Qaraqalpaq Grammar: Part One: Phonology 9780231888967

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Qaraqalpaq Grammar PART ONE: PHONOLOGY

Karl H . M e n g e s

* Œp? KING'S CROWN PRESS MORNINGSIDE HEIGHTS, NEW YORK

1 947

Copyright 1947 by K A R L H. M E N G E S

Printed in the United States of America

KING'S CROWS PRESS is a division of Columbia University Press organized for the purpose of making certain scholarly material available at minimum cost. Toward that end, the publishers have adopted every reasonable economy except such as would interfere with a legible format. The work is presented substantially as submitted by the author, without the usual editorial attention of Columbia University Press.

Typed by Marie Russell Printed by Edward Brothers

IN

P I AM

MEMORIAM

VIRI PRAECLARI DILECTISSIMIQUE PRAECEPTORIS WILLI

BANG-KAUP

*9. VIII.1869 + 7.X .1934 R. I. P.

PREFACE The present study on Qaraqaipaq Phonology was originally written in German. It was completed after my return to the Berlin Academy of Sciences from a second scientific trip to Russia in 1934. The Phonology was to become Part I of a comparative historical grammar of the Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq languages which was to comprise four chapters: I. Phonology; II. Morphology; III. Syntax; and IV. Glossary. The slip catalogues of Parts II and III are still in my possession, although Part III so far contains only material on particular features of Qaraqaipaq. Part IV consists of lexical material gathered from both the Qaraqaipaq speech and the first publications made in that language. The glossary was arranged etymologically; it contained about two thousand items, i.e., words hitherto either completely unknown or unknown in their specific modern connotations. The slip catalogue of Part IV, unfortunately, shared the fate of my printed Qaraqaipaq material —

and of the greatest part of my li-

brary; it has never reached this country. The circumstances of my departure from Berlin, and thus, from the Prussian Academy of Sciences, in 1936, rendered publication of the phonology in Germany impossible. During the subsequent years of emigration and war, I did not find time to prepare the manuscript for publication elsewhere. However, three years spent at the University of Ankara enabled me to collect important comparative data from southwestern Turkic as found in numerous modern Osman dialects. After my arrival in the United States of America, in the autumn of 1940, plans for publishing this study were again taken up. The English version is the work of Leora P. Cunningham, M.A., (at present with the U.S. Navy Department, Washington, D.C.), a graduate student of the Departments of East-European Languages and of IndoIranian and Comparative Linguistics. The expert will easily understand the merits in solving the many technical and scientific difficulties involved in such a translation. For their kind advice, encouragement and comment, I am much indebted to my colleagues, Drs. R. H. Fife, L. H. Gray, R. 0. Jakobson, and A. Jeffery, all

viii

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

of Columbia University. I am also not unmindful of a series of previous discussions concerning many problems of this study with the late Dr. H. Liiders, then Chairman of the Oriental Division of the Berlin Academy of Sciences, Dr. A. von Gabain, my colleague at the Academy and later at Ankara University, and Drs. E. Haenisch and H. H. Schaeder, both of Berlin University. Last but not least, I wish to express my deep-felt gratitude to Dr. F. D. Fackenthal, Acting President of Columbia University, for his continued interest in my scholarly pursuits, and for his assistance in making this publication possible. Karl H. Menges, Ph.D. Department of East-European Languages, Columbia University New York, N. Y.

FOREWORD 1. NOTES ON THE TRANSCRIPTION As far as the transcription used in this study is not explained by the phonetic description of the Qaraqalpaq sounds, the following remarks are added: A. Consonants: The unvoiced velar spirant is always transcribed as x; in Arabic words, this sound is pronounced with a particular compression of the air stream necessary for its production. Thus, since Arabic

£

dif-

fers from x, h is used for its transcription in Arabic words. The use of x being found expedient, it is adhibited throughout this study, also in little known proper names. g is the voiced deep-velar stop, the voiced equivalent of q. It is found in Ttlrkmen only, where it has developed from q. The same development is observed in modern Persian. -f is the palatal voiced spirant, a spirantic g, a phonetic peculiarity of Altaj and Teleut, or Ojrat, as they are called today. g occurs in the languages of the northern slope of the Aitaj Mountains, and designates a semi-fricative g, according to Radloff's description of this sound. 1 t' in the T£CvaS language designates a palatalized cerebral t which has developed from common-Turkic C. The Greek 9 designates the unvoiced equivalent of 3, i.e., unvoiced N.-Engl. th. These sounds occur in modern Turkmen where they have developed from common-Tk. s and z in any position. This transcription is used for the same sounds of Semitic or Iranian. dZ represents one sound, the palato-alveolar voiced affricate, the voiced equivalent of C. Some scholars prefer to use 2J, g or J 1. Cf. VB, I, p. 14.

x

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

in its stead, b, d, g, or small majuscular B, D, G, as used by the Société Finno-Ougrienne, designate the "lenis" or the "tenuis media" of T&vaS, Mongol, or Finno-Ugric languages. The sound originates as a tenuis (unvoiced stop) and immediately passes over into its voiced equivalent. These sounds are common in NHG and Chinese, for example. The use of the small majuscular letters is given preference in this study. - designates palatalization (d, t, b' etc.); at the n it is given by -: iJ. - designates velarization (except for TêtvaS t, and for the Indian languages, where it means cerebralization). x designates laryngal occlusion (in Caucasian, Hamitic languages). B. Vowels:2 à is a labialized, velar a, dulled toward o; è is a closed e, dulled toward i; i is an i, dulled toward y (i). 8 designates the sound intermediary between o and u (WB: 6); 8 designates the sound intermediary between 0 and tl (WB: 0 ). In T&vaS, reduced and dulled sounds are frequent: S, is a reduced a, 6 is a reduced e, a is a dulled e, a a tense dulled e; e is an open e ~ a, a is a dulled a - â, i is a dulled i ~ j, u is a dulled u ~ 0. The reduced vowels are generally marked by - (short sign), the dulled ones by -. 2. Cf. for the transcription of the vowels, K. Menges, "Drei ôzbekische Texte," Der Islam, XXI, 145.

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

xi

The official TSvaS script has always been the Kyrillica. Reduced and dulled vowels are not distinguished; both are marked by - (the short sign) above the vocalic symbol. - designates main accent (stress), ^ designates secondary accent (stress). - designates length (long vowel). In examples quoted from T&vaS, Mongol and Finno-Ugric: -< designates pronunciation with back articulation (a - our 3.),


>

/ divides the two alternate forms of the suffixes, velar and palatal; e.g., -y/-g means that the suffix has the quality of -y in velar and that of -g in palatal words or after palatal syllables. A verbal base or stem is always recognizable as such by its final hyphen; e.g., jaryg- "to compete (horse-racing, etc.)" gfiplSn- "to speak, talk," are verbal stems, while jaryg "(horse-)race, competition," ikki "two," kop "much" are nominal ones. Hyphens divide the suffixes and suffixal elements from stems or bases: jar-yS- is a verbal stem, the base being jar-, jar-ys, a nominal stem, the base being the same, gSp-lS-n-, d£ums-a-d~y-iar "they worked," third pi. pf. (act.). means that a certain sound may alternate with another one. The above transcription is used for all languages. 2. ABBREVIATIONS O F THE LANGUAGES QUOTED

Since all the nationalities whose languages are quoted in this study are, as far as they live in the Sovfet-Union, officially designated by their own national names, I follow the same rule when preferring their own national names to one they may have formerly been given by their neighbors or by foreigners. In some instances, those names are incorrect (e.g., Qyryyz, Kirghiz, Khirghiz, KHprH3H for Qazaq, since, as we have seen, between them is an important linguistic difference), in some instances unprecise (e.g., Tatars,

xii

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

or even faultily Tartars!), or adaptations to other languages, as Turcomans, Truchmens, for the Ttlrkmen, and, in some instances, these names are considered derogatory, as e.g., Sart for Ozbek, because the still nomadic Ozbek called those having settled in the cities and towns of Tflrkistan derisorily "Sart." The same rules apply to a number of the tribes mentioned many of whom are becoming or have become nationalities. The Russian scholars working in the same fields and many European scholars follow the same rules. Ab., Abaq. - Abaqan. Ait. - Altaj proper or Ojrat. Anat. or Osm. Anat. - Anatolian dialects of Osman. Ar., Arab. - Arabic. Arm. - Armenian. Az. - AzSrbajdZanT. Baiq., Biq. - Balqar (N.-Caucasus). Bar. - Baraba (W.-Siberia). Bagq. - Bagqurt (BaSkir), in SW-Ural. CC - Language of the Codex Cumanicus, usually quoted as Qom. Ca., Cay., or Cy. - Cayataj, the medieval literary language of Central Asia. Chin. - Chinese. Dolg. - Language of the Dolgans, the Jakutized Samojeds on the lower Jenisej and on the Tajmyr Peninsula. Hung. - Hungarian. I§., or ISim - Language of the ISimli or ISim-Tatars (W.-Siberia). Jak. - Jakut - Language of the Jakut or Saxa (NE-Siberia). Jap. - Japanese. Kar. - Karalms on the Crimea. Kar~K. - Karaims of iuck (Poland).

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

xiii

Kar.T. - Karalms of Troki (Poland). Ky, - Rarayas (on the NE Sajan Mts., S. Siberia). KtL, Kaar. - Knarik (S. Siberia). i,eb. - £eie in the Izvestija Akademil Nauk SSSR (Bulletin de l'Académie des Sciences de l'URSS) 1931> Oriental Division.

6. As may be seen from historical sources of the eighteenth century, some Qaraqaipaq tribes roamed in the neighborhood of the city

4

Qaraqaipaq Grammar THE POSITION OF QARAQAIPAQ IN THE TURKIC GROUP Much further investigation is needed before a final classification

of the Turkic languages can be completed. For this reason it is impossible at this time to assign Qaraqaipaq to a definite group. The results of the present study indicate close affinity between Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq. Thus, Qaraqaipaq in regard to its position among the other Turkic languages is to be assigned to the same group as Qazaq. According to the generally accepted classification of the Turkic languages by A. N. Samojiovic, 7 Qaraqaipaq belongs to the northwest, or Qypcaq, division of the Turkic languages (he regards the northwestern languages of this entire far-flung section of the Turkic group, such as Karaim, or Qazan-Tatar, as offshoots of the language of the ancient Qypcaqs). The latest attempt at classification is that made by the excellent Qazan linguist, V. A. Bogorodickij. 8 He places Qaraqaipaq in his group VI, "Central Asiatic Dialects," in which he also includes the dialects of Eastern Turkestan, Qazaq, Qyryyz, and Ozbek. It is precisely in consideration of a more detailed classification of the Turkic languages, such as Bogorodickij endeavored to achieve, that generalizations such as "Central Asiatic Dialects" cannot be correctly employed. Bogorodickij's efforts were therefore successful only for certain sections. Since I intend to devote a special article to this subject, I will only intimate at this point of Tiirkistan, and on the Circik River (east and northeast of Taskent), in other words, in regions where no Qaraqaipaqs are found today. It is possible, however, that they might have been overlooked or considered as Qaza^s who occasionally roam as far southwest as the territory of the Ozbeks. These Qaraqaipaqs were called the Upper Qaraqaipaqs in contradistinction to the bulk of that nation around Lake Arai, the "Lower Qaraqaipaqs." At the beginning of the^eighteenth century they paid the jasaq (tribute) to the Xug-Tajdzi of the Dzugyars. Cf. KpaCHHH ApsiB, (Moscow, 1 9 3 8 ) , XCI, 2 1 5 - 1 6 . 7. "HeKOTopue iono.raeHHH k K^accH$HKawffl TypeijKHx H3hkob, " HapKOMHaij, HHCTHTyT Ihbux Boctoihhx H3HK0B; IleTporpa^, 1 9 2 2 (Supplements

to the Classification

of the Turkic Languages,

edited fcy the

People's Commissariat for Nationalities' Affairs and the institute of Living Eastern Languages, Petrograd, 1 9 2 2 ) . 8. Cf. V. A. Bogorodickij, "BBefleHHe b TaTapcKoe fl3HK03HaHne b CB33H 0 flpyTHMH TapKCKHMH S3HKaMH," (Introduction to Tatar Linguistics, in Comparison

with the Other Turkic Languages)

1934, Tatgosizdat, pp. $-18.

Kazan (Qazan),

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

5

that both Qazaq and Qaraqaipaq, in a series of important features, have differentiated themselves from the dialects of Eastern Turkestan as well as from Qyryyz and Ozbek. For Ozhek this relates only to the Iranized dialects of the urban and semi-stationary population; 'the dialects of the nomads, however, are to be grouped in Samojiovic's northwest, or Qypcaq, division.9 This circumstance, in the classification so far attempted, has not been taken into consideration (or could not be taken into consideration due to the lack of corresponding linguistic material). Whether to leave Qazaq and Qaraqaipaq in Samojiovic's northwest division remains a problem. There is no doubt that there was a long period of historical unity between the Qaraqaipaqs and the people of the northwest division since it may be assumed with certainty that the modern Qaraqaipaqs are the descendants of the HbpHHH M & o y w ('Black Caps") mentioned in the Old-Russian Chronicles. In the twelfth century they placed auxiliary troops at the disposal of the Great Princes of Rijev in order to furnish assistance against the Turkic Qumans (the HO-lOBbliH of the Old-Russian Chronicles). It is difficult to determine where the Black Caps dwelt or, rather, over just what territory they ranged in their nomadic existence. The Old-Russian period may have found them located in those sections between the Dnepr, the Don, and the Voiga. ItpHHH K^o6oyUH (Qara Qaipaq) was the collective designation applied to those remnants of the Torky, Pecenegy, Berendeji, Kajepici, Kovuji, and Turpeji of the Old-Russian Chronicles, who remained in Russia and were settled in the Ukraina by the Russians. In these Chronicles, the first appearance of this name occurs in the year 1146, and its last appearance was in 1202 (e.g., in the Lavrentios Chronicle). Mention is once more made of them in Rasld ed-DIn's description of the Mongolian campaign under Batu-Xan in Southern Russia (1240).10 It is quite possible that those Qaraqaipaqs who had not become assimilated with the Russians were led away by the Mongols as prisoners and later settled in the region near their present home on Lake Arai. The oral tradition of the modern Qaraqaipaq supports this hypothesis 9. Cf. K. Menges, op. cit., 180 ff. ,. . 10. Here their name is translated into Persian as ¿ y ^ ^ f ^ a ) 0 i "The Tribe of the Black Caps"; cf. E. Blochet's edition of Rasid ' ed-Din in E. J. )/. Gibb Memorial

Series,

XVIII, No. 2, p, o •H O >

- a a> si •H

-O a) 0 •H

CÖ

13

a> >

- ö

•Srt

tn CÔ r H O

a

t. 0? f-l a)

d

t*

I QCU

01

( =

r—I

«3 ex a) tn CL,

A) - P M a «H • en * t N w o

8

«H O 03 o en s _ 10 » m o> O -P e n •H • . . CXI «M 03 3 1—I o ET* a o o t* s - H t e a i «M OH EH _ O 03 M > i * ta tu o) o S?-H E a i ® a 5c S en g o ce ( D E - H o - p a 55 b r , - ( - o r H f t Ç j - o •—i o ® s a

o

5 -m

a « -fl -P

•H O

W

- a f 3 x> I -P s. When following the dental liquid n the common-Tk. s becomes c, e.g., in verbal nouns in -nc < -yn-ys: saqync "thought" < *saq-yn-ys, otunc "debts" < *6t-un-iis, where there is no necessity to suppose a nominal suffix -nc as is occasionally done. As already mentioned, d2 in initial position may alternate with z. Common-Tk. c has become s in Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq; where c occurs it is of heterogeneous origin, as will be discussed later. The stream of air used for its production is not so strong as that used for this sound in Slavic or English. The same is true for the c of most Turkic languages, such as Osman, Turkmen, and Ozbek. DENTALS

The above statement concerning a light aspiration of initial stops is valid for the two dental stops when found in initial position. Initial d- is rare. Their articulation, when occurring in velar words, is accompanied by strong velarization with noticeably deeper timbre than that of the equivalent sounds in Slavic or Romance. It is especially noticeable in the case of t, less in that of d. As their velar articulation is determined by position, I do not consider the addition of diacritical marks necessary. Notice the consistent differentiation between the two varieties cf t in the Arabic orthography of Osman. Of the spirants, z is unknown in initial position in genuine Turkic words. There is a distinctly noticeable difference between s in velar and s in palatal words. The velar s approaches Semitic s, though not reaching its deep-guttural quality. This is valid for the velar s-sounds of most Turkic languages which have not undergone too strong IE or Caucasian influences upon their phonological systems. In the Orxon Inscriptions, of course, s and s are distinguished, the same is observed in the Arabic orthography of Osman soundly differentiating s and s. In the modern pronunciation of Osman, the difference between s and s is distinct still in the Central- and East-Anatolian dialects, not in the so-called educated speech. But in the case of z, neither Orxon, nor Arabic written Osman distinguish these two varieties.

22

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

The corresponding liquid sound is n. Orxon had two varieties of n: 3 n (velar) and*h n (palatal). LABIALS

The difference between p and b is, likewise, that of the respective participation of the voice as well as that of Lenis and Portis. There is no noticeable difference between these sounds when occurring in velar or palatal words. In the Orxon period they must hav® been clearly distinguishable sounds ( ^ b' definitely palatalized, and ¿ b, probably velarized). The voiced spirant v has weaker friotional noise than a typical labio-dental v as in Italian or Russian, but rather that of NHG w. For the acoustical impression, it holds an intermediate position between Russian labio-dental v and the English labio-dental semivowel w. It therefore never undergoes unvoicing > f, even if found in immediate neighborhood with unvoiced consonants. The labial unvoiced spirant f is rare and occurs sporadically in Qaraqaipaq. It does not exist at all in Qazaq and in many other Turkic languages, just as in popular Russian and Ukrainian. Qaraqaipaq replaces foreign f by p in any position, as often found in old Russian, just as modern Russian and Ukrainian replace it by x or xv. In Russian, v naturally becomes f in final position or before following unvoiced consonant, while Ukrainian B which equals English w remains w (u consonans). The nasal labial is m. J. D. Polivanov made the interesting statement that the unvoiced stops -p and -t in final position may be pronounced as "implosives." He has not, unfortunately, expressed an opinion regarding the causes of this phenomenon. After a voiceless sound, the voiced labial stop b may continue to be voiced, e.g., myityy átba "do not shoot the rifle!" LIQUIDS

Of the liquids, the 1-sound has two varieties, a velarized and a palatal one. The velarized variety, i, belongs equally to the deepvelar group, and has already been treated there The 1-sound occurring in palatal words is not the palatal 1 of Croatian or Slovak, nor the palatalized 1' of RussianV or Romance, but the same sound as the so-called European 1 as in Cecil, NHG, or French.

23

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

r is the voiced liquid produced by vibrations of the tip of the tongue. The amount of vibrations seems to be lesser than that for the equivalent sound in Russian, thus being more similar to the Osman r which usually makes only 3~5 vibrations. Exact measurements, however, have not yet been made, neither in Qaraqaipaq nor in the much better and longer known Osman. Velarized and palatalized varieties of this phoneme are clearly distinguished in the Orxon Inscriptions, but must have been since lost, r does not occur initially in genuine Turkic words. Its unvoiced variant does not exist, which is, so far, known only from the Osman dialects of Armenia (Syvas, Erzindzan, Erzurum) where -r in absolute final position becomes unvoiced and is fused with a s-sound which seems to result from the unvoicing of this final -r; thus, we regularly find vaR 3 , < var, "exists," geliR* < gelir "arrives, comes," gid&Rs < gidar "goes (away)."41 ASYLLABIC i j is an asyllabic i (i consonans). It has the same quality as Slavic j, or English y in the function of i. B. Vowels: The language has the following nine vocalic phonemes: Back (velar, guttural): (unrounded) - a, y; (rounded) - o, u; Central (mid [-high] ): a Front (palatal): (unrounded) e, i; (rounded) o, u. Schematically, they may be shown thus: Back (velar)

Central

unrounded

rounded

a

0

y

u

à

Front (palatal) unrounded

rounded

e

0

i

a

41. The R designates a voiced sound gradually losing its sonority toward the end of its duration. As far as I know, no attention has as yet been called to this final -R* in Osman. The fact that initial r- may become 2-, e.g., in the dialect of Qonja, is known from Martti RSsSnenfe "Turkische Sprachproben aus Mittel-Anatolien" (Acad. Scient. Fennica). r- > 2- is likewise known from the modern Ujyur dialect of JarkSud in Eastern Ttlrkistan.

24

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

a has deep back pronunciation, kic languages. It differs from a not touch the front teeth hut is well-opened for the articulation the tongue elevated.

typical of this sound in the Turin that the tip of the tongue does somewhat drawn back. The mouth is of this sound and the back part of

The extent of the mouth opening as well as the lip position in the pronunciation of y is the same as for that of i. This y has not the clear sound of Russian or Polish y, and is still duller than the y of the Osman dialects of Anatolia. It may be transcribed as £, though it is not a reduced vowel, as the corresponding sound in, e.g., modern Qazan-Tatar. Initially as well as medially, both y and i assume a shading toward e. Initial o is always diphthongized:uo. It is a more closed sound than Russian or Italian o, and more nearly resembles the NHG closed o, but with a strong inclination toward the quality of u. In any position, u appears as a very closed o having entirely the same particular timbre as Qazaq and Mongol-Xaixa u, sound mixed between o and u, and, therefore, often transcribed as such "(H, e, etc. etc.) 42 The position of the tongue is the same as used for the formation of the back a. a is an a-sound of very open articulation, approaching but not reaching the quality of Italian a. In the production of the a the tongue is arched while the tip of the tongue is pressed against the lower front teeth. The result is a pronunciation similar to that of English a as heard in "man" and not the sound of French a in "patte." This latter sound is found in the strongly Iranianized dialects of Ozbek (of the Samarqand-Bux3,r& subdivision). The palatal equivalent of a is less open than the corresponding vowel in Ozbek (non-Iranianized dialects) or Qazaq and Tatar, which usually is transcribed as a, but it has about the same quality as the corresponding sounds in Turkmen and Osman. Therefore, I transcribe it as e, meaning the e of English "less," or German (NHG) "wenn." In initial position, it is always diphthongized: The pronunciation of i approaches that of e. The sound, thus, approaches the quality of short English i in closed syllables, tending toward reduction and the quality of e, as in "sit," "bit," "slip." Only when lengthened, i has the quality of an undulled i, as Russian, 42. Cf. Menges and Sakir-Ishaqi, "Qazaqische Texte," etc.

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

25

German, French or I t a l i a n i . Thus, even unstressed Russian i appears o f t e n as 1 in Russian loan words in Qaraqaipaq (and other Turkic

languages).

In i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n , 0 i s always diphthongized:

n0,

l i k e o and e .

I t i s r e l a t i v e l y very open, even when i t i s diphthongized. The same l i p p o s i t i o n i s used f o r the pronunciation o f 11 as f o r u; the t i p o f the tongue i s pressed a g a i n s t the lower f r o n t t e e t h . J u s t as 0 has a tendency toward an open a r t i c u l a t i o n , tl has not the q u a l i t y of the O-sounds o f Osman, French, or NHG, but i t i s r a t h e r a c l o s e d 0 approaching y or even %. As regards the phonemes u and tl, i t appears to me t h a t in Qaraqaipaq a vowel s h i f t i s to be observed i n s t a t u nascendi proceeding along the same l i n e s as that known from Qazan-Tatar.

*

•

*

Note: A f t e r the change i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e d i v i s i o n of S o v i e t Turkistan i n t o f i v e inter-independent f e d e r a t i v e r e p u b l i c s , Qazaqi s t a n , Q y r y y z i s t a n , Ozbekistan, Turkmenistan, and T a d j i k i s t a n , Qaraqaipaqistan has become an ASSR of Ozbekistan.

COMPARATIVE HISTORICAL

PHONOLOGY

CONSONANTISM CLASSIFICATORY MARKS

Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq have in common characteristic correspondences which differentiate them from the other Turkic languages. In phonology, these are as follows: Palato-Alveolars: Common-Turkic (Orxon, Ujyur, Aitaj, southeast and southwest groups) initial j- > Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq dZ-: jurt "tent, country" > dZurt, jat- "to lie (down)" > dZat-, jol "way" > dZoi. In Qazaq the first element of the affricate dZ is scarcely audible1 and in the western dialects has entirely disappeared.2 Ilininskij and Katarinskij, for this reason, write only Z in their Qazaq grammars. Since modern Qaraqaipaq orthography marks a distinction between dZ and Z we have to suppose the sound dZ, and not Z, in initial position. But it has not been possible to ascertain the pronunciation in use in the northern and northwestern dialects, adjacent to those Qazaq dialects which do not employ the affricate; thus, it is veiy possible that the former resort to a similar pronunciation. In connection with the disappearance of the affricate, attention should be called to the Qazan pronunciation of Tatar in which original initial C- is pronounced exactly as I in the central and northern dialects of GreatRussian. Parallel to this occurrence is the other phonetic law according to which common-Turkic C becomes S in all positions: Syyys "exit" < Cyq-yg, uS- "to fly" < uC-, qaS- "to escape" < qafi-. CommonTurkic 3 > s in all positions: dZaqsy "good" < jaxSy, dZumus "work" < jumuS, qus "bird" < quS, samal "wind" < Samal (Persian, < Arab., Samal, originally "north [-wind] "). Qaraqaipaq and Qazaq are further characterized by the law of labial attraction and by that of assimilation and dissimilation. The presence of these two phonological laws places them in close relationship with the Turkic languages of Siberia and the neighboring Mongolian 1. According to Radloff, Proben..., III, p. xxvi, the affricating component is distinctly heard in Eastern Qazaqistan. 2. Cf. Melioranskij, Qazaq Grammar, §1, 2 f.

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

27

languages, Xaixa and Bufat. Furthermore, there is found both in Qaraqalpaq and Qazaq a dichotomy of initial vowels, concerning which research has not yet been made. (All these phenomena will be considered more fully later.) -y/-g in Final Position: -y and -g in final position disappear after y and i. After a, ft, 8, u, (1, -y and -g develop to -u (-w, or -jj) or -fi (-w, -jj) . These are changes common to the majority of the languages of the northwest and southwest groups: Qq,, Tat. tau "mount, mountain," - Tar., E.T. taq (also tay), Ait. tu; Osm. day (also da), Tkm. day; dZajlau "summer camp; places where the summer is spent" < jaj-la-y * Osm. jajla, jajla, Qrm. jajla, Tkm. jajla, Qq., Ozbek-QypSaq dZajlau; dZajau "on foot," < jaSa-y, Osm. jaja, Abaqan, Sayaj Sazag; tiri "living" < tiri-g, Osm. diri, Tjm. diri, but Alt., tirfl, Tar., N.-Uj. tirik; sary "yellow" < sary-y, Qq., Tat. sary, Osm. sary, Tkm. sary, N.-Uj., E.T. seriq, Qpg.-Ozb. s&ry, Ca,. saryy, saryq, Alt. saru. The final guttural in the suffix (forming denominal nouns [adjectives]) -lyy/-lig also disappears: dZuqpaly "infecting (diseases)" -j in the palatal verb-base when followed by an initial vowel suffix. When followed by a consonant, the final consonant of the verb-base disappears if preceded by e and i: ti- < teg- "to attain, to reach," tlse < teg-sS, 3

condit., tijetuyun < teg-S-

turyan "who must reae&; usually reaching, etc.," tigiz- < teg-giz(causat.);

< eg- "tp bend," ijil-dir- < eg-il-dir- (causat. of

the pass.) "to oppress." According to examples given in the WB, the same correspondence occurs in the following languages: Alt., Tel., 3- This labialization is explicable only by a transition of the final -y/-g into a labial: -u, -w, which then caused the labialization of the preceding y or i into u or 11 (or u or 5) before it com-

pletely disappeared.

28

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

Qq., Qy., Bar., Tob., Qn., Qom., Kar.; but the old form tfig- has remained in the following: Orxon, U j . , Ca., Tar., Leb., Sor, M S r . , teg- in Sayaj and Qojbai; i - < Sg- is quoted by the WB from: Qn., Qq., Qy., T e l . , also ftq- in T e l . , A l t . , and Qom., a j - in Osm., Tkm., Az.; Sg- in Uj. (together with Si]-), 4 S a r t . , Tar., E . T . , eg- in Ozbek, S a . , Qb., QS. Compare here Qq. b i l S - < beg-lS- "to rule" ( e . g . , in Proben, I I I , 302, 28), Qq. flj- "to heap, amass" ( e . g . , in Proben, I H , 66, 15; 301, 30) vis normally found in favaS: syva "healthy" » say, sau, tiv"to obtain, reach" - teg-, savai "wedge" » Qinnd., Leb. syyys, su"to milk" = say-/sau-, in- "to rain" = jay-/jau-, jeven "bridle" = 5. In such cases, in Qazaq still another step, contraction, takes place: sur- < suwur- < syyyr- "to draw," bun < buwun (so Qaraqaipaq) < buyun "joint, articulation, link," cf. Qazan buwyn, Balqar bu'un. 6. Cf. the replacement in Romance of foreign w by g, as in French guerre, Ital. guerra < Germ, wer, Spanish Guadalquivir < Arab, ^ v j i l ^ - » ^ Wadi-al-Kebir, "the great river."

30

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

jflgSn, xavai "emptiness" = Uj. qoyuS, = Mong. xoyosun. In some of the Osman dialects this same change is observed even in loan words: Osm., dialect of Adana dilven "shop" < *dflgen < *dtlken < dtlkan < Arab.

dukkan "id."

Proto-Turkic, Koktiirk-Orxon, Ujyur 5 > j: Proto-Turkic, Orxon, and Ujyur 5 is represented as in all groups with the exception of East-Siberian, Xakas, Jakut, and Tavag, by j: kij- < ka&- "to clothe/1 kijim > kaSim "dress," dZajau < jabay "on foot," ajaq < aSaq "foot"; KaS., as was noted above, gives all three forms, aSaq, ajaq, and azaq, but quotes only the tribes having azaq: QyfCaq, Jamak, Suvar, and Buiyar.7 In TavaS, which is based on Bulyar, this -z- was further changed to -r-: Tav. ura < azaq < aSaq "foot," Tav. Suran "on foot" < jaSa-y, Tav. xor- "to place" < qo3-.. In the Xakas group -5- > -z-, in Tavag further > -r-,8 in Jakut -t-: Jakut saty "on foot"
d which occurs only in Sojoq and Karayas, probably languages of late tiirkization, should have taken place here, contrary to an otherwise regular correspondence of S > j in the languages of the northwest, southeast, and southwest groups. g- and d- in Initial Position: A peculiarity of Qaraqaipaq is the occasional use of g- and d- in initial position in place of common-Turkic k- and t-. Qaraqaipaq has this tendency in common with the tflrkmenized dialects of Ozbek in the Oasis of Xiwa and in the villages Qara-Buiaq and Iqan (be7. These assertions of Kagyari's are quoted here with reservation, for KaSyarT was not in Buiyar. As a rule, his dialectological statements are to be taken with caution. 8. Cf. the developments in IE of ancient s-, z-sounds to r, e.g., in Latin and Germanic.

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

31

tween the cities Ttlrkistan and Arys in northeast Uzbekistan).9 This is a transition occurring in a number of instances in the southwest group; but in accordance with what laws it takes place cannot yet he determined. A peculiarity of this sound-change is the fact that not all of the languages of the southwest group are affected hy it, even under apparently identical conditions. The following examples serve as illustrations. Initial g-: In the words gflz "autumn," Osm. gtlz, Tkm. gtl5; gflrOs"to fight," gtlrOs "fight, struggle," Osm., Tkm. gtlreS-, gtlreS; gtirOk "oar," lacking in WB, Osm. kttrak, Rag. kttrgak; gtlmfls "silver," Osm. gttmflg, but Tkm. ktlmig; gOC "burden," gQCtlj-"to become heavy, difficult," Osm. gttC, Tkm. gflC;together with that there exists the regular form ktlg in the sense of "power," e.g., eliktir kllgtl "electric power" and its derivative kflgttl (often spelled historically as kflgltl) "strong, powerful," in a few words whose etymology is not determined: gegir "carrot," Tkm. kegir, WB Kar. Troki gagflr,fia.Va. kagir, < Pers.?; gevde "trunk, torso," WB. Qrm., Osm. gavda "id.," Kar. £uck gSvda, Qq. katlda, Tkm. gevde, gevre (cf. infra the Mong. parallels), "id.," Ozb. Judaxin gauda, by Judaxin supposed to be Persian (?); Pers. Vullers o/jS gavda "medulla cujusvis rei" while o>_jf gavda "the body" according to Vullers is Turkic. The word is lacking in Kag. But cf. Mong. xeberdek "id.," Qim. (Ramstedt) kewj-dsG together with kewj-ke and kOwydak (OlOt) "id."; gezek "bag," otherwise unknown, < Pers.?; gej, forming indetermined numerals; gej bir "a few," gej para "some, several," perhaps from Pers. ^ kaj and para;10 gUdtl boi- "to lie on the stomach, to rest (as cattle do)"; initial g- is also found in the loan word gttllan "all, each." < arab. j j kull "id." plus Pers. plural suffix -an: Pers. ¿lu kullan "all." Osm. has here kall(fl), Tkm. kflll(i) "id." In these words gtlfi may be established as a loan word from Turkmen or from Tflrkmenized dialects, since it clearly shows the -C taken over from Tkm. In other cases where a voiced consonant is used in 9. Cf. K. K. Judaxin, "HeKOTopue OcofieHHOOTH Kapa6y;iaKCKcro roBopa," ("Some Peculiarities of the dialect of Qara-Buiaq"), in the ¿.(Jf ('Iqd-ud-DZuman) for W. Barthold, "Tpy/(H ft)CTOlHCTO iS&yjlbTCAT7" ("Publications of the Oriental Faculty of the CentralAsiatic State University," TaSkent, 1927); and K. Menges, "Drei Ozbekische Texte," p. 141 ff. 10. Parallels from Qazaq are quoted in the WB under kej.

32

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

in the southwest group, a voiceless consonant is found in Qaraqaipaq: kel- "to come," ket- "to go," kOr- "to see," kir- "to enter," kog- "to roam, migrate," kok "blue." It should he emphasized here that not all word bases having initial g- in Osman likewise have initial g- in Tflrkmen: cf. the above Qaraqaipaq gonitis, Osm. gtlmtIS, with Tkm. kflmiS "silver," Osm. gOl with Tkm. kOl "lake," and conversely: Qaraqaipaq gflrSk "oar, paddle," Osm. ktlrak "oar, shovel." To what extent loan words were introduced into Osman from Cayataj, and from fiayataj and Ozbek into Tflrkmen, must be temporarily left undecided. This change was also extended to include foreign words: gflze "can, pot, jug" < Pers. » J j ^ kuza, lacking in WB as Osm.;11 in Tkm., this word appears as kflze (in the modern Latin orthography kyjze, with diphthong; concerning it, v. infra).12 Parallel to the above we have many instances in which d- is used initially for common-Turkic t-, as in the southwest group and, sporadically, also in Qazaq: dtlz "the plain," WB: Osm., Qrm., Az.; ttiz WB Qq., tils Qy.; dtlz- "to order," so in Osm., Tkm.; KaS. ttlz-; diz- "to thread, to string," Osm., Tkm.; KaS. tiz-; dizim, a noun in -m from the same base, "a drawing-up, index"; dijirmen "mill," Osm. dejirmen, older degirmen, Tkm. degirmen, Ozb. tigyrman, KaS. tagirman; doijuz "hog, swine," Osm. doquz, domuz, Tkm. doqyz, KaS. toguz, but Qq. also doquz (WB); duman "fog, mist," Osm., Tkm., Qrm. the same, KaS. tuman; duz "salt," KaS. tuz (

^Lbi-l-iSba'),

Tkm. duS, lacking in WB, which has only tuz for all languages including Qrm., except Osm., Az., Tkm.; Osm., however, has tuz;13 daraq "arable land," lacking in WB, from tara-, KaS. "to comb," then, by transfer of meaning, probably, became wrongly identified with tary- "to cultivate" and resulted in the meaning "to harrow, 11. But it occurs in the classical Osoan poetry as a Persian loan word in the form gUzS,. 12. In Polivanov's small qaraqaipaq texts in "HeKOTOpae $OHeTHieOKBe OcoSeHHOOTH KapaKeunaKCKoro S3HKa," (Tpy^H Xope3MCKon 9KcneflHmni; TamKeHT, 1933)> gun "day" is used in expressions which already form an entity as bir gfln "one day," btlgtln "today" while ktln is invariably given for "day, sun." As Polivanov correctly states, there is no Turkmen influence present in these cases but a sandhi which will be discussed below. 13. Cf. here common-Tk. taS "stone": Qrm. daS (WB), Tkm. daS, Osm. taS!

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

33

plough";14 note meanings given in WB for tara-, and compare the tribal name Taranfti "farming people, peasant(s)"; dOn- "to return," as in Osm., and Tkm. Whether doz "bast, birch-bast" in composition with qajyq "birch," qajyq doz, is to be considered here, is uncertain. The WB has here only toz Ca., E.T., Qq., tos Qy., Aitaj and Siberia. The absence of the possessive suffix indicates a close composition with qajyq. Therefore, one can consider the voiced initial as a result of sandhi. d- is present also in foreign words: daret "excrement," < arab. ¡¡Jl^/h taharat "the ritual purification"; its Tkm. form is taret. Other examples are given in the Glossary. The development of d- in initial position must be regarded as a result peculiar to Qqipq. and not as a modification due to the in fluence of the southwest group; for these words are lacking in the vocabulary of that group: davus "tone, sound" < tabyg, WB tabyS Ait., Tel., Leb., §or, Knar.; for Qq. both taus and daus; dOre- "to originate," lacking in WB, to: tOrS- WB Uj., Osm., Qom., §or, Sa., Qb., QS., tOrO- Ait., Tel., Leb. "to be born," as an ablaut form: KaS. torn- "to be created"; degis "declivity," for which no etymology has been found; duadaq "bustard," WB Qq. duadaq, duaiaq;15 dOgOrek (and dOgerek, in the emphatic form dOp-dOgerek and tOptOgerek) "round, round about," in postposition function dOgereginde "about, um. ..herum," is to be compared with WB Qrm. tOgarak "round," 6a. tavarik (and tavartlk) "round, surroundings," Tkm., postposition, tovereginde, "about, around," in the emphatic form tOs-teverek "entirely round," Uj. tagirmi (< *tag-ir-im-i?), tagra (< tag-ir-a) "about, um...herum," and with E.T. tObflr- "to be around...."16 Qq. tOqOrOk "circumference, radius," is lacking in WB, but is found in "Proben" III, e . g . , 301, 31. Cf. Tkm. tegelek "id."; daia "prairie, steppe," WB Qq., Qn., apparently a loan word from Mong. taia "id." in which form it appears also in Qq., Ca., Tar., E.T.; dOi]gelek, "round, wheel," WB dOqgOlOk Qq. "id." also appears in some 14. One might consider here a tara-, with ablaut, equivalent to tary-, as is usually the case in Kas. tOrtl- "to be created" and Uj . tOra-, Ait., Tel., Leb. tOrO-, Qqipq. dOre- "id." 15. Cf. also Tar. doydaq, E.T. (Turfan, Le Coq) doydtfr (where fin a l -r [uvular] alternates with -y), Qy. todaq, Soj. toyduq; Mong. toyodaq (Kov., 1807), toyodoq (Schmidt, 250, c). 16. Cf. Katanov-Menges, p. 1291 (121).

34

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

manner akin to dOgerek listed above; dtlpStq, lacking in this form in WB, "gun, musket, rifle," < Pers. tufáng (< ?), Tkm. tüpáq, Osm. tüfak; davui "storm," WB Qq. daul, £a. davul; Ozbek. davyi and Tkm. davyl, < ??; dymiy and dymqyl "moist, damp," lacking in WB, to WB Qq., Qn. dym (and derivations) "moisture"; dtlmpOk "hill, knoll," lacking in WB, unknown in Mong.; cf. Hung, domb "hill, knoll"; dflrsfllle- "to knock, beat (as the heart)," lacking in WB, apparently an onomatopoetic formation; dumaiaq "round," WB Qq. domalaq "round," to WB Qq., Osm. domaia- "to bend together," Qq., specifically, "to roll," Osm. also domal- "to become round, curved, bent," and derivatives: domait-, domalan, domaiyC; cp. hereto jumaiaq "round," and jumaian- "to become round," jumalat- "to make round" (WB: Bar., Qrm., Ca.); both bases must go back to a common proto-Turkic word base which possibly had *5- in initial position: *3omaia- /*Sumala-. This word is apparently lacking in TéívaS. There might be a parallel in Mong. in doma- "cyiHTB, to thread, twist," translated into 6a. as ag-,17 corresponding to Kovalevskij 1862-63 tomo-"tordre, filer, etc." (and derivatives, as tomoiya "action de filer, etc.," tomomal "filé"). Probably, this word is to be read, in Kovalevskij's Dictionary, as domo- (with derivatives). Perhaps in this manner some of the words having initial d- in Qq. may be explained, as dtlz, dflz("face; hundred; to swim") together with d2üz, díttz-, unless in these words there is present merely a simple case of combinatory sound change (incontiguous dissimilation).18 Cp. further dauruq- "to sob, to speak in a loud voice" with Qrm. jawra- "to bark"; Qqipq. dastyq "cushion," with jastyq, jastuq in the other languages (v. WB). Ancient Initial *3Indications of old initial *3-in Turkic are seen in the Greek writing ACcT^19 by Ptolemy, for the Jajyq ("the extended one," the Urai River), and five hundred years later Aafx by Menandros Protektor. There is further the word 5óxtc for the dirge in the embassy report of Valentinos. Both words are still alive, the former as jaj-, 17- In ZamaxSarT's Mongo1-Cayataj-Persian glossary, cf. N. N. Poppe, "liOHroJibCEHH diOBapb MyKaAíHMaT ai-a^aó," I-II, 142. 18. Cp. Uj., KaS., Qom., Kar. juiduz, Osm. jyidyz "star" - Qq. dZoiduz, dZuiduz, Sa., Sor Cyitys, but Baiqar duidúz (< dZuiduz). Radloff lists such cases in his "Phonetik," §§ 219, 228, where he apparently accepts them as the result of dissimilation. 19. In is contained the -s of the nom. sg. masc., while the form Aafx renders the Turkic word relatively unchanged.

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

35

dZaj- "to extend, scatter," and the latter in Rag. joy "funeral meal," verbal derivative joy-ia-, and in Qq. dZoq "dirge," with a verbal derivative in -ia-, dissimilated here into dZoq-ta-; Orxon, Uj . joq (WB III, 400). Poppe in his paper on TävaS remarks regarding its relationship with the other Turkic languages that the TävaS initial

from common-Turkic j- is to be regarded only as having

developed through the voiced palatal i (cp. common-Tk. jüz "hundred" > Täv. SSr, jay- "to rain" > gu-, jaS "age" > Sui, etc.), and that this sound was eventually devoiced, so that we may assume the prototype of the Buiyar-TävaS group to have had the development initial j- >*£-which is very plausible. Qq., Qqipq. dZ- < initial jmay, of course, have evolved independently (and later). Moreover, it is possible that, in the northwest group, dZ- or Z- may have originated later from the *i- assumed by Poppe. If one now accepts the theory that the %zantines were in contact with the Bulyars of the Voiga among whom the sound-change j- > had already taken place, it becomes impossible to understand why the Byzantines should have represented this sound by means of their 8, which in the Efyzantine era already was spirantized («8), and not by means of C, at least in initial position. Furthermore, one must take into consideration the fact that Ptolemy's writing already represents an initial dental, i.e., likewise cS. The hypothesis of a Proto-Turkic initial *S- (or *d-) is strengthened by the existence of words which in common-Turkic have j- initially, but in Mongolian and MandZu (Manchu) have d-, e.g., RäS. jilin, Osm., Qrm. jälin, Qq. dZelfn, Qn. dZilln, dZillm, Bar. jilin, T&v. gile "udder" - Mong. deleq, MandZu delen "id." (the WB does not contain any 'Turkic parallels beginning with initial d- to correspond to jälin, etc.); RäS. jal, Tflrkmen jäi, Osm. jälä, elsewhere jäl, Rüär. jäläk (dim.), Täv. Silxe (dim.), Jakut. siäl "mane" = Mong., Buf. del, MandZu delun "id."; Rag. jayyr, Osm. jayyr, Tar., N.Uj. jeyir, Qq. dZaür, "become sore or chafed (horse's back)," Jakut. saryn "place between the shoulder blades, shoulder," Täv. Suram "back" = Mong. dayari, Qalm. dir 3 "region of the shoulders; place where the saddle is laid; sores from the saddle" (Ramstedt), MandZu darin "sore spot," darimbi "to chafe" (according to Ramstedt, "Ralmflckisches Wörterbuch," MandZu darin is a loan word from Mongolian [?]); Orxon jayy, Rag. jayy "enemy," Qq., Qpöq.-Özb. dZau "war, enemy" = Mong. dajin, Qaim. dan < *dayyn "enem , war, etc." = MandXu

36

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

dan "detachment" (?); according to Ramstedt's "Kalm. Wb.," Mong. dajin "< Chin. > Japan, tekin"; Ramstedt here appears to be referring to Chin. Canton (Jik, according to Karlgren, "Analytic "attack, enemy" which also Dictionary," no. 987 < * d'iek represents Japan, teki. It is not necessary to consider this as a loan word from Chinese, for Mong. *dayyn may be closely related to Japanese teki, and remotely to Chinese *d 'iek. A second proof of the initial proto-Turkic *8- (*d-) may be seen in Ossetic, Digoric dialect doy, Ironic duy "horse-race," semantically < "horse-race at funerals" which are still held in the Central Caucasus, by the Xevsurs, T'uSs, and P'Savs. This is certainly to be regarded as a loan word from Turkic joq / 86xta mentioned above, an opinion which I share with Josef Markwart.20 Considering the above statements we must not disregard the fact that the change of j- > and in T&vaS the further development to must be very old, whereas that of the northwest group to dZis a comparatively late one. This is illustrated by cases in which the auxiliary verb d2at- following a vowel preserves the old initial j- (e.g., QpCq.-Ozb. b&ra-jatyr "he comes, he is on his way," in place of b&ra-dZatyr), or may even lose it, as is usual in Qqipq.: baratyr < baraatyr (< bara-jatyr), occurring together with bara-d£atyr, "he comes." There are, however, special cases for which we can as yet apply no rules, such as where the proto-Turkic initial *5- (*d~) does not evolve into j-but into d-. A glance through the WB under d-shows a number of words in Qq. andQy. (also a few in Qn.). I reserve discussion of these for a later comparative investigation of initial d- and g- in Turkic. Alternation of Voiceless and Voiced Consonants: When a suffix containing a vowel in initial position is added to a word-base with a final consonant, the conversion of a voiceless final to a voiced sound is effected. A final -t is not affected by this rule: baq- "to look," bayamys, 1st pers. pi. praes., bayynbajdy (3rd sg./pl. pres. med.); dzaq- "to kindle," dzayamys 1st pi. prs.); syq- "to come out," §yya (3rd sg./pl. prs.); 20. Cf. Ungartsche

JahrbUcher,

IX, p. 81. Another example is

OChSl., OR. ¿ofi-ZTop^ "7tpoaxe velar q: bururjyy < burun-yy "previous, earlier," azarjyy < azan (< Ar.£>l3l "call to prayer") plus -yy "morning-, in the morning," ttlijgtl < tttn-gtt "night-, at night." This is not indicated in the orthography unless n precedes a suffix with an initial velar without which the word in question does not occur. As illustrations the following examples are given: toqqaia "somersault" (lacking in WB), maqqa "mucus, glanders" (WB), dZoqqa "chip, splinter" (WB only Qrm. jonya from jon- "to plane," Ka§. jon-, also in medial and cooperative aspect, "to saw or cut evenly" (suffix in jorj-ya/d2oi]qa as in bil-gft "knowledge"). With the exception of dSoqqa, these examples are doubtful in regard to the suffix, n is labialized before b, also when the latter represents, etymologically, an m, i.e., the sound groups -nb- and *-nm- > -mb-: kOrttmbedi < kBr-Un-ma-di "it was not seen, it did not appear, seem," diambady < jan-ma-dy "it did not burn." Here also, as in all following examples, evidence of this sound change is apparent only in the speech and is not indicated in the orthography. Accordingly, the creators of the Qqipq. orthography considered the establishment of an etymological orthography to be useful, -nl- > -11-: oiiayan < on-ia-yan "by tens, ^eCHTEaMH," d2aiiy < d2an-iyy "alive, animate," bajaiiama < bajan -la-ma "explanation," ketpelle- -ml- and -mr-: avqamias "adherent, partisan" < avqam (metathetic < Ar. 'aqwam) plus -da5, and qurias "neighbor" < *qur-da§, cf. KaS. qurdaS- "to be sitting on the same step" from qur "neighborhood, environs" (verified in qury "about him," "around him," literally "his environs," a formation similar to Ust-ll "above him," literally "his above region") plus -da-S-, cooperative from qur-da-, from which a noun qurda§ < qur-da-§ "he who has the same surroundings" > "neighbor." Ilminskij, p. 12, states that as a result of dissimilation the 1 of Qq. suffixes became d, except after vowels, "double-vowels" (i.e., long vowels or diphthongs), and r; but d of the suffix -das (< -da-3) was affected, he says, in exactly the opposite manner, and following a vowel, a diphthong or r became 1 (cf. also Melioranskij, p. 25); e.g., syrias "friend, confidant" < syr (< Ar. sirr "secret") plus -da§, suias "water-neighbor (one who has the same irrigation ditch in common)" < suw-da-S, Aqperli (nom. pr.) < Aq (< Ar. ¿J^" baqq "right; God") plus ber-di ["God gave"], Esemberli (n. pr.) < Esen (< Pers. ¿j L ^ l asan "easy"; in He. > "agreeable, healthy") plus berdi ["He gave a healthy one"]; only qurdas "neighbor" was an exception, says IJjninskij. Actually, qurdas "neighbor" is found in "Proben," III, 608, 451-53; 609, 459, and syrias "confidant" III, 569, 243; 570, 251; 584, 324; 608, 453. W e moreover find d2oidas "comrade, companion," III, 569, 243; 570, 251; 584, 324, and muijdas "fellowsufferer" (in the same places as d2oidas and 609, 459) < mui]-da-§. Such facts, it appears to me, may be indications that this combinatory sound change, at least in Qq., is still vacillating and is not yet stabilized into one definite form, in other words, that its evolution has not yet been completed. Moreover, the form in Qq. syrias nay be due to the influence of the verb syrias- < syr-ia-§- "to entrust secrets to each other" (as found, e.g., in III, 608, 452 and 616, 594 [bis]). The genitive and accusative suffixes - nyi] and -ny undergo dissimilation, as in Qq., to -tyr| and -ty following q, k, t, s, and t o

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

45

-dyi] and -dy after z, 1, r, and the diphthongs (aj, au, ett, etc.). A different treatment, however, is seen after m, n, and q; the genitive retains the original suffix in -nyij, but by dissimilation the accusative has -dy. The retention of the original genitive suffix -nyr] following the base final in -m, -n, or -i] is a result of the effect of assimilation exerted by the final -i] of the suffix. This type of regressive assimilation is also found in the ablative suffix in -nan/-nen (see infra), but otherwise it is a form not normally found in the Turkic languages. Identical processes of assimilation and dissimilation occur in Qazaq and Ojrat:35 Qq., genit. balanyi] "of the child," 98, 13; kisinlr) "of the man," 86, 6; tauduq "of the mountain," 98, b. 2; qojdui] "of the sheep," 242, 178; diyiqynyq "of the mare," 85, b, 3-2; attyr) "of the horse," 90, 1; 96, 25, 33; 241, 169; aiyptyq "of the hero," 101, 3; d2alyyzdyi] "of the single one," 86, b. 4; 87, b. 1; Qyryyzdyq "of the Qyryyz," 85, b. 6 ; Ertïstïr) "of the Irtis> (River)," 98, b. 2; batyrdyq "of the hero," 84, b. ; sîrdyq "of the cow," 97, b. 14; 98, 16; auiduq "of the village," 99, 3; 100, 1; qyzyqnyi] "of thy girl," 76, 41; sttaflmntiri "of my word," 76, 43; qanatymnyq "of my wing," 79, 33." saqaiymnyt] "of ury beard," 108, b. 3; 109, 1; baiamnyi] "of my child," 110, 3; malymnyi] "of rçy property," 110, 15; kftztimntii] "of nry eye?" 518, 116; Esimniq "of Esim ( mplification of final -n of the word base plus initial -n of the suffix: -nn- > -n-: qanyï] "of the khan," 63, b. 14, 12, 8; 64, 10, 12, 15; 65, 6, b. 10; 67, 14-17; 68, b. 7; kiinUi] "of the day," 97, 6; zamanyï] "of the time," 63, 10; qatynyï] "of the woman(wife), " 66, 17; qazanyij "of the kettle," 105, 13; degânii] "of the saying, of the words," 116, 15," duspanyij "of the eneny," (< Pers. dugman "id."), 370, 7; Bajanyq "of Bajan (nom. pr.)," 248, 175, 176, 178; mixed forms due to analogy: ll&mdii] "of the world," (< Ar. 'âlam), 428, 92; qyznyq "of the girl," 332, 12; qojnui] "of the sheep," 104, 1; Ojntti] "of the house," 297, b. 6, 5; sunuq "of the water," 297, b. 3; omraunui] "of the breast," 86, 5; kimdïkï (< kim35- Devoicing of -z in final position takes place in Ojrat: genit. of qyz "girl" in Qqipq. qyzdyq, Qq. qyzdyq, Ojrat qystyi]; accus. Qqipq., Qq. qyzdy, Ojrat qysty; plur. Qqipq. qyziar, Qq. qyzdar, Ojrat qystar.

46

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

niq-ki) "whose, to whom belonging, " 236, 125; Aq Sary BInig "of Aq Sary BI," 94, b. 8 (but: Aq Sary BTdiq, 98, b. 1; 99, 3); Qosajnyq "of Qosaj," 99, 14; Manap Qandyr) "of Manap Khan," 228, 59 (but: Manap Qanyg, 228, 60); accusat ive: baiany "the child," 98, b. 7; 6/5; d£ylqyny "the mare," 85, b. 5/4; 86, 1; qyzdy "the girl," 322, 16; Qozy Korp53tu "Q. K. (nom. pr.)," 251, b. 6; 252, 7; sudu "the water," 93, b. 6; 227, 46; Bota Qyz Suiudu [< syiyy + accus. suff.] "B. Q. S. (nom. pr.)," 100, 10; qandy "the khan," 69, 15, 17; qazandy "the kettle, "105, 1, 14; ajtaryndy, ajtpasyndy "what he says, what he does not say," 116, 14; boj«r)dfl "thy stature, figure," 407, 22; Synyqdy "thy truth," 93, 19, 20; qyzyqdy "thy girl, thy daughter," 408, 35; sozflr|dfl "thy word," 233, 103; atymdy "my horse," 78, b. 2; okpSmdS "my lungs," 98, 7; qojttmdii "my sheep," 242, 177; etc., etc. Mixed forms by analogy to instances of non-dissimilated accusatives or to the genitive: ojuqnti "thy game, sport," 407, 21; bojumnu "my stature, figure," 557, 181; these forms, however, are rarely met with. Examples from Ojrat: Genitive, with dissimilation: &rdlt] "of the man," "Proben," I, 172, b. 8; qonoqtyq "of the staying overnight," 173, 14; jyidyq "of the year," 173, b. 2; pidiq "of the pi (< beg "leader")," 173, b. 1; 174, 25; taiajdyq "of the sea," 175, H ; 175, b. 11; bartldlli] (Cartl < Carig) "of the amiy," 176, b. 4, 3; tuduq "of the mountain," 83, 815; suduri "of the water," 83, 816; after -n, -m, -q: ajtqanymnyi] "of my saying, of that I have said," 75, 527; paiamnytj "of my child," 89, 145; 101, 551. 554; uiumnui] "of my son," 89, 151; 90, 169; pojymnyq "of my body, of n^yself," 90, 171 J adamnyg "of my father," 99, 482; 172, b. 5; 174, 10; kamnli] "whose?" 173, 6, 28; tonymnyq "of my fur-coat," 177, 1-2; qajyqnyq "of the father-in-law," 60, 28, 29; aqnyq "of the game, venison," 65, 208, 209; 83, 817, 818; with simplification in -n-: qanyi] "of the khan," 78, 640, 645; 94, 304, 325; 96, 384; 98, 432, 446; 100, 498, 531; 103, 602, 611, 620, 629-631; 104, 643; 108, 780; 172 b. 4; 173, 3; 179, b. 11; jyianyi] "of the snake," 65, 74; 86 , 48 ; 87, 63; »bOfSnttq "of the old man," 180, 11; Jaran CaSanlri "of J. C.,M 181, 1, b. 5; mixed forms are Qara Quia Mattyrnyr| "of Q. Q. M.," 68, 298; palamdyi] "of my child," 85, 10; tajyandyq "of the greyhound," 100, 499. Accusative: kiBinl "the man," 173, 1," 174, 22; taij&rlnl "the sky, heaven," 177, b. 5; porony "the white horse," 23, 55; abaqajdy "the

47

Qaraqalpaq Grammar woman," 174, b. 2; 175, 2; adymdy "my horse," 174, 2; adyqdy "thy horse," 174, 11; kiZilarlmdl "my people," 174, 23; Jaran Caeandl

"J. C.," 180, b. 3; qusqundu "the raven," 67, 268; qandy "the khan," 104, 645; jyiandy "the snake," 86, 46; 91, 207; paiamdy "my child," 101, 557, 561; 102, 569; etc. Viewed from a mere phonological standpoint, we find, in the suffixation of the ablative in -dan/-den, together with the assimilation to the preceding voiceless final of the word base, the same assimilation as with the genitive suffix following -m, -n, -q > -nan/-nen: baiadan "from the child," qaiadan "from the, out of the city," taudan "from the mountain," ekellden "from the two, from both of them," qysiaqtan "from the village," qustan "from the bird," birlikten "from the unit, union," qumnan "from sand, from out of the desert," bilimnen "by knowledge," kimnen "from whom," Ttlrkistannan "from Tllrkistan," gapannan "from, out of the over-garment (as worn in Central Asia, also called xaiat < Ar.

xyl'at 'gown of

honour')," kelgennen-soq "after the arrival," aqnan "from the game, venison," mennen, sennen, onnan, munnan, sonnan "from me, you, him, this one, that one"; it is impossible to say to what extent, in these cases, simplification is present in the spoken language; in Qq., at all events, it is prevalent as the following examples indicate: Qq. dZaiSydan "from the day-laborer," III, 171, 183; dtlntlOden "from the world," (dUnnt> < Ar.Aj>_> dunja') 428, 111-117; Ailadan "from God," 430, b. 3; burunyudan "from former times," 430, b. 7; dZoidan "from the way," 365, 106; qardan "from [the] snow," 180, 489; dZaiyyzymnan "from me alone," 166, 125; baiamnan "from uy child," 110, 4; Qyrymnan "from the Crimea," 130, 35; SkSmnan "from my father," 110, 11; SeSamnan "from nry mother," 243, 182; artyqnan "after you," 243, 182; qujruyumnan "from my tail," 993 4; oqnon "from before," 393, 1; Qoqannan "from Qokand," 78, 3> burunnan-aq "also from earlier," 79, 15; OlgOnnOn "after death," 68, 24; 77, 1; gyqqannan "after the departure," 78, 20; mennan "from me," 80, 46; sennan "from you," 108, 25; with frequent simplification: ketkanan "after the departure," 66, 16; teraslnan "from his skin," 67, 7; kOtttnOn "from his back, posterior," 101, 8; sonan "from him, thereby, therefrom," 67, 24, 27; 162, 6; 2 3 1 , 80 and passim; onan,"from him, therefrom," 332, 13; 568, 8, and passim; munan "from this one, hereby," 568, 8, and passim; astynan "from below," 68, 4; tlstttnOn "from above," 64, 4/5;

48

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

tljttnSn "from the, out of the house," 76, 39; saqalynan "from his beard," 102, b. 6; soijynan "afterwards, after," 163, 14; 225, 36; aldynan "before him, in front of ," 104, 28; 222, b. 6; 300, 23; mixed forms due to analogy, e.g.: sOjlOskOndOn "after the discussion, agreement," 167, 56; altyndan "from gold," 177, 391 (preceded, in the verse 390, by kllmtlst&n "from silver"!); Synyndan "truly, correct," 181, 533; bajiaryqdan "from your rich [men]," 423, 40. The same phenomena occur in the Aitaj, except that here the ablative suffix has velar -t] in final position: -dai}/-dSi]; cf. turnadai] "from the crane," I, 195, b. 1; tulkudaq "from the fox,11 196, 1; qystai] "from the girl," 175, 2; adam anamnai] "from my parents," 183, b. 6; pojymnai] "from me myself," 77, 612; qannaq "from the khan," 73, 459; 173, b. 1; and passim; abaqajynaq "from his wife," 173, 25, 27; snmOzfinai] "by his word, counsel," 174, 7; iClnaq "out of..., from...,11 176, 8; manaq "from me," 60, 14; mynaq "from him, therefrom," 67, 275, 277; pudunari "from his foot," 104, 635; uittnai] "from his son," 30, 12; tUbfinOq "from his land, earth," 159, b. 3; mixed forms are: paianar] "from the child," 106, 701; qazandaij "from the kettle," 3 2 , 95- Notice particularly the ablative ulduq "from the son," 173, 8! The phenomena of combinatory sound change which have just been discussed are of great significance for the morphology and case syntax of the languages in question. In this field, however, no definite conclusion can be reached until the use of the cases in Qazaq and particularly the Siberian Turkic languages has been closely investigated. I would like merely to point out here the vacillation occurring, in greater or less degree, in the use of the genitive and ablative cases in §or and the neighboring eastern languages. It is possible that, by this combinatory sound change, in Qaraqaipaq, Qazaq, and Ojrat, we have a preliminary to the blending of forms of the genitive and ablative suffixes,- despite the fact that both suffixes may nevertheless still be differentiated by their vocalism: gen. -nyi]/-dyi], abl. -dan (-dag) /-nan (-nag). Final velar -i] of the Oj rat -dag appears to me to be an assimilation to the genitive suffix, although in several Turkic languages of Siberia the tendency toward a transition of all final -n to -q is observed.36 An incipi36. For Xaixa s. Viadimircov, op. cit., §§ 201-13; f°r Bufat s. CastrSn, "Yersuch einer burjatischen Sprachlehre," § 27; furthermore, Poppe, "IIpaKTHiecKHH yieOHHK mohpojlckopo pasroBopHoro H3HKa," § 26.

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

49

ent confusion of this kind may later become significant for both morphology and syntax. On the other hand, it must he noted that -d of the locative suffix is never assimilated. In these languages -n before the case suffix occurs frequently in the possessive suffix of the third person. Should we construct a parallel in the locative according to the process just discussed the result would be -ynda > *-ynna > *-yna; in other words, the locative form would blend with the dative. Bang was accustomed here to speak of "arrested development.11 This naturally does not exclude the possibility of a later development intruding in the locative. If we look for parallels here, we again find them in the Siberian Turkic languages (Sor and its eastern neighbors) where a reciprocal substitution of dative and locative occurs. Juxtaposition, concurrence of sibilants, results in regressive or, in special cases, in reciprocal assimilation: the sound group -dZs> -§§-: yladZ-syz > yiaggyz "without means" (yiadS < Ar.

^ ^

'iladZ "remedy, means"); -dZS- > -SS-: yiad2-Sy (< yiad2-Cy) > ylaSSy "physician, pharmacist"; -zS- > -SS-: duz-Sy (< duz-Cy) > duSSu "salt-worker"; kalxoz-Sy > kalxoSSy "member of a kolxoz, a collective"; -sS- > -SS-: bas-Sy > baSSy "leader"; qos-Sy (< qoS-Cy) > qo§§y "plougher, tiller, peasant," Ozbek qoSCy; -zs- > ss-: dZazsa > dZassa "when, if he writes," toz-sa > tossa "when, if one scatters; when, if it scatters [people, dust]." As far as orthography is concerned, the inaugurators of the new orthography consider etymological spelling useful, e.g., kalxoz^b (=kalxoz§y), bas^B, qos^B, blaijsbz, etc. Some examples of the same changes in Qq.: taSSa < taz-Ca37 "scurfy head," III, 107, 16; 241, 165 ff-; 242, 187; i23am < iC-sam "if I drink,11 271, 31; 273,

2; dZumuSSu < jumug-Cy "worker" WB; qoSSy

"plougher, tiller," 230, 77; assa < ae-sa "if he opens," 65, 3. BaSSy and basSy both are quoted in the WB. Incontiguous dissimilation occurs in tySqan "mouse" < CyCqan which for its part is a result of contiguous assimilation from syCqan, and this dissimilation must already have appeared while C was still present initially, i.e., before 5 changed to § in Qazaq and 37. An hypokoristikon; see Bang, "Erster turkolog.Brief," Ungar. Jahrbncher, V, p. 47-

50

Qaraqaipaq

Grammar

Qaraqaipaq. Compare here Qq. tygqan, Qazan tyKqan, Uj., KaS. syByan, Osm. syCan, Alt., Tel. CyCqan, E.T. saCqan, Tar. sagqan.38 This word is a tabu expression. The occasional appearance of p- in initial position in place of bmay be the result of incontiguous assimilation in instances where the final phoneme of the same syllable or the initial phoneme of the following syllable was voiceless: ptttktll, pUttln "whole, entire," pySaq < byfi-(y)aq39 "knife," pySqy < byC-qy39 "saw," patpan < batman (see also Kag.), in Central Asia in use as weight, = 1 Russ. pud = 16, 38 kg. Batman is an early loan word < Iran, patman. For discussion of p from f in loan-words and foreign words see below, under loan and foreign words. -m in Suffixes > -p Following unvoiced sounds, m in suffixes is dissimilated into -p-: iSpejdi < ii-maj-di "he (one) does not drink," patpayan < bat-ma-yan "one who did not perish," men Maryyt-pan "I am a Maijyyt" (Maqyyt is a name of a Qara-Qalpaq and Qazaq tribe; the same tribe name occurs in whole Central Asia, also among Mongols). Some of the Qaraqaipaq dialects, e.g., that of Qara-Ozek, show a further development of this sound to -v-: iSpejdi > iSvejdi "he (one) does not drink." Similarly, forms such as ketben occur together with ketpen < ketman "mattock. METATHESIS

Metathesis occurs in the following: dSarpaq "leaf" < japraq (< japyryaq) from an earlier form jalbraq;41 this form may further be analyzed from jal-hy-r-ya-q, a noun (ptc. perf. pass, in -q) from an iterative formation from jai-by- "to stream" (in the wind like the mane, jal). Further, in torpaq "earth, dust" < topraq (KaS., Qom., Ca., Osm., Qrm., Qq.) - Leb. torboq; from an earlier topuryaq; kopur

"bridge" < k O p m < kOprflg (KaS.), and also, apparently, in

UjrOk "duck" which must be added to the list of the other unexplain38. A similar incontiguous dissimilation is evident in the name of the city of Taskand: TaS-kand < Soyd. CaG-kanG; CaC in Ar. spelling ^y^ui'Sag.

39. -(y)aq and the unusual -qy form nomina instrumenti. 40. Cf. the Grammar of Basqaq-Ulu (Baskakov), p. 10. 41. Cf. W. Bang, KSz, XVII, p. 123f.

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

51

able forms: cf. WB Qq. OrdOk, Qn. tlrdak, Turaiy tlrtak, Ait. ortok, §or Ortak and OrtOk, Sa., Qb., QaO. tlrtak; concerning this latter form, Radloff refers to a form llrak, but no further evidence of such a form is found. Urtak is mentioned by Castr^n for Qb., but for Sojoq tlderak and for Karayas Oderak, forms which are closer to Qqipq. lljrOk. Turkmen has Ordek, Osm. Ord&k. Urak, apparently known to Radloff, seems to be the most closely related to our form. The sound j in Oj rOk may be considered as having comparatively lately developed from d (5? - cf. the Soj. and Ky. forms) followed by r. [Equally unclear are the sound changes found in the wordflrttlq"back of the axe," Ktia. WB, but Tel. OrUi], Sor tiro (Verbickij)]. In the word for "cover" the metathesis may assume either of two forms: qapqaq or qaqpaq. Syllabic metathesis occurs in the word qusa- "to resemble, to be like" (also in Qq., WB) < uqsa- (e.g., Qq., "Proben," III, 265, 25, 26) < oxsa-; cf. similarly, uspu and subu "that one," and acki and kaci "goat." THE QUALITY OF L As in the majority of Turkic languages, 1 has a velar articulation (i) in velar words, whereas in palatal words it is pronounced in middle position as in German or French.42 The iranized dialects of Ozbek do not distinguish between the two sounds but possess only middle 1. Radloff assumed this to be true for Ca. and used the middle 1 also for TaranCi, whereas Ratanov's New Ujyur texts clearly distinguish between i and 1. With the above exceptions, all the investigated Turkic languages, even Osman, notwithstanding the strong /

foreign influences exerted upon it, make this distinction. Ilminskij (pp. 14-15) states that 1 in guttural words, in position before Z or s, closely approaches a palatal 1 in quality and transcribes such an an 1 as ^Ib (= 1): e.g., Alzan (a proper name), ulza "booty, spoils" < Mong. oidza(n) "id." The basis for such a pronunciation rests in the nature of the z and s sounds which are not cacuminal but pronounced in the front region of the mouth (almost as S, §). The tongue is thus influenced by this position and velar i does not result.« In Xaixa i when preceding C or dZ, becomes 1 which closely ap42. Basqaq-Ulu, p. 18. 43. Cf. also Melioranskij, p. 27, note 1.

52

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

proaches a palatal 1; JjoldZ "became" < literary Mong. boid2u (from boi- "to become").44 A Qq. peculiarity is the sporadic disappearance of i, 1 as the final of a base or stem before a suffix beginning with a consonant, unless it constitutes a case suffix. This is also a feature of Qqipq. and of the QypCaq dialects of Ozbek;4S but in Qqipq. this disappearance occurs with more regularity than in the other languages mentioned: e.g., from qal- "to remain": qama, qasa, qayan, qap (< qaima, qai-sa, qai-yan, qai-yp); from ai- "to take": ayan, ama, asa, etc.; from akel- "to fetch": akegen, akesem, akemejdi, akemej tuyun; from boi- "to become": bop, bosam, bomajtuyun, bomayan; from qyi"to do, make": qyp, qysam, etc. Gerunds in -p of the type ap, kep, bop, qyp, qap, are frequent in Qazaq whereas in other cases this disappearance of 1 is seldom observed. There likewise seems to be no evidence of the loss of -1 before the suffix of the perfect in -dym, etc., nor before the case suffixes. L is lost occasionally not only in the position of root- or base-final in Qazaq, but also quite frequently when followed by a consonant: cf. mllktln (< mtllktln), acc. sg. poss. 3rd pers., "his property, possessions" (< mulk), "Proben," III, 266, 13- The WB contains a form kimagan (< kil-m&gan) "he (she) who did not arrive" for Qazan and Cayataj(?), and kimT " =kilmi 'he does not come'" for Qazan and Cayataj(?). These forms are distinctly those of Qazan, in which length due to contraction is clearly indicated in the negative present-future; at most kimagan might have originated from a Qypfiaq dialect of Ozbek. For this reason the loss of 1 also occurs sporadically in Qazan. For a similar occasional loss of i, 1 as word-base final before a following consonant of a denominative suffix in Xaixa, cf. Viadimircov, op. cit., § 222, pp. 364-65INITIAL SOUND CHANGE IN THE AUXILIARY DZAT-

Initial d£- (< j-) frequently disappears in the auxiliary verb dZat- (< jat- "to lie down"). When the gerund in -a is combined with this auxiliary, vowel contraction usually occurs. Then, we frequently find such forms as qazyp-atyr "he digs, is digging," Saup 44. Other examples are found in Viadimircov, op. clt., p. 364. 45- Menges, loc. cit., p. 190 (bottom).

§ 220,

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

53

atyr "he rushes, is rushing (011 horseback)," araiap-atyr "he goes about, rides to and fro," atyp-atyr "he is occupied with shooting." As far as Qq. is concerned, there is no evidence of it in the "Proben," although this occurrence was noted as frequent in Ilminskij 's brief grammar.46 46. Op. cit.,

p. 12 (bottom).

YOCALISM VOWEL-HARMONY

Vowel-harmony occurs in Qaraqaipaq under the same conditions as in Qazaq, that is to say, it is carefully observed, and there are only slight infringements of the general laws, contrasting sharply in this respect with the Iranized dialects of Ozbek. Its original remoteness, over a long period of time, from a Tllrkistan strongly influenced, both politically and culturally, by Iran, is evident in another quality which Qaraqaipaq shares in common with Qazaq and the languages of Southern Siberia and the Altaj - the tendency toward labialization or labial-harmony (called erin Undesligi in Qaraqaipaq) . Whenever personal pronouns are suffixed to a verbal or nominal base they are modified, in accordance with the laws of vowel harmony, to agree with the base: men baraman "I go," sen barasaq "you go (thou goest)," biz baramys "we go"; men Maijyytpan "I am a Maqyyt," sen Maqyyt-saq "you are a Marpfyt," etc. The postposition -menen/ -penen "with" is attached without changing according to the quality of the preceding word (or syllable): temir diol-menen "with the railroad, by railroad," paraxot-penen "with the steamer," exactly as in Qazaq where it is also not changed in accordance with vowelharmony ; only occasionally does it appear in the abbreviated form -man: onui] minSn "with him, her," III, 332, 28; qyz minftn "with the girl," 333, 3; qaryndasy min£n "with his brother," 334, 3 b; altyn min&n "with gold," 631, 3 b; taraq-pftn "with a comb," 332, 13; baiamS.n "with a child," 334, 6, 8. This postposition is probably written, in modern orthography, as an independent word because it is not affected by the preceding noun as far as vowel-harmony is concerned. But Radloff customarily joins it to the noun which it modifies. Palatal suffixes are in general added to the base akel- "to bring, fetch," akemejmen "I do not fetch," akesem "if I fetch," akemejtuyun "one who does not fetch, who has not to fetch." Guttural suffixes, however, are also found: akelar (pres.-fut.).

55

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

Dïigirma "twenty" is invariably found with -a in the final syllable (cf. in this respect the contracted form d2îrma in Qazaq, e.g., "Proben," III, 67, 5» 19-20). Bang assumed dZîrma to have developed in phonological enclisis with on and otuz. Whenever a occurs in Qaraqaipaq, it has the same value as the a of Tatar, Qazaq, Ozbek,1 TaranSi, and New-Ujyur (Eastern Tttrkestan), namely, a back rounded a-sound midway between o and a, written phonetically as â,.2 This & corresponds to the common-Turkic a. Another sound, transcribed in the modern orthography by a, is the halfpalatal a which is found, for example, in Ozbek.3 In addition to the above sounds, there is a half-closed e,-as in French été, German Heer. This e is also transcribed in the modern orthography as e. It corresponds to the common-Turkic a. Where individual Turkic languages fluctuate between a, e, and i, this sound is given as e in Qaraqaipaq in the preponderant number of cases. However, together with kej- "to dress" and kejim "clothing" (< ka&-/keS-), there are likewise found cases such as kij- and kijim. The half-palatal a (written a) is used only for the representation of a vowel having an a- or 8,-quality occurring in foreign words. In such instances, however, it is found only in the first syllable, or in the second syllable when preceded by a guttural consonant of back (velar or uvular) articulation. Examples: àjnek a

"glasses, spectacles, " < Ar.

jn "eye" plus Pers. dimin.-suffix

-ak (formation the same as Russian OTKÎ oCkl "glasses"); âgerde "if however," < Pers.

agar plus Tk. conjunction da; zalel /'in-

jury, damage" < Ar.

dapter "notebook," < Pers.^^io daftar,


152, 172-73, 186 f. 2. Radloff, Phonetik,

p. x, B, 2.

3. Will be discussed in the Glossary to be published later.

56

< Kv^/lS

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

qahr plus suffix -li. This appearance is peculiar because

it occurs only in the first syllable. It is to be explained by the fact that its use is limited to the position after gutturals of velar (or uvular) articulation. It is supposed that Qaraqalpaq acquired this sound either from contact with an Iranian language, such as T&dZTk, or from an Iranized dialect as spoken by the city-dwellers of Turkistan, in this instance particularly in Bukhara (BuxariL) Khiwa (XiwS), or UrgSndS. Among these groups this sound is actually pronounced as a, that is to say, it closely approaches a clear asound4 although it has not yet been determined whether this sound differs in quality within the different syllables of a word. The Russian a of syllables preceding the accent, as well as the a sound developing from unaccented o, is also rendered by a: kamttnis < KOMMyHHCT "communist," pronounced kammunlst. Further examples are to be found in the chapter on foreign words. In contrast to cases of the type salemet < Ar. pears invariably mektep


there ap-

The quality of the

vowel in the first syllable appears to have been effected here by the following consonant of palatal (front) articulation. PROTHESIS

The initial vowels e-, o-, 8- are resolved, in Qaraqaipaq, as in Qazaq, into the complexes xe-, uo-, and uo-: u on "ten" < on; u 8t"to pass by" < »t-; 53qkej "all, whole " < Oi]kej (cf. Uj . »ngi "id."). This phenomenon is not the result of the division of an original long vowel, as in Jakut (and in further development likewise in TSva§); it is rather to be explained as the result of prothesis such as is usual in Proto-Slavic in which the sounds e, b, in initial position assume a j-prothesis, and vowels like t, y which possibly might have had a labial component in their articulation, a v-prothesis. Thus, 1e§ike "goat" is sometimes transcribed in the form jegike, *er "saddle" (< er < agar < a'ar < ajar < a&tr) as jer; similarly, we find v0k8 "two" and vOn "ten," for uBkO (labialized), and u0n (palatalized), from eki and on.5 4. Radloff, Phonetik, p. ix, A, 1; Proben, I, p. xvi, xvii. 5. No material has as yet been published in regard to prothesis in Qazaq; compare examples for *e- > given in WB, I, 1411-14, and Polivanov's remarks in H3BeCTEH Axa^eMffli Hays CCCP, I93I, No. 1,

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

57

THE VOWELS Y, I, 0, AND U

Both initially and medially y and i shade towards e, parallel to the shading of u towards o. Examples of misprints best illustrate this feature: bete for beti "his, her face," besen§i for besin§i "the fifth" (Basqaq-Ulu, p. 29), bizde, acc., for bizdi, in the "Grammatike," § 59, P- 37, top, seziq, gen., "of you," in the "GraranatTke," p. 30, top, meneke for meniki "belonging to me" (Basqaq-Uiu, p. 40-41). Still more numerous are instances which are not the result of misprints but of vacillations in the orthography. This is especially to be observed in cases where i, as a result of its position in the unstressed middle syllable, has approached the quality of e.6 The result of a similar uncertainty is apparent in the Qazan orthography in which every i which has taken on the coloring of e, given by Radloff as i, is now transcribed by e. With the dulling of u towards o naturally considerable uncertainty in the distinction of the two vowels arose. Ktlta "very" - a word whose etymology has not as yet been established - was invariably written in the form k&ta in the earlier annual issues of Qaraqalpaq literature, i.e., of the years 1932 or 1933. On the other hand, many instances of the change from o > u are found. In Qazan, this change is already regular. It is in process of development in the Turkic languages of Central Asia and appears sporadically in the western as well as in the easternmost groups: ura "pit, hole" < ora, kill "lake" < kBl (Basqaq-Ulu, p. 14-15), kilmek "mutual labour assistance" < kOmak, uqsas "similar, like" < oqsas, also qusa- < oqsa- "to be similar, to resemble," bujunSa "near, along" < bojunCa (Basqaq-Ulu, P. 29). REDUCED GRADE

Vowel reduction is found in the following: bylaj < bulaj < bu-ia-ju "thus (doing)", in contrast to olaj, solaj "id.," and ylajyq < olaj-oq < o-la-ju-oq "thus (doing)." p. 106. Cf. further Menges,.op. cit., p. 189. According to Radloff, Proben, III, p. XXV, *e- > 1e- appears occasionally in the dialects of Eastern (Jazaqistan. 6. Cf. IJjninskij, pp. 6-7, on West-Qazaq, and Radloff, Proben, III, p. XXV. 7. Cf. Bogorodickij, "BBe^eHHe," p . 27 ff., 37-38.

58

Qaraqalpaq Grammar VOWEL LENGTH

With the exception of äz "little, few" which seems impossible to explain unless as a result of TQrkmen influence (Tkm. äcS < *äz), length occurs only in the vowels T, ü, and u. It is usually found in foreign words where, except in the case of Russian, it represents original long vowels.8 Syllables representing length, either original or the result of contraction, have become anceps: i er "saddle" < är < ägär < ä'är < äSär (KäS.), sen- "to rejoice" < sen- < sev-in-, qurt- < qürt- < qoyurt-, caus. of qoy- (WB: Ca., Osm.) /qov- (WB: Osm.) = qog- (WB: Sa., Qb., Qö., Leb.) "to drive off, to expel," uru < uru < oyry, oyru "thief," ui < ül < oyui "son"; comp. Qq. exs.: ysta-/Ttsta- < u§ia- < avyö-ia- - Osm. avud2-ia- "to seize, to grip (with the hand)," "Proben," III, 67, 12; 253, 12; 325, 32-33; uru "thief" 328, 17; ul < oyul 68, 22; 322 ff.; urlat- < oyur-ia-t- "to have s.b. steal s.th., to cause to steal," 324, 30; d2ayyn acc. poss. 3rd pers. < jaqaq-yn "his cheek," 274, 3 f- b.; er "saddle," 330, 6. An example of true length is found in Is "odor, scent," comp. WB Qq. Ts "vapor, coal gas." The problem arises as to whether the meanings of two or three originally different words have coincided in these two words. Their variants are found in the Wörterbuch in the following forms: is, it; jyt, jit, i; ys, ys, Ts; Uj. has jyS, and Jakut ys. Their mutual relationship and etymology still remain to be explained. The presence of length in the word Tt '.'dog" should also be noticed: Tkm. it, TävaS jytä (jyDi), Modern Uj., of the city of KaSyar, according to Jarring, i§t.9 In Qaraqalpaq orthography, long i- and u-vowels are invariably indicated by diphthongs: ij, uv, and yv (i.e., ttv for tt). It is to be hoped that this method will not be permanent since it is completely misleading.10 8. See examples below, in the chapter on foreign words. 9. Modern Ujyur and Tävaä give indications of proto-Turkic length; compare also my explanation regarding the Mod. Uj. change of i§t < *Tt in "Einige Bemerkungen zur vergleichenden Grammatik des Turkmenischen," Archiv Orientdlnf, XI, p. 16, and the examples given there. f 10. Ilminskij also follows this method. See his remarks, however, in which he states that identical double vowels are to be pronounced as long vowels (page 8). Compare, furthermore, Radioff, Proben, III, p. XXVI.

59

Qaraqalpaq Grammar Inasmuch as I have heard in Qaraqaipaq the word it "dog" spoken with a long vowel, I have here included it under length.

In such instances, however, may he seen the same phenomenon as is already familiar to us in the diphthongization of the i of closed root syllables or of the vowels o-, e-, and 0- in initial position in Qazaq. In such cases, individual languages vary between the use of the diphthong and the long vowel. In the case of it < *ijt, * i H . length seems actually to have arisen as a result of a (secondary) diphthongization, following the same procedure as in tT- < tij- < teg- "to arrive, reach," and su < suw < sub

(/ sup) "water," al-

though historically the origin of the last two words is quite different. This reversed procedure — the development of diphthongs from long vowels —

is known to us from Turkmen and from the Ttlrk-

menized dialects of Ozbek in Qara Buiaq and Iqan where Tkm. y > yj: Proto-Tllrk. *qyz "girl" > Jak. kys, Tkm. gya > gyjS,11

or: Tkm. gUC

> gfljC "strength" - Jak. kils, < Proto-Tk. *kUC. In dZTdek "berry," 1 would seem to be the result of contraction, < dzigda-k (diminutive). The form dZigda is also found in TaranGi and Modern Ujyur; 1 2 Mahmud al-KaSyarT has bar jigdS,. It is probable that the long vowel in d^Tdek may have arisen under the same circumstances as those which gave rise to tT- < teg-. Qazaq (WB) has d£usan. But the u has contraction length, as evidenced by Osm. javian "id./1 Ca. (Vil.) jauSan "hyssop" (WB). LABIAL HARMONY AND LABIAL ATTRACTION13 The Qaraqaipaq "Grammatike," § 4, 2, p. 7> mentions only the fact that, when in the first syllable of a word a labial vowel occurs, this must be followed unconditionally by a labial vowel in the second syllable. Not only is this rule lacking in clearness, but it omits all discussion of the much more far-reaching effect caused by the labial vowel. 11. Cf. Polivanov in the J j u ^ h AKa^eMHH HayK, 1927, p. 153. As g is represented by Polivanov the voiced deep-guttural occlusive corresponding to the unvoiced q. This latter common-Turkic sound resulted, in Turkmen, in g- (in initial position). Concerning the diphthongization of long vowels in Turkmen compare my article in Archiv Orientdlni, XI, pp. 15-16. 12. Menges-Ratanov, p. 1276 (106). 13. For both labial harmony and labial attraction the Qaraqaipaq terminus technicus erin Undesligi ("lip-sounding") has been formed.

60

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

Qaraqalpaq as well as Qazaq is characterized both by labial harmony and labial attraction. Labial harmony occurs when of the suffix variants y, i / u, tl only the labial variants, u, U, appear whenever they are preceded by a syllable containing a labial vowel. This is an essential principle, e.g., in Osmanly, Ojrat, and other Turkic languages, whereas in Ozbek it is restricted to the dialects of the nomadic tribes; the city dwellers and the semi-settled population are not familiar with this rule. Labial attraction, on the other hand, is the change produced upon the suffix vowels a/a when the preceding syllable contains a labial vowel. This labial attraction results in the change of a/a to o/O. In Qaraqalpaq and Qazaq the influence of labial attraction is restricted to vowels of front articulation, whereas in the Altaj languages proper (Ojrat, Teleut, etc.) this attraction already influences vowels of back articulation; it is, however, limited to the position after o of the preceding syllable. The phenomenon of labial attraction postulates the closest affinity of Qaraqalpaq with Qazaq. Qaraqalpaq, then, may be considered as the westernmost outpost for labial attraction having its center in the Altaj group. East of the Altaj, its occurrence is less frequent, appearing only sporadically in Sayaj (which has labial harmony), and entirely lacking in the northeastern group. West of the Altaj, it is completely regular in Qazaq and Qyryyz. It is occasionally found in TaranCi and Modern Ujyiir, due possibly to the influence of Qazaq and Qyryyz, but is unknown in Ozbek, Turkmen,14 and Osman.15 Labial attraction is by no means confined to the Turkic languages; it is likewise an important feature in Mongolian, particularly in Xalxa16 and Bufat,17 both of which are contiguous to Turkic languages affected by labial attraction.18 14. With the exception of the Goklen and Tekke dialects; cf. my article in Archiv Orientdlni, XI, 14, 23-2515. Said to be found also in several (which?!) Osman dialects in the province of Ajdyn. Material for research, however, is lacking. 16. Vladimircov, op. cit., §§ 153, 166-169; PP- 289, 311 ff. 17. Castrin, Versuch elner burjatischen Sprachlehre, § 16, p. 4. 18. Labial attraction also occurs in IE: in Greek, the sound groups ap and aX in the position before a syllable containing u or po become op and oX. Cf. H. Hirt, Bandbuch der iriechischen Laut- und Formenlehre, 2nd ed., p. 107, with reference to J. Schmidt in KZ, XXXII, 376. Partially different Schwyzer, "Griechische Grammatik," 343 f.,

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

61

In Qaraqaipaq, when several suffixes follow the labial syllable, only the first vowel is affected by labial harmony or labial attraction, contrasting, in this respect, to the changes occurring in Qazaq, Aitaj, and Sor:19 dZuvunyp (< juv-un-up) "washing himself," fljtimis "our house," tljnqis "your house," njttmnii] "of my house," tljtlqnig "of thy house," njflmdi, acc., "my house," tljtlqdi, acc., "thy house," bolatuyunlyyyn, acc., poss. 3rd person, "that it must be, its necessity," kordtlrj-be? "did you see?"; tljdtl acc., "the house," tljtl, poss. 3rd person, "his, her house," 8z1l, "he himself, she herself"; in the genit., tljdirj may occur instead of tljdtli] "of the house"; OskOn "grown," ttlskBn "having fallen," koskon "having roamed (nomade," kOllOr "lakes," olgOn "having died," kOldO, kOlgO "in the lake, to the lake," bolok "otherwise," ttlsO-almady "he could not dismount, fall"; OtOdi "he passes by," sOjlOjmen, sOjlOjsei] "I speak, thou speakest," diurBsei] "thou goest, livest," livest," kflnnOri "his, her days," kDrOmis "we see," dZtlrOmis "we live, we go," kOrOjik "let us see," OtkOrOdi and OtkOredi "he lets pass," kOllOrdiq "of the lakes," kollorinde "in his, hers, its lakes," OspOjdi "does not grow," ombojdi "does not rise," dflzOtti "has smoothed, made level," kotorip "raising, lifting," ttlspOgen "not having fallen," OzlOri "they themselves," gttrOsemis "we (shall) fight," tljrOnedi "he learns," dnzOtedi (comp. OtkOrOdi "he lets pass") "he smooths." Besides these vacillations in the dynamics of labial harmony and labial attraction, there are frequent cases in which the results of that phenomenon do not appear: tOmOndegi occurs as well as tOmendegi "on the above, on high," kOrsetemis "we show," kOiUnedi "he, it appears," k&rttmbejdi "he, it does not appear," totoledi "he calls the chickens (with the call tBtO) ," tllken "great, large," ttlje "camel," ktlqge "to the day," kande "on the day," Otken "gone by," bururjyy "gone, past," Osedi "he, she, it grows," Onedi "it rises," Ozgeredi "he changes," sOzlerdii] "of the words," kozge "to the eye," tOrtetl "four (together)", Odiek "dispute, quarrel," Osek "gossip, calumniation," kojlek "shirt," k8rpe "lambskin," bolek "other, different," bOgOtler "dams, sluice," 362 f. These facts completely correspond to the direction of assimilation: in Turkic, progressive assimilation is dominant, while in most of the IE languages regressive assimilation is the rule. 19. The same rule applies in Turkmen which, moreover, strictly avoids u and 11 in absolute final position. Cf. the quoted article

in Archiv Ortent&lni,

XI, p. 24.

62

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

Otegen (nom. pr.), Otep (nom. pr.), sttjemis "we love," turyyzbaq "the erection," uryyzbaq "action of causing to beat." The following examples show the absence of labial attraction in words containing back vowels: boiady "he is, becomes," turady "he stands," boiyan "having become," etc. This is not the case in Ojrat, where labial attraction is found, in a nascent state, after a back vowel. 20 Qazaq examples: Labial attraction occurs only in words containing a palatal vowel (vowel of front articulation). One or two pages from Proben, vol. Ill, will serve to illustrate this point: bolsa 66, 3, "if he, she, it becomes"; boimady 66, 21, 23, "he did not become"; sudan 66, 6, "from, out of the water"; turamryn 66, 6 "I stand (up)"; boi'aimas 66, 26, "he cannot become"; boiyan 63, 1; 68, 6, 28, 29, 33, 34, "having been, become"; tuyanda 65, 25, "having been born"; qojyan 67, 7, "having put"; tur'almajdy 67, 28, "he cannot stand"; tozyan 68, 11 "(having been) dispersed"; boimady 68, 24, "he did not become"; but: OtsOm "if I pass by"; OtOrmfin 66, 3, "I am passing by"; OtOlmOsOm 66, 4, "if I am unable to pass"; OtpOsO 66, 7, "if he does not pass by"; ktlndOrdO 67, 6, 13, "on the days," dKtlnllnD, dat., 67, 11, "to his wool"; kOrtinbOjfik 67, 10, "we do not wish to appear, to be seen"; ketCrsO 68, 1-2, "if he raises"; kOrtlijdOr 68, 6, "behold!"; oltUrfiqdOr 68, 8-9, "kill!"; ClgOnnOn 68, 24 "after having died"; tBrolOrdtli] 68, 28, "of the princes"; dZUrOgtlnOn 69, 7 f. b., "from his heart',1; kȤk0ng0 69, 4 f.b., "as one roamed (nomads)." Some pages farther, the same rules always apply: OtpOjdtt 104, 6, "he does not pass"; toqgan 104, 9, "frozen"; muzdady 104, 13, "became iced"; toqyan,104, 32, "frozen"; boiyanda 105, 17-18 (loc.), "having become", dZUrgOn 105, 20, "having gone"; tllskOn 105, 29, 30, "having fallen"; dZoida, loc., "on the way"; 20. Polivanov is of the opinion that a labial vowel, in accordance with the normal pattern of vowel succession in the suffix, occurs only in those cases where the final vowel of the word-base is u or 11. In support Qf this theory the following words_in his texts serve as examples: Tiziniq (p. 15) "of him himself," "Oliniq (bis, 16) "of the corpse." Such forms as 85ltlp "having died," of course, may occur, he says, and 'ttlunii] may replace ^oliniq. I find further examples of this type in his texts: gttzOtijin (1. sg. imperat.) "let me greet reverently, let me pay reverence" (15), dKtlrgOnde (16) "in going," displaying the same phonetic changes as were found in my own examples.

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

63

d2oidasym 106, 19, "my (travelling) companion"; "6skSn 106, 23, "having grown"; toiyan 106, 24, "having become filled"; kOt&r, imp., "lift up!"; kStSrdfl 106 , 35, 36, "he lifted," sOjl»ptfi 106, 38, "he had spoken"; qojyan 107, 3,""having placed, put"; t'sflndS kOrgBn 107, 6, "having seen in (his, her) dream"; tojya 107, 9, 11, "to the wedding, festival"; boqtady 107, 14, 18, "he scolded, insulted"; boqtama 107, 3, "do not insult, scold"; d2orya at 107, 23, "an ambler (horse)"; tUr3-gel 107, 29, 30 < tura-kel "arise!"; boiad'ek&n 108, 28, "he probably is, he is supposed to be"; boisa 109, 3 "if he (she, it) becomes"; boiyanyn 109, 6, acc. poss. 3rd person, "his becoming, being"; tljgO 109, 20, dat., "to the house"; dgllgOndil, acc., "the bridle"; dZtlgQndaj dtl 111, 34, "he bridles," boiady 111, 35, 37, 39, 41, "he becomes"; dMrOgfl 112, 1, "his heart"; k0rtln5m3 112, 15, "does he appear?"; toqtayanda 113, 9_10, "after having stopped (intrans.)"; tljdSn, abl., 114, 14, "out of the house"; ojiayanyqdy, acc. poss. 2nd person, 117, 15 "what you thought, thy, your thought." Labial attraction in Ojrat, as indicated above, has already been further developed, but does not yet occur after u: (Examples from the epic song, Qan PUdSLj aki Mos-pyia julaSqan, "Qan Ptld&j fighting the two Mos," in Radloff's Proben, I, p. 22 ff.), ObOfdn "a man, old man," 1; julap-blOdfim "I die in battle," 4; kOdSrS "lifting," 10; toqpoqtop-turarda "while he is busy with striking blows," 12; sojordo "while he removes (clothes, skin),"29; poizoq "if you become," 30; ojtto "then," 18, 23, 33; a§t»p "bearing ill-will, revenging," 41; poromdy, acc., "my gray horse," 44; ujiap "weeping," 48; uiSaq "little son," 38; uya-fala "hearing, understanding," 38; soqpos "he does not strike," 59; Bl5q "grass," 64, 65; pOdttnO "quail," 65; pOynltpSj "without cracking," 65," tSgfilbOj "without spilling," 66; joryo-byia "with an ambler," 66; ttlqaj "even (matching), equal," 76, 78; kSrzO "if he sees," 81; poizo "if he becomes," poior "he becomes" 90, 91; jUryBn "having arrived" 93; poizo 98; ktlrB20jn, 1. sg. imp., "I wish to fight, let me fight," 98;. junadyp-aidy "he collected, gathered," 132. Isolated labial attraction infringements: Olttira "killing," 9; ktlrOStfliar "they fought," 25; ttlqaj 83- Examples from the Tardanaq Saga, Proben, I, 26 ff.: ujuqtap "sleeping," 14; ttlSi] "grass," 12, 17, 20, 23; pulap-saldy "he bound fast," 32; oro "up, up to," 4 7 ; unCuqpas "they do not speak," 61; turaidy "he arose,"
compare WB £a. jiyna-, jiyna-3-, jiynaq, Qq. dZyjna-, dZyjnaq beside dZina-, dZTnaq, Tkm. jyyna- (beside jyy-), Ojrat jun-, jun, juna-, juna-t- "id." The verb dZUr- "to go, to live," when having the function of an auxiliary and when used in the present or aorist, respectively, loses the temporal element: qolianyiyp-dZUr "it is (always, continually) applied, used" 1 in miman "guest" < Pers. mihman, while both forms dixan and dyjxan are found for "peasant" < Pers.

dihqan.

When two or more long vowels occur, length is usually preserved only in the first vowel: STrin "sweet" < Pers.

STrTn.

Qazaq has more examples of this feature (see below). Examples of labialization are found in mtlmklln "possible" < Ar. mumkin55 and in totu "parrot" < Pers. ^ ^ ^ form muqujt "ocean" < Ar.

tut!. The

muhit likewise is due to labial-

ization on an intermediary stage of development < *muqyj t with a diphthong from an original long vowel muhit. Qymbat "worth, value" < Ar.

'¿ri?

qTmat. Due to the original

length of l, a following m is lengthened, and in its quality of a geminate dissimilation takes place. Thus, the Sanskrit proper name BhTmasena- undergoes a similar sound change and appears in Old Ujyur as Bimbasini.56 Concerning the physiology of that development, compare a like phonetic procedure in Romance or Slavic in which the effect of double consonants increases the quantity of a preceding vowel. Qazaq has qymbat, but Turkmen qymmat. The sole example of ambivalence with respect to guttural or palatal quality in Qaraqaipaq is qale- "to wish, will" < Pers. xwah plus -ia- (Ozbek x&hla-, x&la- "id"), whereas many examples are found in Qazaq. Qazaq in Proben,

III, offers numerous examples of the earlier

stratum of borrowings, the Arabic and Persian loan words. Some of these will be selected below. Examples of the recent stratum, the Russian loan words, are more frequent in Qaraqaipaq, whereas, owing to their nature, Proben,

III, contain almost no examples of Russian

loan words. 55. Likewise Osman mtlmkin and mtlmktln "id." 56. F. W. K. Mailer, "Uigurica," II, p. 26.15,19; 27-20,22.

84

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

The sound changes are characterized above are also valid, in general, when foreign words are borrowed into Qazaq. Velars: Buqara "the city of Bukhara" < Iran. "Bukhara," 35*17; 8; Raqpan (pr. n . ) < Ar.

77.28; dänispän "scholar" < Pers.

¿ ^ J

Rahman,

dänigmand, 25.47;

särsämbi "Wednesday," with assimilation of the i n i t i a l sound of the f i r s t s y l l a b l e to that of the second, < Pers.

¿¿Ji^y

öahär-

gamba, 13-7; 17-1; 240.159- Pinal double consonants may in addition to the development mentioned above also add a/8, as a supporting vowel, the same procedure as in Taranöi and Modern Ujyur: zuima "tyranny," < Ar.

Jj?

zulm, 65-22.

Special cases: TMal "Antichrist" < Ar. 204; Däusup "Joseph," < Ar. r i a s , " < Ar.

J L f - > DaddSäl, 730.197,

Jüsuf, 426.40; Zekirjä "Zacha-

Zakarijä, 427.17; dZaqyt "ruby" < Ar.

jäqüt < Gr. lHxtveoc, 362.19; düsambi "Monday" < Pers.

^^¿¿f^

dü-gamba, 678.43; serik "partner, companion" < Ar.

garik,

327.17; asyq "being in l o v e ^ < Ar. 'ägiq, 358.80,81; but the Grease gnkür "thanks," < Ar. Sukr, 595-379; 607.448; tftgbir takbir, as in Modern Ujyur; 5 9 d2urayat ( s i c ! ) " p o s t e r i t y , " "praising God with the fommula JIaIM < Ar. ägß S u r r i j j a t , 262.1 f . b . aiiahu 'akbar, 'God [ i s ] Foreign words, including proper names, when being introduced into the G r e a t e s t ! ' " , with seldom found regressive assimilation, < Ar. Qazaq (and in so f a r as may be determined, also in Ozbek and QazanTatar) may pass over, quite independently of the consonant system of the o r i g i n a l language, into the palatal as w e l l as into the guttural series: assaiau mayaiajqym — ttälik&mä slläm ( c f . above) 323. 4-5; tättr "good, suitable, agreeable, able" < Ar.

^¿j^

tawr "man-

ner, method," interchanges with dZaqsy "good" in opposition to dSaman "bad, wicked"; käpir 80-58 with qapyr, 104.8; 105-7, "unbe58. I l m i n s k i j , loc. cit., 59. Katanov-Menges, loc.

p. 12. cit., XI.11,12, p. 40 (1210).

86

Qaraqalpaq Grammar

liever"; ktldrSt "power" < Ar.

'iy^i

721.164; Daut "David," < Ar.

qudrat, 329-16; 641.17; 649.1;

Dawud, 427-52, with Daut 51.162;

a2al "hour of death" < Ar.

'adZal, 29-168; 725-27; Qosar "the

Source of KauGar (in paradise)" < Ar. "book" < Ar. culty" < Ar.

KauGar, 358.81; qytap

kitab, 717.130; 719.180; myqnat "toil, diffiaX**' mihnat, 718.133; quna "sin" < Pers.

gunah, 718.165* We find very few examples for co-existing guttural and palatal forms. A number of examples best illustrating the ambivalence of foreign words in modern Qazaq is found in the Qazaq newspaper Satsyjaldy Qazayystan, published in Alma-Ata, in an article by Diamyaiy, entitled, "TUrlidZe dZazylatyn bir manili sOzder turaiy (On words of similar meaning which may be variously written)," in the issue of January 14, 1935- I have selected the following examples from this article: bayasy/basi "its, worth, value" < Pers.

l^t baha plus

poss. -sy; mayylmat / malimet "knowledge" < Ar. pi. ma'lumat; yasyr / asir "century" < Ar.

0

'asr; qadZet /

adZet, kadZet "necessity" < Ar. haddZat; Ilijas / Ylyjas, proper name, < Ar.

^ U l

' Iljas; madZyna / madZine "machine"
da,n d&stSnl&r bo If. ml, No. 1, edd. T&zi 'Alim (Junusov), Samarqand, 1928.

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

89

Persian words more than those of the qara süijök, "the Black Bones" (i.e., the common people) were able to, not only because they enjoyed another tongue, but also, in certain cases, for the purpose of not being understood, without further ado, by the common people. Moreover, a large proportion of these mullâs were Qazan-Tatars who considered that they were teaching the "barbarous steppe people" a "better form of speech." The confusion arising in the resulting ".elevated" written style was already remarked by Iüjninskij,61 and later by Melioranskij .62 RUSSIAN LOAN WORDS AND FOREIGN WORDS 6 3

Sound changes occurring in words borrowed from Russian are more apparent. There the general trend to subordinate the borrowed words to the system of Turkic sound harmony is still stronger. The procedure seems to be as follows: In general, words whose vowels are not preponderantly back vowels are considered "palatal," i.e., they assume both vowels and consonants of front articulation. It should, moreover, be remembered that the guttural consonants, as, for example, q, characteristic of Turkic, are not found in Russian, though it possesses y in many dialects. But the place of articulation of back vowels is not so far back in Russian as in Turkic; likewise, t, s, etc., in Russian, in combination with back vowels, do not have the same guttural coloring as the corresponding sounds in Turkic,6* i.e., in words with vowels of back articulation. The palato61. Cf. his Grammar, p. 562. "KpaTKaa PpaMMaTHxa..pp. 3-4. 63. Cf. the material of Russian loan words and borrowed names in Sayaj as given in N. Katanov's article, "Die aus dem Russischen entlehnten Fremdwörter des Sagai-Dialectes," in the Mélanées Asiatiques, tirés du Bulletin de l'Académie Imp. des Sciences de St.Pétersbourg, IX, 277-99 (SPbg., 1880-88). 64. As already mentioned, almost each consonant in tne Orxon Inscriptions is represented by two signs, one for the palatal and one for the velar (guttural) articulation of the sounds. This characteristic of Turkic sounds was taken into consideration when it was later represented by the Arabic script, which carefully distinguishes velar (guttural) and non-velar sounds, according to the phonetic system of Arabic. Thus, Osman developed a rather consistent orthography, e.g.: s'lmq for saimaq "to put, throw," LJzs: trn'q for tyrnaq "nail,, claw," ¿»¿^twlmq for doimaq "tobe Tilleà," in contrast to e&j**' swmk for sevmäk "to. love," Jf±>> twktmk for tükätmäk "to exhaust, consume," dwnmk for dönmäk »to return," etc..

90

Qaraqaïpaq Grammar

indifferent g and k of Russian are considered palatal also when in position before oandu (also y in certain Russian dialects); consequently, the entire word passes into the category of front articulation.65 The result of this phenomenon is that the majority of the borrowings from Russian belong to the category of front, palatal, articulation. There are, in addition, many borderline cases that are in part guttural and in part palatal. Examples: àliïmen < a/LflBMlÎHHH, alluminij "aluminum"; âptik < anTéKa, aptéka, "apothecary"; apatyt < anaTlÎT, apatit, "apathite"; benzin < ÔeH3iîH, benzin "gasoline"; beton < 6eTÔH, beton "concrete"; bâgon < BardH, vagon "(railway) car"; bâzelin < Ba3ejni^ vazelin "vaseline"; gàrSitse < rop^ija, gorSica "mustard"; grâderin < rpa^pHH, gradirni, f.pl., "graduation works (for obtaining salt from mineral waters)"; granit < rpaHlÎT, granit, "granite"; dinamit < ¿HHaiiIÎT, dinamlt, "dynamite"; diridZabyi < pfipwKêôAb, diriïàbl' (< Fr. dirigeable), "airship (type Zeppelin)," also hava kemesi "airship, airboat"; zabojgy < 3a60ffll®K zaboj§5ik, "seal-killer"; kâàlin < RaoflHH, kaolin, "kaolin (porcelain-earth)"; kàrer < KapbôpH, karjéiy, m. or f. pl. "quarry" (techn.); kisiata < KHCMOTâ, kisiotâ, "sourness, acidity"; koks (alternating with ko lois) < KOKC, koks, "coke"; labaratoryja < .laôopaTOpHH, iaboratorija, "laboratory"; màrgen < < MaprâHeiî, margafiec, "manganese"; kali < Karaâ, kalij, "potassium," menerai < MHHepsu mifierâi,"mineral"; oazes < oa3HC, oazis, "oasis"; poliis < HÔ./IEC, polus, "pole"; endïïstirje < HHfl/CTpHH, indiistrija, "industry"; a derivative from it is endiistirjeleu, "industrialization"; ekiskilrsije < eKCK?pCHH, ekslnirsija, "excursion"; ekispeditsije < SKOne^HiiHH, ekspedicija, "expedition"; elektirik "electricity, current, electric power, " — the Russian equivalent is 3/ieKTpHieCTBO, elektriCestvo, — and the Osman form is also elektrik (in popular speech only elektirik), obviously borrowed from the French adj. électrique; in Qaraqaipaq, the word has either been borrowed from Osman, or it underwent secondary reduction; ebonit < 3Ô0HHT, ebonit, "ebonite"; ekiskàbàtyr < 3KCKaBaT0p, ekskavâtor, "excavator"; tapagrapija < TonorpâfHH, topogrdfija, "topography"; mergel < Mépre^b, met-gel', "marl"; mekrob < MHKpdâ, "microbe"; mekrâskôp < MHKpoCKdn, mikroskdp, "microscope," mat Kalffg, Bewyra, fetiiiga > Betlflg, but K0Jl6usa, Koi6mna > Kalfimi). Length usually occurring in this final 1 may be the result of the masculine ending -skij rarely occurring in place names (cf. also Gorki < PopbKHH, Gorkij), or it may represent a contraction of the final syllables of either the feminine -skaja or the neuter -skoje, which likewise receive a slight reduction in Russian. 76 Examples of 75« At the station of Asxabad, the former capital of the SSR Turkmenistan, I notiped, the following inscription on the station signboard: c — Paitaratski and Russian IIo^TOpaUK, Poitorack, as t K S n e w city of Asxabad was then called. Such examples are numerous throughout Central Asia. 76. We cannot accept the theory that l has arisen from a special case form such as the loc. sg. masc. -CKe, -ste, since these place names are likewise found in other cases and there would be no reasons for a long vowel.-The representation of Russ. -skij by means of -skaj in Karayas in such words (place names) as in Kyrasnyjilry-

98

Qaraqaipaq Grammar

the inaccurate correspondence in Qaraqaipaq of Russian syllables following the accent are found in Rttblibi < Rublivo, Kunsebi < Kuncevo, or even iadigi < iadoga. SANSKRIT LOAN AND FOREIGN WORDS IN OLD UJrUR

This same principle is observed in the rendering of Sanskrit masculine names into Old Ujyur, where, as it seems, preponderantly the correspondence with the Sanskrit nominative in -a (-as, -ah, -o) is i or y, together with a and zero. It must be taken into consideration that Old Ujyur probably had more intensive relationships with Indo-Iranian than has been the case with modern Qaraqaipaq and Russian. And, in general, the same rules apply to the treatment of foreign words or loan words in Ujyur as was stated above, p. 79 ff-, concerning the treatment of foreign words in the modern Turkic languages —

other than the western groups: they un-

dergo intensive Turkization. Listed below are occurrences in Ujyur texts showing the correspondence between Sanskrit -a with Ujyur -i/-y:77

(from F. W. K.

Miiller, "Uigurica II") Purany < Purana, 8.13; M(a)kintrasini


s are relatively recent likewise, or, in other words, that the shifts & > 5, g > s did not exist in that language at the time when at least a great part of the tribe still lived in South Russia, just as j- had not yet shifted to d2- at that period, i.e., that the language of the IbpHHH iOlofioyUH was still much closer to common Turkic than Qaraqaipaq is today, although it definitely showed some classificatory marks of the northwest group (also in the sense of SamojloviS's northwest group). The major changes of the language must have taken place only after the Mongol campaigns to the west and following the formation of the realm of the Golden Horde. In other words, they could only have occurred after a more thorough amalgamation of the different tribes who had come from the east had taken place, and who, in the course of the first centuries after the Mongol invasion, formed the Qazaq hordes. The thesis of a Qazaq-Qaraqalpaq language unity will furthermore be strengthened by numerous data from morphology, syntax, and the glossary of Qazaq and Qaraqaipaq.

BIBLIOGRAPHY1

I.

Of a more general interest are: BH6^H0rpa$HiecKHH yKa3aTe/n> no KapaKEunaxHH. H34. AH CCCP. OOITC (COBeT no H3BieHHB npOH3BO/(HTeJIbHHx CHJl) . CepHH KapaKcLinaKCKafl, No. 8.

(Bibliographical

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by the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, Council on Research in Productive Potentials. Qaraqaipaq Series, No, 8. 307 cols., Moscow, 1937» This Index contains nothing on linguistics, anthropology, or archeology. I I » MaTepHara no HCTOPHH KapazaraaKOB. CÖOPHHK. Tpy^H HH-Ta BOCTOKOBe^eHHH AH CCCP, No. VII. (Material on the History of the Qaraqaipaqs), publications of the Oriental Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, No. VII, 238 pp., Moscow, Leningrad, 1935• Cf< especially P. P. Ivanov's article on the history of the Qaraqaipaqs. I I I . Article,"K HCTOPHH KapaKEUnäKOB XVIII BeKa," ("On the History of the Qaraqaipaqs in the XVIIIth Century"), in KpaCHHH ApxHB, Vol. 91, pp. 225-54, Vol. 92, pp. 177-214, Moscow, 1938-391. Bang, W. "Gewagte Türkische ^rterklärungen," Liber Semisaecularis

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1. This bibliography does not claim completeness. As w i l l be noticed, in some instances data are incomplete. This is due to the fact that these books or articles are not accessible during the present emergency.

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1-760), Heidelberg: 1908-13; and supplement, M-mort, 80 pp. Heidelberg: s.a. 12. BiCurin, Father I . IepoMOHaxi VaKVHei BniypHHt - Ooßparae CBe^eHHä o Hapo^ax oöHTaBiHx B Cpe^en Asm. Sanktpeterburg: 1851. 13. Bogorodickij, B. A. BBe/jeHne B TaTapcKoe H3HK03HAHNE B CBH3K C ÄPYRMFFL TBPKCKHMH H3HK3MH,

in Connection

with

Other

(Introduction

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into

Tatar

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1934. 14. Brockelmann, C. "Mitteltürkischer Wortschatz, nach Mahmud a l KäSyarT's DTvän Luyät at Turk," Bibliotheca garica,

Orientalis

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I . Budapest, L e i p z i g : 1928. 252 pp.

15. Brugmann, K . , and B. Delbrück. Grundriss Grammatik

der

indogermanischen

der

Sprachen.

vergleichenden

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1897

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Kurze

vergleichende

Grammatik

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indogermanischen

Sprachen. Strassburg: 1904, (reprint, 1926). 17. G a s t r i n , Mag. A . Grammatik

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Qaraqalpaq Grammar

18. Castrén, Mag. A. Versuch einer burjatischen Sprachlehre.

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A, Schiefner. Sanktpeterburg: 1857- 244 pp. 19 .

, Versuch einer jenissei-ostjakischen

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Vom Einfluss des Accents in der lappländischen HMD. AKa^eMHH HayK, 1845. 44 pp. (Mémoires de

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Sprach-

lehre. Ed. by A. Schiefner..Sanktpeterburg: 1857» 210 pp. 22

.Versuch einer tun§usischen Sprachlehre.

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Nordische Reisen und Forschungen.

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Report on his travels in Siberia, in Mélanges

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de l'Académie des Sciences Russe, I, pp. 16-27» Sanktpeterburg: 1852. 25. Charpentier, Jarl. "Die ethnographische Stellung der Tocharer," ZDMG, LXXI, 347-88. 1917. 26. Cernecov, V. N. ÄpeBHHH npHMopcKan Ky^bTypa Ha ncviyocTpoBe Hita/i ("An ancient coastal civilization on the peninsula of Jamal"), in CoBeTCKaa 9THorpa4>HH (Soviet Ethnography),

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109 ff. 27. Dmitrijev, N. K. FpäMMaTHKa KyMEKCKoro H3HKa (Grammar of the Qumyq Language). Moscow, Leningrad: 1940. 203 PP. 28. Donner, K. "Samojedische Wörterverzeichnisse," MSFOu, LXIV. Helsinki: 1932. 171 pp. 29. Dyrenkova, H. P. rpaMMaTHKa OnpoTCKoro H3ïffia (Grammar of the Ojrat Language). Moscow, Leningrad: 1940. 302 pp. 30. The Encyclopedia

of Islam. London, Leiden: 1908-36. 4 vols.

31. Erman-Uiu, et al. Oquv Kitabb (Qaraqalpaq Reader). Moscow: 1933. 32. 33.

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105 (Anthology from Qara-

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37. Grönbech, Karl. Der Türkische Sprachbau, I. Kabenhavn: 1936. 182 pp. 38. Grousset, R. L 'empire des steppes. Paris: 1939- 639 pp. 39. Hirt, Hermann. Handbuch der griechischen Laut- und Formenlehre. 2nd ed. Heidelberg: 1912. 652 pp. 40.

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41. Hudson, A. E. Kazak Social Structure. Yale University tions in Anthropology,

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Diction-

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W. Barthold, Tpy^H BocTOiHoro $aKy.flbTeTa CAIT

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of the Oriental Faculty of the Central Asiatic State University). Taskent: 1927. 49. Karlgren, B. Analytic Dictionary of Chinese and

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Qaraqaipaq Grammar

106

Sagai-Dialectes," Mélanges Asiatiques, tirés du Bulletin de l'Académie Impa des Sciences de St. Pétersbourg, IX, 277-312. (SPbg., 1880-88.) 52. Klaproth, J. Asia polyglotta, 2nd ed. Paris: 1831. 53- Kors, F. Je» Review on F. Miklosich's "Die' türkischen Elemente in den sfidost- und osteuropäischen Sprachen," Archiv fUr Slavische

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54. Kovalevskij, St. 0. Dictionnaire

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and W. Bang. Die Chronologie

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ten. Leipzig: 1898. 112 pp. 60. Laptev, I. P. MaTepn&ra no kâ3aK-Knprn3CKOMyfl3tffiy(Material on the Qazaq Language [mainly the western dialects]). JIa3apeBCKHH

HH-T. MocKBa, 1900. 148 pp. 61. le Coq, A. v. "Sprichwörter und Rätsel aus der Gegend von Turfan, " Baessler-Archiu

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62. McGovern, W. M. The Early Empires of Central Asia. Chapel Hill: 1939. 529 PP.

63. Melioranskij, P. M. Apa6-4®.®Mor 0 TypeoKOM H3HKe Philologist

on the Turkish

Language),

(An

Arabian

a n edition o f Ihn-al-

Muhannä's notes on Turkish grammar and glossary. Sanktpeter64 .

burg: 1900. KpaTKan rpaMMaTHKa Ka3aK-KHprH3CKoro H3HKâ (A Brief Grammar

65 .

of the Qazaq Language),

I-II, Sanktpeterburg:

1894-97.

and W. Bang. "La syntaxe kirghize," Le Musêon, XXXIV-V» Louvain: 1921-22. 66. Menges, K. (H.) "Drei özbekische Texte," Der Islam, XXI, 141-94. Berlin, Hamburg: 1933. 67. "Einige Bemerkungen zur vergleichenden Grammatik des Turkmenischen," Archiv Orientâlnl, XI, 7-34. Prague: 1939.

Based on Goode Base Map No. 205. By permiss i o n o f the U n i v e r s i t y o f Chicago P r e s s .

A S I A

Suoni,.'

¿ S a m o j . r

,

A

Jurak

Tavgy

yïïi^c

HeSS

~?/

T a

»''Mord

Qumyq^.

TIBETAN

1000 1000

1500

1500 2000

L A M B E R T ' S AZIMUTHAL EQUAL-AREA

MILES

KILOMETERS

PROJECTION

ASIA