseke reports t h a t u p t o 1530 i t was m o r e oriented t o w a r d authors, w h o received r o u g h l y t w o - t h i r d s o f the privileges, w h i l e the balance shifted later t o w a r d a t w o - t h i r d s m a j o r i t y for publishers. P o h l m a n n provides extensive d o c u m e n t a t i o n o n the large n u m b e r o f p u b l i c a t i o n privileges a w a r d e d t o music composers. Indeed, so r o u t i n e was the a p p l i c a t i o n procedure, re q u i r i n g n o special p o l i t i c a l connections, a n d so extensive was the avail a b i l i t y o f music privileges, P o h l m a n n argues, t h a t one m i g h t reasonably see i n privileges the p r o t o t y p e o f m o d e r n musical c o p y r i g h t . Nevertheless, especially after the Treaty o f Westphalia i n 1648 w e a k ened the a u t h o r i t y o f i m p e r i a l courts a n d enhanced the sovereignty o f i n d i v i d u a l principalities a n d d u k e d o m s , enforcement o f the exclusive 81
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rights conveyed t h r o u g h privileges became m u c h m o r e difficult. T h e ba sic p r o b l e m was t h a t a privilege m i g h t be issued by the ruler o f one small p r i n c i p a l i t y t o a l o c a l composer o r publisher, b u t i t was l i k e l y t o be i g n o r e d by m o r e distant music p r i n t e r s , w h o energetically p i r a t e d manuscripts o b t a i n e d f r o m copyists o r publishers located outside t h e i r h o m e t e r r i t o r i e s . T h u s , the privileges were m a i n l y effective o n l y i n l o calized markets t o o s m a l l i n m o s t cases t o s u p p o r t the h i g h fixed costs o f p u b l i c a t i o n . T o cover those costs, e x p o r t i n t o territories w h e r e the p r o t e c t i o n was unreliable m i g h t be essential. E x p o r t s o f p i r a t e d w o r k s c o u l d be as successful i n this respect as exports o f locally c o m p o s e d w o r k s , especially i f p r i o r p u b l i c a t i o n experience h a d identified the items for w h i c h consumer d e m a n d was strongest. T h u s , a m u t u a l l y u n c o o p erative e q u i l i b r i u m — y o u pirate m y best w o r k s a n d I ' l l pirate y o u r s — prevailed. A n d even t h o u g h i n p r i n c i p l e the privileges c o u l d bar i m p o r t s i n t o the j u r i s d i c t i o n o f issue f r o m other territories, musical p r i n t s were small a n d easily concealed f r o m customs authorities, w h o i n any event were l i k e l y t o focus t h e i r a t t e n t i o n o n m o r e easily discovered and/or lucratively dutiable wares.
England:
The First Formal
Copyright
Law
T h e first m o d e r n c o p y r i g h t law, the so-called Statute o f A n n e , was passed by the English Parliament i n 1 7 0 9 . Its impetus came f r o m the v o i d left by the w i t h d r a w a l o f g o v e r n m e n t a l s u p p o r t for the Stationers' C o m p a n y . T h e law's preamble observed t h a t persons frequently p u b lished a n d r e p r i n t e d : 86
. . . books and other writings, without the consent of the authors or proprietors of such books and writings, to their very great detriment, and too often to the ruin of them and their families. T h e preamble w e n t o n t o state as the law's purpose "encouragement o f learned m e n t o compose a n d w r i t e useful b o o k s . " Exclusive p u b l i c a t i o n rights were granted for a p e r i o d o f t w e n t y - o n e years o n b o o k s already p r i n t e d a n d , o n books t o be p u b l i s h e d i n the future, for fourteen years. Penalties f o r v i o l a t i o n i n c l u d e d seizure a n d conver s i on t o waste paper, plus one penny per sheet, h a l f g o i n g t o the c r o w n a n d h a l f t o the p l a i n tiff. A procedure was established f o r l i m i t i n g the prices o f p u b l i s h e d b o o k s w h e n i t was s h o w n t h a t prices were " t o o h i g h a n d unreason able." T h e C o m p a n y o f Stationers was charged w i t h registering c o p y r i g h t e d b o o k s so t h a t booksellers c o u l d ensure t h a t they d i d n o t i n a d vertently c a r r y p i r a t e d versions — a r e q u i r e m e n t w a i v e d under subsequent amendments. A t first, the n e w l a w was n o t assumed t o cover p r i n t e d music. C l a r i -
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fication came i n a case filed by J o h a n n C h r i s t i a n Bach, the youngest son o f J. S. Bach. I n the meantime, composers c o n t i n u e d t o seek r o y a l p r i v i leges t o protect their published w o r k s . Bach a n d C a r l F r i e d r i c h A b e l were allied i n a successful series o f L o n d o n concerts. B o t h h a d r o y a l privileges t o p u b l i s h their w o r k s ; Abel's e x p i r e d i n 1 7 7 4 a n d Bach's i n December 1 7 7 7 . D i s r e g a r d i n g their privileges, L o n d o n publisher James L o n g m a n p r i n t e d p i r a t e d versions o f b o t h composers' w o r k s . I t was decided t h a t Bach w o u l d be the one t o file a legal challenge seeking t o cover his c o m p o s i t i o n s under the Statute o f A n n e , supplementing or replacing his privilege. D a v i d H u n t e r conjectures t h a t Bach a n d A b e l were " p r o b a b l y the o n l y composers w i t h sufficient p o s i t i o n " t o sustain costly legal proceedings. T h i s is plausible; at the t i m e his suit was filed i n M a r c h 1 7 7 3 , Bach's b a n k balance stood at nearly £ 4 , 0 0 0 . N o t u n t i l 1 7 7 7 d i d the case reach the c o u r t o f final appeal, w h e r e u p o n L o r d Chief Justice M a n s f i e l d r u l e d i n favor o f Bach after hearing o r a l argument o n l y f r o m Bach's a t t o r n e y : 87
8 8
89
The words of the Act of Parliament are very large: "books and other writings." It is not confined to language or letters. Music is a science; it may be written; and the mode of conveying the ideas, is by signs and marks. A person may use the copy by playing it; but he has no right to rob the author of the profit, by multiplying copies and disposing of them to his own use. . . . [W]e are of opinion, that a musical composition is a writing within the Statute of the 8th of Queen Anne. Bach a n d a l l resident composers as a result became e n t i t l e d t o c o p y r i g h t p r o t e c t i o n under B r i t i s h law. Registrations o f musical c o m p o s i t i o n s w i t h the C o m p a n y o f Stationers, still serving as a registry o f w o r k s f o r w h i c h publishers c l a i m e d exclusive rights, increased f r o m 35 i n the de cade 1 7 7 0 - 1 7 7 9 t o 738 i n 1 7 8 0 - 1 7 8 9 a n d 1,828 i n the decade o f the 1790s. H o w e v e r , Bach himself benefitted i m p e r c e p t i b l y f r o m his vic tory. A s the case was proceeding the Bach-Abel concert series fell u p o n h a r d times; A b e l w i t h d r e w f r o m the series; a n d Bach p l u n g e d i n t o debt. W h e n he died f o u r a n d a h a l f years after the h i g h court's decision, credi tors forced their w a y i n t o his r o o m a n d attempted (unsuccessfully) t o seize his b o d y f o r sale t o m e d i c a l schools. 90
91
The Spread
of Copyright
Law
T h e n e x t n a t i o n a l c o p y r i g h t laws arose f r o m the spirit o f r e v o l u t i o n . A r t i c l e L Section 8 o f the U.S. C o n s t i t u t i o n , ratified i n 1 7 8 9 , a u t h o r i z e d the Congress " t o p r o m o t e the Progress o f Science a n d useful A r t s , by securing for l i m i t e d Times t o A u t h o r s a n d Inventors the exclusive R i g h t t o their respective W r i t i n g s a n d Discoveries." I m p l e m e n t i n g legislation 92
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offering c o p y r i g h t t o U.S. citizens and p e r m a n e n t residents was passed i n 1 7 9 0 . A f t e r the French R e v o l u t i o n o f 1 7 8 9 , r o y a l grants o f privilege were abolished. T o take t h e i r place the N a t i o n a l Assembly passed i n 1 7 9 3 a l a w establishing a f o r m a l c o p y r i g h t system f o r l i t e r a r y a n d artis tic p r o p e r t y , amended i n 1 8 1 0 t o p e r m i t b o t h domestic a n d f o r e i g n au thors to obtain copyrights. E x t e n d i n g c o p y r i g h t t o the rest o f E u r o p e p r o v e d t o be m o r e d i f f i c u l t . O n e i n i t i a t i v e was t a k e n b y the music publishers themselves. T h e offi cial h i s t o r y o f B r e i t k o p f & Härtel mentions an " h o n o r a r y " a c c o r d o r i g i n a t e d a m o n g G e r m a n booksellers i n 1819 t o respect the rights o f w r i t e r s a n d publishers against c o p y i n g , b u t i t appears t o have been ineffective. Earlier, i n 1 8 1 0 , G o t t f r i e d Härtel c o m p l a i n e d t o Beethoven t h a t " u n d e r present c o n d i t i o n s , a v o i d i n g p i r a c y o f revised editions i n France, E n g l a n d , a n d G e r m a n y is i m p o s s i b l e . " A t a c o n v o c a t i o n o f the G e r m a n a n d A u s t r i a n music publishers a n d retailers i n L e i p z i g d u r i n g 1 8 2 9 , an agreement was c o n c l u d e d n o t t o c o p y each others' w o r k s a n d , w h e n p u b l i c a t i o n was j o i n t , t o announce t h a t fact i n specified j o u r n a l s . A central registry was created by the publishers i n 1 8 3 0 t o indicate w h o h a d rights t o p a r t i c u l a r p u b l i c a t i o n s . By 1 9 0 3 , m o r e t h a n 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 w o r k s h a d been registered. F o r e i g n publishers' rights were n o t t o be p u r chased by G e r m a n publishers, p r e s u m a b l y t o encourage respect f o r na t i o n a l spheres o f influence. I n d i v i d u a l agreements a m o n g publishers t o serve as sales agents f o r each other i n territories they w o u l d otherwise n o t cover u n d o u b t e d l y helped suppress some piracy incentives. For ex a m p l e , i n the r e c i p r o c a l agency p r o p o s a l o f 1796 f r o m Pleyel o f Paris t o A r t a r i a , a leading V i e n n a music publisher, Ignaz Pleyel r e q u i r e d t h a t A r t a r i a " p r o m i s e o n y o u r w o r d o f h o n o r n o t t o engage any o f m y w o r k s , a n d those o f w h i c h I a m the o w n e r . " There appears t o have been l i t t l e systematic research o n the extent t o w h i c h p r i v a t e under standings succeeded i n suppressing musical piracy. T h a t they d i d n o t succeed c o m p l e t e l y is s h o w n by the c o n t i n u a t i o n o f p i r a c y c o m p l a i n t s . I n 1 8 2 5 a g r o u p o f w e l l - k n o w n composers s u b m i t t e d t o a meeting o f the G e r m a n Bundesversammlung (liberally translated, assembly o f affili ated G e r m a n states — a r e m n a n t o f the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e ) i n F r a n k f u r t a manifesto u r g i n g the G e r m a n states t o rise above t h e i r d i s u n i t y a n d enact an effective a l l - G e r m a n c o p y r i g h t covenant. I t was drafted b y J o h a n n N e p o m u k H u m m e l a n d endorsed a m o n g others by L u d w i g v a n Beethoven, C a r l Czerny, L u d w i g Spohr, F e r d i n a n d Ries, Ignaz M o scheles, C a r l M a r i a v o n Weber, F r i e d r i c h K a l k b r e n n e r , a n d J o h a n n P i x i s . I t asserted t h a t i n the German-speaking lands t o o m a n y music publishers were " g e t t i n g fat b y r o b b i n g w i t h o u t p e n a l t y t h e i r n e i g h b o r s ' p r o p e r t y . " T h i s reduced the i n c o m e o f publishers a n d composers, i n j u r e d composers' r e p u t a t i o n s t h r o u g h the p r o p a g a t i o n o f b a d l y p r o o f read versions, a n d w o r s e n e d G e r m a n states' balance o f trade relative 93
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t o nations such as France a n d Great B r i t a i n t h a t granted c o p y r i g h t protection. T h e Bundesversammlung created standing committees t o study the c o p y r i g h t p r o b l e m , a n d i n 1 8 3 7 , i t enacted for the guidance o f m e m b e r states m i n i m u m guidelines for the p r o v i s i o n o f c o p y r i g h t . These were patterned after a c o p y r i g h t l a w enacted p r e v i o u s l y b y Prussia, w h i c h i n t u r n h a d evolved f r o m the first G e r m a n state c o p y r i g h t provisions adopted by Prussia i n 1 7 9 4 a n d adapted d u r i n g the fifteen years t h a t f o l l o w e d by Saxony a n d Baden. T h e other G e r m a n states t h e n passed laws c o n sistent w i t h the 1 8 3 7 guidelines. N o t u n t i l f u l l u n i f i c a t i o n o c c u r r e d i n 1 8 7 0 , however, was there a c o p y r i g h t l a w universally enforceable t h r o u g h o u t the n e w G e r m a n R e i c h . I n the m e a n t i m e , differences be t w e e n G e r m a n states made i t difficult t o enforce the l a w s . 101
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As member a n d permanent chair o f the Bundesversammlung, A u s t r i a a d o p t e d c o p y r i g h t laws consistent w i t h the 1 8 3 7 guidelines. T h e y were applicable inter alia i n the territories A u s t r i a occupied i n n o r t h e r n Italy, i n c l u d i n g Venice a n d the s u r r o u n d i n g Veneto. I n 1 8 4 0 A u s t r i a entered i n t o a c o p y r i g h t treaty w i t h Sardinia ( i n c l u d i n g Savoy), w h i c h h a d m a n aged t o r e t a i n its independence t h r o u g h m o s t o f the preceding century. W i t h i t , c o p y r i g h t l a w was unified t h r o u g h o u t m o s t o f n o r t h e r n I t a l y a n d c o u l d be extended b a c k w a r d i n t o A u s t r i a a n d B o h e m i a . T h e re m a i n d e r o f n o r t h e r n I t a l y came w i t h i n the treaty's compass w h e n Pied m o n t c o m p l e t e d a p o l i t i c a l u n i o n w i t h Sardinia in* 1848 a n d the c o m b i n e d k i n g d o m ' s c a p i t a l was m o v e d t o T u r i n . A l a w applicable t h r o u g h all o f I t a l y came i n t o being o n l y after the south a n d t h e n R o m e were j o i n e d w i t h the n o r t h e r n states between 1 8 6 1 a n d 1 8 7 0 . T h e p r o m u l g a t i o n o f c o p y r i g h t laws t h r o u g h o u t w h a t h a d been the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e a n d I t a l y r e q u i r e d m a j o r efforts t o w a r d m a k i n g c o p y r i g h t s effective across sovereign state borders. I n the m e a n t i m e fur ther i n t e r n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n o c c u r r e d . A t first, some nations such as E n g l a n d a n d France a l l o w e d foreigners t o o b t a i n c o p y r i g h t s , w h i l e others, such as the U n i t e d States, d i d n o t . I n 1 8 3 7 Prussia passed a l a w au t h o r i z i n g the issue o f c o p y r i g h t s t o the citizens o f states — G e r m a n o r other — whose governments offered r e c i p r o c a l rights t o Prussian c i t i zens. Great B r i t a i n passed a s i m i l a r l a w i n 1 8 4 4 a n d entered i n t o recip r o c a l agreements w i t h Prussia a n d Saxony i n 1 8 4 6 ; France a n d H o l l a n d exchanged r e c i p r o c a l rights i n 1 8 4 0 ; a n d France a n d H a n o v e r f o l l o w e d suit i n 1 8 5 2 . By 1 8 8 6 , some o f the i n d u s t r i a l i z e d w o r l d ( b u t n o t yet the U n i t e d States) was ready for a m u l t i l a t e r a l agreement, w h i c h led t o the Berne r e c i p r o c a l c o p y r i g h t c o n v e n t i o n o f 1 8 8 7 . T h e citizens o f c o n v e n t i o n signatories were t o be accorded c o p y r i g h t equivalent t o the rights o f citizens i n the nations where c o p y r i g h t was sought. 103
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Even w h e n the laws were permissive, seeking c o p y r i g h t i n a f o r e i g n n a t i o n was a delicate affair. Before c o p y r i g h t existed i n A u s t r i a , Bee-
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t h o v e n t y p i c a l l y strove t o have his w o r k s p u b l i s h e d a n d w h e n possible c o p y r i g h t e d i n several m a j o r markets — n o t a b l y , G e r m a n y o r A u s t r i a , France, a n d E n g l a n d . H i s letters reveal m a n y attempts t o juggle the t i m i n g o f p u b l i c a t i o n i n the various nations a n d his sometimes p e t u l a n t reactions t o B r i t i s h publishers' apparent c o m p l a i n t s (few o r i g i n a l s survive) t h a t , c o n t r a r y t o promises, there was p r i o r p u b l i c a t i o n outside England. There were t w o apparent reasons for the publishers' c o n cern. A t some u n k n o w n t i m e after the Statute o f A n n e was passed, the English l a w was interpreted t o require t h a t f o r a n Engl i s h c o p y r i g h t t o be issued, the first p u b l i c a t i o n o f a w o r k h a d t o take place i n E n g l a n d . P r i o r p u b l i c a t i o n a b r o a d jeopardized the satisfaction o f this requirem e n t . O n e m i g h t infer t h a t Beethoven was d u p l i c i t o u s i n p l a y i n g one publisher o f f against the other, b u t a m o r e charitable i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is t h a t the difficulties o f c o o r d i n a t i n g p u b l i c a t i o n dates were s i m p l y t o o great i n an era o f snail-slow postal service, leisurely decision m a k i n g by publishers, a n d l o n g periods f o r engraving o r typesetting before a w o r k c o u l d be p r o o f r e a d a n d p u t i n t o p r i n t . A l s o , the B r i t i s h publishers m a y have been concerned t h a t copies p r i n t e d first i n Paris w o u l d soon thereafter appear i n the L o n d o n m a r k e t , c a n n i b a l i z i n g their Engl i s h sales. 105
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N o t a l l n a t i o n a l c o p y r i g h t laws a l l o w e d holders t o c o n t r o l the performance o f musical w o r k s as w e l l as t h e i r p u b l i c a t i o n i n p r i n t . T h e l a w o f Great B r i t a i n was amended t o cover performance rights o n l y i n 1 8 4 2 ; the U n i t e d States l a w i n 1 8 7 0 . H u m m e l ' s 1825 manifesto t o the Germ a n Bundesversammlung asked t h a t composers have the r i g h t t o req u i r e fees f o r the performance o f "operas a n d opera-like m a j o r w o r k s . " U n a u t h o r i z e d use by t h i r d parties was t o be fined at a rate t en times the o r i g i n a l l y agreed-upon h o n o r a r i u m . A performance r i g h t , as w e shall elaborate i n a m o m e n t , was i n fact p a r t o f the o r i g i n a l A u s t r i a n law. Even before France enacted a m o d e r n c o p y r i g h t l a w i n 1 7 9 3 , a r o y a l decree issued i n 1 7 7 6 c a r r i e d f o r w a r d a c e n t u r y - o l d t r a d i t i o n a n d req u i r e d t h a t opera composers receive fees for the first 4 0 performances, descending f r o m 2 0 0 livres ( £ 8 . 5 0 , o r three m o n t h s ' earnings f o r a n English b u i l d i n g craftsman) for each o f the first 2 0 performances d o w n t o 100 livres f o r iterations 3 1 - 4 0 . Fees were received for performances i n the provinces as w e l l as i n Paris. T o be sure, this a l l o w e d the Paris O p é r a a n d the Theatre I t a l i e n t o pay l o w e r l u m p - s u m fees i n advance t o composers. T h e performance-fee system was retained i n the French l a w o f 1 7 9 3 , a n d so f o r several decades France was the o n l y n a t i o n i n w h i c h per-performance fees were r e g u l a r l y sought. 1 0 7
1 0 8
Deriving
Economic
Advantage
from
Copyright
Because p u b l i c i n s t r u m e n t a l concerts were still m o s t l y occasional oneo f f events i n mid-nineteenth-century E u r o p e , whereas successful operas
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were repeated m a n y times at their o r i g i n a l venue a n d t h e n replicated i n p r o v i n c i a l theaters, the enactment o f a u th or s ' performance rights h a d its m a j o r i m p a c t o n opera. G i o a c h i n o Rossini h a d already ended his o p e r a - w r i t i n g career w h e n c o p y r i g h t laws became effective i n Italy, b u t he was advised t o take measures t o protect his earlier w o r k s a n d was pleased t o receive 45 N a p o l e o n d ' o r ( £ 3 5 ) i n 1 8 6 7 , a year before his death, as a w i n d f a l l f r o m the assertion o f performance r i g h t s . F o r Giuseppe V e r d i , the n e w intellectual p r o p e r t y regime meant an altered a p p r o a c h t o the business o f o p e r a w r i t i n g . U p t o 1 8 4 0 , p r o v i n cial I t a l i a n theaters n o r m a l l y o b t a i n e d opera scores at b a r g a i n prices f r o m copyists a n d p a i d the composer n o t h i n g f o r their performance. W o r k i n g w i t h his agent, the publisher G i o v a n n i R i c o r d i , V i n c e n z o Bel l i n i sought performance fees f r o m the smaller I t a l i a n houses, b u t little c o u l d be extracted because o f intensive c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m p i r a t e d copies. D y i n g at the age o f t h i r t y - f o u r i n 1 8 3 5 , Bellini was unable t o benefit f r o m the n e w c o p y r i g h t laws. A f t e r 1840 V e r d i a n d agent G i o v a n n i R i c o r d i (succeeded i n 1853 by son T i t o R i c o r d i , 1 8 1 1 - 1 8 8 8 ) enjoyed a m u c h stronger legal p o s i t i o n selling hand-copied a n d p r i n t e d scores t o the p r o v i n c i a l theaters. F r o m the sale o f scores f o r Emani alone, pre miered i n 1 8 4 4 , they realized 2 0 , 0 0 0 lire ( £ l , 0 0 0 ) . 109
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D u r i n g the late 1840s V e r d i a n d R i c o r d i began t o levy fees for each performance. I n i t i a l l y a fixed fee o f 4 0 0 francs ( £ 1 6 , o r three m o n t h s ' earnings f o r a b u i l d i n g craftsman i n southern England) was asked, w i t h a 50-percent r e d u c t i o n i n territories l a c k i n g a c o p y r i g h t law. T h i s led theater impresarios i n some o f the smaller t o w n s t o ignore Verdi's copy r i g h t , o b t a i n i n g t h e i r scores surreptitiously, a n d t o l o b b y f o r the repeal o f Sardinia's c o p y r i g h t law. I n a n exchange o f letters d u r i n g 1 8 5 0 , R i c o r d i e x p l a i n e d t o V e r d i the principles o f w h a t economists n o w call second-degree price d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . " I t is m o r e advantageous," he w r o t e , " t o p r o v i d e access t o these scores for all theaters, a d a p t i n g the price t o their special means, because I o b t a i n m u c h m o r e f r o m m a n y small theaters at the price o f 3 0 0 o r 2 5 0 L i r e , t h a n f r o m ten o r t w e l v e at the price o f a t h o u s a n d . " R i c o r d i proposed t o V e r d i t h a t each per formance fee f r o m a p r o v i n c i a l theater be separately negotiated i n ac cordance w i t h a b i l i t y t o pay. V e r d i w o u l d then receive 30 percent o f the revenue f r o m score rentals a n d 4 0 percent o f score sale revenues for the first ten years o f a n opera's life. T h e arrangement was accepted, a n d later Verdi's share was raised t o 5 0 percent. T o enforce i t , R i c o r d i de p l o y e d a t e a m o f field agents t o oversee the use o f scores by p r o v i n c i a l theaters a n d prevent theft. H e also retained lawyers i n the larger I t a l i a n cities t o handle performance c o n t r a c t disputes. These t r a n s a c t i o n costs, R i c o r d i argued, justified his r e t a i n i n g a m a j o r i t y share o f the p r o v i n c i a l theater licensing revenues. O b t a i n i n g substantial revenues f r o m score sales a n d performance fees, V e r d i observed t h a t he n o longer needed t o 113
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be a "galley slave" a n d t o compose at a frantic pace. Between 1 8 4 0 a n d 1849 (he was t h i r t y - s i x years o l d i n 1 8 4 9 ) , V e r d i composed 14 operas. D u r i n g the 1850s he composed 7, i n the 1860s he p r o d u c e d 2 , a n d he w r o t e 1 i n each o f the succeeding three decades. C o p y r i g h t also enhanced the attractiveness o f a business pursued even w i t h o u t intellectual p r o p e r t y p r o t e c t i o n — selling p r i n t e d solo o r s m a l l i n s t r u m e n t a l - g r o u p reductions o f operas a n d orchestral w o r k s . T h e n u m b e r o f opera houses t h a t w o u l d b u y or rent an opera's score c o u l d be c o u n t e d i n the dozens, b u t m a n y thousands o f families w o u l d b u y i n d i v i d u a l parts for performance at h o m e . I n V i e n n a before c o p y r i g h t existed, C h r i s t o p h Torriceila ( 1 7 1 5 - 1 7 9 8 ) published w i t h M o z a r t ' s co o p e r a t i o n a p i a n o r e d u c t i o n o f The Abduction from the Seraglio. C a r l Czerny crafted p i a n o reductions o f Beethoven's Leonore i n 1805, and Ignaz Moscheles w r o t e a four-hands p i a n o r e d u c t i o n o f its revised suc cessor, Fidelio, i n 1 8 1 4 . I n 1 8 4 1 a penniless R i c h a r d W a g n e r was of fered 1,100 francs ( £ 4 3 ) by a Paris publisher t o w r i t e v a r i o u s reductions o f Gaetano D o n i z e t t i ' s opera, La Favorite. B u t i t t o o k the c o m b i n a t i o n o f c o p y r i g h t p r o t e c t i o n , I t a l i a n s ' love o f opera, a n d the love o f m o n e y shared by R i c o r d i a n d V e r d i t o c a r r y the r e d u c t i o n enterprise t o its height o f sophistication. F r o m Rigoletto, f o r example, R i c o r d i p u b lished hundreds o f reductions f o r p i a n o a n d voice, solo p i a n o , fourhands p i a n o , flute, p i a n o a n d v i o l i n , p i a n o a n d flute, v i o l i n , clarinet, s t r i n g quartet, a n d m u c h else. Reductions o f i n d i v i d u a l arias, cav atinas, choruses, a n d overtures c o u l d be b o u g h t separately, a n d pack ages i n c l u d i n g most o f the opera's numbers c o u l d be b o u g h t at dis counts o f 2 0 t o 5 0 percent. T h e substantial revenues o b t a i n e d i n this w a y p e r m i t t e d R i c o r d i t o offer V e r d i p r e v i o u s l y unprecedented sums for the p u b l i c a t i o n rights t o his operas — for example, 1 4 , 0 0 0 francs ( £ 5 5 0 ) i n 1 8 5 1 f o r the p u b l i c a t i o n rights, n o t i n c l u d i n g performance r e n t a l royalties, t o Rigoletto. R i c h a r d Wagner's later operas were also p u b lished i n various r e d u c t i o n forms — i n m a n y cases, t o relieve Wagner's urgent financial needs — w e l l i n advance o f their first performance a n d the p u b l i c a t i o n o f f u l l scores. 115
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RELATIONSHIPS
T h e perceived i m p o r t a n c e o f i n c o m e f r o m the p u b l i c a t i o n o f m u s i c a l w o r k s differed a m o n g composers, depending a m o n g other things u p o n i n d i v i d u a l tastes a n d h o w r o b u s t alternative i n c o m e sources were. Bee t h o v e n is said b y m a n y authors t o have been the first i m p o r t a n t c o m poser w h o depended heavily u p o n income f r o m the p u b l i c a t i o n o f his c o m p o s i t i o n s . T h i s is m o r e t r u e t h a n n o t . Even t h o u g h he received an
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appreciable a n n u i t y income f r o m three noble patrons, its value was severely eroded by i n f l a t i o n , and he bargained especially v i g o r o u s l y w i t h publishers t o enhance his h o n o r a r i a . A t the other extreme was César Franck, w h o h a d a substantial income f r o m teaching a n d his p o s i t i o n as c h u r c h organist. H e seldom bargained w i t h publishers a n d considered himself f o r t u n a t e t o be offered 100 francs ( £ 4 ) for setting a p o e m t o music. H i s c o n t e m p o r a r y Johannes Brahms d i d b a r g a i n h a r d i n his early lean years a n d relied heavily u p o n p u b l i c a t i o n i n c o m e t o meet his modest c o n s u m p t i o n requirements. B u t i n his later years he was sufficiently w e l l o f f t h a t he c o u l d e x p l a i n t o C l a r a Schumann i n 1 8 8 7 w h y he h a d neglected t o collect c o p y r i g h t royalties i n France: " I earn quite easily; a n d have n o need at a l l t o concern myself w i t h sources o f i n come." Similarly, he c o m p l a i n e d t o his p r i n c i p a l publisher, Fritz Simr o c k ( 1 8 3 7 - 1 9 0 1 ) , t h a t the relatively h i g h prices S i m r o c k charged c o n sumers for Brahms's music prevented h i m f r o m achieving s o m e t h i n g i m p o r t a n t t o h i m — the m o s t widespread possible diffusion o f his w o r k : " [ N ] o one can persuade me t h a t I w o u l d n o t gain m o r e enjoyment (and y o u m o r e m o n e y ) f r o m m y symphonies a n d songs i f b u y i n g t h e m were anywhere near affordable, as are those o f m y colleagues [ w h o p u b l i s h w i t h the l o w - p r i c e Peters firm]." T h i s is a sentiment w i t h w h i c h m o s t authors enjoying academic salaries can empathize. 120
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Relations between composers a n d their publishers were often conflictr i d d e n a n d sometimes stormy. A l t h o u g h w e l l o f f himself, George F r i deric H a n d e l is said t o have been envious w h e n his m a i n publisher, J o h n W a l s h , left an estate o f £ 3 0 , 0 0 0 at his d e a t h . A r g u i n g over the allocat i o n o f fees, Giuseppe V e r d i w r o t e t o his publisher T i t o R i c o r d i , " I n c o m p e n s a t i o n f o r all m y labor, I shall earn i n t w e n t y years f r o m eight t o ten t h o u s a n d francs. A n d y o u earn the same a m o u n t w h i l e y o u are s t r o l l i n g a r o u n d L a k e C o m o . " Franz Schubert c o m p l a i n e d : " I f o n l y honest dealing were possible w i t h these . . . publishers: b u t the wise a n d beneficent regulations o f o u r G o v e r n m e n t have t a k e n g o o d care t h a t the artist shall r e m a i n the eternal slave o f those miserable m o n e y - g r a b b e r s . " C h o p i n is said t o have regarded publishers as sharks, cheats, a n d liars. H e used an agent t o c a r r y o u t unpleasant negotiations a n d demanded i m m e d i a t e c o m p e n s a t i o n : " F r o m n o w o n , it's pay u p , a n i m a l . " 123
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Before he settled i n t o a friendly a n d often h u m o r f u l r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the S i m r o c k family, Johannes Brahms w r o t e t o a composer friend, "Publishers are miserable curs! . . . [D]o not, absolutely not, send y o u r things w i t h o u t an h o n o r a r i u m . " B u t once he was at ease w i t h Fritz S i m r o c k , w h o w r o t e t o h i m i n 1 8 7 7 t h a t " n o d e m a n d o f yours is ever too high for me," he entrusted S i m r o c k w i t h nearly complete leeway i n m a n a g i n g his financial affairs. O n the difficulties o f the composerpublisher r e l a t i o n s h i p , he w r o t e t o S i m r o c k i n 1 8 8 1 : 1 2 7
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That one thing [which is the cause of all my uneasiness] is the confounded relationship to money, which, unfortunately, is still customary between musicians and publishers. . . . We musicians are treated like children and incompetents, we don't in the least know for what and how payment is actually made, whether we are giving or getting, whether we rob or are being robbed. I n the same letter he w e n t o n t o suggest t h a t S i m r o c k m i g h t be the one being r o b b e d i n p u b l i s h i n g Brahms's w o r k s . Publishers'
Tactics
Composers were u n h a p p y a b o u t a variety o f practices pursued by their publishers. There was a widespread perception t h a t publishers n o r m a l l y h a d the upper h a n d i n b a r g a i n i n g a n d t h a t they t o o k advantage o f the composers i n times o f weakness. For example, i n 1 8 2 3 , w h e n Franz Schubert was seriously i l l f r o m the first stages o f syphilis a n d i n dire need o f funds, the Viennese publisher A n t o n D i a b e l l i beat d o w n the prices Schubert was asking o n his opus 1 - 7 c o m p o s i t i o n s t o 3 2 0 florins ( £ 3 2 ) f o r the package a n d again o n his opus 1 2 - 1 4 w o r k s . W h e n a short t i m e thereafter D i a b e l l i asked Schubert t o reimburse m o r e f o r c o p y i n g services t h a n agreed u p o n i n advance, Schubert s w i t c h e d t o a different publisher a n d w r o t e a n g r i l y t o D i a b e l l i : 1 3 0
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During the earlier negotiations over the publication of the Waltzes I became aware of the not over-scrupulous intentions of my publishers . . . I feel that the extremely small purchase price which you paid for my earlier things, including the Fantasia for 50 florins, long ago wiped out this debt which you so unjustly put upon me. A l t h o u g h he was a m u c h m o r e d e m a n d i n g bargainer t h a n Schubert, R i c h a r d Wagner was disadvantaged i n b a r g a i n i n g w i t h his p r i n c i p a l publishers: a l t h o u g h his operas were best suited f o r G e r m a n audiences, he h a d difficulty o b t a i n i n g performance venues i n G e r m a n y d u r i n g the decade f o l l o w i n g the 1848 r e v o l u t i o n s , w h e n Wagner r e m a i n e d a fugitive f r o m G e r m a n police for his s u p p o r t o f r e v o l u t i o n a r y causes. I n desperate need o f funds, a n d h a v i n g exhausted the willingness o f B r e i t k o p f & Härtel t o p r o v i d e supplements, he received advances i n 1 8 6 2 f r o m Schott o f M a i n z b y p l e d g i n g title t o a l l o f his future m u s i c a l works. Even t h e n , Schott's advances were t o o little t o meet Wagner's requirements, leading Wagner t o w r i t e i n A u g u s t 1 8 6 2 t h a t " I t is i m p o s sible t h a t y o u leave me so helpless!" After further exchanges, an exasperated Franz Schott r e p l i e d t h a t " n o publisher anywhere can defray y o u r needs; t h a t c o u l d be done o n l y by a r i c h banker o r a prince w h o has m i l l i o n s at his d i s p o s a l . " 132
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Composers also expressed anger over publishers' lack o f diligence i n c a r r y i n g o u t w h a t they considered t o be agreed-upon measures. T h u s , L u i g i B o c c h e r i n i c o m p l a i n e d b i t t e r l y over the tardiness o f Ignaz Pleyel i n r e t u r n i n g his o n l y copies o f m o r e t h a n one h u n d r e d manuscripts Bocc h e r i n i h a d sent t o Pleyel i n Paris, some o f t h e m held by Pleyel f o r as l o n g as sixteen m o n t h s . " I d o n o t w a n t t o dispossess myself o f m y w o r k s , because a father loves his c h i l d r e n a n d w a n t s their c o m p a n y , be they fair o r ugly, g o o d o r b a d , " he w r o t e . A two-year publication delay b y the Viennese publisher Tobias Haslinger ( 1 7 8 7 - 1 8 4 2 ) was the target o f Frédéric C h o p i n ' s w r a t h . 136
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W i t h m u l t i p l e currencies i n use a n d diverse offsets f o r c o p y i n g , postage, a n d other expenses, i t was often difficult t o keep r o y a l t y accounts straight, leading t o m u t u a l r e c r i m i n a t i o n s . A dispute over the a l l o c a t i o n o f p u b l i c a t i o n fees d u r i n g the 1870s between V e r d i a n d his agent-publisher T i t o R i c o r d i was settled t o Verdi's eventual satisfaction w i t h a l u m p - s u m p a y m e n t t o V e r d i o f 5 0 , 0 0 0 francs ( £ 1 , 9 6 0 ) . W i t h the breach healed, V e r d i later loaned R i c o r d i 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 francs. B u t loans w i t h i n the composer-publisher " f a m i l y " c o u l d also be t r o u b l e s o m e . Beet h o v e n b r o k e o f f w h a t h a d p r e v i o u s l y been e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y friendly relations w i t h his Viennese publisher S i g m u n d A n t o n Steiner ( 1 7 7 3 - 1 8 3 8 , successor t o A l o y s Senefelder a n d predecessor o f Tobias Haslinger) w h e n Steiner insisted t h a t , i n lieu o f p a y i n g back a c c u m u l a t e d loans, Beethoven give Steiner exclusive p u b l i s h i n g rights f o r a l l his c o m p o s i tions. A n d w h e n t h a t d e m a n d was rejected, Steiner threatened a l a w s u i t t o enforce r e p a y m e n t o f the debt w i t h interest. 1 3 8
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A g g r a v a t i n g the tensions between composers a n d publishers was the i n t e r t w i n i n g o f geographic distance, the difficulty o f inspecting w o r k s composers offered for p u b l i c a t i o n , a n d risk aversion o n the publisher's part. Before c o p y r i g h t laws existed, the publisher m i g h t p i r a t e a w o r k sent f o r inspection, despite universal r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t p u b l i s h i n g a c o m p o s i t i o n w i t h o u t the composer's consent v i o l a t e d m o r a l even i f n o t legal codes. A n d i n any event, f o r fledgling composers i t was a H o b s o n ' s choice t o i n c u r the cost o f b a c k u p copies o r face the r i s k t h a t m a n u scripts w o u l d be lost i n the s l o w a n d unreliable mails. T h u s , f o r p u b lishers located some distance f r o m the composer's h o m e base, the m o s t c o m m o n practice was f o r the composer t o describe the w o r k b u t n o t t o send a copy. T h e publisher t h e n faced the p o s s i b i l i t y o f offering an u p f r o n t h o n o r a r i u m f o r a p i g i n a p o k e , especially f o r composers w h o h a d n o t yet established a r e c o r d o f d e l i v e r i n g music t h a t reliably met sheetmusic purchasers' demands. 140
A n example is the experience i n 1 8 2 6 o f Franz Schubert, w h o h a d already p u b l i s h e d n u m e r o u s w o r k s i n V i e n n a , w h e n he w r o t e B r e i t k o p f & Härtel i n L e i p z i g as f o l l o w s : 141
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In the hope that my name is not wholly unknown to you, I am venturing to ask whether you would be disposed to take over at a moderate price some of my [listed] compositions, for I very much want to become as well known as possible in Germany. Härtel r e p l i e d p a t r o n i z i n g l y :
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Since we are totally unfamiliar w i t h the commercial success of your works, and therefore would not be able to agree upon your desired monetary honorarium (which the publisher can determine or approve only after a successful experience), we must ask you whether, in an attempt to build a lasting relationship, you would accept a number of printed copies as compensation. We don't doubt that you w i l l find this proposal agreeable, since for you, as for us, it is more a matter of establishing a continuing relationship than of bringing out a particular work. Because the m a r g i n a l cost o f a d d i t i o n a l p r i n t e d copies was s m a l l , this often-used a p p r o a c h reduced the publisher's f r o n t - e n d investment a n d hence the risk associated w i t h a n e w p u b l i s h i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p . But Schubert was t o o desperate f o r cash t o accept i t , so he r e m a i n e d w i t h V i e n n a publishers a n d d i e d i n p o v e r t y t w o years later. A quarter c e n t u r y earlier, B & H h a d d r i v e n an even harder b a r g a i n w i t h the teenage L u d w i g Spohr ( 1 7 8 4 - 1 8 5 9 ) , r e q u i r i n g t h a t he purchase at h a l f price 100 copies o f his first v i o l i n concerto as a c o n d i t i o n for p u b l i s h i n g i t . Some composers, however, were m o r e fortunate i n their i n i t i a l approaches t o distant publishers. T h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f A n t o n i n D v o r a k ' s first w o r k s outside Prague's n a r r o w compass, f o r example, was facilitated w h e n Johannes Brahms s t r o n g l y r e c o m m e n d e d t h e m t o Fritz S i m r o c k , his p r i n c i p a l publisher. O f f e r i n g ad v a l o r e m royalties, w h i c h defer the publisher's financial c o m m i t m e n t u n t i l a sales r e c o r d can be established, was a p p a r e n t l y u n c o m m o n d u r i n g the t i m e o f Schubert. H o w e v e r , finding " n o r a t i o n a l w a y " t o calculate the p r o f i t a b i l i t y o f p u b l i s h i n g R i c h a r d Wagner's p r o posed opera cycle Der Ring des Nibelungen (The N i b e l u n g ' s R i n g ) , B r e i t k o p f & Härtel offered i n 1856 a p r o f i t - s h a r i n g a p p r o a c h . A f t e r further a g o n i z i n g , B & H r e p o r t e d t h a t "the m o r e w e struggle w i t h the issue, the m o r e u n c e r t a i n w e become," a n d w i t h d r e w its offer. 143
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B r e i t k o p f & Härtel, w h i c h h a d the m o s t extensive n e t w o r k o f sales agents a m o n g E u r o p e a n music publishers d u r i n g the early nineteenth century, was a n eagerly desired o u t l e t f o r composers seeking t o enhance their reputations, b u t also a p a r t i c u l a r l y difficult n u t t o crack. As a p a r t o f the extensive q u a n t i f i c a t i o n u n d e r t a k e n w h e n he assumed c o n t r o l o f the company, G o t t f r i e d Härtel calculated d u r i n g the early 1800s t h a t , given his costs a n d standard prices, he c o u l d n o t a f f o r d t o pay a n h o n o r a r i u m o f 3 t o 4 thaler ( £ 0 . 7 3 t o 0.98) per four-page sheet unless early
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sales o f 3 0 0 copies c o u l d be anticipated — an a m b i t i o u s target for l i t t l e k n o w n composers at the t i m e . T h i s h a d n o t deterred h i m f r o m w r i t i n g t o Constanze M o z a r t i n 1 7 9 8 , asking her t o "let us k n o w w h a t genuine u n p u b l i s h e d c o m p o s i t i o n s o f y o u r esteemed husband are still i n y o u r hands, a n d eventually be so k i n d as t o send t h e m t o us," w h e r e u p o n B & H w o u l d give preference t o Constanze i n b u y i n g t h e m i f the same w o r k s were offered by other sources. M o z a r t ' s r e p u t a t i o n was w e l l established; there was little risk o f d i s a p p o i n t i n g sales. B u t i n the early years o f Beethoven's career, despite considerable b a c k - a n d - f o r t h corre spondence, B & H c o u l d n o t b r i n g itself t o m a t c h the h o n o r a r i a being offered by other publishers. O n l y after Härtel traveled t o V i e n n a i n 1808 a n d m e t Beethoven face t o face was a p u b l i s h i n g relationship agreed u p o n , leading t o B & H p u b l i c a t i o n o f the F i f t h a n d S i x t h sym phonies, a m o n g others. H o w e v e r , as Beethoven escalated his h o n o r a r i u m demands i n 1812 because o f i n f l a t i o n , currency r e f o r m , a n d the d e v a l u a t i o n o f his pension, Härtel's calculations again led t o offers re jected by the master. O n e m i g h t suppose t h a t Härtel's supremely r a t i o n a l calculations saved h i m f r o m the " w i n n e r ' s curse" o f b i d d i n g h i g h a n d p a y i n g m o r e o n average t h a n c o m p o s i t i o n s c o u l d r e t u r n i n an u n certain m a r k e t . Consequently, his firm survived w h i l e other publishers failed. B u t Härtel's replacement as the p r i n c i p a l G e r m a n publisher o f Beethoven's late w o r k s , Schott o f M a i n z , was also one o f the few l o n g t e r m survivors. T h u s , Härtel p r o b a b l y erred o n the side o f underesti m a t i n g the benefits o f h a v i n g a strong Beethoven p o s i t i o n i n his p o r t f o l i o . H i s successors erred even m o r e seriously i n 1865 w h e n they h a d an outside consultant evaluate a sextet manuscript sent t o t h e m (by t h a t t i m e , under p r o t e c t i o n o f personal c o p y r i g h t ) by Johannes Brahms, sev eral o f whose earlier w o r k s they h a d published. W h e n he learned w h a t they h a d done, Brahms responded: 148
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I found [your letter] to be the most hurtful, yes the most insulting thing that has happened to me. . . . Should your letter have been prompted by a possible trial of the work, then I ask by what right you might have ar ranged this without my consent . . . since you know as well as I how little sympathy my works meet with in Leipzig. I f it was occasioned by the judg ment of a single individual, that too I must protest as an insult. A n d f r o m t h a t t i m e o n , he published n o t h i n g m o r e w i t h B r e i t k o p f & Härtel.
Composers'
Strategies
Composers h a d their o w n strategies for m a k i n g the best o f their bar g a i n i n g p o s i t i o n . Unless a p r i o r understanding t o the c o n t r a r y existed, i t was perfectly ethical t o p l a y one publisher o f f against the others i n t y i n g
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t o m a x i m i z e the h o n o r a r i u m offered. M a n y d i d so. A s C h o p i n i n structed his agent i n advance o f a t o u g h b a r g a i n i n g session i n 1 8 3 9 , " I f Pleyel makes any difficulties go t o Schlesinger a n d tell h i m I ' l l give h i m the Ballade f o r France a n d E n g l a n d for 8 0 0 [francs = £ 3 1 ] , a n d the [ o p . 4 0 ] Polonaises f o r France, E n g l a n d a n d G e r m a n y for 1 5 0 0 ( i f t h a t frightens h i m , suggest 1 4 0 0 , 1 3 0 0 , o r even 1 2 0 0 ) . " W h e r e they d r i f t e d i n t o the grey area o f u n e t h i c a l behavior was w h e n they offered advantages such as e x c l u s i v i t y b u t failed t o abide by their promises, o r w h e n they c l a i m e d t o possess higher bids w h e n i n fact they d i d n o t . 153
Joseph H a y d n , for example, signed a c o n t r a c t w i t h a L o n d o n p u b lisher stating t h a t " G u i l a u m e [ W i l l i a m ] Forster is the sole p r o p r i e t o r o f the said w o r k s , a n d t h a t I sold t h e m t o h i m as s u c h . " I n t r u t h , he granted u n l i m i t e d p u b l i c a t i o n rights for the same items t o A r t a r i a o f V i e n n a , w h i c h h a d a sales agent i n L o n d o n w h o a t t e m p t e d t o sell the music i n c o m p e t i t i o n w i t h Forster. W h e n the L o n d o n agent a n d Forster became entangled i n a l a w s u i t , H a y d n was called t o give evidence duri n g his first L o n d o n concert visit. H e e x p l a i n e d t h a t his c o n t r a c t w i t h Forster was meant t o a p p l y t o E n g l a n d only, w h i l e his c o n t r a c t w i t h A r t a r i a w o u l d have i n c l u d e d E n g l a n d o n l y i f A r t a r i a h a d p a i d a higher h o n o r a r i u m . W h i l e i n L o n d o n , H a y d n w r o t e asking a friend i n A u s t r i a t o b u y f r o m A r t a r i a copies o f t w o w o r k s a n d send t h e m t o h i m , b u t n o t t o tell A r t a r i a w h y she was d o i n g so, since he intended t o sell t h e m t o a L o n d o n publisher. 154
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Beethoven r e g u l a r l y a t t e m p t e d t o m a x i m i z e his earnings by h a v i n g his c o m p o s i t i o n s p u b l i s h e d m o r e o r less simultaneously i n E n g l a n d , France, a n d either A u s t r i a o r Germany. A s w e saw earlier, he came t o grief o n occasion w h e n the requisite t i m i n g o f release dates c o u l d n o t be p r o p erly c o o r d i n a t e d . Some o f his agreements were r e m a r k a b l y imprecise a b o u t the d e l i n e a t i o n o f geographic r i g h t s , i n effect saying t h a t B r e i t k o p f & Härtel w o u l d have exclusive r i g h t s i n G e r m a n y a n d also t h r o u g h o u t E u r o p e unless i t p r o v e d advantageous for Beethoven t o p u b l i s h w i t h someone outside G e r m a n y . I n such cases, he c o n t i n u e d , he w o u l d let B & H k n o w a n d g r a n t t h e m some favor i n the future. T h e posture he a d o p t e d i n dealings w i t h p o t e n t i a l publishers was characterized i n a n early letter t o a f r i e n d : 156
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M y compositions are bringing in a goodly sum. Also, for every w o r k I have six, seven publishers, and i f I choose, even more. They do not bargain w i t h me: I demand and they pay. T h i s was braggadocio. I n fact, m a n y o f his demands were refused, even w h e n he insisted t h a t he h a d another equally attractive offer i n h a n d — w h i c h was n o t always t r u e . Even t h o u g h i n his t i m e o f great need he h a d granted exclusive life158
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t i m e p u b l i c a t i o n rights t o the Schott firm, R i c h a r d Wagner began soliciti n g c o m p e t i t i v e offers once he was able t o r e t u r n t o G e r m a n y a n d his operas began t o gain i n fame. I n 1 8 7 6 , f o r example, he notified Schott t h a t other firms h a d offered 9,000 a n d t h e n 12,000 m a r k s ( £ 4 3 5 - 5 8 0 ) for his A m e r i c a n centennial m a r c h w h e n Schott h a d offered o n l y onefifth as m u c h . Defending his s o l i c i t a t i o n o f c o m p e t i t i v e offers, Wagner w r o t e t o Schott, " W h a t is a composer t o d o w h e n others value his w o r k s more highly than Schott?" A year earlier, Wagner h a d w r i t t e n t h a t i t was "his d u t y " t o i n f o r m Schott t h a t a Berlin publisher w i s h e d t o take over Schott's exclusive relationship w i t h Wagner — a threat t h a t d i d n o t materialize i n t o r e a l i t y . 159
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A n alternative strategy r e q u i r i n g b o t h capital a n d access t o a p p r o p r i ate m a r k e t i n g channels was t o pay a publisher t o c a r r y o u t the p r i n t i n g o n contract, b u t t o handle the d i s t r i b u t i o n a n d retain the profits oneself. There were t w o reasons f o r d o i n g so: a lack o f agreeable alternatives, o r the belief t h a t especially h i g h prices c o u l d be realized b y s o l i c i t i n g subscriptions f r o m carefully selected i n d i v i d u a l s . D u r i n g the t i m e o f the B a l l a r d m o n o p o l y i n France, François C o u p e r i n ( 1 6 6 8 - 1 7 3 3 ) received r o y a l privileges and self-published a large n u m b e r o f his w o r k s . Publicat i o n o p p o r t u n i t i e s were so meager i n the t i m e o f J o h a n n Sebastian Bach t h a t most o f the few w o r k s published d u r i n g his lifetime, i n c l u d i n g the m u l t i p a r t Clavier-Übung (Clavier Exercise) a n d The Musical Offering (dedicated t o Frederick the Great), were self-published. Despite enorm o u s expansion o f the p u b l i s h i n g i n d u s t r y d u r i n g the f o l l o w i n g century, an u n l u c k y Franz Schubert also fell i n t o the first category. W h e n l o c a l Viennese publishers refused his early offerings, a w e a l t h y f r i e n d o f Schubert p a i d the D i a b e l l i firm t o engrave a n d p r i n t a c o l l e c t i o n o f songs a n d sell t h e m o n c o m m i s s i o n i n its V i e n n a shop. 161
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M a r k e t segmentation was the strategy chosen by Joseph H a y d n f o r his o r a t o r i o The Creation. H e h a d the score engraved a n d p r i n t e d by A r t a r i a o f V i e n n a , s o l i c i t i n g subscription sales i n G e r m a n y at 3 ducats ( £ 1 . 2 5 ) a n d i n E n g l a n d at £ 1 . 5 0 per c o p y a n d a t t r a c t i n g m o r e t h a n 4 0 0 subscribers, i n c l u d i n g K i n g George I I I o f E n g l a n d a n d the empress o f A u s t r i a . M a n y subscribers t o o k m u l t i p l e copies. After subscription sales h a d been completed, H a y d n gave the engraved plates t o B r e i t k o p f & Härtel f o r a p r i n t r u n w i t h m o r e general d i s t r i b u t i o n . Beethoven e x h i b i t e d m i x e d motives i n his self-publication efforts. H i s O p u s 1 p i a n o trios were p r i n t e d under contract by A r t a r i a a n d sold successfully by subscription i n 1795 t o an elite list o f 123 i n d i v i d u a l s . T h i s attracted sufficient a t t e n t i o n f r o m publishers t h a t he was able t o negotiate favorable terms selling subsequent w o r k s f o r p u b l i c a t i o n i n the n o r m a l manner. H o w e v e r , w h e n he completed w h a t he considered his life's c r o w n i n g w o r k , the Missa solemnis, he solicited advance sub163
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scriptions f r o m heads o f state at a price o f 50 ducats ( £ 2 5 ) each, i m p l y i n g a substantial patronage c o n t r i b u t i o n , a n d the copies were made by h a n d ( w i t h m a n y errors) rather t h a n t h r o u g h e n g r a v i n g a n d p r i n t i n g . Ten copies were sold i n this w a y . O n l y after s u b s c r i p t i o n c o p y d i s t r i b u t i o n ended was a p r i n t e d version s o l d , f o l l o w i n g a c o m p e t i t i o n a m o n g seven different publishers, by Schott o f M a i n z . U n h a p p y a b o u t his experiences w i t h publishers, M o z a r t i n 1 7 8 4 c o n sidered h a v i n g his music engraved a n d p r i n t e d under c o n t r a c t a n d then selling i t by s u b s c r i p t i o n , b u t asked his father i n a letter h o w one c o n t r o l l e d the n u m b e r o f copies p r i n t e d a n d prevented the p r i n t e r f r o m selling m o r e a n d " r u i n i n g the m a r k e t . " A p p a r e n t l y , the idea was n o t p u r s u e d further. Previously, i n 1 7 8 3 , he h a d his Piano Concertos nos. 1 1 - 1 3 h a n d - c o p i e d f o r sale t o advance subscribers at a price o f f o u r ducats ( £ 2 ) . R i c h a r d Wagner b o r r o w e d m o n e y t o self-publish three o f his early operas before establishing a r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h B r e i t k o p f & Härtel. 166
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Composers were i n less t h a n perfect h a r m o n y w i t h t h e i r publishers n o t o n l y over financial arrangements, b u t also over the type o f music t o be p u b l i s h e d . Composers chose w h a t they w r o t e o n a v a r i e t y o f g r o u n d s — because they preferred certain f o r m s o r were p a r t i c u l a r l y g o o d at t h e m , t o m a x i m i z e the l i k e l i h o o d o f h a v i n g t h e i r w o r k s p e r f o r m e d i n p u b l i c , a n d t o enhance t h e i r i m p a c t i n the m u s i c - l o v i n g w o r l d , a m o n g other things. Publishers n a t u r a l l y e n o u g h h a d t o be responsive t o the p r i n t e d music m a r k e t . Thousands o f consumers m i g h t b u y an easy p i a n o , flute, or v o c a l piece f o r performance at h o m e , whereas the m a r k e t f o r f u l l scores o f symphonies, concertos, a n d operas was i n t r i n s i c a l l y a s m a l l numbers p r o p o s i t i o n . A l l else equal, publishers preferred the l a r g e - v o l ume pieces, b u t i n this they were sometimes at odds w i t h their composers. A d v i s i n g his son d u r i n g Wolfgang's 1778 visit t o Paris, L e o p o l d M o zart w r o t e : 168
When you have no students around, for God's sake go out of your way a bit to compose something that w i l l enhance your fame. But short! Easy! Popular! Talk to a publisher, and see what he would most like to have — perhaps easy quartets for t w o violins, viola, and cello. Do you think you demean yourself writing such things? N o way! When we were i n London, did [Christian] Bach do other than turn out little morsels? The little piece is big, when it is light and flows naturally and is well-rooted in fundamentals. Composing in that way is harder than composing most incomprehensible artificial harmonic progressions and songs that are difficult to sing. D i d Bach demean himself writing what he did? N o way!
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L i k e m o s t headstrong 22-year-olds, M o z a r t p a i d l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n t o his father's advice. T w o decades later, publisher Ignaz Pleyel ( w h o as a composer s h o u l d have k n o w n better) w r o t e L u i g i B o c c h e r i n i i n M a d r i d , u r g i n g h i m t o w r i t e simpler music m o r e l i k e l y t o attract the p u b l i c . B o c c h e r i n i responded angrily, " B u t remember t h a t there is n o t h i n g w o r s e t h a n t o tie the hands o f a p o o r author, t h a t is t o say, t o confine his ideas and i m a g i n a t i o n by subjecting h i m t o rules." H e c o m p r o m i s e d , however, by sending t o Pleyel f o u r easy quartets a n d t w o " i n m y s t y l e . " Advising Beethoven by m a i l i n 1 8 0 1 w h a t k i n d o f pieces he w o u l d m o s t like t o p u b l i s h , G o t t f r i e d Härtel emphasized u n a c c o m p a n i e d p i a n o sonatas o r p i a n o sonatas w i t h v i o l i n o r v i o l a a c c o m p a n i m e n t . To a youthful Carl M a r i a v o n Weber i n 1 8 0 1 , Härtel said he w o u l d m o s t l i k e t o receive a p i a n o sonata o r three p i a n o sonatas w i t h o r w i t h o u t v i o l i n . And in the p r e v i o u s l y q u o t e d 1826 letter t o Franz Schubert, Härtel w r o t e suggesting as first submissions one or t w o pieces f o r solo p i a n o o r f o r fourhands p i a n o . 169
170
1 7 1
172
Härtel's early advice t o Beethoven o n preferred c o m p o s i t i o n forms was p r o b a b l y unnecessary, f o r a few m o n t h s before receiving Härtel's letter i n 1 8 0 1 , Beethoven asked o f another L e i p z i g publisher 2 0 ducats ( £ 8 ) f o r his First S y m p h o n y a n d 2 0 ducats f o r a solo sonata. E x p l a i n i n g the i d e n t i t y o f prices f o r w o r k s o f vastly different c o m p l e x i t y , he exp l a i n e d t h a t "there is n o t such a d e m a n d f o r a septet o r a s y m p h o n y as for a s o n a t a . " 173
Eighty-five years later, o n l y the size o f the m a r k e t , b u t n o t its bias, h a d changed. A n t o n i n D v o r a k ' s i n i t i a l l y h a r m o n i o u s r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h publisher Fritz S i m r o c k deteriorated i n t o q u a r r e l i n g over a p p r o p r i a t e fees. F o r his magnificent Seventh Symphony, D v o r a k asked 6,000 m a r k s ( £ 2 9 1 ) . S i m r o c k offered o n l y h a l f as m u c h , c l a i m i n g t h a t he was l o s i n g thousands o f m a r k s o n symphonies a n d w a n t e d shorter w o r k s w i t h better sales p o t e n t i a l . For B r e i t k o p f & Härtel, the leading c o n t i n e n t a l E u r o p e a n music p u b lisher, w e have data o n the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f its i n v e n t o r y b y list price values as o f J u l y 1 8 2 3 . F r o m a richer set o f categories, the data are aggregated i n t o six b r o a d g r o u p i n g s — sonatas ( i n c l u d i n g sonatalike pieces, theme a n d v a r i a t i o n s , a n d solo o r duet i n s t r u m e n t a l reductions); songs; orchestral w o r k s ( i n c l u d i n g symphonies, concertos, overtures, etc.); c h o r a l w o r k s ( w i t h o r w i t h o u t orchestral a c c o m p a n i m e n t ) ; c h a m ber w o r k s ( i n c l u d i n g t r i o s , quartets, a n d octets); a n d " o t h e r " ( i n c l u d i n g operas a n d , mostly, a c o l l e c t i o n o f M u z i o Clementi's diverse w o r k s ) . Figure 7.2 shows h o w the t o t a l value o f i n v e n t o r y was d i s t r i b u t e d across these categories. T h e first t w o categories include m a i n l y w o r k s t h a t c o u l d be played i n the h o m e , a n d t h a t , the q u a l i t a t i v e evidence suggests, publishers were m o s t eager t o have. T h e y indeed comprise the major174
175
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FIGURE 7.2 Distribution of Breitkopf 8c Härtel Inventory by Music Type, 1823
i t y — together, 55 percent — o f the B & H i n v e n t o r y h o l d i n g s . T h u s , a l t h o u g h B & H p u b l i s h e d m a n y k i n d s o f c o m p o s i t i o n s , i t emphasized w o r k s w i t h p o t e n t i a l l y large sales.
COMPOSERS' P U B L I C A T I O N H O N O R A R I A
T h a n k s t o the c o m p u l s i v e r e c o r d keeping o f R o b e r t S c h u m a n n , u n u s u a l l y complete i n f o r m a t i o n survives o n the h o n o r a r i a received f o r p u b l i c a t i o n rights (and f o r a n opera, performance r i g h t s ) . Thanks to e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y careful research b y Julia M o o r e , w e also have less c o m plete b u t consistent data o n h o n o r a r i a received by Beethoven, m a r r e d i n m a n y cases b y the b u n d l i n g o f n u m e r o u s w o r k s f o r sale at a single l u m p - s u m fee. F r o m these data useful insights can be d r a w n o n h o w h o n o r a r i a v a r i e d w i t h the composer's accumulated r e p u t a t i o n a n d the t y p e o f w o r k being p u b l i s h e d . T h e S c h u m a n n data e x t e n d , w i t h breaks f o r w o r k s n o t yet accepted f o r p u b l i c a t i o n at the t i m e o f Schumann's death, f r o m opus 18 t h r o u g h opus 1 3 5 , w h i c h were c o m p l e t e d between 1 8 4 0 a n d 1 8 5 2 . M o s t entries are f o r discrete c o m p o s i t i o n s , a l t h o u g h f o r Heder, sonatas, a n d o t h e r sonatalike w o r k s , m u l t i p l e items were o f t e n sold i n a single b u n d l e . Altogether, n i n e t y h o n o r a r i a f o r w o r k s c o u l d be m a t c h e d t o specific 176
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opus numbers, w h i c h was a requisite for the analysis t h a t f o l l o w s . Schumann, i t is w o r t h n o t i n g , appears t o have shopped a r o u n d f o r best offers at least as assiduously as Beethoven d i d . T h e available evidence reveals t h a t he published w o r k s t h r o u g h 2 1 different publishers, w i t h B r e i t k o p f & Härtel h o l d i n g first place, o r i g i n a t i n g 2 1 percent o f the c o m p o s i t i o n s , a n d another Leipzig firm, W h i s t l i n g , i n second place at 19 percent. Figure 7.3 shows the average h o n o r a r i u m Schumann received per w o r k i n seven categories, w i t h m u l t i w o r k sonata a n d Lieder receipts d i v i d e d by the n u m b e r o f discrete items i n the bundle. T h e averages are c o m p u t e d i n Saxonian thaler, as Schumann recorded t h e m . I n 1 8 4 5 , a p p r o x i m a t e l y 7 thaler exchanged for £ 1 sterling. W e see t h a t c o m p e n sation v a r i e d w i d e l y across the categories. By far the m o s t lucrative w o r k s were the t w o characterized i n figure 7.3 as operas, i n c l u d i n g a true opera, Genoveva, a n d a m a j o r o r a t o r i o , Das Paradies und die Peri (Paradise a n d the Peri). Schumann's receipts for his operas averaged 6 5 7 thaler, o r the equivalent o f w h a t a fully e m p l o y e d English b u i l d i n g craftsman earned i n one a n d one-half years. C h o r a l w o r k s —many, such as Nachtlied ( N i g h t Song) a n d Der Rose Pilgerfahrt (Pilgrimage o f a Rose), scored for orchestra — were n e x t m o s t lucrative, f o l l o w e d by Schumann's f o u r symphonies, w i t h an average r e a l i z a t i o n o f 169 thaler ( £ 2 4 , o r 4 0 percent o f an English b u i l d i n g craftsman's a n n u a l earnings) per opus. Least remunerative were i n d i v i d u a l songs a n d sonatas —the items consumers tended t o d e m a n d i n the largest quantities a n d for w h i c h publishers expressed a distinct preference. One's p r e l i m i n a r y i m pression is t h a t a crude l a b o r t h e o r y o f value prevailed i n setting h o n o r a r i a : the m o r e w o r k a c o m p o s i t i o n r e q u i r e d , the larger was the h o n orarium. O u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g can be expanded by using m u l t i p l e regression methods t o analyze the fees Schumann o b t a i n e d for a w o r k o r package o f w o r k s . C o n t r o l l i n g for the type o f w o r k p u b l i s h e d , w e find t h a t Schumann's p u b l i c a t i o n fee rose o n average by a b o u t 0.57 thaler w i t h each opus-number i n c r e m e n t . Since the 1840s were n o t a t i m e o f appreciable i n f l a t i o n , this means t h a t as Schumann's r e p u t a t i o n grew, so also d i d his c o m p e n s a t i o n . W h e n the same regression is estimated using l o g a r i t h m s o f the fee variable, w e find t h a t o n average, each u n i t increm e n t i n OPUS raised Schumann's c o m p e n s a t i o n by 0.72 percent o n average. I n c r e m e n t i n g over 100 opus numbers, w h i c h is a b i t less t h a n the t o t a l range covered by the available data, leads t o an a p p r o x i m a t e d o u b l i n g o f Schumann's h o n o r a r i u m , a l l else (such as type o f w o r k ) held constant. T h i s is a n o t inconsiderable r e p u t a t i o n effect. 178
Beethoven's p u b l i c a t i o n fees have been converted b y Julia M o o r e t o g o l d ducat values at p r e v a i l i n g exchange rates w h e n they were n o t actu-
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FIGURE 7.3 Publication Honoraria for Robert Schumann's Musical Works
ally p a i d i n ducats —the currency Beethoven preferred after V i e n n a ex perienced significant price i n f l a t i o n a n d florin d e v a l u a t i o n . D a t a were available o n ducat payments for 18 i n d i v i d u a l c o m p o s i t i o n s a n d 4 2 opus-matched w o r k s purchased i n a t o t a l o f nine packages. A s s u m i n g despite substantial d o u b t s t h a t w i t h i n a package, each w o r k was o f equal value, a n d c o n v e r t i n g thaler t o ducats at a m i d - p e r i o d exchange r a t i o o f 2.25 t o 1, a similar analysis can be c a r r i e d o u t , p o o l i n g 90 observations o n Schumann's fees a n d 60 o n Beethoven's. T h e resulting regression e q u a t i o n yields several a d d i t i o n a l i n s i g h t s . First, i n mos t respects the fee structures experienced by the t w o composers were s i m i lar. B u t second, the value o f an a d d i t i o n a l sonata i n a Beethoven pack age was m u c h higher t h a n for Schumann —24.5 converted thaler as c o m p a r e d t o 3 . 7 1 for Schumann. T h i r d , w h e n separate estimates are c o m p u t e d , the r e p u t a t i o n effect f o r Beethoven was an increment o f 1.09 thaler per opus, o r t w i c e Schumann's 0.57 coefficient. O r t a k i n g l o g a r i t h m s o f the fees as dependent v a r i a b l e , w e find t h a t each opus incre m e n t raised Beethoven's c o m p e n s a t i o n by 0.98 percent o n average, as c o m p a r e d t o 0.72 percent for Schumann. T h i s difference suggests either t h a t Beethoven's fee-earning r e p u t a t i o n g r e w m o r e r a p i d l y t h a n t h a t o f S c h u m a n n , o r t h a t there were i n f l a t i o n a r y effects i n the Beethoven fee h i s t o r y t h a t were less evident f o r Schumann, o r perhaps b o t h . 179
1 8 0
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Compensation
per Published
Page
As w e have seen, larger w o r k s tended t o receive higher h o n o r a r i a t h a n simpler a n d shorter pieces, despite publishers' preference f o r the latter because o f their superior sales appeal i n the home-performance m a r k e t . I t does n o t f o l l o w t h a t publishers sent the w r o n g price signals t o their composers. F r o m the s t a n d p o i n t o f a n i n c o m e - m a x i m i z i n g composer, w h a t s h o u l d m a t t e r is the c o m p e n s a t i o n per u n i t o f effort. A n d surely for m o s t composers, even i f n o t perhaps for a M o z a r t , w r i t i n g a sym p h o n y was m o r e w o r k t h a n w r i t i n g a sonata o f equal p l a y i n g t i m e . I f one accepts the assumption t h a t the a m o u n t o f m e n t a l a n d physical effort r e q u i r e d t o compose a w o r k is r o u g h l y p r o p o r t i o n a l t o the n u m b e r o f pages the p u b l i s h e d w o r k covers, w e can advance a n a d d i t i o n a l step. T h e assumption is h a r d l y o b v i o u s . T h e p r i n t e d version o f a s y m p h o n y contains m o r e e m p t y staves a n d hence fewer notes per page t h a n does a t w o - h a n d s p i a n o sonata. A l s o , some composers, a l t h o u g h n o t apparently R o b e r t Schumann, h a d assistants fill i n the bass lines a n d other orchestra t i o n . T h e c o u n t e r a r g u m e n t is t h a t getting a l l the parts o f a s y m p h o n y t o f u n c t i o n together is itself h a r d w o r k , a n d t h a t nearly as m u c h m e n t a l effort is r e q u i r e d t o o m i t an i n s t r u m e n t a l phrase as t o w r i t e i t d o w n . L a c k i n g a clear r e s o l u t i o n , w e proceed where angels fear t o tread. F o r 7 7 o f R o b e r t Schumann's opus numbers, i t was possible t o make an exact m a t c h between the data o n compensation a n d the n u m b e r o f pages the w o r k covered i n the o r i g i n a l e d i t i o n o f Schumann's collected w o r k s , edited by Clara S c h u m a n n . A c o m p l i c a t i o n is t h a t , because the w o r k s for f u l l orchestra and/or c h o i r were m o r e c o m p l e x , they are p r i n t e d o n larger pages t h a n other w o r k s . T h e larger-size pages were m u l t i p l i e d by 1.608 t o m a k e t h e m equivalent i n p r i n t e d staff area t o the m o r e n u m e r o u s small-page c o m p o s i t i o n s . W i t h this adjustment, the average h o n o r a r i u m i n Saxonian thaler per page f o r various types o f c o m p o s i t i o n s was as f o l l o w s , w i t h the n u m b e r o f observations i n parentheses: 181
182
Thaler Symphonies (4) Opera (1) Oratorio (1) Other orchestral (7) Choir with orchestra (6) Quartets and quintets (4) Trios (7) Instrumental duets (3) Sonatas (18) Lieder (26)
1.12 1.11 1.44 1.80 2.24 2.79 4.84 5.63 4.55 3.66
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W o r k s readily p e r f o r m e d i n one's h o m e , such as lieder, sonatas, duets, a n d t r i o s , b r o u g h t o n average 4 . 2 2 thaler per page, 2.43 times as m u c h as the 1.74 thaler average f o r w o r k s ( e x c l u d i n g quartets a n d quintets) t h a t lent themselves o n l y t o large-group p e r f o r m a n c e . Although d o u b t s r e m a i n , i t w o u l d appear t h a t publishers' h o n o r a r i a per p r i n t e d page reflected the superior p r o f i t a b i l i t y o f simpler w o r k s a n d therefore sent price signals t o composers consistent w i t h the v e r b a l a d m o n i t i o n s r e p o r t e d previously. 183
CONCLUSION
A s the m a r k e t f o r p u b l i s h e d music grew, the sale o f w o r k s t o publishers became an increasingly i m p o r t a n t source o f income t o composers. T h e e v o l u t i o n o f c o p y r i g h t f r o m a n occasional g r a n t o f r o y a l privilege t o a f o r m a l a n d eventually widespread system o f l a w s h o u l d i n p r i n c i p l e have enhanced composers' i n c o m e f r o m p u b l i c a t i o n . T h e evidence f r o m o u r q u a n t i t a t i v e c o m p a r i s o n o f h o n o r a r i a received b y Beethoven, w i t h n o c o p y r i g h t l a w i n his h o m e t e r r i t o r y , a n d R o b e r t S c h u m a n n , benefit i n g f r o m nearly universal E u r o p e a n c o p y r i g h t , provides at best ques tionable support for the hypothesis that c o p y r i g h t fundamentally changed composers' fortunes. F r o m the q u a l i t a t i v e evidence o n Giuseppe V e r d i , w h o was the first i m p o r t a n t composer t o experience the n e w I t a l i a n c o p y r i g h t regime a n d devise strategies t o derive m a x i m u m advantage, i t is clear t h a t c o p y r i g h t c o u l d m a k e a substantial difference. I n the case o f V e r d i , greater r e m u n e r a t i o n t h r o u g h f u l l e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the c o p y r i g h t system led p e r c e p t i b l y t o a lessening o f c o m p o s i n g e f f o r t . 184
T h i s does n o t necessarily i m p l y t h a t c o p y r i g h t h a d a generally nega tive effect o n the supply o f c o m p o s i t i o n a l effort. V e r d i was an extreme case o f o u t s t a n d i n g success. M o s t composers were less successful. B u t t h e y m a y have d e r i v e d m o t i v a t i o n f r o m the prospect a n d hope o f great financial returns, d e m o n s t r a t e d i n such exceptional cases as t h a t o f Verdi. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t m o t i v a t i n g force i n the c o p y r i g h t system m a y be the d e m o n s t r a t i o n effect o f rare b u t great cases, leading y o u n g people o p t i m i s t i c a l l y t o choose music a n d , w i t h talent a n d l u c k , c o m p o s i t i o n as a profession. 185
I f this is t r u e , one m i g h t expect a b r u p t changes f r o m the absence t o the presence o f effective c o p y r i g h t t o induce a n increase i n the n u m b e r o f i n d i v i d u a l s entering the c o m p o s i n g profession, other c u l t u r a l v a r i ables h e l d equal. T h e data f r o m o u r sample o f 6 4 6 composers p e r m i t a crude test. For large a n d relatively homogeneous nations there were t w o sudden changes i n the m u s i c a l c o p y r i g h t regime c o m f o r t a b l y w i t h i n o u r
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t w o - c e n t u r y coverage span: the 1777 legal v i c t o r y o f J. C. Bach i n E n g l a n d , a n d the enactment o f a French c o p y r i g h t l a w i n 1 7 9 3 . T h e hy pothesis t o be tested is t h a t g r o w t h i n the n u m b e r o f composers reach i n g a d u l t h o o d after the emergence o f c o p y r i g h t laws s h o u l d be greater relative t o a p r i o r c o n t r o l p e r i o d i n nations p r o v i d i n g effective musical c o p y r i g h t t h a n for c o m p a r a b l e European nations w i t h o u t c o p y r i g h t . For each o f t w o cases, E n g l a n d a n d France, w e take as the c o m p a r i s o n g r o u p Germany, A u s t r i a , a n d Italy, w h i c h d i d n o t have effective copy r i g h t laws u n t i l 1 8 3 7 o r 1 8 4 0 , t o o late t o have m u c h influence o n career choices o f composers b o r n before 1850. F o r E n g l a n d , w e use as the p o s t c o p y r i g h t p e r i o d the t i m e span f r o m 1 7 6 7 t o 1 8 4 9 , since composers b o r n i n 1 7 6 7 w o u l d have become t w e n t y years o l d after ten years o f experience h a d been accumulated under the n e w (post-Bach) c o p y r i g h t regime. For the p r e c o p y r i g h t p e r i o d w e select composers b o r n f r o m 1700 t o 1 7 5 2 . Composers b o r n i n 1752 w o u l d have reached the age o f 25 by the t i m e o f J. C. Bach's legal v i c t o r y — t o o late i n m o s t instances t o e m b a r k u p o n c o m p o s i n g as a career. U s i n g the same data as those analyzed i n chapter 5, w e find the average n u m b e r o f composers b o r n per m i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n per decade i n the precopy r i g h t a n d p o s t c o p y r i g h t birth-date periods for f o u r nations: Nation
(a) Pre: 1700-1752
United Kingdom Germany Italy Austria
(b) Post: 1767-1849
0.348 0.493 0.527 0.713
0.140 0.361 0.186 0.678
bla 0.40 0.73 0.35 0.95
For t w o o f the three comparisons, the g r o w t h i n the n u m b e r o f c o m posers per m i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n i n n o - c o p y r i g h t nations was greater t h a n for p o s t c o p y r i g h t U n i t e d K i n g d o m ; for the t h i r d , Italy, the s h o r t f a l l rela tive t o the U n i t e d K i n g d o m is s m a l l . T h e hypothesis o f a positive copy r i g h t effect is n o t supported. F o l l o w i n g s i m i l a r reasoning, w e take as the p r e c o p y r i g h t p e r i o d for France 1 7 0 0 - 1 7 6 8 a n d as the p o s t c o p y r i g h t p e r i o d 1 7 8 3 - 1 8 4 9 . T h e comparisons are as f o l l o w s : Nation France Germany Italy Austria
(a) Pre:
1700-1768
0.126 0.527 0.487 0,857
(b) Post:
1783-1849
0.194 0.340 0.153 0.740
bla 1.54 0.65 0.31 0.86
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H e r e the hypothesis is s u p p o r t e d ; the g r o w t h o f composer vocations was m o r e r a p i d i n p o s t c o p y r i g h t France t h a n i n a l l three c o m p a r i s o n n a t i o n s . T o be sure, the change i n French c o p y r i g h t l a w was o n l y a side s h o w i n a social r e v o l u t i o n o f t u m u l t u o u s i m p a c t , a n d even before the French l a w was enacted, France h a d the m o s t extensive a n d best-en forced system o f r o y a l privileges. T h e m o s t t h a t can be said is t h a t the evidence is suggestive, b u t n o t causally conclusive. We conclude w i t h a tentative v e r d i c t o f " u n p r o v e d . " T h e emergence o f f o r m a l c o p y r i g h t laws was u n d o u b t e d l y i m p o r t a n t f o r composers as w e l l as for their publishers. B u t i t remains unclear w h e t h e r changes i n c o p y r i g h t l a w elicited systematic changes i n the choice o f c o m p o s i n g as a vocation.
Chapter 8 CONCLUSION
I T IS CUSTOMARY t o conclude extended w o r k s , b o t h i n i n s t r u m e n t a l m u sic a n d prose, w i t h some k i n d o f coda or cadenza. W e defer t o t h a t t r a d i t i o n here, r e c a p i t u l a t i n g a n d resolving some p r i n c i p a l themes w i t h the least possible use o f crescendo m a r k i n g s . T h e o v e r a r c h i n g premise o f this b o o k is t h a t markets matter. A t least since the m i d d l e ages, there have always been markets for composers' services a n d their w o r k s . Everyone w h o has t h o u g h t seriously a b o u t the p r o b l e m agrees t h a t the o r i e n t a t i o n o f those markets changed over t i m e . T h e d o m i n a n t early p a r a d i g m entailed e m p l o y m e n t o f composers by the n o b i l i t y or religious establishments, w i t h m a r k e t transactions o c c u r r i n g m a i n l y at the start o f w h a t m i g h t p r o v e t o be a l o n g - t e r m r e l a t i o n s h i p . T h e n the emphasis changed t o freelance a c t i v i t y t y p i c a l l y embedded i n transactions o f shorter d u r a t i o n , such as for the c o m p o s i t i o n o r p u b l i c a t i o n o f a specific w o r k o r performance at a designated series o f concerts, w i t h greater v a r i a b i l i t y o f economic outcomes b u t also m o r e p o t e n t i a l for especially large financial rewards. One c o n t r i b u t i o n o f this b o o k is t o s h o w t h a t the t r a n s i t i o n was n o t a b r u p t , w i t h M o z a r t ' s career, as some have argued, m a r k i n g a t u r n i n g p o i n t , b u t g r a d u a l a n d e v o l u t i o n ary. We have f o u n d significant traces o f freelance a c t i v i t y a m o n g c o m posers b o r n d u r i n g the second h a l f o f the seventeenth century, a n d em p l o y m e n t by noble patrons a n d the c h u r c h c o n t i n u e d — t o be sure, at reduced levels — for composers b o r n d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the nine teenth century. M o r e f u n d a m e n t a l social developments u n d e r l a y these changes: the demise o f the feudal system, i n c l u d i n g the s u p p o r t o f reli gious establishments t h r o u g h revenues f r o m feudal l a n d h o l d i n g s ; a n d the g r o w t h o f a prosperous m i d d l e class eager t o p e r f o r m music a n d hear i t p e r f o r m e d . A m o r e difficult question is w h e t h e r one s u p p o r t system was better t h a n another i n encouraging composers' creative efforts. T h i s question can be s u b d i v i d e d i n t o t w o parts: w h e t h e r the systems differed i n the efficacy o f incentives t o embrace c o m p o s i n g as a profession, a n d w h e t h e r the q u a l i t y o f composers' creative o u t p u t differed system atically w i t h the m o d e i n w h i c h the composers were e m p l o y e d . Cer tainly, each h a d advantages and disadvantages f r o m the composer's per spective, as Joseph H a y d n recognized i n a 1 7 9 1 letter d u r i n g his first
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visit t o L o n d o n : " T h e r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t I a m n o bond-servant makes a m ple a m e n d f o r a l l m y toils [as a freelance c o m p o s e r ] . " T h e evidence assembled here provides some s u p p o r t f o r the p r o p o s i t i o n t h a t the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f c o u r t music ensembles encouraged y o u n g people t o become musicians a n d , given sufficient talent, composers. T h e n u m b e r o f e n d u r i n g composers b o r n per m i l l i o n p o p u l a t i o n was higher i n the m i d t o late eighteenth century, w h e n c o u r t music e m p l o y m e n t h a d its heyday, t h a n i n the nineteenth century, w h e n the n o b l e courts fell u p o n h a r d times w h i l e the p r i v a t e d e m a n d for composers' o u t p u t grew. W e have seen t o o t h a t , after c o n t r o l l i n g for other relevant v a r i ables, the e m p l o y m e n t o f composers tended t o be highest relative t o p o p u l a t i o n i n the four n a t i o n a l territories — A u s t r i a , Germany, Italy, a n d Czechoslovakia — where d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o f the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e left a fragmented structure o f noble courts c o m p e t i n g f o r prestige. O n the other h a n d Germany, w i t h the m o s t r i c h l y diversified set o f indepen dent courts, does n o t stand o u t i n this respect. A n d composers e x h i b i t e d at least as s t r o n g an a t t r a c t i o n t o musical activities i n free cities (where e m p l o y m e n t w i t h the n o b i l i t y was absent) as i n the rest o f Germany. T h u s , the evidence f a v o r i n g the noble courts hypothesis is m i x e d . 1
As a crude i n d e x o f the q u a l i t y o f composers' creations, w e have used the l e n g t h o f Schwann Opus recorded-music listings. Those listings i n d i cate h o w w e l l a composer's w o r k s have held u p i n the m i n d s o f r e c o r d m a k i n g artists a n d the r e c o r d - b u y i n g p u b l i c . T h e y were, w e have seen, at best w e a k l y correlated w i t h h o w w e l l composers fared financially d u r i n g their o w n lifetimes. W e f o u n d t h a t by the Schwann listing mea sure, sample members w h o engaged i n substantial freelance c o m p o s i n g were significantly m o r e p r o d u c t i v e t h a n those w h o d i d n o t . Those w h o served as c o u r t Kapellmeister o r received o u t r i g h t c o u r t subsidies were also m o r e p r o d u c t i v e t h a n those w h o lacked such positions. T h e direc t i o n i n w h i c h causation r a n remains unclear. I t does n o t necessarily f o l l o w t h a t being a freelance artist o r being n a m e d d i r e c t o r o f a c o u r t orchestra was conducive i n its o w n r i g h t t o creating music o f e n d u r i n g q u a l i t y . I t is equally possible t h a t composers w i t h the best creative talent were m o r e likely, a l l else equal, t o be selected f o r leadership positions i n c o u r t orchestras and/or t o perceive a balance o f p r o b a b l e rewards over costs favorable t o seeking t h e i r f o r t u n e i n freelance c o m p o s i n g . Ther e is q u a l i t a t i v e evidence s u p p o r t i n g b o t h chains o f causation, so the t r u t h is undoubtedly complex. A l t h o u g h n o sharp t u r n i n g p o i n t s are visible w i t h i n the t i m e frame spanned b y o u r sample o f composers b o r n between 1 6 5 0 a n d 1 8 4 9 , o u r analysis o f U.S. p i a n o p r o d u c t i o n shows t h a t such a t u r n i n g p o i n t d i d occur d u r i n g the 1920s, w h e n radios began t o broadcast music a n d electrical p h o n o g r a p h s made accurate r e p r o d u c t i o n o f music possible
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w i t h i n consumers' homes. Those t e c h n o l o g i c a l developments made m u sic available a n d affordable t o v i r t u a l l y a l l citizens o f i n d u s t r i a l i z e d na tions a n d t r a n s f o r m e d the enjoyment o f music b y the m i d d l e classes f r o m w h a t h a d been p r e p o n d e r a n t l y a self-activated endeavor t o a pas sive activity. Instead o f m a k i n g music oneself, one c o u l d listen at h o m e t o music p e r f o r m e d b y the best professionals. T h e consequences were r a d i c a l f r o m the s t a n d p o i n t o f b o t h consumers a n d producers o f music. F o r those w h o composed music, the changes i n technology, a l o n g w i t h the Berne c o p y r i g h t c o n v e n t i o n , meant t h a t one c o u l d reach o u t t o a n d derive revenue f r o m m u c h larger markets t h a n was possible t h r o u g h the live performances a n d sheet music sales t h a t d o m i n a t e d freelance m a r k e t access d u r i n g the eighteenth a n d nineteenth centuries. Larger markets meant larger p o t e n t i a l revenues — indeed, f o r music t h a t satis fied m o r e o r less " p o p u l a r " tastes, huge p o t e n t i a l revenues. A l t h o u g h there were exceptions such as J o h n Gay i n the early eighteenth c e n t u r y a n d Vienna's Strauss f a m i l y d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the nineteenth cen t u r y , m o s t composers o f w h a t w e n o w call classical music were reluc t a n t t o seek mass-market audiences, i f n o t because o f a n aversion t o p o p u l a r i z a t i o n per se, t h e n because the media f o r reaching those a u d i ences were so l i m i t e d . B u t the advent o f r a d i o , p h o n o g r a p h s , a n d m o r e recently video broadcasting a n d high-fidelity a m p l i f i c a t i o n has r e m o v e d those l i m i t a t i o n s , causing the supply side t o bifurcate. M o s t composers a n d performers direct their efforts t o w a r d the mass m a r k e t s , w h e r e re w a r d s b e y o n d the dreams o f avarice can be realized b y the relatively few w h o experience great success. For the m i n o r i t y w h o compose o r p e r f o r m "serious" music, the markets are m o r e l i m i t e d i n absolute m a g n i t u d e a n d fragmented by c o n t i n u i n g c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m r e c o r d e d music w r i t t e n b y earlier generations o f composers. Even so, substantial finan cial rewards can be achieved b y those w h o target t h e i r offerings t o l u crative classical music niches — f o r instance, the advances o f $15 m i l l i o n t o $18 m i l l i o n p a i d t o the Three Tenors (José Carreras, Plácido D o m i n g o , a n d L u c i a n o Pavarotti) f o r the 1 9 9 4 (Los Angeles) a n d 1998 (Paris) W o r l d C u p concerts heard w i t h a m p l i f i c a t i o n b y large live a u d i ences, broadcast t o a b i l l i o n - v i e w e r audience t h r o u g h television, a n d recorded f o r postconcert a l b u m sales t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d . 2
3
F o r classical music, another f o r m o f b i f u r c a t i o n has o c c u r r e d . T o the extent t h a t performances are broadcast and/or recorded, electronic me dia have broadened markets a n d increased the d e m a n d base f r o m w h i c h revenues can be extracted. B u t m o s t performances are n o t broadcast o r recorded. A n d f o r t h e m , w h a t is called Baumol's cost disease applies w i t h a vengeance. 4
T h e p r o b l e m arises p a r a d o x i c a l l y f r o m the p h e n o m e n o n t h a t has en riched the great masses o f consumers a n d increased t h e i r a b i l i t y t o c o n -
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sume music, a m o n g other things — p r o d u c t i v i t y g r o w t h . E c o n o m y - w i d e p r o d u c t i v i t y g r o w t h raises the q u a n t i t y a n d value o f goods a n d services p r o d u c e d b y any given n u m b e r o f w o r k e r s a n d hence increases the real i n c o m e o f the average w o r k e r . As the i n c o m e o f w o r k e r s i n h i g h - p r o d u c t i v i t y - g r o w t h sectors such as m a n u f a c t u r i n g , air t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , tele c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , b a n k i n g , a n d the like rises t o reflect higher absolute p r o d u c t i v i t y , so also m u s t the incomes o f w o r k e r s i n industries w i t h l o w e r p r o d u c t i v i t y g r o w t h rates, since their employers m u s t raise the wages they offer m o r e o r less apace t o r e m a i n c o m p e t i t i v e i n l a b o r mar kets. T h e need t o keep pace applies also t o orchestras, opera companies, a n d the l i k e , f o r i f t h e i r wages fall t o o far b e h i n d the f r o n t - r u n n e r s , m o s t y o u n g people facing the choice w i l l o p t t o become software w r i t e r s , chemical engineers, o r advertising-agency staff members r a t h e r t h a n musicians. B u t presenting live performances o f music is an a c t i v i t y i n w h i c h i t is especially difficult t o achieve p r o d u c t i v i t y g r o w t h . I n 1835 i t t o o k eight talented musicians a b o u t t h i r t y minutes t o p e r f o r m M e n delssohn's E-flat O c t e t o p . 2 0 , a n d i t takes the same n u m b e r o f m u s i cians the same a m o u n t o f t i m e t o p e r f o r m the octet i n 2 0 0 2 . A b s e n t a secondary broadcast o r recordings m a r k e t , w h i c h is often p r e c l u d e d by c o m p e t i t i o n f r o m earlier recordings, live music performance is an activ i t y o f u n u s u a l l y l o w p r o d u c t i v i t y g r o w t h . I f the wages o f musicians m u s t rise t o stay abreast o f those i n h i g h p r o d u c t i v i t y industries b u t p r o d u c t i v i t y g r o w t h is m i n i m a l , the cost o f a given live performance m u s t rise relative t o the cost o f goods a n d services experiencing r a p i d p r o d u c t i v i t y g r o w t h . T h u s , live musical performances m u s t become i n creasingly expensive relative t o other goods a n d services a n d r u n a risk o f p r i c i n g themselves o u t o f a l l b u t the m o s t well-heeled o f consumers' budgets. 5
T h e s o l u t i o n t o this c o n t e m p o r a r y "cost disease" p r o b l e m is subsidy, a n d hence a reversion t o the p r i n c i p a l means used t o s u p p o r t classical music d u r i n g the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries. O n e source o f subsidy — m o r e generous o n the E u r o p e a n c o n t i n e n t t h a n i n A m e r i c a — is g o v e r n m e n t , w h i c h is the analogue o f the noble courts t h a t were the p r i n c i p a l locus o f p o l i t i c a l governance before the demise o f feudalism. T h e other m a i n source o f subsidies consists o f those w h o enjoy live performances a n d a t t e n d then w i t h some frequency. T h e y are analogous t o the w e a l t h y nobles, bankers, merchants, a n d barristers w h o p r o v i d e d f r o n t - e n d investment c a p i t a l a n d c o n t i n u i n g subsidies i n exchange f o r p r i v i l e g e d boxes f r o m w h i c h t o hear eighteenth-century operas i n E u r o pean cities. T h e m a i n change has come f r o m a b r o a d e n i n g o f the sub sidy base, i n p a r t because there are relatively m o r e citizens w i t h the w e a l t h needed t o a f f o r d subsidy d o n a t i o n s a n d p a r t l y because r a d i o , 6
CONCLUSION
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television, telephone, a n d electronic m a i l reduce the cost o f c o n t a c t i n g a b r o a d base o f p o t e n t i a l subsidy p r o v i d e r s . A f f l u e n t patrons have always p l a y e d a role i n s u p p o r t i n g live m u s i c a l performances. B u t t h a t role has w a n e d a n d w a x e d over l o n g cycles — h i g h i n the eighteenth century, especially f o r opera; l o w e r as p r o s p e r i t y increased d u r i n g the nineteenth century b u t before artists' wages ad vanced appreciably; a n d higher again i n the t w e n t i e t h a n d twenty-first centuries as artists' wages rise t o keep pace w i t h those o f h i g h - p r o d u c t i v i t y industries, b u t p r o d u c t i v i t y remains stagnant (again, i g n o r i n g broadcast and r e c o r d o p p o r t u n i t i e s ) . I n a sense t h e n , w e have come f u l l circle. B u t there is an i m p o r t a n t difference. D u r i n g the eighteenth cen tury, composers a n d performers were l o c k e d i n t o onerous servile rela tionships w i t h their noble s u b s i d y - p r o v i d i n g masters. I n the twenty-first century, composers a n d (at least solo a n d first-chair) performers are the star guests at c o c k t a i l parties held t o h o n o r (and m i l k ) w e a l t h y p a t r o n s . H i g h e r social status a n d the escape f r o m servility, a l o n g w i t h m o r e gen erous economic rewards p r o p e l l e d by general p r o d u c t i v i t y g r o w t h a n d (for a few) the vast markets reached by electronic media, have enhanced the welfare o f music composers a n d performers. I t is d o u b t f u l w h e t h e r a composer as great as M o z a r t o r Schubert c o u l d die i n abject p o v e r t y today. W h e t h e r this broad-based i m p r o v e m e n t has led t o a renewed era o f great c r e a t i v i t y i n music c o m p o s i t i o n is debatable. Since tastes differ, sidestepping t h a t debate seems the better p a r t o f valor.
Appendix to Chapter 1 A CURRENCY CONVERSION M A T R I X
I N EUROPE d u r i n g the p e r i o d covered by this b o o k , k e e p i n g t r a c k o f currency exchange rates was a task t o w h i c h few i f any were equal. L i t e r a l l y hundreds o f currencies were i n c i r c u l a t i o n . O n his first ex tended t o u r t o display the talents o f his p r o d i g y c h i l d r e n , L e o p o l d M o zart w r o t e f r o m Brussels i n 1763 t o his l a n d l o r d a n d f r i e n d i n Salzburg: 1
In Coblenz and i n the whole Trier area we had to learn another set of monetary accounts. There our imperial coins were useless, and one had to understand Petermäncher [a coin w i t h an image of the apostle Peter em bossed], including both heavy and light kreutzer. I n Cologne and Bonn they mean nothing; there you begin w i t h stiiber and fettmännchen [liter ally, fat men, a half-stüber coin]. I n Aachen the stiiber busch and the mark appeared; and i n large denonimations the reichsthaler and pattacons, and also schillings and the like, along w i t h sous in Liege. A n d here [in Brussels] all that is forgotten; you have to become familiar w i t h other sous, escalins, the brabant gulden, and plaquéis (each of which is w o r t h three and onehalf escalins), etc. It's unbelievable what you can lose here and there deal ing i n money matters. A l l these currencies were encountered w i t h i n a 1 5 0 - k i l o m e t e r radius a r o u n d Liege. Since this b o o k attempts t o evaluate h o w composers fared i n t h e i r m o n e y matters, some means o f e x t r a c t i n g order f r o m the chaos is necessary. Some composer biographies ignore the currency p r o b l e m ; some c o n vert the values o f lesser-known currencies i n t o diverse b e t t e r - k n o w n c o n t e m p o r a r y variants; a n d some t r y t o leap f r o m the value o f a p a r t i c u l a r currency t w o centuries o r m o r e ago i n t o present-day U.S. d o l l a r s . T h e t h i r d a p p r o a c h is hopeless. A c c o r d i n g t o estimates b y A n g u s M a d d i s o n , the real per capita income a n d , subject t o m a n y caveats, the pur chasing p o w e r o f the average E u r o p e a n i n 1998 was 15 t o 2 0 times the c o u n t e r p a r t value f o r Europeans i n the year 1 7 0 0 . I n eighteenthc e n t u r y E u r o p e , there were n o electric lights, n o airplanes, n o p e n i c i l l i n , n o telephones, n o w a s h i n g machines, n o air c o n d i t i o n i n g , n o frozen foods, n o stereophonic music players, n o packaged v i t a m i n s , a n d very few houses w i t h i n t e r i o r p l u m b i n g , t o name o n l y a f e w examples. Life was i n a m a t e r i a l sense i n c o m p a r a b l y different f r o m life today. B u t i f blessed w i t h decent health, the average m e m b e r o f a ( m u c h smaller) 2
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m i d d l e class can scarcely be said t o have been less h a p p y t h a n his o r her c o u n t e r p a r t today. Economists — o r at least some economists — recog nize t h a t the level o f one's i n c o m e relative t o one's expectations a n d t o one's peers has m o r e t o d o w i t h happiness o r its absence t h a n absolute levels o f m a t e r i a l prosperity. T o place incomes a n d costs i n perspective, one needs t o k n o w w h a t the n o r m s were f o r the society i n w h i c h they existed. 3
I t w o u l d be f o r m i d a b l y difficult, however, t o p r o v i d e n o r m s f o r each o f the dozens o f currencies t h a t appear i n this b o o k . Some c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r is needed. T h e b e n c h m a r k used t h r o u g h o u t this b o o k is the E n g l i s h p o u n d sterling, w h i c h , u n l i k e m o s t other currencies o f t w o centuries ago, still exists, a n d w h i c h was i n its t i m e one o f the m o s t stable E u r o p e a n currencies. T o be sure, its purchasing p o w e r w a x e d a n d w a n e d over t i m e w i t h m a c r o e c o n o m i c deflation a n d i n f l a t i o n , b u t t h a n k s i n p a r t t o the steady presence o f the B a n k o f E n g l a n d , f o u n d e d i n 1 6 9 4 , the fluctuations tended t o be less v i o l e n t t h a n those o f other currencies such as the Viennese florin o r the Prussian thaler. T h u s , the task here is t o fill a v o i d t h a t impedes insight by b o t h m u s i cologists a n d economic historians —the lack o f systematic tables by w h i c h one can take any o f a dozen or so once-popular currencies a n d c o n v e r t t h e m i n t o a p o u n d sterling c o m m o n d e n o m i n a t o r f o r any cho sen year w i t h i n the span o f t w o a n d o n e - h a l f centuries. T h i s was done using t w o k i n d s o f sources: the extended exchange-rate t i m e series p u b lished i n h i s t o r i c a l w o r k s f o r a few key currencies; and the huge a m o u n t o f data o n ad hoc exchange rates scattered t h r o u g h o u t the l i t e r a t u r e , a n d especially f r o m the t r a v e l a n d p u b l i c a t i o n fee records o f some c o m posers w h o k e p t g o o d diaries a n d h a d activities e x t e n d i n g i n t o m o s t parts o f E u r o p e . F o u r m a i n sources were used t o establish a baseline, p r o v i d i n g ex change rates over an extended p e r i o d between B r i t i s h p o u n d s sterling; French ecus, livres, a n d later francs; G e r m a n schillings, m a r k s , Reichs thaler, a n d thaler. Separate series were o b t a i n e d l i n k i n g I t a l i a n l i r e , zec c h i n i , a n d scudi t o French a n d G e r m a n currencies. T h e n exchange rates for m o r e t h a n 100 ad hoc transactions r e p o r t e d i n n u m e r o u s general h i s t o r i c a l w o r k s a n d m u s i c a l biographies were l i n k e d o r w h e n necessary cross-linked t o the baseline currencies. These p r o v i d e d at best o n l y par t i a l t i m e series f o r the nonbaseline currencies. M i n o r gaps were filled b y linear i n t e r p o l a t i o n ; m a j o r gaps are left o p e n . T h e currencies covered here were o f three m a i n types: gold-based, silver-based, a n d paper. G o l d coins, w h i c h tended t o be m o s t stable i n value, i n c l u d e d the L o u i s d ' o r a n d N a p o l e o n d ' o r issued i n France, the F r i e d r i c h d ' o r o f Prussia, the E n g l i s h guinea ( = £ 1 . 0 5 ) , the I t a l i a n zec c h i n i , a n d ducats o f w i d e l y v a r y i n g g o l d content issued i n Germany, 4
5
A CURRENCY CONVERSION M A T R I X
205
A u s t r i a , a n d Italy. O n l y after several unsuccessful attempts t o estimate u n i f o r m ducat exchange rates was i t realized t h a t I t a l i a n ducats were w o r t h o n l y a b o u t o n e - t h i r d the value o f G e r m a n a n d A u s t r i a n ducats. Silver coins i n c l u d e d the English shilling (one-twentieth o f a p o u n d ) , the thaler a n d m a r k s issued i n diverse parts o f Germany, the ecu o f France, florins issued o r i g i n a l l y i n I t a l y a n d later A u s t r i a , a n d scudi o f Italy. M a n y paper currencies were l i n k e d t o g o l d o r especially silver counter parts, b u t were often t h e n debased i n times o f g o v e r n m e n t a l fiscal stress. T h e most i m p o r t a n t one for o u r purposes was the Viennese florin, iden tically k n o w n as the g u l d e n , w h i c h was issued under diverse names dur i n g the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s . I t eventually stabilized as the florin W . W . (Wiener Währung, o r Viennese standard), at a value m u c h less t h a n t h a t o f the silver florin C . M . (i.e., Conventionsmünze, a c o i n whose silver content h a d been established by c o n v e n t i o n ) . Fluctuations i n value be tween the Viennese Conventionsmünze florin (or gulden) a n d the var ious paper florins were so t u m u l t u o u s t h a t w e present here a series be g i n n i n g o n l y i n 1 8 1 0 , after some degree o f stability was achieved. For i n f o r m a t i o n o n earlier conversion rates, one is referred t o the excellent year-to-year survey by Julia M o o r e ( 1 9 8 7 , p p . 8 - 1 0 a n d 1 1 9 - 3 0 ) . F o r French currency t o o , the N a p o l e o n i c wars w r e a k e d such m o n e t a r y havoc t h a t w e make n o a t t e m p t t o estimate values for the p e r i o d f r o m 1 7 9 1 t o 1 8 0 9 , after w h i c h a n e w m e d i u m , the franc, emerged. 6
T h e currency values, a l l measured i n terms o f the n u m b e r o f units o f a currency r e q u i r e d t o purchase an English p o u n d sterling, are arrayed at five-year intervals i n table 1 A . 1 . I n c l u d e d i n the table are linear inter p o l a t i o n s o f values for w h i c h n o direct conversions were available. These are i n d i c a t e d by italics i n table 1 A . 1 . One s h o u l d n o t assume t h a t the table 1 A . 1 conversions achieve p i n p o i n t precision. A n y o n e w h o has traveled k n o w s t h a t the exchange rate one secures at a reputable b a n k is less favorable t h a n the rates p u b lished f o r i n t e r b a n k transactions i n financial j o u r n a l s , a n d t h a t the rates o b t a i n e d f r o m m o n e y changers i n the temple — for example, the C a m b i o stalls i n Venice o r Pisa —are even less favorable. Such m a r k e t imperfec tions a n d transactions costs were m o r e p r o n o u n c e d t w o centuries ago t h a n they are today, so the exchange rates L e o p o l d M o z a r t r e p o r t e d for cash transactions i n Brussels c o u l d easily v a r y f r o m the rates o b t a i n e d t h r o u g h i n t e r b a n k bills o f exchange ( w h i c h he often used) by as m u c h as 10 percent. Three-step conversions — such as f r o m florins t o L o u i s d ' o r t o pounds sterling — a d d further margins o f error. T h e data for thaler are subject t o especially great uncertainty. C i r c u l a t i n g i n Ger m a n y d u r i n g the eighteenth a n d nineteenth centuries were several differ ent k i n d s o f thaler — for instance, Reichsthaler, Prussian thaler, Saxon i a n thaler, a n d R h i n e l a n d thaler (or R h e i n t h a l e r ) , t o offer w h a t is 7
8
A P P E N D I X T O CHAPTER O N E
206
TABLE 1A.1 Units of Currency Exhanging for One English Pound Sterling*
Year
French Ecu
French Livre
1670 1675 1680 1685 1690 1695 1700 1705 1710 1715
4.58 4.19 4.41 4.32 4.56 3.97 5.15 5.44 5.02 5.72
1720 1725 1730 1735 1740 1745 1750 1755 1760 1765 1770 1775 1780 1785 1790 1795 1800 1805 1810 1815
French Franc
German Reichsthaler
German Thaler
Louis d'Or
German Mark
13.75 12.58 13.23 12.94 13.68 11.92 15.45 16.31 15.06 17.17
0.87 0.93 0.99 0.99 1.00 1.00 0.74
13.11 12.29 13.01 12.58 12.33 10.79 12.89 12.29 12.26 13.17
4.37 4.10 4.34 4.29 4.11 3.60 4.30 4.10 4.09 4.39
6.56 6.15 6.51 6.44 6.17 5.40 6.45 6.14 6.13 6.58
14.57 6.31 7.39 7.69 7.43 7.54 7.61 7.75 7.84 7.69
43.72 18.94 22.17 23.07 22.28 22.63 22.84 23.26 23.51 23.08
0.84 1.19 1.02 0.95 0.88 0.97 1.05 1.03 1.00 1.05
12.81 12.73 12.45 13.25 12.80 12.83 12.59 12.93 12.74 13.00
4.27 4.24 4.15 4.42 4.27 4.28 4.20 4.31 4.25 4.33
6.40 6.36 6.23 6.62 6.40 6.41 6.29 6.47 6.37 6.50
7.59 7.82 8.17 8.41
22.78 23.45 24.51 25.23
1.04 1.02 1.03 1.05 1.06 0.94 0.82 0.89 0.95 1.02
12.47 12.86 12.95 13.19 13.26 12.65 12.21 13.07 11.18 11.88
4.16 4.29 4.25 4.20 5.10 6.00 7.32 6.88 6.44 6.00
6.24 6.43 5.95 5.48 5.00 4.90 4.80 4 JO 4.60 4.50
1.08 1.05 1.03 1.00 1.01 1.14 1.27
13.81 13.84 13.98 13.88 13.70 13.86 13.70 13.52 13.39 13.63
6.06 6.11 6.39 6.66 5.48 7.41
5.05 5.61 6.16 6.71 6.72 7.00 6.98 6.97 6.95 6.93
20.75 21.53
1820 1825 1830 1835 1840 1845 1850 1855 1860 1865
25.55 25.21 25.56 25.60 25.59 25.39 25.54 25.47 25.45 25.48
1870 1875 1880 1885 1890 1895 1900
25.62 25.49 25.51 25.44 25.46 25.34 25.38
13.70 20.71 20.65 20.60 20.66 20.58 20.52
* Italics indicate linear interpolations for years without direct conversions.
6.92 6.90
A CURRENCY CONVERSION M A T R I X
TABLE 1A.1
Year
Austrian Ducat
Italian Ducat
Austrian Florin CM.
207
Continued Austrian Florin WW
Italian Zecchino
Italian Lira
Italian Scudo
15.25 20.71 26.16 31.62 37.08
3.72 4.36 5.00 4.26 3.52
0.69 1.02 1.36 1.69
1670 1675 1680 1685 1690 1695 1700 1705 1710 1715
2.31 2.35 239
7.29 7.47 7.65 7.83 8.01 8.18 8.36 8.54
1720 1725 1730 1735 1740 1745 1750 1755 1760 1765
2.42 2.46 2.36 2.27 2.17 2.08 1.98 2.99 2.00 2.13
6.20 6.19 6.19 6.18 6.17 6.16 6.16 6.15
8.72 8.90 8.91 8.73 8.55 8.36 8.18 8.00 8.50 9.17
42.53 47.99 34.00 20.00 20.00 20.00 25.65 27.32 28.98 27.16
3.75 3.98 4.21 4.44 4.86 5.28 5.70 4.92 4.14 4.12
1.80 1.90 2.01 2.11 2.10 2.09 2.08 2.07 2.06 2.05
1770 1775 1780 1785 1790 1795 1800 1805 1810 1815
1.96 2.06 2.13 1.98 2.00 2.22 2.44 2.03 2.00 2.00
6.14 6.14 6.13 6.12 6.12 6.11 6.10 6.09 6.09 6.08
9.48 9.80 9.80 8.91 9.76 9.50 11.00 12.70 10.85 9.00
25.35 23.53 21.72 19.90 19.87 19.83 19.80 22.35 24.90 28.37
4.09 4.07 4.05 4.02 4.00 3.97 3.95 3.93 3.90 3.88
2.04 2.03 2.02 2.01 2.01 2.00 2.00 2.05 2.09 2.14
1820 1825 1830 1835 1840 1845 1850 1855 1860 1865
2.04 2.03 2.01 2.00 2.16 2.31
6.03 6.01 5.99 6.01 6.03 6.06
10.00 11.00 11.00 10.00 10.55 10.51 10.47 10.42 10.38 10.38
30.69 33.00 30.67 29.39 30.83 30.24 29.65 29.07 28.48 27.89
4.37 4.85 3.60
2.18 2.09 2.00 2.54 3.08
1870 1875 1880 1885 1890 1895 1900
10.34 10.30 10.25 10.17
10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 25.46 25.91 26.37
27.30 26.72 26.13 25.54
208
A P P E N D I X T O CHAPTER O N E
u n d o u b t e d l y a less t h a n exhaustive l i s t i n g . T h e sources u t i l i z e d are n o t always clear a b o u t w h i c h v a r i a n t they assume; values n o t e x p l i c i t l y des i g n a t e d as Reichsthaler have been assumed t o be p l a i n thaler o f u n d o u b t e d l y v a r y i n g m i x t u r e s . A n analysis o f the week-by-week e x p e n d i t u r e patterns o f R o b e r t a n d C l a r a S c h u m a n n f o r specific goods a n d services (see the a p p e n d i x t o chapter 4) suggests t h a t d u r i n g the 1840s a n d early 1850s, the differences i n p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r between S a x o n i a n thaler a n d R h e i n t h a l e r were s m a l l . (The Schumanns m i g r a t e d t o the R h i n e l a n d i n 1850.) Q u i t e generally, one s h o u l d assume t h a t the ex change rates p r o v i d e d i n table 1 A . 1 are accurate t o n o m o r e t h a n plus o r m i n u s 10 percent, 80 t o 9 0 percent o f the t i m e . T h i s degree o f accu racy appears sufficient t o m a k e t o l e r a b l y w e l l - f o u n d e d c o m p a r i s o n s . Some y o u n g scholar fluent i n several languages w o u l d d o a great p u b l i c service e x t e n d i n g the data t o other currencies (such as f o r A m s t e r d a m , Russia, a n d Spain) a n d filling i n a n d perfecting the estimates presented i n table 1 A . 1 . 9
T o complete the process, one needs a b e n c h m a r k i n d i c a t i n g w h a t the average w o r k e r c o u l d expect t o earn i n any given year. T h e b e n c h m a r k used here is the t i m e series m e t i c u l o u s l y c o m p i l e d by E. H . Phelps B r o w n a n d Sheila H o p k i n s ( 1 9 5 5 ) . T h e y estimate the average m o n e y wage rates per day (or after 1 8 4 7 , per 10 hours) f o r b u i l d i n g craftsmen (notably, carpenters a n d masons) a n d c o m m o n b u i l d i n g laborers i n s o u t h e r n E n g l a n d over m a n y centuries, i n c l u d i n g the 1 6 5 0 - 1 9 0 0 p e r i o d o f greatest interest here. T h e i r estimates, translated i n t o a n n u a l incomes assuming a 3 0 0 - d a y w o r k year a n d i n t e r p o l a t e d l i n e a r l y f o r years o n w h i c h the a u t h o r s p r o vide n o data, are presented i n figure 1 A . 1 . N o m i n a l values — t h a t is, r a w earnings w i t h o u t adjustment f o r the cost o f l i v i n g — are s h o w n b y a black line f o r craftsmen a n d a gray line f o r laborers. O n e sees t h a t a f u l l y e m p l o y e d b u i l d i n g craftsman earned a b o u t £ 2 6 i n 1 7 0 5 , £ 3 0 i n 1 7 5 0 , a n d t h e n experienced r a p i d pay increases t o £ 5 4 i n 1808 a n d thereafter t o £ 6 0 i n 1 8 2 8 . Some o f these increases were a t t r i b u t a b l e t o generalized i n f l a t i o n . U s i n g p a r a l l e l data c o m p i l e d b y Phelps B r o w n a n d H o p k i n s ( 1 9 5 6 ) , the w h i t e line ("real craftsmen") divides the wages o f b u i l d i n g craftsmen by r o u g h estimates o f changes i n the cost o f l i v i n g , c o m p u t e d as a 7-year m o v i n g average, w i t h the i n d e x f o r 1 7 9 0 being 1.00, a n d higher values o f the i n d e x c o n n o t i n g higher prices f o r c o n sumable goods. I n d e x i n g 1 7 9 0 = 1.00 means t h a t the n o m i n a l a n d real craftsmen wage indexes coincide i n 1 7 9 0 . Purchasing-power-adjusted wages eroded d u r i n g the second h a l f o f the eighteenth c e n t u r y a n d t h e n p l u n g e d d u r i n g the N a p o l e o n i c w a r s ( 1 7 9 2 - 1 8 1 5 ) . T h e y t h e n rose, sur passing their 1 7 3 6 peak level o n l y i n 1 8 3 2 . Since s i m i l a r macroecon o m i c forces were affecting other E u r o p e a n n a t i o n s , the E n g l i s h data serve t o l e r a b l y w e l l as a b e n c h m a r k o f w h a t skilled a n d u n s k i l l e d male
A CURRENCY CONVERSION MATRIX
209
FIGURE 1A.1 Estimated Annual Wages of English Building Tradesmen (from Research by Phelps Brown and Hopkins) u r b a n w o r k e r s c o u l d earn i n other parts o f Europe. Needless t o say, a g r i c u l t u r a l w o r k e r s a n d domestic servants earned less t h a n b u i l d i n g craftsmen a n d b u i l d i n g laborers; m o r e h i g h l y skilled w o r k e r s earned more. Composers w h o traveled f r o m the E u r o p e a n c o n t i n e n t t o E n g l a n d frequently r e m a r k e d t h a t the cost o f l i v i n g i n L o n d o n was m u c h higher t h a n w h a t they experienced at h o m e . W h a t this means is t h a t the value o f the p o u n d sterling, i f calculated at h y p o t h e t i c a l exchange rates equat i n g p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r i n L o n d o n a n d elsewhere, w o u l d be l o w e r t h a n i t w o u l d be at the m a r k e t exchange rates actually used t o c o m p u t e the series i n table 1 A . 1 . I n effect, one c o u l d b u y a p o u n d sterling o f equiva lent p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r f o r fewer Viennese florins t h a n the table i n d i cates. Consequently, the person w i t h an equivalent wage o f £ 3 0 i n 1 7 5 0 , as calculated f r o m table 1 A . 1 , w o u l d enjoy a s o m e w h a t higher m a t e r i a l standard o f l i v i n g at h o m e t h a n his southern E n g l a n d c o u n t e r p a r t , espe cially i n house rents a n d (less clearly) the purchase o f services. "Some w h a t h i g h e r " is a l l the precision t h a t can be mustered under the c i r c u m stances. E s t i m a t i n g p u r c h a s i n g - p o w e r parities is m u c h m o r e difficult t h a n ascertaining m a r k e t exchange rates, a n d they v a r i e d f r o m c i t y t o city w i t h i n E u r o p e a n currency regions as w e l l as between E n g l a n d a n d c o n t i n e n t a l regions. T h u s , the benchmarks i n table 1 A . 1 are crude, b u t they p r o v i d e m u c h better perspective t h a n h a v i n g t o deal w i t h disparate currencies i n a r e l a t i o n a l v a c u u m . 10
Appendix to Chapter 4 C O N S U M P T I O N OUTLAYS O F R O B E R T AND C L A R A S C H U M A N N , 1841
T h a n k s t o the c o m p u l s i v e r e c o r d keeping o f R o b e r t S c h u m a n n , a f a i r l y detailed account o f the c o n s u m p t i o n spending by a m o d e r a t e l y affluent composer-and-performer f a m i l y can be reconstructed. Chosen f o r analysis is the year 1 8 4 1 , w h i c h was the first calendar year f o l l o w i n g the m a r r i a g e o f R o b e r t S c h u m a n n a n d C l a r a W i e c k (spelled K l a r a i n the diaries) i n September 1 8 4 0 . T h e i r first c h i l d , M a r i e , was b o r n o n September 1 , 1 8 4 1 . T h e Schumanns' residence i n Leipzig d u r i n g t h a t year was i n t e r r u p t e d by o n l y t w o short t r i p s , o n whose expenses n o detailed records survive, a l t h o u g h Robert's t o t a l expenditures o n his t r i p t o W e i m a r were recorded as 19 Saxonian thaler a n d o n a t r i p t o Dresden 6 2 thaler. O t h e r years p r o v i d e a less clear picture o f n o r m a l c o n s u m p t i o n outlays because o f m o r e extended absences. N o consistent a t t e m p t is made t o convert thaler i n t o the E n g l i s h p o u n d sterling c o m m o n den o m i n a t o r used i n other parts o f this b o o k . I n 1 8 4 1 one E n g l i s h p o u n d exchanged f o r a p p r o x i m a t e l y 6.75 thaler. A fully e m p l o y e d b u i l d i n g craftsman i n southern E n g l a n d at the t i m e earned r o u g h l y £ 6 0 per year, o r 4 0 5 thaler at p r e v a i l i n g exchange rates. 1
Table 4 A . 1 summarizes the Schumanns' 1 8 4 1 c o n s u m p t i o n e x p e n d i tures, r o u n d e d t o the nearest thaler, a n d o m i t t i n g m o n e y spent o n the W e i m a r a n d Dresden t r i p s a n d the separately t a l l i e d expenses o f the j o u r n a l Die neue Zeitschrift für Musik (The N e w J o u r n a l o f M u s i c ) , o w n e d a n d edited by R o b e r t S c h u m a n n . Some e x p l a n a t o r y observations are w a r r a n t e d . T h e largest single o u t l a y category was the 6-thaler w e e k l y a l l o w a n c e d r a w n by C l a r a , raised t o 7 thaler f o l l o w i n g the b i r t h o f t h e i r daughter, a n d w i t h frequent supplements. T h e uses are n o t i t e m i z e d . Because there is n o separate m e n t i o n o f spending f o r f o o d consumed at h o m e , except w h e n special guests were i n v i t e d t o dinner, a significant f r a c t i o n o f the a l l o w a n c e m u s t have gone t o w a r d f o o d a n d other h o u s e h o l d o p e r a t i o n necessities. T h e second largest category was for meals outside the S c h u m a n n h o m e . I t was a p p a r e n t l y c u s t o m a r y f o r at least one o u t side meal t o be t a k e n d a i l y ; there are a p p r o x i m a t e l y 3 9 0 i n d i v i d u a l entries for such outlays, usually at the Gasthaus Kaffeebaum, a l t h o u g h dinners for guests often t o o k place at m o r e expensive venues such as
SCHUMANNS' CONSUMPTION OUTLAYS
211
TABLE 4 A . 1
Schumann Family Expenditures in 1 8 4 1 Category Clara's weekly allowance Outside meals Furniture Rent Travel Bulk wine and spirits Coal and wood Household help Gifts Clothing Cigars Supplies, including note paper Medical Music copying Public bath Legal services Entertainment Insurance Books and newspapers Taxes Other Unknown Total
Thaler
Percent of Total
634
33.02
208
10.83
186
9.69
130
6.77
108
5.63
83
4.32
81
4.22
77
4.01
75
3.91
75
3.91
51
2.66
39
2.03
24
1.25
21
1.09
16
0.83
11
0.57
8
0.42
7
0.36
6
0.31
5
0.26
30
1.56
45
2.34
1,920
100.00
Leipzig's H ô t e l de Bavière. A n e x c e p t i o n t o the n o n i t e m i z a t i o n o f ath o m e f o o d purchases was f o r outlays o n w i n e a n d other spirits. Some w i n e was b o u g h t i n b u l k containers, other w i n e i n bottles. M o r e detailed records for 1 8 4 2 reveal t h a t twelve bottles o f champagne c o u l d be purchased f o r 1 4 thaler; t w e l v e bottles o f w h a t m u s t have been a n excellent seven-year o l d Johannisberger w i n e cost 1 1 thaler. R o b e r t Schumann was an a v i d cigar smoker. D i v i d i n g his 1 8 4 1 o u t lays by per-unit prices recorded o n various occasions, one estimates t h a t his c o n s u m p t i o n averaged a p p r o x i m a t e l y five cigars per day. F o r the e d i t o r o f an i m p o r t a n t j o u r n a l , the spending o n b o o k s a n d newspapers seems r e m a r k a b l y l o w . T h e e x p l a n a t i o n is t h a t Schumann b o r r o w e d b o o k s f r o m a n d d i d m o s t o f his newspaper reading at a L e i p z i g m u seum-library, f o r w h i c h he p a i d a regular fee n o t i n c l u d e d i n the " b o o k s a n d newspapers" category. A l s o surprising at first glance are the Schum a n n s ' modest outlays f o r entertainment (dinners f o r guests are m o s t l y recorded under "outside meals"). Because o f Robert's e d i t o r i a l p o s i t i o n ,
212
A P P E N D I X T O C H A P T E R FOUR
admission t o m o s t p u b l i c concerts a n d theater performances was appar e n t l y gratis. T h e t r a v e l expenditures e x p l i c i t l y recorded here i n c l u d e o n l y t r a v e l w i t h i n the L e i p z i g area, m o s t l y f o r local carriage rides. T h e Schumanns rented t h e i r a p a r t m e n t i n 1 8 4 1 a n d c o n t i n u e d t o r e n t i n the subsequent years o f t h e i r m a r r i a g e . Later rentals f o r the space r e q u i r e d t o house a n enlarged f a m i l y rose t o as m u c h as 2 7 0 thaler per year. I n 1 8 4 0 Clara's expenditures t o furnish their first a p a r t m e n t a m o u n t e d t o 1,797 thaler; thus, the 186 thaler spent o n f u r n i t u r e i n 1 8 4 1 m u s t have been f o r r o u n d i n g - o u t purchases. I t is interesting t o see t h a t w h a t w o u l d t o d a y be called h o u s e h o l d insurance — apparently, cov ering m a i n l y fire risks —was available i n 1 8 4 1 , at the modest cost o f 7 thaler annually. G o v e r n m e n t activities at the t i m e were financed largely t h r o u g h customs duties, excise taxes, a n d l a n d taxes —hence the envi ably l o w direct-tax expenditure. L i k e m o s t middle-class families o f t h a t era, the Schumanns h a d c o n siderable help t o m a i n t a i n t h e i r h o u s e h o l d . D u r i n g the early 1840s (the e x p l i c i t data for 1 8 4 1 are less clear), t h e i r housekeeper received 3 0 thaler per year, their c o o k 2 4 thaler (dispensed w i t h after 1 8 4 6 ) , a n d t h e i r c h i l d nurse 1 thaler per m o n t h — a l l presumably supplemented by r o o m a n d b o a r d i n the S c h u m a n n h o u s e h o l d a l o n g w i t h gifts at C h r i s t m a s t i m e . M o s t o f the h o u s e h o l d help were recruited by Schumann's b r o t h e r C a r l f r o m the v i c i n i t y o f t h e i r h o m e t o w n , Z w i c k a u , a n d Carl's nearby residence i n Schneeberg, where able u n m a r r i e d daughters c o u l d p r e s u m a b l y be f o u n d t o w o r k at l o w e r wages t h a n natives o f b u s t l i n g L e i p z i g . T h e w e t nurse f o r baby M a r i e received 4 thaler per m o n t h b e g i n n i n g i n September 1 8 4 1 . T h e m i d w i f e ' s services f o r delivery o f M a r i e cost 8 thaler. T h e Schumanns' recorded c o n s u m p t i o n outlays t o t a l l i n g 1,920 thaler ( a p p r o x i m a t e l y £ 2 8 4 — 4.7 times the estimated f u l l - t i m e a n n u a l i n c o m e o f a n E n g l i s h b u i l d i n g craftsman)— were w e l l i n excess o f t h e i r 1 8 4 1 earnings. Robert's earnings f r o m p u b l i c a t i o n fees t h a t year were 3 0 3 thaler; Clara's net f r o m a concert i n L e i p z i g 1 5 7 thaler. T h e a m o u n t o f i n c o m e R o b e r t d e r i v e d f r o m the j o u r n a l he edited is m o r e difficult t o ascertain. F r o m the i n f o r m a t i o n available i n scattered accounts, the net i n c o m e c o u l d n o t have been m o r e t h a n 118 thaler. T h e rest o f t h e i r outlays h a d t o be financed o u t o f t h e i r c a p i t a l , w h i c h a m o u n t e d t o 8,493 thaler i n J u l y 1 8 4 1 . O f t h i s , 4 , 1 0 0 thaler f r o m his inheritance w e r e invested by Robert's b r o t h e r C a r l , w h o p a i d interest o n the p r i n c i p a l t o t a l i n g 2 0 2 thaler i n 1 8 4 1 . T h e rest o f t h e i r c a p i t a l was invested i n diverse g o v e r n m e n t securities, p a y i n g interest o f 3.5 t o 5.0 percent per year. T h e interest payments f r o m those investments were at m o s t 175 thaler. T h u s , w i t h o u t d r a w i n g d o w n t h e i r c a p i t a l , the Schumanns' cur r e n t i n c o m e i n 1 8 4 1 was o n the order o f 955 thaler. T h e S c h u m a n n
S C H U M A N N S ' C O N S U M P T I O N OUTLAYS
213
budget was balanced b y selling o f f securities, whose r e p o r t e d value de clined f r o m 8,493 thaler i n J u l y 1 8 4 1 t o 6,452 thaler i n January 1 8 4 2 a decrease considerably above the deficit o n the family's c o n s u m p t i o n account. A n x i e t y c o n c e r n i n g the excess o f t h e i r c o n s u m p t i o n outlays over c u r r e n t i n c o m e a n d the declining value o f their financial assets led C l a r a Schumann t o undertake m o r e extensive concert t o u r s i n subse q u e n t years. Recorded expenditures o n other purchases i n the years i m m e d i a t e l y f o l l o w i n g 1 8 4 1 supplement o u r sketch o f w h a t i t cost t o pursue a rela tively affluent middle-class lifestyle i n L e i p z i g d u r i n g the 1840s. Dresses w o r n at Clara's p u b l i c concerts cost 25 t o 2 7 thaler. Robert's eyeglasses cost 3.83 thaler. Vests w o r n b y R o b e r t cost f r o m 2 t o 7 thaler; a silk vest was 4.33 thaler. A p o u n d o f tea cost 2 thaler. T h e legal costs i n c u r r e d i n a p r o t r a c t e d l a w s u i t b r o u g h t by R o b e r t against his father-inlaw, w h o h a d opposed the marriage t o C l a r a , a r g u i n g t h a t R o b e r t was financially irresponsible a n d deficient i n character, a m o u n t e d t o at least 2 0 0 thaler — a b o u t the same as an excellent g r a n d p i a n o purchased f o r C l a r a i n 1 8 5 3 . T h e n as n o w , attorneys fared w e l l f r o m others' misery. 2
NOTES
CHAPTER
I
1. The English translation is by the author. 2. Hildesheimer (1982), p. 19. 3. Elias (1993), p. 29. The book appeared first in German as Elias (1991). 4. Baumol and Baumol (1994a), pp. 79-80. 5. Gardner (1994), p. 48. 6. Pohlmann (1962), p. 31 (my translation). Unless otherwise indicated in the references, translations from German works are mine. 7. This summary and the one for Handel are drawn w i t h slight revisions from Scherer (2001b). 8. A similar view is offered by Pohlmann (1962), p. 30, who names as other early freelance composers Georg Philipp Telemann and Reinhard Keiser (16741739). Birth and death dates for composers w i l l be indicated only when they are not presented in table 1.1. 9. See Elias (1991), pp. 38-40; Elias (1969); and Baumol and Baumol (1994a), pp. 73-74. 10. Robbins Landon and Jones (1988), p. 240. See also Mozart (1962), vol. 3, p. 373. Collections of composers' letters without substantial interspersed edi tors' commentaries are cited by the name of the composer rather than that of the editor(s). 11. This argument is advanced in Cowen (1998). Unfortunately, Cowen's Chapter 4, on the evolution of musical forms, contains numerous questionable assertions. 12. Parts of what follows are drawn w i t h revisions from Scherer (2001b). 13. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, p. 274. 14. Verdi (1971), p. 225. 15. A very few composers were found in other issues of the Schwann Opus and added to the sample. 16. Surian (1998), pp. 303-4. 17. See Medoff (1996); and Scherer et al. (1999). 18. Braunbehrens (1989), p. 191. 19. See Scherer (2001c). When logarithms of the observations are taken, the coefficient of skewness is found to be 1.16, which implies more inequality than the zero value associated w i t h a log normal distribution. 20. Scherer et al. (2000), pp. 176-79. 2 1 . Actually, 50 is an arbitrary figure, since some of the biographical refer ences and other works consulted covered additional composers not included within the 50. Among those so excluded were two members of the Vienna Strauss family, Wilhelm Friedemann Bach (eldest son of Johann Sebastian Bach), and Alessandro Scarlatti (father of Domenico Scarlatti). Frederick the Great was
216
NOTES TO PAGES 14-23
viewed principally as an employer of composers, even though he is included in the sample of 646.
CHAPTER Z
1. For an overview of causes and consequences, see Kennedy (1987). 2. See Asch (1997), p. 185; Raynor (1972), pp. 2 0 4 - 5 ; and, for a more be nign view of the casualties, Steinberg (1966), pp. 2 - 3 and 106-16. 3. Müller (1972), pp. 13-14. 4. See Demetz (1997), pp. 2 2 7 - 3 0 . 5. When the Viennese rejected a French surrender demand in M a y 1809, the French directed the fire of twenty howitzers upon the city. To protect his failing hearing organs, Ludwig van Beethoven is said to have covered his head w i t h pillows to muffle the sounds. After Vienna surrendered, a dying Joseph Haydn was visited by several French officers, one of w h o m sang from memory an aria from Haydn's Seasons; and an honor guard was posted before Haydn's resi dence. See Forbes (1967), p. 465; and Gotwals (1963), p. 193 (from the biogra phy by A . C. Dies). When French troops marched into Salzburg in 1800, they robbed Haydn's brother, Johann Michael, of three months' pay and a gold watch. See Croll and Vössing (1987), p. 140. 6. Raynor (1972), p. 3 5 1 . 7. For example, the Viennese secret police investigated Beethoven, who pro fessed republican tendencies. Roger Draper, "From Far Left to Far Right," The New Leader, November 4 - 1 8 , 1991, p. 2 1 . 8. The Communist Manifesto, written by Karl M a r x and Friedrich Engels, was in press at the time the first revolution erupted; a French translation reached the streets of Paris by June of 1848. The revolutions, however, were directed more toward feudal institutions and governmental repression than at the kind of worker-capitalist conflict analyzed by M a r x and Engels. For Marx's analysis of the governmental changes that followed in France, see his 1852 tract, "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte," in Beer (1955), pp. 4 6 - 6 4 . 9. Fantel (1971), p. 108. 10. For a compendium of essays exploring many facets of the Enlightenment, see Delon (2001). 11. For an excellent overview, see Boorstein (1983), parts 11-13. 12. This facet of the Enlightenment is the main theme of Berlin (1956). 13. Merton (1962). 14. See especially the essays "Natural Law and the Rights of M a n , " "Na ture," and "Social Contract" in Delon (2001). 15. From "Political Economy," originally published in Diderot's Encyclopé die, circa 1755. Translated and reprinted in Crocker (1969), p. 2 2 1 . 16. See Blum (1978), p. 3; and Good (1984), p. 23. 17. The best single source on this set of issues is Blum (1978). 18. Again, see Blum (1978), chapter 9. 19. See the essay "Feudalism" by Thierry Bressan in Delon (2001), pp. 524-27.
NOTES T O PAGES 2 3 - 3 0
217
20. See, e.g., Mantoux (1961), chapter 3; and Allen (1994), p. 98. 2 1 . See Allen (1994), pp. 1 2 0 - 2 1 . 22. See Aldingen (1927). 23. As Frederick wrote to Voltaire in anticipation of the second meeting, "He is an amiable and deserving prince. He likes your books and reads them as much as he can." Aldingen (1927), p. 308. See also Haslip (1977), pp. 2 7 0 - 7 3 . 24. He also abolished the Jesuit order and required its members to serve as common priests at a salary of 300 florins per year, a stipend Leopold Mozart found "not so bad after a l l . " Papa Mozart's salary at the time was 360 florins. See Mozart (1962), vol. 1, p. 494. A visit by Pope Pius V I in 1783 to reason w i t h Joseph over his monastery policies led to the revival of Italian opera in Vienna after a five-year hiatus. 25. See Braunbehrens (1989), p. 189. 26. The best survey is Blum (1978), from which is drawn much of this chap ter's discussion of reform. 27. Blum (1978), p. 356. 28. See Blum (1978), pp. 388-95; and Good (1984), pp. 74 ff. 29. O n the disbanding of court orchestras in imperial Austria during the pe riod when reforms were beginning, but without a clear inference of causation, see Moore (1987), pp. 48, 89, 94, and 5 6 2 - 9 1 . Emancipation was sufficiently adverse to the fortunes of Modest Mus sorgsky's family that it was required to give up its great house in St. Petersburg, and Modest had to divert time from composition to managing the family busi ness. Riesemann (1926), p. 72. 30. Aldingen (1927), p. 2 8 1 . 3 1 . Good (1984), p. 38. 32. A l l the national population data used here come from McEvedy and Jones (1978), which has the major advantage of estimating population values for national boundaries as they existed in 1975, and for which consolidation of West and East German populations is easily accomplished. 33. Despite the potato famine of the 1840s, Ireland had the most rapid 200year growth rate of any European entity, at 0.82 percent per annum. 34. Blum (1978), p. 3. 35. Mitchell (1998), pp 145-60. 36. For a generalization, see Scherer (1999), pp. 2 0 - 2 1 . 37. For definitive surveys, see Landes (1969 and 1998); and M o k y r (1990). On the facilitating role of the Enlightenment, see M o k y r (2002). 38. Landes (1969), pp. 13-14. Lower estimates, suggesting a 2.25-times ex pansion of gross domestic product per capita and annual growth averaging 0.12 percent, are offered by Maddison (2001), p. 46. 39. Crafts (1996), p. 198. 40. They are taken from Maddison (1995), pp. 194-96. 4 1 . See Good (1984), especially pp. 13-37. 42. Because the later reconstructions differ in some cases from those origi nally estimated by Maddison for 1820 and because the later reconstruction in cludes no 1900 data, the estimates for 1700 have been adjusted to be compati ble w i t h his earlier 1820 estimates.
218
NOTES T O PAGES 3 1 - 3 6
43. Williamson (1985), chapter 2 and pp. 200-204. 44. Williamson (1985), p. 17. 45. Lindert (1986), p. 1141. 46. Lindert (1986), p. 1137. 47. Membership in this class, whose boundaries changed over time w i t h so cial conventions, was apparently by self-identification in estate reports. Usually but not always it implies possession of a family coat of arms and antecedents in the landed aristocracy. See W. A . Phillips, "Gentleman," The Encyclopaedia Bri tannica, 11th ed., vol. 1 1 , pp. 6 0 4 - 6 . (New York: Encyclopaedia Britannica Co., 1910). 48. Consider what Papageno intended to do when he found his true love: "Die welche mir am liebsten w a r ' , der gebe ich gleich ein Zuckerl her" (To the one who pleases me most, I ' l l promptly give a sugar candy). " L u x u r y " is used here in the lay sense. M o k y r (1988) finds income elasticities lower than those that would characterize luxuries in the economist's technical sense. 49. Estimates for the first t w o periods, correcting problems in earlier data, are from M o k y r (1988, p. 75). The estimate for the early 1900s is from Mitchell (1988), pp. 709-10. U.S. sugar consumption reached an all-time high of 110 pounds per capita in 1930, declining slightly thereafter and then sharply during the 1970s as high-fructose corn syrup was substituted for sugar. 50. For a lean theoretical treatment, see Scherer (forthcoming). Pioneering earlier contributions include Schmookler (1966); Spence and Owen (1977); and Romer (1990). 5 1 . Notably, from the work of Rosamond McGuinness extracting informa tion from concert and sheet music advertisements in eighteenth-century London newspapers. The data are expected to be made available in compact disk form. 52. Ehrlich (1990), p. 222. 53. U.S. Bureau of the Census (1960), p. 417. 54. U.S. Bureau of the Census (1960), pp. 417 and 4 9 1 . 55. Section contributed by Cyril Ehrlich in Sadie (1980), vol. 14, pp. 7 0 4 - 6 . 56. From U.S. Bureau of the Census (1960), pp. 116-17. 57. The three-value quality index was correlated w i t h piano shipping weight, r = 0.735, and w i t h price-level-adjusted prices, r — 0.747, where the r values are simple two-variable correlation coefficients. Highest-quality pianos had prices 20 percent higher on average than medium-quality pianos; lowest-quality offerings (considering only pianos w i t h 88 keys) had prices 21 percent lower on average than medium-quality pianos. 58. The variables are defined as follows: PIANOS INCOME PRICE RADIOS PHONOS STOCK SPREAD
Number of pianos produced i n given year (in thousands). Average income per capita, at 1990 purchasing power levels. Index of quality-adjusted prices, w i t h average =
1.00.
Number o f U.S. households w i t h radios (in thousands). Number of U.S. households w i t h phonographs (in thousands). Estimated stock of pianos in U.S. (in thousands). Stock of pianos divided by number of families (in percent).
To interpret the relationships in terms of percentage changes or elasticities, logarithms (to base 10) were taken of each variable. Where N is the number of
219
NOTES T O PAGES 3 7 - 3 8
observations, multiple regressions for the full time series, first using STOCK and then SPREAD as alternative explanatory variables, were as follows: (1) Log PIANOS = - 1 2 . 2 5 + 4.32 log I N C O M E [3.05] [2.77] + 0.038 log P H O N O S -
0.378
[0.42]
0.195 log R A D I O S [6.22]
log STOCK; R
2
= 0.901, N = 17.
[0.65]
(2) Log PIANOS = - 9 . 5 1
+
[3.19] - 0 . 0 2 3 log P H O N O S + [0.24]
3.16
log I N C O M E -
0.173 log RADIOS
[3.23] 0.31
[4.77] log SPREAD; R
2
= 0.899, N = 17.
[0.41]
For the smaller sample on which price data were available, the corresponding regression equations were as follows: (3) Log PIANOS = - 1 4 . 7 9 + [4.22] -
0.0056 log RADIOS [0.08]
R
2
0.012 log RADIOS [0.16] 2
2.44
0.777 log PRICE [1.32]
log P H O N O S +
4.62
log STOCK;
[2.59]
= 0.887; N = 12. [1.34]
R
log I N C O M E -
[2.99]
(4) Log PIANOS = - 7 . 8 0 + -
2.40 [1.63]
2.75
log I N C O M E -
[1.82] 1.10 [2.62]
0.624 log PRICE [0.96]
log P H O N O S +
2.98
log SPREAD;
[2.04]
= 0.859; N = 12.
When the price variables are excluded from these regressions, the i-ratios on I N C O M E rise to 2.08 and 2.05, suggesting competition between the income and price variable for explanatory power — a common problem when the num ber of observations is small in relation to the number of explanatory variables. In contrast to the full-sample regressions, the number of phonographs is more powerful here than the number of radios as an explanatory variable represent ing competitive products. Note the theoretically implausible "plus" sign on the STOCK and SPREAD variables — probably attributable to the exclusion of early observations for those variables when piano usage was much less widespread. 59. I n 1929 i n the U.S., 10.25 million families had radios and 10.4 million had phonographs, compared to an overestimate (because pianos were also used in nonfamily settings such as schools and places of entertainment) of 6.4 million for pianos. Purchases of phonographs experienced their most rapid growth dur ing the 1910s, before piano purchases plummeted. I n 1921 phonographs, all of the mechanical-acoustic type were found in 5.9 million homes. 60. For an excellent book-length survey, see Raynor (1972). 6 1 . Verdi (1971), p. 247. See also pp. 233 and 249 of the same collection. 62. Raynor (1972), p. 132. 63. Raynor (1972), p. 126. 64. See, for example, Gradenwitz (1984), pp. 17ff.; and Dewitz (1933), p. 5.
220
NOTES T O PAGES 39-42
65. Thus, in the Innsbruck court of Duke Sigismund of Tirol during the fif teenth century, the principal daily meal was serenaded by a Kapelle consisting of fifes, drums, and trombones. Leitner (1994), p. 39. 66. See DeNora (1991), p. 327. 67. For various views on this phenomenon, see Blum (1978), pp. 1 6 0 - 6 1 ; Elias (1969, 1991, and 1993); Moore (1987), especially chapter 2; DeNora (1991); and Baumol and Baumol (1994a). 68. See Abel (1978), pp. 158-61 and 1 7 9 - 9 1 . For the underlying Ricardian theory and an explanation of how technological progress eventually rendered it invalid, see Scherer (1999), pp. 10-22. 69. Julia Moore (1987) lists 85 Kapellen functioning in Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; speculates that it should be possible to identify at least 100, not counting the large number in Germany; and observes (p. 563) that "another dissertation could, and should, be written on this subject." 70. See especially Boulding (1962), chapter 2; and the w o r k upon which Boulding builds, Richardson (1960). 7 1 . The term is Richardson's. 72. See Baumol and Baumol (2002), who emphasize the role of both profli gate spending and bad luck (e.g., untimely death, conflagration, and war losses). O n the extravagant outlays of Wurttemberg's Duke Carl Eugen and the financial crisis that forced their curtailment, see A l t (2000), pp. 34-50. 73. Johann F. von Schönfeld, Jahrbuch der Tonkunst von Wien und Prag (Musical Yearbook of Vienna and Prague, 1796), excerpt translated by Moore (1987), p. 47. 74. Moore (1987), pp. 564-97. A t p. 94 Moore adds two Kapellen, but for some reason ignores four others said in her detailed summary to be active. For estimates of the wealth of Kapelle-maintaining families, see Robbins Landon (1991), pp. 58, 7 1 , 105, and 140; and Blum (1978), pp. 2 4 - 2 5 . Blum asserts that during the 1840s, the wealthiest of the group, Prince Paul Anton Esterházy, is said to have controlled 700,000 peasants, or 6.5 percent of the Hungarian population. Since a reliable source used in chapter 5 estimates the Hungarian population at the time to be about 4.25 million, an alternative more plausible estimate is 275,000 peasants. 75. One of the contributing musicians was Vincenzo Galilei, father of the physicist Galileo. Among the most important of the Florentine precursors was Euridice in 1600, which provided a model upon which Monteverdi improved at Mantua. See Kelly (2000), pp. 2 4 - 2 5 . 76. O n the tensions that precipitated the move, see Raynor (1972), pp. 9 3 96. 77. The low estimate is from Timothy King, "Patronage and Market in the Creation of Opera before the Institution of Intellectual Property," working pa per, Budapest: 2000. The high estimate is from Raynor (1972), p. 170. 78. Boyd (1986), p. 3. 79. Piperno (1998), p. 28. 80. Raynor (1972), p. 165. See also Rosselli (1984), pp. 2 0 - 4 6 . 8 1 . Weinstock (1963), p. 145.
NOTES TO PAGES 42-49
221
82. Barbier (1996), p. 66. 83. For an illustrated history, see Salmen (1988). 84. See Raynor (1972), pp. 256-57; and Holland (1932). 85. See Raynor (1972), pp. 255-58, and McVeigh (1993), pp. 5 6 - 5 8 . 86. Bohemia had similar traditions; see Clapham (1979), p. 9. 87. Quoted in Reich (1985), p. 123. 88. See Percy M . Young, "Collegium Musicum," in Sadie (1980), vol. 4, pp. 559-60. 89. When Telemann later migrated to Hamburg, he organized similar public concerts, held in the city opera house, inns, and a militia exercise hall. See Petzoldt (1974), pp. 64-65. 90. A n engraving of a Salle Pleyel concert is included in Salmen (1988), p. 29. 9 1 . Holoman (1989), p. 579. 92. Smith (1999), Chapter 2. 93. Presumably, count A . G . Razumovskii was the uncle of the Count Razumovsky to w h o m Beethoven dedicated his op. 59 quartets. 94. See Rosselli (1984), pp. 1 7 0 - 7 1 . 95. See Roger Fiske, "John Gay," in Sadie (1980), vol. 7, p. 203. The w o r k was revised in the twentieth century to create the Weill-Brecht Threepenny Opera. 96. See Mozart (1962), vol. 1, pp. 159-60, in which Leopold Mozart re ports, "Vauxhall is something that astounded me; it is impossible to describe" (but he does proceed to do so). Salmen (1988), p. 171, includes an engraving of a Vauxhall concert. 97. McVeigh (1993), pp. 39-44. Public-garden concerts spread to Moscow in the late 1760s and to St. Petersburg in 1793, in both cases w i t h "Vauxhall" included i n the gardens' names. Smith (1999), pp. 68-69 and 74. 98. McVeigh (1993), p. 37. 99. McVeigh (1993), pp. 24-25. 100. "Beer and Opera," The Economist, August 1 1 , 2001, p. 47. 101. Fantel (1971), pp. 36 ff. The number may be exaggerated; Fantel is inaccurate in other details. 102. Wierzynski (1949), p. 136. 103. Fantel (1971), pp. 194-95. Salmen (1988), pp. 135-38, provides an engraving of a Peace Festival concert and a history of other "monster" concerts. 104. Moore (1987), pp. 50, 58-59, and 62-64. 105. Moore (1987), pp. 4 5 - 4 6 . 106. DeNora (1991), pp. 334-35. 107. DeNora (1991), pp. 3 4 0 - 4 1 . 108. Lang (1966), p. 474. 109. McVeigh (1993), p. xiv. 110. McVeigh (1993), pp. 32-33. 111. McVeigh (1993), p. 4 1 . 112. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, pp. 305-7, reproduces the original letter and provides a more legible typeset list. More detailed biographical information are found in Mozart (1962), vol. 6, pp. 167-77; and (for a smaller subset, mostly noble) Robbins Landon (1989), pp. 248-50.
222
NOTES T O PAGES 5 0 - 5 8
113. Pezzl's Sketch of Vienna (1786-1790) is translated in Robbins Landon (1991); the excerpt quoted here is from pp. 8 0 - 8 1 . 114. The seating plan w i t h names of box holders is given in Haydn (1959), p. 307. See also McVeigh (1993), appendix A , for a listing of venues i n which the Bach-Abel concerts were held. 115. Deutsch (1955), p. 9 1 . N o t included in the list is the king, who contrib uted £ 1 , 0 0 0 per year. 116. The wage estimates are from Phelps Brown and Hopkins (1955), p. 205. A time series is presented in the appendix to chapter 1. 117. Piperno (1998), p. 8. 118. Berlioz (1966), p. 414. 119. Marek (1972), p. 303. 120. Rosselli (1998), pp. 87-88. 121. Rosselli (2000), p. 179.
CHAPTER 3
1. McVeigh (1993), p. 196. This was at least equally true in the twentieth century. See, e.g., Caves (2000), p. 359, who reports from a survey of 494 American composers by Marianne Felton that median income from composing per se was only 1.9 percent of the composers' overall median income. 2. Robbins Landon (1988), p. 48. On the substantial fortune Hoffmann left at his death, see Moore (1987), pp. 4 4 0 - 4 1 . 3. Rees (1999), p. 4 1 . 4. Barbier (1996), pp. 2 0 2 - 7 . 5. Despite his stinginess, which was not atypical, Frederick apparently con sidered Bach "the greatest of all masters." Einstein (1962), p. 150. 6. See David and Mendel (1966), p. 339. 7. Gotwals (1963), p. 34. 8. Moore (1987), p. 367; and the memoirs of Ferdinand Ries, reproduced in Noonan (1987), p. 95. 9. Beethoven (1969), vol. 2, p. 448. 10. Lang (1966), pp. 130 and 133; and Deutsch (1955), p. 817. 11. O n these and other subventions, see Moore (1987), pp. 273-83; and Baumol and Baumol (2002). 12. Deathridge and Dahlhaus (1984), pp. 4 8 - 6 6 . 13. Altmann (1911), vol. 2, pp. 7 7 - 8 5 . 14. Garden (1973), p. 129; and Garden and Gotteri (1993). 15. Courcy (1977), vol. 2, pp. 285-88; and Berlioz (1966), pp. 2 2 6 - 3 1 . 16. The line between employment and free agency is blurred, subject to all the subtleties identified by Coase (1937). 17. McVeigh (1993), p. 170. 18. Benyovszky (1934), pp. 48 and 198. 19. Benyovszky (1934), p. 105. 20. Courcy (1977), vol. 2, p. 15.
NOTES TO PAGES 58-65
223
2 1 . See Reich (1985), pp. 100, 177-78, and 279. 22. Czerny (1968), p. 23; and Wehmeyer (1983), pp. 12-13. 23. Wierzynski (1949), p. 198. 24. Avins (1997), p. 112. 25. Avins (1997), p. 260. 26. Altmann (1911), vol. 2, pp. 16, 48, 62, 160, and 190. 27. McVeigh (1993), pp. 167-75. 28. See Gärtner (1994), pp. 299-303. 29. Mozart (1962), vol. 4, p. 92. 30. Moore (1987), p. 313; and McVeigh (1993), pp. 67-69. 3 1 . Moore (1987), p. 287. 32. Berlioz (1966), pp. 341-98. 33. A more complete picture of Berlioz's concert-organizing activity is pro vided in Holoman (1989), passim. 34. Berlioz (1966), pp. 352-60; and Holoman (1989), pp. 3 0 8 - 1 1 . For an engraved illustration, see Salmen (1988), p. 129. 35. A later "monster concert" organized by Berlioz in 1855 drew an esti mated 40,000 listeners. Holoman (1989), pp. 476-77. 36. In his Memoirs, Berlioz (1966) records receipts of 32,000 francs; Holo man (1989), p. 311, claims that they were 66,000 francs. Both agree on the 800 franc net to Berlioz. 37. Berlioz (1966), pp. 477-78. 38. See also Bianconi and Pestelli (1998); and Rosselli (1984). 39. For a listing, see Piperno (1998), p. 23. 40. This account is drawn from Hogwood (1984); Lang (1966); Deutsch (1955); and Raynor (1972), pp. 272-88. 4 1 . Hogwood (1984), p. 142. 42. Heller (1997), p. 97. 43. Heller (1997), pp. 112-13. 44. See Schubert (1974), pp. 39-46; and Large (1970), pp. 19-39. 45. Moore (1987), pp. 105 and 5 0 1 . 46. Plantinga (1977), pp. 152-55 and 227. 47. Czerny (1968), p. 25; and Wehmeyer (1983), p. 113. 48. Beethoven (1969), vol. 2, p. 108. 49. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy (1986), p. 132. 50. Samson (1996), pp. 85 and 126. 5 1 . Robbins Landon and Jones (1988), p. 232. 52. Moore (1987), p. 365. 53. Moore (1987), p. 365. 54. Benyovszky (1934), p. 32. 55. Braunbehrens (1989), pp. 218 and 259. 56. Schumann (1971), vol. 2, pp. 108 and 170. 57. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, p. 264. 58. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, pp. 104, 120, and 131. 59. Mozart (1962), vol. 4, p. 108. 60. Beethoven (1969), vol. 2, p. 247.
224
NOTES T O PAGES 6 5 - 7 4
6 1 . Chopin (1984), p. 299. 62. Samson (1996), p. 203. 63. Monrad-Johansen (1938), p. 297. 64. Raynor (1972), p. 20. 65. Raynor (1972), pp. 5 0 - 5 1 and 136. 66. See Barbier (1996), pp. 3 6 - 5 7 . 67. See the articles by several authors on "Education in Music" in Sadie (1980), vol. 6, pp. 8 - 2 1 . 68. Parts of what follows are drawn w i t h revisions from Scherer (2001b). One initially overlooked composer has been added to the sample since that arti cle was published. 69. One set of codings for a smaller sample was completed using sources less comprehensive than the New Grove. Before the second phase was begun, at least one book-length biography on each of twenty leading composers was read and annotated. A second full-sample pass was then made through the New Grove. I n a third pass, the first several volumes were recoded to ensure that coding patterns had not changed through learning by doing. Fourth and fifth passes extracted data used in later chapters, but led to a few corrections in the data presented here. 70. Because the distribution of Schwann lineage counts was so skew, and hence threatened to let a very few observations (notably, those for Mozart, Bach, and Beethoven) overwhelm all the others, logarithms were taken of the dependent variable OUTPUT, i.e., the number of centimeters of Schwann list ings. A variable that is nearly normally distributed, as Log OUTPUT is, tends to be better-behaved statistically. Used as explanatory variables were the following: YEAR for the year of the composer's birth; FREE, a dummy variable with a value of 1 i f the composer engaged in primary or secondary freelance composing activity and zero other wise; ONLYFREE, a dummy variable w i t h a value of 1 if the composer had no primary or secondary church or court employment but engaged in freelance composing activity and zero otherwise; OPERA, a dummy variable w i t h a value of 1 for those who composed more than one opera and zero otherwise; and ROYAL, a dummy variable w i t h a value of 1 for those who served as court music directors and / or received subsidies from the nobility for composing, and zero otherwise. Musicians w i t h court appointments of less stature had zero ROYAL values. W i t h i-ratios for the coefficients in subscripted parentheses, the resulting re gression equation using 646 observations was: Log OUTPUT =
-2.76
+
[3.07] -
0.119 [1.32]
ONLYFREE +
0.0017 YEAR + [3.24]
0.043 [0.71]
OPERA +
0.409
FREE
[5.66] 0.263 R O Y A L ; R
2
= 0.135.
[4.08]
7 1 . This relationship fades to insignificance when the dependent variable is OUTPUT without a logarithmic transformation, largely from the overwhelming impact of the J. S. Bach, Mozart, and Beethoven observations.
NOTES T O PAGES 7 9 - 8 5
225
CHAPTER 4
1. Sudan (1998), pp. 302-4. 2. See Einstein (1962), pp. 3-5. 3. Dewitz (1933), p. 13. 4. It is difficult to be more precise in characterizing the many pursuits of Carl Maria von Weber's father. 5. A narrower definition of middle class was used by Elvidio Surian in his analysis of 81 Italian opera composers' backgrounds. He counts as lower class occupations such as carpenter, grocer, tailor, barber, blacksmith, stonemason, weaver, shoemaker, and baker. By these definitions, 12 of his composers were assigned lower-class origins; only 1 of these was a farmer. The fraction of his surveyed composers w i t h aristocratic origins —7 of the 81—is considerably higher than ours. 6. See for example the university-period diary of Robert Schumann (1971), vol. 1. 7. Wolff (2000), p. 3 2 1 . 8. Wolff (2000), p. 39. 9. Wolff (2000), pp. 240-42. 10. O n this phenomenon, more systematic statistical research could yield in teresting insights. 11. Czerny (1968), p. 15. There is no mention in the Czerny autobiography and no known evidence in the Beethoven literature as to the magnitude of fees, if any. Czerny reported that his father was too poor to afford regular schooling for him, and the lessons w i t h Beethoven were eventually discontinued because the father sacrificed too much income from teaching while he escorted young Carl to Beethoven's residence. 12. One of Liszt's students was M a r t i n Krause, in whose Berlin home pianist Claudio Arrau lived while receiving free lessons. 13. The dependent variable is the logarithm (to base 10) of listing centimeters in the Schwann catalogue. Logarithms were taken to reduce skewness and avoid overinfluence from extreme values associated with Mozart, Beethoven, Bach, and a few others. Educational categories were entered as 1-0 dummy variables; also included was the birth year. Using the variable names in figure 4 . 1 , the estimated coefficients and their i-ratios were as follows: Intercept
Church
0.173 [1.86]
0.001 [2.00]
School
0.110 [1.01]
Family
0.238 [3.49]
Self-taught
Private Lessons
0.224 [2.99]
On-job
- 0 . 0 2 1 [0.16]
Conservatory
0.226 [2.57]
University
- 0 . 0 4 5 [0.24]
Birth year
- 2 . 0 6 9 [1.92]
0.215 [1.99]
The R was a modest 0.060, with N = 532. A similar regression without taking logarithms of the Schwann listing variable yielded even weaker results, with FAMILY as the only significant explanatory variable. 14. Gärtner (1994), p. 295; and David and Mendel (1966), p. 292. 15. Fidelio, Act 1. See also chapter 1, p. 1. 16. See Baumol and Baumol (2002). 2
226
N O T E S T O PAGES 8 5 - 8 9
17. Beethoven (1969), vol. 1, pp. 3 9 - 4 0 (from 1801). 18. Czerny (1968), p. 47. Compare Robert Schumann's youthful introspec tion: " A h , immortality! H o w many billion people live and how many are i m mortal; and who knows, whether on average out of a million humans one is immortal. . . . What w i l l become of me? I ' m too insignificant to be sought out, and too proud to seek. Plainly in a society where I can't be the first, I w o u l d rather be nothing than the second or t h i r d . " Schumann (1971), vol. 1, pp. 276 and 416. 19. Weinstock (1968), pp. 274 and 334. 20. Berlioz (1966), p 486. 2 1 . Westernhagen (1956), p. 310, recounting a conversation w i t h Frau Wille, in whose Zurich home Wagner was temporarily residing. 22. Altmann (1912), vol. 1, pp. 144 and 178. 23. Altmann (1911), vol. 2, p. 56 (from 1862). 24. Altmann (1911), vol. 2, p. 100. 25. Alan Walker (1983), vol. 1, p. 442, asserts that Liszt's retirement decision was one of the wisest he ever made, because he "kept the legend of his playing untarnished" and avoided the competition from numerous emulators. But this conclusion seems overdrawn, because Liszt continued to concertize successfully for charitable causes. 26. Sitwell (1967), p. 305. 27. Actually, more than free. Walker (1983), vol. 2, pp. 243 and 378, ob serves that Liszt often gave money to his needy students — generosity that was said to be the despair of his friends. 28. Walker (1983), vol. 3, pp. 528-29. 29. Schubert (1974), p. x i i (from the foreword by Ernest Newman). 30. Schubert (1974), pp. 122-23 (1826). 3 1 . David and Mendel (1966), pp. 9 8 - 1 0 4 . 32. David and Mendel (1966), p. 129 (1733). 33. David and Mendel (1966), p. 125. 34. David and Mendel (1966), p. 125. Bach did not live in the prince's palace at Kothen. 35. David and Mendel (1966), p. 430. 36. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, p. 120. A similar assertion was made from M u n i c h in 1780. Ibid., p. 102. One must be wary of accepting Mozart's letters to his father at face value, for he wrote to please, and his father, mired in a poorly paying position at Salzburg and having invested much in Wolfgang's ca reer development, was eager to see his son succeed economically. 37. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, p. 51 (1777). His student and youthful boarder Johann Nepomuk Hummel apparently learned the lesson well. When Hummel was offered a much higher salary as music director of the Dresden opera than the recently deceased Carl Maria von Weber (cousin of Mozart's wife) had re ceived, Weber's wife wrote bitterly: "That's the way the w o r l d works: only the one who can make big demands is the right man for these people." Benyovszky (1934), p. 114. 38. See chapter 3, section on "Teaching." 39. Mozart (1962), vol. 5, pp. 65-114.
NOTES T O PAGES 8 9 - 9 4
227
40. See, e.g., Hamermesh and Rees (1984), pp. 31-40. 4 1 . That initial amounts of work performed often yield utility rather than dis utility is seldom recognized in standard economics texts — a serious shortcoming. 42. See Baumol and Baumol (1994b), pp. 185-89 and 194. 43. Einstein (1972), p. 135. 44. Schumann (1971), vol. 2, p. 130. 45. Tchaikovsky (1945), p. 46. See also Garden (1973), p. 129. 46. Gotwals (1963) (from a biography by G. A. Griesinger), pp. 5 4 - 5 5 . 47. Weinstock (1968), p. 295. 48. Weinstock (1963), p. 140. 49. Kimbell (1981), p. 180. 50. Verdi (1971), p. 35. 5 1 . Verdi (1971), p. 194. 52. Avins (1997), pp. 492, 5 0 1 , 503, 6 1 1 , and 726. 53. Reich (1985), pp. 205 ff. See also p. 287, where Clara Schumann ob serves that " I feel a calling to reproduce great works, above all, those of Robert, as long as I have the strength to do so. . . . The practice of art is, after all, a great part of my inner self. To me, it is the very air I breathe." 54. Rosselli (1984), p. 130. 55. Marek (1972), p. 101. 56. Smith (1937), p. 107. See also Towse (1993), p. 42, quoting Venetian composer Benedetto Marcello. 57. Quoted from M a x von Weber's biography of his father in Newman (1933), vol. 1, p. 157. On pp. 158-68 Newman identifies additional examples and exceptions. 58. Einstein (1962), p. 33. 59. Plantinga (1977), pp. 117 and 156. 60. Courcy (1977), p. 308 (quoting the sociologist M a x Weber). 6 1 . Raynor (1972), p. 182. 62. Riesemann (1926), p. 335. 63. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, p. 94. 64. Courcy (1977), p. 107. 65. Croll and Vössing, (1987), p. 37. 66. Raynor (1972), pp. 297 and 334. 67. Haydn (1959), pp. 30 and 38. Compare p. 77 (1788), by which time Haydn had become less cautious. 68. Helm (1960), pp. 142 ff. As early musicologist Charles Burney observed after a visit to Potsdam, "His Majesty allows no more liberty in music than he does in government." MacDonogh (1999), p. 353. 69. Haydn (1959), p. 118. 70. Petzoldt (1974), p. 23. 7 1 . Petzoldt (1974), p. 23. 72. Helm (1960), pp. 173 ff. 73. Hogwood (1984), p. 19 (from the contemporary biography by John Mainwaring). 74. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, p. 126. Wolfgang Hildesheimer (1982, p. 17) ob serves, "There should be a kind of negative order of nobility for such behavior,
228
NOTES TO PAGES 94-100
w i t h a visible sign like a mark of Cain, which only the intentional good acts of descendants could erase. Though, if we examine the history of the great Habsburg houses, we must acknowledge that they accumulated their titles and pos sessions by acts far more shameful than a kick in a great man's rear." 75. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, p. 279. 76. Welter (1998), p. 18. 77. Girdlestone (1957), p. 6. 78. Helm (1960), pp. 110 and 173 ff. 79. Helm (1960), pp. 206 ff. 80. Helm (1960), pp. 115-17. 81. Forbes (1967), p. 960. 82. Schubert (1974), p. 42 (1818). 83. Avins (1997), pp. 158 ff. 84. Avins (1997), p. 162. 85. Robbins Landon and Jones (1988), pp. 118-19. 86. Robbins Landon and Jones (1988), pp. 298 ff. 87. Noonan (1987), p. 97. 88. Benyovszky (1934), pp. 210-15. 89. Samson (1996), pp. 9-23; and Wierzynski (1949), pp. 165, 185, and 330. 90. See Newman (1933), vol. 1, pp. 163-67. 9 1 . Newman (1933), vol. 1, p. 116. 92. Robbins Landon and Jones (1988), p. 101. 93. Niemann (1937), p. 66 (from 1857). 94. O n the modern theory, see Rosen (1981). 95. Barbier (1996), p. 29. 96. Rosselli (1984), pp. 52-78. 97. Marek (1972), p. 298; Ostwald (1985), pp. 211 and 233-34; Schumann (1971), vol. 2, pp. 4 1 1 , 4 2 1 , and 437, and Vol. 3, Part 2, pp. 521-22 and 7 8 3 84; and Swafford (1997), p. 144. 98. Wolff (2000), pp. 183 and 540. 99. Robbins Landon and Jones (1988), p. 118. 100. For more systematic evidence on the late eighteenth century i n Vienna, see Moore (1987), pp. 515-45. 101. Mozart (1962), vol. 1, p. 407 (1770). 102. Weinstock (1963), pp. 2 9 8 - 3 0 1 . 103. Rosselli (2000), pp. 2 - 5 ; and Verdi (1971), p. 90. 104. Weinstock (1968), pp. 60-69. 105. Weinstock (1968), p. 60. 106. Brown (1978), p. 284. Schubert wanted to include his Symphony in C Major (the Great) on the program, but the Musikverein musicians concluded after rehearsals that it was too difficult. 107. Warrack (1968), p. 342. 108. See Moore (1987), p. 292. 109. Braunbehrens (1989), p. 67. 110. Braunbehrens (1989), p. 93, and Mozart (1962), vol. 1, p. 295. See also Einstein (1962), pp. 93 and 383-84.
NOTES T O PAGES 100-104
229
111. See King (2001), p. 29. 112. Einstein (1972), p. 34. Einstein quotes a 1781 letter by Gluck asserting that "how much soever of talent a composer may have, he w i l l never produce any but mediocre music, i f the poet does not awaken in him that enthusiasm without which the productions of all the arts are but feeble and drooping" (p. 67). 113. Beethoven (1969), vol. 1, pp. 221-22. 114. Weinstock (1963), pp. 37-38. See also Weinstock (1968), p. 120; and Kimbell (1981), p. 137. 115. Rosselli (1996), p. 45. 116. Fantel (1971), p. 175; and Vallas (1951), p. 246. 117. Braunbehrens (1989), pp. 197-200. 118. Moore (1987), pp. 305-7; and Braunbehrens (1989), p. 256. 119. See Moore (1987), pp. 287, 297, and 3 0 7 - 1 1 . 120. Courcy (1977), vol. 2, pp. 3-15. 121. For a discussion of Viennese pension practices, see Moore (1987), pp. 546-48. 122. Haydn (1959), pp. 240 and 249. 123. David and Mendel (1966), pp. 189-90. 124. Mozart (1962), vol. 4, p. 175; and Einstein (1962), p. 60. 125. Warrack (1968), p. 346. 126. McVeigh (1993), pp. 37, 180 (on a Handel Festival that raised £ 6 , 0 0 0 ) , and 2 0 1 . 127. Haydn (1959), p. 234. 128. Robbins Tandon (1988), pp. 183-84. In her original petition to Emperor Leopold seeking a pension, Constanze Mozart explained that Wolfgang had not joined the Sozietät because he could not conceive that he would die and leave his family impoverished. He expected among other things a post-1791 improvement in his finances. Mozart (1962), vol. 4, p. 176. A second petition emphasizing the birth certificate problem may have been a tactical invention, although earlier Mozart letters to his father do contain requests for a birth certificate. 129. See Baumol and Baumol (1994b); and McVeigh (1993), p. 197. 130. Reproduced in Robbins Landon (1991), especially pp. 62-117. 131. David and Mendel (1966), p. 193. 132. H i l l , H i l l , and H i l l (1963), pp. 252 note and 266. 133. Moore (1987), p. 452. Beethoven's estate included (p. 398) a value for "printed music and manuscripts" of £ 3 3 . 134. Courcy (1977), various. 135. Moore (1987), especially pp. 503-4. 136. The data are from Phelps Brown and Hopkins (1955). To illustrate, 1790 average annual earnings (with linear interpolation for grouped years), assuming a 300-day working year, were £ 3 8 . 8 8 . In 1850, the average income was £ 6 2 . 5 0 , so nominal estate values for 1850 are divided by (62.50 / 38.88) - 1.608. Note that the estate of Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, who died in 1791, very close to our benchmark year, is altered by indexing because Moore adjusted the values for Vienna composers to a 1795 purchasing-power base.
230
NOTES T O PAGES 106-110
137. Moore (1987), especially pp. 4 1 3 - 1 7 and 463-65. 138. Moore (1987) also tallies data (not analyzed here) for opera singers and actors. 139. See Scherer (2001c); Scherer, Harhoff, and Kukies (2000); Caves (2000), p. 83; and Towse (1999), pp. 385-86. 140. Author's calculations, from Kennickell et al. (2000). 141. See DeVany and Walls (1996); and DeVany and Walls (2001). 142. Scherer, Harhoff, and Kukies (2000), p. 198. 143. The variable to be explained is W E A L T H , defined as the value of a composer's estate, adjusted for changes in the value of building craftsmen's earn ings in southern England. Because the variable is highly skew, logarithms (to base 10) were taken. Since logarithms do not exist for negative numbers, nega tive values were treated as 10 divided by the absolute value of the negative estate value. Explanatory variables were YEAR, the year of a composer's birth; LIFE, the number of years a composer lived; a dummy variable FREE w i t h value of 1 i f the composer engaged in substantial freelance composing and / or perfor mance and zero otherwise; and S C H W A N N , the length (in centimeters) of Fall 1996 Schwann catalogue listings. Because of skewness, logarithms were also taken of S C H W A N N . W i t h 23 usable observations, the fitted regression equation was: Logio W E A L T H = - 1 5 . 7 9 + [1.30] -
0.201
0.0083 Y E A R + [1.23]
logjo S C H W A N N ; R
2
0.058 [3.17]
LIFE +
0.907
FREE
[1.17]
= 0.442.
[0.51]
144. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, p. 274. See also chapter 1, notes 13 and 14. Needless to say, Papa Mozart did not anticipate the invention of phonographs and broadcasting. 145. The results are sensitive to the inclusion of Schubert and Mozart in the sample. I f they are deleted, so that N = 2 1 , the years-of-life variable remains positive but fades to statistical insignificance, w i t h t = 1.14. The i-ratio for FREE rises to 1.81 and the sign for S C H W A N N turns positive, w i t h t = 0.26. Reverse causality cannot be ruled out: composers who achieved greater eco nomic success may have lived longer. 146. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, p. 124. 147. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, p. 60. 148. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, pp. 345-46. 149. McVeigh (1993), p. 225. 150. Benyovszky (1934), p. 32. See also DeNora (1991), p. 113. 151. David and Mendel (1966), p. 52 (1706). Bach's early biographer Johann Nicolaus Forkel attributed to Bach the belief of Schiller, " I f you cannot please all by your art or your work, satisfy the few: to please many is bad." David and Mendel (1966). 152. Petzoldt (1974), p. 17. 153. Forbes (1967), p. 804. 154. Forbes (1967), p. 801. 155. Vallas (1951), p. 2 1 1 . 156. McVeigh (1993), passim.
NOTES T O PAGES 110-117
231
157. See, e.g., Einstein (1962), pp. 1 4 9 - 5 1 . 158. Robbins Landon and Jones (1988), p. 225. 159. Robbins Landon and Jones (1988), p. 309. 160. Reich (1985), pp. 262 and 2 7 1 . 161. Beethoven (1969), vol. 1, p. 106. 162. Heller (1997), pp. 110-17 and 259. 163. Girdlestone (1957), p. 497. 164. Weinstock (1968), pp. 167 and 180. 165. Verdi (1971), p. 197 (1876). 166. Schumann (1971), vol. 2, p. 114. 167. Lang (1966), pp. 441-48. 168. Forbes (1967), p. 567. 169. Forbes (1967), p 566. 170. Moore (1987), pp. 311 and 392. Carl Maria von Weber's similarly mo tivated cantata, Kampf und Sieg (Struggle and Victory), was poorly attended because of a snowstorm, but was praised by Austrian General Nostitz, " I n Bee thoven's music boys play at soldiers; in yours, sir, we have heard the voices of nations." Warrack (1968), p. 295. 171. Robbins Landon and Jones (1988), p. 247. 172. Brown (1978), pp. 174 and 264. See also pp. 127 and 137. 173. Samson (1996), p. 29; and Wierzynski (1949), p. 198. 174. Chopin (1984), p. 143 (1833). 175. Weinstock (1968), p. 273. 176. Rees (1999), pp. 17-18. 177. Berlioz (1966), p. 4 8 1 ; and Holoman (1989), pp. 194, 333, 429, 557, and 568. O n a more mixed reaction from the Leipzig press, see p. 453 of Holoman. 178. Vallas (1951), pp. 4 2 - 4 5 , 66-69, 72-73, and 75-76. 179. Avins (1997), p. 168. 180. Avins (1997), p. 284. 181. Avins (1997), p. 728 (1895). 182. Verdi (1971), pp. 57 (1848) and 184 (1871). 183. On the advertising of operas and concerts in eighteenth-century Lon don, see McVeigh (1993), pp. 73-79. 184. Scherer (2001c), pp. 15-19. 185. Schumpeter (1942), pp. 73-74. 186. From Johann Pezzl's account, gambling on the Viennese lottery between 1750 and 1786 amounted to 41 million florins, of which, as in modern Ameri can lotteries, less than half was paid out to the winners. Robbins Landon (1991), p. 122; and Clotfelter and Cook (1989).
CHAPTER 5
1. Parts of this chapter are adapted w i t h permission from Scherer (2001d). 2. See, e.g., Forbes (1967), p. 4 (derived from work by Alexander Wheelock Thayer a century earlier); Blum (1978), pp. 1 6 0 - 6 1 ; and Raynor (1972), pp. 290-305 ff.
232
NOTES T O PAGES 117-130
3. Elias (1969); Elias (1991); and Baumol and Baumol (1994a). 4. On conflicting estimates of the number of separate courts, see King (2001), p. 3 1 . A conservative estimate, attributed by King to Geoffrey Barraclough, is 234 individual noble courts. 5. This is the emphasis of Elias's earlier (1969) book. 6. Elias (1993) (translated from the 1991 original), p. 26. 7. Baumol and Baumol (1994a), p. 73. See also Baumol and Baumol (1994b). Baumol and Baumol were influenced by the earlier w o r k of Moore (1987). Moore, whose research was remarkably exhaustive, does not cite the w o r k of Elias in her bibliography. 8. See chapter 2, section on "The Reform of Feudal Institutions." See also Moore (1.987), especially pp. 9 1 - 1 0 1 . 9. The territorial definitions were chosen to mesh, after consolidation of the t w o Germanies, w i t h population data from McEvedy and Jones (1978). 10. The source was McEvedy and Jones (1978). 11. Clapham (1979), p. 9. See also Gradenwitz (1984), vol. 1, pp. 7 0 - 7 1 . 12. Berlioz (1966), p. 414. A n early musicologist, Charles Burney, observed in 1773 that the Bohemians were "the most musical people of Germany, or, perhaps, of all Europe." See Burney (1959), pp. 131-32. Like Clapham, Burney attributes the Bohemians' musicality to extensive musical training in the primary schools. 13. The births per million ratio is computed by averaging the population counts across all composers for w h o m matched birth data and population data were available and dividing that average into the count of composers for which matches were effected. 14. To repeat a statistic from chapter 1, the average age at death for the 646 composers was 64.5 years. In obtaining the figure 5.4 statistics, equivalent working lives were summed for a nation, and that sum was divided by the average across composers of the lagged population counts. 15. See Raynor (1972), p. 301; and Theophil Antonicek, "Vienna," in Sadie (1980), vol. 19, pp. 717-18. 16. The source is Chandler and Fox (1974). A somewhat more wide-ranging source that differs only marginally for most jointly covered cities is Bairoch, Batou, and Chèvre (1988). 17. Weinstock (1968), pp. 135-40. 18. Kimbell (1981), p. 203. 19. Chopin (1984), p. 317. See also p. 290. 20. Cooper (1935), pp. 160-202. 2 1 . Cooper (1935), p. 236. See also Einstein (1972), p. 151. 22. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, p. 162. 23. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, p. 277 (February 1778). 24. Presumably, Leopold is referring to British attacks on Dutch merchant ships during the American war of independence. 25. Schumann (1971), vol. 2, pp. 4 4 5 - 4 6 . 26. Schumann (1971), vol. 2, p. 206. 27. Marek (1972), p. 327. 28. Sitwell (1967), p. 290.
233
NOTES T O PAGES 130-134
29. Tchaikowsky (1945), p. 310; and Clapham (1979), p. 107. A t p. 315 in his translated diaries, Tchaikovsky muses on the favorable reviews he received in the press, "Is it possible that I really conduct so well? Or do the Americans exaggerate?" 30. Maddison (2001), p. 264; supplemented (especially for 1850) using M a d dison (1995), pp. 194-200. Missing observations have been estimated through interpolation or, in the case of Czechoslovakia for 1700, by extrapolation as suming the growth rate for Austria. 3 1 . The dependent variable is WORKLIVES, that is, the measure of equiva lent working lives per million population plotted in figure 5.6. Three of the explanatory variables are 1-0 dummy variables. They include C O U R T 1 , for the strong form of the competing courts hypothesis, w i t h Germany alone having values of 1 for the first three 50-year periods and all other C O U R T 1 values being zero; COURT2, w i t h Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, and Italy all having values of 1 for the first three periods; and M A G N E T , w i t h values of 1 for England, France, and Austria in all four 50-year periods, and Russia having values of 1 only for the 1750-1799 and 1800-1849 birth cohorts. GDP mea sures (crudely) estimated gross domestic product per capita, adjusted to con stant 1990 purchasing power. The regression equation, assuming Germany to be the only nation in which the competing noble courts hypothesis applied, is as follows, w i t h i-ratios i n subscripted brackets: WORKLIVES =
1.51 [1.71]
+
0.610
0.0001
GDP +
[0.18]
1.042 M A G N E T [1.81]
C O U R T l ; R = 0.086, N = 40. 2
[0.59]
The regression equation has only meager ability to explain differences in com poser employment, and none of the explanatory variables is statistically signifi cant by conventional standards. 32. The computed regression equation was: W O R K L I V E S = - 0 . 2 9 + 0.00080 [0.411 [1.41] +
2.497 C O U R T 2 ; R
2
GDP +
1.127 M A G N E T [2.70]
= 0.505, N = 40.
[5.58]
From the R value, we find that the regression equation explains half the vari ance in FTE composers per million population. 33. See this chapter's notes 10 and 1 1 . 34. I am indebted to seminar participants at the Technische Universität Freiberg for this suggestion. 35. See, e.g., Raynor (1972), p. 57 and 88. Raynor argues at p. 120 that before the Thirty Years War and the definitive breakup of the Holy Roman Empire, the center of gravity i n German music-making was in the commercial cities rather than the courts. 36. Petzoldt (1974), p. 30. See also the section on "Servility and Depen dence" in chapter 4. 2
234
NOTES T O PAGES 1 3 4 - 1 4 0
37. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy (1986), p. 172. 38. Avins (1997), p. 392. Another Brahms biographer, Jan Swafford (1997, p. 11), observes that by the time of Brahms's birth in 1833, Hamburg had lapsed into being what some called "the unmusical city." 39. Wolff (2000), p. 349. 40. Wolff (2000), p. 442. 4 1 . Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 2 3 1 . 42. MacDonogh (1999), p. 2 2 9 - 3 0 . 43. Chandler and Fox (1974), pp. 143-52. 44. Good (1984), p. 46. 45. The data are from U.S. Bureau of the Census (1960), p. 72; and Bowden, Karpovich, and Usher (1937), pp. 6 - 9 . 46. After this adjustment, the combined population of the free cities is found to be 12.6 percent of total German population (assuming 1992 boundaries) for 1650 and 11.85 percent for 1850. 47. O n the complex changes during this period, see Blum (1978). 48. Monte Carlo simulation methods were used to estimate the standard er rors needed to draw this statistical inference, since one expects unobserved ran dom errors i n both the numerator of the calculated ratio (the number of com posers born) and the denominator (population, which varies, depending upon the date of the composer's birth). The f-ratio in a test of mean differences is 3.27. 49. Sixteen additional German-born composers spent none of their working years from age twenty in Germany; another German-born composer was dropped because of insufficient data on w o r k locations. 50. Again, Monte Carlo methods were used to derive standard error esti mates. I n a test of mean ratio differences, the relevant i-ratio was 2 . 8 1 . 5 1 . The counts per million population are not comparable across subperiods because the subperiods are of differing length. When they are converted to com parable counts per decade per million population, the results are as follows: 1650-1785
1786-1849
Births Free cities
0.48
0.77
Rest of Germany
0.52
0.28
Free cities
0.45
0.30
Rest of Germany
0.34
0.19
Equivalent w o r k lives
52. The dependent variable is a dummy variable w i t h a value of 1 if a com poser had primary or secondary employment i n a particular occupational cate gory (FREE for freelance composition and/or performance, COURT, and C H U R C H ) and zero otherwise. The explanatory variables are B I R T H , which is defined as the year of the composer's birth minus the all-sample mean birth year 1756; and indices characterizing the fraction of a composer's working life (as sumed to begin at age twenty) in each of six nations — Germany, France, Italy,
235
NOTES T O PAGES 140-143
Austria, England, and what in 1992 was Czechoslovakia. The estimated regres sion coefficients for these nations show differences in the probability of earning a living by some specified means associated w i t h working one's whole adult life, as compared to not working at all, i n a particular nation. These effects additively augment a base case (the intercept coefficient) that encompasses all other sample nations, including Scandinavia, Iberia, the Benelux countries, Russia, all other European nations, and the Americas. In principle, the regressions should be estimated using probit methods. This was done, but the estimated probit coefficients were in several cases outside the 0 - 1 range, and so more plausible (even i f statistically inefficient) ordinary least squares coefficients are reported here. The results w i t h the t w o methods are qualitatively identical. Subtracting the all-sample mean birth year 1756 from the actual birth year permitted the "intercept" variable to have more meaningful values. The resulting occupational-choice regression equations, w i t h i-ratios i n brack ets [ ] , were as follows: Explanatory Variable BIRTH Germany France Italy Austria England Czechoslovakia Intercept N R 2
Dependent
Variable
COURT
FREE 0.,0037 [12.02] 0,,165 [2.74] 0..181 [3.13] 0.,423 [6.18] 0.,121 [1.67] 0.,374 [5.23] 0.,190 [1.51] 0.,408 [10.06] 646 0.205
- 0 . 0 0 2 8 18.66] 0.293 [4.69] 0.006 [0.11] - 0 . 0 0 8 [0.11] 0.267 [3.58] - 0 . 0 7 1 [0.96] 0.049 [0.38] 0.366 [8.69] 646 0.165
CHURCH - 0 . 0 0 2 7 [8.10] -0.176 [2.80] -0.138 [2.29] 0.021 [0.30] -0.118 [1.57] -0.094 [1.26] -0.130 [0.99] 0.471 [11.13] 646 0.119
CHAPTER 6
1. Clough and Cole (1941), p. 442. 2. Massie (1980), p. 384. 3. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, pp. 4 9 0 - 9 1 . See also pp. 301 and 326, where Mozart reports to his father that his somewhat (about ten percent) longer jour ney from Mannheim to Paris via Metz required nine and one-half days, with no indication of how many overnight stops there were. 4. Mozart (1962), vol. 4, pp. 112-13. Mozart was so pleased w i t h the speed and amenities of the trip that, on reaching Frankfurt, he wanted to "kiss the coach." 5. Wolff (2000), pp. 9 5 - 9 7 . 6. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, pp. 12-13. N o w , absent peak holidays traffic, driv ing sensibly by car (that is, slower than the speeds chosen by many German drivers), one can make the trip from Salzburg to the outskirts of M u n i c h in an hour and a quarter.
236
NOTES TO PAGES 143-150
7. Berlioz (1966), p. 424. 8. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, pp. 344-45. See also pp. 355 and 427. 9. Rosselli (1996), p. 126. 10. Duchen (2000), pp. 6 9 - 7 3 . 1 1 . Forbes (1967), p. 38. 12. Clapham (1951), p. 109. 13. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy (1986), pp. 6 1 - 6 4 . 14. Berlioz (1966), pp. 118-19; and Holoman (1989), p. 112. 15. Schumann (1971), vol. 2, p. 372. 16. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy (1986), p. 73. 17. Clough and Cole (1941), p. 448. 18. Chopin (1984), p. 335. 19. The source is Mitchell (1998), pp. 673-74. 20. The one-way fare in 1842 was 2.25 thaler, or about 6.5 English shillings. Schumann (1971), vol. 3, Part 1, p. 2 2 1 ; and vol. 2, pp. 235 and 244. 2 1 . Schumann (1971), vol. 2, pp. 2 7 2 - 7 3 . 22. Monrad-Johansen (1938), pp. 2 4 7 - 4 9 . 23. Monrad-Johansen (1938), p. 260. 24. Garden (1973), passim. 25. See Rees (1999). 26. Weinstock (1968), p. 192. 27. Fantel (1971), p. 122. 28. Rosselli (2000), pp. 124 ff. 29. Ostwald (1985), p. 69. 30. Ostwald (1985), p. 242. 3 1 . See Adelman (1969). 32. The dependent variables are D I E O T H E R , w i t h a value of 1 if a composer died in a nation other than the one in which he was born and zero otherwise; and NUMBERS, the numbers-equivalent index whose averages are plotted in figure 6.3. Explanatory variables include three 1-0 dummy variables, one (D1700-49) identifying composers born in the 1700-1749 interval, another for 1750-1799 births, and another for 1800-1849 births. W i t h controls for three 50-year inter vals, the intercept case covers composers born between 1650 and 1699. The three half-century-cohort coefficients in effect modify base-case (1650-1699) predic tions. Other explanatory variables include FREECOMP, w i t h a value of 1 if a sample member engaged in substantial freelance composing activity and zero otherwise; and FREEPERF, w i t h a value of 1 i f a composer engaged in substantial freelance performance activity and zero otherwise. Regressions (3) and (4) add t w o dummy variables FREECOMP* and FREEPERF*, allowing the freelance composition and performance variables for composers born in the nineteenth century to have coefficients different from those estimated for composers born between 1650 and 1799. The total effect of an occupational category in this instance is the algebraic sum of the starred and unstarred variable coefficients, for example, the coefficients on FREECOMP plus FREECOMP*. Least-squares regression equations using these variables and 646 observa tions, first without and then w i t h the FREECOMP* and FREEPERF* shift vari ables, are as follows, w i t h i-ratios reported in brackets [ ] :
237
N O T E S T O PAGES 1 5 1 - 1 5 7
(V Explanatory Variable D1700-49 D1750-99 D1800-49 FREECOMP FREEPERF FREECOMP* FREEPERF* Intercept R 2
(2)
(3)
Dependent DIEOTHER 0.086 0.068 -0.080 0.098 0.195
[1.64] [1.30] [1.52] [2.63] [4.91]
0.186 [4.75] 0.062
NUMBERS 0.054 0.007 -0.102 0.142 0,273
[0.99] [0.12] [1.89] [3.71] [6.68]
1.158 [28.71] 0.089
(4)
Variables DIEOTHER 0.085 [1.61] 0.063 [1.19] - 0 . 0 4 4 [0.60] 0.110 [2.47] 0.205 [4.18] - 0 . 0 4 6 [0.56] - 0 . 0 3 6 [0.43] 0.181 [4.56] 0.063
NUMBERS 0.050 [0.92] - 0 . 0 0 9 [0.17] - 0 . 0 0 4 [0.05] 0.163 [3.58] 0.322 [6.38] - 0 . 0 9 5 [1.13] - 0 . 1 5 6 [1.80] 1.145 [28.01] 0.095
33. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, pp. 124 and 220. 34. Warrack (1968), p. 133. 35. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy (1986), p. 150. 36. See Rosen (1981), pp. 845-57. 37. See Table 4 . 1 . 38. Sitwell (1967), pp. 182, 224, 250, and 305. 39. Avins (1997), p. 6 4 1 . 40. Courcy (1977), vol. 1, pp. 235 and 303. 4 1 . Schumann (1971 ), vol. 2, foreword by editor Gerd Nauhaus, p. 13. 42. Mozart (1962), vol. 1, pp. 66, 105, and 113. 43. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, pp. 288, 318, and 321-23. 44. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, p. 509. 45. See this chapter's note 4. His cousin-in-law Carl Maria von Weber bought a carriage for his trip from Dresden to London in 1826 —a trip that ended in Weber's death but little financial gain. Warrack (1968), pp. 306-38. 46. Mozart (1962), vol. 4, pp. 118 and 114-15. 47. Robbins Landon and Jones (1988), p. 247. 48. See Forbes (1967), pp. 675 and 737; and Beethoven (1969), vol. 2, p. 65. 49. Berlioz (1966), pp. 255 and 302 note.
CHAPTER 7 1. See Audretsch and Klepper (2000). 2. Donald W. Krümmel, "Publishing," in Sadie (1980), v o l . 15, pp. 2 6 0 - 7 2 . 3. Benton (1990), p. x. 4. Courcy (1977), vol. 2, p. 105. 5. The other primary and secondary publishers besides Pleyel, Clementi, and Franz Anton Hoffmeister, were Johann Baptist Cramer (1771-1858), Leopold Kozeluch (1747-1818), Joseph Eisner (1769-1854), Anton Diabelli ( 1 7 8 1 1858), Christian Horneman (1840-1906), Henry Litolff (1818-1891), François Couperin (1668-1773), and Carlo Tessarini (1690-1766). 6. Samuel F. Pogue, "Estienne Roger," in Sadie (1980), vol. 16, pp. 9 9 100. 7. Allsop (1999), p. 24.
238
N O T E S T O PAGES 1 5 7 - 1 6 1
8. Hase (1968) (company history originally published in 1917), vol. 1, p. 198. 9. Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 198. 10. The source is Chandler and Fox (1974). 1 1 . W i t h SALES reflecting 1816-1818 sales of B & H agents by city, POPU L A T I O N the population within the agents' urban locations, and DISTANCE the distance from Leipzig to the sales location, the preferred gravity model regres sion equation was: Logio SALES -
1.70 [3.93]
+
0.54 log P O P U L A T I O N + [4.28]
0.004 log DISTANCE; [0.03]
w i t h N = 26, R = 0.467, and w i t h i-ratios indicated in subscripted brackets. A variable measuring gross domestic product per capita during 1820 for the nations in which the sample cities were located had an unexpected negative sign, undoubtedly because the average income of St. Petersburg or Warsaw residents was vastly different from the income of peasants comprising a majority of the Russian or Polish population. I t is therefore omitted from the regression equa tion reported here. Its inclusion did not appreciably change the indicated popu lation and distance relationships. A dummy variable differentiating Germanspeaking cities from other cities was positive but statistically insignificant, consistent w i t h the universality of the language of music. 12. For more extensive treatments of the material in this section, see H . Ed mund Poole, "Printing," i n Sadie (1980), vol. 15, pp. 2 3 2 - 6 0 ; and Krümmel and Sadie (1990). The latter volume includes histories of several hundred music publishing houses founded in the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries. The author has also benefited greatly from conversations w i t h and demonstrations by members of the Gutenberg Museum staff in Mainz. 13. Hübel (1995), p. 4 1 . 14. The count is from an inventory taken during the early 1800s, which listed 232 different musical elements and 138 alphabetical elements. Hase (1968), v o l . 1, p. 216. Other companies later developed variants w i t h as many as 452 differ ent elements. 15. Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 183. 16. See Warrack (1968). 17. Hase (1968), vol. 1, pp. 2 1 9 - 2 1 . I f one can believe a Weber letter of October 1800, a diligent worker could prepare 2 to 3 plates during short winter days and 3 to 4 during long summer days. The period from sunup to sundown in southern Germany was roughly 8 hours i n December and 16 hours in June. Assuming a shorter period of usable daylight or (in summer) work time, i t would appear that the inscribing time for lithography plates was one-third to one-half that for engraved plates. Even in the 1880s, the length of the sunlit day continued to constrain the amount of work music inscribers could do. See Alt mann (1911), vol. 2, p. 235. 18. Raynor (1972), p. 333. 19. Altmann (1912), vol. 1, p. 4 1 . 20. Altmann (1912), vol. 1, pp. 41 and 154-55. 2 1 . Avins (1997), p. 523. 2
NOTES TO PAGES 161-166
239
22. The estimates are found in Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 225. 23. A n exchange rate to Louis d'or is given in Hase (1968), vol. 1, at p. 194. It is consistent w i t h other data contained in our wider-ranging table of exchange rates and implies that £1 = 4.1 thaler. As always, it is subject to some uncertainty. 24. This section is adapted from Scherer (2001a). 25. Similar estimates quoted in Holoman (1989), p. 230, probably shift some of what should correctly be considered fixed costs, such as press setup, into marginal costs. 26. A Schott calculation, apparently carried out later, when the originals for lithographed music could be inscribed on paper, showed the cost per sheet using lithography to be one-fourth to one-fifth the cost of engraved music. The volume at which this comparison was made is not stated. Hübel (1995), p. 2 1 . 27. Hase (1968), vol. 2, part 1, p. 398. 28. This was the "most sad condition," for example, of Fridolin Weber, the father of Mozart's eventual wife Constanze and uncle of Carl Maria von Weber. Père Weber was attempting to support his wife and six children at an annual salary of 200 florins (£20) as musician and copyist in the ducal court at Mannheim. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, pp. 227, 447, and 428. Similarly, Ferdinand Ries (1784-1838), student and later benefactor of Beethoven, is described by Thayer as having before he joined Beethoven "very slender prospects . . . [and] was at last reduced to copy music at three-pence per sheet." Forbes (1967), p. 293. 29. Haydn (1959), pp. x x and 8 1 ; and Robbins Landon (1988), pp. 4 3 - 4 4 . 30. Page counts were found in such sources as Kinsky (1955); Hoboken (1957-1978); and manuscripts in the excellent collection of the Loeb Music Library at Harvard University. 3 1 . Moore (1987), p. 2 9 1 , quoting Anton Schindlern biography of Beethoven. 32. See the editors' note in the King's Music edition of Handel's Oratorio per la Resurrezione di Nostro Signor Gesù Christo, written in 1708 while Handel was in Rome (Huntington, Cambridgeshire, UK: 1933). 33. I am indebted to Dr. Andreas Sopart, archivist of Breitkopf & Härtel, for clarification on this important point. 34. Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 226. 35. Hübel (1995), p. 3 1 . To be sure, there were exceptions. I n England during the last three decades of the eighteenth century, more than 10,000 copies were sold of various popular songs by Charles Dibdin (1745-1814). See Hunter (1986), pp. 2 7 4 - 7 5 . 36. Robbins Landon (1988), p. 44 and note 8. Unfortunately, Robbins Landon provides no clues as to the source from which his figures were gleaned. 37. The data are from Kinsky (1955). When data were available, all handwritten manuscripts were adjusted to a common basis of 12 staves per page. 38. Holoman (1989), p. 230. 39. I n economics, this is known as "limit pricing." See Scherer and Ross (1990), pp. 374-96. 40. Like B & H , copyists also had to incur transaction costs to bring their products into the hands of would-be purchasers. N o evidence on the magnitude
240
NOTES T O PAGES 1 6 6 - 1 7 1
of those selling costs is k n o w n to exist. Except on local sales to a network of k n o w n customers, they could scarcely have been lower than those of well-estab lished publishers. 4 1 . Jensen (1989), pp. 34 and 90. 42. Hogwood (1984), p. 64. 43. Girdlestone (1957), p. 10. 44. Robbins Landon and Jones (1988), p. 104. 45. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, p. 236. 46. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy (1986), p. 107. 47. Pohlmann (1962), p. 173. 48. Pohlmann (1962), pp. 4 8 - 4 9 . 49. The situation is not fundamentally different when modern-day scientists and engineers agree in their employment contracts to assign all work-related invention patents to the employer. 50. See generally Rosselli (1984). 5 1 . Mozart (1962), vol. 1, p. 408. See also Caves (2000), p. 359, who quotes composer William Schuman's remark that twentieth century copyists often made more money than the composer. 52. Mozart (1962), vol. 1, pp. 416 and 4 2 1 . 53. Hunter (1986), pp. 2 8 0 - 8 1 . 54. Weinstock (1963), p. 14. 55. Weinstock (1968), p. 106. 56. Surian (1998), p. 299. 57. See Jensen (1989), pp. 14-32. 58. Translated and quoted in Surian (1998), p. 298. O n Carl Eugen's bud getary problems, see A l t (2000), vol. 1, pp. 3 3 - 5 0 . One reason why Jommelli's works were available for copying elsewhere is that the noble courts of Europe regularly exchanged musical manuscripts w i t h their peers in order to broaden the repertoires available to each. Once a manuscript was available elsewhere, controlling unauthorized publication became difficult. Henry Raynor (1972), p. 334, states that Jommelli mentioned, to no avail, Johann Hasse's ability to retain scores written during his tenure w i t h the king of Saxony in Dresden. 59. Pohlmann (1962), p. 129 (reproducing the text of Haydn's 1761 con tract); and Gieseke (1995), p. 113. 60. The relevant text is found in Green (1997), p. 163. 6 1 . Robbins Landon and Jones (1988), pp. 36 and 118-19. 62. Haydn (1959), p. 7 1 . 63. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, p. 313. 64. Robbins Landon (1989), p. 120. 65. Mozart (1962), vol. 4, p. 259. 66. Robbins Landon (1989), p. 85. 67. Forbes (1967), p. 939 note. 68. Forbes (1967), pp. 302 and 339. Ignaz Pleyel did the same. See Benton (1990), p. x i i i . 69. Noonan (1987), p. 107 (from the remembrances of Ferdinand Ries). 70. Forbes (1967), p. 163; and Beethoven (1969), vol. 1, p. 9. 7 1 . Lang (1966), pp. 2 7 8 - 7 9 .
NOTES T O PAGES 171-177
241
72. Hunter (1986), p. 272. 73. See Lang (1966), p. 238, who asserts that Walsh "mercilessly plundered Handel" before their coming to terms; and Deutsch (1955), 488-89, printing the text of the privilege. 74. For a more detailed history, see Garnett, James, and Davies (1999), pp. 33-36. 75. These names, all in the sample of 646 composers, are drawn from a longer list in Hunter (1986), p. 277 note 5 1 . For the text of Handel's privileges, see Deutsch (1955), pp. 105-6 and 488-89. 76. Lang (1966), pp. 278 and 460. 77. Darcy v. Allein (the so-called Case of Monopolies), 11 Coke 84b-88b (1603). 78. These and several others were uncovered through the biographical re search on our sample of 646 composers. 79. See Petzoldt (1974), p. 6 1 . 80. This account is drawn from Pohlmann (1962), pp. 2 3 8 - 4 2 . 81. Haberstumpf (1996), p. 15. 82. Kaufer (1989), pp. 3-5. 83. For extended analyses, see Pohlmann (1962); Gieseke (1995); and Haberstumpf (1996). 84. Gieseke (1995), p. 59. 85. Pohlmann (1962), pp. 186 ff. For contrary arguments, see Gieseke (1995), pp. 67-69. 86. 8 Anne, c. 19 (1709). 87. Hunter (1986), p. 278. 88. Gärtner (1994), p. 299. 89. Bach v. Longman et al., 2 Cowper 623 (1777). 90. Hunter (1986), p. 2 8 1 , drawing upon compilations by Donald W. Krümmel. 9 1 . Gärtner (1994), p. 331. 92. Earlier, in 1783, the Continental Congress recommended to the states that they enact copyright laws. 93. The U.S. law came to be interpreted quite differently than the British law: foreigners were ruled eligible to obtain British copyrights. See Nowell-Smith (1968), pp. 18 and 33. 94. Nowell-Smith (1968), p. 19; and Gieseke (1995), p. 143. 95. Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 242-43. 96. Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 176. 97. Hase (1968), vol. 2, part 1, pp. 1-2; Hübel (1995), p. 37; and Benyovszky (1934), pp. 134-37. 98. Benyovszky (1934), p. 137. 99. Benton (1990), p. x i i . Henry Raynor (1972, p. 337) dates such arrange ments back to the 1780s without providing evidence. 100. It is reproduced in Benyovszky (1934), pp. 131-33. 101. See Haberstumpf (1996), pp 19-20; and Gieseke (1995), pp. 235-43. 102. Hase (1968), vol. 2, part 1, pp. 14-15. Even after the new law was passed, enforcement difficulties remained. See Altmann (1911) vol. 2, p. 225.
242
NOTES T O PAGES 1 7 7 - 1 8 1
103. There were as always loopholes. Giuseppe Verdi's letters include a discussion in 1855 of an English judicial decision stating that operas written by foreigners could not receive copyright unless the composer personally supervised the first English production. This was presumably an interpretation of the requirement that first publication be in England for printed matter to receive copyright. Verdi (1971), pp. 99-100. 104. On Richard Wagner's failure to secure English copyright after it was available and his concession of rights in Italy without being informed that a treaty w i t h Prussia w o u l d be signed in 1869, see Altmann (1911), vol. 2, pp. 48 note, 133-34, and 238-44. 105. See Beethoven (1969), vol. 1, pp. 45, 102-3, 107, 120, 185, 386, 393, 4 0 0 - 4 0 1 , 423, and 430; vol. 2, pp. 46, 134, 172, and 244; and Raynor (1972), pp. 346-47. 106. Nowell-Smith (1968, p. 35) remarks that "the need for first publication [in Great Britain] was never in doubt," but does not explain how that requirement became part of the law. The original Statute of Anne dated the issue of copyright on new works "from the day of the first publishing the same." "First" here could be interpreted to mean that publication must take place first in Great Britain, but that seems in context an inferior construction. 107. Benyovszky (1934), p. 7 1 . 108. Raynor (1972), p. 237. Gaetano Donizetti's arrangements w i t h the Paris Opéra were more generous: for Les Martyrs, written in 1840, he received 250 francs (£9.75) for each performance up to 40 and then 100 francs for every performance thereafter. Weinstock (1963), pp. 145-59. 109. Weinstock (1968), p. 343. 110. Rosselli (1996), p. 75. In the precopyright era, Beethoven received modest fees for the performance of Fidelio in diverse cities, for instance, 12 ducats (£6) each for performances in Stuttgart, Darmstadt, and Karlsruhe and 15 ducats for Hamburg. Forbes (1967), p. 588. 111. See also the section on "The Costs of Alternative Publication Methods" in this chapter. 112. Jensen (1989), p. 60. 113. See, e.g., Scherer and Ross (1990), p. 490. 114. Jensen (1989), p. 151. 115. Rosselli (2000), p. 119. 116. Weinstock (1963), p. 159. 117. For an itemized list w i t h prices, see Jensen (1989), pp. 4 2 1 - 3 6 . 118. Jensen (1989), p. 180. 119. See, for example, Altmann (1912), vol. 1, p. 133; and (1911), vol. 2, pp. 182 and 237. 120. Vallas (1951), p. 249. 121. Avins (1997), p. 648. 122. Avins (1997), p. 675 (December 1890). See also p. 654. 123. Hogwood (1984), p. 130. 124. Verdi (1971), p. 101. 125. Schubert (1974), p. 97. 126. Wierzynski (1949), p. 274; and Samson (1996), p. 72.
NOTES TO PAGES 181-186
243
127. Avins (1997), p. 152. 128. Avins (1997), p. 523. 129. Avins (1997), p. 584. 130. Brown (1978), p. 128. 131. Schubert (1974), p. 69. 132. Altmann (1911), vol. 2, p. 5. 133. Altmann (1911), vol. 2, pp. 3 0 - 4 1 . 134. Altmann (1911), vol. 2, p. 5 1 . 135. Altmann (1911), vol. 2, pp. 57-58. 136. Rothschild (1965), pp. 104, 127. 137. Samson (1996), p. 72. 138. Rosselli (2000), p. 169. 139. Beethoven (1969), vol. 1, p. 334; vol. 2, pp. 28, 150, 197 and 246. 140. In economics, this problem is discussed under the rubric "asymmetric information." See A. Postelwaite, "Asymmetric Information," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics (London: Macmillan, 1987), vol. 1, pp. 133-35; and Towse (1999), p. 552. 141. Schubert (1974), p. 122. A similar letter was dispatched to the Probst firm in Leipzig, with equally negative results. See also chapter 4, section on "Extremes." 142. Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 191. 143. For a composer to take copies in compensation was not an unusual practice. When Estienne Roger of Amsterdam printed Arcangelo Corelli's Con certi Grossi op. 6, for example, Corelli received 150 copies, which he planned to sell in Rome. Carl Czerny told Beethoven that he normally took sheet music as payment from publishers. Presumably, he could give or sell it to his many piano students. Forbes (1967), p. 956. 144. Raynor (1972), p. 339. 145. Clapham (1979), pp. 4 5 - 4 7 . 146. O n twentieth-century composers' preference for royalties (following a partial advance) and publishers' preference for front-end honoraria, see Towse (1999), pp. 373-75. 147. Altmann (1912), vol. 1, pp. 94-106. 148. Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 225. 149. Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 155. 150. Hase (1968), vol. 1, 161-78. 151. More exactly, the winner's curse reflects the tendency for the winning bid in competitive auctions to exceed the auctioned object's true value, revealed only after subsequent experience dispels valuation uncertainties. For a compre hensive survey, see Kagel and Levin (2002). On the winner's curse in bookpublication advances, see Caves (2000), pp. 142-43. 152. Avins (1997), p. 328. 153. Samson (1996), p. 146. 154. Haydn (1959), pp. x x i , 53-55, and 76; and Raynor (1972), pp. 341-42. 155. Haydn (1959), p. 123. 156. Hase (1968), vol. 1, pp. 1 7 0 - 7 1 . 157. Beethoven (1969), vol. 1, p. 30 (to Franz Wegeler in 1800).
244
NOTES T O PAGES 1 8 6 - 1 9 1
158. See Moore (1987), pp. 40 and 337-43. 159. Altmann (1911), vol. 2, pp. 196-97. 160. Altmann (1911), vol. 2, p. 189. 161. Wolff (2000), pp. 375-79 and 430. 162. Newbould (1997), p. 175; and Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 190. 163. The subscription list is reprinted in Robbins Landon (1977), vol. 4, pp. 622-32. 164. Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 158. 165. Raynor (1972), pp. 343-44. 166. Forbes (1967), pp. 821-33. 167. Mozart (1962), vol. 3, p. 302. 168. Mozart (1962), vol. 2, p. 444. 169. Rothschild (1965), pp. 66-67. 170. Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 162. 171. Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 187. 172. Hase (1968), vol. 1, p. 191. 173. Beethoven (1969), vol. 1, p. 39. 174. Clapham (1979), p. 101. 175. Hase (1968), vol. 1, pp. 2 0 0 - 2 0 1 . 176. The data, complete for 92 compositions with opus numbers listed, are from Schumann (1971), vol. 3, Part 2 (Haushaltbücher), pp. 669-83. 177. Moore (1987), pp. 331-33. 178. The dependent variable FEE is the amount received for a w o r k or pack age of works. Explanatory variables include OPUS, the opus number; NRSONAT, the number of sonatas in a bundle; N R L I E D , the number of songs in a Heder cycle; SONAT, a dummy variable w i t h value of 1 i f the composition was a sonata or equivalent and zero otherwise; OPERA, a dummy variable dis tinguishing Peri and Genoveva; a dummy variable C H O R A L for other choral works; a dummy variable S Y M P H identifying the four symphonies; a dummy variable O R C H identifying other major orchestral works (such as concertos and overtures); and a dummy variable LIED identifying song cycles. The base case, impounded in the equation intercept, measures an average fee for chamber works such as trios, quartets, and quintets. The least-squares regression equa tion analyzing 90 honorarium observations, w i t h i-ratios in subscripted brackets, was as follows: FEE = 51.12 + [2.37] -
0.57
OPUS +
[3.30]
3.71 N R S O N A T + [2.67]
3.73 N R L I E D [2.57]
20.22 SONAT - 55.08 L I E D + 27.63 O R C H 4- 72.24 S Y M P H [0.90]
[2.69]
[1.12]
[2.25]
+ 567.95 OPERA + 85.07 C H O R A L ; R
2
[13.33]
= 0.756.
[3.03]
The R value tells the fraction of the FEE variable's variance explained by the various explanatory variables. Roughly three-fourths of the variance is ex plained, which is quite a lot for a cross-section analysis. To interpret, for example, the coefficient for symphonies, we add the 72.24 value specially attributable to publishing a symphony to the intercept or base 2
245
NOTES T O PAGE 192
case value of 51.12 (which was what the average chamber w o r k yielded), find ing the total average compensation for a symphony to be 51.12 -h 72.24 = 123.36 thaler, other things (such as the OPUS reputation effect) being held constant. Interpreting the data for Heder and sonatas is a bit more compli cated. For sonatas, we add to the intercept value of 51.12 the —20.22 coeffi cient on SONATA, estimating that a single sonata brought 30.90 thalers. The coefficient on N R S O N A T then tells us that each additional sonata in a bundle brought on average 3.71 thaler, or about a half week's wages for an English building craftsman. For songs, a similar procedure informs us that a single song brought 51.12 — 55.08 = —3.96 thaler, which is impossible and reveals statis tical estimation error; but from N R L I E D , we find plausibly that each additional song yielded 3.73 thaler. 179. I n addition to averaging between exchange rates for different time pe riods, various methodological problems have to be surmounted. Notably, any statistical analysis can be strongly influenced by extreme observations or "out liers." The most extreme values in the combined sample are the 773 thaler Schumann received for his opera Genoveva and the 550 thaler for his oratorio Peri. Data on Beethoven's Fidelio honoraria, at least in full-score form, were not available. The only comparable piece by Beethoven was his oratorio Christus am Ö Iberg (Christ on the M o u n t of Olives), which was part of a three-work package (including a Mass and a piano arrangement of Fidelio) with a total value of 55 ducats, or 18.33 ducats ( = 48.4 thaler) per item. The implied Ö Iberg fee is nowhere near the honoraria Schumann received for his two major operalike works. Should they be included in the same category, or should Ö Iberg be considered a work for choir, soloists, and orchestra, which would put it in the C H O R A L category? Schumann wanted to write an opera for Peri and struggled w i t h the issue for eighteen months before spending four months of hard work composing it as an oratorio, which he hoped at the time would be his "biggest and hopefully also best w o r k . " Beethoven composed Ö Iberg in two or three weeks. A contemporary review referred to it as a cantata. O n modern CD performances, Peri runs nearly twice as long as Ölberg — 95 minutes vs. 52 minutes on average from CDs in Harvard's Loeb music library. The decision was made to treat the two differently, classifying Ö lb erg as a choral work. Given this assumption, the following regression equation was obtained for the pooled Schumann and Beethoven observations: FEE = 32.74 + [1.93] -
0.75 OPUS + [4.70]
3.67 N R S O N A T + [2.49]
3.73
NRLIED
[2.14]
11.77 S O N A T - 48.68 LIED + 23.37 O R C H + 67.42 [1.13]
[2.58]
[1.27]
+ 575.00 OPERA + 96.41 C H O R A L [11.65]
[3.82]
SYMPH
[2.93] 0.86 COMPOSER; R
2
= 0.597.
[0.07]
The added dummy variable COMPOSER, with a value of 1 for Schumann works and zero for Beethoven works, is tiny and far from statistically signifi cant, suggesting no systematic difference in the fees received by the two com posers and that the thaler / ducat conversion ratio of 2.64 adequately accounted for differences in exchange rates. The homogeneity conclusion suggested by the
246
NOTES TO PAGES 192-203
COMPOSER coefficient and a more general Chow test for coefficient homoge neity no longer holds i f Beethoven's Ö Iberg is classified as an operalike w o r k . Then the t w o composers' compensation schemes are found to be statistically heterogeneous, the main reason being the low fee received for Ö lb erg as com pared to the very high honoraria received for Peri and Genoveva. 180. Julia Moore (1987), p. 330, expressly rejects the inflation hypothesis, but she did not control for the multiplicity of effects analyzed here. 181. Clara Schumann, ed., Robert Schumann's Werke (originally published in 13 series by Breitkopf & Härtel; republished by the Gregg Press: Farnborough, U.K., 1967). 182. For the opera Genoveva, performance fees were excluded from the com putation; they were included in the previous analysis. 183. In a regression equation that controlled also for opus number, the differ ences in compensation per page for lieder, sonatas and similar works, and cham ber compositions, as compared to large-scale works, were statistically significant at high confidence levels. 184. See also chapter 4, section on "Insights from Economic Theory." 185. See the concluding section in chapter 4.
CHAPTER 8
1. Haydn (1959), p. 118. 2. See "PolyGram Classics," Harvard Business School case study 9-588-074 (November 1997), p. 5, where it is estimated that classical recordings generated 5.2 percent of total w o r l d record sales in 1996 — down from 9.0 percent in 1987. 3. Ibid.; and In the Matter of Polygram Holding, Inc., et al., U.S. Federal Trade Commission Docket N o . 9298, initial decision of the administrative law judge, June 2002, para. 58. 4. See Baumol and Bowen (1965); and Caves (2000), pp. 229-30, 2 6 5 - 6 7 , and 356-59. 5. To be sure, there may be slight productivity gains i f musicians of the twenty-first century are better trained than their nineteenth-century counterparts and hence can perform at a given quality level w i t h less rehearsal time. But the differences here are almost surely small. 6. Government plays an indirect role, since donations to cultural activities are almost always deductible under income tax rules.
APPENDIX, CHAPTER I
1. Mozart (1962), vol. 1, p. 103, and vol. 5, p. 86. A t the time, northwestern Europe was experiencing a wave of bank failures, leading inter alia to florin devaluations about which Leopold was accurately informed. See Mozart (1962), vol. 1, pp. 86-87. The twenty-one-year-old Felix Mendelssohn (1984, p. 129) wrote in the same
NOTES T O PAGES 203-213
247
vein to his brother from Linz, Austria, in 1 8 3 0 , " O h Paul? Do you know how to get around w i t h gold florins, heavy florins, light florins, Viennese florins, standard florins, and the devil and his grandmother's florins? I don't." 2 . Maddison ( 2 0 0 1 ) , p. 2 6 4 .
3. See Frey and Stutzer (2002) for confirmation through comparative evi dence from surveys. 4. They are Mitchell (1988), pp. 7 0 0 - 7 0 3 ; McCusker (1978), especially ta bles 2 . 1 6 , 2 . 2 3 , and 2 . 2 5 ; Waschinski ( 1 9 5 2 ) , pp. 1 9 9 - 2 2 5 ; and Felloni ( 1 9 6 8 ) ,
tables 6 7 and 6 9 . The author is indebted to Stefano Fenoaltea for calling atten tion to the fourth source. 5. The conversion rate of 2 1 shillings per guinea became firmly established only in 1 7 1 7 . See Sargent and Velde (2002), pp. 2 9 3 - 9 8 . 6. The w o r d "thaler," sometimes spelled "taler," originated from coins minted in the Joachimsthal (Valley of Joachim) of Bohemia. Many German coins were later minted from prolific silver mines in the vicinity of Freiberg, where Gottfried Silbermann established his organ-building business. The family name almost surely stems from the silver-mining operations that dominated the Freiberg economy for centuries. 7. The sharp devaluation of French currency in 1 7 2 0 was attributable to the unconstrained issue of paper money by the Banque Royal and then the bursting of the Mississippi Bubble. See Kindleberger (1985), pp. 9 6 - 9 8 . 8. For excellent analyses of the estimation problems, see McCusker (1978), pp. 1 8 - 2 5 ; and Shaw ( 1 8 9 9 ) .
Among the most severe market imperfections were absolute refusals to accept "foreign" currencies, as in the case of a transfer student to the University of Berlin in 1 7 6 6 whose 4 0 0 thaler were confiscated by the Prussian customs police because they were in the form of Nürnberg Batzen, not accepted as legal tender. The student was more than fully reimbursed after a face-to-face meeting with Frederick the Great. MacDonogh (1999), pp. 3 4 4 - 4 5 . 9. A monetary union adopted among most German states in 1 8 3 8 supposedly stabilized the silver content of the diverse circulating thaler and gulden. See Sargent and Velde ( 2 0 0 2 ) , pp. 3 0 6 - 8 .
10. See, e.g., Mozart (1962), vol. 1, pp. 155-57 (from the Mozarts' visit in 1764). The cost of living in London and environs was also higher than in north ern and southwestern England and Scotland. See H u n t (1986).
APPENDIX, CHAPTER 4
1. The expenditure data are recorded in Schumann (1971), specifically, in vol. 3, Haushaltbücher (Household Books), pp. 1 7 1 - 2 0 3 . 2 . Schumann ( 1 9 7 1 ) , vol. 3, p. 2 4 2 .
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INDEX
Abel, Karl Friedrich, 43, 50, 5 9 - 6 0 , 175 Académie Royale de Musique, 15, 41 Académie Royale des Sciences, 15, 21 Adalid y Gurréa, Marcial del, 77 Agricola, Johann Friedrich, 95 Aibinoni, Tomaso, 66, 77, 80, 157 Ancient Music, concert of, 110, 167 Arco, Graf Karl Josef, 94, 227n.74 arms race, cultural, 3 9 - 4 0 , 118, 1 3 6 - 4 1 , 232n.4 Arne, Thomas, 172 Arrau, Claudio, 2 2 5 n . l 2 Arriaga, Juan, 8 Artaria, 170, 176, 186, 187 Augarten (Vienna), 45, 49 Bach, Anna Magdalena, 101 Bach, Cari Philipp Emanuel, 83, 85, 94, 95, 173 Bach, Johann Christian, 43, 50, 5 9 - 6 0 , 85, 1 0 8 - 9 , 172, 175 Bach, Johann Sebastian, 3, 5, 9, 39, 54, 75, 143, 152, 2 3 0 n . l 5 1 ; and Collegium Musicum, 44, 59; compositions, 38, 55, 94, 109; finances, 88, 98, 103; relations w i t h employers, 94, 134, 135; selfpublication, 187 Bach, Wilhelm Friedemann, 77 Bacon, Francis, 21 Ballard. See LeRoy & Ballard Barnum, P. T., 98, 130 Barsanti, Francesco, 73 Baumol, W i l l i a m and Hilda, 8, 1 1 7 - 8 , 131 Baumol's cost disease, 1 9 9 - 2 0 1 Beaumarchais, Pierre Augustin, 25 Beethoven, L u d w i g van, 6, 9, 65, 153, 180, 216n.5, 2 2 5 n . l l ; compositions, 16, 100, 109, 1 1 1 , 112; concerts, 60, 99, 101; deafness, 58, 153; liberal views, 9 5 - 9 6 , 216n.7; and money mat ters, 1, 55, 56, 85; publication of works, 164, 165, 1 7 0 - 7 1 , 176, 1 7 7 78, 1 8 0 - 8 1 , 183, 185, 1 8 6 - 8 8 , 189, 191-92, 2 4 2 n . l l 0
Bellini, Vincenzo, 100, 144, 179 Berlioz, Hector, 5 1 , 56, 6 0 - 6 1 , 76, 85, 86, 103, 113-14, 143, 144, 153, 223 nn. 35 and 36 Berne Convention, 17, 177, 199 Berwald, Franz, 77 Blow, John, 43 Boccherini, Luigi, 58, 183, 185 Boehm, Theobald, 77 Boismortier, Joseph de, 73 Boito, Arrigo, 77 Bonaparte, Napoleon, 19, 95, 142 Bononcini, Giovanni, 167-68 Bonporti, Francesco, 69 Borodin, Alexander, 76, 77 Boston Peace Festival, 17, 47, 2 2 1 n . l 0 3 Boyce, William, 172 Brahms, Johannes, 17, 58, 59, 9 0 - 9 1 , 95, 96, 114, 134, 1 5 1 , 152, 1 6 1 , 1 8 1 - 8 2 , 183, 185 Breitkopf, Johann Gottlob Immanuel, 159-60 Breitkopf & Härtel, 135, 156, 157-58, 160, 1 6 1 - 6 6 , 182, 184, 187, 189-90, 238n.ll Broschi, Carlo. See Farinelli Bull, Ole, 89 Burgmüller, Norbert, 77 Burney, Charles, 2 3 2 n . l 2 Buxtehude, Dietrich, 143 Caffarelli (Gaetano Majorano), 97 Carl Eugen, Duke of Württemberg, 169, 220n. 72, 240n.58 Carnegie, Andrew, 130 Catherine I I (the Great), 16, 24, 130, 132 censorship, 2 6 - 2 7 Cervetto, Giacobbe, 8 Chabrier, Emmanuel, 77 Charles I I , King of England, 43 Charles I I , King of Spain, 15, 18 Cherubini, Luigi, 95 Chopin, Frédéric, 4, 45, 47, 59, 64, 65, 96, 100, 113, 129, 145, 1 8 1 , 186 church music, 3 7 - 3 8 , 5 3 - 5 4
260
INDEX
class origins, 80, 225n.5 Clementi, M u z i o , 58, 64, 77, 104, 157, 189 Collegium Musicum, 3, 15, 44, 59 Colloredo, Hieronymus Joseph, 55, 93, 94 competing courts. See arms race, cultural concerts: attendance, 4 5 - 5 2 ; organization, 5 7 - 6 2 ; venues, 3 8 - 4 1 , 4 3 - 4 5 Concert Spirituel, 15, 45 conservatories, 45, 6 6 - 6 7 , 75, 83, 84 Copernicus, Nicholaus, 20 copyists, 163-66, 168, 170, 239n.40, 240 nn. 51 and 58 copyright, 194-96, 240n.49; law, 15, 16, 17, 174-78, 242 nn. 103 and 106; utili zation, 178-80, 194 Gorelli, Arcangelo, 39, 157, 2 4 3 n . l 4 3 Couperin, François, 39, 57, 172, 187 Cramer, Johann Baptist, 77 criticism, music, 6 1 , 7 6 - 7 7 , 113-15 Croft, W i l l i a m , 172 Cromwell, Oliver, 15, 38 Csermák, Antal György, 77 Cui, César, 76 currency values, 10, 104, 2 0 3 - 8 Czerny, Carl, 5 8 - 5 9 , 64, 76, 80, 176, 180, 2 4 3 n . l 4 3 Dargomyzhsky, Alexander, 77 David, King of Israel, 37 demand: derived, 33; for musical perfor mance, 33, 1 3 1 - 3 2 , 141; for pianos, 3 4 - 3 7 , 218n.58 Diabelli, Anton, 77, 182 D i b d i n , Charles, 239n.35 Diderot, Denis, 16 Donizetti, Gaetano, 80, 90, 99, 100, 1 6 8 69, 180, 2 4 2 n . l 0 8 Dvofák, Antonin, 130, 184, 189 education: of composers, 8 1 - 8 4 Elias, Norbert, 2, 1 1 7 - 1 8 , 131 Elizabeth I , Queen of England, 38 Eisner, Joseph, 77 emancipation of peasants, 17, 24, 2 5 - 2 6 , 217n.29 employment: church, 5 3 - 5 4 , 69; locus of, 1-2, 1 4 0 - 4 1 , 234n.52; i n noble courts, 5 4 - 5 6 , 6 8 - 6 9 , 92, 9 7 - 9 8 ; security of, 93-95 Enlightenment, 2 0 - 2 7
Esterházy, Esterházy, Esterházy, Esterházy,
Johann, 68, 87 Nikolaus I , 40, 54, 95, 170 Nikolaus I I , 40, 95, 101 Paul Anton, 54, 170, 220n.74
family influences, 7 9 - 8 1 Farinelli (Carlo Broschi), 55, 77, 97 fashion. See Taste Fauré, Gabriel, 144 Ferdinand, Archduke, 92 Ferdinand I , H o l y Roman Emperor, 38 Ferdinand I I , H o l y Roman Emperor, 14 Ferdinand V I , King of Spain, 55 feudalism, 16, 2 2 - 2 6 , 127, 1 3 1 , 136 Field, John, 58, 130 Fischer, J. C , 172 Forqueray, Jean-Baptiste, 172 Forster, W i l l i a m , 186 Franck, César, 100, 1 0 9 - 1 0 , 114, 181 Franklin, Benjamin, 77 Franz I I , Emperor of Austria, 25, 26, 123 Frederick I , king in Prussia, 94 Frederick I I (the Great), 15, 1 8 - 1 9 , 24, 25, 26, 39, 55, 77, 93, 95, 135, 217n.23, 227n.68, 247n.8 free cities, 133-39, 1 4 1 , 233n.35, 234 nn. 46 and 51 freelance activity, 2, 5 6 - 6 3 , 7 0 - 7 5 , 107, 150, 197; i n composition, 7 0 - 7 4 ; i n performance, 71 Friedrich Augustus I I , King of Saxony, 38 Friedrich Wilhelm, King i n Prussia, 51 Galilei, Galileo, 15, 20 Galilei, Vincenzo, 220n.75 Garcia, Manuel, 148 Garibaldi, Giuseppe, 17 Gay, John, 46, 73, 199 George I I , King of England, 1 1 1 , 171 George I I I , King of England, 187 George IV, King of England, 55 Gewandhaus (Leipzig), 44 Glinka, M i k h a i l , 130 Glorious Revolution, 15, 23 Gluck, Christoph Willibald, 16, 80, 89, 100, 129, 2 2 9 n . l l 2 Gonzaga family, 4 1 grand tour, 58 Graun, Karl Heinrich, 93, 95 gravity model, 1 5 7 - 5 8 , 2 3 8 n . l l Gregory I , Pope, 37
INDEX
261
Grieg, Edvard, 65, 78, 146 Gustavos I I I , King of Sweden, 27 Gutenberg, Johannes, 155
Jommelli, Niccolò, 93, 1 6 9 - 7 0 , 240n.58 Joseph I I , Emperor of Austria, 2 4 - 2 5 , 38, 40, 45, 54, 217n.24
Handel, George Frideric, 5, 10, 39, 4 1 , 4 6 - 4 7 , 50, 57, 85, 128, 172, 181; adaptability, 1 1 0 - 1 2 ; economic fortunes, 4, 99; as impresario, 4, 62, 75; relations w i t h publishers, 167, 171, 181; royal support, 55, 94 Hanslick, Eduard, 114 Härtel, Gottfried Christoph, 161-62, 176, 184, 185, 189 Hartmann, Johan, 77 Hasse, Johann, 152 Haydn, Franz Joseph, 6, 47, 54, 58, 89, 96, 110, 128, 157, 163, 167, 186, 1 9 7 98, 216n.5; compensation, 98; compositions, 16, 112, 187; London visits, 43, 55, 153; relations w i t h employers, 93, 95, 101, 170 Haydn, Johann Michael, 55, 93, 216n.5 Heidegger, John Jacob, 62 Heinichen, Johann David, 98, 152 Heise, Peter, 77 Heller, Stephen, 84 Hensel, Fanny Mendelssohn, 77 Herschel, William, 77 Hickford, Thomas, 43 Hildesheimer, Wolfgang, i x , 2 Hoffmann, E.T.A., 77 Hoffmann, Leopold, 54 Hoffmeister, Franz A n t o n , 77, 156 H o l y Roman Empire, 6, 12, 14, 117-19, 126, 1 3 1 , 133, 1 4 1 , 173-74, 176-77, 198, 233 nn. 31 and 32 honoraria. See Publication: fees Hume, David, 15 Hummel, Johann Nepomuk, 58, 64, 84, 96, 112, 176, 226n.37 Hus, Jan, 14
Kalkbrenner, Friedrich, 176 Karl Friedrich, Duke of Baden, 25 Keiser, Reinhard, 75, 215n.8 Keyserlingk, Hermann von, 55 Kozeluch, Leopold, 77 Krause, M a r t i n , 225n. 12 Kuhnau, Johann, 44, 75, 77 Kühnel, Ambrosius, 156 Kusser, Johann, 75
impresarios, 6 2 - 6 3 , 7 4 - 7 5 income: composers', 9 4 - 9 5 , 9 7 - 9 8 , 2 2 2 n . l ; national averages, 2 8 - 3 0 , 1 3 1 , 233 nn. 31 and 32 Industrial revolution, 2 8 - 3 2 , 127, 142 James I I , King of England, 23, 43 Jesuits, 38, 83, 217n.34 Joachim, Joseph, 58
LaBarre, Michel de, 172 Lanner, Joseph, 47, 75 LaScala (Milan), 5 1 - 5 2 Leclair, Jean-Marie, 57 Leopold I , Duke of Lorraine, 25 Leopold I , Emperor of Austria, 39, 126 Leopold I I , Emperor of Austria, 153 LeRoy & Ballard, 155, 172 Lichnowsky, Prince Karl von, 56 Lind, Jenny, 98, 130 Liszt, Franz, 5, 58, 65, 69, 84, 87, 96, 130, 152, 226 nn. 25 and 27 lithography. See Publication: technology Lobkowitz, Prince Joseph Franz, 40 Locatelli, Pietro, 72 Locke, John, 15, 21 Loeillet, Jean Baptiste, 75 London, as center of music, 43, 128-29; Philharmonic Society, 57 longevity, 8 Longman, James, 175 lotteries, 97, 99, 1 1 5 - 1 6 , 2 3 1 n . l 8 6 Lotti, Antonio, 98, 167 Louis XIV, King of France, 1 5 , 1 8 , 2 1 , 1 2 3 Louis X V I , King of France, 25 Louis Ferdinand, Prince of Prussia, 19, 77 Ludwig I I , King of Bavaria, 56, 86 Lully, Jean-Baptiste, 4 1 Luther, M a r t i n , 14, 37, 167 magnet cities, 1 2 8 - 3 0 , 132, 1 4 1 , 233 nn. 31 and 32 Manfredini, Vincenzo, 58 Marais, M a r i n , 39 Marcello, Benedetto, 77 Maria Theresia, Empress of Austria, 15, 18, 24, 40, 92
262
INDEX
Marie Antoinette, 25, 129 Marsh, John, 77 Martinez, Marianne, 77 M a r t i n i , Padre Giovanni Battista, 152 M a r x , Karl, 216n.8 Mattheson, Johann, 77 Mayr, Simon, 168 Meek, Nadezhda von, 56, 89 Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Felix, 5 1 , 77, 80, 9 1 , 96, 130, 134, 144, 1 5 1 , 167, 246n.l Metropolitan Opera (New York), 17, 37 Metternich, Klemens von, 123 Meyerbeer, Giacomo, 9 1 , 112 mobility, geographic, 124, 132, 139, 1 4 7 50, 236n.32 Montesquieu, Charles Louis de, 15, 21 Monteverdi, Claudio, 15, 4 1 , 92 Moseheles, Ignaz, 111, 176, 180 Mouret, Jean Joseph, 172 Mozart, Constanze, 1 0 1 - 2 , 103, 185, 229n.l28 Mozart, Leopold, 7, 76, 107, 168, 203, 217n.24, 221n.96 Mozart, Nannerl, 43 Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, i x , 6, 8, 9, 16, 45, 55, 78, 83, 8 8 - 8 9 , 92, 93, 94, 104, 126, 167, 188; composing to tastes, 108, 109, 188-89; concert series, 4 9 - 5 0 , 60, 100, 2 2 1 n . H 2 ; as freelance artist, 57; operas, 8, 16, 2 4 - 2 5 , 89, 99, 100, 168, 180; reasons for poverty, 54, 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 , 153, 170; as teacher, 6 4 - 6 5 , 84; travel, 43, 58, 129, 1 4 3 - 4 4 , 1 5 1 , 1 5 2 - 5 3 , 235 nn. 3 and 4 Mussorgsky, Modest, 77, 92, 217n.29 Napoleon. See Bonaparte, Napoleon Napoleonic wars, 16, 19, 24, 40, 60, 119, 127, 136, 208 Naudot, Jacques-Christophe, 72, 73 N e w t o n , Isaac, 15, 21 N e w York Philharmonic, 17, 130 Offenbach, Jacques, 47, 75 opera: choice of libretti, 100; composition, 7 1 - 7 9 , 99, 100, 1 0 8 - 9 ; fees, 57, 9 8 99, 1 7 8 - 8 1 , 191-93, 2 4 2 n . l 0 8 , 2 4 5 n . l 7 9 ; of the Nobility, 62, 99; organization, 4 1 - 4 3 , 50, 62; repertory, 46; score reductions, 180
Opéra (Paris), 99, 129, 178 Ospedali (Venice), 66, 75 Ottoboni, Pietro Cardinal, 4, 151 Pachelbel, Johann, 94 Padua, 51 Paganini, Niccolò, 5, 17, 56, 58, 98, 1 0 1 , 1 0 3 - 4 , 115-16, 152, 157 Paine, John Knowles, 76 Palestrina, Giovanni da, 37 Pareto distribution, 9 Paris: Conservatoire, 45, 54, 6 0 - 6 1 ; as music center, 45, 128-29 Parry, Charles Hubert, 76 patriotic anthems, 1 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 3 I n . 170 patronage, 1, 55-56, 92 pensions, 1 0 1 - 2 , 229 nn. 121 and 128 performance of music: fees, 5 7 - 5 9 , 168, 178-80, 242 nn. 108 and 110 Peter I (the Great), Czar of Russia, 15, 45 Peter I I I , Czar of Russia, 19 Peters, Carl Friedrich, 156 Petrucci, Ottaviano dei, 1 5 8 - 5 9 Philidor, A . D . , 15 Philip V, King of Spain, 18, 55 phonograph, 3 5 - 3 7 , 1 9 8 - 9 9 , 219n.59, 246n.2 piano: ownership, 4 8 - 4 9 ; prices, 36, 218n.57; production, 3 4 - 3 7 , 1 9 8 - 9 9 , 218n.58 Piccinni, Niccolò, 129 piracy, 167, 1 7 1 , 176, 183 Pixis, Johann, 176 Playford, John, 171 Pleyel, Ignaz, 45, 77, 156-57, 176, 183, 189, 221n.90 population: growth of, 2 7 - 2 8 , 123; national, 1 2 1 , 195-96, 217n.32, 221n.90; urban vs. rural, 22, 27, 1 3 5 - 3 6 privileges, exclusive, 171-74, 175, 187 productivity: economic, 2 8 - 2 9 , 200, 2 0 3 4, 217n.38; musical compositions, 8, 74, 198, 224n.70, 2 2 5 n . l 3 publication: costs, 161-66, 2 3 8 n . l 7 , 239 nn. 25 and 26; fees, 57, 1 8 5 - 8 8 , 1 9 0 94, 243 nn. 143 and 146, 2 4 4 n . l 7 8 , 245 nn. 179-83; freedom to engage i n , 93, 95, 168-70; leading firms, 1 5 5 - 5 7 , 2 3 8 n . l 2 ; technology, 155, 1 5 8 - 6 1 , 238n.l4
INDEX public relations and promotion, 112-15, 218n.51, 2 3 1 n . l 8 3 Purcell, Henry, 38, 39, 4 1 , 43 Quantz, Johann, 39, 95 radio, 3 5 - 3 7 , 198-99, 219n.59 Radziwill, Prince Walenty, 113 Rahier, Peter von, 93 railroads, 16, 17, 1 4 5 - 4 7 Rameau, Jean-Philippe, 66, 76, 94, 167, 172 reductions, opera, 180 reformation, Protestant, 3 7 - 3 8 , 155 Ricordi, Casa, 156 Ricordi, Giovanni, 115, 156, 166, 169, 179 Ricordi, Tito, 115, 179, 181, 183 Ries, Ferdinand, 176, 239n.28 Risks, 9 6 - 1 0 2 , 183, 2 4 3 n . l 4 3 Roger, Estienne, 157, 2 4 3 n . l 4 3 Romani, Felice, 100 Rossini, Gioachino, 16, 8 5 - 8 6 , 90, 99, 100, 104, 109, 113, 147, 169 Rothschild, James de, 113 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 16, 2 1 - 2 2 , 77 Royal Academy of Music (conservatory), 67; (London opera), 4, 15, 4 1 , 5 0 - 5 1 , 62 Royal Society, 15, 21 Rudolph, Archduke of Austria, 65, 69, 77, 96 Russia, as music locale, 45, 130 Salieri, Antonio, 8, 6 4 - 6 5 , 100, 101, 112, 152 Salomon, Johann Peter, 5 7 - 5 8 salons, as music venue, 4 4 - 4 5 , 92, 96, 113 San Cassiano, Teatro (Venice), 15, 4 1 , 42 Scarlatti, Domenico, 3, 39, 157 Schikaneder, Emanuel, 47 Schirmer Inc., 156 schools: music, 38, 66-67', 7 5 - 7 6 , 83; primary and secondary, 122, 2 3 2 n . l 2 Schott, Bernhard, 156 Schott, Franz, 8 6 - 8 7 , 182 Schott Musikverlag, 156, 165, 185, 187 Schubert, Franz, 63, 68, 77, 8 7 - 8 8 , 95, 99, 104, 112-13, 181, 182, 183-84, 187, 2 2 8 n . l 0 6
263
Schumann, Clara Wieck, 4, 58, 65, 83, 9 1 , 98, 110, 146, 227n.53 Schumann, Robert, 4 - 5 , 76, 85, 152, 190-94, 2 2 6 n . l 8 ; spending patterns, 208, 2 1 0 - 1 3 ; travel, 129-30, 144-45, 147, 152 Schwarzenberg, Prince, 40 Senefelder, Aloys, 160 Senesino (Francesco Bernardi), 97 servility vs. freedom, 9 2 - 9 6 , 119, 134, 1 4 1 , 1 9 7 - 9 8 , 201 Seven Years War, 16, 19, 40 Silbermann, Andreas, 17 Silbermann, Gottfried, 17 Simrock, Fritz, 152, 1 6 1 , 1 8 1 , 183 Simrock, Nicolaus, 156, 189 skew distribution, 9, 1 0 6 - 7 , 115, 2 1 5 n . l 9 , 224n.70 Smetana, Bedrich, 63, 66, 75, 85 Spohr, Ludwig, 176, 184 Stamitz, Johann, 54 Stanley, John, 77 stationers, Company of, 171, 174 status, social, 9 1 - 9 2 Steffani, Agostino, 77 Steiner, Sigmund Anton, 183 Stradivari, Antonio, 15 Strauss, Eduard, 75 Strauss, Johann, Jr., 17, 20, 48, 75, 100, 199 Strauss, Johann, Sr., 47, 75 St. Saëns, Camille, 54, 113, 147 subsidies, 55-56, 69, 2 0 0 - 2 0 1 superstars, 9 7 - 9 8 , 1 5 1 , 199 Swieten, Gottfried van, 26, 60, 110, 152, 153 Tallis, Thomas, 171 taste: changes i n , 1 0 8 - 1 1 ; prevailing, 6, 121-22, 188-90, 199 Tchaikovsky, Pyotr, 17, 56, 89, 130, 1 4 6 47, 233n.29 teaching music, 6 3 - 6 7 ; fees, 6 4 - 6 5 , 84, 2 2 5 n . l l , 226n,27; specialized schools, 66-67; trade-offs, 65 Telemann, Georg Philipp, 39, 44, 57, 59, 75, 94, 134, 172-73, 215n.8 Thirty Years War, 14, 15, 1 7 - 1 8 , 117 Thomasschule (Leipzig), 44, 66, 75, 80 Three Tenors, 199 Tonkünstler-Sozietät, 4 4 - 4 5 , 102
264
INDEX
Torriceila, Christoph, 180 Toscanini, Arturo, 37 travel: cost, 146-47, 150-53, 236n.20; modes, 142-46 Treaty of Utrecht, 15, 18 Treaty of Vienna, 16, 19 Treaty of Westphalia, 15, 18, 118, 173 Vanhal, Johann Baptist, 80 Vauxhall Gardens, 46, 4 7 - 4 8 , 221n.97 Verdi, Giuseppe, 18, 90, 100, 103, 1 8 1 , 194; censorship, 27; and public taste, 7, 111, 114-15; relations w i t h publishers, 166, 169, 179-80, 183; success of operas, 17, 52, 99 Viardot, Pauline, 152 Vienna, 4 4 - 4 5 ; Congress of, 47, 1 0 1 ; as magnet city, 47, 130, 134; standards of living, 102-3 V i o t t i , Giovanni, 58, 77 Vittorio Emanuele I I , King of Italy, 17, 18 Vivaldi, Antonio, 63, 69, 75, 111 Vogler, Abbé Georg Joseph, 69 Voltaire, François Marie Arouet, 15, 24, 135, 217n.23
wages, English craftsmen, 12, 3 1 , 104, 208-9, 229n.l36 Wagner, Cosima, i x Wagner, Richard, i x , 17, 75; financial needs, 20, 56, 59, 63, 8 6 - 8 7 , 180; rela tions w i t h publishers, 1 6 0 - 6 1 , 182, 184, 187, 188, 2 4 2 n . l 0 4 Walsh, John, 167, 1 7 1 , 172, 1 8 1 , 241n.73 wealth: composers', 1 0 3 - 6 ; distribution of 3 1 - 3 2 , 105-7, 2 3 0 n . l 4 3 Weber, Carl M a r i a von, 92, 99, 102, 1 5 1 , 176, 189, 226n.37, 237n.45 Weber, Franz A n t o n von, 160 Weber, Fridolin, 239n.28 Wesley, Samuel, 77 White M o u n t a i n , battle of, 17 Widor, Charles-Marie, 7 6 - 7 7 W i l l i a m of Orange, 23 Winner's curse, 185 Zeller, Carl Friedrich, 77 Zimmermann's Coffee House (Leipzig), 3, 44, 59 Z w i n g l i , Huldreich, 37