Publishing Networks in France in the Early Era of Print 1138712531, 9781138712539

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Publishing Networks in France in the Early Era of Print

“Booton skillfully guides the reader through the collaborative process of early modern print in a provincial context, restoring to our sight the importance of commercial imperatives in determining the final shape and form of the book.” —Pollie Bromilow, University of Liverpool

This book examines commercial and personal connections in the early modern book trade in Paris and northwestern France, c. 1450–1550. The book market, commercial trade, and geopolitical ties connected the towns of Paris, Caen, Angers, Rennes, and Nantes, making this a fertile area for the transference of different fields of knowledge via book culture. Diane E. Booton investigates various aspects of book production (typography and illustration), market (publishers and booksellers), and ownership (buyers and annotators), and describes commercial and intellectual dissemination via established pathways, drawing on primary and archival sources. Diane E. Booton, PhD, is an independent scholar specializing in the ­history of the book in late medieval and early modern Europe.

The History of the Book Series Editor: Ann R. Hawkins

6 Reading in History New Methodologies from the Anglo-American Tradition Edited by Bonnie Gunzenhauser 7 Middle-Class Writing in Late Medieval London Malcolm Richardson 8 Readings on Audience and Textual Materiality Edited by Graham Allen, Carrie Griffin, and Mary O’Connell 9 Romantic Marginality Nation and Empire on the Borders of the Page Alex Watson 10 Wordsworth’s Poetic Collections, Supplementary Writing and Parodic Reception Brian R. Bates 11 Socialism and Print Culture in America, 1897–1920 Jason D. Martinek 12 Elizabeth Inchbald’s Reputation A Publishing and Reception History Ben P. Robertson 13 Art and Commerce in the British Short Story, 1880–1950 Dean Baldwin 14 Historical Networks in the Book Trade Edited by John Hinks and Catherine Feely 15 Publishing Networks in France in the Early Era of Print Diane E. Booton For a full list of titles in this series, please visit www.routledge.com.

Publishing Networks in France in the Early Era of Print Diane E. Booton

First published 2018 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2018 Diane E. Booton The right of Diane E. Booton to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data CIP data has been applied for. ISBN: 978-1-138-71253-9 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-20010-1 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by codeMantra

Contents

List of illustrations Acknowledgments Common abbreviations Bibliographic abbreviations

vii xi xiii xv

Introduction 1 1 Profiting from a Breton bestseller 10 2 The (re)use of interchangeable blocks 53 3 Selling books as a Breton business 81 4 Breton diaspora and the book business 106 5 Shaping a reader’s library 131 Conclusions 167 Appendix Bibliography Topographical Index of Cited Printers, Publishers, and Booksellers in France General Index

175 217 239 243

List of illustrations

1.1 The Last Judgment in the first dated edition of Jean Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes. Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 15 April 1493.  Paris, BnF, Vélins 2232 (titlepage verso) 16 1.2 Opening text page. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 15 April 1493.  Paris, BnF, Vélins 2232 (a2r) 17 1.3 The printer’s mark dominates the title page. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. [Paris: Jean Du Pré, c. 1492]. Paris, Arsenal, RES 8-BL-11039 (title page) 18 1.4 The title above the printer’s mark. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Paris: Pierre Le Caron [c. 1493/94]. Paris, BnF, Rothschild 464 (II.3.13) 19 1.5 The Crucifixion as opening illustration. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. [Paris]: Le Petit Laurens [c. 1493–99]. Paris, BnF, RES YE 285 (title-page verso) 21 1.6 A second edition. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 8 June 1494. Chambéry, Médiathèque Jean-Jacques Rousseau, RES A 3 (title-page verso) 24 1.7 The Crucifixion. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Paris: Philippe Pigouchet for Simon Vostre, 1499. Boston, Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, 1.b.1.35 (a1v) 25 1.8 Typographic gymnastics. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. [Lyon: Matthias Huss] for Martin Havard [c. 1499–1501]. Paris, BnF, Rothschild 463 (II.3.37) (title page) 27 1.9 Repurposing her brother’s mark. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Paris: Nicolas Higman for Nicole Vostre, 1522. ­Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, p.o. gall. 1461 k (title page) 29

viii  List of illustrations 1.10 The first Meschinot edition in roman typeface. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Paris: Alain Lotrian, 1534.  *FC M5608L 1534 (title page), Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA 32 1.11 An Italianate frame. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. [Paris]: Pierre Vidoue for Galliot Du Pré, 20 October 1528. Paris, Arsenal, RES 8-BL-11037 (title page) 33 2.1 Expulsion of Adam and Eve. Book of hours (use of Nantes). Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 27 January 1498/99.  Nantes, Musée Dobrée, inv. 998-6-1, fol. 7r 58 2.2 Expulsion of Adam and Eve. Book of hours (use of Rome). Paris: Jean Du Pré, 10 May 1488.  Paris, BnF, Rés. B 27672, fol. 15v 59 2.3 Presentation of the Christ Child. Book of hours (use of Nantes). Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 27 January 1498/99.  Nantes, Musée ­Dobrée, inv. 998-6-1, fol. 29v 60 2.4 Presentation of the Christ Child. Book of hours (use of Rome). Paris: Jean Du Pré, 10 May 1488.  Paris, BnF, Rés. B 27672, fol. 32v 61 2.5 Presentation of the Christ Child. Book of hours (use of Nantes). Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 27 January 1498/99.  Nantes, Musée ­Dobrée, inv. 998-6-1, fol. 23r 62 2.6 Nativity of the Christ Child. Book of hours (use of Rome). Paris: Jean Du Pré, 10 May 1488.  Paris, BnF, Rés. B 27672, fol. 27r 63 2.7 Descent of the Holy Spirit. Book of hours (use of Nantes). Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 27 January 1498/99.  Nantes, Musée Dobrée, inv. 998-6-1, fol. 22v 64 2.8 St. Veronica. Book of hours (use of Nantes). Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 27 January 1498/99.  Nantes, Musée Dobrée, inv. 998-6-1, fol. 62r 66 2.9 St. Christopher and the Christ Child. Book of hours (use of Rome). Paris: Jean Du Pré, 4 February 1488/89.  Paris, ENSBA, Masson 125, fol. 89v 67 2.10 Rewritten colophon and the Saligot family arms. Book of hours (use of Nantes). Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 27 January 1498/99.  Nantes, Musée Dobrée, inv. 998-6-1, fol. 66v 69 2.11 Interchangeable block for a saint’s attributes. St. Anne, c. 1470.  Paris, BnF, département des Estampes, Réserve Ea-5 (12)-Boîte Fol 71 2.12 Interchangeable blocks to expand narrative. Jacobus de ­T heramo, Der sonderen troest (Consolatio peccatorum, seu Processus ­Belial). Haarlem: Jacob Bellaert, 15 February 1484.  Paris, BnF, Rés. Y2-389 (C2v) 72

List of illustrations  ix 2.13 Interchangeable central block. Aesop. Moralisatus. Venice: ­Bernardino Benali, 20 November 1487. Berlin, Staatliche Museen Kupferstichkabinett, Inv. Nr. Sign. 2730, fol. 8r 73 3.1 Publisher’s publicity. Missal (use of Rennes). Rouen: Jean Mauditier and Pierre Olivier for Robert Macé and Jean Macé, 1500.  Paris, BnF, Rés. B-27922 (title page) 84 3.2 Publishers’ mark. Manual (use of St.-Brieuc). [s.l.]: [s.n.] for ­R ichard Rogerie and Michel Angier, c. 1505.  Caen, Bibliothèque Universitaire, Rés. 247088 (title page). Université de Caen Normandie, Bibliothèque 87 3.3 Publisher’s mark of Richard Macé. Boethius. De Disciplina. Rouen: [material of Laurent Hostingue] for Jean and Richard Macé, 10 July 1515.  Rennes, BM, 52331 Rés. (title-page detail) 90 3.4 Publisher’s mark of Michel Angier. Baptista Mantuanus. Parthenice Catharinaria. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier, Jean Macé, and Richard Macé. *IC5.B2296.489pg (title-page detail), Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA 92 3.5 Publishing Network of Jean Macé, bookseller at Rennes 93 3.6 A printer’s workshop. Marbode. Marbodi liber. Rennes: Jean ­Baudouyn for Jean Macé, 21 May 1524. Paris, BnF, Rés. P Ye 1533 (title page) 97 4.1 Printer’s mark of Guillaume Anabat. Gaspar Lax. Tractatus sillogismorum. Paris: [s.n.], 20 February 1510 (n.s.). Paris, BnF, RES M-R-172 (title page) 109 4.2 A Breton epic. Le preux chevalier Artus de Bretaigne. Paris: Alain Lotrian, n.d. Rennes, BM, R 11357 (title page) 110 4.3 A mystery play in Breton. Aman ez dezrou an Passion (Mystery of the Passion). Paris: [Guillaume de Bossozel?] for Yves Quillévéré, 1530. Paris, BnF, RES Y N 11 (title page) 113 5.1 Red-inked detail. Arnaldus de Villanova. Le tresor des povres [Rouen]: [Atelier du bandeau au lion couronné], 29 July 1507. Rennes, BM, 15573 Rés. (a8v) 139 5.2 Square of opposition diagram. Peter of Spain. Summularum Petri Hispani. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier and Jean Macé, 27 June 1509. Paris, BnF, Rés. R 778 (c2r) 143 5.3 The Porphyrian tree. Peter of Spain. Summularum Petri Hispani. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier and Jean Macé, 27 June 1509. Paris, BnF, Rés. R 778 (g3r) 144

x  List of illustrations 5.4 Shaped title. Les ordonnances royaulx. Rennes: Jean Georget for Thomas Mestrard. Rennes, BM, 76804/2 (title page) 147 5.5 Attractive title-page illustration. Le livre des quattre filz Aymon. [Rouen]: Raulin Gaultier for Michel Angier and Jean Macé, c. 1508–10. Paris, BnF, P Y2–2787 (title page) 148 5.6 Secular border themes for a hagiographic poem. Baptista Mantuanus. Parthenice Catharinaria. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier, Jean Macé, and Richard Macé, 24 September 1512. *IC.B2296.489pg (title page), Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA 150

Acknowledgments

For so many years, I have been drawn to medieval manuscripts, in part by the unique qualities of each one, so it still surprises me to have written a book solely on printed books. Yet, as the chapters took shape, I have come to notice and appreciate the uniqueness of edition copies. And for this, I have many friends and colleagues to thank. Publishing Networks owes its conception to the single chapter on printed books in my Manuscripts, Market and the Transition to Print in Late Medieval Brittany, which was included at the suggestion of Caroline Duroselle-Melish. At her invitation as well, I presented a paper on typographical design in Jean Meschinot’s bestseller Les lunettes des princes at the Renaissance Society of America in New York (2014). The revision of that paper was immeasurably improved by her comments as well as by those of co-presenters John McQuillen, Nina Musinsky, and Goran Proot; those scholars have continued to assist my research in answering typographical questions, sharing database software, providing access to special collections, and offering collegial camaraderie. From examining Breton books and manuscripts over the years, I am gratefully indebted to expert scholars who have shared their extensive knowledge and infectious enthusiasm: Michael Jones, Jean-Luc ­Deuffic, Sarah Toulouse, ­Malcolm Walsby, and Bruno Isbled. Additional ­scholar-friends—­Elizabeth A. R. Brown, Cynthia J. Brown, Mary Beth Winn, and Cynthia Verba—have offered unstinting time and encouragement, especially in reviewing chapters and grant proposals and in writing recommendation letters. These recommendations led to grants that supported my research in libraries and archives in France, namely the American Philosophical Society, the Bibliographical Society, and the Bibliographical ­Society of America. Without these travel and research grants, it would have been all but impossible to consult the many primary sources in special collections. For their superior research services in France and in the United States, I am appreciative of the library staff at Widener and Houghton ­Libraries at Harvard University (Cambridge), the outstanding Patrimoine division of Les Champs Libres (Rennes), the collegial Section Étude et Patrimoine

xii Acknowledgments at Médiathèque Louis-Aragon (Le Mans), and the friendly Service Docu­ ibliothèque municipale and the mentation normande et Patrimoine of the B Bibliothèque universitaire (Caen). I also benefited from the library services and special collections at the Bibliothèque Méjanes (Aix-en-Provence); Bibliothèque Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Chambéry); Musée Condé (Chantilly); Bibliothèque Universitaire Vauban, Université Catholique (Lille); (Montpellier); Médiathèque Bibliothèque universitaire de médecine ­ Jacques Demy (Nantes); Musée Dobrée (Nantes);  ­Bibliothèque nationale  de France (Paris); Bibliothèque M ­ azarine (Paris); and Bibliothèque Ste.-Geneviève (Paris). Routledge editor Isabella Vitti and editorial assistant Julia Michaelis have professionally shepherded this endeavor through its multiple stages, and I am obliged to them for their expertise, efficacious communication, and goodwill. To friends and family who have encouraged my research, I am forever grateful: Marjorie Booton, Carol Booton, Caroline Duroselle-Melish, Catherine Jaïn, Kevin J.M. Keane, Jon Margolis, Karen Nipps, Noëlly Prigent, Françoise Vallet, and Melanie Wisner. Apart from the delights of travel, visits to libraries and archives inspire deep appreciation for the librarians, catalogers, archivists, and curators—past and present—who collect, describe, and make available precious books, manuscripts, documents, and drawings to curious researchers. Often unsung in our modern digital age, they have inestimably expedited my own work, and it is to them that I dedicate this book.

Common abbreviations

AM AN Bibl. BM c. d. fol./ff. fr ms./mss. naf n.d. n.s. r s.l. s.n. UP v vol.

Archives Municipales Archives Nationales Bibliothèque Bibliothèque Municipale circa died folio/folios français manuscript/manuscripts nouvelle acquisition français no date new style recto sine loco sine nomine University Press verso volume

Bibliographic abbreviations

ADLA

 rchives Départementales de la A Loire-Atlantique Arsenal Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal Baudrier  Baudrier, Henri-Louis. Bibliographie lyonnaise. Recherches sur les imprimeurs, libraires, relieurs et fondeurs de lettres de Lyon au XVIe siècle. Tables by Georges Tricou. Geneva: Droz, 1950. BAV Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana BEC Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes Bechtel B  echtel, Guy. Catalogue des gothiques français, 1476–1560. 2nd ed. Paris: Librairie Giraud-Badin, 2010. BL British Library BMC British Museum. Catalogue of Books Printed in the XVth Century now in the British Museum. 13 vols. London: British Library, 1908–2007. BnF Bibliothèque nationale de France Brunet Brunet, Jacques-Charles. Manuel du libraire et de l’amateur de livres. 6 vols. Paris: Firmin Didot, 1860–65. Catalogues régionaux  M inistère de la culture et de la communication, Direction du livre (France). Catalogues régionaux des incunables des bibliothèques publiques de France (Ministère de la culture et de la communication, Direction du livre). 18 vols. Bordeaux: Société des bibliophiles de Guyenne, 1979–. Chantilly  Chantilly, Musée Condé. Chantilly. Le cabinet des livres. Imprimés antérieurs au milieu du XVIe siècle, edited by Léopold Delisle. Paris: Plon, 1905.

xvi  Bibliographic abbreviations  aris, BnF. Catalogue des incunables, edited by P Ursula Baurmeister, Denise Hillard, Nicolas Petit et al. Paris: BnF, 1981–2014. Claudin, Anatole. Histoire de l’imprimerie en Claudin, Histoire  France au XVe et au XVIe siècle. 4 vols. Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1900–1914. Colophons B énédictins du Bouveret. Colophons de manuscrits occidentaux des origines au XVIe siècle. 6 vols. Fribourg: Éditions universitaires Fribourg Suisse, 1965–82. Delisle, Caen D  elisle, Léopold. Catalogue des livres imprimés ou publiés à Caen avant le milieu du XVIe siècle: suivi de recherches sur les imprimeurs et les libraires de la même ville. 2 vols. Caen: Delesques, 1903–1904. ENSBA École normale supérieure des Beaux-Arts Goff G  off, Frederick R. Incunabula in American Libraries: A Third Census of Fifteenth-Century Books Recorded in North American Collections. New York: Bibliographical Society of America, 1964. GW G  esamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke. 11 vols. Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1925–. Manuscript continuation available online at www. gesamtkatalogderwiegendrucke.de. INKA I nkunabelkatalog. Available online at www.inka. uni-tuebingen.de. ISTC B  ritish Library, London. Incunabula Short-Title Catalogue. Available online at www.bl.uk/catalogues/ istc/. M  oreau, Brigitte. Inventaire chronologique des Moreau éditions parisiennes du XVIe siècle, d’après les manuscrits de Philippe Renouard. 5 vols. Paris: Service des travaux historiques de la ville de Paris, 1972–2004. MSAIV Mémoires de la Société archéologique du Département d’Ille-et-Vilaine MSHAB Mémoires de la Société d’histoire et d’archéologie de Bretagne ÖNB Österreichische Nationalbibliothek PBSA Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America Pellechet  Pellecht, Marie. Catalogue général des incunables des bibliothèques publiques de France. 3 vols. with manuscript continuation. Paris: Picard et fils, 1897–1909. RB Répertoire bibliographique des livres imprimés en France au seizième siècle. Baden-Baden: Koerner, 1968–80. CIBN

Bibliographic abbreviations  xvii Bibliographie normande: bibliographie des ouvrages imprimés à Caen et à Rouen au seizième siècle, edited by Pierre Aquilon and Alain R. Girard (Répertoire bibliographique des livres imprimés en France au seizième siècle, fascicule hors-série). 3 vols. BadenBaden: Koerner, 1980–90. Tchemerzine, Avenir. Bibliographie d’éditions originales Tchemerzine  ou rares d’auteurs français des XVème, XVIème et XVIIIème siècles. 10 vols. Paris: Plée, 1927–34. USTC Universal Short-Title Catalogue. Available online at www.ustc.ac.uk.

RBN

Map of northwestern France.

Introduction

This discovery [of libraries] was a great boon to mortals, to be sure, but is nothing in comparison with an achievement of our own day, a newly devised way of writing. In one day just one person can print the same number of letters that many people could hardly write in a whole year. Books in all the disciplines have poured out to us so profusely from this invention that no work can possibly remain wanting to anyone, however needy.1

Thus, in 1499, the Italian humanist Polydore Vergil (c. 1470–1555) c­ elebrated the invention of printing as “a newly devised way of writing.” Printing, he boasted, was faster and cheaper than books written by hand and thereby massively increased the number of available copies to more readers. Yet, even in his day, younger readers were growing indifferent toward the printed codex, and contemporary authors and publishers were motivated to be more attentive and responsive when writing, preparing, and marketing new editions. Vergil’s commentary on the contemporary climate of printing sets the stage for a study of book publishing and trade networks in and beyond the western duchy of Brittany in the later fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Brittany’s geographic position in the far northwestern corner of France might seem an unlikely location to study publishing networks, especially when compared to Paris, Lyon, Caen, and Rouen, but ­Brittany’s market and commercial exchange with printers, publishers, and booksellers in those important printing centers make it an apt study for the material and social effects of typographic books on society. The book trade in manuscripts and printed books established distant connections. Economic opportunities in Paris had long attracted copyists, illuminators, printers, and bookbinders. Conversely, the dominance of the Parisian book trade and print contracts helped determine available titles in the West. Caen had a strong, though lesser, influence on the Breton book market due primarily to a family business of ­publisher-booksellers who filled a trade vacuum in Rennes. Printer-­ publishers in Angers found common cause with fellow tradesmen in Caen in supplying texts to their respective university populations. As the

2 Introduction centers of regional printing, against which small local presses could not compete, publishers and printers in Angers, Caen, and Paris determined the range of subjects and titles available to Breton readers, thereby assisting in framing the discourse and context for the reading public. In addition to the essential work of bibliographers and standard online databases, 2 the following chapters are informed by research into language and typographic developments in early modern Europe3 and the impact of the printed page on content and reception.4 It is not our intention to survey the vast scope of printing in northern France; rather, the following chapters contribute examples of the complex economic and artistic exchange and of the circulation of knowledge during a period when the printed book was beginning to taking shape as we have come to know it in modern times. In examining connections and exchange between printing centers and the western duchies, we seek to show how networks of trade helped promote and expand not only commerce but also cultural, religious, and political knowledge.

Communication circuit in commerce Wherever located, the printing business participated in what is now often called a “communication and social circuit of commerce,” in which authors, printers, publishers, and booksellers were in the best position to shape form and meaning for readers. An early article by Robert ­Darnton about his theoretical model of a “communication circuit” stimulated later scholarly research in literary criticism, sociocultural history, and bibliography.5 Whether the primary agents to affect greater social change were people or books, as variously proposed, may be more related to the circumstances of time and place. The focus on people—author, publisher, distributor, reader—(sometimes referred to as “social authorship”) is more demonstrative of a modified circuit in some of the following chapters because the edition’s authorship was often anonymous, institutional, or the edition was printed posthumously. In the selection of genres and titles, the printer-­publisher influenced what the reader could buy; in the selection of the physical format, they influenced and shaped meaning for readers.6 ­Subsequent research into the communication and social circuit in commerce in early modern Europe has helped encourage the growth of “book history” as an academic subject of study in North America and Europe in the past forty years. There has been a proliferation, particularly in the past fifteen years, of conferences, journals, publishing monograph series, companion readers, and digital media concentrating on production, circulation, and reading.7 Combining, thus, scholarly traditions in studies of technology, literature, literary criticism, history, reading, and bibliography, the history of the book, more often called “print culture,” is truly interdisciplinary within a complex cultural context. The chapters presented here connect physical and analytical bibliography with historical and cultural

Introduction  3 practices in a specific socio-­geographical context. In extending the historical period to 1550, similarities and shared features of printed books can be highlighted without resorting to conventional terms, such as the ­“Incunable Age,” to describe books printed before 1501. In the following chapters, we shall explore publishing decisions regarding the selection of titles, product differentiation in the marketplace, commercial connections, and employment in the book trade. We also pose questions about identity, placement, and interpretation, and how text pages and illustrations might have been read by the implied reader and by the actual reader, some of whom annotated the page. On this basis, the chapters contribute to the overlapping topics of book history, visual analysis, economics, and readership. In describing the communication and social circuit in commerce in and beyond Brittany, we could well consider Brittany and its printing presses on the geographical and economic periphery of the early modern French book community, centered in Paris and secondarily in Lyon.8 The center-­ periphery distinction tends to focus on the more advanced “center” than the less developed periphery. Yet, viewed alternatively for its place within the commercial circuit, a broader transregional network emerges that connects Brittany with its provincial neighbors and to the French capital.9 In this way, the intellectual and economic flow among the regions can be demonstrated by physical imprints, document contracts, and digital mapping. Social network analysis has brought together geographical data and bibliographical information to help visualize how people, objects, and ideas connected over time and place.10 A number of digital humanities projects, such as the Atlas of Early Printing (http://atlas.lib.uiowa.edu/) and the Literary Atlas of Europe (www.literaturatlas.eu/), explore identity and clustering of early modern authors, printers, and publishers in the book trade via graphs and maps to analyze social and economic relationships.11 The complementary text and visual perspective reveals new insights on the size, density, and diversity of networks. This mapping technique is used in Chapter 3 for a small and preliminary study of the social and commercial relationships of Jean Macé, whose activity in Brittany, Normandy, and Paris highlights the interactive networking of book production and circulation in early modern Europe, which may well be relevant elsewhere in the book trade.

The earliest presses in Brittany As a prelude to the chapters, a brief survey of the earliest Breton presses in the 1480s and 1490s provides historical context, a subject that has been discussed more abundantly elsewhere.12 The earliest Breton presses at Bréhan-Loudéac, Lantenac, Tréguier, Rennes, and Nantes—like other ­fifteenth-century presses—required patronage, not unlike the production of bespoke illuminated manuscripts. The five Breton presses were not commercial affairs; rather, the printers produced selected titles of often modest length at the behest of a patron. Like manuscript scribes and

4 Introduction illuminators, itinerant printers sought patronage and frequently had to pursue additional work, such as bookbinding or tutoring, to supplement wages. Despite the innovation of movable type that produced multiple copies relatively quickly, the earliest Breton imprints often pale in comparison to the quality of professionally written manuscripts. Though the founts mimicked contemporary scripts, the letters were often inked unevenly; the text might remain uncorrected (especially words with the letters u and n) and was sometimes imposed crookedly on the rough, locally made paper. As the printers experimented, there came improvements as well as greater ambition to tackle longer and more complex illustrated editions. Such developments can be glimpsed in the books printed by Robin ­Fouquet and Jean Crès, who brought out eleven titles from December 1484 to July 1485 at Bréhan-Loudéac (formerly Bréhant), a town not far from Pontivy (Morbihan), under the patronage of Jean I de Rohan (d. 1493), lord of Gué-de-l’Isle, Châtaigneraye, and Trégalet. Nothing is known of the typographers prior to their editions at Bréhan-Loudéac although some scholars have suggested an apprenticeship with Jean Brito (d. 1484), native of Pipriac, who later printed at Tournai. The printers’ quarto editions, which were probably printed on paper from the lord’s mills, ranged from six to forty folios (one to five quaternion quires); only two editions were major undertakings of 152 and 236 folios. Religious poems and moralizing and allegorical texts filled the printed quires; only one title, Coutumes de Bretagne (ISTC ic00953800), containing ducal ordinances and parliamentary constitutions, was exceptional in its subject matter and length.13 The editions survive in only one or two copies. After July 1485, this press activity ended, and Fouquet disappeared from the trade. His partner Crès reappeared three years later at the ­Benedictine abbey of Notre-Dame de Lantenac, five kilometers distant. From 1488 to 1494, he printed editions with new type and demonstrated his skill in producing quarto books of good length, such as Jean de Mandeville’s Le voyage en terre saint (124 ­folios, ISTC im00163100), as well as shorter ones with woodcut illustrations, such as Les sept psaumes pénitenciaux (20 folios, ISTC ip01032255), Le doctrinal des nouvelles mariées (6 folios, ISTC id00301020), and possibly three other editions attributed to his press. After 1494, Crès disappears from imprints though his name—whether the same individual or another—is mentioned as a tutor in the service of Pierre de Rohan in 1498. Pierre Bellescullée, another itinerant printer, apprenticed in Poitiers and worked in Angers before his arrival in Rennes in 1485. He printed only two editions there, including Coutumes de Bretagne (ISTC ic00953600) at the behest of local merchant Jean Hus.14 Bellescullée’s editions mention a second printer named Josses about whom nothing is known. The print business in Rennes was apparently poor, and ­Bellescullée returned to Poitiers to collaborate with Jean Bouyer from 1489 to 1500. B ­ ellescullée’s career speaks of a time of experimental presses and frequent movement of individuals in the book trade.

Introduction  5 If Josses was a mysterious character, even less is known about Ia.P. In 1485, the printer brought out an octavo edition of Coutumes de Bretagne at Tréguier (ISTC ic00953700). In addition, a short quarto edition of ­Bernard of Clairvaux’s Belle doctrine (ISTC ib00382200) and a longer octavo edition of the grammar book Graecismus authored by Évrard de Béthune (ISTC ie00011280) are attributed to him. Although the cathedral chapter at Tréguier may have commissioned the titles, none of Ia.P.’s editions appear in the library’s inventory of 1491; in fact, of the seven printed books itemized there, none was printed by Breton or French presses.15 Like his contemporaries, Ia.P.’s presence in the book trade was short-lived. In 1499, Jean Calvez arrived in Tréguier and printed an important ­Catholicon, a trilingual dictionary in Breton, French, and Latin authored by Jean Lagadeuc and completed by Yves Roperz (ISTC il00028400). Two other editions are attributed to his press: John of Garland’s C ­ omposita verborum, attributed therein to Johannes Synthen of Delden, printed in 1501 (USTC 111650),16 and mandates for Christophe de Penmarch’h, bishop of Tréguier, between 1496 and 1507.17 Later, in 1511, Calvez printed an eight-folio octavo of Ordonnances, constitutions et statuts (USTC 80289). In 1512, Calvez was identified as portier of the monseigneur of Tréguier, and in that year, the town paid him for printing and painting signs with the Breton ermine for the ceremonial entrance of Queen Anne de Bretagne. More successful was Étienne Larcher who printed six editions in Nantes from 1493 to 1499, as we will see in our first two chapters, when we examine his edition of Les lunettes des princes and his book of hours. The printer’s personal and commercial relationships helped his trade. In the following chapters, publisher-booksellers illustrate their market awareness of competition and the reading public in their typographic and distribution decisions. Chapter 1 focuses on the Breton poet Jean ­Meschinot (d. 1491) and demonstrates how his three main works—Les lunettes des princes, Vingt-cinq ballades, and Nouvelles additions—were popularized posthumously by many publishers. What can the books’ materiality tell us about book production and commercial constraints as well as readers’ literary demands? Parisian printers and publishers recognized the market strength of Meschinot’s work and started to produce editions from the early 1490s, competing with one another for the buyer’s attention. By examining the mise en livre, we can more readily observe the publishers’ goals of market adaptation, product differentiation, and self-identification. In Chapter 2, we study the use, reuse, and adaptation of block illustrations, which shed light on personal and trade connections between Paris and Brittany that permitted printers to illustrate and to innovate with page design, all the while with an eye on the bottom line. How did printers recognize, use, and profit from the extended trade market in block illustrations? These aspects are exemplified by an edition printed by ­Étienne Larcher in Nantes in 1499 that made use of interchangeable blocks borrowed from his brother Jean Larcher dit Du Pré, who was chiefly active in

6 Introduction Paris. It becomes apparent that printers wished to cater to a market clearly delighted with and eager to buy illustrated books. The balance sheet and profit, however, had to be primary concerns as well; thus, the borrowing and the reuse of blocks were ways to accomplish both aims. After discussing illustrations, we move our focus to booksellers in Chapter 3. In addition to direct sales, printers and publishers could rely on booksellers to market their editions in Paris and elsewhere. The chapter explores the role of booksellers in the marketing and distribution circuit, concentrating primarily on the early sixteenth-century business of Jean Macé in Rennes, who had family ties to Norman printers and commercial connections to other printers in Paris. The longevity of his thirty-year business speaks to his market knowledge: What did he know that less successful booksellers did not? Resting on the extensive bibliographic research of scholars, the chapter shows that Macé’s business operated as an effective commercial venture shared with partners in Normandy. His business longevity underscores his discerning market knowledge that had led him to identify Rennes as a good base for bookselling and to select a booklist tailored to the literate Breton audience. Chapter 4 concerns aspects of the book trade beyond the duchy of Brittany. Paris attracted scribes, printers, illustrators, binders, and booksellers from Brittany. The chapter examines documentary and book evidence for Bretons working in the Parisian book trade and investigates their continuing business connections to the duchy. How did family and business ties facilitate the book trade between Paris and Brittany? In examining individuals and their familial relations as well as business transactions, the chapter reveals the tremendous shifts in book-trade practices to institutional patronage and the reliance on commercial networks during the early sixteenth century. Establishing effective networks and understanding the literary needs of groups within their readership meant the difference between warehoused editions and book sales. In Chapter 5, we examine the buying habits of Breton book owners and whether they acquired books in Paris or on the local market, or received them as gifts or bequests. The chapter investigates extant contracts, catalogs, booklists, and inventories to assess dominant genre types and acquisition sources. Were the books owned by Bretons printed mostly in Paris? Two primary groups of readers in Brittany required separate titles (liturgy and jurisprudence) and appreciated different formats tailored to their special needs. Although Brittany was geographically peripheral to the larger markets of Caen, Rouen, Paris, and Lyon, its readers were not left out of the book market and the circulation of ideas that ensued.

Conventions In these chapters, transcriptions generally follow semi-diplomatic conventions suggested by bibliographic standards of description for rare

Introduction  7 book and manuscript materials in order to transcribe titles as accurately as possible.18 These conventions pertain in particular to the title, obtained from the title page, the incipit, or the explicit; if the title is not available from these sources of information, then the title or a uniform title has been supplied within square brackets. For edition copies that I have consulted, the title is transcribed as accurately as possible to display the variety of irregular spellings, punctuation, capitalization, and abbreviations. Thus, no accents or diacritics have been added. To facilitate reading, the premodern letter forms of the long s and rounded r have been regularized; the letter forms u, v, and i-longa have been transcribed according to their modern vocalic values, that is, “nouuelle” has been changed to read “nouvelle” and “Iehan” as “Jehan.” All abbreviations, symbols, ampersands, and Tironian notes have been extended into square brackets using medieval, not classical, spelling. Regularized transcriptions of original texts obtained from secondary sources have been retained as published. The transcriptions of edition titles that I have not personally consulted have been reproduced according to their source of information. In sum, the chapters provide examples of the early modern publishing networks in northwestern France and reveal the complex links that connected and bound knowledge with transregional commerce. These commercial businesses and markets are seen as well in a broader context, in particular during the period between 1485 and 1520 when the publishing trade came to be concentrated in fewer firms, which were sufficiently financed to produce, warehouse, and distribute editions via a network of booksellers and fairs.19

Notes 1 Polydore Vergil, On Discovery (De inventoribus rerum), ed. and trans. Brian B. Copenhaver (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2002), p. 245. De inventoribus rerum was first printed in Venice by Christophorus de Pensis, de Mandello, in 1499 and republished in thirty different Latin editions in the author’s lifetime as well as translations into French (1521), German (1537), and English (1546). 2 Arthur de La Borderie, L’imprimerie en Bretagne au XVe siècle (Nantes: Société des bibliophiles bretons et de l’histoire de Bretagne, 1878); Léopold Delisle, Catalogue des livres imprimés ou publiés à Caen avant le milieu du XVIe siècle: suivi de recherches sur les imprimeurs et les libraires de la même ville, 2 vols. (Caen: Delesques, 1903–1904; Répertoire bibliographique des livres imprimés en France au seizième siècle (Baden-Baden: Koerner, 1968–80), hereafter RB; Rudolf Hirsch, “Rouen and Caen Imprints, ca. 1510–1520,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1976): 190–93. 3 On language, see Malcolm Parkes, Pause and Effect. An Introduction to the History of Punctuation in the West (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1992). On typography, see Rudolf Hirsch, “Title Pages in French Incunables, 1486–1500,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1978): 63–66; Margaret M. Smith, The Title-Page, Its Early Development, 1460–1510 (London: British Library, 2000); ­Ursula Rautenberg, Das Titelblatt. Die Entstehung eines typographischen

8 Introduction ­ ispositivs im frühen Buchdruck (Nürnberg: Buchwissenschaft, Universität D ­Erlangen-Nürnberg, 2004); Hendrik D.L. Vervliet, The Palaeotypography of the French Renaissance, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2008); Margaret M. Smith, “Red as a Textual Element during the Transition from Manuscript to Print,” Textual Cultures: Cultural Texts, eds. Orietta Da Rold and Elaine Treharne (Cambridge: Brewer, 2010), pp. 187–200. 4 Adrian Armstrong, Technique and Technology. Script, Print, and Poetics in France, 1470–1550 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000); Jane H.M. Taylor, The ­Making of Poetry: Late-Medieval French Poetic Anthologies (Turnhout: ­Brepols, 2007); Bonnie Mak, How the Page Matters (Toronto, ON: Toronto UP, 2011); David McKitterick, “How Can We Tell If People Noticed Changes in Book Design?” Jaarboek voor Nederlandse boekgeschiedenis 19 (2012): 11–31. 5 Robert Darnton, “What Is the History of Books?” Daedalus 111/3 (1982): 65–83; D.F. McKenzie, “The Book as an Expressive Form,” Bibliography and the Sociology of Texts (London: BL, 1986), pp. 1–20. An alternate view that privileged the action or manifestation of publishing rather than the agents is offered by Thomas R. Adams and Nicholas Barker, “A New Model for the Study of the Book,” A Potencie of Life: Books in Society (London: BL, 1993), pp. 5–43; Robert Darnton, “‘What Is the History of the Book?’ Revisited,” Modern Intellectual History 4/3 (2007): 495–508. 6 Gérard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation, trans. Jane E. Lewin (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997); Jerome McGann, The Textual Condition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1991). 7 Among many recent titles with earlier bibliography, see Leah Price, “­Reading: The State of the Discipline,” Book History 7 (2004): 303–20; ­David S. ­M iall, “Empirical Approaches to Studying Literary Readers: The State of the Discipline,” Book History 9 (2006): 291–311; Leslie Howsam, Old Books & New Histories: An Orientation to Studies in Book & Print Culture ­(Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 2006); Matthew Kirschenbaum and Sarah Werner, “Digital Scholarship and Digital Studies: The State of the Discipline,” Book History 17 (2014): 406–58. David Finkelstein and Alistair McCleery, An Introduction to Book History, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 2013); Books in Motion in Early Modern Europe. Beyond Production, Circulation and Consumption, eds. Daniel Bellingradt, Paul Nelles, and Jeroen Salman (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017). 8 Andrew Pettegree, “Centre and Periphery in the European Book World,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 18 (2008): 101–28; John Hinks, “The Book Trade in Early Modern Britain: Centres, Peripheries and Networks,” Print Culture and Peripheries in Early Modern Europe: A Contribution to the History of Printing and the Book Trade in Small European and Spanish Cities (Leiden: Brill, 2013), pp. 101–26; Malcolm Walsby, “The Vanishing Press: Printing in Provincial France in the Early Sixteenth Century,” in The Book Triumphant. Print in Transition in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, eds. Malcolm Walsby and Graeme Kemp (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 97–111. 9 See another perspective on transnational exchange described by Alexander Soetaert, “Printing at the Frontier. The Emergence of a Transregional Book Production in the Ecclesiastical Province of Cambrai (c. 1560–1659),” De Gulden Passer 94/1 (2016): 137–63. 10 Bertrum H. Macdonald and Fiona A. Black, “Using GIS for Spatial and Temporal Analyses in Print Culture Studies. Some Opportunities and ­Challenges,” Social Science History 24/3 (2000): 505–36; essays in Historical Networks in the Book Trade, eds. John Hink and Catherine Feely (London: Routledge, 2017), in particular, in the same essay collection, see John Hinks, “Beyond Metaphor: A Personal View of Historical Networks in the Book Trade,” pp. 1–13;

Introduction  9

11

12

13

14

15 16 17

18 19

John Feather, “Book Trade Networks and Community Contexts,” pp. 14–28; and Steve Conway, “Revealing Mapping Networks: Potential ­Opportunities and Pitfalls for Book Trade History,” pp. 29–48. For a broader list of academic DH Geographical Information Systems projects, see The Historical GIS Research Network at www.hgis.org.uk/ resources.htm and John Levin’s list at http://anterotesis.com/wordpress/ mapping-resources/dh-gis-projects/, both accessed 14 August 2017. François Plaine, “Essai historique sur les origines et les vicissitudes de l’imprimerie en Bretagne,” Revue de Bretagne et de Vendée 8/2 (1875): 241–58, 354–71, 458–65; La Borderie, L’imprimerie en Bretagne; Michel Duval, “Le livre et sa diffusion en Bretagne dans la première moitié du XVIème siècle,” MSHAB 32 (1952): 31–62; RB (19e livraison: Morlaix, Nantes, Rennes, St.-Brieuc, Tréguier, Vannes); Gwennolé Le Menn, “À la recherche des anciens ouvrages imprimés en breton,” Mémoires de la S­ ociété d’émulation des Côtes-du-Nord (1978): 121–37; Michel Duval, “Les ­imprimeurs et ­libraires à Rennes au XVIe siècle,” MSHAB 62 (1985): 111–27; B ­ ibliothèque ­Municipale, Rennes, 500 ans d’imprimerie en Bretagne 1484–1985, ed. Xavier Ferrieu (Rennes: BM, 1985); Michel Simonin, “Les leçons de Bréhan,” MSHAB 62 (1985): 99–110; Malcolm Walsby, “Yves Mahyeuc, Jean Baudouyn et l’implantation de l’imprimerie à Rennes,” in Yves ­M ahyeuc, 1462–1541. Rennes en Renaissance, eds. Augustin Pic and Georges ­Provost (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2010), pp. 297–307; Diane Booton, Manuscripts, Market, and the ­Transition to Print in Late Medieval Brittany (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010); Malcolm Walsby, The Printed Book in Brittany, 1484–1600 (Leiden: Brill, 2011). For edition descriptions of the Coutumes de Bretagne, see La très ancienne coutume de Bretagne, avec les assises, constitutions de Parlement et ordonnances ducales, ed. Marcel Plainol (1896; repr. Geneva: Slatkine, 1984); André Gouron and Odile Terrin, Bibliographie des coutumes de France ­(Geneva: Droz, 1975). See also Anatole Claudin, Origines et débuts de l’imprimerie à Poitiers. Bibliographie des premiers livres imprimés dans cette ville (1479–1515), 3 vols. (Paris: Claudin, 1897); Michel Duval, “Pierre Bellescullée et la première édition provinciale de la coutume de Bretagne,” Nouvelle revue de Bretagne 1 (1953): 37–40. For the library inventory, see Anonymous, “Catalogue de la bibliothèque du chapître de Tréguier, 1491,” Revue des archives historiques des Côtes-duNord 1–2 (1884): 1–16. The copy no longer survives; its attribution to Calvez is based on a bibliographer’s reading of his name in the capitals of a verse anagram. The attribution has been questioned; see Luigi Michelini Tocci, “Incunaboli sconosciuti e incunaboli mal consciuti della Biblioteca Vaticana,” Studi di bibliografia e di storia in onore di Tammaro De Marinis, 4 vols. (Verona: Valdonega, 1964), III, pp. 177–228. Association of College and Research Libraries. Rare Books and Manuscripts Section. Bibliographic Standards Committee, Descriptive Cataloging of Rare Materials (Books) (Washington, DC: Cataloging Distribution Service, 2011). See also Pettegree, “Centre and periphery,” p. 104.

1 Profiting from a Breton bestseller

Les lunettes des princes by the Breton poet Jean Meschinot (c. 1420–91) sets the stage for an exploration of a commercial “communication circuit” of the book trade in France and for an examination of publishers’ decisions about product distinction and adaptation in a competitive marketplace. Meschinot’s lengthy prosimetrum allegory, comprised of moralistic and political ballads, and poetry, was printed in twenty-eight editions between c. 1492 and 1539.1 In his native Nantes appeared the first dated edition, followed quickly by others printed in Paris, Rouen, and Lyon as publishers recognized the work’s market strength (see the list of manuscripts and print editions at the end of this chapter). ­Despite numerous early editions, only sixty-eight complete or fragmentary ­copies survive today. In another testament to Meschinot’s popularity among late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century readers, six professionally written copies on parchment are known today as well as many excerpts, penned less expertly, on the pages or flyleaves of other books. As a bestseller of its time, what made Les lunettes des princes so attractive to the printers, publishers, and readers? What does an edition’s physical format—considered here as consequences of creative, technical, and economic decisions—tell us about book production, commercial constraints, and readers’ expectations? This chapter examines issues of book materiality, product differentiation, and marketability in the context of market risk and profit for printers and publishers. Because Meschinot made use of acrostics, rebuses, and stanzas, the visual aspect of the page took on more importance than a page of narrative prose; publishers had to evaluate the layout of text and illustrations, and manipulate page presentation, all the while keeping expense and profit in line. Editorial intention and intervention were key motivations for ­format, mise en page, chapter structure, illustrations, and any finishing work to be undertaken after printing. Besides influencing the financial outcome, such paratextual decisions might affect a reader’s orientation to the printed material, engaging the eye and mind to follow and interpret the organization and meaning beyond the author’s text.2 This chapter’s study of typographical decisions makes clear the printer-­ publishers’ very real concern with economic costs as they attempted to keep current with typographical and market developments. Moreover, the chapter shows how production decisions might affect readers, some of whom

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  11 were actively engaged in correcting and annotating the text. In a single title, we can thus observe the typographical development of early printed books, which largely adhered to the manuscript tradition, and which, then, absorbed subsequent bibliographical developments of the title page, running ­ rinter-publishers titles, foliation, and printed initials and illustrations as p endeavored to differentiate their editions in the marketplace.

A posthumous bestselling author Meschinot, seigneur des Mortiers, was born in about 1420 into an old Breton family of lesser nobility. He earned less from his lands located in the parish of Monnières (less than twenty miles from Nantes) than he owed to his lord, sire de Clisson. 3 Noble but poor, Meschinot served the dukes of Brittany as a squire (“écuyer de corps et de chambre”) and received about 25 livres monthly from the Montfort dukes Jean V (d. 1442), François I (d. 1450), Pierre II (d. 1457), Arthur III (d. 1458), and François II (d. 1488). François I gave New Year’s gifts of a silver goblet worth two marcs in weight to Meschinot in 1446 and 1448 (n.s.).4 He took part in the ducal retinue of lords and counselors who accompanied Pierre II to the court of France in residence at Tours in 1451 and then at Bourges in 1455, and later accompanied Arthur III in 1457. As a soldier, Meschinot defended Brittany against English forces in 1453 and 1454. Ducal favor continued under Arthur III, who paid Meschinot five écus for composing a rondeau in 1458. 5 At the ducal court, he was joined by other poets, serving as orators, men-at-arms, and confidential ­diplomats, who accompanied the duke on journeys to other princely courts. Meschinot and other poets were along for Arthur’s visit to poet Charles d’Orléans (1394–1465) in 1458.6 Ever since their capture at the Battle of Agincourt in 1415 and subsequent imprisonment in England, Charles and Arthur had remained close, but in contrast to Arthur’s relatively short imprisonment of five years, Charles spent twenty-five years in England, until 1440. During his captivity, he wrote most of his known poetry: 131 chansons, 102 ballades, 7 complaintes, and at least 400 rondeaux, mostly in French with some poems in English. It was perhaps on this visit in 1458 that visiting poets, including Meschinot, created a manuscript anthology of their respective poems.7 In the early years of his ducal reign, François II refused Meschinot’s services in an attempt perhaps to rejuvenate the ducal armed corps. From ­January 1461, however, Meschinot returned as ducal squire, named in ducal payment records as “lance, homme d’armes or gentilhomme de la garde,” and served in that capacity in the diocese of Léon. About 1461–65, ­Meschinot began to write Les lunettes des princes. In its first section, which is often described as “autobiographical poetry,” he recounts anguished thoughts and near suicide; a “crisis that might have made him a poet,” writes Christine Martineau-Genieys for all his major works postdate these years.8 Finding it necessary to augment his ducal pension, Meschinot sought

12  Profiting from a Breton bestseller service and patronage at the wealthy princely court of Guy XIV (1406–86), count of ­Laval and Vitré. Meschinot accompanied the count and his wife Françoise de ­Dinan to seigneurial manors and to Duke François II’s wedding to Marguerite de Foix in Nantes in 1471. On the latter occasion, it is likely that Meschinot composed Balade faicte pour la duchesse Margarite de Foix quant elle vint en Bretaigne.9 Little is known of Meschinot’s marriage and family: He had two sons, one of whom, as his own poetry r­ eveals, was captain of Laval’s manor at Marcillé and worked to strengthen the castle’s bridges, walls, machicolations, and towers.10 Meschinot’s prose work, ­Supplication que fist ledit Meschinot au duc de Bretaigne, son souverain seigneur, stems from a still mysterious litigious argument between his son and Jean du B ­ oisbrassu of Ploërmel, a complaint brought before the ducal council in 1473.11 After François II’s death in 1488, his daughter Anne named Meschinot her principal maître d’hotel and general master of the mint, for which he, like his predecessors, received an annual wage of 300 livres.12 He died on 12 September 1491, a few months before Anne’s wedding to King Charles VIII, and is thought to have been buried in the Carmelite Church in Nantes.13 Meschinot is generally described by literary scholars as a member of the grands rhétoriqueurs, a broad category of orators, historians, and poets living in northern France in the period of 1460–1520.14 As a first-­ generation poet of the rhétoriqueurs, he depended on the beneficent patronage of princes, as did his contemporaries Georges Chastelain (d. 1475), Jean Robertet (d. 1492), and Jean Molinet (d. 1507).15 Their prose and lyric writings, often encomiastic and propagandistic, followed medieval traditions in their didactic eagerness and literary themes of moralistic preoccupation. The rhétoriqueurs often mentioned and praised fellow poets, sometimes in dialogue verse; they also wrote as first-person narrators, signaled in rubrics as “acteur” to highlight authorial status and intention, thus contributing to an ambiguity of the author’s voice and identity.16 The poets were keen on stylized formats, such as the dreaming poet, and on formal constraints or rhyme variations, including acrostics and combinatory verse. The poems of Eustache Deschamps (d. 1406), Alain Chartier (d. 1430), and Chastelain have been identified as being the most influential on Meschinot’s work.17 Because extant print editions postdate ­Meschinot, the question of authorial identification, intervention, or control over print reproduction need not be considered as it would be necessary for works by Molinet, André de La Vigne, Jean Lemaire de Belges, and Pierre Gringore, among the second-generation rhétoriqueurs.18 Although the reputation of Meschinot’s work dimmed in later centuries, Les lunettes des princes was well regarded by the contemporary literary community in the early sixteenth century.19 Poet and rhetorician Pierre Fabri used Meschinot’s verse to exemplify different verse formats in Le grand et vrai art de pleine rhétorique, published at Rouen in 1521. The French humanist and printer Geoffroy Tory praised Meschinot for

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  13 “le doulx langage” in Champfleury, published in 1529, as did poets Charles Bourdigné (d. 1521?), Guillaume Crétin (d. 1525), and Lemaire (d. 1525). In Temple de Bonne Renommée, Jean Bouchet cited Meschinot in the same breath as Regnaud Le Queux (d. 1500) and Octavien de Saint-Gelais (d. 1502) as a sort of défence and illustration de la Grande Rhétorique:20 Puis je aperceu Milet et les Grebans George, Castel, responsanz là dedans, Frere Alexis qui feit certains beaux laiz, Regnaut le Queux, Meschinot, Saint-Gelays, Et autres gens, lesquelz en prose et vers Ont bien escript et fait euvres divers. (Verses 3313–3318) In his Triomphes du roy (1550), Bouchet recounted meeting renowned poets, including Meschinot. 21 Literary critics Pierre Grognet (d. 1540), Charles Fontaine (d. 1589), and Étienne Pasquier (d. 1615) applauded Meschinot’s talent, describing him in the same company as authors Chartier, Jean de Meun, Jean Froissart, and Georges Chastelain. In recent decades, Meschinot’s reputation has been revived, not least by members of the Oulipo group, founded in 1960. 22 Editions of Meschinot’s works contain two or three discrete sections. (1) Les lunettes des princes is a three-part allegorical and didactic text in prosimetrum about moral conduct, often called a “miroir,” a literary genre for the education of young noblemen. 23 It contains “autobiographical” verse (500 lines), a dream-vision poem in prose (400 lines), and a discourse on the virtues in verse (2,000 lines); the sections were perhaps written as distinct parts in 1459/60 and 1473/80 and then assembled as Les lunettes des princes. 24 In the discourse, the allegory Reason guides the poet to the will of God by offering a book and glasses (lunettes), of which Prudence and Justice are the lenses, encased in Force and held by the nail of Temperance: “Ung livre auras qui a nom Conscience | Mais pour plus clair y veoir te fault lunette.” When the poet awakes, he finds only the book containing the treatise on the four cardinal virtues. Editions usually append two other works by Meschinot. (2) Vingtcinq balades is a long moralistic and political text (900 lines) on the vices of powerful rulers.25 It incorporates verses of the Burgundian court poet Chastelain, whose twenty-five shorter stanzas from Le prince ou les princes (written 1453–70) alternate between satirical descriptions of vices and future punishment of an evil prince, whom some scholars believe referred to Louis XI. Other scholars interpret Vingt-cinq balades as satirical and moralizing verse that targets unacceptable behavior, a genre exemplified as well in the contemporary works of Olivier de La Marche, among others.26 The last envoi in Meschinot’s text addressed Chastelain as the master of scholarly rhetoric: “O George, des autres le maistre | en

14  Profiting from a Breton bestseller la rhetorique science…,” thereby suggesting that it was based on an epistolary exchange with Chastelain, which was not uncommon for the latter poet.27 The section concludes with the combinatory verse “Litanies de la Vierge,” often referred to as “Donneur,” after its first word.28 (3) The third section, Nouvelles additions, contains various poetic topics and formats, such as political poetry (“Je, Nantes, cite plantureuse” against the interdict of Nantes, 1462/63), ballads (“Prince, faites de maux destruction”; “Frere, qui parlez de L. et C.”; “Ballade pour la duchesse de Foix quant elle vint en Bretaigne”), supplications in prose (“Supplication de la poure nascion de Bretaigne,” 1461; “Banni de liesse,” 1472), rondeaux, and rich-rhymed poems (“Homme miserable et labile, | Qui vas contrefaisant l’habile…”).29 Apart from the earliest editions before 1495, publishers regularly assembled Meschinot’s three works in their editions. Unique among his contemporary rhétoriqueurs to have his works edited so often, Meschinot’s works offer an opportunity to follow its typographical mise en livre by specific printer-publishers within a short period of time.30 Publishing choices had a direct impact not only on aspects of space and placement of text and illustration on the page but also on the function of different parts of the book, most notably the title page.

Transforming Meschinot’s popularity into print Meschinot’s status at the Breton ducal courts assured circulation of his literary works, whether delivered orally in his lifetime, handwritten or printed as a single work, or in a poetry anthology. The earliest seven editions of Les lunettes des princes and Vingt-cinq ballades—omitting Nouvelles additions—were printed in Nantes, Paris, and Lyon in less than ten years between c. 1492 and 1500. Produced in quarto editions, printers met their lively competition with unflinching self-marketing. The first dated edition of Les lunettes des princes was printed on both paper and parchment by Étienne Larcher on 15 April 1493 in Nantes, where he supposed he would find ample buyers (ISTC im00505500).31 Beginning with “Cy commence” (here begins), in the manner of the manuscript ­tradition, the title words differ significantly from later titles: “Cy com[m]ence le livre appelle Les lunettes des princes avecques aulcunes balades de plusieurs matieres co[m]posees par feu Jehan meschinot, seigneur des Mortiers, escuyer, en son vivant principal maistre dhostel de la duchesse de bretaigne a p[r]esent royne de france.” Not only longer than later editions, the title announces Les lunettes des princes and unspecified ballads, o ­ mitting ­Vingt-cinq ballades. It also describes author details that s­ ubsequent ­editions omit, namely the late author’s title of nobility, seigneur des Mortiers and squire, and his administrative role as maître d’hôtel; ­moreover, it r­ efers to Anne de Bretagne of Brittany as la duchesse de Bretaigne, therefore, ­current queen of France. Only Larcher emphasized the Breton poet’s ­social status and the queen’s natal connection to Brittany. In format, such a title page falls midway in the development of printed title pages, as identified by Margaret Smith.32

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  15 Not surprisingly, Larcher’s first known edition appears experimental in composition and displays mismatched and ill-fitted woodcuts, which were borrowed from his brother Jean Du Pré, whose initials are visible in the uppermost border. Perhaps to garner patronage, Larcher placed a framed woodcut of Anne de Bretagne’s coat of arms, écu parti of France and Brittany, surmounted by the royal crown on the edition’s first and last folios. Larcher took credit as printer in each section’s colophon. He positioned well-spaced stanzas in long verse lines as justified prose set in bâtarde letters with few abbreviations; small guide letters appear in the blank spaces reserved for large initials, allowing the buyer to determine their hand-­fi nishing. Like nearly all editions, Larcher’s opening pages combine image and text (­ Figures 1.1 and 1.2): a full-page illustration on the title-page verso paired with Meschinot’s initial stanzas on the recto. Yet, Larcher’s woodcut of the Last Judgment differed from his brother’s ­selection of the ­Crucifixion, the usual opening illustration for later editions. Larcher’s woodcut derived from a woodblock borrowed from his brother, who had used it in a book of hours completed on 10 May 1488 (ISTC ih00359638, fol. 54v). Both illustrations, again, like later editions, are captioned “Principes persecute sunt me gratis” (Princes have persecuted me without a cause; Psalm 119:161) and may have repeated a manuscript exemplar. A small Crucifixion woodcut, likewise borrowed, was placed on the facing page, above the first stanza, “Apres beau temps vient la pluye et tempeste…Car a tout mal nostre nature est preste” (After good weather comes the rain and storm…For all bad things our nature is ready). Meschinot’s second section of Vingt-cinq ballades is signaled with a full-page woodcut of the Instruments of Christ’s Passion, whereas the subsequent poem, Commémoration de la Passion, is paired with a small illustration of the Flagellation of Christ, another woodcut obtained from Jean Du Pré.33 Although Larcher borrowed woodblocks, he used them in different contexts than his brother, who also printed an edition of Meschinot’s poetry. Jean Larcher dit Du Pré printed Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes and Vingt-cinq ballades in an undated edition, usually considered earlier than his brother’s (ISTC im00505000). 34 Active 1481–1504, Jean Du Pré was one of the earliest French printers to incorporate woodcut and metalcut illustrations into his editions, which included more than five dozen liturgical and devotional books or about half of his known editions. His Meschinot edition was exceptional among his French titles because his printer’s mark of two swans appeared above the title (Figure 1.3), thereby publicizing his status as a printer and publisher, a marketing technique that many printers emulated in the competitive trade. 35 Du Pré’s title, which became the ­standard for subsequent editions, identifies Meschinot’s status in passing (“noble homme”) and his court role as squire and grand maître d’hôtel for the queen: Les lunettes des princes co[m]posees par noble homme Jeha[n] meschinot Escuier en son vivant grant maistre dhostel de la Royne de France. Du Pré chose

16  Profiting from a Breton bestseller

Figure 1.1  T  he Last Judgment in the first dated edition of Jean M ­ eschinot’s Les lunettes des princes. Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 15 April 1493. Paris, BnF, Vélins 2232 (title-page verso). © Paris, BnF.

to highlight Meschinot’s combinatory verse to the ­Virgin Mary with a woodcut reused from his book of hours of 1488–89, which depicts a man kneeling in prayer to the Virgin and Christ Child; the prayer “Mater dei memento mei” (Mother of God, remember me) appears on a speech scroll. As “Everyman”—his shield set aside, while his dog naps—the man offers a model of contemplation and devotion for the reader. Although the brothers shared woodcuts, their typography and

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  17

Figure 1.2  Opening text page. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 15 April 1493. Paris, BnF, Vélins 2232 (a2r). © Paris, BnF.

layouts differed. 36 Du Pré’s edition found immediate competition from two other printers in Paris. For Pierre Le Caron, Les lunettes des princes fit well with his other titles of French poetry and treatises by Chartier, François Villon, and Christine de Pisan, among others. Active in Paris, 1488–1500, Le Caron may have learned his trade from a relative, Guillaume Le Caron 37; by 1489, he identified himself as “expert en l’art de impression” (ISTC

18  Profiting from a Breton bestseller

Figure 1.3   T he printer’s mark dominates the title page. Jean Meschinot. Les ­lunettes des princes. [Paris: Jean Du Pré, c. 1492]. Paris, Arsenal, RES 8-BL-11039 (title page). © Paris, BnF.

ic00425000). Nearly all of his eighty editions are texts in French, many undated; other editions fail to credit him as printer, but scholars attribute editions based on a similarity of typographic material, including many editions printed for the Parisian publisher-bookseller Antoine Vérard. 38 Le Caron’s Meschinot edition, however, is clearly identified (Figure 1.4): The title page displays his printer’s mark, and the

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  19

Figure 1.4  T  he title above the printer’s mark. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Paris: Pierre Le Caron [c. 1493/94]. Paris, BnF, Rothschild 464 (II.3.13). © Paris, BnF.

colophon provides his name and address at the sign of the White Cross in rue Quincampoix in Paris. The edition has been dated c. 1493/94, based on the well-worn printer’s mark that was used only in editions dated 1493 and 1494 (ISTC ib01239650 and ib00969350) and based on his address from which he had moved by 1495. Despite repeating Du Pré’s title, Le Caron differentiated his edition with a xylographic

20  Profiting from a Breton bestseller title, printed from a woodblock rather than from movable type, in textura display letters to emphasize the title page in a dramatic way. Le Caron repeats Du Pré’s opening of a Crucifixion woodcut paired with Meschinot’s text. Le Caron attempts to shape stanzas into neat blocks of text with multiple abbreviations; even so, a lingering long line was carried down to the next one (lines 2 and 3). As a publisher’s unusual epitextual feature, he appended Meschinot’s epitaph, announced with another xylographic heading39: Epitaphe dudit meschinot Vertueux gist donneur. bien proche En armes servit sans reproche Cinq ducs, onc ne fut reprochie Priez dieu quil soit approchie Du pardon qui sa ioie approche De mechinot [sic] fut son surno[m] Lunetez fist cil Jehan eut no[m] Et maint beau dicte sans redicte Mil cinq cens neuf moins plus no[n] douze en septembre en grant reno[m] Servant dame qui royne est dicte Par atropos qui humains croche Et qui tout preux de son dart broche Fut ce noble homs a mort brochie De vertus nestoit descrochie Donc dire en doit soubz ceste roche Vertueux gist. (Virtuous he lies in honor, as a soldier-at-arms he served five dukes without reproach, never was he reproached. Pray to God that he will be approached by pardon as he approaches joy || De Meschinot was his surname, Lunettes made this one, Jean was his name and many beautiful verses without repetition. || One thousand five hundred less nine and not more on twelfth September of great renown, serving a lady who is called queen. || By Atropos [one of the three Greek Moirai of fate and destiny], who hooks humans and who stabs every valiant man with her lance was this noble man pierced. Of virtue he was not deprived, so truly must one say beneath this stone. Virtuous he lies.) The epitaph’s mention of “gist” is often expressed as “ci-gist” on burial epitaphs, but it is not the same epitaph formerly incised on the poet’s tomb in the Carmelite Church at Nantes.40 “Donneur” may be a double reference to Meschinot’s popular combinatory poem known often by this short title. Another Parisian edition of Les lunettes des princes—omitting ­Nouvelles additions—was printed by Le Petit Laurens about 1493–97.

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  21 Le Petit Laurens, active to 1517, rarely dated his editions and regularly marked his works only after 1491.41 Scholars date his editions based on his two marks: His Meschinot edition displays the earlier mark with a cross above the shield, la Croix Blanche, held aloft by two unicorns. His edition copies aspects of earlier editions of this title and shows haste and cost-­cutting in its production. Like earlier editions, his opening pages show a woodcut illustration of the Crucifixion and the same caption from Psalms on the ­title-page verso and three stanzas on the recto (­Figure 1.5). Omitting woodcuts within the edition, he placed a woodcut

Figure 1.5  The Crucifixion as opening illustration. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. [Paris]: Le Petit Laurens [c. 1493–99]. Paris, BnF, RES YE 285 (title-page verso). © Paris, BnF.

22  Profiting from a Breton bestseller of God the Father holding the crucified Christ only on the last folio, with the explicit, “Cy finist les lunettes des Princes.” Although his two woodcuts have not yet been traced, Le Petit Laurens often borrowed woodcuts from Jean Du Pré and Antoine Vérard in Paris as well as from Guillaume Le Rouge in Troyes, exemplifying the commercial currency of woodcuts.42 Besides reducing the number of woodcuts, Le Petit Laurens made decisions that reduced the edition’s cost and production time. He used a small typeface to compose more lines per page, reducing the overall length by ten folios. Each stanza’s opening majuscule is printed as a Lombard initial of uniform size, introducing regularity in layout that probably increased the speed of composition. A disadvantage of speed, however, was perhaps the numerous misspellings and missing words, although such mistakes would be less apparent to the prospective buyer, only noticeable to the attentive reader.43 Corrected annotations demonstrate that Les lunettes des princes did have its readers. Another edition copy, printed in Paris about 1500 and now held by the Universitätsbibliothek in Mannheim, reveals numerous misspellings and penned corrections. Though lacking a printer’s name, mark, and date, it has been attributed, based on the type and woodcuts, to the press of Laurent Philippe, c. 1495.44 The edition is unusual because its title page depicts Moses and Israelites receiving manna from heaven (Exodus 16:1–36), a woodcut previously used by the Parisian printer Jean Lambert and later by Guy Marchant. Another unusual woodcut of a saint, depicting perhaps St. Thomas kneeling before Christ, appears on the title-page verso. The edition shows that printers were not completely restricted by earlier editions and that woodblocks were not guarded as proprietary possessions. At the same time that these early editions appeared in the Paris market, printers in Lyon brought out their own editions for local buyers. Les ­lunettes des princes was such a bestseller that the printer-bookseller Jacques Arnoullet produced two editions between c. 1496 and 1500. That there was a demand for books in Lyon during these years is remarkable because there was a commercial slowdown caused by the plague in 1494 and 1496/97 and by a tax on the print trade after 1495.45 Arnoullet, a native of Bourges or Aubinges (Cher), was associated on tax rolls from 1492 with the Lyonnais Claude Dayne dit Vicaire, with whom he seems to have shared typographic material until 1495.46 Arnoullet placed his printer’s mark on the title page, and like his book-trade ­contemporaries, he repeated the traditional opening of Les lunettes des princes with a Crucifixion woodcut on the title-page verso. He prepared his first edition for the client wishing to customize his copy by leaving blank spaces where large initials would be hand-finished by a decorator. Another woodcut, perhaps depicting the Deposition, might have been placed at the end, an assumption based on Arnoullet’s second edition of c. 1500. Unusual for a second edition, he made significant changes: He introduced a new typeface, altered orthography, created different titling, changed woodcuts,

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  23 and printed majuscules in previously blank spaces. He made use of woodblocks acquired from printers Pierre Pincerne and Jean Dalles, reinforcing the professional exchange in illustrative material in the book trade.47

Promoting Meschinot in the marketplace The poet’s Nouvelles additions first appeared in print in Étienne L ­ archer’s second edition, printed in Nantes on 8 June 1494, signaled there as “et additions nouvellement faictes” (ISTC im00506350). Besides the new text, Larcher expanded previous abbreviations, including the author’s name on the title page; here, he was following a contemporary publishing trend to minimize abbreviations and make words clearly recognizable to readers. On the title page, he replaced the Last Judgment woodcut with one of the Instruments of the Passion, previously placed before ­Vingt-cinq ballades. New to his edition were woodcuts on the title-page verso depicting Adam and Eve departing Eden as well as two small, well-worn woodcuts of the Nativity and the Adoration of the Magi, placed above the text on the recto (Figure 1.6). Larcher also made changes in text and layout, such as shifting lines, eliminating majuscules at the head of each line, and changing abbreviations, spellings, and punctuation.48 For Vingt-cinq ballades, he emphasized its beginning and importance by placing the woodcut of Christ Showing His Wounds within a larger interchangeable frame; this woodcut would recur in his own and his brother’s editions (see Chapter 2). Larcher’s confidence as a printer manifests itself in the second edition’s colophon, which has lengthened, taking on greater visual significance, and which, in its choice of words, emphasizes Larcher’s professional status as “imprimeur et libraire.” Because the second edition makes no reference to Anne de Bretagne, her sought-after patronage had probably failed to materialize. Larcher found other means to continue publishing for several more years. Whereas Larcher’s second edition had continued the same quarto format, other printers began to produce smaller octavo editions, perhaps as a cost-saving measure or in recognition of readers’ preference for smaller formats for poetry and literature. In 1495, the bookbinder-bookseller S­ imon Vostre contracted with Philippe Pigouchet in Paris to print Meschinot’s three works in an octavo edition. Their initial association dates at least to 1488 when they brought out their first of many book of hours, often abundantly illustrated with woodcuts and metalcuts.49 Both Vostre and Pigouchet were affiliated with the University of Paris, Vostre as ­relieur-juré and Pigouchet as libraire. Pigouchet remained active to c. 1512 and printed for other publishers, including for Enguilbert de Marnef, Toussaint de Montjay, Jean P ­ etit, Durand Gerlier, and Jean Richard in Paris; for Pierre Regnault in Caen; and for Jacques Huguetan in Lyon.50 Vostre had recourse to other printers such as Ulrich Gering and Berthold Rembolt, Nicolas Higman, and Thielman Kerver; he also loaned out typographical material and woodblocks, becoming a successful businessman and owner of six houses in Paris.51

24  Profiting from a Breton bestseller

Figure 1.6  A second edition. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 8 June 1494.  Chambéry, Médiathèque Jean-Jacques Rousseau, RES A 3 (title-page verso). © Collection Bibliothèques municipales de Chambéry, cliché Eric Beccaro.

The two Vostre-Pigouchet editions of Les lunettes des princes, published in 1495 (ISTC im00506600) and 1499 (ISTC im00507000), show its mainstream popularity. 52 Though the two editions are similar in content and format, the second’s title page was reset with changes in spellings and abbreviations; however, the second edition preserved the text and even previous spelling errors (“XXV princes de balabes [sic]” for “balades” on g5v line 14). The second edition retained a small woodcut of a man kneeling in prayer before the V ­ irgin and Child at the beginning

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  25

Figure 1.7  T he Crucifixion. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Paris: Philippe Pigouchet for Simon Vostre, 1499. Boston, Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, 1.b.1.35 (a1v).

of Meschinot’s Donneur or combinatory poem, perhaps a borrowing from Jean Du Pré’s edition, but it swapped the Crucifixion woodcut on the title-page verso for another of the same subject (Figure 1.7). Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes continued to be a bestseller, and brisk sales encouraged new editions. Between 1499 and 1505—a period of only six years—four editions appeared in the Paris market produced by Jean Trepperel (ISTC im00507050 and USTC 64784) and

26  Profiting from a Breton bestseller Michel Le Noir (USTC 52332 and 55522). Similar in format and design, their quarto editions were set in familiar Gothic characters with text condensed on the page by the elimination of blank lines between ­stanzas; each printer’s mark appeared on the title pages. The editions sold well apparently, despite uncorrected texts and poorly inked letters. Les lunettes des princes complemented their publication list that featured popular secular literature in French, often illustrated with woodblocks, nearly regardless of context. 53 Trepperel printed 240 editions between 1491 and 1511, and from 1497, he worked in association with ­librairejuré Michel Le Noir, who had married his sister Jeanne. 54 By 1500, Le Noir had at least a decade of experience as a successful printer; over his steady career, he would print nearly 250 editions (half of which were reeditions), comprising a broad range of medieval and contemporary literature, philosophical, classical, and theological works in Latin and French.55 Meschinot’s bestseller momentum encouraged other publishers outside Paris, such as Martin Havard in Lyon and Robert Macé in Caen, to contract printers for quarto editions. Active from about 1493, H ­ avard published a broad range of subjects in Latin and French, including poetry, literature, religious, medical texts, education books, adage/emblem book, calendar, history, and even cuisine.56 His Meschinot edition, dated c. 1499–1501 (ISTC im00507100), has been attributed based on its typography to the printer Matthias Huss (Huß, active 1482–1500), possibly the younger brother of Martin Huss, originally from Bottwar (Württemberg). About 140 editions have been identified or attributed to Matthias Huss, who rented material from his associate Jean Faber and who also worked with local printers Johann Schabler, Pierre Hongre, and Jacques Buyer.57 The printer is best known for the first representation of a print shop, whose workers are interrupted by dancing skeletons of death, a woodcut that appeared in his La grant danse macabre des hommes printed in Lyon in 1499. The unusual title page of the Meschinot edition shows the title words arranged around a square, continuing inside in perpendicularly set lines in small type (Figure 1.8). Not only is the title-page layout exceptional in typographic history, it represents one of only two editions by Huss that displayed vertical titling.58 Despite good sales in Paris, Les ­lunettes des princes fared less well in Lyon: It was still in stock some fifteen or twenty years later when a certain Estienne Morlon acknowledged acquiring three copies, along with eight other editions.59 Robert Macé responded to market competition with a new layout. A native Norman, Macé was a libraire-juré of the University of Caen from 1498 to 1507, and in that capacity, he contracted some fifty editions from various printers in Caen, Rouen, and Paris. His Meschinot edition, which carries his mark on the first and last pages, was printed by ­Richard Auzoult in Rouen between about 1501 and 1504.60 Auzoult printed as many as eight editions for Macé, more than any of his other printers. Their Meschinot

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  27

Figure 1.8  T  ypographic gymnastics. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. [Lyon: Matthias Huss] for Martin Havard [c. 1499–1501]. Paris, BnF, Rothschild 463 (II.3.37) (title page). © Paris, BnF.

edition increased the usual number of illustrations and condensed the textual layout, restricting the edition to 88 folios by eliminating blank lines between stanzas and by using short forward slashes in lieu of full spaces between letters. The edition removed the standard Crucifixion illustration on the title-page verso, allowing the text—announced by the xylographic letter “A”—to start immediately.61 Other xylographic letters begin specific prayers, sometimes accompanied by a woodcut preface, namely the Trinity

28  Profiting from a Breton bestseller (“O glorieuse trinite”), Crucifixion (“Ad sourplus quant”), Coronation of the Virgin (“Dieu tout puissant graces nous te rendons”), Virgin and Child on a Crescent Moon (“AToy vierge glorieuse”), and Annunciation to the Virgin (“AToy vierge glorieuse”). All woodcuts show excessive wear, indicating age and reuse. Just as Robert Macé shortened the edition’s length by means of a denser layout while increasing the number of illustrations to appeal to buyers, other publishers responded to market competition as well and found ways to economize and publicize their own editions.

Facing the competition Trepperel’s widow continued her husband’s Parisian print shop with her son-in-law Jean Jehannot, an experienced printer-bookseller and later libraire-juré of the University of Paris; together, they printed about 125 editions.62 Their second editions made extensive changes to her husband’s earlier ones, including Les lunettes des princes, printed between 1514 and 1519, which was transformed in format and presentation. Printed in the smaller octavo format, the new Meschinot edition encouraged portability (USTC 95098).63 Perhaps motivated by market changes, they exchanged the title-page Crucifixion to a nonreligious woodcut of a king on horseback on a falcon hunt, accompanied by two courtiers, thereby perhaps encouraging the prospective buyer to expect a moralizing “miroir des princes” or conduct book on the virtues and conduct of secular rulers. In any case, the royal image might be more eye-­catching to a buyer than a printer’s mark. The edition’s second woodcut of a French king (identified by the fleur-de-lis coat of arms at upper left) sitting among his councilors—a woodcut reused from Trepperel’s repertory—emphasizes the secular tone. In this new edition, there is a clearer textual hierarchy based on the size and type of initials (woodcut, metalcut, or Lombard initials), which assisted the reader through textual passages. In 1522, when Nicole Vostre (d. about 1537) brought out her own octavo edition, she did not reissue a faithful copy of the edition by her brother Simon Vostre (d. 4 June 1521); rather, her edition printed by ­Parisian Nicolas Higman differed in collation, layout, orthography, and illustrations. Heir of Simon Vostre, Nicole married Guillaume Basteau, cobbler by trade, and their daughter, Marie, married Jean Courtoys, a wine merchant; the family book business thus ended with Nicole. She published at least thirteen editions between 1522 and 1528 at the sign of St. John the Evangelist in rue neuve Notre Dame, the shop that she had jointly inherited with her brother’s widow.64 She repurposed ­Simon’s mark on the title page by altering the monogram on the shield and by substituting her first name for his (Figure 1.9). 65 The Meschinot edition (USTC 29064) was one of two editions that she contracted with Nicolas Higman. This printer (sometimes signed Hicman

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  29

Figure 1.9  Repurposing her brother’s mark. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Paris: Nicolas Higman for Nicole Vostre, 1522. M ­ unich, ­Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, p.o. gall. 1461 k (title page).

or Hieman) is credited with about sixty editions during his business years, c. 1495–1535, for various publishers, including Jean de Brie, the Marneuf family, ­Guillaume Godard, François Regnault, as well as some seventeen editions for Simon Vostre. Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes with its moralistic, political, religious, and amorous poetry

30  Profiting from a Breton bestseller represented a departure for Higman because his other print jobs were primarily devotional, liturgical, and religious books. The illustration on the title-page verso depicts the Tree of Jesse, an exceptional choice.66 Unusual, too, is the retrospective gesture to the manuscript tradition in starting with a pilcrow and incipit (₵ “Cy com[m]ence…”). Her new edition omitted an illustrative preface to ­Meschinot’s combinatory verse prayer but substantially reworded and reduced the prayer’s rubric in her brother’s edition from “Ceste oraison se peult dire par huyt ou par seize vers tant en retrogradant que aultrement tellement quelle se peult lire en trente-deux manieres differentes et plus, et a chascune y aura sens et rime, et commencera tousjours par motz differens qui vault” (This prayer can be said in eight or sixteen verses, forward or backward, such that it can be read in more than thirty-two different ways, and moreover, each one will have sense and rhyme and will always begin by different words as desired) to the altered “…en.xxxviii. manieres se peuent [sic] dire les viii. versetz cy dessoubz escrips” (…in thirty-eight ways can be said the seven verses written below). Because ­M ichel Le Noir’s edition had the same shortened and erroneous rubric, his edition was plausibly her exemplar. Her edition, like Le Noir’s, began the first line with Dhonneur, not Donneur, found in her brother’s edition.67 The final full-page woodcut illustration of the Descent of the Holy Spirit is striking not only for its subject but also for its distinctive Italianate elements, such as the columned aedicule. Nicole Vostre may have produced a second edition five years later, but no extant copy has been traced. In the late 1520s and 1530s, new Meschinot editions show significant changes in format, typography, and imprint that likely reflect developments generally occurring in the book trade. The octavo format had created challenges in layout decisions with apparent repercussions for aesthetics and readability, whereas the change to the title-page imprint and typography had contributed to a “modernized” appearance of the literary work. Veuve Trepperel’s edition (c. 1514–19) was a forerunner to the removal of printer-publisher marks from the title page, replaced by an illustration or vendor information.68 The colophon, however, continued to function as an explicit and imprint. Printers highlighted title information in different ways; for example, the edition printed in Rouen by an unidentified printer in 1530 for libraire-juré Michel Angier at Caen profited from the extra space to stretch the title into an hourglass shape, albeit with numerous hyphenated words and a triumvirate of puncta to fill out the last line and balance the shape (USTC 55790).69 Angier’s edition omitted the publisher’s customary mark; rather, we find at the end an altered printer’s mark previously used by the Rouen printer Jean Le Bourgeois, but here, its lower frame and name are removed. Le Bourgeois’s typographic material is known to have passed primarily to Laurent Hostingue (d. 1526), a printer active at Rouen and then at

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  31 Caen for Angier, among others; although it has been suggested that Jean Mauditier assumed the mark of Le Bourgeois, his activity seems to have ended well before the date of this edition.70 The major typographic change in early sixteenth-century editions of Meschinot’s works was the switch to roman typeface and even smaller formats. Roman typefaces had been used earlier for classical and ­Neo-Latin literature printed in Paris in the 1490s, but only in the 1520s did roman typefaces appear in vernacular books.71 Yet, it would be more than a decade, in 1534, before the appearance of Meschinot’s works set in roman typeface. From the Parisian press of Alain Lotrian (USTC 57719), its title, signaled by a floral element, is arranged in an inverted triangle shape with the large majuscules balanced visually by a smaller typeface in majuscules, amply emphasizing the contents (­Figure 1.10). At the foot of the page, Lotrian’s imprint—not his printer’s mark for there was little room—publicized his bookshop in rue neuve Notre Dame, where he had succeeded Veuve Trepperel and worked with her grandson, Jean. The Meschinot edition fit well in his catalog of “romans de chevalerie and of moralizing tales aimed at less-erudite readerships.”72 Roman typeface was also used in Pierre Vidoue’s Parisian edition printed for Galliot Du Pré in 1528 (USTC 29078). The title and bookseller’s imprint were set within an Italianate decorative frame, surmounted by a lunette depicting Saint Jerome (identified by his lion attribute); the saint, however, has no contextual relationship to the contents (Figure 1.11). Ivy leaves flanking the centered title give a nod to Italian typographic material and design, elements first seen in the works of Venetian printer Aldo Manuzio. The printer Vidoue was not a typical sixteenth-century bookman (self-styled, “Chalcographiæ artis peritissimus”): Besides ­libraire-juré at the University of Paris, he had obtained the distinguished university title of maître ès arts and contributed dedicatory letters to printed texts.73 During his professional years, 1516–42, he and the libraire-juré Galliot Du Pré brought out another sixty-eight editions, primarily works of history, chronicles, and jurisprudence.74 Smaller formats characterized the late Meschinot editions produced by Vidoue-Galliot (1528), Olivier Arnoullet (c. 1530), Michel Angier (1530), Alain Lotrian (1534), and Jean Bignon (1539). Frequently described as petit-octavo, yet measuring as tricesimo-secondo, the format required less paper and reduced cost.75 Vidoue’s text-block was 25% smaller than Pigouchet’s (95 × 60 mm. vs. 128 × 75 mm.). The smaller format also meant pages of very dense text: With a similar body-text x-height of 2 mm., the twenty-line measure of text in Vidoue’s edition measured 64 mm. compared to Pigouchet’s at 84 mm. The smaller format introduced challenges for printers and consequences for readers. Whereas prose portions were readily set in justified lines, verse lines

32  Profiting from a Breton bestseller

Figure 1.10  The first Meschinot edition in roman typeface. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Paris: Alain Lotrian, 1534.  *FC M5608L 1534 (title page), Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA.

were sometimes too long for the page, even after recourse to abbreviations. The constraint forced printers to carry the remainder to the line below, set flush left, which left significant blank space in that second line; alternatively, a short remainder or single word was placed on the line above or below at the right margin. Either method affected the visual page layout and consequently the reader’s response to the verse poetry.

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  33

Figure 1.11   A n Italianate frame. Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. [Paris]: Pierre Vidoue for Galliot Du Pré, 20 October 1528. Paris, Arsenal, RES 8-BL-11037 (title page). © Paris, BnF.

Typographical layouts and stock images in the late Meschinot editions did not always reflect a printer’s “house style.” Whereas Bignon’s ­Meschinot edition set its title within a Renaissance decorative frame on its title page, similar to his edition of Clément Marot’s Le Dieu gard de Marot a son retour de Ferrare en France (1537), many of Bignon’s other editions—such as Johann Boemus’s Omnium gentium mores, leges,

34  Profiting from a Breton bestseller et ritus (1538)—demonstrate a complex layout of prose and marginal notes, various sizes of typefaces, different woodcut/metalcut initials, ivy leaf ornamentation, running titles, and foliation. Likewise, Galliot Du Pré’s Les illustrations de Gaule by Lemaire (1531)—printed just three years after his Les lunettes des princes—displays colorful pages and complicated layouts in a lavish and costly edition. By this time, Les ­lunettes des princes had apparently run its course in print popularity. Although there are no surviving autograph manuscripts, Meschinot’s works circulated in script before and after their book publication in the 1490s, providing yet another indication of his popularity as well as a demonstrable method of sharing among social circles. We find his Les lunettes des princes, ballads, and rondeaux in deluxe volumes, carefully copied and illuminated by professional scribes and artists in four extant manuscripts and excerpted in devotional books or poetry anthologies in manuscript, thus demonstrating its popularity into and perhaps beyond the sixteenth century.76 Two parchment manuscripts of Les lunettes des princes exclude Nouvelles additions, suggestive of a transmission via earlier sources: a large compendium of French poetry, dating from the late fifteenth to sixteenth centuries (Montpellier, Bibl. interuniversitaire, Section médecine, ms H 339) and a volume owned by poet Claude Bouton (1473?–1530), seigneur de Corberon (Nantes, Médiathèque ms. 651). Two additional parchment manuscripts contain Nouvelles additions: one owned by Jean II du Bois (d. 1539), seigneur de Fontaines and royal secretary to Queen Anne de Bretagne, whose note of his marriage to Jeanne Bohier on 27 October 1493 in the presence of Anne and Charles VIII at Tours establishes the terminus ante quem (Tours, BM ms 905),77 and another commissioned by Admiral Louis Mallet de Graville (1433–1516), whose coat of arms on fol. 2r reflects his appointment to the admiralty in 1497, establishing a terminus post quem (Paris, BnF ms fr. 24314). Information on these scribal publications, as well as anthologies discussed later, can be found at the end of this chapter. Besides the four manuscripts, excerpts of Meschinot’s works are found in various poetry anthologies or jotted on blank sheets of unrelated texts. The excerpts demonstrate the popularity of Meschinot’s poems, especially “C’est par vous que tant fort souspire,” “O Pere par creacion,” and “A cent ans d’icy je m’attens.” The continuation of scribal publication and amateur excerpts owes its long shelf life to bestselling print anthology editions, such as Le jardin de plaisance. Brought out by Antoine Vérard in Paris before or about 1501, Le jardin de plaisance was a successful model and imitated by other publishers.78 A contributing factor for Vérard’s edition was perhaps his decision to preface the anthology with Instructif de seconde rhetorique, an anonymous guide to reading and understanding verse to educate and gently shape the reader’s mind.79

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  35 In comparing the bestseller status of Les lunettes des princes to the works of other first-generation rhétoriqueurs, Meschinot’s work was the most popular when measured by the sheer number of print editions. The distant runner-up in this category during the same time period was Molinet’s Faictz et dictz with nine editions. A quick glance at the edition output of the second-generation rhétoriqueurs shows that ­Meschinot would overwhelmingly lose ground to later authors Clément ­Marot (eighty-nine editions) and Pierre Gringore (eighty-seven editions), who saw their work into print during their lifetimes. Printing altered the rhétoriqueurs’s perception of their role and changed the relationship between authors and patrons. As Cynthia Brown has shown, poets developed proprietorial attitudes toward their writing; they defended authorial rights against unscrupulous publishers in lawsuits and sought royal privileges as a means of early authorial copyright.80 What explains the drop in interest in printing Les lunettes des princes after 1539? Did the moralizing and political genres become outmoded in France or did readers tire of the windy, self-conscious versification? If the seventeen editions of Antonio de Guevara’s L’orloge des princes printed between 1540 and 1557 are a gauge of readers’ interests, it would seem that the moralistic and propagandistic genres remained in vogue. Yet, the ­declining interest in the rhétoriqueurs had begun, and certainly after Bouchet (d. 1557), there was a break from the older medieval strophic patterns. Joachim Du Bellay and other Pléiadian poets cultivated ­innovative genres influenced by the sonnets, odes, and encominia of Petrarch, Horace, and Pindar.81 The rhétoriqueurs were mostly forgotten until the nineteenth century.

Legacy This examination of Meschinot’s bestselling work shows the physical outcomes of his literary creation in manuscript and print as an index of commercial zeal and popular reception. Its publishing history demonstrates a commercial communication circuit, in which printers and publishers predominately influenced the work’s format, layout, and illustration. Les lunettes des princes exemplifies the typographical development of early printed books, displaying the early adherence to a manuscript tradition, with its incipits, and then to the later developments of the title page as printers tried to differentiate their edition in the marketplace. Besides a printer’s mark as a prominent advertisement on the title page, printers, particularly of the earlier editions, included woodcut or metalcut illustrations. Few editions, however, inserted running titles or foliation as aides to readers. The soldier-poet’s life also offers a window onto the complex sociopolitical relationships at the princely courts of late medieval France. ­ Meschinot’s service at the court of five successive dukes of Brittany provided

36  Profiting from a Breton bestseller sufficient material for biographical and political glimpses, whether encomiastic or satirical. As part of the group of first-generation rhétoriqueurs, Meschinot’s poetry exemplifies contemporary restricted themes and prescribed poetic methods, while placed also at a period of transition in French literature and in publishing history as the early book trade became increasingly commercialized. Because he served both as man-at-arms and court poet, his poetry has been described as a “double sociocultural alienation.”82 On the other hand, he was a transitional shaper of social changes for the second-­generation rhétoriqueurs in an increasing politicized market of print. As mouthpieces of the court, the second-generation authors were more active in shaping political opinion at a time when French monarchal power depended increasingly on public support. The poet-writers became historiographers, solidifying royal authority based on historical conventions or on invented customs.83 The latter writers, alive and capable of seeing their writings into print, became self-conscious as authors and even defended authorial rights with the consequence that some authors had the opportunity to influence the physical outcome of book production.84 Most contemporary authors relinquished control to printer-publishers in the hope that their works would be printed correctly and adequately for reading; printer-publishers focused by necessity on a changing economic market and on the needs and desires of a broad audience, some of whom might not be as learned and knowledgeable to understand a text.85 Besides determining which texts would be printed and when presented on the market, we have seen that printer-publishers made decisions regarding format size, typography, text layout, hierarchy of display and division titles, printed type, woodcut, metalcut, or blank initials, visual signs such as pilcrows and ornaments, and the (re)use of illustrations and borders. Decisions could directly affect the ease and way of reading: A hierarchy of initials oriented the reader through a dense or long text; a prefatory illustration provided a visual aide to the reader, helping to locate the beginning of a new section and perhaps how to consider the text. Decisions could also negatively affect the ease of reading: Densely set pages made stanzas run together, perhaps with only a small pilcrow at the initial verse, thereby altering the “intellectual unit” dictated by the author. Verse lines might spill over to margins or to second lines, making it more difficult visually for a reader to grasp the poetic acrobats of acrostics or word puns between lines. Title pages became the primary locus of text identification and printer-publisher self-­advertising, which would often run over to the explicit and colophon, a holdover from scribal publication, or extend to the last folio, a convenient visual signal to the bookbinder of the quire’s and edition’s end. Our examination of the publication history of Meschinot’s Les ­lunettes des princes has served as a means to explore book materiality

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  37 and to query the decisions made by publishers, printers, and booksellers that together elucidate the methods of book production and commercial constraints in late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century France. Production and market decisions shaped readers’ literary consumption and ways of reading. That publishing and commercial decisions had an impact on the market strength of the posthumous literary works of this court poet hints at the power held by the same publishing community over thinly disguised propagandistic chronicles and moralistic treatises on the cardinal virtues. Meschinot’s work embodies all the traits of its literary time: the autobiographical sketch of a self-conscious and troubled author, a customary dream sequence, allegorical objects (book and glasses) and figures (personifications), encominia and complaints about princes (real and ideal), and varying verse forms (ballads, rondeaux) that demonstrate poetic virtuosity. Extant manuscripts and excerpts underscore the work’s popularity, alongside the many print editions, providing a lengthy chronological glimpse of the typographical development of the early modern book. Encouraged and rewarded at princely courts and praised by the following generation of poets, Meschinot’s legacy endured in its verse and materiality. Printer-publishers ensured the Breton poet’s bestseller status, while they eyed commercial viability in a competitive marketplace. Another bestselling printed edition—the book of hours—made printers and publishers differentiate editions as selling strategies. How printers were able to trim production costs for illustrated books of hours will be seen in the next chapter.

List of Jean Meschinot’s manuscripts and editions Large initials are noted in brackets. *Copies examined. Manuscripts (full manuscripts) M1  Montpellier Bibl. interuniversitaire. Section Médecine ms H 339: Recueil de poésies françaises. Contains: Les lunettes des princes, Vingt-cinq ballades, miscellaneous poems, epitaph. Omits ­Nouvelles additions. Parchment, 95 ff., 245 × 165 mm. Early provenance: Jacques Galle, 1633. Bibl. Toscani, pp. v–ix (dated fifteenth century); Martineau-­ Genieys, p. lxxiii (dated sixteenth century). M2  Nantes Médiathèque ms 651. Les lunettes des princes, Vingtcinq ballades. Omits Nouvelles additions. Parchment, 71ff., 260 × 182 mm. Early provenance: Claude Bouton (1473?–1530), lord of Corberon.

38  Profiting from a Breton bestseller

 ibl. Toscani, pp. v–ix (dated c. 1480); Martineau-Genieys, pp. lxxiii– B lxxv (dated before 1530); Arts de Bretagne, XIVe-XXe siècle, cat. I. 81. M3  *Paris BnF ms fr 24314. Les lunettes des princes, Vingt-cinq ballades, miscellaneous poems, Nouvelles additions. Parchment, 146 ff., 290 × 190 mm. Datable 1497–1516. Early provenance: Admiral Mallet de Graville (1433–1516; admiral in 1497). Bibl. Toscani, pp. v–ix; Martineau-Genieys, pp. lxxi–lxxii. M4  Tours BM ms 905. Poésies diverses. Contains: Les lunettes des princes; Nouvelles additions; Vingt-cinq ballades. Includes three otherwise unknown ballads, published by Champion. Diverges from Larcher’s text after verse 1897. Parchment, 125ff., 295 × 210 mm. Datable 1491–93. Early provenance: Jean II du Bois (d. 1539), seigneur de Fontaines. Bibl. Champion, “Trois ballades,” pp. 426–32; Toscani, pp. v–ix; Martineau-Genieys, pp. lxxv–lxxvii; Berriot-Salvadore, pp. 11–16. Manuscript excerpts Les lunettes des princes Paris BnF ms fr 3939, fol. 42r: IX, X, LXXV Vingt-cinq ballades (excerpts) Paris BnF ms fr 2231, fol. 136v: Car ce seroit pire que sang espandre (XVII) A cent ans d’icy je m’attens Rennes BM ms 2050, fol. 2r Balade, faicte pour la duchesse Marguerite de Foix St. Petersburg Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public Library Ms Fr. Q. v. IV. 5, fol. 12r C’est par vous que tant fort souspire Paris BnF ms fr 1719, ff. 124v–125r Paris BnF ms fr 1722, fol. 80r 0 Pere par creacion Rouen BM ms 1064, f. 54v Plus ne voy rien qui reconfort me donne Carpentras Bibl. Inguimbertine, ms 375, fol. 74v Quel adieu! Las, qui l’actendra? Paris BnF ms naf 15771, no. LXXXIII. Collected poetry excerpts Berlin Staatliche Museen, Kupferstichkabinett ms 78 B 17, fol. 70r: Prestez moy encore cela; fol. 85v, 108r–v: C’est par vous que tant fort souspire; fol. 122r: Prenez en gre ce present; fol. 122v: M’aymerez vous bien; Donnez moy encores cela; fol. 123v: C’est par vous que tant je souspire; fol. 124: Ceulx qui deussent

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  39 parler sont mutz; fol. 163r: Pour mectre fin a mes douleurs & plains; fol. 203v: Quel adieu! Las, qui l’actendra? Brussels Bibl. royale IV 541: Seigneurs qui les grans biens avez (ff. 292r–292v: CLXXXVIII); Dieu en ce monde nous a mys (ff. 296r–296v: CXCIII); Homme qui vas poursievant ta plaisance (ff. 297v–298v: CXCV). Paris BnF ms fr 2206, fol. 135v (Refrain) Qu’on ne pert rien, qui ne pert Dieu (Commémoration de la Passion); fol. 136 (Refrain) Car il convient a Jesus rendre compte; fol. 136v (Refrain) Car ce seroit pire que sang espandre (XVII ballad); fol. 138v (Refrain) Et haut tous ceulx dont digne est la memoire (XIX ballad); fol. 139v ­(Refrain) Et de salut desire a estre quitte (XX ballad); fol. 140v (Refrain) N’est pas bien sain ne de noble nature (XXIII ballad); fol. 142r (Refrain) Ne que le ciel luy preste umbre ne voye (XXV b ­ allad); fol. 202v (Refrain) Car je ne scay meilleur trouver (rondeau). Paris BnF ms fr 9223, fol. 18r: C’est par vous que tant fort souspire; fol. 18v: De tous plaisirs je suis au bas; fol. 64v: Plus ne voy rien qui reconfort me donne. Paris, BnF, ms fr 25458, pp. 151–52: Puis que de vous approcher je ne puys; p. 522: Les biens de vous, honneur et pris; p. 522: M’amerez vous bien; p. 523: C’est par vous que tant fort soupire; p. 524: Pour mettre fin a mes douloureux plains. Print editions (earliest editions without Nouvelles additions) P1  [Paris: Jean Du Pré, c. 1492] 4o. 88 ff., a–l8 (l8v blank), 28–32 lines per page, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: printer’s device (a1r), Crucifixion (a1v), Man in prayer (l8r). Bibl. ISTC im00505000; Catalogues régionaux V 648; Bechtel M-275; Tchemerzine VIII 229; Booton, Manuscripts, pp. 107–108. 1. Aix-en-Provence BM, Inc. D. 41 2. Nantes Médiathèque, Inc. 154 (100368). Imperfect. 3. New York PML ChL 1451 (PML 500). 4. *Paris ENSBA Masson 0128. Imperfect. 5. *Paris Arsenal RES 8-BL-11039. P2  Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 15 April 1493 4o. Vol. 1, 66 ff. a–c8d–k6; vol. 2, 44 ff. A–F6G8.  26 lines, Gothic characters; printed guide letters for initials. Woodcuts: vol. I, arms of France and Brittany (a1r), Last Judgment (a1v); vol. II, Instruments of the Passion (A1r), arms of France (G8v), arms of France and Brittany (G8v). Bibl. ISTC im00505500; Catalogue Régionaux V 649; La Borderie, pp. 103–8; Tchemerzine VIII 227; CIBN M-311; Bechtel M-271; Martineau-Genieys, p. lxxx.

40  Profiting from a Breton bestseller 1  . *Le Mans Médiathèque RIB 015 Res. Imperfect, contains signatures k, m-p of later edition. 2. *Paris BnF RES-YE-281 & 282. Imperfect. 3. Paris BnF Vélins 2232, 2233. 4. Paris Ste.-Geneviève OEXV 337 RES. P3  Paris: Pierre Le Caron, c. 1493/94 4o. 88 ff., a–l8, 32 lines, Gothic characters (xylographic titles). Woodcuts: printer’s mark (a1r), Crucifixion (a1v), Coronation of Mary (l8r). Bibl: ISTC im00506000; CIBN M-312 (c. 1493–94); Bechtel M-272; Tchemerzine VIII 230; Goff M-506 (c. 1495). 1. *Paris BnF, Rothschild 464 (II.3.13). 2. Pasadena Huntington Library, 101177. Imperfect. P4  [ Paris]: Le Petit Laurens, [not before 1493, not after 1499] 4o. 78 ff., a–c8, d6, e–g8, h–l6, 37–38 lines, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: printer’s mark (a1r), Crucifixion (a1v), God the Father (l6v). Bibl: ISTC im00506300; Catalogues régionaux V 650; CIBN M-313; Tchemerzine VIII 232; Bechtel M-273. 1. Nantes Médiathèque 25443 (Inc. 115–1). 2. *Paris BnF RES-YE-285. P5  [Paris: Laurent Philippe, c. 1495–1500] 8o. 88 ff., a–l8, 33–35 lines, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: Moses and Children of Israel (a1r), Saint kneeling before Christ (a1v). Bibl: GW M22950; ISTC im00506550; INKA 20000175; Claudin, Histoire, II, 316–19. 1. Mannheim Universitätsbibliothek, Ink 42b. Imperfect. P6  [Lyon]: Jacques Arnoullet, [c. 1496–1500] 4o. 88 ff., a–l8, 32 lines, Gothic. Woodcuts: Printer’s mark (a1r), Crucifixion (a1v), Deposition (l8r). Bibl: GW M22940 (dated1500); ISTC im00506700; Catalogues Régionaux XI 714; Tchemerzine VIII 234; Claudin, Histoire, IV 169–170; Baudrier X 8–9; Bechtel M-277. 1. *Lyon BM, Inc. 330. Imperfect. P7 [Lyon]: Jacques Arnoullet, [c. 1500] 4o. 88 ff., a–l8, 32 lines, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: printer’s mark (a1r), Crucifixion (a1v), Descent from the Cross (l7v). Bibl: ISTC im00507070; Delisle 1224; Tchemerzine VIII 235 (identifies last woodcut as that of Jean Dalles); Baudrier X-8; Bechtel M-278 (c. 1498). 1. Chantilly, Musée Condé, IV-E-7. 2. *Paris ENSBA Masson 0690. Imperfect. Later quarto editions with Nouvelles additions P8  Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 8 June 1494. 4o. Vol. 1, 90 ff., a–p6, vol. 2, 44 ff, A–G, 26 lines, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: Instruments of the Passion (a1r), Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (a1v), Nativity and Adoration of the Magi (a2r).

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  41 B  ibl: GW M22944; ISTC im00506350; La Borderie, L’imprimerie, pp. 109–113, no. XIX; Tchemerzine VIII 228; Catalogues Régionaux V 651; Bechtel M-274. 1. Chambéry Médiathèque, RES A 3. P9 [Lyon: Matthias Huss] for Martin Havard, [c. 1499–c. 1501] 4o. 88 ff., a8b–n6o8. 32 lines, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: printer’s device (a1r), Crucifixion, (a1v), same Crucifixion (o8r). Top border cut on t.p. was reused in his La conquest du chasteau damours, c. 1500. Bibl: ISTC im00507100; Claudin, Histoire, IV 208; Tchemerzine VIII 231; Baudrier III 106–8; CIBN M-315; Bechtel M-281. 1. *Paris BnF, Rothschild 463 (II.3.37). P10 Paris: Jean Trepperel, 1499. 4o. 100 ff., a8, B–P6Q8, 34–35 lines, Gothic characters (xylographic first line). Woodcuts: printer’s mark (a1r), Crucifixion (a1v). Bibl: ISTC im00507050; GW M22956; Tchemerzine VIII 236a; Catalogues Régionaux V 653; Bechtel M-280. 1. Chantilly Musée Condé, IV-E-36. 2. Nantes Médiathèque 25444 (Inc. 99). Imperfect. 3. *Paris BnF, RES Atlas 19 (2) 49e fragment, Partial signature G. 4. St. Petersburg Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public Library, 9.18.3.34. P11 Paris: Jean Trepperel, [s.d.] 8o. 100 ff. Bibl. GW M22957. No extant copy traced. P12 Paris: Jean Trepperel, 1504 4o. 92 ff., A–F6 G4 H–P6 Q3, 38 lines, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: author (A1r), Crucifixion (A1v), printer’s mark (Q3v). Bibl: USTC 64784; Tchemerzine VIII 239a; Bechtel M-284; Moreau 1504–75; Barbier, Ma bibliothèque poétique, 1973, I, no. 57; his sale, Paris, 11 March 1974, no. 52; Paris, Librairie Émile Rossignol, 1977, no. 194. 1. Ex-coll. Jean Paul Barbier. P13 Paris: Michel Le Noir, 19 May 1501 4o, 90 ff., a–p6, 37 lines, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: printer’s mark (a1r). Bibl: USTC 52332; Tchemerzine VIII; Moreau 1501–77; Bechtel M-282. 1. Paris BnF, Rés Ye 283. 2. Paris BnF, Rés Ye 284 (digitized). P14 Paris: Michel Le Noir, 14 February 1505 4o. 88 ff., A–H6, I4, K6, L4, M–N6, O–P4, Q6, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: author (a1r), printer’s mark (Q6v). Bibl: USTC 55522; Tchemerzine VIII 239b; Moreau 1505–142; Bechtel M-285; Bibliotheca Heberiana. The catalogue of the library of the late Richard Heber, 1835, part 7, p. 113, no. 1982.

42  Profiting from a Breton bestseller 1.  London BL 85.e.27. 2.  Troyes Médiathèque V-11.1742. 3.  Ex-coll. Richard Heber. P15 Rouen: Richard Auzoult for Robert Macé at Caen, [1501–7] 4o. 88 ff., a–o6p4, 39 lines, Gothic characters, title page printed in red and black. Woodcuts: printer’s mark (a1r), Trinity (c2v), bearded man (l5v), Crucifixion (l6v), Coronation of Mary (m3v), Virgin and Child (n6r), Annunciation (p3v), printer’s mark (p4v), xylographic letters (a1v, c2v, c3r, l6v, l7r). Bibl: ISTC im00507200; USTC 71367; Delisle, Catalogue, I, no. 267; CIBN M-315 bis; Tchemerzine VIII 238; Catalogues Régionaux VI 1373; Bechtel M-283. 1.  *Paris Arsenal RES 8-BL-11040. Imperfect. 2.  *Paris BnF RES P-YE-224. 3.  *Paris Mazarine Inc. 842. Later octavo editions with Nouvelles additions P16 Paris: Guillaume Mignart, 1495 8o. 124 ff., A–P8 Q4. 28 lines, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: ­Adoration of the Shepherds (fol. 99r). Bibl: Gourcuff, “Note sur une édition peu connue,” pp. 220–23; Renouard, Imprimeurs, p. 271. No extant copy traced. P17 Paris: Philippe Pigouchet for Simon Vostre, 1495 8o. 108 ff., a–n8, o4, 32 lines, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: printer’s mark (a1r), Crucifixion (a1v), man in prayer (l8r). Some guide letters for hand-finished initials; other initials printed. Bibl: GW M22954; ISTC im00506600 Tchemerzine VIII 233; Catalogues Régionaux III 547; CIBN M-314; Bechtel M-276. 1.  London BL IA.40313. Imperfect. 2.  *Paris BnF RES-YE-1313. Imperfect. 3.  Toulouse Médiathèque Inc. Paris 146 Fonds ancien. P18 Paris: Philippe Pigouchet for Simon Vostre, 1499 8o. ii, 108, ii ff., a–n8o4, 32 lines, Gothic characters. Wood/­metalcuts: printer’s mark (a1r), Crucifixion (a1v), man in prayer (l8r). Bibl: GW M22955; ISTC im00507000; Tchemerzine VIII 236b; Catalogues régionaux V 652; Bechtel M-279. 1.  *Boston Gardner Museum 1.b.1.35. 2.  Madrid Biblioteca del Palacio Real RB I/139 (digitized). 3.  Nantes Musée Dobrée 978. 4.  Vienna ÖNB Ink 5.H.42. Imperfect. P19 Paris: Veuve Trepperel/Jean Jehannot, [1514/19] 8o, 124 ff., A–P8 Q4, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: falcon hunt (A1r), Virgin and Child (N3r).

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  43

Bibl. USTC 95098; Tchemerzine VIII 240b; Bechtel M-286; Emmanuelle Toulet with assistance of Stéphanie Rambaud, Édition « gothiques » imprimées par Jean Trepperel et ses successeurs (1493–vers 1530); Chartres, Librairie Sourget, Manuscrits et livres précieux, cat. 36, novembre 2007, no. 8. 1.  *Paris BnF Supplément Rothschild 4373. 2.  Ex-coll. marquis de Ganay (d. 1881 or before). P20  Paris: s.n., [c. 1520] Petit 8o, 124 ff., a–p8 q4, characterized by the abbreviation of pri[n]ces on title page. Woodcuts: Woman abed and Two Women Standing. Bibl. Tchemerzine VIII 240a; Bechtel M-287; Description raisonnée d’une jolie collection de livres (Paris: Techener, 1844), no. 309. 1.  Ex-coll. Charles Nodier. P21 Paris: Nicolas Higman for Nicole Vostre, 1522 8o. 130 ff., a–q8 r2; Gothic characters. Metalcuts: publisher’s mark (a1r), Tree of Jesse (a1v), Descent of Holy Spirit (r2v). Bibl. USTC 29064; Tchemerzine VIII 241; Moreau 1522–364; Bechtel M-288. 1.  Bern Stadt- und Universitätsbibliothek ZB Bong VI 107. 2.  Chantilly Musée Condé III-F-57. 3.  Copenhagen Det Kongelige Bibliotek 75:2, 15. 4.  London BL C.8.c.7. 5.  Oxford Bodleian Library Douce CC 142 (1). 6.  Oxford Bodleian Library, Douce M 298. 7.  Munich Bayerische Staatsbibl. p.o. gall. 1461 k. 8.  *Paris Arsenal RES 8-BL-11038. P22 Paris: Nicole Vostre, 1527 Bibl. USTC 95099; Théodor Grässe, Trésor de livres rares et précieux (7 vols., Dresden: B. Kuntze, 1859–69), IV p. 502; Moreau 1527–1272; Bechtel M-289. No extant copy traced. P23 [Paris]: Pierre Vidoue for Galliot Du Pré, 20 October 1528 Petit-8o, 116ff., a–n8 o4 p8, 30 lines, roman characters. Woodcuts: St. Jerome at lectern, fleurons (a1r). Bibl. USTC 29078; Tchemerzine VIII 242; Moreau 1528–1568; Bechtel M-290; Barbier, I, no. 58. 1.  Angers BM Rés. BL 1277. 2.  Antwerp Museum Plantin-Moretus BH 2340. 3.  Charlottesville Univ. of Virginia Gordon 1528.M47. 4.  Lille Médiathèque 13096 Rés. 5.  New York PML E2 48 A (PML 1817). 6.  *Paris Arsenal RES 8-BL-11037. 7.  Paris BnF RES-YE-1314. Imperfect. 8.  *Paris BnF RES-YE-1315.

44  Profiting from a Breton bestseller 9.  Vienna ÖNB BE 5.T.47 10.  Ex-coll. Jean Paul Barbier. P24 Lyon: Olivier Arnoullet, [c. 1530] Petit-8o, 124 ff., A–P8 Q4. Title in red and black, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: “Le Prince” and “Lacteur” on title page. Bibl. USTC 55790; Tchemerzine VIII 243; Baudrier X 40; ­Gültlingen III, no. 131; Chartres, Libr. Sourget, 1996, cat. XIII, no. 18; Bechtel M-291; Les Bibliothèques françoises de La Croix du Maine et de Du Verdier Sieur de Vauprivas (Paris, 1772–73), IV, p. 469; E. Quentin-Bauchart in Mes livres, no. 57 (ex-coll. Double); Catalogue de la bibliothèque de feu M. le baron Jérôme Pichon (Paris: Techener, 1897), no. 757. 1.  London BL 11475. a. 35. 2.  Ex-coll. L. Double. 3.  Ex-coll. J. Pichon. 4.  Ex-coll. François de la Croix du Maine. 5.  Ex-coll. Princesse Pxxx. P25 Rouen: for Michel Angier at Caen, 1 October 1530 Petit-8o, 124ff., A-P8, Q4, Gothic characters. Woodcuts: printer’s mark (Q4v).  Bibl. USTC 55806; Tchemerzine VIII 244a; Delisle, Caen, I, no. 266; Bechtel M-292; RB 27, 61:88. 1.  London BL 1072. a.26. 2.  *Rennes BM Rés. R11779. Later editions in roman type P26  Paris: Alain Lotrian, 1534 Petit-8o, 124ff., A–Q8, R4, roman characters. Woodcut: fleuron (A1r). Bibl. USTC 57719; Tchemerzine VIII 244b; Bechtel M-293; Catalogue des livres de M.***** (Henri de Fourcy), Paris, 1737. 1.  *Cambridge Mass. Houghton Library *FC M5608L 1534. 2.  Ex-coll. Henri-Balthazar de Fourcy. P27 Paris: Jean Bignon for Gilles Corrozet, Pierre Sergent, Pierre ­Hermier, and Jean Petit, 1539 16o, 128ff., A–Q8, roman characters. Woodcuts: printer’s mark (Q8v). Bibl. USTC 30726; Tchmerzine VIII 245; Moreau 1539–1435; Catalogue de livres anciens et modernes rares et curieux de la librairie August Fontaine, 1875, no. 726 (ex-coll. de Bure); Paris, Art curial, 2009, no. 3 (ex-coll. Garnier and Bonna). 1.  Chantilly Musée Condé XXII-BIS-B-002. 2.  Ex-coll. Auguste P. Garnier and Jean A. Bonna. 3.  Ex-coll. J.-J. de Bure.

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  45 P28 Gilles Corrozet (see P27) Bibl. La Bibliothèque de feu Edouard Rahir. Livres anciens illustrés des XVe et XVIe siècles. Pt. V. Livres anciens des XVe, XVIe et XVIIe siècles belles reliures anciennes (6 vols., Paris: Francisque Lefrançois, 1937), no. 1489 (ex-coll. Rahir). Vienna ÖNB *38.K.177 (digitized). 1.  Ex-coll. Edouard Rahir. P29 Pierre Hermier (see P27) Bibl. USTC 52330 1.  Paris BnF Rés. YE 1316 P30 Pierre Sergent (see P27) Bibl. USTC 49856. 1.  Chantilly Musée Condé XI-D-64. P31 Jean Petit (see P27)  1.  Des Valois à Henri IV, Villon, Rabelais, Ronsard, Montaigne, Cat. Libr. P. Berès (1994–95), no. 232. P32 Paris: Pierre Forget, 1539 Très petit-8o, roman characters. Bibl. Catalogue des livres manuscrits et imprimés composant la bibliothèque de M. Armand Cigongne, ed. Leroux de Lincy (Paris: Potier, 1861), no. 573. 1.  Chantilly Musée Condé, XI-D-064.

Notes 1 This chapter is a revised and expanded version of a paper presented at the Renaissance Society of America, New York, 2014. Partial textual editions were published by Olivier de Gourcuff, Les lunettes des princes (Paris: ­Libraire des bibliophiles, 1890) and by Arthur de La Borderie, Jean Meschinot, sa vie et ses œuvres, ses satires contre Louis XI (Paris: Champion, 1896). ­Modern critical editions were published by Bernard Toscani, Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes (Paris: Minard, 1971) and by Christine Martineau-­Genieys, Les lunettes des princes de Jean Meschinot (Geneva: Droz, 1972). 2 For a discussion of paratext, see Gérald Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation, trans. Jane E. Lewin (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997), p.  4; Gérard Genette and Marie Maclean, “Introduction to the Paratext,” New Literary History 22/2 (1991): 261–72. For a discussion tracing the textual life of ­Buonaccorso da Montemagno’s Controversia de nobilitate, c. 1428, from script, print, to digital, as well as from its original Latin to numerous translations, see Bonnie Mak, How the Page Matters (Toronto, ON: ­Toronto UP, 2011). 3 The date of his birth is suggested by Meschinot himself in his “ ­ Supplication que fist ledit Meschinot au duc de Bretaigne, son souverain seigneur,” whereas his death is indicated in an epitaph, published c. 1493/94. For his biography, see Julien Trévédy, Jehan Meschinot poète de la duchesse Anne. Études bretonnes (Vannes: Lafolye, 1890); La Borderie, Jean Meschinot, pp. 3–44; Édouard L. de Kerdaniel, Un Soldat-poète du XVe siècle. Jean Meschinot (Paris: Jouve, 1917); Martineau-Genieys, pp. x–xxviii.

46  Profiting from a Breton bestseller   His father, Guillaume Meschinot, submitted his aveu, dated 6 March 1451, to the lord of Clisson, then François de Montfort, the future Duke François II, for the seigneurial fief of Les Mortiers comprising the family manor, fields, and property; see La Borderie, Jean Meschinot, pp. 37–39, App. I. Other members of the Meschinot family are recorded in ducal records: Jehan M ­ eschinot received wages in 1420, and Guillaume Meschinot was mentioned among the gens d’armes in 1428: see Hervé Torchet, ed., Comptes du duc de Bretagne, 1420–1433 (Paris: Pérenne, 2010), pp. 63, 150. Charles Meschinot, perhaps a brother or nephew, was identified as a royal notary on a signed document, dated 8 December 1488, in which Anne de Bretagne renounced her marriage to Alain d’Albret (Nantes Médiathèque ms 2954/1); he was also described as grand-vicaire (1483) by Nicolas Travers, L’histoire civile, politique et religieuse de la ville et du comté de Nantes, 3 vols. (Nantes: Forest, 1836–41), II, p. 184, as well as a chantre de Nantes (1490 and 1492) and as a rector of the church at Saffré in an inventory (1510), itemizing a reliquaire enchâssé en argent “que donna feu maistre Charles Meschinot, recteur de l’église de Saffré, et armoyé de ses armes” by Jean Chevas, Notes historiques et statistiques sur les communes du département de la Loire-Inférieure: Tome premier: Arrondissement de Paimboeuf (Nantes: Guéraud, 1852), p. 183. Gilles Meschinot, seigneur des Mortiers et de l’Abbaye, is mentioned in a document recording a house sale, dated 4 March 1509; see La Borderie, Jean Meschinot, pp. 38–39. 4 Hyacinthe Morice, Mémoires pour servir de preuves à l’histoire ecclésiastique et civile de Bretagne, 3 vols. (Paris: Osmont, 1742–46), II, cols. 1396, 1412. 5 Morice, II, col. 1723. 6 Ducal accounts from October 1457 to April 1458 identify poets: Eustache d’Espinay (Istace de Lespinay), escuier résident (Morice, II, col. 1550), who was sent to tell King Charles of Arthur’s death (Morice, II, col. 1727); ­A ndré Giron, Pierre de la Jaille, gens d’armes (Morice, II, col. 1777); Jehan de Loyon, escuier du duc in 1451 (Morice, II, col. 1604), Colas de la Tour, and Monsieur Jacques, perhaps Jacques de Luxembourg, Arthur’s nephew by marriage, salaried as part of the ducal household (Morice, II, cols. 1710, 1722, 1725, 1752, 1757). Poets received a monthly wage of ten livres. Cf. Jane H.M. Taylor, The Making of Poetry: Late-Medieval French Poetic ­Anthologies (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), p. 204. 7 Charles d’Orléans, The Poetry of Charles d’Orléans and his Circle. A ­C ritical Edition of Charles d’Orléans’ Personal Manuscripts (BnF ms fr. 25458), eds. Mary-Jo Arn and John Fox (Tempe, AZ: ACMRS, 2010); see also Taylor, p. 204. Eleven poets can be identified in fr. 9223 according to Gaston Raynaud, Rondeaux et autres poésies du XVe siècle (fr. 9223) (Paris: Didot, 1889); and Barbara L.C. Inglis, Une nouvelle collection de poésies lyriques et courtoises du XVe siècle (n.a.f. 15771) (Paris: Champion, 1985). 8 Called “autobiographie poétique” by La Borderie, Jean Meschinot, pp. 47, 74, 104, and “confession d’une âme” and “c’est cette crise qui fit de lui un poète” by Martineau-Genieys, p. xxi. See also Leonard W. Johnson, “The Play of Rhyme with Raison: Jean Meschinot and the “I” of Everyman,” ­Poets as Players: Theme and Variation in Late Medieval French Poetry (Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1990), pp. 167–230. 9 La Borderie, Jean Meschinot, p. 23. 10 Meschinot had two sons, Jean and Gilles; see Kerdaniel, p. 11. 11 La Borderie, Jean Meschinot, pp. 26–31; Kerdaniel, pp. 15–18; Denis Hüe, “Dérives et grenouillages: l’eau et la politique à la fin du Moyen Âge,” L’eau au Moyen Age (1985): 213–32 (224–36). 12 Daniel Cariou, “Les différents de Berthelot le Mée et Jehan Meschinot retrouvés une variante inédite,” Annales de la Société bretonne de numismatique

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  47

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19

20 21

et d’histoire (2003): 45–50; ibid., “Deux monnaies bretonnes inédites datables de 1488,” Annales de la Société bretonne de numismatique et d’histoire (2006): 35–36. For Meschinot’s burial, see Georges Durville, Études sur le vieux Nantes d’après les documents originaux, 2 vols. (1915; repr., Brussels: Éditions culture et civilisation, 1977), II, p. 203. For the convent, history, and destruction, see Yves Durand, Les grands carmes de Nantes: un couvent dans la ville, 1318–1790 (Rome: Édition carmelitane, 1997). For the historiography of the term, see Pierre Jodogne, “Les ‘Rhétoriqueurs’ et l’humanisme: Problème d’histoire littéraire,” in Humanism in France at the End of the Middle Ages and in the Early Renaissance, ed. A.H.T. Levi (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1970), pp. 150–75; Paul Zumthor, Le masque et la lumière. La poétique des Grands Rhétoriqueurs (Paris: Seuil, 1978), p.  10. For a historiographical assessment, see W.L. Wiley, “Who Named Them Rhétoriqueurs?” in Medieval Studies in Honor of Jeremiah Denis Matthias Ford, eds. Urban T. Holmes, Jr., and Alex J. Denomy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1948), pp. 335–52; “The Rhétoriqueurs,” in A New History of French Literature, eds. Denis Hollier and R. Howard Bloch (­Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1989), pp. 127–32. For a literary assessment, see ­Cynthia J. Brown, The Shaping of History and Poetry in Late Medieval France: Propaganda and Artistic Expression in the Works of the Rhétoriqueurs ­(Birmingham, AL: Summa, 1985), pp. 1–5. Paul Zumthor, “From Hi(story) to Poem or the Pathos of Pun: The Grands Rhétoriqueurs of Fifteenth-Century France,” New Literary History 10/2 (1979): 231–63 (242–43). Adrian Armstrong, Technique and Technology: Script, Print, and Poetics in France, 1470–1550 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), p. 7; Mary Beth Winn, “In Pursuit of the acteur in La Chasse et le depart d’Amours,” Le Moyen Français 7 (1980): 92–117 (94–97). Toscani, p. xv. Cynthia J. Brown, “Du manuscrit à l’imprimé en France: le cas des Grands Rhétoriqueurs,” in Les Grands Rhétoriqueurs (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 1985), pp. 103–23; ibid., “Text, Image and Authorial Self-Consciousness in Late Medieval Paris,” in Printing the Written Word. The Social History of Books circa 1450–1520, ed. Sandra Hindman (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1991), pp. 103–42. Despite the summation, “Il n’y a rien que de fort commun dans les pensées de l’Auteur,” Meschinot was included in Jean-Pierre Niceron’s Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire des hommes illustres dans la république des lettres, 44 vols. (Paris: Briasson, 1729–45), XXXVI, pp. 357–61. See also ClaudePierre Goujet, Bibliographie françoise, ou Histoire de la littérature françoise, 18 vols. (Paris: Mariette & Guérin, 1741–56), IX, pp. 404–14. For the following discussion, see Kerdaniel, pp. 22–27. Identified as Estienne Meschinot by Giovanna Bellati, Jean Bouchet. Le Temple de Bonne Renommée (Milan: Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 1992), p. 319, verse 3316. Bouchet, Triomphes du très chrestien, très puissant et invictissime roy de France François premier de ce nom, contenant la différence des nobles (Poitiers: Jean et Enguilbert de Marnef frères, 1550), fol. 14r: “De saint ­Gelaiz, Evesque d’Engolesme | Et d’Alexis, Vigne de Villebresme | Martin le Franc, maistre Alain Charetier | Des deux Grebans, Georges Lavanturier | De Meschinot, Jean Dauthon abbé d’Angle | Et de Cretin qui gisoit en ung angle | Ung peu fasché, dont il n’avoit mis fin | A sa Cronique, et ouvrage tant fin | Et de Brodeau, Macault, et Jean le Maire | De B[i]ssipat chevalier debonaire.” See Anne Schoysman, “Les Triomphes du très chrestien roy de France, François

48  Profiting from a Breton bestseller

22

23

24 25 26 27

28

29

30 31 32

premier (1549). Une somme de l’œuvre et de la poétique de Jean Bouchet,” in Jean Bouchet, Traverseur des voies périlleuses (1476–1557), eds. Jennifer Britnell and Nathalie Dauvois (Paris: Champion, 2003), pp. 267–82 (268). Oulipo, or Ouvroir de la Littérature Potentielle, founded in 1960 by ­Raymond Queneau and François Le Lionnais, is known for its quest for formal constraints in writing, from mathematical problems to lipograms; see Daniel Levin Becker, Many Subtle Channels: In Praise of Potential Literature (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2012). This is the first time “lunettes” was used as a literary title, instead of more common “speculum” or “miroir,” according to Toscani, p. xxiii. Toscani suggests that the title helped its popularity and thus found a balance between borrowed traditions and novelty, a balance that corresponded to literary taste of the time. Possible sources for Les lunettes des princes were themes related to wisdom in the Bible, in Aristotle’s Ethics, possibly via Aegidius ­Romanus’s De regimine principium and Roman de la Rose, and popular proverbs and sayings; see Toscani, p. xiv; cf. Pierre Champion, Histoire poétique du quinzième siècle, 2 vols. (Paris: Champion, 1923), II, p. 217. Dating per Toscani, p. xxi; cf. La Borderie’s dating to 1460 and 1472: Jean ­Meschinot, pp. 115–16; and Martineau-Genieys’s dating of 1461–65, pp. cv–cvii. A transcription of Meschinot’s Vingt-cinq balades appears in Kervyn de Lettenhove’s Œuvres de Georges Chastelain, 8 vols. (Brussels: Heussner, 1863–66), VII, pp. 463–86. Cf. La Borderie, Jean Meschinot, pp. 58–72, 116–18. Martineau-Genieys, pp. xlii–lxi; Estelle Doudet, Poétique de George Chastelain (1415–1475): un cristal mucié en un coffre (Paris: Champion, 2005), pp. 459–60. Arthur Piaget, “Les princes de Georges Chastelain,” Romania 47 (1921): 161–206 (167); cf. Denis Hüe, “Le Prince chez Meschinot, mise en forme d’un objet poétique/politique,” in Poetry, Knowledge, and Community in Late Medieval France, eds. Rebecca Dixon et al. (Woodbridge: Brewer, 2008), pp. 187–201. On the epistolary exchange, Les Douze Dames de Rhétorique, among Chastelain, Jean Robertet, and Jean de Montferrant in the 1460s, see C.M. Zsuppán, “Jean Robertet’s Life and Career: A Reassessment,” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance, 31/2 (1969): 333–42; and Claudine A. Chavannes-Mazel, “The Twelve Ladies of Rhetoric in Cambridge (CUL MS Nn.3.2),” Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society 10/2 (1992): 139–55. Epistolary verse exchanges were not uncommon between amateur poets; for the exchange between Jean Perréal and Jacques Le Lieur, see Émile Picot, “Heures manuscrites de Jacques Le Lieur, reproduction et phototypie accompagné d’une notice,” Société des Bibliophiles normands (1913): vii–xci (xli–lvi). “Oraison se peust dire par huit ou par seize vers tant en retrogradant que autrement tellement quelle se peult lire en xxxii manieres differentes et plus & a chascune y aura sens et rime & commencer tousiours par motz differens qui vault.” Claudin, Histoire, I, p. 280. La Borderie, Jean Meschinot, pp. 27–31 (against Boisbrassu), pp. 78–88, “L et C” identified as kings Louis and Charles. Cf. Martineau-Genieys, pp.  xxix–xli. The ballad, “Homme mortel, ceste leçon recorde,” is transcribed and analyzed by Paul Zumthor, “Lecture d’une ballade de Jean ­Meschinot (environ 1470),” Le Moyen Français (1977): 5–32. Brown, The Shaping of History, p. 54. Larcher’s editions are most similar textually to the manuscript held at Tours BM, ms 905, according to Martineau-Genieys, p. lxxx. Earlier stages were a blank protective sheet and later a short label title; see Margaret M. Smith, The Title-Page, Its Early Development, 1460–1510

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  49

33 34 35

36

37 38 39

40 41 42 43

4 4 45

46 47 48 49 50 51 52

(London: British Library, 2000); cf. Rudolf Hirsch, “Title Pages in French Incunables, 1486–1500,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1978): 63–66. The Flagellation of Christ woodcut appeared in Jean Du Pré’s undated Horae [1488], ISTC ih00359670; illustrated in Claudin, Histoire, I, p. 253. For the brothers’ relationship, see the archive document of 1504 cited by Philippe Renouard, Documents sur les imprimeurs, libraires, … ayant exercé à Paris de 1450 à 1600 (Paris: Champion, 1901), p. 80. Armstrong, Technique and Technology, p. 4. Two editions, printed in 1493, appear with the work’s title above his printer’s mark: Le roman de la rose (ISTC ir00310000) and Les vigilles de la mort du feu roy Charles VII (ISTC im00293000), demonstrating a different practice at about the same period of time. Du Pré’s typography relied on an older font group used previously in association with Didier Huym, identified as Haebler Type 5:90G, M43, accessed 16 November 2017 at http://tw.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/queries/ id.xql?id=of0756; Claudin, Histoire, I, p. 280 identifies it as the same font used in his Missal of Verdun, printed 28 November 1491 (ISTC im00730500). BMC VIII, p. xxxi. Claudin, Histoire, II, pp. 75–94; BMC VIII, p. 141. The epitaph’s source is unknown and differs slightly in text from that penned by a seventeenth-century owner of a sixteenth-century manuscript of Les lunettes des princes: Montpellier Bibl. interuniversitaire, ms. H 339, fol. 95r. Its epitaph is transcribed by Martineau-Genieys, p. lxxiii. My thanks to Mary Beth Winn and Kevin J.M. Keane for transcription and translation advice. Durville, p. 203. Claudin, Histoire, II, pp. 117–40. BMC VIII, p. xxxiv, Claudin, Histoire, II, p. 120. There are missing syllables in the fifth ballad (g3v): “Quant le seigneur est cruel et di[vers] | Et sans raison a tort et a tra[vers] | Veult esmouuoir auec chascu[n] dis[corde].” In addition, there are missing printed initials (g5v) and missing lines in the twenty-third ballad (k1v): “…Corrigez tout vous en auez la cure | [copied in brown ink in blank space] Sans y mectre mille dunision….” Attributed by David Shaw (GW M22950); see also Claudin, Histoire, II, pp. 316–19. Guillaume Fau et al., “L’Imprimerie à Lyon au XVe siècle: un état des lieux,” in Le Berceau du Livre: Autour des incunables. Études et essais offerts au Professeur Pierre Aquilon par ses élèves, ses collègues et ses amis, ed. Frédéric Barbier (Bordeaux: Société des bibliophiles de Guyenne, 2004), pp.  191–208 (192–93, 197), followed by “Dictionnaire des imprimeurs et libraires lyonnais du XVe siècle,” pp. 210, 221. Baudrier, X, pp. 1–26. For Dayne, see Claudin, Histoire, IV, pp. 147–72. Baudrier, X, pp. 9–10. For example, in line 8 trieue > triesue; in line 11 si > se and nous > nos. In line 2, a single punctus replaces the double punctus of the earlier edition. cf. Martineau-Genieys, p. lxxxi. Claudin, Histoire, II, p. 14. Ibid., p. 56. Ibid., pp. 302, 510, 517. Bechtel suggested that an earlier state of the 1495 edition existed as reflected in a copy previously owned by Jean Paul Barbier, but it is now believed that his copy had inserted facsimile pages; see Jean Paul Barbier, Ma bibliothèque poétique, 6 vols. (Geneva: Droz, 1973), I, no. 56; now London British ­Library IA.40313.

50  Profiting from a Breton bestseller 53 “The typography and illustration of early printed books were often determined in large part by the limitations of a printer’s stock and his house style. This tendency is most apparent in the frequent use of stock images, rather than specially designed woodcuts, to illustrate books.” Armstrong, Technique and Technology, p. 13. Cf. For the reuse of blocks irrelevant to the text, see Danièle Sansy, “Texte et image dans les incunables français,” Médiévales 22–23 (1992): 47–70 (64). 54 Claudin, Histoire, II, pp. 151–62; Stéphanie Öhlund-Rambaud, “L’atelier de Jean Trepperel, l’imprimeur-libraire parisien (1492–1511),” in Patrons, Authors and Workshops: Books and Book Production in Paris Around 1400, eds. Godfried Croenen and Peter Ainsworth (Louvain: Peeters, 2006), pp. 123–41; the print shop is described by ibid., “La ‘Galaxie Trepperel’ à Paris (1492–1530),” Bulletin du bibliophile (2007): 145–49. 55 Le Noir’s status as a master printer is demonstrated by a 1486 contract for an apprentice; see Renouard, Documents, p. 166. His activity as a printer of contemporary literature brought him into contention with living authors on at least four occasions for text piracy; see Cynthia J. Brown, “The Confrontation between Printer and Author in Early Sixteenth-Century France: Another Example of Michel Le Noir’s Unethical Printing Practices,” ­Bibliothèque ­d’Humanisme et Renaissance, 53/1 (1991): 105–18; see also Florine Stankiewicz, “Répertoire de l’imprimeur Michel Le Noir. L’EAD au service du livre ancien,” Mémoire d’étude (Lyon: Université de Lyon, 2010), pp. 20–22, 43–50, 54–62. 56 Claudin, Histoire, III, pp. 197–220. 57 BMC VIII, p. xlix; Claudin, Histoire, III, pp. 155–92; Fau et al., p. 197. 58 The other edition, Discord des troys chevaliers, le chevalier preux, le chevalier voyageur (c. 1501–02, ISTC id00103570), is not as technical and fanciful; see Baudrier, III, p. 107. 59 Baudrier, III, p. 102. 60 Dated by Macé’s practice and physical state of his printer’s mark (GW M22958). The colophon lists Macé’s shop at the cemetery St.-Pierre, a location documented by other colophons between 1498 and 1504. Their ­Nouvelles additions may have been set from a faulty copy, given the number of manuscript corrections made by one attentive reader in the copy held at Paris Bibl. Mazarine, Inc. 842. 61 Only the xylographic letters A and O appear in the edition, not the xylographic letter L used elsewhere by Auzoult, which, as Denise Hillard has shown, can be traced ultimately to that letter design by Jean Du Pré in Paris about 1485–99 and copied thereafter by Pierre Le Rouge, Le Petit Laurens, and André Bocard, among others. See Denise Hillard, “Histoires de L,” in Le Berceau du Livre: Autour des incunables. Études et essais offerts au Professeur Pierre Aquilon par ses élèves, ses collègues et ses amis, ed. Frédéric Barbier (Bordeaux: Société des bibliophiles de Guyenne, 2004), pp. 79–104 (92–93). 62 Claudin, Histoire, II, pp. 151–62; Philippe Renouard, Imprimeurs parisiens, libraires, fondeurs de caractères et correcteurs d’imprimerie, depuis l’introduction de l’imprimerie à Paris (1470) jusqu’à la fin du XVIe siècle (Paris: Claudin, 1898), pp. 192–94. 63 The majority (59%) of Meschinot editions was printed in quarto format, the preferred format until 1505, after which the octavo format dominates. The latter format was usual for the works by other rhétoriqueurs. 64 Renouard, Documents, pp. 280–88; Renouard, Imprimeurs, pp. 369–71. Nicole Vostre, however, did not receive all of her brother’s typographical material: His widow Geneviève Le Pelletier (d. before 16 July 1522) also gave her husband’s printing materials to several libraires, including Jean Le Breton, Estienne Auffray, and Louis Hernault, who ceded on 16 July

Profiting from a Breton bestseller  51

65 66

67

68 69 70 71 72 73

74 75 76 77 78

79 80

1524 to Simon Hadrot their portion of “vignettes, histoires, matrices, lettres fondues, et autres choses à ce servant”; Renouard, Documents, p. 281. Louis-Catherine Silvestre, Marques typographiques (Paris: Jannet, 1853–57), nos. 269, 979. The Tree of Jesse is similar in composition and dimension but not identical to the metalcut used in the books of hours printed by Philippe Pigouchet for Simon Vostre on 22 August 1498, on 16 September 1498, and in 1501 (USTC 6677) and in his edition of Martial d’Auvergne’s Dévotes louanges à la Vièrge Marie, printed on 17 August 1509. The Higman-Vostre edition makes other changes: In line 2, it replaced “Rubi” and “safir” of the Pigouchet-Vostre edition to “Ruby” and “saphir,” spellings found in Le Noir’s edition. Yet, the edition differs from Le Noir’s and from Pigouchet-Vostre’s in other orthography (line 7 rassis > rassys; line 8 deffens > deffendz). Following Le Noir’s edition as well, or else another in recognition of space economy, the edition changes majuscules within verses to minuscules; however, unlike Le Noir’s edition, it retains the distinctive punctuation that is a visual key to the reader of the poem’s combinatory possibilities. Thus, it is not a clear case of copying either edition. Trepperel-Jehannot continued this pattern at least for some of their later editions, such as Ovid’s XXI epistres, c. 1520 (USTC 79221). For the activity of Michel Angier, see Chapter 3. M.-Louis Polain, Marques des imprimeurs et libraires en France au XVe siècle (Paris: Droz, 1926), no. 184a. Hendrik D.L. Vervliet, The Palaeotypography of the French Renaissance, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2008), I, pp. 11–13. Phillip John Usher, Epic Arts in Renaissance France (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2014), p. 110. See Renouard, Imprimeurs, p. 366. Boris Noguès, “La maîtrise ès arts en France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles,” Histoire de l’éducation [Online] 124 (2009), accessed 16 November 2017, http://histoire-education.revues.org/2069. Among his edited texts were Barthélemy de Chasseneux’s Recognitio commentariorum in Consuetudines ducatus Burgundiae praecipue (1528, USTC 210049), Aristophanes’s Aristophanous eutrapelotatou Kōmōdiai ennea (1528, USTC 160569), Étienne de Laigue’s In omnes Caii Plinii secundi naturalis historiae argutissimi scriptoris libros commentaria (1530, USTC 146155), Alphabetum Hebraicum ([1531], USTC 185096), and Hieronymus Rupeus’s Philadelphiarum seu lusuum fraternorum libri duo (1537, USTC 182214). Renouard, Imprimeurs, pp. 113–14. Leon Voet, The Golden Compasses. The History of the House of P ­ lantinMoretus, p. 20, accessed 16 November 2017, www.dbnl.org/tekst/voet004 gold01_01/. See the chapter’s list of manuscripts and editions. On the circulation of poetry in manuscript, see Taylor, pp. 185–86. The manuscript includes three ballads not found elsewhere, suggesting the former existence of other textual sources. Pierre Champion, “Trois ballades inconnues de Meschinot,” Romania 49 (1923): 426–32. See Le Jardin de plaisance et fleur de rhétorique, eds. Émile Droz and ­A rthur Piaget, 2 vols. (Paris: Champion, 1925), II, pp. 18, 20, 24–25. Other editions were printed by Michel Le Noir (Paris) and Olivier Arnoullet (for Martin Boullon in Lyon); however, Veuve Trepperel and Jean Jehannot in Paris omitted Meschinot’s nos. 578, 581, 582, and 593 from their edition. Taylor, p. 260. Brown, “The Confrontation between Printer and Author,” pp. 105–118.

52  Profiting from a Breton bestseller 81 Adrian Armstrong, Sarah Kay, with the participation of Rebecca Dixon, Knowing Poetry: Verse in Medieval France from The Rose to the Rhétoriqueurs (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 2011), p. 14. More recently, David ­Cowling, “‘Colloquerons ceans le sien ymage’: Le temple de bonne renommée (1516) et le discours de la mémoire,” in Jean Bouchet. Traverseur des voies périlleuses (1476–1557), eds. Jennifer Britnell and Nathalie Dauvois (Paris: Champion, 2003), pp. 63–73. 82 “The Rhétoriqueurs,” A New History of French Literature, pp. 127–32 (127). 83 Brown, The Shaping of History, p. 2. 84 Although Jean Molinet, for example, witnessed its three printings in Paris between 1531 and 1540 and recognized the benefits of printing: “J’ay veu grant multitude | De livres empraintés, | Pour tirer en estude | Povres mal argentés; | Par ces nouvelles modes | Auront maintz escolliers | Decrets, bibles et codes, | Sans grand argent baillier.” Jean Molinet, Faitz et Dictz de Jean Molinet, ed. Noël Dupire, 2 vols. (Paris: Société des anciens textes français, 1936), I, p. 307, verses 553–60. Molinet, however, might have had little control over the editions of his poetry; see Armstrong, Technique and Technology, p. 55. 85 “Both scribes and printers have a relative freedom in dealing with a text… Where printers differ from scribes is in their more immediate subordination to market forces; the need to appeal to a wide and less knowledgeable audience may cause printers’ literary priorities to differ from those of scribes and owners in a manuscript-centred milieu.” Armstrong, Technique and Technology, p. 56.

2 The (re)use of interchangeable blocks

Expanding our perspective on commercial decisions made by printers and publishers in the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century book trade, which we examined in terms of Jean Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes in Chapter 1, we turn now to a particular strategy employed by some printers in order to remain commercially viable in the market of illustrated books of hours. In the late fifteenth century, there was a rapid development of French illustrated books of hours as printers, encouraged by the public’s growing interest in devotional books, sought to meet increasing demand and turn a profit.1 Textual regularity of books of hours for the liturgical use of Paris or Rome, in particular the standard sections containing the Hours of the Virgin, Penitential Psalms, and the Office of the Dead, was one way to streamline the printing process. The reuse of blocks for woodcuts and metalcuts in the same or subsequent editions also reduced expenses. The recurrence of blocks in editions by different printers demonstrates that typographical and illustrative material was a commodity to be borrowed, rented, purchased, or inherited. 2 Although some modern bibliographers have regarded the repetition of blocks within the same text as a “sin,” early printers seem to have considered originality in illustration and border decoration less important than the production of a popular though conventional volume for customers and the need for a profitable venture. 3 Even though printers might borrow blocks, the selection, location, and adaptation to a particular text, as well as page design, remained in the hands of the new printer. Some editions printed by Jean Larcher dit Du Pré and by his brother Étienne Larcher exemplify the reuse and adaptation of blocks in late fifteenth-century books of hours. Du Pré (d.  ­before 25 September 1504) was active primarily in Paris and is credited as the first Parisian typographer to introduce woodcut illustrations in his editions, among which were more than two dozen books of hours.4 Larcher is the first known printer in Nantes, active from 1493, and his borrowing has not escaped the notice of book historians. Marie ­Pellechet, for example, pointed out the initials “I” and “D,” presumably those of “Iehan Dupré,” that appear in a metalcut i­llustration in Larcher’s edition of

54  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes of 1493. 5 Anatole Claudin identified a metalcut illustration of the Last Judgment that Du Pré had used in a book of hours dated 10 May 1488 (liturgical use of Rome, ISTC ih00359640) and again in a missal in 1490 (liturgical use of ­Nevers, ISTC im00676400); his brother then borrowed it for his own editions of Les lunettes des princes (see Chapter 1) and for a book of hours for the liturgical use of Nantes (see the following).6 Other ­scholars have also highlighted the role played by Du Pré in book production by colleagues in Abbeville, Chartres, and Tours, where he assisted as printer or lender of type and blocks.7 Larcher’s book of hours edition, completed in Nantes on 27 January 1498 (n.s. 1499), survives in a single copy held by the Musée Dobrée in Nantes (inv. 998-6-1). Even though it is the first and only extant book of hours printed in fifteenth-century Brittany, the volume has received relatively little scholarly attention.8 The numerous metalcut illustrations were later hand-painted in a thick, opaque layer that obscures much of the printed detail. In examining his brother’s unpainted editions, it becomes evident that Larcher and his brother made use of interchangeable central blocks placed within a frame, a relatively rare method to illustrate early printed books. Although Larcher borrowed his brother’s blocks, the Nantes edition differed in the placement of ­illustrations within the text and on the page, not only on account of each diocese’s particular liturgy but also as an apparent experimentation of text and layout that altered the placement of illustrations, borders, and initials. This study of the borrowing and reuse of blocks helps document an example of collaborative production for early illustrated books in two regions in early modern France. It also shows the different ways that printers devised the page design to incorporate type with single or composite illustrations. Experimentation in page layout, the relationship of text and image, and the reuse of interchangeable blocks to create variations in Larcher’s book of hours speak to the continual endeavors of early printers, the desire to reduce expenses, and perhaps also the heightened awareness of potential markets, such as a broader readership interested in illustrated books.9 Readers’ “curiosity aroused by the new technology” of moveable woodcuts has been suggested more recently to have been part of a considered strategy by printers and publishers to showcase the innovative medium of woodcuts; whether readers would have certainly noticed the reuse of  woodcuts in various editions is an open question, given the nature of personal libraries in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.10 Although illustrations could mean additional expense, requiring the hiring of artists and cutters while also lengthening the time and complicating the production process, printers realized that illustrations could help sell books.11

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  55

Brothers in name and profession Despite the difference in professional name, the fraternal relationship of Du Pré and Larcher was confirmed by documents discovered by Philippe Renouard. In those documents, Du Pré’s wife, Clère Dimenche, “vefve de feu maistre Jehan Larcher, dit Du Pré,” and Larcher, “soy disant frère et héritier,” came before the judiciary on 26 October 1504 to claim inheritance.12 For about twenty years, Du Pré had printed books, sometimes with a colophon claiming his high skills in the art of printing (“per Johannem de Pratis impressoriae artis peritissimum”) for the wellknown publisher-bookseller Antoine Vérard and for other booksellers in Paris. Du Pré was the first French printer known to have used copper cuts, “imprimées en cuyvre,” as he himself described the illustrations in the “répertoire” in his book of hours dated 4 February 1488/89 (ISTC ih00360200).13 He continued to make use of metalcuts and woodcuts in his illustrated editions and also lent his typographical material to other French printers from 1485 to 1498.14 His brother Larcher never attained the same status in life or legacy. Some historians believe that he arrived in Nantes from Paris and changed his name from Du Pré to Larcher. But it is also plausible that the family originated in Nantes for, as early as 1346, documents mention “un cortil [courtyard] à Guillaume Larchier” in the same quarter where Étienne set up his first press in rue des Carmes. A certain Thomas Larcher resided in a “hostel et courtil” on the same street in 1409 and perhaps still in 1424; in 1537, the property continued to be known as “l’ostel et jardrin [sic] qui fut Thomas Larcher.”15 Du Pré, therefore, may have been among the many Bretons in the book trade who left Brittany in search of greater opportunity.16 To judge Larcher as a printer based on the number of editions and on their quality is to acknowledge that his book business proved less successful than his brother’s. In all, Larcher is credited with six editions produced from 1493 to 1499.17 His first known edition, which was printed on parchment and paper in quarto format, was Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes, containing the poet’s Vingt-cinq ballades and a Commémoration de la passion, completed on 15 April 1493, as discussed in Chapter 1. The edition appeared about a year after his brother’s quarto edition of the same title. In the next year, on 8 June 1494, Larcher printed a second but slightly different edition, which this time included the poet’s Nouvelles additions.18 The two editions were illustrated with five figurative and three ornamental woodcuts and showed not only the printer’s ambition but also evidence of market demand for the works of the recently deceased Breton poet. In 1494, Larcher brought out two titles marketed to ducal administrators, notaries, and lawyers. The first was a newly devised table, or index, of forty-four folios in octavo format (ISTC ic00954200), which was planned to accompany the often-printed Les coutumes de Bretagne, a compilation of the laws and constitutions of the duchy.19 Larcher’s

56  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks enigmatic printer’s device of “Ny. dualb.” printed within a shield appears on the last leaf. Sometime after 16 June 1494, he also printed Les ordonnances et statuz, a small octavo edition of twenty folios containing decrees of Charles VIII, including the royal order to annul the Breton Chancellery (ISTC ic00216740).20 This edition was probably another example of Larcher’s job-printing of minor publications that helped maintain cash flow in his business. His last edition was the four-leaf quarto Statuta synodalia for the diocese of Nantes, dated after 23 May 1499, although it is sometimes ascribed to his brother (ISTC is00749600).21 Statuta was a small jobbing work for attendees of the synod convened by Bishop Jean d’Espinay of Nantes (1493–1500) and contained the standard prescriptions regarding clerical discipline and defense of the traditional rights and privileges of the diocese; the edition’s paper watermark of a Breton ermine spot suggests that the paper was produced in the region. 22 The statutes begin with a four-line initial printed in negative—a white letter on black ground—a rarity in Breton incunables. Concurrent with this print edition, the statutes were also copied in manuscript, showing that contemporary scribal publication still occurred at this time.23 Larcher’s penultimate title was a layperson’s book of hours, illustrated with metalcut images from his second known shop in rue de la ­Garde-Dieu in Nantes. His edition will be the focus of this chapter, showing which blocks were passed down from one brother to another and reused in different page designs.

Horae ad usum Nannatensem Larcher’s claim as printer of the book of hours is manifest in its colophon (ISTC ih00348150): Sy finissent ces presentes heures a lusage de Nantes Imprimees par Estie[n]ne larchier Imprimeur demourant en ladicte ville de nantes en la rue de la garde dieu au pres de Saint lienard. Et furent lesdictes heures achevees le. xxvii. Jour de Janvier. [mil iiiiee lxxxxviii.] The colophon’s original date of 27 January 1498 (n.s. 1499) was scraped away, however, and rewritten at a much later time to read “1438” in Roman letters, which was then repeated below in Arabic numerals. 24 In some respects, Larcher’s book of hours resembled his brother’s edition of 10 May 1488 (ISTC ih00359640), but besides differing in liturgical use (Nantes versus Rome), they also diverged in the selection of format, type, page layout, borders, and, occasionally, illustration. 25 Larcher produced a slender octavo edition of seventy leaves, shorter than most of his brother’s books of hours by eliminating supplementary prayers and suffrages, some illustrations, and borders. 26 Like some of his brother’s numerous books of devotion, Larcher printed his edition on parchment.27 But unlike his brother’s quarto edition of 10 May 1488 that

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  57 was printed in a two-column format, Larcher set his smaller sized volume in a single column of long lines.28 Another difference between the brothers’ editions was the choice of typeface: Du Pré had set the earlier edition in Gothic bâtarde typeface, which was more frequently used for vernacular languages, whereas Larcher set his book of hours in Gothic textura—the common typeface for Bibles and liturgical books following the manuscript tradition. Larcher employed two sizes to differentiate the primary text from the incipits, verses, and responses (20 lines measure 108–110 and 90 mm., respectively). 29 Larcher’s type has been described as M32 in Konrad Haebler’s classification of majuscules, although ­Larcher’s majuscule M differs slightly in that the right minim hooks downward to the left and ends in a serif.30 His type case included common variant forms for the letters s and r, and he used many medieval Latin abbreviations and symbols (-us, -rum, et), which would have required recognition and interpretation by the lay reader. Later devotional texts tended to reduce the number of abbreviations and present words in full. Larcher’s edition copy held by the Musée Dobrée was finished by hand to resemble an illuminated manuscript: Page margins and lines are ruled in red, and incipits, whether indented or centered on a line, are announced by a red- or blue-painted paragraph mark. Likewise, line ­endings in red and blue fill blank spaces to the right margin, and one-line ­Lombard initials alternate in color throughout the text. Hand-painted initials at the major sections measure from two to four lines in height and present a different and more contemporary type and color schema. These initial letters are painted in white, modeled in pale lavender thereby ­creating a three-­ dimensional look, and rest on a clay-red or blue ground embellished with matte-gold filigree. Printed borders of spiraling vines, twigs, blossoms, and birds received a light wash of color. Gothic typeface, painted ­initials, and hand-painted illustrations and borders, which will be ­discussed later, help emulate the form and beauty of an illuminated manuscript, a format that was still held in high regard at this juncture when the manuscript and the printed book coexisted in the marketplace. The reuse and adaptation of Du Pré’s blocks are readily apparent in Larcher’s edition, containing fourteen large images and another dozen small ones. Larcher adapted his brother’s illustration of Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden (measuring 110 × 65 mm.) for a new text and page layout (Figures 2.1 and 2.2). Viewed through a gold-painted portal, Adam and Eve are shown in the background encountering the Serpent at the Tree of Knowledge while the consequence of their temptation and partaking of the forbidden fruit appears in the foreground: They become aware of sin, and a sword-wielding angel drives them through another ornate portal, expelling them from Eden. In his earlier edition, Du Pré had placed the illustration between the Marian prayer of “O intemerata” and the Hours of Matins where it prefaced the Hours of the Virgin and served as a metaphor for man’s redemption through Mary’s conception. He had also framed the illustration with an elaborate three-sided border and added a

58  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks

Figure 2.1  E  xpulsion of Adam and Eve. Book of hours (use of Nantes). Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 27 January 1498/99.  Nantes, Musée Dobrée, inv. 998-6-1, fol. 7r. © Chantal Hémon, Musée Dobrée, Conseil général de Loire-Atlantique-Nantes.

caption, unrelated to the adjacent texts: “Par le pechie de desobeissance se mist Adam [et] nous tous en souffrance” (By the sin of disobedience Adam put himself and all of us in affliction). In contrast, Larcher moved the illustration of Adam and Eve to the beginning of the Gospel Lessons where the first lesson from John underscores the possibility of man’s redemption, and in this juxtaposition, it offers a hopeful corollary to the Fall of Adam

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  59

Figure 2.2  Expulsion of Adam and Eve. Book of hours (use of Rome). Paris: Jean Du Pré, 10 May 1488.  Paris, BnF, Rés. B 27672, fol. 15v. © Paris, BnF.

and Eve. Larcher placed the image flush left above six lines of type, containing the incipit (“Initium sancti euangelii secundum Johannem. Gloria tibi domine”) and the text proper (“In principio erat verbum”). A simple border cut of foliage, flowers, and birds (15 mm. wide) extends past the central illustration, filling space to the right margin. The extent to which Larcher reused his brother’s blocks emerges more fully in the section containing the Hours of the Virgin. After ­Matins, 31 each subsequent hour has an illustrative preface printed from two

60  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks interchangeable blocks. A narrow rectangular block (measuring approximately 80 × 45 mm.) depicts the central scene for each hour while a three-sided frame (approximately 105 × 65 mm.) broadens the printed space toward the upper and side margins. Larcher borrowed two such frames from Du Pré, who had printed the same frames as well as a third in his two books of hours, dated 10 May 1488 and 4 February 1488/89. For example, Larcher’s edition depicts the Presentation in the Temple as a central scene nested within a larger frame at the hour of None, identical to those in Du Pré’s edition at the same hour (Figures 2.3 and 2.4).

Figure 2.3  P  resentation of the Christ Child. Book of hours (use of Nantes). Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 27 January 1498/99. Nantes, Musée ­Dobrée, inv. 998-6-1, fol. 29v. © Chantal Hémon, Musée Dobrée, Conseil général de Loire-Atlantique-Nantes.

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  61 The frame shows two angels drawing back salmon-colored and goldtrimmed draperies to reveal the central scene to the reader; a half-length figure of God the Father appears in the starry heavens above, one hand blessing while holding an orb in the other. The separate blocks are more easily discerned in the unpainted copy of Du Pré’s edition, especially at the juncture of the portal and the figure of Christ. Visible also are elements that were overpainted in the Musée Dobrée copy, namely, “ihs xpo”—the abbreviated name for Jesus Christ—that appears in Gothic textura on either side of the frame. 32 Border pieces fill the vertical and horizontal space (approximately 13–17 mm. wide and 6–8 mm. high, respectively) in emulation of an illuminated manuscript. Such decorative

Figure 2.4  P  resentation of the Christ Child. Book of hours (use of Rome). Paris: Jean Du Pré, 10 May 1488.  Paris, BnF, Rés. B 27672, fol. 32v. © Paris, BnF.

62  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks blocks allowed greater flexibility as the printer flushed out empty space to meet the dimensions of the text block. This common use of decorative blocks can be seen on many other pages of Larcher’s books of hours. Whether by mistake or design, Larcher repeated the Presentation in the Temple at the hour of Prime, which, according to iconographic tradition, usually depicts the Nativity. The central scene appears within a second frame, used on an alternating basis: Christ displays his wounds as two angels theatrically open the drapes flowing from a baldachin above; the Instruments of the Passion are shown below in two columns. The Nativity,

Figure 2.5  P  resentation of the Christ Child. Book of hours (use of Nantes). Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 27 January 1498/99. Nantes, Musée ­Dobrée, inv. 998-6-1, fol. 23r. © Chantal Hémon, Musée Dobrée, Conseil général de Loire-Atlantique-Nantes.

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  63 had Larcher used it here, would have likely resembled that in Du Pré’s edition (Figures 2.5 and 2.6). There, however, the central block was shorter in length than the others in this series (by 10 mm.) and required him to fill the blank space below the illustration with a line of text, the incipit to the next hour of Prime. Du Pré’s layout shows how printers might make use of blocks originally conceived for a different series of illustrations. In three instances, Larcher chose to print the central block on its own, without a frame, perhaps to change the visual rhythm of the pictorial program or to allocate more space for text. These single blocks illustrate the Crucifixion for the Hours of the Cross (fol. 22r [b3r]), the Descent

Figure 2.6  N  ativity of the Christ Child. Book of hours (use of Rome). Paris: Jean Du Pré, 10 May 1488.  Paris, BnF, Rés. B 27672, fol. 27r. © Paris, BnF.

64  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks of the Holy Spirit for the Hours of the Holy Spirit (Figure 2.7), and ­ avid Watching Bathsheba at her Bath at the beginning of the PenitenD tial Psalms (fol. 38r [h1r]). All three blocks were placed at the upper left corner of the justified text, filling about a quarter of the page. Du Pré had

Figure 2.7  Descent of the Holy Spirit. Book of hours (use of Nantes). Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 27 January 1498/99.  Nantes, Musée Dobrée, inv. 998-6-1, fol. 22v. © Chantal Hémon, Musée Dobrée, Conseil général de Loire-Atlantique-Nantes.

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  65 used single blocks in a similar fashion for the Descent of the Holy Spirit to illustrate the prayer “O intemerata” in his edition of 10 May 1488, but it struggled there to harmonize on the two-column page. In another instance, Du Pré used the same block within a frame as a preface to the Hours of the Holy Spirit, demonstrating that he, too, was not averse to repeating an illustration within a single edition. The Crucifixion and the Last Judgment blocks (fol. 46r [A1r]) were apparently already in ­Larcher’s possession by April 1493 when the two cuts appeared in his first edition of Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes (see Chapter 1). It is possible that Larcher borrowed the blocks, returned them, and borrowed them again for his book of hours in 1499, although the same blocks have not been identified in Du Pré editions between 1494 and 1499. Du Pré had used some of these blocks in earlier editions: Illustrations of the Annunciation to the Shepherds and David and Bathsheba cuts from his 10 May 1488 edition reappeared in his book of hours, completed on 4 February 1488/89 (liturgical use of Rome, ISTC ih00360200), as well as in another for the use of Le Mans, dated c. 1489 (GW 13068). 33 Larcher’s decision to use the single block removes some visual emphasis, but the image marks the Hours of the Cross and Holy Spirit as subordinate sections within the book of hours while permitting additional text per page. Larcher’s Suffrages repeat nearly all illustrations in the same section of Du Pré’s Hours of 10 May 1488. Presenting a unified series of illustrations placed at the beginning of each prayer, each block (measuring approximately 40 × 26 mm.) depicts the saint(s) standing under a gold-colored archway. Larcher again chose to conserve textual space by omitting captions that his brother had placed vertically within the space allotted for the text column. The single exception in Larcher’s series was the small illustration of St. Veronica who displays the sudarium of Christ for the prayer “Salve sancta facies nostri redemptoris” (Figure  2.8), which Du Pré had not used in this book of hours of 10 May 1488 but only later in his edition of 4 February 1489 (n.s.) (fol. 82v [l2v]). Du Pré’s two editions of 10 May 1488 and 4 February 1489 (n.s.) also suggest the original sequence of leaves in the final quire of Larcher’s book of hours. In the Musée Dobrée copy, a single orphan leaf containing the suffrages of Saints Christopher and Sebastian occurs between the Office of the Dead (quire B) and the Suffrages (quire C); each of these quires now contains three folio sheets, signed Bi, Bii, Biii and Ci, Cii, Ciii, respectively. Whereas the Office of the Dead appears complete with the full nine readings, it is very likely that the section of Suffrages originally contained a gathering of four folio sheets: The conjoint leaf to the extant orphan leaf is now missing and may have been signed Ciiii. A comparison of the sequence of Suffrages in Du Pré’s editions, particularly that of 4 February 1488/89, suggests that the missing conjoint leaf held prayers to St. Stephan and the beginning of a prayer to St. ­Christopher, which continues to the next, extant leaf. Although the

66  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks

Figure 2.8  St. Veronica. Book of hours (use of Nantes). Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 27 January 1498/99.  Nantes, Musée Dobrée, inv. 998-6-1, fol. 62r. © Chantal Hémon, Musée Dobrée, Conseil général de Loire-Atlantique-Nantes.

majority of the Suffrages received small illustrations in Larcher’s book of hours, St. Christopher—one of the most popular saints in the medieval West—was honored not only with a longer prayer but probably also with a larger illustration, as occurred previously in Du Pré’s editions of 10 May 1488 and 4 ­February 1488/89. Both of his editions used the

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  67

Figure 2.9  St. Christopher and the Christ Child. Book of hours (use of Rome). Paris: Jean Du Pré, 4 February 1488/89. Paris, ENSBA, Masson 125, fol. 89v. © Beaux-Arts de Paris, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais/Art Resource, NY.

same frame showing God the Father blessing but with different central illustrations of the saint. The central image of Saint Christopher in Du Pré’s edition of 4 February 1489 (n.s.) is the same one that Larcher used as the preface to his Table for Les coutumes de Bretagne (c. 1494), as Anatole Claudin first observed (Figure 2.9). 34 It is plausible, therefore,

68  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks that Larcher reused this block of St. Christopher in his later book of hours. This would account for the unusual jump from the Suffrage of St. James to that of St. Julian that we now see in the only surviving copy of Larcher’s imprint. Just as manuscripts received illumination after the text was written, early printed books often had initials, rubrication, and borders illuminated by hand in the spaces intentionally left blank by the printer. ­Customers commonly had the option of purchasing a book unfinished or already hand-colored. In the Musée Dobrée’s copy, the textual decoration seems to have been illuminated in two stages by two different decorators. The Lombard initials, paragraph marks, and line endings appear in bright red and blue colors and were likely painted in one stage by a single rubricator. However, the larger decorated initials, which present a different letter type shaded in lavender and white, were likely executed during a second stage. The same clay-red paint, which was used as the ground color for the decorated initials (enhanced there with matte-gold filigree), was also employed in the illustrations, suggesting the work was executed at the same time. The thickly painted illustrations faithfully followed the printed line for the most part, exploiting the form and details like underdrawings even to the point of painting the same shadows cast by figures. In thus conforming to the printed illustration, the illuminator emphasized with dark outlines the unattractive, overly broad noses, and heavily lidded eyes of saints, shepherds, and priests. Figures are predominantly clothed in robes colored in deep blue and clay-red while drapery folds are defined in red and matte gold. The illuminator did not wholly imitate the printed illustration, however; he introduced minor changes. Besides covering up the abbreviated name of Jesus, he painted over the words “Ave Maria” and the rays from the holy dove in the Annunciation to the Virgin (fol. 12r [a1r]). In addition, the heavenly stars are much diminished in size compared to those in Du Pré’s unpainted edition copy, and Christ’s aureole instead assumes the appearance of angelic wings. Finally, the illuminator simplified the complex architectural background of the Trinity and the Crowned Virgin (fol. 34v [c7v]). Other than these details, the illuminator echoed the printed page in paint. Another phase of illumination occurred when the bound volume came into the possession of the Saligot family in the sixteenth century. Below the colophon, whose original date was likely rewritten at this time, a painted vignette depicts a noble woman in a red robe standing before a crenellated castle colored in lavender-grey hues (Figure 2.10). The woman presents two shields with the Saligot’s coat of arms, parti, d’azur aux trois besants d’or posés 2 et 1 et d’argent à trois fasces de gueules; acanthus leaves in azure and gold spring forth like flourishes from the shields while two wild men wielding clubs flank the castle, like heraldic supporters of an escutcheon. It is impossible to know whether the vignette conceals Larcher’s printer’s device as it appeared in his Table

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  69

Figure 2.10  Rewritten colophon and the Saligot family arms. Book of hours (use of Nantes). Nantes: Étienne Larcher, 27 January 1498/99.  Nantes, Musée Dobrée, inv. 998-6-1, fol. 66v. © Chantal Hémon, Musée Dobrée, Conseil général de Loire-Atlantique-Nantes.

for Les coutumes de Bretagne. At left, perpendicular to this vignette, André Saligot penned his name and the year 1595. By this date, the book of hours had received its sixteenth-century calf binding decorated with gilt fleurons, a rebinding process during which the St. Christopher illustration was probably lost. Flyleaves were added to the text block, on

70  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks which are now inscribed thirty-four entries recording the births, marriages, and deaths of members of the Saligot family, beginning in 1566 with the birth of Yves Saligot to Guillaume Saligot, sieur de La ­Gaudinière and second consul of Nantes (1575–76), followed by the birth of his brother André Saligot in 1567. Guillaume Saligot, who resided then at Les Perrières in the Nantes parish of Saint-Jacques de Pirmil, was a successful merchant and associate of Yvon Rocaz and Andrés Ruiz. Ruiz was the richest merchant in Nantes at this time; he worked with his family members still in Spain and helped make Nantes an important commercial center for merchandise transported between Spain and Lyon via the Loire and Rhone rivers as well as to northern France and the Low Countries.35 Other entries in the book of hours recorded André Saligot’s marriage in 1595, the birth of his children, and his death in 1611. The volume remained in the Saligot family at least to 1729, the date of the last entry.36 Such registers, commonly called livres de raison, are important witnesses of early genealogy, familial events, and book provenance.

The reuse of interchangeable blocks in printing Larcher and Du Pré were two printers among many others who took advantage of the technical capability of the press to print type and illustrations at the same time. Many late fifteenth-century books made use of border pieces of various sizes to frame a central illustration or a full page. It was perhaps this modular approach that prompted early printers to extend its practice from an ornamental purpose along the margins of the page to a broader narrative function at the center. Such composite images of figurative blocks remained relatively rare at this time despite their obvious pictorial and economic advantages. Composite images of interchangeable blocks can be categorized into three major types: interchangeable parts within a single block; the juxtaposition of different, discrete blocks to form a narrative panel; and a frame that allowed an interchangeable central image. The last type was used by Du Pré and by his brother Larcher. Examples of the first type showing interchangeable parts within a single block are found in two broadsides depicting Saints Anne and Helen, dated about 1470 and attributed to an anonymous south German printer (Figure 2.11).37 The two prints are identical in the main form of the saint, who wears a voluminous cloak over a tightly bound robe and stands on a lozenge-tiled floor, against an ornamental cloth of honor held at the corners by two angels. The prints differ only in the details of the saint’s upper torso and saintly attributes, achieved by means of a small interchangeable block dropped into the larger block. The subsequent hand-coloring of the prints, now held at the Bibliothèque nationale de France, fails to disguise the edges of the inked blocks. Other prints

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  71

Figure 2.11  Interchangeable block for a saint’s attributes. St. Anne, c. 1470.  Paris, BnF, département des Estampes, Réserve Ea-5 (12)-Boîte Fol. © Paris, BnF.

of saints with similar interchangeable parts demonstrate that this was a viable method of producing popular images rapidly and economically. 38 More common among the composite images found in illustrated books is the second type of interchangeable blocks of figures and scenes that are placed side by side to form a larger illustrative panel. Well-known early examples are seen in Jacob Bellaert’s Dutch edition of Consolatio peccatorum, seu Processus Belial (Der sonderen troest) by Jacobus de Theramo, completed at Haarlem on 15 February 1484 (ISTC ij00072000). In this edition, and in many of his later ones, Bellaert placed two, three,

72  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks or four narrow blocks, side by side, to create numerous and interchangeable narrative scenes of figures and landscapes (Figure 2.12). The ­anonymous Dutch woodcutter of these blocks, known as the Master of Jacob ­Bellaert, conveyed a consistent painterly style, replete with pictorial ­interest in clouds, landscape, and animals. 39 In the 1490s, we find other printers making use of modular blocks in their editions.40 The third type of an interchangeable central image within a frame appears to be less common in late fifteenth-century book illustration. A

Figure 2.12  Interchangeable blocks to expand narrative. Jacobus de ­T heramo, Der sonderen troest (Consolatio peccatorum, seu Processus B ­ elial). Haarlem: Jacob Bellaert, 15 February 1484.  Paris, BnF, Rés. Y2-389 (C2v). © Paris, BnF.

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  73 contemporary example of Du Pré’s composite images is found in the Venetian edition of Aesop’s Moralisatus printed by Bernardino Benali on 20 November 1487 (ISTC ia00150400). Active as a printer in Venice by 1480, Benali was responsible for more than sixty titles. In his Aesop edition, we encounter three different frames, each with an upper tympanum and a changing narrative image. The three tympanum designs feature a shield encircled by a laurel wreath and flanked by Roman emperors in profile, a tall vase held on either side by a mermaid (Figure 2.13), and a

Figure 2.13  Interchangeable central block. Aesop. Moralisatus. Venice: ­Bernardino Benali, 20 November 1487. Berlin, Staatliche Museen Kupferstichkabinett, Inv. Nr. Sign. 2730, fol. 8r. bpk Bildagentur/Staatliche ­Museen, Berlin/Volker-H. Schneider./Art Resource, NY.

74  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks medallion of a man’s head encircled by a laurel wreath carried by two winged putti.41 Like Parisian printers, Benali may have seen the economic and artistic advantages of alternating the frames in his illustrated books. Other Venetian printers recognized the benefit of interchangeable blocks and even managed to acquire some of Du Pré’s blocks. The P ­ arisian printer’s blocks were identified by Victor Essling in a number of early ­sixteenth-century Venetian editions printed by Giovanni Ragazzo, ­Gregorio and Giovanni de Gregori, Giovanni Tacuino, and Bernardino Vitali.42 For example, four woodcuts from one of Du Pré’s books of hours (ISTC ih00359670) appear in Ragazzo’s Officio della Beata Vergine Maria printed for Bernardino Stagnino in 1502 (USTC 820054); other woodcuts from the same French book of hours were reproduced in another Officio printed by Gregorio de Gregori on 11 February 1505. The importation of French illustrated books of hours to Italy may have had an influence on the increased production of ­Venetian books of hours, but the genre was never as popular as it was in France.43 In addition to woodcuts belonging to Marian cycles, Du Pré’s blocks from his Legende dorée, an edition printed on 7 October 1489 (ISTC ij00153950), were acquired by Venetian printers: The same woodcuts appeared in Legendario de sancti printed for Giovanni Tacuino on 3 December 1504 (USTC 762570). As is well known, Du Pré enjoyed earlier contacts with Venetian printers working in Paris, experts whom he identified as having completed his missal for the diocese of Limoges, “per Venetos arte impressoria magnificos et valde expertos completum” (ISTC im00667580).44 Although the method of acquisition of his old blocks remains unknown, their reuse across the Alps demonstrates the shared production and market concerns among printers of the early handpress period.

Early books of hours in Brittany Illustrated books of hours—whether handwritten or printed—were widely popular and very much in demand in late medieval and early modern France.45 At this time, Parisian printers and publishers played a vital role in the production and distribution of illustrated books of hours within the larger scope of the international book trade.46 Du Pré is credited with printing twenty-five editions of books of hours while the successful Parisian publisher Antoine Vérard produced nearly fifty different editions from 1485 to about 1503. Many of Vérard’s editions contained the increasingly universal liturgical use of Paris or Rome, but his other editions served local dioceses, including Poitiers, Rouen, Tours, and Besançon, among others; Vérard did not, however, produce an edition for the diocese of Nantes. It is notable, therefore, that Larcher’s book of hours for that very diocese was the first edition ever printed. Nantes—the residence of the last duke of Brittany and native town of

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  75 the Duchess Anne de Bretagne, queen of France, as well as host to a vibrant commercial center and a university—would have seemed to offer a market for the devotional book among nobles and merchants in the diocese.47 Indeed, the Parisian publisher Simon Vostre thought as much and arranged for an octavo edition from the printer Philippe Pigouchet about 1502 (ISTC ih00348200). There was little demand for a second edition, however, or at least no other book of hours for the use of Nantes appeared between 1499 and 1517, when Jean Baudouyn brought out his edition in Nantes (no copy of Baudouyn’s edition survives).48 Similarly, few books of hours were printed for other Breton dioceses: In Paris, Étienne Jehannot printed an illustrated octavo book of hours for the diocese of Rennes for the bookseller Pierre Regnault in Caen in 1497/98 (ISTC ih00357140), and in Rouen, Jacques Le Forestier printed an illustrated octavo edition for the diocese of St.-Malo at the request of Robert Macé, publisher-bookseller established at Caen, in 1498 (ISTC ih00347500). It is remarkable that so few books of hours for Breton dioceses were printed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Perhaps the early acceptance in Brittany of manuscript books of hours containing the liturgical use of Paris carried over subsequently to printed editions, considering the innumerable Parisian books of hours available on the contemporary book market. Larcher’s printed book of hours attempted to offer something new yet familiar to residents of Nantes: a small-format devotional book based on local liturgy, resembling an illuminated manuscript in format, type, and decoration. It was probably distributed in a limited print run on parchment and a larger quantity on paper. The printer surely had evaluated the financial costs of production and had borrowed his brother’s blocks for the illustrations and borders in the hope of turning a profit. Figurative and ornamental blocks were after all extremely valuable items for a printer, and Larcher’s reuse of his brother’s blocks was likely intended to give him an edge in the book market. The use of interchangeable blocks multiplied the design possibilities while maintaining versatility in page composition. Interchangeable blocks proved to be a facile means to create greater visual diversity within a fairly standard pictorial program for books of hours. Larcher’s experimentation with page design cannot be said to have been solely motivated by the desire to strengthen the relationship between text and image; nor is it possible to say that such changes were intended to improve the reader’s experience. Originality does not appear to have motivated Larcher in his reuse of illustrations. Rather, the repetition of illustrations provides insight into the economic motives of printers and the realities of early book production. Realistic economic motives grounded other printer-publishers as well, who responded differently to market costs and competition by severely limiting the illustrations in their editions. As we will see in the next chapter, they concentrated more strictly instead on the market’s textual needs.

76  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks

Notes 1 An earlier version of this chapter appeared in Bulletin du bibliophile (2011): 238–66. Concerning illustrated books of hours in Paris, see Mary Beth Winn, Anthoine Vérard: Parisian Publisher 1485–1512, Prologues, Poems, and Presentations (Geneva: Droz, 1997); ibid., “Illustrations in Parisian Books of Hours: Borders and Repertoires,” in Incunabula and Their Readers. Printing, Selling and Using Books in the Fifteenth Century, ed. Kristian Jensen (London: BL, 2003), pp. 31–52; Cristina Dondi, “Books of Hours. The Development of the Texts in Printed Form,” in Incunabula and Their Readers, pp. 53–70; Isabelle Delaunay, “Le Livre d’Heures parisien aux premiers temps de l’imprimé (1485–1500),” Gazette du livre médiéval 46 (2005): 22–36. 2 For example, Matthaeus Cerdonis acknowledged use of woodcuts and type from Erhard Ratdolt’s Chiromantia for his own edition printed at Padua in 1484 (ISTC ic00463000 and ic00464000). Contracts record the rental and purchase of presses and typographical material; see Ernest Coyecque, Recueil d’actes notariés relatifs à l’histoire de Paris et de ses environs au XVIe siècle, 2 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1905–23), II, nos. 4132, 4227, 4610, 5020, 5505. Other borrowings in early modern Europe are noted by Alfred W. Pollard, “The Transference of Woodcuts in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Century,” Bibliographica 2 (1896): 343–68; André Martin, Le livre illustré en France au XVe siècle (Paris: Alcan, 1931), p. 140, for his observation of Richard Pynson’s apparent use of blocks from Jean Du Pré. See also Arthur Hind, An Introduction to a History of Woodcut, with a Detailed Survey of Work Done in the Fifteenth Century, 2 vols. (1935; repr. New York: Dover, 1963), II, pp. 468, 502–6; E. P. Goldschmidt, The Printed Book of the Renaissance. Three Lectures on Type, Illustration, Ornament (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1950), pp. 41–43; Edward Hodnett, English Woodcuts 1480–1535 (1935, repr. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1973), pp. 7–9; ­A nnie Parent, Les métiers du livre à Paris au 16e siècle (1535–1560) (­G eneva: Droz, 1974), pp. 85–87; Martin Lowry, Nicolas Jenson and the Rise of Venetian Publishing in Renaissance Europe (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), p. 86; and Christoph Reske, “The Printer Anton Koberger and His Printing Shop,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (2002): 98–103 (101–2). 3 Prominent among such bibliographers was Arthur Hind who referred to ­Jacob Bellaert of Haarlem and Johann Grüninger of Strasburg as “notable sinners” for applying the same blocks to different subjects; see Hind, I, p. 284. 4 Jean Du Pré’s first firmly dated edition with woodcuts was his Missale Carnotense (Chartres), dated 31 July 1482 (ISTC im00653450). 5 Marie Pellecht, Catalogue général des incunables des bibliothèques publiques de France, 3 vols. (Paris: Picard et fils, 1897–1909), ms. 7855. 6 Anatole Claudin, Histoire de l’imprimerie en France au XVe et au XVIe siècle, 4 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1900–1914), I, p. 251. 7 Claudin, Histoire, I, pp. 209–84; Martin, pp. 73–88; Ursula Baurmeister, “1481: A False Landmark in the History of French Illustration? The Paris and Verdun Missals of Jean Du Pré,” in Incunabula: Studies in ­Fifteenth-Century Printed Books Presented to Lotte Hellinga, ed. Martin Davies (London: BL, 1999), pp. 469–91. 8 Arthur de La Borderie, L’imprimerie en Bretagne au XVe siècle (Nantes: Forest et Grimaud, 1878), p. 114; Georges Lepreux, Gallia typographica, 5 vols. (Paris: Champion, 1909–14), IV, pp. 235–36; Paul Thoby, “Les heures à l’usage de Nantes,” Bulletin de la Société archéologique et historique de

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  77 Nantes et de la Loire-Atlantique 79 (1939): 192–223 (200–4). Exhibition notices include Bibliothèque municipale, Rennes, 500 ans d’imprimerie en Bretagne, ed. Xavier Ferrieu (Rennes: BM, 1985), p. 25; Musée Dobrée, Nantes, La Bretagne au temps des ducs, eds. Jean-Yves Cozan, P. Nédellec, and A. Roger (Daoulas: Centre culturel Abbaye de Daoulas, 1991), no. 142. 9 On the business of the book trade, see Rudolf Hirsch, Printing, Selling and Reading, 1450–1550 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1967), esp. ­Chapter  4; John L. Flood, “The Printed Book as a Commercial Commodity in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (2001): 172–82. 10 “Readers would have recognized the illustration [of “De Dido et Sicheus” in Barthélémy Vérard’s Triomphes (1514)] from its previous use in Antoine Vérard’s Bible des poètes (1493, 1498, 1507?)…”; see Laurence Grove, Text-­ Image Mosaics in French Culture. Emblems and Comic Strips (­A ldershot: Ashgate, 2005), pp. 58–75 (67). 11 Although not a subject of this chapter, the identity of artists and cutters and their professional relationships with printers and publishers remain important topics, in particular as they relate to Jean Du Pré. To name just one artist whose models have been found in the printer’s woodcut repertory, Jean d’Ypres (alias Master of Anne de Bretagne) is credited with the woodcut series in Jerome’s La vie des Pères, printed by Du Pré on 8 June 1494 (ISTC ih00215000). Parts of the series were then printed in as many as four editions by Antoine Vérard between 1496 and 1512. Other series have been traced from Vérard’s publications to others, such as the book of hours for the diocese of St.-Malo printed for Robert Macé at Caen in 1498. For identifications and attributions, see François Avril and Nicole R ­ eynaud, Les manuscrits à peintures en France, 1440–1550 (Paris: BnF, 1993), pp. 265–70; France 1500. Entre Moyen Âge et Renaissance, ed. François Avril et al. (Paris: Éditions de la Réunion de musées nationaux, 2010), pp. 243–54; ­Isabelle Delaunay, “Quelques dates importantes dans la carrière du Maître des Très Petites Heures d’Anne de Bretagne,” in Le manuscrit enluminé. Études réunies en hommage à Patricia Stirnemann, ed. Claudia Rabel (Paris: Le Léopard d’or, 2014), pp. 147–66 (157–58); Louis-Gabriel Bonicoli, “La production du libraire-éditeur parisien Antoine Vérard (1485–1512): ­Nature, fonctions et circulation des images dans les premiers livres imprimés illustrés” (PhD, Paris: Université Paris Ouest-­Nanterre La Défense, 2015), pp. 136–39, 172, Catalogue, p. 414. My thanks to Louis-Gabriel for generously sharing his dissertation with me. 12 Philippe Renouard, Documents sur les imprimeurs, libraires, … ayant exercé à Paris de 1450 à 1600 (Paris: Champion, 1901), p. 80; cf. Claudin, Histoire, I, pp. 554–55. 13 “Cest le repertoire des hystoires et figures de la Bible […] contenues dedens les vignettes de ces presents Heures, imprimees en cuyvre” (ISTC ih00360200). See Claudin, Histoire, I, p. 241; Winn, “Illustrations,” pp. 31–52. Copperplates had been used earlier to reproduce images on broadsides, but they had a short-term popularity in the printing of books; see National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC, Origins of European Printmaking. Fifteenth-­ Century Woodcuts and Their Public, eds. Peter Parshall et al. (Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 2005), pp. 84–87. 14 Claudin, Histoire, I, pp. 283–84. 15 Georges Durville, Études sur le vieux Nantes, 2 vols. (1900–15; repr. Brussels: Éditions culture et civilisation, 1977), II, pp. 19, 67–68. 16 Jean-Luc Deuffic, “Une diaspora bretonne des artisans du livre (XIVe-XVe s.),” Pecia 7 (2009): 275–99.

78  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks 17 For information about his editions, see Diane E. Booton, Manuscripts, Market and the Transition to Print in Late Medieval Brittany (Farnham: ­Ashgate, 2010), pp. 107–10; and more generally, Malcolm Walsby, The Printed Book in Brittany, 1484–1600 (Leiden: Brill, 2011). 18 Jean Meschinot, Édition des Lunettes des princes de Jean Meschinot, ed. Christine Martineau-Génieys (Geneva: Droz, 1972), pp. lxxix–lxxxiii. Larcher’s editions were not dependent on that of his brother either in type or illustration; cf. Du Pré’s editions, ISTC im00505000 (c. 1492) and im00506550 (c. 1495), which differed in type, lines per page, and text-block dimensions. 19 André Gouron and Odile Terrin, Bibliographie des coutumes de France. Éditions antérieures à la révolution (Geneva: Droz, 1975), no. 688. Typographic material came from his brother, cf. CIBN C-650. 20 Hyacinthe Morice, Mémoires pour servir de preuves à l’histoire ecclésiastique et civile de Bretagne, 3 vols. (Paris: Osmont, 1742–46), III, pp. 756–66. 21 Morice, III, pp. 820–24; André Artonne, Louis Guizard, and Odette P ­ ontal, Répertoire des statuts synodaux des diocèses de l’ancienne France du XIIIe à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Éditions du Centre national de la ­recherche scientifique, 1963), p. 326; Jean-Luc Deuffic, Inventaire des livres ­liturgiques de Bretagne (Saint-Denis: J.-L. Deuffic, 2014), Nantes 133. 22 My thanks to the late curator Nicolas Petit and Ioanna Rapti, BnF Department of Rare Books for their observations and drawing of this watermark, which is not found in C.-M. Briquet, Les Filigranes. Dictionnaire historique des marques du papier dès leur apparition vers 1282 jusqu’en 1600, ed. Allan Stevenson, 4 vols. (1907; repr. Amsterdam: Paper Publications Society, 1968). A watermark of an ermine spot within a lozenge frame has been observed in two works printed by Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès at ­Bréhan-Loudéac in 1485 (ISTC ic00428200 and is00630700), and again by the latter printer at Lantenac in 1487 (ISTC im00163100). 23 Nantes, Musée Dobrée, Inv. 2015.5.1 also contains statutes of the previous bishop Pierre du Chaffault (1477–87). 24 Thoby, p. 200. 25 For Jean Du Pré’s edition, see also GW 13264–13265 that describe slightly different editions: A parchment copy, now at Chantilly, contains a quaternion with the Office de la Conception at the beginning, whereas the Office occurs after the colophon but before the répertoire in a paper copy held at the BnF. 26 Larcher’s pared-down edition omitted the Passio domini, additional Marian prayers, Office of the Conception, and half as many suffrages as found in Jean Du Pré’s edition of 10 May 1488. The thirteen confirmed books of hours printed by Jean Du Pré described in the ISTC range in length from 90 folios (one edition) to 128 folios (one edition) with the average length of 103 folios. All but three editions were octavo format; the three quarto editions were printed closely in time: 18 February 1487/88 (ISTC ih00357900), 28 March 1487/88 (ISTC ih00359630), and 10 May 1488 (ISTC ih00359640). 27 For parchment making and prices in Brittany, see Diane E. Booton, “Notes on Manuscript Production and Valuation in Late-Medieval Brittany,” The Library 7/2 (2006): 127–53 (129–33). Of Jean Du Pré’s confirmed books of hours, nine editions survive in parchment copies. It is possible that like his book of hours of 10 May 1488, known in both parchment and paper, the editions were regularly printed in deluxe and less expensive copies. It is plausible that Larcher planned likewise for his edition, just as he had for his editions of Les lunettes des princes.

The (re)use of interchangeable blocks  79 28 Jean Du Pré’s edition had a slightly wider text block, 150 × 100 mm. vs. Larcher’s 147 × 80–86 mm. Two-column formats were typical of Bibles and church service books. 29 Haebler, II, p. 272; GW 13040. 30 Haebler, II, p. 272, III, p. 76. M32 was a common type used not only by Du Pré (which Haebler notes on pp. 277, 280) but also by many other printers in Paris. 31 Matins depicts the Annunciation to the Virgin as well as narrative scenes from the life of Anne and Joachim. The illustration of the Annunciation and the narratives, which includes the Birth of Mary, is interpreted as a visual parallel of two Immaculate Conceptions by Delaunay, “Le Livre d’Heures parisien,” p. 26. 32 Gothic letters also appear on other pages of both editions, including the small blocks of the Last Judgment and David Watching Bathsheba; Jean Du Pré’s third frame (which Larcher did not use in his book of hours) shows a half-length figure of the Virgin Mary holding the Christ Child on a crescent moon and Gothic letters. 33 For his book of hours for the use of Rome (ISTC ih00360200), see Paris ENSBA, Masson 125, fol. 57r [g6r]. For the book of hours of Le Mans (GW 13068), see Museum für angewandte Kunst, Frankfurt, Erleuchtete Stunden: Gedruckte und handschriftliche Stundenbücher der Sammlung Tenschert, eds. Ina Nettekoven and Heribert Tenschert (Ramsen: Tenschert, 2005), AT7. 34 Claudin, Histoire, I, p. 245. 35 Henri Lapeyre, Une famille de marchands: les Ruiz. Contribution à l’étude du commerce entre la France et l’Espagne au temps de Philippe II (Paris: Colin, 1955), p. 62. A letter, dated 15 July 1577, by Henri III of France to Philippe II of Spain mentions the merchant Guillaume Saligot in regard to commercial transactions with Spain; see Henry III, king of France, Lettres de Henri III roi de France, eds. Pierre Champion and Michel François, 7 vols. (Paris: Klincksieck, 1959–2006), III, p. 317; Jean-Philippe Priotti, “Conflits marchands et intégration économique (Bretagne, Castille et ­A ndalousie, 1560–1580),” in Le Commerce atlantique franco-espagnol. Acteurs, négoces et ports (XVe –XVIIIe siècle), eds. Jean-Philippe Priotti and Guy Saupin (Rennes: Presses universitaires de France, 2008), pp. 73–99 (83, 85, 98). 36 Thoby, pp. 203–4. 37 Wilhelm Ludwig Schreiber, Handbuch der Holz- und Metallschnitte des XV. Jahrhunderts, 8 vols. (Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1927), III, nos. 1194a and 1495a; Gero Seelig, “Inkunabelillustration mit beweglichen Bildteilen,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 70 (1995): 102–34 (102, abb. 1). 38 An illustration of Gregory the Great in Moralia, printed by Nicolò della Magna in Florence on 15 June 1486, used interchangeable blocks for the saint’s head and attribute; reproduced by Victor Masséna Essling, Les livres à figures vénitiens de la fin du XVe siècle et du commencement du XVIe: Études sur l’art de la gravure sur bois à Venise, 6 vols. (Florence: Olschki, 1907–14), III, ii, no. 321 (ill. p. 291). A late fifteenth-century print of St. ­Elizabeth of Hungary, signed by Wolfgang, dropped in a single block for the saint’s torso and name; reproduced by Adam von Bartsch, The Illustrated Bartsch, eds. Walter L. Strauss and Richard S. Field, 166 vols. (New York: Abaris Books, 1978–99), CLXV, no. 1406–2, and discussed by Schreiber, VIII, no. 1406x. Likewise, a late fifteenth-century print of St. ­Augustine changed saintly identity by interchangeable blocks; reproduced

80  The (re)use of interchangeable blocks

39

40

41

42 43

44 45

46 47

48

in The ­Illustrated Bartsch, CLXIV, no. 1241–1, and discussed by Schreiber, III, no. 1241a. Concerning the Master of Jacob Bellaert, also known as the Haarlem Woodcutter, see William M. Conway, The Woodcutters of the Netherlands in the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1884), pp. 60–65, 74, 236–47; James Snyder, “The Bellaert Master and De Proprietatibus Rerum,” in The Early Illustrated Book. Essays in Honor of Lessing J. Rosenwald, ed. ­Sandra Hindman (Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1982), pp. 41–62. For example, see illustrations printed by Bartholomaus Ghotan (1492), ­Johann Grüninger (1496), and Peter Os van Breda (1499), reproduced by Seelig, abb. 2, 6–8. For the reuse of woodcuts in editions published by ­A ntoine Vérard, see John MacFarlane, Antoine Vérard (London: Bibliographical Society, 1900), pp. 133–36. The designs of two of the three tympana are attributed to the Master of the Rimini Ovid by Lilian Armstrong, who discusses Aesop’s fabulae among the artist’s œuvre in “The Master of the Rimini Ovid: A Miniaturist and Woodcut Designer in Renaissance Venice,” Print Quarterly 10/4 (1993): 327–68 (342, 363, Appendix II, W1). Essling, I, ii, nos. 467, 472, 492; IV, p. 97; see also his “Les livres d’heures français et les livres de liturgie vénitiens,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts 15/2 (1896): 163–73. Cristina Dondi, “Early Printed Books of Hours: The Bespoke Trade in Venice, a Commercial Business in Paris,” Paper presented at the International Congress on Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo; accessed 17 November 2017, www. palaeographia.org/apices/papers/dondi1.htm. Blocks that were previously reproduced in editions printed by Philippe Pigouchet (for Simon Vostre), Pierre Le Rouge, and Thielman Kerver were later used by Venetian printers, see Essling, I, ii, nos. 481, 490; III, i, no. 1664. Among the ample literature, see Christopher Du Hamel’s chapter, “Books for Everybody,” in his A History of Illuminated Manuscripts (Boston, MA: Godine, 1986); Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, Time Sanctified. The Book of Hours in Medieval Art and Life, ed. Roger S. Wieck, with essays by Lawrence R. Poos, Virginia Reinburg, and John Plummer (New York: Braziller, 1988). A point made by Dondi, “Early Printed Books of Hours,” using ISTC data. The number of Parisian editions of books of hours listed today in the ISTC has increased since her tally in 2004 to 296 editions. On Nantes, see Jean Kerhervé, “Nantes. Capitale des Ducs de Bretagne?” in Nantes et la Bretagne, eds. Jean Guiffan and Didier Guyvarc’h (Morlaix: Skol Vreich, 1996), pp. 63–78; Gérard Emptoz, ed., and coordination by Guy Saupin, Anne-Claire Déré, and Jean-Paul Molinari, Histoire de l’Université de Nantes, 1460–1993 (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2002). Concerning late medieval Brittany generally, see Henri Touchard, Le Commerce maritime breton à la fin du Moyen Âge (Paris: Les Belles lettres, 1967); Jean Kerhervé, L’État breton aux 14 e et 15e siècle: les ducs, l’argent et les hommes, 2 vols. (Paris: Maloine, 1987); Jean-Pierre Leguay and Hervé Martin, Fastes et malheurs de la Bretagne ducale 1213–1532 (1982; repr. Rennes: Éditions Ouest-France, 1997). Nicolas Travers mentioned its existence in Histoire civile, politique et religieuse de la ville et du comté de Nantes, 3 vols. (Nantes: Forest, 1836), I, p. 198.

3 Selling books as a Breton business

The most successful book business in early sixteenth-century Rennes was located in a rather unsavory neighborhood. Jean Macé’s bookshop at the sign of St.-John the Evangelist was near the old medieval Gate St.-­ Michel, not far from a two-story prison and the public execution grounds (aptly called “le Bout-du-Monde” or “The end of the world”).1 For thirty years, Macé published with business partners primarily based in his native Norman town of Caen or in nearby Rouen and sold books in the Breton towns of Rennes and Nantes, both of which lacked professional printers in the early sixteenth century. Although there were other booksellers in Brittany, none posed serious competition.2 Besides Macé’s ability to exploit the publishing vacuum in Brittany, what was his successful business model, and why did he succeed where others had not? Our detailed knowledge of Macé’s booklists comes from the efforts of nineteenth- and twentieth-­century bibliographers Édouard Frère, Léopold Delisle, Jacques Betz, Pierre Aquilon, and Alain Girard, whose extensive research identifies Macé as bookseller for some 130 editions of liturgical and pastoral works, jurisprudence and juridical compendia, theology and moral treatises, classical titles, school texts, romances, and chronicles.3 In addition, several essays by Michel Duval provide a scholarly synthesis and chronology of Norman publishing and related bookselling in Brittany, while recent studies emphasize the absence of Breton printers, the superior quality of Norman printing, and commercial routes for book distribution.4 The longevity of Macé’s business speaks to his effective commercial venture, shared with his partners in Normandy, and to his discerning market knowledge, which led him to identify Rennes as a good base for bookselling, with a booklist tailored to the Breton literate audience.5 High-quality Norman book publishing preceded by four years (1480) the experimental efforts of Breton presses and displayed its dominantly commercial bent from the outset with a Latin grammar schoolbook, Horace’s Epistles, printed in Caen (ISTC ih00472400).6 Besides elementary schoolbooks, texts for advanced students and teachers were required for the university in Caen, founded as a studium generale in 1432, which later acquired civil and canon law faculties. On the other hand, Rouen lacked a university, but it was the seat of the Norman archdiocese, and

82  Selling books as a Breton business its clerics were charged with administrative and financial responsibilities. Its book market primarily offered religious and customary law books and was dominated by Parisian booksellers, even after the appearance of Rouen’s first printing press in 1485.7 In late fifteenth-century Rouen, printers required substantial patronage to finance the purchase of presses and typographic material. Martin Morin (active 1484–1514) found his patronage with five brothers of the Lallemant family, descendants of chevalier Henry de Conterey dit Lallemant because of his German origins, who installed presses and printers on their various properties in Rouen.8 Morin established early Breton connections, as shown by the appearance of his printer’s mark in Coutumes et constitutions de Bretagne, produced for Pierre Bellescullée and Josses in Rennes in 1485 (n.s.).9 Another early connection to the Breton book market was developed by Pierre Regnault, a printer-bookseller and university libraire, who became well established in both Caen and Rouen between 1489 and 1520. ­Regnault arranged for a book of hours for the diocese of Rennes to be printed in Paris, probably by Étienne Jehannot about 1497–99 (ISTC ih00357140). Not only did Pierre Regnault have a book warehouse on rue St.-Jacques in Paris, but he also partnered there with a relative: François Regnault, ­libraire.10 Pierre Regnault’s printer’s mark emphasizes his broad booktrade connections in depicting the arms of France, Brittany, Normandy, and Paris. Similarly, the bookseller Jean Richard, active in Rouen between 1490 and 1515, used a printer’s mark with the arms of France, Brittany, Dauphin, and Orléans, whereas that of Robert Macé, later adopted by Jean Macé, showed the arms of France, Brittany, France/Normandy, and Jerusalem/France. From early on, Norman printers and publishers relied on business and family connections to produce, distribute, and market books within and beyond their immediate locale and region.

The family business In many medieval trades and skilled crafts, sons followed the father’s profession; likewise, the Macé family of Caen kept to the book-trade profession. Their business expanded as family members and apprentices trained and became full partners, assuming responsibilities in different towns as parts of a system of book warehousing and distribution. The Macé group’s primary business was centered in Caen, Rouen, and Rennes but extended also to Morlaix, Angers, and Paris as the group contracted with local printers, publishers, and booksellers for their extensive booklist. From these transregional connections, we can learn about a complex publishing network that linked provincial towns with Paris, the primary printing center in France, and about the importance of personal relationships and an efficient distribution system critical to a successful publishing partnership in northwestern France in the early sixteenth century.

Selling books as a Breton business  83 The Macé family In 1498, Robert Macé (also called Robinet), a native of the diocese of Lisieux, opened a bookshop in Caen near the ancient Cemetery St.Pierre and bridge of the same name.11 Active until 1506, he published fifty-three editions, printed mostly in Rouen from the presses of ­R ichard Auzoult, Jean Mauditier, Morin, and Pierre Olivier. The majority of these editions were Latin books intended for university students; only eighteen were in French, including Les lunettes des princes by Jean Meschinot (ISTC im00507200). From 9 March 1499, Robert Macé was appointed as one of the two libraires-juré of the university, permitting him more control of the town’s book commerce.12 Although he published two editions with Jean Petit in Paris, his book business remained primarily in the family, consisting of his brother Jean and eldest son Richard. Richard and his middle son Girard enrolled at the university in 1504.13 Whereas little else is known of Girard, Richard would become university libraire-juré on 26 February 1507 (n.s.), following his father’s death. His youngest son Robert was active as a bookbinder (1520–63) and printer (after 1556); among his apprentices in Caen was Christophe Plantin who would become a well-known printer in northern Europe.14 The family book business truly succeeded once Jean Macé established himself as a bookseller in Rennes, extending the family’s Norman commerce into the duchy of Brittany. Business practices Printers and publishers came and went in the early days of the book business as they grappled with financial and market problems. They needed financing for production expenses, access to inexpensive labor, and assured ­ ormandy and Brittany patronage. The Macé’s book business succeeded in N because they resolved these problems with diversified institutional patronage, tax exemptions, and apprentice labor. Two institutions—the church and law courts—permitted the Macé brothers to stabilize their business by diversifying their booklist and by offering the different literary genres required by each institution. Their booklists, which will be examined more fully in Chapter 5, fulfilled the literary needs of these institutions from the earliest years in the trade. Although they were not the first publisher to produce a liturgical book for a Breton diocese, their services were soon in demand. In 1500, Bishop Michel Guibé of Rennes commissioned ­Robert Macé to publish a new missal in quarto format (ISTC im00688400), emending the earlier edition printed by Mauditier and Olivier in Rouen in 1493 (n.s.) for Angers booksellers André Hodian and Jean Alexandre. For the first time, Jean Macé’s name and his bookshop appeared in print, advertised there on the last leaf in French and in type larger than the Latin text: “Qui en voudra avoir on en trouvera chieux Iehan mace libraire demourant

84  Selling books as a Breton business a Regnes a lymage saint Iehan levangeliste.” His small mention holds no comparison to Robert Macé’s self-promotion on the title page where his mark is placed prominently on the page: The majuscule M of the large xylographic woodcut title “Missale” carries Robert’s name on its central stem; his name and privileged university status are rubricated below (­Figure 3.1). His ­printer’s mark repeats at the end of the edition, together with a postface that ­justified and promoted this edition, explaining that corrections were ­necessary in the 1492 Parisian edition. He also publicized additions made

Figure 3.1  Publisher’s publicity. Missal (use of Rennes). Rouen: Jean Mauditier and Pierre Olivier for Robert Macé and Jean Macé, 1500. Paris, BnF, Rés. B-27922 (title page). © Paris, BnF.

Selling books as a Breton business  85 by local  ­clerics Jean ­Bougueret, Radulph Berhaud, and ­Simon ­Guillotin, ­ auditier and Olivier as “skilled in the art of printing” (f. and praised M 224v). The missal was indeed a quality edition with historiated and decorative initials printed in red and black, woodcut illustrations from the life of the Virgin Mary, and full-page canon illustrations of the Crucifixion and God the Father. Three years later, in 1503, the Macé brothers partnered with the same printers to produce a missal tailored for the diocese of St.Malo (USTC 112043). Robert’s role was again well advertised on the title page, thanks to the same xylographic “Missale” displaying his name and printer’s mark while Jean’s name again appeared on the last leaf as the bookseller in Rennes from whom buyers might obtain the missal at a good price ­(“Venale habetur non multo precio presens Missale in officina Johannis Macé bibliopole civitatis Redonensis ad ymaginem divi Johannis evangeliste”). Likewise, Robert put his mark on a Coutumier for Brittany in 1502, in which Jean advertised his bookshop in Rennes (USTC 67491). Such law books required regular amendment as ordinances and statutes were added or revised; therefore, printer-­publishers could anticipate future editions of law compendia more frequently than ecclesiastical commissions for a new breviary, missal, or manual for one of the nine Breton dioceses. From the outset, the Macé book business targeted Breton buyers of liturgical and customary law books. As a university official, Robert Macé claimed tax exemption from tolls levied on goods leaving Normandy. Books, unbound in bales or barrels, were transported like other commercial goods by land or by river along well-established trade routes. From Rouen, the trade route passed through Orléans to southern France; from Caen, the route passed via Avranches to Rennes and to Nantes, from which Poitiers and Saintes served as hubs for points south.15 About 1505, the viscounty of Avranches demanded toll payments from Robert Macé, whose protests were recorded in a grievance submitted with university support and set before the Cour des aides in Rouen.16 The complaint specified that the king of France had previously granted and recently renewed the tax exemption to the university libraires-juré. The university petitioned the Cour des aides for a rapid and fair resolution of the matter; the court’s decision has unfortunately been lost. Given the subsequent increase in the Macé business between Normandy and Brittany, however, it would appear that Macé won his case. Assisting their business finances as well were apprentices whose labor was less costly. Robert Macé regularly took on apprentices, a long-held practice in the craft professions that offered untrained men a means to learn a trade with a master craftsman for a contractual period of time, usually from two to five years. Generally aged between fifteen and twenty, the apprentice, who had to be literate, received training, room and board, clothing, and a small allowance.17 During the last years of his business life, Robert Macé accepted two apprentices who would become partners and continue their association with the Macé family business long after his death.

86  Selling books as a Breton business Standing before a notary in Caen on 15 February 1500, Robert Macé made a contractual agreement with Michel Angier, a native of the parish of Denezé (diocese of Angers), accepting his three-year apprenticeship, beginning from the past Christmas, in return for food, lodging, and a sum of fifty livres tournois paid in three installments; the contract allowed Angier the right to cancel the agreement with one year’s notice.18 The second apprentice, Richard Rogerie, who came from the Norman diocese of Coutances, contracted his threeyear apprenticeship on 12 January 1502 with Robert Macé and his brother Jean Macé (the latter was absent at the signing of the contract). The Macé brothers promised food and lodging as well as payments of eighteen livres tournois in the first year, twenty livres tournois in the second, and twenty-five livres tournois in the third and last year. The agreement permitted Rogerie the right to cancel the contract with a half-year notice; the Macé’s could also terminate the contract and owe a prorated amount.19 The second contract demonstrates that Jean, despite his frequent absences from Caen, had assumed more business responsibility by 1502. Their apprenticeships complete by 1505, Angier and Rogerie became associates and set up shop in the Breton towns of Morlaix and St.-Brieuc in the ancient dioceses of Léon and Tréguier, respectively. For their printer’s mark, the associates adopted the figure of St. Yves Hélory de K ­ ermartin (d. 1303), a canonized lawyer-cleric known for his charity to the poor and patron saint of Tréguier. On the woodcut (Figure 3.2), the saint stands between a rich man and a poor man; a hawk above holds a shield inscribed M R (Michel and Richard), while a banderole unfolds the motto “Spes nostra in domino” with the printers’ full names below. The associates published three editions in 1505‒6, all likely produced by Rouen printers who had worked with Robert Macé. The scholarly, liturgical, and religious editions, which were based on recently printed exemplars, were intended for clerics and students. Their first edition was John of Garland’s Libellus de verborum compositis—a Latin dictionary of useful phrases for students and scholars—printed by Laurent Hostingue and Jamet Loys in Rouen on 21 July 1505 (USTC 112734). Because of identical distiches on the title page, their textual exemplar was probably the edition dated 23 June 1501 (USTC 111650). Their second edition was an undated Manuale ad usum ecclesie Briocensis, thus indicating institutional church patronage in the diocese of St.-Brieuc; the title page advertised its sale before the portal of the local church (USTC 111649).20 The textual exemplar for the Manuale printed by Angier and Rogerie was very likely an earlier edition published by Robert Macé because both editions contain the double foliation of fol. 148 (USTC 112140). It is plausible that Morin printed the undated manual for Angier and Rogerie because the same metalcut illustrations are found in his later missal for the diocese of Nantes (USTC 111330). Repetition of illustrations, as we have seen in Chapter 2, is not

Selling books as a Breton business  87

Figure 3.2  P  ublishers’ mark. Manual (use of St.-Brieuc). [s.l.]: [s.n.] for ­R ichard Rogerie and Michel Angier, c. 1505. Caen, Bibliothèque Universitaire, Rés. 247088 (title page). Université de Caen Normandie, Bibliothèque.

indisputable proof of work by the same printer, but it is nonetheless suggestive. The third edition printed by Angier and Rogerie, Le regime de sante pour conserver le corps humain et vivre longuement by Arnaldus de Villanova (USTC 55541), was based on Robert Macé’s undated edition

88  Selling books as a Breton business (1501?), as implied by the note on the title-page verso: “avec aucunes additions a ce adioustees lan mil cccCC & ung.” The note cannot refer to the Angier-Rogerie edition because, in 1501, Rogerie had not yet started his apprenticeship. Although their third edition displays the same printer’s mark seen in the other two editions, only Rogerie’s name appears on the title page and in the colophon. Indeed, Angier was less involved in the Morlaix business after 1505, as we shall discuss later. The last two editions that Rogerie published alone were Prester John’s La diversite des hommes des bestes [et] des oyseaux qui sont en la terre, probably printed in Rouen (USTC 7947), and the very popular and often printed almanac Le kalendrier et compost des bergiers, containing popular sayings and medical and astrological advice in the calendar (USTC 83062); this is the last book reference to Rogerie.21 On the other hand, Angier continued in the book trade for many decades to come. He relocated to Rouen, working from a shop on rue du Grand Maulévrier, near the bridge. It is plausible that he and Rogerie intended to establish a branch office in Rouen, closer to the printers whom they hired. 22 It was perhaps the death of Robert Macé that brought him back to Caen for, by 1508, we find him in business with Jean Macé.

Partnership model Illness or death of an active partner always necessitates changes in responsibility, and thus, after Robert’s death in 1506, Jean Macé had to take over his brother’s tasks.23 Because the family model was weakened by Robert’s death, the power vacuum allowed family members to reshape the business into a new partnership model that proved even more successful. It was during these years when Jean Macé assumed more publishing responsibility that the business functions became too much for him to direct from distant Rennes. The Macé family business thus evolved, first taking on Richard Macé, Robert’s son, and then a short time later his former apprentice Angier. Now, the three partners directed business from separate shops in Caen, Rouen, and Rennes. As associates, the partnership was soon weighted in favor of Angier, whose name nearly always preceded the others on the title pages and in the colophons of the books they published together. The partnership’s strong and well-financed association produced many editions from the printing presses at Caen and Rouen and also managed to attract talented printers and co-financing for some editions. Business evolution Between 1506 and 1509, Jean Macé continued to use Robert’s mark on publications with only slight modification but began to nuance his own public identity by specifying his shop’s location in Rennes (“near the Church of St.-Sauveur,” “near the Porte St.-Michel,” or “en bout de cohue”) and by qualifying his meritorious professional status (“bibliopole non immeriti”).

Selling books as a Breton business  89 In this short period of transition, Jean brought out five substantial editions to his own credit. Printed “at the request of Jean Macé, bookseller,” states the title page, in French, of his De remediis utriusque fortune by Adrianus Carthusiensis, dated 15 November 1506, even though Robert’s large mark fills the page (USTC 111574). Jean’s second edition, undated but likely produced soon after, was Boethius’s De consolatione philosophiae with commentaries by Thomas Aquinas and Josse Badius, followed by De disciplina scholarium and De officio discipulorum, “diligently annotated” (USTC 112125). The edition credits only Jean Macé, bookseller, but displays ­Robert’s mark; now, however, the initial R had been changed to the initial I. In content, format, and number of signatures, the edition closely follows that produced in 1506 by Robert Macé and Jean Petit, libraire, at the ­University of Paris (USTC 182677). Jean Macé’s third edition was Les coustumes de Bretaigne, printed in Paris by Philippe Pigouchet on 8 ­October 1507 (USTC 26074), thereby marking an exceptional departure from ­Norman presses. Although “Jehan Masse” is credited, Pigouchet’s mark—not the bookseller’s—appears on the final page. The fourth edition during Macé’s transitional business years was Secreta virorum et mulierum by ­Albertus Magnus, co-published with Raulin Gaultier from the Rouen press of Jean Mauditier in November 1508 (USTC 111579). The fifth and ­ arland’s Dictionarius, printed by final edition of this period was John of G Laurent Hostingue in Caen in January 1509 (n.s.) (USTC 112329). ­Garland’s Dictionarius presents Latin words (some in French translation) while taking the reader on a walk through Paris, an unusual pedagogical method that differs from the same author’s Latin phrase book, Composita verborum.24 Macé’s edition contains a dedication from magister Nicolas Cadier, a law professor at the University of Caen, to its editor, magister Vincent Carrer; Cadier would continue to write dedications, epigrams, and edit work for the Angier-Macé business.25 By reissuing Robert’s earlier editions and adopting his mark, Jean Macé leveraged his brother’s business reputation. Richard succeeded his father as libraire at the University of Caen on 26 February 1507 (n.s.) after Robert’s widow Isabella petitioned the university on behalf of her son.26 As libraire, Richard remained in Caen for several years and financed one edition on his own and two editions with his uncle Jean Macé. The solo edition was a very short octavo (eight folios) of Carmen lugubre de dominicae passionis die (USTC 112378) by the prolific editor and commentator Filippo Beroaldo (1453–1505), printed by Laurent Hostingue in Rouen before the printer moved to Caen sometime after April 1508.27 The two editions that Richard and Jean Macé published in Rouen retained Robert Macé’s mark and identified the pair as libraires at the University of Caen: the first one, Arnaldus de Villanova’s Le tresor des poures containing medical recipes and advice, was printed on 29 July 1507 (USTC 59327); and the second one, Évrard de Béthune’s popular Latin grammar Graecismus with gloss by Johannes Vincentius Metulinus, was printed about the same time (USTC 111632). Later, Richard would use his own mark depicting a Sagittarius and centauress (Figure 3.3).28

90  Selling books as a Breton business

Figure 3.3  P  ublisher’s mark of Richard Macé. Boethius. De Disciplina. Rouen: [material of Laurent Hostingue] for Jean and Richard Macé, 10 July 1515.  Rennes, BM, 52331 Rés. (title-page detail). Permission of the Bibliothèque de Rennes Métropole.

By  1511,  ­R ichard Macé had relinquished the local shop at Caen to ­ ngier and had established a new shop in Rouen at the sign of the “Cinq-­ A Chapelets,” near the cathedral’s Portail des libraires.29 On his own, he published at least eleven, mostly undated, editions.30 In association with Jean Macé and Angier, Richard Macé produced thirty-seven editions between 1511 and 1516, and Richard’s name nearly always ranked third. Though ­Richard Macé might have had a tertiary role in the family business, his shop in Rouen allowed the three partners to warehouse unbound copies, sell editions locally, and remain in close contact with hired printers.

Selling books as a Breton business  91 The apprentice returns Following the brief association with his co-apprentice Rogerie in ­Morlaix, Angier returned to Normandy, first to Rouen and then to Caen where he worked as partner in the Macé book business. From about 1508 to 1510, he and Jean Macé published books that were sold not only in Caen and Rennes but also in a bouticle, a bookshop, in Rouen, advertised on title pages as “au bout du pont devant l’enseigne du Paon” and “in parrochia Sancti Martini ad oras pontis.” According to local records, the sign of the peacock refers to the Paon family, whose members numbered among the cathedral canons and civic administrators of Rouen.31 The bookshop’s location in the parish of St.-Martin-du-Pont is described in four editions, dated from April to December 1508, plus another three undated editions. The editions represent a broad spectrum of literary genres: liturgical service books (Manuale ad usum Redonensem, Expositio sequentiarum, and a plenarium), literature (Les quattre filz Aymon and Mensa ­philosophica), legal works (Viatorium juris), and exegesis (Apologia by Vincentius ­Dodus). The bookshop seems to have been transferred to Richard Macé, who moved to Rouen to supervise local book printing and sales in 1511. Having relocated to Caen, Angier advertised at the sign of Mont-St.Michel near the St.-Pierre Bridge in the parish of St.-Pierre and adopted the mark of the Archangel Michael (Figure 3.4). Without his participation, talents, and marketing aplomb, the Macé book-publishing business might not have succeeded in extending Robert Macé’s enterprise well into the sixteenth century. On 26 January 1509 (n.s.), Angier became libraire-juré and official binder of the University of Caen.32 From this year begins a productive period for the Angier-Macé partnership that brought forth some thirty editions and witnessed the business strategy of relocating the printer Laurent Hostingue to Caen. His dominant role in the partnership is apparent when compared to his two associates (Figure 3.5). Visualization of the business networks of Angier and his partners Jean Macé and Richard Macé identifies the hired printers and compares their publishing activity in the relative size of nodes. The visualization only reflects each partner’s advertised role as the primary publisher, as mentioned on each edition’s imprint. Because of the chosen focus on the two partners, the network visualization omits data about the book activity of other publisher-­ booksellers. From this visualization, we can see that Angier published more editions than Macé. Laurent Hostingue was their preferred printer among the Norman printers, who were hired more frequently than Parisian printers, although the responsible printer remained unnamed in many editions. Angier leveraged his university affiliation to engage professors to review and correct texts for Latin schoolbooks and to author commentaries, thereby earning praise as an able publisher. Master Guillaume Guéroult (d. 1559), doctor of medicine, edited texts, wrote dedicatory letters, and praised the invention of printing and its benefits for Caen. In  the 1509 edition of Summule logicales by Peter of Spain (USTC

92  Selling books as a Breton business

Figure 3.4  Publisher’s mark of Michel Angier. Baptista Mantuanus. Parthenice Catharinaria. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier, Jean Macé, and Richard Macé. *IC5.B2296.489pg (title-page detail), Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA.

112333), Guéroult wrote to his colleague Master Raoul Le Villain about how the new invention of printing brought great relief to students. The past need to copy texts by hand had left little study time for students, and the previous absence of books meant learned men were rare. Now, thanks to this incomparable discovery, Guéroult continued, a new light would shine on the university where there were distinguished men in all sciences. Until now, professors had to bring books from distant towns, but henceforth, Caen will be able to furnish books to others. Guéroult then praised Angier: “Thus young students owe much to my friend and

Figure 3.5  P  ublishing Network of Jean Macé, bookseller at Rennes. © Diane Booton.

94  Selling books as a Breton business neighbor Michel Angier, who by his efforts and funds, has attracted skilled artists to practice printing within our walls.”33 Master Nicolas Cadier supervised another edition, wrote prefatory epigrams, and authored dedicatory letters for Angier’s editions. In his dedicatory letter to Comedies by the Roman poet Terence, published in 1510, Cadier lauded Angier for his splendid work (USTC 112336). 34 He also praised Angier in the preface of Horace’s Epistles, published in 1518 (USTC 112468). 35 Likewise, Thomas Meeterius (Le Métayer) of Neubourg, professor of the Collège du Bois at the University of Caen, wrote dedicatory letters to university colleagues at the behest of Angier and Jean Macé for a new, undated edition of Boethius’s De consolatione philosophiae and for a corrected edition of Cura clericalis, printed about 1511 (USTC 112385), and reprinted in a later edition (USTC 112386).36 In his dedicatory letter, Guillaume de La Mare (1451–1525), doctor in civil and canon law and former university rector, praised both his ­colleague-editor Guillaume Guéroult and Angier (“bibliopola fidissimus”) in a 1525 edition of Agostino Dati’s grammar Elegantiae latinae (USTC 112369).37 Such expressions of admiration and approval are forerunners of our modern acknowledgments and prefaces, serving likewise to affirm, compliment, and flatter in order perhaps to gain present or future favor. For the publishers, the university professors—whether authors, editors, poets, or dedicators—were a ready talent to tap for school texts, the mainstay that sustained their publishing business. The close relationship between Angier and his university authors is again demonstrated in a letter addressed to Angier by professor and deacon Guillaume Le Rat (d. 1550) in Jérôme de Hangest’s Moralia (USTC 112428), a popular logic text, published in 1530 (n.s.); there, Guillaume Le Rat described Angier as a virtuous man and a dear, loyal friend. 38 If a celebrity professor was not available to pen verses or compose a letter for a new edition, Angier would fulfill the task himself. In his edition of Virgil’s Bucolica, dated c. 1510 (USTC 112412), Angier wrote the verse and prefaced them with prose in praise of Laurent Hostingue, the volume’s printer.39 Angier also copied a Latin epigram on the invention of printing (“Epigramma in artis impressorie inventoris commendationem”) that would appear in two of his editions published c. 1512 and c. 1525.40 The copied epigram from Hieronymus Bononius had first appeared in 1477 (ISTC it00396000). By the early sixteenth century, the magic of moveable type had likely waned in the eyes of students and readers, yet it was paramount for publishers to enhance their wares to counter local market competition and help make them attractive and noteworthy for the buying public. Attracting talent To compete with their chief rival—Pierre Regnault, libraire-juré at the University of Caen since 1492—the Macé business engaged Laurent

Selling books as a Breton business  95 Hostingue and persuaded him to relocate to Caen. From 1499, he had worked in Rouen and in association with Jamet Loys from 1505 at their shop “près le Marché-Neuf.” In Guillaume Guéroult’s praise of the invention of printing mentioned earlier, the university master acknowledged and eagerly congratulated the expert printers who had just arrived in town with their typographic material (USTC 112333). Hostingue’s relocation to Caen opened up an active association resulting in some thirty editions between 1508 and 1511. Nor did the Macé partnership relax the pace. Between 1511 and 1515, the three associates produced at least thirty-eight editions together, generally hiring the same printers in Caen, Rouen, or Paris, namely Laurent Hostingue, Richard Goupil, Jean Mauditier, Pierre Olivier, and Thielmann Kerver. Hostingue continued his contractual work for the Macé-Angier business during his brief return to Rouen, 1513–16, and thereafter again in Caen, until his death in 1524. An associate would occasionally act on his own initiative, as did Angier for his edition of Bouchart’s Les grandes cronicques de Bretaigne in 1518 (USTC 39006). Other times, the two associates would team up without Richard Macé to bring out an edition, such as a new Coutumes de Bretagne from Paris in 1517 (USTC 38319). In 1511–12, the associates pooled financing with their local competitor, Pierre Regnault, to print a folio Bible (USTC 112077) and a Catholicon (USTC 210281). With his relative François Regnault in Paris, they published Hugo de Prato Florido’s Sermones de sanctis (USTC 112341) and Bartholomaeus Anglicus’s Propriétaire des choses, dated 15 November 1512 (USTC 57636). It was during this active period that Guillaume Guéroult wrote a dedicatory letter addressed to Hostingue that exalted his “intelligent” edition of Parthenice Mariana by Baptista Mantuanus (USTC 112408). The first decades of the sixteenth century proved extremely successful for the Macé-Angier book business in Caen, whether they financed editions printed in Normandy or co-financed titles printed beyond their borders. Jean Macé’s booklist Jean Macé co-financed only a portion of the books published by the associates, underscoring the different market audience in Rennes, Caen, and Rouen. What titles did he co-finance? What titles did he decline? ­Booklists show that Jean Macé usually declined publishing devotional books of hours and French verse editions. Rather, he focused on Latin grammars and philosophy school texts and on legal compendia of customary law and ordinances. To a lesser extent, he published popular works, such as ­Boethius’s De consolatione philosophiae and texts intended for parish priests. Jean Macé had learned what was relevant to his immediate market. Macé’s school texts mostly included works by the auctores octo morales, a curriculum of eight Latin texts, which, together with standard

96  Selling books as a Breton business grammars, dominated elementary education from the fourteenth to mid-­sixteenth centuries41: (1) Distichs of Cato were easy and practical maxims, patristic and scriptural quotations, and quotes from Roman poets (USTC 112338 and 112382); (2) Eclogue, pastoral conventions, by Theodulus (sometimes attributed to Bishop Theodulus of Syria or Gottschalk d’Orbais) and its popular commentary by Alexander Neckam (USTC 112335); (3) Facetus, a book of manners (USTC 112337); (4) the poem De contemptu mundi or Chartula (USTC 210293); (5) Liber ­parabolarum by Alain de Lille (USTC 112328); (6) Aesop’s Fables (USTC 112449); (7) Floretus about Christian dogma (USTC 112060, 112344); (8) the narrative poem on the Vulgate book of Tobias by Mathieu de Vendôme, however, is not recorded as a publication of the three associates, although it is plausible that they would have reissued one after Robert Macé’s edition (USTC 110680). Even though it would seem feasible and financially sensible to publish the eight titles together as a convenient volume, Léopold Delisle concluded after extensive research that it was unlikely that the associates had published one as a single volume.42 Related to these common school texts were six grammars published by the associates: Giovanni Balbi’s Summa Grammaticalis, better known as Catholicon (USTC 210281), Évrard de Béthune’s Graecismus (USTC 111632), John of Garland’s Dictionarius, a work written in Latin with an interlinear gloss in French (USTC 112329), Petrus Ravennas’s ­Alphabetum aureum (USTC 210280), Lorenzo Valla’s Elegantiae linguae latinae (USTC 112133), and Alexander de Villa Dei’s Doctrinale (USTC 112330).43 The associates published most of these schoolbooks in the years 1508–12, suggestive of Laurent Hostingue’s effect after his relocation to Caen. Another important literary genre for Jean Macé’s co-financing was legal compendia, such as custumals for administrative officials and lawyers. Macé helped finance six editions of the Coutumes de Bretagne over a period of twenty years (USTC 26074, 38319, 55556, 55579, 67491, and 70169), two editions of the Coutumes de Normandie (USTC 39003 and 67364), and Jean Boutillier’s Summa ruralis on legislative customs in northern France (USTC 67363). Other legal texts were published within the productive years of 1508–13: Tractatus by Albericus de Rosate (USTC 112057), an “Apparatus” to Constitutiones Clementini V by Guilelmus de Monte Lauduno (USTC 112083), Defensorium iuris by Jean de Cirey (USTC 112128), and Cautelae novae by Tommaso F ­ errazzo (USTC 111334). These publications demonstrate that the associates’ published titles were primarily aimed at students studying civil law; the associates did not publish the major papal decretals or constitutions. As a publisher-bookseller, Jean Macé had contracted editions with out-of-town printers in Rouen, Caen, and Paris, but in the mid-1520s, he succeeded in attracting the printer Jean Baudouyn to Rennes.

Selling books as a Breton business  97 Perhaps originally from Paris, Baudouyn had recently worked in Nantes (USTC 14575).44 After his move to Rennes, his first commission from Jean Macé was the collected works of sacred and secular verse by the ­eleventh-century Bishop Marbode (In collectione prima operum ­M arbodi, USTC 111634) at the request of the then Bishop Yves Mahyeuc in 1524 (Figure 3.6).45 In this edition, Baudouyn extolled his unique and superior status (“primum et unicum calcographum et impressorem”). In the following year, he produced the undated La constitution nouvelle

Figure 3.6   A  printer’s workshop. Marbode. Marbodi liber. Rennes: Jean ­B audouyn for Jean Macé, 21 May 1524. Paris, BnF, Rés. P Ye 1533 (title page). © Paris, BnF.

98  Selling books as a Breton business stille for Macé. If similar editions can be attributed to his press or to his workshop, then Jean Baudouyn was responsible for at least another three editions, demonstrating activity in Rennes to 1532 (USTC 55583, 38334, and 55836); the latter editions, however, omit Jean Macé’s name, suggesting that he was not involved. In fact, Baudouyn or his workshop continued association with the Nantes book trade because at least one edition printed for the booksellers Antoine and Michel Papolin used the same typographic material.46 The relatively few editions from ­Baudouyn’s press might also indicate that there were limited printing jobs in Rennes, implying that he had to accept print jobs elsewhere. It has also been suggested that Baudouyn was simply a part-time printer and that his permanent job as court bailiff (huissier) of the Breton chancellery, as he named himself in a royal privilege in 1525 (USTC 555830), took precedent over his printing activities.47 Less prominent genres on Jean Macé’s booklist represent some unexpected outcomes. Pastoral works had also received Jean Macé’s co-­ financing for publication, underscoring the expected clerical readership in the diocese of Rennes, but the partners published few such titles in the end, suggesting that their anticipated clerical readership failed to materialize to the strength expected. In addition, classical Latin titles were surprisingly few, reinforcing their continued reliance on scholastic works. Finally, histories, poems, and chivalric tales in vernacular French represent only a handful of the associates’ editions, and those few appeared primarily during the years 1507–13. The contrast underscores the importance of Latin works for the Macé-Angier publishers. Jean Macé co-financed many but not all editions with his two associates. It is not clear why he did not co-finance grammar texts by Agostino Dati (Elegantolae), Jan de Spauter (Contextus grammatice artis), or Petrus Pontanus (De introductione artis grammaticae), which Angier published alone; the educational curriculum at the University of Caen may have been the reason. Angier republished several of Robert Macé’s editions, including Jean Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes, Ovid’s Liber de remedio amoris, and Vie de saints Étienne, Laurent, Paul. Angier also arranged for new editions of two previously published titles, Ovid’s Metamorphoses (1496) and Thomas Aquinas’s Opus dignissimum (undated), suggesting that the works’ popularity had encouraged republication. Angier’s publishing decisions, therefore, were related in part to the titles that over time had sold out and required new editions for the marketplace. End of the partnership The successful partnership of Jean and Richard Macé with Angier endured twenty years, and they—particularly Angier—profited well from their business model in terms of finances, acquired property, and social connections. Angier married Isabeau, daughter of Renaud

Selling books as a Breton business  99 Raison, and their daughter, Jeanne, would marry Louis Guieffroy.48 In 1512, Angier made family obligations into a five-year financial contract by taking in his father-in-law, Renaud Raison, as a pensioner who received twenty-five livres annually.49 Widowed sometime thereafter, Angier married Marie d’Auge, and their son had two daughters: ­M adeleine who married Antoine Turgot, seigneur de Mesnil-­G ondouin, and Marie who married Jacques de Malherbe, sieur de Bouillon, lieutenant général criminal au Bailliage in Caen. 50 Angier acquired numerous properties at Louvigny, Saint-Gabriel, and Maltot between 1513 and 1541. 51 In 1514, he joined the confraternity of St.-Nicolas, for whom he had a plate engraved to print documents for new confraternity members as described in the ­M atrologe; he also served as town magistrate (échevin) for some years. 52 In 1531, Angier founded and financed le vin de Pâques, the distribution of wine after Easter communion at the Church Vieux St.-Sauveur where its parishioners bestowed on him the newly constructed chapel of St.-­M ichel. 53 Sometime after 1566, he died and was buried in that chapel. 54 By contrast, much less is known about Jean Macé’s personal life. His sons, Julien and Jacques, also became booksellers in Rennes and co-­ financed publications. About 1523, Julien joined his father and Roland Le Franc to finance Publio Fausto Andrelini’s Hecatodistichon of one hundred epigrams, his first known activity as a libraire (USTC 111627). Two other editions that bear his name were not published until the 1530s: the ever popular Légende des saints by Jacobus de Voragine, a joint publication with his father, younger brother Jacques, Michel and Girard Angier, and Jacques Berthelot about 1527–34 (USTC 73466); and the royal ordinances decreed by François Ier in 1536 (USTC 52485). The only edition naming Jacques Macé as libraire in Rennes was the Légende above. It was perhaps another son, also named Jean, who relocated to Paris and became ­libraire-juré, vaunting his Breton origin in his shop sign à l’enseigne de l’escu de Bretagne from 1533 to 1588 (USTC 73373 and 172174). The latter’s sons continued the trade in Paris into the early seventeenth century.55 Contrary to Lepreux’s belief that Jean Macé ceased business with Angier in 1519, Macé continued intermittent affiliation with Angier, as seen with their edition brought out about 1527.56 Their third business partner Richard Macé appears to have dropped out of the business. He resigned as libraire-juré sometime between 26 November 1519 and 24 March 1520 (n.s.).57 The book trade did not appear to enrich Jean Macé as it had for Angier, or at least documents have not established the extent of his personal property. Besides his shop, he rented a house in the parish of Toussaints. 58 Jean Macé may have ceased professional activity in Rennes about 1531. In that year, a missal for the diocese of Rennes was produced in Caen by Michel and Girard Angier, and Jacques Berthelot but without Macé’s participation. Macé’s shop near the St.-Michel gate was taken over by printer-bookseller Jacques Berthelot, who had resided

100  Selling books as a Breton business in Caen from 1527 to 1534. While in Caen, Berthelot had produced twelve editions for ­A ngier. Once in Rennes, Berthelot adopted Macé’s shop sign of St. John the ­Evangelist and apparently acquired Baudouyn’s typographic material. 59 In 1535, he printed royal ordinances for the Rennes bookseller Thomas Mestrard (USTC 52059) and another edition for Julien Macé in 1536 (USTC 52485). Whereas Berthelot’s association with Julien Macé ceased thereafter, he continued working with Mestrard at least through 1539; after that year, his widow printed three editions for Mestrard in 1542, 1544, and 1545 (USTC 111643, 38346, and 111644, respectively). Printing in Rennes was continued not only by Berthelot but also by Jean Georget, who remained a very active printer until around the mid-century. How did the Angier-Macé business model compare with others in practice in Brittany or nearby in the early decades of the sixteenth century? For most of Jean Macé’s career as a bookseller in Rennes, he had little competition from the southern Breton town of Nantes. The printer Étienne Larcher had been active in Nantes from 1493 to 1499, as discussed in Chapter 2. Guillaume Tourquetil printed Statuta synodalia for the local bishop in 1509, but otherwise, nothing is known of this printer. The printer Jean Baudouyn was briefly in town, 1517–18, as mentioned earlier. Macé’s only competitors in his later business years were the booksellers Antoine and Michel Papolin, and Olivier and ­Robert Ganereau. Antoine and Michel Papolin filled the book-trade vacuum in the years 1516–41 by financing at least ten editions from printers in Paris, Angers, and Rouen and by serving as a local outlet for books printed elsewhere. Olivier and Robert Ganereau produced three liturgical editions for the diocese of Nantes in the years 1520–24 that were contracted from printers in Paris and Rouen. The four Nantes booksellers teamed up on three occasions to co-finance liturgical editions (USTC 111330, 183805, and 184375); other times, the bookseller Pierre Bodin participated in these transactions during his short career, 1524–26. ­Sixteenth-century Nantes, however, failed to offer a stimulating and lucrative market after the ducal court’s disappearance; its poorly funded university attracted few teachers and even fewer Breton students.60 More competitive to Macé’s business were booksellers in Angers who distributed editions in Rennes.61 Nearly sixty editions are associated with Angevin presses from 1476 to c. 1550, and many more editions were contracted by Angevin booksellers from outside printers. The ­father-son partnership of Jean (d. 1505) and Clément (d. 1540) ­A lexandre produced about fifty-five editions of school and law books from P ­ arisian and Rouen printers that competed directly with the Angier-Macé business. As libraire général-juré at the University of Angers, Clément Alexandre co-financed editions with other local booksellers, including Tite Corroyer, Jean Hélye, Richard Picquenot, and Jean Varice. ­Clément Alexandre also collaborated with fellow ­libraire-général Charles de

Selling books as a Breton business  101 Bougne, active 1494–1530; Bougne is credited with more than forty editions produced from printers in Angers, Paris, Rouen, and Lyon, where he worked with bookseller Jean de Moylin to publish many legal compendia. Bougne’s bookselling activity extended to Tours where he maintained a warehouse from 1522. The broad production, distribution, and marketing of editions by Bougne and his network point to extensive modes of communication and transportation that allowed the booksellers to plan, warehouse, and sell their editions. This collaborative partnership was continued by Bougne’s son-in-law, Philippe ­Bourgoignon (d. 1558?), libraire-juré and garde de la librairie of University of Angers, who had first worked with Bougne, then set up independently, and finally assumed Bougne’s shop located near the Church of St.-Pierre. Bourgoignon produced thirteen editions, primarily law books and custumals, many of which were marketed in Brittany through Thomas Mestrard in Rennes. Bourgoignon extended Bougne’s business model by regularly commissioning books from printers in Paris and Poitiers and by marketing them in towns outside Angers, in particular, in Rennes and Nantes.62 Despite their collective business activity, the booksellers of Angers could not rival the more than one hundred editions that Jean Macé produced alone or with his business partners in Caen and Rouen. The success of Jean Macé’s book business can be seen by the sheer quantity of editions and by its longevity. Entering the book business with his elder brother Robert in Caen, he learned the business of financing, contract printing, distribution, and selling. The traditional apprentice system, which introduced Angier and Rogerie to the Macé business, brought in and trained new talent that was later leveraged for the family business. The business stayed in the family as Robert’s son Richard became a bookseller after the death of his father and assumed an active role in the business in Rouen. The Macé’s astute decision to market editions locally in Rennes with a branch bookshop there expanded business, taking advantage of the good transportation routes between Rennes and Caen. The absence of professional printers in Brittany at this time points to a broader trend of Breton craftsmen leaving the duchy to seek economic opportunities elsewhere. This diaspora was part of a long historical tendency, as we will see in the next chapter.

Notes 1 Lucien Decombe, Notices sur les rues, ruelles, boulevards, quais, ponts, places et promenades de la ville de Rennes (Rennes: Le Roy fils, 1883), p. 67; Clothilde Quiesse, “La prison Saint-Michel de Rennes,” dated May 2012, http://criminocorpus.hypotheses.org/7310; Paul Banéat, Le Vieux Rennes (Rennes: Librairie Guénégaud, 1983); Léon Le Berre, “À la société archéologique d’Ille-et-Vilaine. La visite de l’ancienne prison Saint-Michel,” Ouest-Éclair, no. 14996 (30 novembre 1937), p. 7. 2 Bibliothèque Municipale, Rennes, 500 Ans d’imprimerie en Bretagne, ed. Xavier Ferrieu (Rennes: BM, 1985), p. 28, who suggests that the printing

102  Selling books as a Breton business vacuum in the first half of the sixteenth century was due “Probablement par le manque de clientèle potentielle…,” p. 29. 3 Éduoard Frère, De l’imprimerie et de la librairie à Rouen, dans les XVe et XVIe siècles et de Martin Morin, célèbre imprimeur rouennais (Rouen: A. Péron, 1843); Léopold Delisle, Catalogue des livres imprimés ou publiés à Caen avant le milieu du XVIe siècle: suivi de recherches sur les imprimeurs et les libraires de la même ville, 2 vols. (Caen: Delesques, 1903–4); Répertoire bibliographique des livres imprimés en France au seizième siècle, 30 vols. (Baden-Baden: Koerner, 1968–80); Bibliographie normande: bibliographie des ouvrages imprimés à Caen et à Rouen au seizième siècle, edited by Pierre Aquilon and Alain R. Girard, 3 vols. (Baden-Baden: Koerner, 1980–90); Georges Lepreux, Gallia typographica, 5 vols. (Paris: Champion, 1909–14). 4 Michel Duval, “Le livre et sa diffusion en Bretagne dans la première moitié du XVIème siècle,” MSHAB 32 (1952): 31–62; ibid., “Les libraires normands en Bretagne au XVIe siècle,” Nouvelle revue de Bretagne (1953): 375–85; ibid., “Les imprimeurs et libraires à Rennes au XVIe siècle,” MSHAB 62 (1985): 111–27; Diane E. Booton, “The Book Trade in and beyond the Duchy of Brittany during the Reign of Anne de Bretagne,” in The Cultural and Political Legacy of Anne de Bretagne, ed. Cynthia J. Brown (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2010), pp. 11–27 (23–24); Malcolm Walsby, The Printed Book in Brittany, 1484–1600 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 50–54. 5 See the appendix for a list of books printed in Brittany or sold on the Breton market. 6 The edition, known as an interlineares, had extra blank lines between lines of text for handwritten notes; see Delisle, Caen, II, xi–xii; Bibliothèques de la Ville, Caen, Le premier siècle de l’imprimerie à Caen & en Europe. 1480–1980. Cinquième centenaire de l’imprimerie à Caen, ed. J.-M. ­Girault (Caen: Bibliothèques de la Ville de Caen, 1980), p. 13. 7 Alain Girard, “Les incunables rouennais: imprimerie et culture au XVe siècle,” Revue française d’histoire du livre 53 (1986): 463–525 (463–64); Jean-Dominique Mellot, “Rouen and its Printers from the Fifteenth to the Nineteenth Century,” in Printed Matters. Printing, Publishing and Urban Culture in Europe in the Modern Period, eds. Malcom Gee and Tim Kirk (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002), pp. 8–29. 8 Frère, pp. 3–5, 9–10. 9 The variant is not in ISTC (Nantes, Médiathèque, Inc. 153). Morin would later print another Costumes de Bretagne in 1492 (ISTC ic00954000), a Rennes Breviary in 1512, and a Nantes missal in 1520 (USTC 111330); see Diane E. Booton, Manuscripts, Market, and the Transition to Print in Late Medieval Brittany (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010), pp. 108, 121, 124. 10 Bibliothèques de la Ville, Caen, Le premier siècle de l’imprimerie à Caen, p. 18. 11 Pierre-Daniel Huet, Les origines de la ville de Caen (2nd ed. Rouen: Maurry, 1706), p. 90; Bibliothèques de la Ville, Caen, Le premier siècle de l’imprimerie à Caen, p. 22 12 Delisle, Caen, II, pp. 79–80; Lyse Roy, L’Université de Caen aux XVe et XVIe siècles. Identité et représentation (Leiden: Brill, 2006), p. 117. 13 Delisle, Caen, II, p. xxix. 14 Léon Voet, The Golden Compasses: A History and Evaluation of the Printing and Publishing Activities of the Officina Plantiniana at Antwerp, 2 vols. ­(Amsterdam: Van Gendt, 1969–72), I, p. 10. 15 Henri Touchard, Le commerce maritime breton à la fin du Moyen Âge (Paris: les Belles lettres, 1967). For shipments from Nantes and La Rochelle to Spain, see Beatriz Arízaga Bolumburu, Michel Bochaca, and Mathias Tranchant, “­Aspects du commerce franco-castillan à la fin du Moyen Âge: la progression castillane

Selling books as a Breton business  103 dans le golfe de Gascogne,” in Le commerce atlantique franco-­espagnol: Acteurs, négoces et ports (XVe-XVIIIe siècle), eds. Guy Saupin and JeanPhilippe Priotti (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2008), pp. 33–47 (39–42); Walsby, The Printed Book, pp. 64–68. More generally on transportation routes, see Robert-Henri Bautier, Sur l’histoire économique de la France médiévale. La route, le fleuve, la foire (Aldershot: Variorum, 1991). 16 Delisle, Caen, I, pp. 81–82. 17 Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming of the Book: the Impact of Printing, 1450–1800, trans. David Gerard (London: Verso, 1997), pp. 128–36. 18 Delisle, Caen, II, pp. 103–4. 19 Ibid., II, pp. 107–8. 20 Ibid., I, no. 251bis; Charles Grouet, “Esquisses sur les typographes bretons, pendant les XVe, XVIe et XVIIe siècles,” in Charles Le Maout, Bibliothèque bretonne. Collections de pièces inédites ou peu connues, concernant l’histoire, l’archéologie et la littérature de l’ancienne province de Bretagne, 2 vols. (St.-Brieuc: Le Maout, 1851), I, pp. 80–85 (84–85). 21 For other early editions, see Curt F. Bühler, “A Prêtre Jean from Poitiers,” PBSA 46 (1952): 151–54. He or a relative of the same name was later mentioned in a contract: In 1544, Richard Rogerie, marchand at M ­ orlaix, formed an association with another Norman, Marquis Hue, royal ­artillery founder at Breteuil in Normandy, to create an artillery forge (Paris, AN, MC/ET/CXXII/42, dated 29 November 1544–2 December 1544). My thanks to Jean-Luc Deuffic for this information. 22 Frère, p. 32. 23 Robert’s five-year contract with apprentice Guillaume Guernier, signed on 4 February 1506 (n.s.), shows that he was still alive in early 1506; Delisle, Caen, II, pp. 108–9. 24 Critical edition by Barbara Blatt Rubin, The Dictionarius of John de G ­ arlande (Lawrence, KS: Coronado Press, 1981). See also Tony Hunt, Teaching and Learning Latin in Thirteenth-Century England (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1991), with earlier bibliography. 25 For dedications, see Delisle, Caen, I, nos. 332–33, 363. Cadier also wrote epigrams for Angier-Macé editions, see Ibid., I, nos. 186, 223. 26 Transcription in Ibid., II, pp. 82–83. 27 See Silvia Fabrizio-Costa, “Il Carmen de dominicae passionis die di F. Beroaldo: noterelle,” in Filippo Beroaldo l’Ancien. Filippo Beroaldo il Vecchio. Un ­passeur d’humanités. Un umanista ad limina, eds. Silvia Fabrizio-Costa and Frank La Brasca (Bern: Peter Lang, 2005), pp. 151–66. 28 Frère (Corrections et additions), p. [66]. 29 The cathedral chapter approved bookstalls in front of the north portal in 1488. Mellot, p. 9; Anne-Marie Carment-Lanfry, La Cathédrale Notre-Dame de Rouen, ed. Jacques Le Maho (Mont-Saint-Aignan: Publications des ­Universités de Rouen et du Havre, 2010), pp. 245–63. 30 A single edition is dated 1506 (USTC 154900); the remaining editions are undated (USTC 14556, 49520, 64043, 64915, 112035, 112378, 112401, 144636, 154900, 207020, and 207021). 31 Philippe Cailleux, “Un élément de sociabilité: les enseignes rouennaises à la fin du Moyen Âge,” La Rue, lieu de sociabilité, ed. Alain Leménorel (Rouen: Université de Rouen, 1997), pp. 161–70 (168). Guillaume Paon had property at the sign of the Paon in rue Courvoiserie (now rue du Grosse-Horloge) in the 1440s. Maître Robert Paon, greffier des Généraux at Rouen, arranged for a burial foundation in 1492 near that of his uncle, canon Charles Paon (see France. Archives départementales de la Seine-Maritime. Inventaire sommaire des Archives Départementales, Seine-Inférieure. Archives ecclésiastiques

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32 33 34 35 36

37 38 39 40 41

42 43

4 4

45

46

Série G, ed. Ch. de Robillard de Beaurepaire, 7 vols. (Paris: Dupont, 1868– 1912), VII, p. 92 (série G 8754, related to the cathedral)). Delisle, Caen, II, p. xxxvii. Joke Spruyt, “Peter of Spain,” in The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2015 Edition), ed. Edward N. Zalta, accessed 17 November 2017, http:// plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2015/entries/peter-spain. Delisle, Caen, II, pp. 9–12. Ibid., II, additions and corrections, no. 222bis, pp. 173–74. For the Boethius edition, see Ibid., I, no. 52, II, pp. 7–9. For the Cura clericalis dedication and editions, see Apollin Briquet, “Analecta ­Biblion. Livres anciens,” Bulletin du bibliophile et du bibliothécaire, 11e série (mai-juin 1854): 818–24. Delisle, Caen, I, no. 138, II, pp. 42–44. Charles Fierville, “Étude sur la vie et les œuvres de Georges de La Mare,” Mémoires de l’Académie nationale des sciences, arts et belles-lettres, de Caen (1892): 141–242. Delisle, Caen, II, pp. 48–49; on Hangest, see Farge, no. 234. For a possible earlier edition by Angier, see Walsby, The Printed Book, p. 82. Delisle, Caen, II, pp. 18–19. Ibid., II, p. 3. Vocabularius in eruditionem juvenum ysagoicus (Delisle, no. 390) and Agostino Dati’s Elegantiarum precepta (USTC 207208). Ibid., II, pp. lxxxix–xcviii. Ronald E. Pepin, An English ­Translation of Auctores Octo, a Medieval Reader (Lewiston, NY: ­Edwin Mellen Press, 1999). For the presentation and use of schoolbooks by students and teachers, see Kristian Jensen, “Text-books in the Universities: The Evidence from the Books,” in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, 6 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1998–), III (eds. Lotte Hellinga and J.B. Trapp), pp. 354–79, accessed 11 November 2017, https://doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521573467.018; Michael Baldzuhn, “Schoolbooks,” in Transforming the Medieval World. Uses of Pragmatic Literacy in the Middle Ages, ed. Franz-Josef Arlinghaus (­ Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), pp. 259–85. On education in the Middle Ages, see Ernst R. Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, ed. Colin Burrow (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 2013), Chapter 3, accessed 17 November 2017, https://muse.jhu.edu/book/36713. Delisle, Caen, I, pp. 25–26. Kristian Jensen, “The Humanist Reform of Latin and Latin Teaching,” Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Humanism, ed. Jill Kraye (­Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996), pp. 63–81; Anne Grondeux, Le Graecismus d’Évrard de Béthune à travers ses gloses (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000). Walsby discusses Parisian origins, the similarity of typographic material to that of Berthold Rembolt, the “ex carracteribus Parrhisiis” that appears on the title page in some editions, and his modified woodcut that copies the printer’s workshop; Walsby, The Printed Book, pp. 75–92. For a discussion of Marbode’s literary works, the manuscript tradition, and the 1524 edition, see Antonella Degl’Innocenti, L’opera agiografica di Marbodo de Rennes (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto medioevo, 1990) pp. 24–25. For his juridical acts and letters, see Melissa Lurio, “An Educated Bishop in an Age of Reform: Marbode, Bishop of Rennes, 1096–1123,” PhD, Boston: B ­ oston University, 2004, pp. 190–245. See also Malcolm Walsby, “Yves M ­ ahyeuc, Jean Baudouyn et l’implantation de l’imprimerie à Rennes,” in Yves Mahyeuc (1462–1541). Rennes en Renaissance, eds. Augustin Pic and Georges Provost (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2010), pp. 297–308. Walsby, The Printed Book, p. 301.

Selling books as a Breton business  105 47 Arthur de La Borderie, “Les imprimeurs et libraires de Rennes au XVIe siècle,” Archives du bibliophile breton, 4 vols. (Rennes: Plihon, 1880–1907), II, pp. 10–142; Walsby, The Printed Book, p. 89. 48 Delisle, Caen, II, p. xliv. 49 ibid., II, p. 110. 50 Gervais de La Rue, Essais historiques sur la ville de Caen et son arrondissement, 2 vols. (Caen: Poisson, 1820), I, pp. 199–200. 51 See Delisle, Caen, II, pp. xliv, 112–13. 52 Ibid., II, p. xlv. 53 La Rue, I, pp. 188–89. 54 Ibid., I, pp. 199–201. 55 Philippe Renouard, Répertoire des imprimeurs parisiens, eds. Jeanne ­Veyrin-Forrer and Brigitte Moreau (Paris: Minard, 1965), pp. 288–89. 56 Lepreux, IV, p. 20. 57 Delisle, Caen, II, pp. LXIII–LXV, pp. 87–88. 58 Ducal rentier, Nantes, ADLA, B 2157. 59 Walsby, The Printed Book, pp. 92, 248. 60 Michel Nassiet, “L’Université de Nantes et ses facultés (1492–1735),” in Histoire de l’Université de Nantes 1460–1993, ed. Gérard Emptoz (Rennes: Presses Université de Rennes-Université de Nantes, 2002), pp.  32–47. Compare the status of the University of Caen where half of the editions published by Robert Macé and Pierre Regnault were intended for the university community; later, in the second half of the sixteenth century, an estimated one-third of local editions were destined for the university; see Alain R. Girard, “De la Renaissance à la Contre-Réforme. Imprimeurs et production imprimée de Caen, 1550–1620,” in Le livre dans l’Europe de la Renaissance, eds. Alain Girard, Henri-Jean ­M artin, with the collaboration of François Dupuigrenet Desrousilles (Paris: ­Promodis, 1988), pp. 143–58 (144, 147). 61 For biographies of publisher-booksellers in Angers, see Émile Pasquier and Victor Dauphin, Imprimeurs et libraires de l’Anjou (Angers: Éditions de l’Ouest, 1932). 62 Walsby, The Printed Book, pp. 58–60.

4 Breton diaspora and the book business

For centuries, Bretons had left the duchy in search of education or livelihood. Population mobility, after a deep decline in the fourteenth century due to the high mortality rate from pestilence and its recurrence, had rebounded and strengthened considerably by the end of the fifteenth century. Paris and, to a lesser extent, the nearby provinces of Anjou and Maine attracted Bretons: Clerics and students matriculated in schools and universities; skilled workers sought employment in les petits métiers, chiefly in the textile industry; and domestics, or famuli, served in ecclesiastical establishments.1 Well into the sixteenth century, employment in the book trade, like other trades, required contract work or patronage, and its uncertain and short-lived nature thus meant that bookmen were often itinerant workers with brief professional careers. This chapter focuses on aspects of the book trade beyond the duchy of Brittany and, in particular, on Paris and the reasons for its attraction to Breton scribes, printers, illustrators, binders, and booksellers. In this chapter, we shall examine documents and book evidence for Bretons working in the Parisian book trade and investigate the extent to which family relationships and regional identity assisted employment and business transactions. The first section focuses on people in the book trade who found a mixture of individual and institutional patronage in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. The second section examines the gradual shift in the profession as booksellers began to function also as publishers and expanded business transactions to meet the growing market of readers. The tremendous shifts in book-trade practices made reliance on commercial networks essential for a successful business.

Patronage as a business model Early manuscript scribes, decorators, illuminators, and printers generally required individual or institutional patronage to finance their materials and work. Despite limited evidence, the known commissions suggest that many early book artisans traveled to seek employment; work scarcity or bad luck might result in short-lived activities. In contrast to the Breton migration of scribes and illuminators, there is little evidence of

Breton diaspora and the book business  107 early Breton printers in Paris who relied on individual patronage. Among the few, for example, was the illuminator Jehan de Pestivien (d. 1463), whose name suggests a Breton connection to the ancient seignory of ­Pestivien, near Callac (Côtes-d’Armor) and who made his living in Paris until its occupation by English troops (1418–36); he was fortunate thereafter to find patronage at the Dijon court of Philippe le bon (d. 1467), duke of Burgundy.2 Scribal colophons witness the work in Paris of cleric ­Guillaume Gauvin from the parish of Broons (St.-Malo) who was hired to copy Marco Polo’s travels in Asia for Master Jehan Gilbert, an official in the royal Chambre des comptes during the 1480s and 1490s.3 Breton students at the University of Paris turned, perhaps by financial necessity, to paid scribal work. Such students included Jean Run (1442–43),4 A. Kernivynen (1451),5 and Jean de l’Épine (1467),6 who were commissioned by individual university officials and faculty or were paid by other students to copy manuscripts rented out by the pecia or piece system from a university-regulated stationer.7 Whereas individual patronage for early printers was important in Brittany, witness the Rohan-funded editions printed in Bréhan-Loudéac by Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès, as well as the Hus-funded edition published in Rennes by Pierre Bellescullée and Josses, it was less significant for Breton bookmen in Paris. Bretons seeking institutional patronage Breton printers in Paris found ecclesiastical dioceses to be beneficent institutional patrons: After all, diocesan priests required missals, breviaries, and manuals to celebrate Mass and office, and to carry out parish duties. A printed liturgical book permitted all priests within a diocese to officiate from a uniform text. Some half dozen Bretons worked as printers in late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Paris, including Jean Du Pré, Guillaume Anabat, Jean Kerbriant, Alain Lotrian, Prigent Calvarin, Bernard de Léau, and Yves Quillévéré. Only a few maintained ties to their native duchy. Jean Du Pré, as observed in Chapter 2, directed an active printer’s shop in Paris and shared typographic material with his brother Étienne Larcher in Nantes, among others. A specialist in liturgical editions, Du Pré produced many missals and breviaries between 1481 and 1500 in association with booksellers in the dioceses of Amiens, Angers, A ­ rras, Auxerre, Beauvais, Besançon, Cambrai, Châlons-sur-Marne, Die, Evreux, Langres, Laon, Limoges, Meaux, Nevers, Paris, Reims, Rouen, Salisbury, Thérouanne, Tours, Troyes, and Verdun. However, he printed only one Breton liturgical book: the missal for Thomas James, bishop of Dol, in 1503 (n.s.). Some scholars also attribute Statuta synodalia for the diocese of Nantes, datable after May 1499 (ISTC is00749600), to Jean Du Pré who may have printed for his brother, but the printer’s identity cannot be substantiated. Breton printers in Paris held no monopoly on liturgical editions for Breton dioceses. For example, Johannes Higman

108  Breton diaspora and the book business completed a breviary for the diocese of St.-Malo in 1489 (GW 5380) and a missal for the diocese of Rennes in 1493 (ISTC im00688350), which was commissioned by the booksellers André Hodian and Jean Alexandre at Angers.8 In other cases, Breton diocesan authorities turned to Robert Macé in Caen, who hired local printers to produce a missal for Rennes (ISTC im00688400).9 Despite his familial connections and Breton origins, Jean Du Pré did not make use of these networks, perhaps preferring more lucrative printing contracts elsewhere. The printer Guillaume Anabat from Morlaix likewise had no known business contracts with Breton booksellers or publishers during his brief professional career in Paris from 1505 to 1510. The only tenuous suggestion of a Breton connection was his warehouse at the Collège de Calvi, known later as Little Sorbonne, founded by Breton Geoffroy Calvi, master of theology, university regent, and holder of several benefices in ­Brittany.10 In 1505, Anabat declared himself to be an expert in printing, “in arte characterum bene expertum.”11 The elaborate mark seen in his edition of Gaspar Lax’s Tractatus sillogismorum of 1510 (n.s.) (USTC 182946) shows Anabat kneeling in prayer before the Virgin Mary and Child (Figure 4.1).12 Not shy about his ability, Anabat printed his own verses at the end, praising his edition that he likened to ambrosia and tracing his own journey to Paris from ­Morlaix in “bright” Brittany: Anabat hec struxit fulgente volumnia nixu | Quilibet ambrosias hauriat ore dapes | Hunc mons guillermum gaudet genuisse relaxus | Quo perlustraris clare britanne solum | Divi martini sub celsis edibus ortus | Nunc decorat miro nomine parisius | Qui causas ideo librorum noscere queris | Per pauco viseas munere lector eum | Omnia | Pro | meliori. He produced some thirty editions for Parisian and Norman booksellers, in particular for Gilles and Germain Hardouyn who printed the majority of his books of hours. In these editions, the reiterative use of engraved initials and illustrations exemplifies the borrowing and circulation of typographic material among bookmen. Anabat’s activity, however, was short-lived, lasting only five years. Alain Lotrian, too, had Breton roots in the diocese of Léon (Finistère), judging by his surname, but as a printer-bookseller, he remained firmly based in Paris from c. 1516 to 1547. At first, he worked with Jean ­Trepperel’s widow and then Trepperel’s nephew Denis Jehannot, with whom he printed more than seven dozen editions of prose literature, verse poetry, and religious treatises.13 After 1530, however, Lotrian produced his own editions with his mark displaying the Breton saints Yves and Alain.14 His editions identify business connections with more than a dozen printers and booksellers in Paris, but none of his editions names a printer or bookseller in Brittany. Only two titles concern Breton subjects: Le preux chevalier Artus de Bretaigne, a medieval prose epic (USTC 73010 and 59316) (Figure 4.2)15

Breton diaspora and the book business  109

Figure 4.1  P  rinter’s mark of Guillaume Anabat. Gaspar Lax. Tractatus sillogismorum. Paris: [s.n.], 20 February 1510 (n.s.). Paris, BnF, RES M-R-172 (title page). © Paris, BnF.

and Jean Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes (USTC 57719), as discussed in Chapter 2.16 Lotrian was thus yet another Breton who maintained few business ties with his native region. The printer’s mark of Prigent Calvarin also identified him as a Breton by showing a dimidiated shield of France (fleur-de-lis) and Brittany (ermine).17 A native of Ploudalmézeau (Léon), Calvarin was a printer-­bookseller in Paris and produced nearly 300 editions from 1518 to 1559. His earliest books are undated, without a Parisian address, but from 1520, his

110  Breton diaspora and the book business

Figure 4.2  A Breton epic. Le preux chevalier Artus de Bretaigne. Paris: Alain Lotrian, n.d. Rennes, BM, R 11357 (title page). Permission of the Bibliothèque de Rennes Métropole.

titles provide the address of printer-engraver Jean I de Gourmont, whose widow Calvarin had married in 1523.18 Printing also in association with his brother-in-law Gilles de Gourmont (d. 1533) and with more than a dozen other Parisian printers, Calvarin’s editions included the classical works of Aristotle, Cicero, and Boethius as well as those of the contemporary theologian Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples, whose texts Calvarin financed and printed in Latin, Greek, and French. Like Lotrian, Calvarin’s business transactions reveal no active connections to the Breton book trade.

Breton diaspora and the book business  111 Another Breton associated with the printer Gilles de Gourmont was the bookseller Mathieu Bolsec, whose mark illustrates the Breton saint Yves.19 Bolsec, thought to be a native of Plonevez-du-Faou (Finistère), has been associated with several Greek texts edited by Girolamo ­Aleandro and printed by Gourmont in about 1512.20 Aleandro—teacher, editor, priest, and Vatican librarian—participated in the Diet of Worms that opposed Martin Luther. Bolsec’s mark appears on Lexicon graecolatinum (USTC 143982), printed at the behest of Aleandro’s students in Paris and dated by its preface of 13 December 1512; its imprint identifies books available “apud Mattheum Bolsecum divi Ivonis Brittonum tutellaris numinis signum in vico scholarum Decretorum proferentem” (near the écoles de Décret). Mathieu Bolsec also published Aleandro’s revision of Gnomologia by François Tissard (USTC 183257), which was based on Gourmont’s 1507 edition. Mathieu’s relative Hervé ­Bolsec worked as a bookseller and binder in Paris from 1516 to 1529; no editions are attributed to him, however. He is mentioned in documents as partial property owner of a house, renter of shops and stables, and co-financier of the book-trade confraternity of St.-John the Evangelist. 21 For neither Bolsec are there documents recording business or familial connections in Brittany. On the other hand, the familial connection of Paris-based p ­ ublisherbooksellers Yves Quillévéré and his son-in-law Bernard de Léau (also Leaue) to Lower Brittany is clear, but no evidence exists of their mutual book-trade transactions. Each worked in the Parisian trade and established a commercial network with colleagues. Quillévéré’s first edition, which established his career in Paris from 1516, was a breviary printed in red and black for his native diocese of St.-Pol de Léon (USTC 183613), which was co-financed with Alain Prigent, bookseller in St.-Pol de Léon and Landerneau. 22 The breviary was commissioned by canon Hamon Barbier, abbot of Saint-Matthieu, who justified its printing in his dedication to Bishop Gui Le Clerc (1514–21) by claiming that the diocese had lacked a breviary, whether manuscript or printed (“qui breviarium secundum communem ecclesie nostre consuetudinem nec imprimi, nec scripto redigi ad hec usque tempora unquam curavere”). 23 Barbier credits two local canons, François Le Veyer and Guillaume Fougay, in providing the breviary’s texts on the lives and legends of saints, texts that were copied in part from a fifteenth-century legendary. Prigent and Quillévéré hired the experienced Parisian printer Didier Maheu (active 1516–45), a specialist in liturgical editions. He marked this edition’s signatures with a capital L to distinguish it from other diocesan editions in press. 24 In addition to the volume’s four small woodcuts on the title page, important sections begin with small woodcuts, illustrating ­David in prayer, the Magi, and Pentecost. Prigent seems to have continued business with M ­ aheu and later purchased books from him to resell in Lower Brittany. 25 Bishop Le Clerc, counselor and chaplain to Queen

112  Breton diaspora and the book business Anne de Bretagne and celebrant at her requiem, presumably received a copy of the newly printed breviary, even though he would not make his ceremonial entrance in St.-Pol de Léon until 1520, one year before his resignation from office. As far as we know, Quillévéré never again co-­ financed ­editions with Maheu or Prigent, although Quillévéré financed a missal for the same diocese from an unidentified printer in 1526 (USTC 184600). 26 Quillévéré intended his next two editions for a Breton audience. His Breton-French-Latin dictionary, or catholicon, printed in 1521, was the third printed edition of this work authored by the Breton priest Jean Lagadeuc (also Lagadec) in 1464. Modeled after the thirteenth-century Latin catholicon of Giovanni Balbi, Lagadeuc’s trilingual dictionary presented some 6,000 lemmata in Breton to help poor clerics learn linguistic equivalents (“ad utilitatem pauperum clericulorum britanie”). 27 First published in folio format in 1499 by Jean Calvez in Tréguier (ISTC il00028400), the catholicon’s text was revised by Jehan Corre in 1510, whose edition formed the exemplar for Quillévéré’s octavo edition in 1521 (USTC 78035). Emended, as indicated in the incipit and explicit, Quillévéré’s introduction contains a lengthy éloge in Latin prose extolling Brittany’s pure air, rich soil, fertile fields, geographic advantage, full harvests, abundant grain, superior cattle, and herds that grazed in rich pastures. Evidently not discouraged by a restricted readership, his next and last edition, Aman ez dezrou an passion (Mystery of the Passion) (USTC 73317), was printed entirely in Breton and represents a rare survivor of middle-Breton literature (1350–1650). 28 The densely composed volume also contains three religious poems: “Tremenuan an y­ tron guerches ­Maria” (The Death of the Virgin Mary), “Pemzec leuenez ­Marie” (The Fifteen Joys of the Virgin Mary), and “Buhez mab den” (The Life of the Son of Man). 29 Printed in 1530 by an unnamed Parisian printer (perhaps Guillaume de Bossozel), the tall octavo format suggests an implied dramatic function (Figure 4.3). 30 Despite restricted market appeal, these editions formed part of Quillévéré’s investment of personal resources and underscore his flexible business transactions with his native region. Quillévéré’s son-in-law Léau was active as a bookseller-publisher in Paris after his apprenticeship.31 A non-Breton native, he was perhaps related to Parisian bookseller-publisher Drouet de Leaue. From 1537, Léau established a bookshop in Morlaix, near the Pont de Bourret in the parish of St.-Martin, all the while maintaining his commercial connections in Paris. In 1542/43, he co-financed a “corrected” folio-sized illustrated missal for the diocese of Paris with Parisian booksellers Maheu, ­Oudin Petit (libraire-juré), Jacques Kerver (libraire-juré), Jean Régis, and Thomas Eustache (USTC 130494). Besides selling this missal to Breton clergy, Léau supplied three missals and a Paris breviary to the collegiate church of Notre-Dame du Mur at Morlaix in 1549. He supplied other items as well: In 1561, the same church paid him for binding a large

Breton diaspora and the book business  113

Figure 4.3  A  mystery play in Breton. Aman ez dezrou an Passion (Mystery of the Passion). Paris: [Guillaume de Bossozel?] for Yves Quillévéré, 1530. Paris, BnF, RES Y N 11 (title page). © Paris, BnF.

breviary and for buying two buczes de chaux (two casks of lime), not commonly supplied by a bookseller yet indicative of his greater role to the community.32 His commercial connections appear to have extended even to the Spanish border (“Biscaye”), as suggested by his testament. 33

114  Breton diaspora and the book business Léau’s two other editions in Breton—Aman ez dezrou buhez Sante Barba dre rym (Life of Saint Barbara) in verse (USTC 41418) and Aman ­ atherine) in et dezraov buhez en itrou Sanctes Cathell (Life of Saint C prose (USTC 5276)—were printed, respectively, in Paris in 1557 and in Cuburien, near Morlaix, in 1576.34 The Franciscan monastery, founded in Cuburien in 1458, operated a press from 1568 and printed at least seven additional titles; although none of the Franciscan titles mentions Léau, his involvement has not been ruled out due to his previous Breton editions.35 Before his death in 1580, Léau made bequests to the hospital in Morlaix and to his bookstore serviteur, and left a substantial personal estate, shared in lots by his heirs. Contemporary with the Franciscan press activity in Cuburien, two editions in Breton were also published in Paris by Jacques Kerver for Gilles de Kerampuil, a canon of the collegiate church of St.-Trémeur in ­Carhaix (Finistère). Kerampuil held the title sieur de Bigodou in the parish of St.-Martin in Morlaix, the very neighborhood of Léau and the Franciscan press; Léau’s and Kerver’s previous association in printing the Paris missal in 1542/43 perhaps played into Kerampuil’s decision to hire Kerver. Kerampuil, rector of Motreff and Clèden, departed for Paris where he had formerly studied in an attempt to console himself at not being able to fulfill his ministry in Brittany. In a letter, he related that he would work instead to obtain the salvation of souls through his writings.36 In 1576, he translated the Latin catechism of Pierre Canisius (1521–97) into Breton, published as Catechism hac instruction eguit ab catholicquet meurbet necesser en amser presant, eguit quelen, ha discquifu an Iaouancdet (USTC 95955), an octavo edition of twenty-six folios with Latin, French, and Breton prefaces. About the same time, he edited a longer book of hours (198 folios) in Breton and Latin for the diocese of Cornouaille, Heuryon an ytron Maria/a usaig Querneau (its almanac covers the years 1576–99, USTC 95954).37 Additional texts include the Pater noster, Ten Commandments, Commandments of the Church, and Seven Works of Spiritual Mercy as well as Twelve A ­ rticles of Christian and Catholic Faith, the latter two credited to Kerampuil. Both small and full-page woodcuts decorate the hours, vignettes that Kerver had used in previous editions; minor differences in the extant copies, including the mark of engraver Geoffroy Tory (d. before 1533), have led some bibliographers to propose the existence of multiple editions.38 Besides Kerampuil’s writing activities, he bought books, including volumes from the printer-­bookseller Sébastien Nivelle (d. 1603), to whom he remembered his debt of 22 livres 10 sous tournois in his deathbed testament. In 1568–69, Nivelle had published a Latin catechism, thus providing another possible connection of interest between the two men. Kerampuil might have continued his ministry writings, but upon returning to ­Brittany in 1578, he contracted a sudden illness and died in Rennes.39 His substantial library of 800–900 volumes remained for

Breton diaspora and the book business  115 centuries at the family manor until the French Revolution when it was dispersed without further trace. Whereas Léau had departed Paris to practice his trade in Lower ­Brittany, Paris continued to attract other aspirants in the book trade, such as Nicolas de Guingamp, bookseller and binder, whose business was so successful in the 1540s that it allowed him and his wife Geneviève ­Granjon to buy property and build a house in the district of St.-­Marcel.40 In 1544, Yves Herry, born in a small town near Morlaix, accepted a three-year apprenticeship with Parisian bookbinder André Berthelin, ­libraire-juré of the University of Paris.41 Other Breton aspirants were Alain Moalic and Olivier Dargant, who undertook apprenticeships in Paris.42 In 1549, Moalic, a twenty-two year old from Landerneau, apprenticed for two years with Rolin de Breuille, a bookseller and binder whose shop was located in the rue des Carmes. For his part, Dargant came to Paris in 1565 from the diocese of Tréguier to apprentice for two years with the bookseller and binder Georges Sauberon. None of these booksellers or apprentices is documented in extant editions, however. The book market and publishing activities in Brittany, as well as trade networks beyond its borders, gradually began to change during the sixteenth century. Stable Breton institutions and growing readership encouraged more publisher-booksellers to become established in ­Brittany, especially in the towns of Nantes and Rennes. Printers, too, soon found sufficient work to warrant residence. Although Breton publisher-­booksellers would maintain their publishing network with the Paris book trade, regional connections and local printing increased in importance.

Local booksellers as deal-makers Large financial resources were necessary to print and market books. Publisher-booksellers also needed a sufficient market of book buyers to break even on their investment. Breton bookmen found their most reliable market in local and regional institutions, namely the church and government. The nine Breton dioceses required missals and breviaries, whereas town and regional government needed to announce edicts, statutes, and constitutions as well as to publish custumals, containing regional laws. The growth and stability of these Breton institutions and the late development of the University of Nantes encouraged the speculative printing business in Brittany. Large and expensive printing ventures often required several publisher-booksellers to form an association to finance an edition. The co-financers were named on the title page or in the colophon and a line might be added to identify the specific bookseller’s shop and its location. In this way, the co-financers differentiated themselves and sold an edition with a unique title page to their local markets. Not until the 1540s in Rennes and the 1570s in Nantes, however, did

116  Breton diaspora and the book business the university, government, and courts of justice offer a better and more assured market for printers that would allow them to become well established in Brittany. Until then, local booksellers were important catalysts, in particular Jean Macé, Jacques Berthelot, and Thomas Mestrard in Rennes and Olivier and Robert Ganereau, Pierre Bodin, and Antoine and Michel Papolin in Nantes. Publishing contracts by Nantes bookmen Nantes booksellers Ganereau, Bodin, and Papolin, together with bookseller Charles de Bougne in Angers, financed a two-volume breviary for the diocese of Nantes from Parisian printers in 1518 (USTC 183805). Two documents about this co-financed edition give us an unusual amount of information about the booksellers’ expectations for the business transaction; no copy of this edition survives, however. The first document is a contract dated 26 February 1518 and identifies the parties and business agreement, in which Antoine Papolin represented his cousin Michel’s interests as well. The printer selected was Jean Kerbriant, whose name suggests an attachment to Finistère although no documentary evidence confirms his origin. The breviary was one of three Breton liturgical books printed by Kerbriant during his career. The breviary printing fits well within Kerbriant’s usual contracts: During his career, Kerbriant printed about four dozen liturgical books and a dozen civil and canon law books in association with several different booksellers in Paris and elsewhere. The breviary’s co-printers, Jean Bienayse and Jean Adam, were not his usual associates. Rather, Kerbriant worked with the Parisian bookseller Jean Petit, with whom he published two dozen legal and liturgical editions from 1516 to 1537. In the contract, Antoine Papolin and Olivier Ganereau arranged for 750 breviaries in two volumes to be printed in red and black in conformity to the exemplar approved by notaries. The agreement called for the printers to produce three formes (that is, the chase in which the text-blocks were placed) each work day; the booksellers approved an additional main of paper (twenty-five sheets) for each forme in case of potential imperfections and to pay forty-five sous tournois each day (half to be paid each by Marnef and by the Papolins). The printed breviary was promised for the end of August.43 Although the contract failed to mention the bookseller Charles de Bougne, his name appeared in the second document drawn up on the same day. In this document, Olivier Ganereau and Antoine Papolin, acting also on behalf of Bougne, declared that each associate had an equal part in the transaction, which now stipulated the number of breviaries at 700 copies. Moreover, each associate would hold a key to one of the three locks on the door where the exemplars were stored in chests; the printer presumably held the third key.44 Whether such a security arrangement was a common precaution awaits corroboration, but in this instance, it underscores the precious

Breton diaspora and the book business  117 value of exemplars and the regard for equal partnership that extended to security and access. These documents offer us a rare glimpse into the business transactions of early sixteenth-century printing. Six years later, in 1524, the same booksellers reconvened to negotiate a new Nantes breviary, but this time, it would cost more money for fewer ­ ebruary copies (USTC 184375).45 Again, only the contract dated 17 F 1524 remains to describe the edition. Enguilbert de Marnef, marchand ­libraire-juré of the University of Paris, acted as agent for Olivier and ­Robert Ganereau and for Bodin in the contract with Kerbriant while Antoine Papolin represented his cousin Michel and Charles de Bougne. Marnef, active in the book trade since 1488, worked with his brothers Geoffroy and Jean, and together, they ran bookshops in Paris, Poitiers, Angers, and Bourges. It was perhaps this Angevin link that brought Marnef and Charles de Bougne into contractual negotiations with the Nantes booksellers. The contract terms stipulated that Kerbriant would print 650 copies in two-octavo volumes with a new glose du Bourgeois; Marnef and Antoine Papolin would provide the exemplar and eighty reams of paper or more as necessary. All provisions were apparently at hand because the printing would begin the next Monday and continue without interruption, producing three formes each workday, until completed. In return, Kerbriant would receive 60 sous tournois each day, up from the 45 sous tournois stipulated in the 1518 contract; his wage was paid equally by Marnef and by Antoine Papolin. These two editions of the Nantes breviary are the only known joint venture of the five booksellers. Kerbriant’s wages for two breviaries can be compared to wages specified in later contracts, information collected by Annie Parent-Charon.46 In 1539 and 1540, Kerbriant agreed to provide missals for the dioceses of Liège and Le Mans, but the contractual terms differed. The number of Liège missals was half that contracted for Le Mans (660 vs. 1250 copies). Moreover, the Liège missals were set in four formes each day at a daily wage of 45 sous tournois compared to the Le Mans missals of two formes each day at a daily wage of 60 sous tournois. The Liège missals at 660 copies were probably completed in six months whereas the Le Mans of 1250 copies required a full year, thus assuring continued work for Kerbriant and his printing assistants. Few details are known about the other booksellers named in the two contracts for Nantes breviaries. Bodin co-financed only one other edition, La constitution nouvelle stille et ordre de pledoyrie par escript du pays et duche de Bretaigne, with Richard Picquenot of Angers about 1526 (USTC 80126). We know of two more editions by the other Nantes booksellers: a missal for the diocese of Nantes, co-financed again by the Ganereau brothers with the Papolins and Bougne, which was printed by Martin Morin of Rouen in 1520 (USTC 111330), and another missal attested to in a chapter act of 31 August 1523, in which the vicar and canons give charge to three confrères to examine missals and have them

118  Breton diaspora and the book business printed by the Papolins; the missal was completed in 1525.47 The Papolins financed and published another six editions, giving proof of their successful business activity until 1541 (USTC 30907, 52058, 52225, 80274, 111567, and 185587). The valuable contracts provide evidence of publishing associations as well as the common print-runs for Breton liturgical books that rarely survive in more than a single copy. By the mid- to late sixteenth century, religious conflicts had a direct impact on the book business in Nantes. Some booksellers were sympathetic to reform or had converted to Protestantism. Some of these nouveaulx chrestiens were subject to violent repercussions by Catholics. Mathurin Papolin (active 1545–61), the prominent bookseller and son or nephew of Michel Papolin, was one such sympathizer. He continued, however, to produce Catholic liturgical service books, such as the Manuale for Nantes, which he co-financed with bookseller Gabriel Le Plat who had obtained a privilege from the Breton Parlement for all religious books.48 Papolin’s welcome of Protestants into his home incited armed Catholics to break into his shop on 1 August 1561 and destroy books judged to be heretical.49 In the 1570s, when the town authority had strengthened as an institutional power and began to issue and distribute ordinances, Nantes sought to hire its own printers. The first printer, Jacques Rousseau, requested that the town finance the purchase of new and diverse typographic material (“tant pour l’augmentation de diversité de caractères que de changement de lettres”), arguing that the improved typography would encourage regional authors (“les bons espritz du païs”) to have their works printed. To demonstrate his talents, Rousseau submitted two proofs in Roman type. After an evaluation by university experts, the town agreed in January 1571 to loan 200 livres to Rousseau, payable in four years. 50 Their investment proved short-lived, however, and perhaps even unpaid, for Rousseau seems to have left town after a single edition in 1572: Pascal Robin’s Les vendanges ensemble autres poesies, a slim volume of poems on grape harvesting (USTC 1537). 51 Rousseau’s subsequent travels to Agen, Cahors, and Montpellier can be traced by his editions printed in those towns. 52 The town of Nantes later hired the printer Jean Gaudin whose residency proved more long lasting. On several occasions, in 1577–78, Gaudin was contracted to print editions of royal ordinances; he also printed a papal letter, a funeral eulogy, and a medical treatise during the years 1578–81. 53 The Nantes printer, however, was not as successful as the printers and booksellers in Rennes. Established book market in Rennes The book trade in Rennes benefited not only from diocesan clients but also from the court of justice that delivered laws and edicts for publication and supplied ready buyers for the same legal editions. In the

Breton diaspora and the book business  119 early sixteenth century, Rennes had a stable book market, thanks also to Jean Macé and his strong publishing connections to Michel Angier in Caen. Macé’s entrepreneurial desire to strengthen his business and the local book trade may have motivated him to encourage the printer Jean ­Baudouyn to relocate from Nantes to Rennes in 1524. By ­moving to Rennes, Baudouyn filled the local printing vacuum, void since 1485. In addition, Bishop Yves Mahyeuc’s financing of Liber Marbodi and ­Libellus de lapidibus pretiosis by his predecessor Marbode of Rennes may have stimulated the business transaction between Macé and ­Baudouyn (USTC 111634). 54 Just as Jean Macé’s move from Caen to Rennes helped develop the local and regional book trade, the relocation to Rennes by Norman printer Berthelot in 1535 and by the ­former ­Parisian bookseller Pierre Le Bret (with family ties to Normandy) in 1555 assisted their book businesses. Together with the printing and marketing talents of Mestrard, Jean Georget, and Guillaume Chevau, the publishing network strengthened in Rennes, so much so that Michel Duval concluded that the maturity of typographic art occurred before the arrival of Julien Du Clos, the best-known printer in mid- to late sixteenth-century Rennes. 55 Before his arrival in Rennes, Berthelot had been a successful publisher in Caen, co-financing editions with Michel and Girard Angier from printers in Caen or Rouen. Berthelot relocated his bookshop to Rennes and very likely took over the premises of Jean Macé. Although ­B erthelot’s own editions do not mention the shop’s location in Rennes, those printed by his widow Marie Robin identify the same place as Macé’s: “sub signo divi Joannis evangeliste” (USTC 111643 and 111644). After analyzing Berthelot’s typographic material in his Rennes editions, Malcolm Walsby has concluded that Berthelot inherited the press and material of Jean Baudouyn as early as 1531. 56 The Norman associates also co-­ published missals for the diocese of Rennes in 1531 (USTC 111636) and 1533 (USTC 11637), thus demonstrating that Berthelot had established connections in Rennes before the appearance of Ordonnances et constitutions, his first “official” Rennes edition of 1535 that carried his printer’s mark (USTC 52059). 57 In addition to Ordonnances royaulx for Julien Macé in 1536 (USTC 52485), Berthelot printed two editions for Mestrard in 1539: Ordonnances royaulx (USTC 60905) and ­C alendrier; ordonnances et d’arrêts (USTC 13253). After his death, the widow ­Marie Robin carried on, producing at least one edition for Mestrard, who was then married to Jeanne Robin, perhaps her sister. The link between business and family is emphasized as well in Mestrard’s previous marriage to the widow of Rolland Le Franc, a bookseller active in Rennes in 1523 and an associate of Jean and Julien Macé. ­Mestrard seems to have had publishing connections in Paris, for he entered into contractual obligations with Jean Petit as early as 1531.58 Similar to other booksellers and printers in Rennes, his shop was located near the Porte St.-Michel whence he supplied editions primarily of

120  Breton diaspora and the book business royal and Breton ordinances and constitutions. In the beginning, his role was limited to publisher-bookseller, contracting with the local printers Berthelot and Georget, but by 1543, he had assumed the role of printer as well. Most of his editions carried an exclusive privilege to print and distribute an edition within a specific period of time. The granting of privileges was sought and even contested in Rennes. Privileges underscored the fear of a saturated book market. Publishers may also have recognized the sales value of such a privilege linked to their names.59 After the first privilege was granted in France in 1507, kings or local courts would grant privileges to publishers.60 In about 1535, Mestrard thus sought and received a two-year privilege to print or have printed Ordonnances et constitutions “bien, deuement, et correctement” (USTC 52059); as public confirmation, he had the printer Berthelot reproduce the privilege on the verso of the title page. In the following years, Mestrard printed revised editions of Ordonnances, some of which contained the publishing privilege, such as a fifteen-month privilege that noted “ses experiences oudit art d’imprimerie” (USTC 60905).61 Mestrard and Bourgoignon shared a three-year privilege for Ordonnances royaulx in 1539, co-funded apparently with bookseller Chevau.62 This bibliographic complexity and the doubtful efficacy of a printing privilege are further complicated by a similar edition printed that same year, again “avec privilege” by Georget for the booksellers Jean Lermangier in Rennes and Galliot Du Pré in Paris (USTC 57943). The competition for privileges appears to have come to a head when Bourgoignon sought and received a privilege for the printing and distribution of Les coutumes de Bretagne on 23 October 1539. The five-year term “ou aultre raisonnable temps” for Bourgoignon to bring out his edition and to recoup his expenses may have incited Mestrard to contest the terms in court, as Duval has suggested.63 For, one month later, on 22 November 1539, Bourgoignon sought and received confirmation in a lettre patente from François Ier. The document noted that Bourgoignon feared that after all his time and expense to produce the edition, others would nonetheless print the same text “et par ce moyen le frustrer de ses labeurs, frais et mises”; Bourgoignon managed to print his edition, possibly in Paris, in 1540 (USTC 40016 and 60668). Mestrard waited only until 1543 to produce his own edition of Les coutumes de Bretagne, hiring the experienced printer Nicolas Le Roux of Rouen (USTC 57962); he followed with another edition (“avec privilege”) the next year from the Rennes press of the widow of Berthelot (USTC 38346). Despite this apparent business competition, Mestrard and Bourgoignon cofinanced Henri II’s Edicts … Parlement de Bretaigne in 1553, printed in Poitiers by Enguilbert de Marnef (USTC 22566). Yet, the edition’s title page hints at a change in business model: “On les vend a Rennes par Philippes Bourgoignon en la boutique de Thomas Mestrard pres la porte S. ­M ichel,” thus suggesting that Bourgoignon had given up his own shop

Breton diaspora and the book business  121 premises and had made a distribution agreement with Mestrard. Other changes occurred to Mestrard’s business model as mentioned earlier: After 1541, Mestrard assumed the role of printer. His previous printer Berthelot had since died, though his wife continued the print business for several more years. His other printer Georget still ran an active press in Rennes for another dozen years, but Mestrard no longer hired his services. Mestrard continued to publish law editions to 1547, after which time, his publishing ventures largely ceased. Carrying on the local book business in Rennes until about 1555 were the printer Georget and bookseller Chevau. Most of Georget’s editions contain regional and royal ordinances and edicts, published nearly on an annual basis. Separate from the legal compendia, two editions stand out. The first unusual edition, dated 1541, was Les triumphes de la noble et amoureuse Dame by Jean Bouchet (1476–1557), printed in 1541 (USTC 40092). Bouchet, a grand rhétoriqueur from Poitiers, saw this work first published by Jean and Enguilbert de Marnef in 1530; nearly four dozen editions followed during his lifetime. The majority of these editions were printed in the small octavo format, but not Georget’s, which followed the larger folio format of the editio princeps. Its deluxe size permitted two columns of sixty lines in Gothic characters and allowed woodcut illustrations as well as blanks for hand-painted miniatures and initials on gold ground.64 In all, there were ninety-eight illustrations that led one historian to remark on the brilliant color, opulent contours, the sweep and state of the draperies, all revealing the influence of Flemish art.65 Although its title page and initial signatures have long been missing, substituted at a very early date by handwritten texts from another copy, Georget’s edition was a spectacular departure from his usually menu of legal compendia. The explicit identifies Georget’s residence “en la rue de la baudrayerie” whereas the substitute title page adds “en la maison Olivier. Au lyon painctre.”66 As the only evidence of Georget’s location in Rennes, the title page also provides the tantalizing identification of the competent decorator-illuminator. Like many of these early Breton editions, Georget’s Les triumphes survives in a single copy. The second unusual edition by Georget was Synodales constitutiones Arboricensis dioecesis (diocese of Avranches), printed in 1554 (USTC 111640). Not only was this an uncommon subject among his edition list, it was exceptional that a Rennes printer was hired for such an edition. The synod at Avranches took place in 1550 under Bishop Robert Cenalis, and among other statutes and instructions, priests were to encourage lay people to recite the Lord’s Prayer and Hail Mary at mid-day and at curfew; priests were also forbidden to have long hair or beards. The synod statutes were promulgated in 1550, but no edition seems to survive from that date.67 Georget’s edition included a second title for priestly instruction, Instructio seu eruditio sacerdotum a venerabili viro D. Roberto Goullet pro simplicioribus aedita ac de novo emendata, one

122  Breton diaspora and the book business of the many treatises by Robert Goullet (Goulet, 1480?–1538), canon at Avranches and professor at the University of Paris.68 The statutes were Georget’s last known edition. Georget had been hired by Galliot Du Pré in Paris and by many booksellers in Rennes, including Mestrard, Lermangier, Chevau, Philippe Bourgoignon, and Georges Cleray. The latter printer-bookseller assumed a significant role in publishing royal ordinances and regional customs during the second quarter of the sixteenth century. The publishing of legal compendia in 1539, mentioned earlier, and two liturgical ­editions in 1548 and 1557 show evidence of the common patrons for the book trade in provincial France (USTC 111639 and 111642).69 Cleray’s booklist featured an unusual edition of Satryae sex emendatissimae by the Roman poet and satirist Aulus Persius Flaccus (34–62), published in 1556 (USTC 111641). Persius’s Satires were popular in the medieval and early modern period for its high moral messaging but also disparaged for its colloquial vocabulary and occasionally distasteful analogies. The six satires, however, had long served as a school text, appearing in nearly 200 editions from 1470 to 1600. The short school-text edition by ­Chevau was co-financed with Pierre Le Bret, son of the successful Parisian bookseller Guillaume Le Bret; the classical school text was unusual as well among Le Bret’s liturgical and devotional editions. Although we might think that a school text would require subsequent reprinting to meet the educational demands of local schools, no other edition followed by either printer. It was, however, Chevau’s printing of a parliamentary decree that would get him into trouble. In a tight, competitive market, official printing privileges were increasingly sought and vigorously defended against encroaching editions. How were printers to know whether a privilege had already been granted to another printer in town or elsewhere? Not knowing or not obeying the law could have dire personal and financial consequences. Chevau had printed Ordonnances [et] arrestz de la court de parlement, apparently without a privilege in 1552, but like other printers in Brittany and elsewhere, he depended financially on the printing and marketing of future editions. By the 1560s, Chevau had local competition from Julien Du Clos, who would soon exercise a printing monopoly on legal editions.70 In 1565, Chevau published an edition without authorization: a legal decision by the Parlement de Bretagne regarding the feudal rights of the bishop of Cornouaille that had been contested for centuries by the residents of Quimper (Arrêt du parlement de Bretagne contre l’évêque de Cornouaille et les habitants de Quimpercorentin). Bishop Étienne Boucher (1560–71), former secretary of Catherine de Medici, continued the legal process as the feudal count of Quimper, claiming fiscal rights to a portion of the sales (lods-et-ventes) and succession (rachat) of all immovable property. On 15 September 1565, a lawyer of the king charged Chevau with violation of the prohibition to print without royal

Breton diaspora and the book business  123 authorization. Chevau was arrested, and all printed parliamentary ordinances found in his shops were confiscated. He was then imprisoned in the royal prisons at Rennes until questioning.71 The justice courts knew that Chevau’s printing was unauthorized because Julian Du Clos had sought and received a six-year authorization in the previous year to print ordinances and customs; in the following year, this privilege was extended to ten years by royal decree, thus naming Du Clos “imprimeur du roi” and providing him with a monopoly of the duchy’s compilation of laws and customs.72 Julian Du Clos (active 1561–82) had first been a tailleur des lettres and then a printer. His connections to the Protestant faith remained secret, thus allowing him to gain royal recognition for his print work. Despite his strong business position in Rennes, Du Clos faced competition with the successful Parisian printer-bookseller, Jacques Du Puis, who had published an edition of Norman laws, and in 1580, had begun to produce an edition of Breton laws. Du Puis received the necessary royal privilege to print such an edition on 26 April 1580; likewise, Du Clos obtained a royal privilege from the Parlement de Bretagne on 6 May 1581.73 Du Puis appealed and renewed the privilege, granted on 5 July 1581 that forbade Du Clos for printing the customs. However, Du Clos went ahead and printed an expanded edition in 1581 (USTC 52460), as did Du Puis (USTC 76077). Whether the printers went to court over their competing privileges is unknown, but Du Clos printed yet another edition of the customary law, edited by Bertrand d’Argentré, seneschal of Rennes, in 1583 (USTC 80285). This was Du Clos’s last known edition. After his competitor’s death, Jacques Du Puis would continue to print editions relevant to Brittany. The legal battles over privileges, the professionalization, and competition between Breton and Parisian printers demonstrate the tremendous changes that occurred in the book business in northern France in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. In its development from ­patronage-based editions and occasional jobbing contracts in Breton towns, ­publisher-booksellers encountered new challenges in Brittany, including the potential consequences of a saturated book market for their editions. Therefore, instead of contracting their editions with Parisian or Norman printers, publisher-booksellers hired local printers. To a certain extent, family connections were still important for business, as we have seen in the bookseller families of Macé, Ganereau, and Papolin, but more significant were publishing partnerships established through business networks to co-finance editions. The Breton book business also developed new institutional patrons in the sixteenth century: regional and royal administrative and juridical courts. The courts produced new or revised ordinances and edicts for publication, a need that printers could anticipate. They thus competed for the privilege of printing the legal editions, which were assured sales, not unlike the printing and sales of missals and breviaries for a particular diocese. Publisher-booksellers had to

124  Breton diaspora and the book business know their market of readers: whether priests for Latin liturgical and religious books, lawyers for French legal compendia, or clerics in Lower Brittany for Breton dictionaries and religious verse. Understanding their readership and establishing appropriate networks to supply them meant the difference between warehoused editions and book sales.

Notes 1 André Chédeville, “L’immigration bretonne dans le royaume de France du XIe au début du XIVe siècle,” Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l’ouest 81/2 (1974): 301–43 (313, 323, 325, 331); Jean-Pierre Leguay and Hervé Martin, Fastes et malheurs  de la Bretagne ducale 1213–1532 (Rennes: Ouest-France, 1982), pp. 36–37. For earlier centuries, see Joseph Loth, L’émigration bretonne en Armorique (1883; repr. Paris: Slatkine, 1980). For the book trades, see Jean-Luc Deuffic, “Une diaspora bretonne des artisans du livre (XIVe-XVe siècles),” Pecia 7 (2009): 275–99. 2 Although Pestivien neglected to sign or document his work, some scholars have attributed to him a body of important illuminated manuscripts associated with the Burgundian court. For documents, see Léon Laborde, Les ducs de Bourgogne, études sur les lettres, les arts et l’industrie pendant le XVe siècle et plus particulièrement dans les Pays-Bas et le duché de Bourgogne, 3 vols. (Paris: Plon, 1849–52), I, nos. 1349–1353, 1374; Albert Châtelet, “Jean de Pestinien in the Service with Philip the Good and His Prisoner King René,” Artibus et historiae 40 (1999): 77–87, who also attributed to him certain miniatures in the Hours of René d’Anjou (London BL MS Egerton 1070), the Hours of Turin (lost), and the extant Hours of Milan-Turin (Turin Museo Civico MS inv. 47). See also the discussion in Nicole Reynaud, “Barthélemy d’Eyck avant 1450,” Revue de l’Art 84/1 (1989): 22–43 (32–33); Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe, exhibition catalog, eds. by Thomas Kren and Scot McKendrick (Los Angeles, CA: The Getty Museum, 2003), pp. 83–84. 3 Colophons, II, 5904. George Stephens, Förteckning öfver de förnämsta brittiska och fransyska handskrifterna (Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt & Söner, 1847), pp. 113–15; Illuminated Manuscripts and Other Remarkable Documents from the Collections of the Royal Library, Stockholm, exhibition catalog, comp. by Harry Järv with the assistance of Olof von Feilitzen and Sten G. Lindberg (Stockholm: The Library, 1963), p. 25; for the manuscript in Stockholm, see Gunter Holtus and Anja Körner, “Pour savoir la pure vérité… Die Handschrift des Reiseberichts von Marco Polo in der Königlichen Bibliothek Stockholm (ms. cod. Holm. M 305),” in ‘Plaist vos oïr bone cançon vallant?’ Mélanges de langue et de littérature médiévales offerts à François Suard, eds. Dominique Boutet et al., 2 vols. (Lille: Conseil scientifique de l’Université Charles-de-Gaulle-Lille, 1999), I, pp. 423–34. For the earlier manuscript tradition, see Luigi Foscolo Benedetto, La tradizione manoscritta del “Milione” di Marco Polo (Florence: Olschki, 1928), p. cxlv; ­Shinobu Iwamura, ­M anuscripts and Printed Editions of Marco ­Polo’s Travels (Tokyo: National Diet Library, 1949); Jean-Luc Deuffic, “Copistes bretons du moyen âge (XIIIe-XVe siècles): une première ‘handlist’,” Pecia 13 (2010), no. 47. For Gilbert’s career in the Chambre de Comptes, see D.  ­M ichel ­Félibien, and  ­augmented by D. Guy-Alexis Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, 5 vols. (Paris: G. Desprez et J. Desessartz, 1725), III, pp. 311, 313.

Breton diaspora and the book business  125 4 Colophons, III, nos. 11286–11287; Andrew G. Watson, Catalogue of Dated and Datable Manuscripts, c. 435–1600 in Oxford, 2 vols. (Oxford: ­Clarendon Press, 1984), I, p. 58; Jean-Luc Deuffic, “Yves et Marion: un couple de libraires au Moyen Âge,” Pecia 7 (2009): 163–65 (164–65); Rodney Thomson, Catalogue of Medieval Manuscripts of Latin Commentaries on Aristotle in British Libraries, 2 vols. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011–13), nos. 42, 78. For Pierre Richer and Jean Coromines, see Thomas Sullivan, Parisian Licentiates in Theology, AD 1373–1500. A Biographical Register, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2004–11), II, pp. 172–73, 474–75; Olga Weijers, with the collaboration of Monica Calma, Travail intellectuel à la faculté des arts de Paris: textes et maîtres (ca. 1200–1500), 9 vols. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), VII, pp. 223–25. Jean Run’s section was ff. 220r–266v only; he shared the scribal work with three other scribes. Paul Peyron, “Actes du Saint-Siège. Concernant les évêchés de Quimper et de Léon du XIIIe au XVe siècle,” ­Bulletin diocésain d’histoire et d’archéologie 14 (1914): 258–88 (288). 5 Ministère de l’éducation nationale (France),  Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France. Départements, 66 vols. (Paris: Plon, 1885–1993), XXV, pp. 46–47; Deuffic, “Copistes bretons,” no. 10. 6 Deuffic, “Une diaspora bretonne,” pp. 280–81, citing Paris AN, L 427, no. 53. See also René Le Men, Monographie de la cathédrale de Quimper (XIIIe -XVe siècle) (Quimper: Jacob, 1877), p. 320; Deuffic, “Copistes bretons,” Pecia 13 (2010), no. 97; Booton, Manuscripts, p. 238, with additional bibliography. Jean L’Épine may have been related to the bookseller Guillaume de l’Épine who sold books in Lower Brittany on behalf of Guillaume Touzé; the latter complained in a court suit about the bookseller’s delinquency in making good on his accounts (Nantes ADLA, B 9, ff. 180v–181r); Arthur de La Borderie, “Notes sur les livres et les bibliothèques au moyen âge en Bretagne,” BEC 3 (1862): 39–50 (49–50); Booton, Manuscripts, pp. 120–121. 7 La production du livre universitaire au moyen âge: Exemplar et pecia, eds. Louis J. Bataillou, Bertrand G. Guyot, and Richard H. Rouse (Paris: CNRS, 1988). 8 See Deuffic, Inventaire St.-Malo 2, and ibid., Inventaire Rennes 18. 9 Ibid., Inventaire Rennes 19. Robert Macé also arranged for the printing of a book of hours for St.-Malo (ISTC ih00347500), see Ibid., Inventaire St.-Malo 88. 10 Philippe Renouard, Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens du XVIe siècle, ouvrage publié d’après les manuscrits de Philippe Renouard, eds. Erwana Brin et al., 5 vols. (Paris: Service des travaux historiques de la ville de Paris, 1964–91), I, p. 30; Jean-Luc Deuffic, “Geoffroy le Moal et le collège de la Petite Sorbonne,” Pecia 7 (2009): 177–80. 11 Renouard, Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens, I, no. 51. 12 The title page reads, “Opera Guillermi Anabat in arte cataractarum [sic] Parrhisiis Venundantur ante hospicium dei prope intersignium imperatoris et in collegio calvi”; see Renouard, Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens, I, no. 79; Jean-Luc Deuffic, Imprimeurs et libraires bretons du XVIe siècle, accessed 18 November 2017, https://sites.google.com/site/imprimeursbretons/home/ guillaume-anabat. 13 For Lotrian’s three editions of Jean Michel’s Passion as well as his connections with the Trepperel family, see Graham A. Runnalls, “La circulation des textes des mystères à la fin du moyen âge: les éditions de la Passion de Jean Michel,” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 58/1 (1996): 7–33. Lotrian printed woodcuts that were similar in form

126  Breton diaspora and the book business

14 15 16 17 18

19 20 21

2 2

23

24

25

to those appearing in contemporary news broadsides; see Jean Pierre ­S eguin, L’information en France, de Louis XII à Henri II (Geneva: Droz, 1961), pp. 50, 70, 72–74. Brian Jeffery, ed. Chanson Verse of the Early Renaissance, 2 vols. (London: Tecla Editions, 1971, 1976), I, pp. 21–22; II, pp. 127, 301, 348. Renouard, Inventaire, IV, pp. 30, 577. Bechtel M-293; Tchemerzine, VIII 244b. Louis-Catherine Silvestre, Marques typographiques (Paris: Jannet, 1853–57), p. 137. See also Renouard, Imprimeurs, pp. 56–57. Philippe Renouard, Documents sur les imprimeurs, libraires, … ayant exercé à Paris de 1450 à 1600 (Paris: Champion, 1901), p. 38. For his business and personal affairs, see Annie Parent, Les métiers du livre à Paris au XVIe siècle (1535–1560) (Geneva: Droz, 1974), pp. 172, 189, 192. Renouard, Imprimeurs, p. 35; Silvestre, no. 484. For the texts, see Henri Omont, “Essai sur les débuts de la typographie grecque à Paris,” Mémoires de la Société de l’histoire de Paris et de l’Île-deFrance 18 (1891): 1–72 (28–31); Moreau, II, nos. 221, 396, 451. For the archival documents on Hervé Bolsec, see Renouard, Documents, pp. 17, 147, 295; Ernest Coyecque, Recueil d’actes notariés relatifs à l’histoire de Paris et de ses environs au XVIe siècle, 2 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1905–23), I, nos. 313, 858, 892, 2182. On his Breton origins, see Daniel-Louis Miorcec de Kerdanet, Notices chronologiques sur les théologiens, jurisconsultes…, historiens de la Bretagne (Brest: Michel, 1818), pp. 79–80. For the breviary, see Léopold Delisle, “L’ancien bréviaire de Saint-Pol-de-Léon,” BEC 65 (1904): 537–40 (transcription of the dedicatory letter); François Duine, “Bréviaires et missels des églises et abbayes bretonnes de France antérieurs au XVIIe siècle,” MSAIV 35 (1906): 1–220 (152–57 for the calendar); ibid., “Inventaire liturgique de l’hagiographie bretonne,” MSAIV 49 (1922): 213–15; Moreau, II, no. 1283; Deuffic, Inventaire Léon 2. For more on Breton saints’ lives and textual borrowings, see Bernard Merdrignac, “L’espace et le sacré dans les leçons des bréviaires de l’Ouest armoricain consacrées aux saints bretons (XVe-XVIe siècles),” Annales de Bretagne et des Pays de l’Ouest 90/2 (1983): 273–93; ibid., “Les origines bretonnes dans les leçons des bréviaires des XVe-XVIe siècles,” in 1491. La Bretagne, Terre d’Europe, eds. Jean Kerhervé and Tanguy Daniel (Bannalec: Imprimerie régionale pour le Centre de recherche bretonne et celtique; Société archéologique du Finistère, 1992), pp. 295–309; André-Yves Bourgès, “En tournant les pages,” Britannia monastica 15 (2011): 139–61 (Breton calendar and hagiography). Joseph Le Hir, “Le bréviaire de Saint-Pol-de-Léon de 1516. Notes sur les auteurs et les éditeurs,” MSAIV 35 (1906): 389–401; Louis Le Guennec, “L’héritage de messire Hamon Barbier,” in Vieux Souvenirs Bas-Bretons. Légendes et histoires (Rennes: La Découvrance, 1994), pp. 45–48; Deuffic Inventaire Léon 2 (transcription). The book inventory of Jeanne Baillet, Didier’s wife, contained mostly manuscript material, see Ernest Coyecque, “Cinq libraires parisiennes sous François Ier (1521–1529),” Mémoires de la Société de l’histoire de Paris (1894): 53–136 (79–87). The receipt, dated 21 June 1519, shows Prigent’s transaction of 121 livres 4 sous 4 deniers obole tournois; see Ernest Coyecque, “La librairie de Didier Maheu en 1520. Supplément aux cinq librairies parisiennes sous François Ier (1521–1529),” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de Paris et de l’Ile-deFrance (1894): 197–205 (205).

Breton diaspora and the book business  127 26 The noted missal for the diocese of St.-Pol de Léon was printed in red and black by Nicolas Prévost in 1526, although the edition might have been completed earlier based on dating of the feast of Easter: see Deuffic, Inventaire Léon 6, p. 28. Moreau, III, no. 1067. The 1526 edition contains ­moyen-breton in the section providing instructions to the priest in celebrating the sacrament of marriage. The title page of the Quimper copy identifies its bookseller as Quillévéré in Paris. 27 The earliest manuscript dates 1464 (Paris BnF ms. lat. 7056). Pierre Trépos, “Le Catholicon de Jehan Lagadeuc (Pour son cinquième centenaire),” Annales de Bretagne 71/4 (1964): 501–52, who discusses the manuscript and print editions. See also Jehan Lagadeuc, Le Catholicon de Jehan Lagadeuc, ed. C.-J. Guyonvarc’h (Rennes: OGAM, 1975). Concerning the linguistic divide, see Pierre-Yves Lambert, “La situation linguistique de la Bretagne dans le haut moyen-âge,” in La Bretagne linguistique. Cahier du groupe de recherche sur l’économie linguistique de la Bretagne, eds. Jean Le Dû and Yves Le Berre, 5 (1988–89): 139–51; Booton, Manuscripts, pp. 110–11. 28 See Gwennolé Le Menn, “La littérature en moyen-breton de 1350 à 1650,” Questions d’histoire de Bretagne, 2 vols. (Paris: ENSB/CTHS, 1984), II, pp. 89–104; ibid., À la recherche des anciens ouvrages imprimés en breton, Mémoires de la Société d’émulation des Côtes-du-Nord (1978): 121–37; Gwenaël Le Duc, “Breton Literature,” in Celtic Culture. A Historical Encyclopedia, ed. John T. Koc, 5 vols. (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC CLIO, 2006), I, pp. 267–72. 29 Moreau, III, no. 2222; Léopold Delisle, “Les heures bretonnes du XVIe siècle,” BEC 56 (1895): 45–83 (76–78); Roparz Hemon, ed. Trois poèmes en moyen-breton (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1962); JeanFrançois Courouau, “L’imprimé religieux en langue bretonne (1526–1660),” Annales de Bretagne et des Pays de l’Ouest 115/3 (2008): 59–79; Deuffic, Inventaire Léon 68. 30 Alan E. Knight, Aspects of Genre in Late Medieval French Drama (Manchester: Manchester UP, 1983), p. 96: “Shorter plays were most often printed in pamphlet form and in the tall format agenda,…”; see also Paul Needham, “Res papirea: Sizes and Formats of the Late Medieval Book,” in Rationalisierung der Buchherstellung im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit, eds. Peter Rück and Martin Boghardt (Marburg an der Lahn: Institut für historische Hilfswissenschaften, 1994), pp. 123–45 (130). 31 Bernard de Léau first married Plézoue Robert, dame du Petit-Kervouran en Lanmeur, and later Amice de Quélen, widow of Guillaume Rochcongar; see Louis Le Guennec, “Un libraire morlaisien, au XVIe siècle. Bernard de Léau,” Bulletin de la Société archéologique du Finistère 54 (1927): 11–32 (18). See also Parent, Les métiers du livre, p. 147; Gwennolé Le Menn, “Notes sur les imprimeurs bretons au XVIe siècle en Bretagne et hors de Bretagne,” in Le pouvoir et la foi au Moyen Âge en Bretagne et dans l’Europe de l’Ouest. Mélanges en mémoire du professeur Hubert Guillotel, eds. Joëlle Quaghebeur and Sylvain Soleil (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2010), pp. 317–26. For Drouet de Leaue, see Renouard, Imprimeurs parisiens, libraires, fondeurs de caractères, p. 216. 32 Le Guennec, Un libraire morlaisien, pp. 12–13. 33 Ibid., pp. 19–22, citing a testament transcription by Jean Marzin, “Quelques testaments des XVe et XVIe siècles (Archives de l’Hôpital de Morlaix),” Bulletin de la Société archéologique du Finistère 37 (1910): 27–64 (62–63).

128  Breton diaspora and the book business 34 Émile Ernault, Le mystère de Sainte Barbe (Paris: Thorin, 1888); ibid., “La vie S. Catherine. Texte moyen breton,” Revue celtique 8 (1887): 76–95. See also ­Ricarda Scherschel, “On the Relationship of the 1608 Impression of Buhez Sante Barba to the Impressions of 1557 and 1647,” Hor Yezh 278 (2014): 3–15. 35 The other attributed titles have included: Les quatre fins de l’homme in Breton verse by Christophe de Cheffontaines (1513–95), a Franciscan at Cuburien (1570), but see Gwennolé Le Menn, “L’imprimerie des franciscains de Cuburien,” MSHAB LXII (1985): 129–35 (131); Le Miroer de la mort by Olivier de La Marche (1573, USTC 5266); Le Mirouer de la mort, in French and Breton verse, composed in 1519 by Master Jehan an Archer Coz, priest at Plougonven (1575, Paris BnF Rés. P. YN 1); Legenda maior Sanctissimi Patris Francisci a Sancto Bonaventura, in Latin (1575, USTC 111564); Office of Saint Efflam, patron saint of the parish of Plestin (diocese of Tréguier), in Latin (1575); Statutes and Acts of the Chapter of Tréguier, in Latin (1579); Legenda maior Sanctissimi Patris Francisci a Sancto Bonaventura (1585, RB 19, pp. 8–9). For the press at Cuburien, see also Arthur de La Borderie, Archives du bibliophile Breton, 4 vols. (Rennes: Plihon, 1880–85), IV, pp. 41–55. 36 Mme. Jégou du Laz, “Gilles de Kerampuil. Ses origines, ses œuvres et son testament,” Bulletin de la Société archéologique du Finistère 22 (1895): 277–95 (279). 37 Whitley Stokes, Horae Britonnicae et latinae. Middle Breton Hours (Calcutta: s.n., 1876); Émile Ernault, “Le breton de Gilles de Keranpuil. Catéchism et Heuryou,” Revue celtique 45 (1928): 202–71; ibid., “Le breton de Gilles Kerampuil (fin),” Revue celtique 47 (1930): 72–159. See also Yann Celton, Leoriou ar baradoz. Approche bibliographique du livre religieux en langue bretonne (Quimper: Association bibliographie de Bretagne, 2002), pp. 175, 239; Jean-Luc Deuffic, “Les heures bretonnes à l’usage de Quimper de Gilles de Kerampuil,” Pecia 4 (2004): 118–26, with full calendar, confessors, suffrages, and earlier bibliography. 38 Delisle, “Les heures bretonnes,” pp. 47–53; Deuffic, Inventaire Quimper, p. 245. 39 Jégou du Laz, pp. 291–92. 40 Paris AN (Minutier): MC/ET/XXXIII/32/B, fol. IIcIII (fol. 203r) dated 2 September 1547. 41 Walsby, The Printed Book, p. 156. 42 Jean-Luc Deuffic, “Glanes bretonnes: métiers du livre et étudiants à Paris au XVIe siècle,” accessed 18 November 2017, http://blog.pecia.fr/ post/2014/06/17/Glanes-bretonnes-%3A-livres-et-%C3%A9tudiants-% C3%A0-Paris, citing Paris AN, MC/ET/XXXIII/34, fol. 276r, and AN, MC/ET/XXXIII/50. 43 Coyecque, Recueil, I, no. 76, citing Paris AN, MC/ET/XXXIII/1. See also Moreau, II, nos. 1977, 1767; Deuffic, Inventaire Nantes 8. 4 4 Coyecque, Recueil, I, no. 75. 45 Ibid., I, no. 465, citing Paris AN, MC/ET/XXXIII/8, f. 426r; Moreau, III, no. 616; Deuffic, Inventaire Nantes 9. 46 Parent, Les métiers du livre, pp. 129–30. The contractual time to complete the printing of 650 breviaries in six months can be compared to Kerbriant’s contract of 1518 and that of Nicolas Prevost in 1526. In 1547, Regnault Chaudière contracted to print 1,200 breviaries for Soissons in one year. 47 Deuffic, Inventaire Nantes 25, citing Nantes, Archives du Chapitres, Conclusiones capitulares, 1520–24, fol. 87v, and Nicolas Travers, Histoire civile,

Breton diaspora and the book business  129

48 49 50 51 52 53 54

55 56 7 5 58 59 60 61

62 63 64 65 66 67 68

politique et religieuse de la ville et du comté de Nantes, 3 vols. (Nantes: Forest, 1836–41), II, pp. 283–84. Walsby, The Printed Book, App A, pp. 255–56; App B, no. 244. Nantes AM, Inventaire sommaire des Archives communales antérieur à 1790, ed. Stéphane La Nicollière-Teijeiro, 3 vols. (Nantes: Schwob et fils, 1888), I, p. 209 (CC 300). Ibid., I, p. 85 (BB 148); fully transcribed with the town’s response by La Borderie, Archives, II, pp. 158–61. See also, Walsby, The Printed Book, pp. 110–12, who reproduces the two proofs. Pascal Robin, Les vendanges de Pascal Robin du Faux, ed. Bénédicte Brait (Paris: Connaissances et Savoirs, 2014). Malcolm Walsby, “Printer Mobility in Sixteenth-Century France,” in Print Culture and Peripheries in Early Modern Europe, ed. Benito Rial Costas (Leiden: Brill, 2013), pp. 249–68 (262–63). Nantes AM, Inventaire sommaire, I, pp. 134–35 (CC 125); Walsby, The Printed Book, pp. 327–33. Malcolm Walsby, “Yves Mahyeuc, Jean Baudouyn et l’implantation de l’imprimerie à Rennes,” in Yves Mahyeuc, 1462–1541. Rennes en Renaissance, eds. Augustin Pic and Georges Provost (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2010), pp. 297–307. Michel Duval, “Les imprimeurs et libraires à Rennes au XVIe siècle,” MSHAB 62 (1985): 111–27 (112). Walsby, The Printed Book, p. 248. Concerning the “Ex carracteribus Parrhisiis” of the Baudouyn attribution, see ibid., pp. 75–95. Deuffic, Inventaire Rennes 21–22. Walsby, The Printed Book, pp. 95–96. Rudolf Hirsch, Printing, Selling and Reading 1450–1550 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1967), p. 84. Augustin-Charles Renouard, Traité des droits d’auteur, dans la littérature, les sciences et les beaux-arts, 2 vols. (Paris: Renouard, 1838), I, p. 108. Privileges printed by Georges Lepreux, Gallia typographica, ou, Répertoire biographique et chronologique de tous les imprimeurs de France depuis les origines de l’imprimerie jusqu’à la révolution, 5 vols. (Paris: Champion, 1909–14), VI, no. 948. USTC 52054, 52832, and 55877; see the transcription of the privilege in ibid., IV, no. 949. Duval, “Imprimerie à Rennes,” p. 115. The privileges are transcribed in Lepreux, IV, nos. 950, 951. For the variants of the 1540 edition, see Walsby, The Printed Book, nos. 186–187. Joseph Van Praet, Catalogue des livres imprimés sur vélin de la Bibliothèque du roi, 6 vols. (Paris: De Bure frères, 1822), IV no. 272; La Borderie, ­Archives, II, pp. 91–100. “L’éclat du coloris, l’opulence des contours, l’ampleur et l’appareil des draperies, tout révèle l’influence de l’art flamand.” La Borderie, Archives, II, p. 98. Named after the early Porte Baudraëre, see Adolphe Toulmouche, Histoire archéologique de l’époque gallo-romaine de la ville de Rennes (Rennes: ­Deniel, 1847), p. 223. The 1550 edition of Synodales constitutiones Arboricensis was printed by Guillaume Bessin, Concilia rothomagensis provinciae (Rouen: Vaultier, 1717), pp. 263–95. Quarto edition, 52 ff. Paris BnF Rés. B 2265 (not in USTC). For Goullet’s biography, see Léopold Delisle, “Notes sur des particularités historiques

130  Breton diaspora and the book business

69 70 71 72 73

relatives à divers lieux de personnages du département de la Manche,” ­Annuaire du Département de la Manche (1900): 21–30 (21–24); J. K. Farge, Biographical Register of Paris Doctors of Theology 1500–1536 (Toronto, ON: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1980), pp. 201–2. For the liturgical editions, see Deuffic, Inventaire St.-Brieuc 4, and I­ nventaire Rennes 23, with earlier bibliography. Lepreux, IV, no. 953. Ibid., IV, no. 954. Ibid., IV, no. 955. Walsby, The Printed Book, pp. 128–32.

5 Shaping a reader’s library

A certain man, very like Augustus Caesar in appearance, came to Rome. When Augustus saw the young man, he asked him: “Was your mother ever in Rome?” “No,” replied the young man, “but my father was, frequently.”1

This humorous pleasantry was among the entertaining table talk and jokes described in the early modern bestseller Mensa philosophica. ­Together with lessons on appropriate table manners, the text meted out advice on eating pasties and drinking ale, and gave counsel on the medicinal properties of pepper, mustard, and olive oil, all with frequent references to classical Greek and Roman authors. The edition printed for the publishing associates Jean Macé and Michel Angier in 1508 figured among a succession of editions since the 1470s of this popular work, frequently attributed to the thirteenth-century scholar Michael Scot. Following up on the thirteen preceding editions, Macé and Angier might have thought that their attractive octavo with a preface by ­Theobaldus Anguilbertus would also find a ready audience in their Norman and Breton markets. If Mensa philosophica had sold well, the publishers might indeed have produced another edition; yet no second edition followed. Did Macé and Angier misconstrue their readership? Who bought and read books in northern France in the early era of print? Did “product packaging” and marketing influence buying decisions or reader expectations? This chapter examines the persuasive techniques of authors, publishers, and printers as well as readers’ expectations and responses to what was presented on the page. The investigation of primary sources and comparative studies leads us in the first section to focus on authors, publishers, and their regional book market, and on the selection of appropriate texts, genres, and language. We then explore aspects of textual presentation, including format, layout, and secondary (peritextual) options and variations, commercial competition, and book marketing. By examining print commissions for the Breton market, we can begin to gauge publishing interests and demand in B ­ rittany and to explore the commercial book-trade network for publishing and selling within and

132  Shaping a reader’s library beyond its borders. These market considerations proceed to the second section that concentrates on readers and ways of reading. Beginning with broad concerns for a concurrent print and manuscript market, we consider examples that reflect on book use (beyond mere possession of a text) as a response to a particular text or a material object. These reflections point to a change in printers’ intentions during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries that transformed the profession from ­patronage-dependent to one becoming market-aware and independent. The chapter confirms, moreover, that Breton princes and nobles—the wealthy and the socially most important group in the duchy—did not possess the largest libraries of printed books; nor did successful merchants acquire large numbers of books. Rather, clerics, lawyers, and religious institutions accumulated the most books as a consequence of their professions. Extant books embody the best evidence for the study of publishers’ marketing strategies and readers’ responses to texts. Physical design, peritextual content, and self-identifying imprints and statements provide valuable information to compare within a publishing group’s booklists and to those produced by other publishers. There is, however, a low survival rate of early books printed for the Breton market (often only a single copy); few printing contracts and publisher catalogs witness lost editions. 2 Once acquired, books may show signs of use, such as exlibris testimonials and pen-trials, but such evidence is not proof that the owner read the book. Underlining and marginal notes, though undated, offer better evidence of reader interaction. This chapter’s content is informed by earlier research, which, in addition to fundamental bibliographies, includes scholarly investigations into language, typography, and imposition of the page3 as well as recent reflections on the impact of form on content.4 Moreover, there is an extensive historiography that addresses public and oral reading, and private and silent reading.5 Finally, earlier studies on how the visual composition and presentation affect reading connect as well to this chapter’s concerns.6

Identifying and responding to the market In studying decisions for the marketplace, the literary genres published or sold in late fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Brittany identify groups of potential buyers and help determine whether Breton readership differed from neighboring regions. By examining edition histories within genres, we can contextualize specific editions within a publisher’s strategy that often leveraged earlier editions as textual exemplars, now made “new” for the market with revisions or additions. Title pages often state textual differences to highlight advantages for the buyer. Genre selections influenced other publishing decisions, whether to adhere to precedence or to introduce innovations regarding basic physical matters (format, typeface, material support), layout questions (hierarchy of type

Shaping a reader’s library  133 and initials, running titles, foliation, illustrations), linguistic concerns (abbreviations, punctuation), and supplemental texts (dedicatory letters, prefaces, epigrams). All of these publishing decisions had financial, market, and reader consequences. Published genres Four literary genres dominated in books printed or sold in Brittany in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.7 The top two were nearly evenly apportioned between liturgical/devotional books and legal compendia. Out of 283 editions surveyed for this study, 27 percent included missals, breviaries, manuals, and books of hours; 26 percent contained custumals and other texts related to law; 18 percent were classical, literary, and grammatical texts; and the last large category of 16 percent pertained to clerical and popular piety. In single percentages were texts related to science (5 percent), philosophy and logic (3 percent), exegesis (4 percent), history (3 percent), and sermons (1 percent). Despite the broad literary genres, which are unquestionably sometimes difficult to classify, the four main categories reveal specialization as well as readership trends. Nearly all law editions concerned civil law, with the codification of civil laws presented as regional custumals, parliamentary constitutions, and royal ordinances; the remaining editions on civil law consisted of individually authored treatises by Jean Barbier, Jean de Cirey, Rochus Curtius, Tommaso Ferrazzo, John Mair, Petrus Ravennas, and ­A lbericus de Rosate. Surprisingly, there was no printed edition of ­Gratian’s ­Decretum on canon law. The first Coutumes de Bretagne was printed in Paris in 1480—several years before the appearance of the first presses in Brittany—and Parisian booksellers continued to monopolize the market with juridical editions. There was an occasional edition printed elsewhere: For example, Parisian publishers François Regnault and Jean Richard hired Pierre Olivier in Rouen to produce several editions. ­Regional booksellers gradually assumed the printing of customs and ordinances.8 The regular issuance of civic laws enabled their frequent compilation and revised publication. The juridical literary genre experienced the greatest increase in the number of editions in our study, rising from eleven to twenty-four and finally to forty-one editions in each subsequent quarter century from 1475 to 1550. The primary genre of service and devotional editions mainly consisted of missals and breviaries for Breton dioceses, but few were printed in Brittany; Guillaume Larchier’s missal for Nantes in 1501 was an early exception. Rather, Parisian presses produced the majority of service books. In this genre, we count diocesan statutes, which compiled expectations for pastoral care and the preservation of faith and discipline. The first Statuta synodalia for the diocese of Nantes was printed by an identified printer in 1478. Printed devotional books of hours for Breton dioceses

134  Shaping a reader’s library were not as popular as the manuscript tradition might have predicted. The first devotional books of hours for the Breton market (use of Paris with Breton saints in the calendar) appeared only in 1491, printed by Philippe Pigouchet in Paris. Étienne Larcher’s book of hours for the diocese of Nantes, printed in Nantes in 1499 (n.s.), was a remarkable rarity. The ­Parisian publishing model and its dominance in the duchy changed with the appearance of Robert Macé in Caen, who, with his brother Jean and later with their former apprentice Angier, hired Norman printers for Breton liturgical and devotional books (see Chapter 3). Some ­twenty-eight editions of liturgical service books and books of hours for Breton dioceses were produced in the first quarter of the sixteenth century; the number published in the second quarter fell to twenty-one editions before dropping sharply to a dozen in the second half of the century. Editions of clerical and popular piety differ chiefly on the basis of language. Latin dominates the titles intended for a religious readership; the only work available in Latin and French was Jacobus de Voragine’s ­Legenda aurea. Among the fewer French editions were Francesco ­Petrarca’s La patience de Griseldis, Denis the Carthusian’s Le mirouer d’or de l’âme pécheresse, and Jean Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes. There were few editions entirely in the Breton language until the second half of the sixteenth century: Aman ez dezrou an Passion (Mystery of the Passion) printed in Paris in 1530 is the rare exception. The broad literary classification of classical, literary, and grammatical texts can be subdivided to show that popular schoolbooks, grammar, and vocabulary/dictionary editions accounted for almost half of this category (44 percent). In this subsection, we find Niccolò Perotti’s Grammatica, John of Garland’s Libellus de verborum compositis, Évrard de Béthune’s Graecismus, Alain de Lille’s Parabolae, Giovanni Balbi’s Catholicon, Jean Lagadeuc’s trilingual dictionary, and others. Within this broad classification, literary texts represented nearly one-third (nearly half of which were in French) and classical editions totaled a quarter, including four editions of Boethius’s De consolatione philosophiae; the ever-popular De disciplina scholarium by Pseudo-Boethius; and two editions of Cato’s Distichs, a classical text that had become a common Latin schoolbook. The Cato editions exemplify the occasional crossover among literary genres and demonstrate the inexact nature of genre classifications. Besides the few editions devoted to science, philosophy, exegesis, history, and sermons, editions of canon law and patristic literature were nearly completely absent as was humanistic literature.9 Indeed, a university rector at Caen criticized the lack of humanistic and Latin learning there in the 1520s and 1530s (“Quanta barbarie, Deum immortalem, nostra Cadomensis academia squalebat! Emoriar si quid latinum expostulabatur.”). The rector also inveighed against nobles who only desired to provide sons with the best masters for training dogs and horses.10 In Brittany, the University of Nantes was not a strong scholarly presence

Shaping a reader’s library  135 in the early sixteenth century and seemed to have relatively little influence on the book market.11 The dominant literary genres confirm that the largest Breton market comprised three groups of buyers: Catholic priests and devout parishioners, civil authorities and those in the legal profession, and teachers and students of Latin and basic education in the liberal arts. This group diversity helped support the Breton marketplace and aided in the continuity of the early book trade. Linguistic improvements Early printers sought to produce a clear and understandable text and therefore considered the linguistic effect of abbreviations and punctuation.12 The same consideration can be observed in early Breton editions as printers became more experienced in printing techniques, influenced perhaps by usage in earlier editions or by contemporary language treatises, such as Compendiosus de arte punctandi dialogus by Johannes de Lapide (Johann Heynlin). As scholars have previously noted, public reading helped normalize punctuation, which acted as a visual aid to denote pauses, separate unities or phrases, and mark the end of a sentence.13 The use of frequent abbreviations was transferred from medieval script practice to early printing. Inasmuch as parchment was expensive and the act of writing long and arduous, medieval scribes developed abbreviated conventions or suspensions for common Latin words (the Chi-Rho christogram, IHS for Christus, or the Tironian sign for “et”), independent marks with macrons for prefixes and suffixes (pre-, pro-, -orum, -ur), and dropped letters with a horizontal line above (n, m). Abbreviations continued in printed books in Latin and French. A comparison of the Latin Legenda aurea (1510) and the French La legende dorée (1527) printed at Caen demonstrates the continued practice of dropped letters (n, m). Only verse poetry had few abbreviations or marks of punctuation. Punctuation greatly varied in the early decades. For example, the only visual cues offered to the reader in the Coutumes de Bretagne (ISTC ic00953600), printed by Pierre Bellescullée and Josses in Rennes in 1485, were majuscules placed at the start of a sentence and a punctus at its end; few punctuation marks occurred within the sentence. More assistance was offered in the editions of Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès, active at Bréhan-Loudéac in 1484–85. Besides the punctus within the sentence to mark a short pause (“Et me dist. il me semble…”), their editions also used a virgula suspensiva for itemization (“malicieulx/et decepuant/ saige/et subtil”). The Catholicon printed by Jean Calvez at Tréguier in 1499 likely followed a manuscript exemplar’s punctuation: Its primary punctuation marks are the punctus; the virgula suspensiva (“obscure/vel transserebant”); and hyphens, as necessary, at the end of lines. Less frequent are double punctus (like a colon) and punctus elevatus (resembling an inverted semicolon). Punctuation marks might also be used as letters,

136  Shaping a reader’s library such as the paragraph note for a decorative majuscule. Perhaps more influential than any treatise on language was the reprinting of editions that helped normalize and standardize the conventions of punctuation. Material traditions Customary book-trade practices in the region generally governed the book format, signatures, and typeface. Bibles were produced in the larger folio format; manuals and synodic statutes were printed in quarto; breviaries were published in octavo, although missals appeared in all of these formats. Customs and constitutions were often printed in octavo, but ordinances, if produced as single editions, appeared in octavo or quarto format. Grammars and classical texts usually materialized in quarto format. Whatever format, signatures placed below the sheet’s text-block carried a symbol and Roman number to help in its assemblage and binding of the printed sheets. Editions intended for the Breton market generally followed the printing practices of sixteenth-century Paris in having the first leaf numbered, Ai or A.i. Although many editions followed the Parisian system of signing half the leaves of a signature (quarto editions had the first three leaves signed, and octavo editions had the first four leaves signed), numerous nonconforming examples exist, even by the same printer. For instance, Laurent Hostingue composed sheets with this above-mentioned system of signs in some editions, but in others, the first four leaves of a quarto were signed (e.g., a.i., a.ii., a.iii., a.iiii.) or perhaps even the fifth leaf (a.v.). Hostingue and other ­Norman printers also used a different signing system, resembling a tucking method whereby two sheets of paper, both folded twice, were tucked one inside the other, producing eight leaves, like an octavo.14 The two sheets were signed with a letter and a Roman numeral (E.i. and E.ii.); the latter signing appears on the third leaf, once folded into a complete signature. The tucking method, which might result in signatures of alternating format (A8 B-C4 D8 E-F4), reduced the amount of sewing during the binding process. The same tucking method is found in editions by Richard Auzoult, “Atelier du rondeau au Lion couronné” (successors to Richard Auzoult), Hostingue, Olivier, and Richard Goupil in Rouen. The variation in Hostingue’s editions alone demonstrates the assorted printing variations in early sixteenth-century France. The signing symbols on signatures reveal variations in time and place, according to R.A. Sayce who surveyed practices in printed books produced in early modern Europe from the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries.15 In books printed for the Breton market, the signing symbols of preliminary signatures containing supplemental material, e.g., a dedicatory letter, prologue, or table, were generally the opposite of those in the main text: If the main signatures appeared in the lowercase alphabet (a–z, omitting j, u, and w), the preliminary

Shaping a reader’s library  137 signature would then be in uppercase letters and might be doubled (Aa–Bb or aa–bb). Other symbols, such as vowels with a tilde or an asterisk, which Sayce observed in Parisian books or French provincial books modeled after those in Paris, are not found in books printed for the Breton market. The unusual obelus, or Latin cross, is found in Breton missals for Nantes and St.-Pol de Léon printed in Rouen (1520) and Paris (1526), respectively, whereas a Greek cross served as the preliminary symbol for a St.-Pol de Léon breviary printed in Paris (1516) and for a missal of St.-Malo, dated about 1550. There are, however, numerous Caen and Rouen imprints for the Breton market with an unsigned preliminary signature. In general, signature symbols for the main text begin with a lowercase alphabet, according to Sayce, followed by an uppercase alphabet, if necessary. Editions for the Breton market, however, might use either system: Signatures begin in lowercase or uppercase. Before a second series of symbols within an edition, it was not uncommon to use Latin script abbreviations that were sometimes nonalphabetic symbols, such as the signs for ampersand, capitulum, the prefix con-, and the declined ending -rum. In lengthy works, such as Jacobus de Voragine’s Legenda, a printer might require a sequential series of lowercase and uppercase letters, nonalphabetic symbols, and alphabet letters having different forms in emulation of the manuscript tradition, e.g., the regular lowercase r and the rounded r, and the regular lowercase s and the longform s (USTC 112072). Regional traditions also influenced typeface preferences although a more important criterion was perhaps a printer’s typeface supply, which required substantial financial outlay. Gothic typeface predominated in regional editions: lettre de forme (based on the textura script in liturgical books), a more rounded and very common lettre de somme, or a more cursive lettre bâtarde.16 The first roman edition printed in France in 1470 contained a Latin grammar and an orthography treatise (ISTC ib00269000); later, classical texts frequently appeared in roman. In Brittany, however, roman type was not used until 1545, and by this time, it had crossed literary genres into civil law (USTC 111638). Other legal editions in roman followed, including a mixed edition of Gothic text-block and a roman title page (1546) and full roman editions (1549). The only other early Breton edition set in roman was Recueil d’epitaphes sur le trespas de messire Pierre d’Argentré (1548), an exceptional octavo of collected laudatory orations, posthumously commemorating Pierre d’Argentré, seneschal of Rennes and participant in the Breton legal reform of 1539 (USTC 40613).17 Regardless of literary genre, the vast majority of editions were printed in Gothic characters for the early modern Breton book market. Some editions were printed in red and black, emulating the manuscript tradition of rubrication, and this two-stage method required

138  Shaping a reader’s library more time, work, and expense. After the type was set, the compositor replaced portions that would later be printed in red with blanks; he then inked the type in black and pulled the impression. In the second stage, the compositor replaced the blanks with letters on top of underlays, raising them above surrounding type and inking only those higher portions in red. A frisket sheet prevented accidental inking on the rest of the paper.18 The earliest known edition printed in red and black was the forty-line Gutenberg Bible completed in Mainz in 1455; in the end, however, two-stage printing proved difficult, and most copies were hand-rubricated after sale. Realigning the sheet precisely for printing red ink caused consternation for other printers as well. ­Johann Sensenschmidt and Andreas Frisner of Nuremberg confirmed the difficulty of printing initials and underlining in red (“Et l­icet idipsum impressioni difficillismum fuerit”) in their preface to Peter Lombard’s Glossa magistralis Psalterii in 1478 (ISTC ip00477000).19 Olivier perhaps considered a similar apology when he failed to print red/black initials, line endings, rubrics, and response abbreviations in his Peregrinatio totius terre sancte for Angier and Jean Macé, datable 1507–15 (USTC 112141): Blank spaces remained on some sheets where a red-inked initial was intended. Although initials and woodcuts inked in red gradually became more common, it has been estimated that only 15 percent of incunabula had any text printed in red. 20 Yet, red letters should not be seen as mere decoration, as Margaret Smith has emphasized; rather, rubrication was part of the invaluable hierarchy of a text’s organization. 21 In 1507 and 1517, Jean Macé published two editions of Les coutumes de Bretagne containing red-inked initials, section headings, running titles, and paragraph marks that assisted readers to locate information more easily (USTC 26074 and 38319). Most editions for the Breton market during this period were printed in monochrome black. The exceptions follow the manuscript tradition for rubricated liturgical manuscripts or point to publishers’ marketing strategies and printers’ experimentation. Only three incunables printed for the Breton market were hand-rubricated, and significantly, these were liturgical and devotional editions printed outside the duchy (ISTC im00676200, im00688300, and ih00357140). In a short time, most printed missals, breviaries, and manuals were printed in black and red, emulating rubricated manuscripts. The majority produced for Breton dioceses were printed in Rouen or Paris until Jean Baudouyn relocated to Rennes in the second quarter of the sixteenth century. Publishers also planned title pages to be printed in red and black, using color, words, and layout to attract the buyer’s gaze to the edition’s novelties. Four parts of title pages might receive rubrication: the work’s title, the author’s name, the publisher-bookseller name(s), device, or locations, and the edition’s uniqueness. Often, only half or

Shaping a reader’s library  139 parts of the title or a name were rubricated, which might strike our modern eyes as unusual; yet, it signals the printer’s technical expertise in aligning parts of the same title or name while highlighting unique content or distinction. For example, liturgical books often rubricated the specific use (“ad usum briocensis”) and revised version (“emendatum”). Law books and customs rubricated specific content (“les constitutions…faitz et ordonnez…tenu a Vannes”) as well as revisions by authorities (“amendées,” “vénérables juristes”). General histories rubricated appealing words (“Bretaigne,” “petits roys et princes,” “romains”). In drawing attention to the edition’s special qualities, the publisher sought to differentiate the edition from previous or contemporary editions in the marketplace. In other editions, printers seemed to experiment with red. In 1507, Jean Macé and his nephew Richard Macé published Le tresor des povres by the physician-philosopher Arnaldus de Villanova, in which a woodcut shows the physician and a student behind whom are displayed two red-inked flasks on an unfurled black scroll (USTC 59327; Figure 5.1). The unusually colored woodcut arrests the reader’s attention, emphasizing its importance and, indirectly, the printer’s technical accomplishment.

Figure 5.1   Red-inked detail. Arnaldus de Villanova. Le tresor des povres [Rouen]: [Atelier du bandeau au lion couronné], 29 July 1507. Rennes, BM, 15573 Rés. (a8v). Permission of the Bibliothèque de Rennes Métropole.

140  Shaping a reader’s library Page design Printers and publishers understood the importance of page design to facilitate reading, whether spoken aloud or silent, and to encourage appreciation of its content. Typographical changes in page layout were made in response to readers, according to David McKitterick who emphasizes that page design dictated ways to read a text. 22 Adrian Armstrong, likewise, stresses how a printer-publisher’s format decisions guided the reader. 23 Format and page layout, moreover, comprised aspects of text placement, type sizes, and the hierarchical relationship among initials; other aspects concerned illustrations used for textual clarification or meditation. Finally, the introduction of foliation and running titles considered not only the assemblage of signatures but also, importantly, the ways that readers might engage with the finished edition. A hierarchy of type sizes assisted in separating titles, subheadings, and original text from supplemental commentary to make categories of information visually clear. Page design required awareness of white space and how to profit from the contrast of type and its absence. For example, Hostingue’s Parthenice Catharinaria (USTC 112346) opens with a decorative initial and sets the double-spaced text in a larger type size than the densely composed commentary below. Double-spacing allowed interlinear glossing, a technique of learning that will be discussed later, which is observable in the copy at Caen. Not as easy on a reader’s eyes is Alain de Lille’s Parabolae, a schoolbook also printed by Hostingue in 1508 (USTC 112328): Although two type sizes distinguish the text from the commentary, the scant white space around the page makes it less attractive and legible. Such decisions were likely driven by the need to limit production costs. Even in dense compositions, the printer controlled visual hierarchy by varying the size and type of initials, helping move the reader’s eye through the text. Large decorative or figurative initials printed from wood or metal blocks signaled an important textual opening. Beginnings of subsequent sections might be signaled with a smaller woodcut initial or a simple Lombard initial, reminiscent of manuscripts. The frequent reuse of woodcut initials makes it possible to identify certain printers. For ­example, Olivier’s initials often carry a small “+” on the stem; Hostingue regularly printed a metalcut initial of the Christ Child. Besides floral initials, a distinctive initial used by at least two printers was a metalcut letter A surmounted by a crown, a probable reference to the French monarchy. Found in editions by Goupil and by Hostingue, their initials differ slightly: Goupil’s features a bust of Christ between the  stems of the letter and a fleur-de-lis (the stylized lily and symbol of the French monarchy) at the left and an ermine spot (symbol of the duchy of Brittany) at the right (USTC 67363); Hostingue’s initial with the ermine spot centered within the initial also refers to the duchy of Brittany (USTC 112341). The combination of ducal and royal symbols likely pays homage to Anne de Bretagne, queen of France (d. 1514).

Shaping a reader’s library  141 Whereas variously sized initials guided readers through a text, foliation and running titles helped them move more easily between sections. Organizational cues existed in the manuscript tradition and continued in printed editions: Roman numerals mark recto folios at the upper right above the text-block (e.g., Fo.lxxxviij.) while running titles on the verso usually reiterate the chapter title. Some editions provided supplementary tables of chapters replete with foliation, improving accessibility. Adherence to the manuscript tradition also carried over to the subject and manner of illustrations, particularly in missals, breviaries, and manuals. Inevitably, contents, physical layout, and visual elements conform to each type of service book. In a long-held tradition, respected as well in Breton editions, the Canon’s Communion prayer of “Te igitur clementissime pater” inspired the accompanying illustration of the ­Crucifixion, in which the cross mirrored the shape of the letter T. Its customary facing page displays God the Father surrounded by symbols of the evangelists. Woodcut illustrations varied greatly in quality and complexity, however. At times, woodcuts were reductive in compositional simplicity and line, as in the missal (diocese of Rennes) printed in Rouen by Jean Mauditier and Olivier for Robert Macé and Jean Macé in 1500 (ISTC im00688400). Alternatively, the canon woodcuts presented a more complex mise en page as in a manual for the same diocese, likely printed by Olivier for Angier and Jean Macé about 1510 (USTC 112136). Olivier’s intricate woodblocks were reused in a later missal for Rennes, a recycling that highlights the value and durability of blocks. In that instance, an unnamed printer employed the woodblocks for Michel and Girard Angier and Jacques Berthelot at Caen in 1531. A clue to the printer’s identification is found in the phrase “Ex caracteribus Parrhisiis” appearing on its title page; the printer’s identification has prompted much discussion among historians, disputing whether to attribute the editions to Caen or Rennes; Malcolm Walsby summarizes well the typographical and historical discussion among earlier bibliographers. 24 Five editions print this phrase, plus another three attributed by Walsby to the same unnamed printer on the basis of typographic similarities, all dating between 1526 and 1535. Walsby attributes these unsophisticated editions to part-time printer Jean Baudouyn in Rennes. How may we explain the transfer of woodblocks from the printer in Rouen to another in Rennes some twenty years later? Olivier’s last documented edition for Angier and Jean Macé appeared in 1515 (USTC 112128), but Olivier’s typographic material and blocks have been identified in editions printed at Rouen for the same publishers in 1517 (USTC 38319) and in 1519 (USTC 111626). If e­ ditions bearing the phrase “Ex caracteribus Parrhisiis” can be attributed to the Rennes printer Baudouyn, then the blocks likely passed from the Rouen printer via the publisher-bookseller Jean Macé. Whereas illustrated canon pages conform to the customary layout for liturgical service books, works of piety, literature, and logic had no such

142  Shaping a reader’s library illustrative tradition, judging by editions printed for the Norman and Breton markets. For example, the same woodcut of Christ in aureole, blessing with his right hand while holding a cruciform orb in his left, occurs in three works produced by two printers for the associates Angier, Jean Macé, and Richard Macé between 1513 and 1515. First, the woodcut appeared in the logic treatise Summa angelica de casibus conscientie by Angelo Carletti, printed by Hostingue (USTC 112351), and then in the moralizing work, De quattuor virtutibus by Pseudo-Seneca (attributed to Martin of Braga), possibly printed by Hostingue (USTC 112353), and finally in the popular handbook for parish priests, Manipulus curatorum by Guido de Monte Rocherii, printed by Goupil (USTC 110698). 25 The sequential reuse of woodblocks in different contexts by different printers suggests that publishers might have controlled some blocks. 26 Diagrams were infrequent in the region’s early sixteenth-­century editions, and for this reason, the two well-executed diagrams printed by Hostingue in Peter of Spain’s Summulae logicales for Angier and Jean Macé in 1509 stand out as exceptional (USTC 112333). The t­ hirteenth-century treatise on new and old logic was a successful u ­ niversity text in manuscript and later in print.27 The first diagram is captioned, “De contrartis et subalternis” (Figure 5.2) and illustrates the doctrine of the square of opposition, an Aristotelian theory that was complemented by a diagram in the later works of philosophers Apuleius and Boethius.28 Visualizing the four categorical propositions and their affirmative or negative relationships, the metalcut diagram places the oppositions within an elegant lattice, in which the contrariety (“contrarie”) appears at the top and contradiction (“subcontrarie”) at the bottom. More than a simple logic ­diagram, the artistically rendered ­lattice fills the block with curved twigs, foliage, and acorns. The second ­diagram, “Arbor prophiriana” or the Tree of Porphyry (Figure 5.3), illustrates the hierarchical classification of genera and species that was conceptualized by the third-­century Greek logician Porphyry in Isagoge or Introduction to Aristotle’s Categories (Organa); his work be­ ristotelian thought after it was translated came the standard primer to A ­ oethius.29 Hostingue’s diagram, apparently cut by and ­commented upon B the same block ­designer as the first one, may have been modeled after a manuscript ­exemplar because the diagram copied two small grotesques at the bottom, figures more commonly seen in medieval manuscripts. The diagrams in the 1509 edition are well designed and executed as metalcuts, blocks that apparently were no longer in the printer’s possession two years later when he needed to print another diagram of the square of opposition in Jérôme de Hangest’s Problematic logicalica, which instead reproduces a poorly drawn and executed woodcut (USTC 112340). Good diagrams could aid readers to visualize and understand a text, but poor ones only obfuscated learning. In addition to illustrations, other publisher supplements might have a profound impact on a work’s reception and understanding.

Shaping a reader’s library  143

Figure 5.2  Square of opposition diagram. Peter of Spain. Summularum Petri Hispani. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier and Jean Macé, 27 June 1509. Paris, BnF, Rés. R 778 (c2r). © Paris, BnF.

Publishers’ extras In considering a publisher’s supplements to any given text, or peritext in Genette’s coinage, in which paratext comprises both what is within (peritext) or outside (epitext) of a text, 30 this section examines additional front matter: the title page, printer-publisher marks, poems, dedicatory

144  Shaping a reader’s library

Figure 5.3  T he Porphyrian tree. Peter of Spain. Summularum Petri Hispani. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier and Jean Macé, 27 June 1509. Paris, BnF, Rés. R 778 (g3r). © Paris, BnF.

letter, instructions to readers, and alphabetical tables. Some of these elements also occurred as back matter. Supplementary visuals and texts were means by which publishers might enhance their reputation and market books in the competitive trade.

Shaping a reader’s library  145 Title pages Even before publicizing content differences, the title page attracted attention and promoted sales while identifying the content of new editions. The most eye-catching title pages appeared in liturgical/devotional books and schoolbooks printed for the Breton market. Each literary genre had its marketing rationale: Whereas a schoolbook edition faced competing titles, thus encouraging strong product differentiation among publishers, breviaries, missals, manuals, and books of hours served a different function in society and a different readership. Publishers experienced less competition on account of new “copyright” privileges (as discussed in Chapter 4). Early Breton service and devotional books were principally printed in Paris, and their title pages typically illustrate the printer-bookseller mark, the diocesan patron saint, or the Crucifixion. The printer-­ bookseller marks, emphasizing their identity and promoting business competence, seem to dominate earlier editions; later editions, however, replace the mark with a devotional illustration. For example, Breviarium insignis ecclesie Leonensis (St.-Pol de Léon) displays the mark of Parisian publisher Yves Quillévéré, who contracted the edition with Alain Prigent of ­L anderneau from Didier Maheu in 1516 (USTC 183613); however, Quillévéré’s later missal for the same diocese (1526) features the diocesan saint Paul ­Aurelian (USTC 184600). Early provincial publishers adopted the Parisian commercial practice of “branding” title pages. For example, Missale ad usum insignis ecclesie maclouiensis (St.-Malo), which was printed in Rouen for Robert Macé in 1503 (USTC 112043), displays not only his large commercial mark but also, in another conspicuous branding move, it flashes the publisher’s last name on the central stem of the letter M in the title’s bold xylographic woodcut. Some later Breton service books printed in Normandy exchanged the commercial mark for a religious illustration, such as The Crucifixion (USTC 112136). In such cases, title pages commonly had large display type and rubricated keywords—liturgical use, publisher and city names, and saints’ names—to draw attention to them. Extra space might be filled with verse, such as the hexastichon printed in the previously mentioned missal of 1526 addressed to priests (“Ad sacerdotes exhortatio”). 31 Liturgical books were not the only editions to receive attractive and differentiating title pages, however. Schoolbooks had a regular audience as well, but publishing privileges for these texts were rare. Publishers, therefore, anticipated competition and sought to differentiate their editions by their commercial mark, unusual visuals, or new content. A business reputation was important, spurring Jean and Richard Macé to leverage the strong reputation of Robert Macé by branding their own editions with their

146  Shaping a reader’s library late relative’s commercial mark as found in their schoolbook edition of Évrard de Béthune’s Graecismus (USTC 111632), the fourth Macé edition of this work. Their choice of rubricated lettering and woodcuts enhance the edition, stressing by color the publishers’ names and bookshop cities. Focus on the title page’s commercial mark could be achieved in another unusual way: Parabolae, a slim quarto of Alain de Lille’s aphorisms, was published in 1508 by Jean Macé and his associate Angier (USTC 112328) and featured short verses—placed ­vertically—on either side of the commercial mark. Vertically placed verses were exceptional but not new: Witness Martin Havard’s edition of Les lunettes des princes, discussed in Chapter 1. Here, the school text addresses its youthful reader and highlights the learning value of books (“Si virtus animi multum prestare caducis | Creditur excultis nil gignum duxero libris. || Ecce parare tibi post hac studiosa iuventus | Ere potes modico que multo impressimus auro”). Although these verses exhorting young students to read have not been traced, they likely reflect an earlier tradition. Besides commercial marks and verses, another way to leverage the visual impact of an edition’s ­t itle page involved breaking away from the rectangular text-block. Instead, title and author information were composed in a different shape, such as in an inverted triangle or hourglass. Abbreviations, hyphenations, and even changes in the size of typeface helped considerably in shaping the text into the desired hourglass (Figure 5.4). In some cases, the printer seemed to regale in the technical difficulty of tapering the title to the smallest possible point (USTC 112145). Overall, however, most books delivered to the Breton market were not adventuresome in showing technical novelty; rather, they demonstrated a traditional product for the reading public. Title-page differentiation also extended to original content, often emphasized by rubrication as to what was new, improved, or authoritative in the revised editions. “Newly printed” (“Imprime nouvellement”) confirms De remediis utriusque fortune by Adrianus ­Carthusiensis (1506,  USTC 111574) or “correctly translated from Latin to French, newly printed” (“translatee de latin en francoys a la verite du texte. nouvellement imprime”) promotes a later French edition of Jacobus de Voragine’s The Golden Legend (USTC 73466). Other editions ­advertise corrected texts, emended based on the author’s very first copy (“correcta secundum primum exemplar ipsius”) to point out the corrupt nature of earlier editions (“que alie impresse usque in presentem vitio transcriptorum in multis sunt diminute et corrupte”), as boasted in Carletti’s De casibus conscientie (1513, USTC 112351). Editors were lauded for knowledgeable expertise and swift work (“in usus discurrentium mature magistri Vincentii Carrer examine correctum”), as found in John of Garland’s Dictionarius (1509, USTC 112329) or university faculty for their diligent revisions, annotations, and corrections

Shaping a reader’s library  147

Figure 5.4  Shaped title. Les ordonnances royaulx. Rennes: Jean Georget for Thomas Mestrard. Rennes, BM, 76804/2 (title page). Permission of the Bibliothèque de Rennes Métropole.

(“In clarissima Cadomensi universitate commorante diligenter et emendate cum tabula vulgari multisque annotationibus et correctionibus”) as applauded in ­Évrard de Béthune’s Graecismus (c. 1507, USTC 111632). Faculty emenders would often be credited by name and were sometimes provided important space for their own distichs on the edition’s title page. For example, Nicolas Cadier, who had diligently emended and corrected Liber Floreti in 1512 (“cum maxima diligentia de novo emendates et correctus”), also wrote a fourteen-line verse poem that begins, “Floridus hic flores gignens floretus amenos…” featured on the title page (USTC 112344).

148  Shaping a reader’s library Popular works of piety and romance appeared less beholden to custom and exhibited more freedom in the choice of illustration. For example, Le livre des quattre filz previewed the story by displaying a title-page woodcut of the four noble sons astride a single horse (­Figure 5.5). ­A fter its debut as a twelfth-century chanson de geste in verse, the story about ­ harlemagne the four sons of Duke Aymon and their battle against C was transformed into French prose by the mid-­fi fteenth century and experienced broad acclaim in print: Six editions appeared before 1500 and another ten editions before 1550; translations into English and ­G erman occurred at this time as well. 32 Jumping into the bestseller

Figure 5.5  Attractive title-page illustration. Le livre des quattre filz Aymon. [Rouen]: Raulin Gaultier for Michel Angier and Jean Macé, c. 1508–10. Paris, BnF, P Y2–2787 (title page). © Paris, BnF.

Shaping a reader’s library  149 ­market, ­A ngier and Jean Macé published the work as an ­a mply illustrated quarto of more than 300 pages from the Rouen press of Raulin Gaultier. The ­t wenty-three large and mostly square woodcuts (with some repetition within the edition) relieve the pages, densely set in Gothic bâtarde. The woodcuts picture the sons’ games (checkers and tournaments), adventures (capture by the king of Gascony), and battles (castle siege and combat). The title page could thus serve as a marketing locus, a strategy to garner the buyer’s attention. Nor were secular scenes exclusive to secular texts. Stag hunting and frolicking boys and girls are pictured on the title page of Parthenice Catharinaria, a hagiographic poem in praise of St. Catherine of ­A lexandria (1512) (­Figure 5.6). The poem, written by the Carmelite reformer and ­humanist Baptista Spagnoli (d. 1516), often called Mantuanus after the Italian city of Mantua where he resided, was printed with its commentary by Parisian Josse Badius for the three associates Angier, Jean and Richard Macé in 1512 (USTC 112346). The title sold so well that Angier arranged for three more editions in 1517, 1523, and 1524. By these textual and visual means, publishers quickly differentiated their editions for the prospective buyer. Prefaces Publishers often reprinted popular schoolbooks or moralizing treatises with previous commentaries or explanatory prefaces. Alternatively, ­A ngier, Jean Macé, and other publishers turned to contemporary university masters to review and revise original texts. Scholarly participation helped leverage and repackage peritextual or supplemental material in a new edition. For example, Angier and Jean Macé published Comedie, six verse plays by the Roman Republican playwright Terence in 1510 (n.s.) (USTC 112336). The dramatic plays, which were used in schools to learn Latin, appeared in more than forty editions printed in France before 1510. Master Nicolas Cadier reviewed the original text and the later commentaries by Guy Jouenneaux and Josse Badius that had been first published in 1504, likely from Robert Macé’s earlier edition (USTC 110681). The title page rubricates the title and authors, and displays a large woodcut of a horn-playing musician. The greater part of the title page, however, is devoted to Cadier’s epigram to the reader (“Quis neget hunc reliquis clarum prestare poetam…”). Epigrams addressed ad lectorem or ad benignos lectores, or more particularly, ad iuvens, were fairly common at this time. Turning the page, the reader would find Cadier’s prefatory letter praising his esteemed university colleague and ­ tienne Le Brun, licensed in civil law (“hominum private patron Master É ­ cculatissime”). Cadier then acclaims the pubspectatissime et patrone o lisher Angier for bringing together this brilliant work (“qui hoc opus luculentum ita concinnari fecit”). A six-line distich completes the page,

150  Shaping a reader’s library

Figure 5.6  Secular border themes for a hagiographic poem. Baptista Mantuanus. Parthenice Catharinaria. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier, Jean Macé, and Richard Macé, 24 September 1512. *IC.B2296.489pg (title page), Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA.

commending the work’s commentaries by the three authors. 33 ­Badius’s preface and the glossed Comedie, each part differentiated by type size, appear thereafter. Running titles help orient the reader through the plays. The final publisher intervention is the colophon, identifying the work, printer, publishers, and date. This is the common editorial package of Angier’s editions.

Shaping a reader’s library  151 Another publisher’s supplement was the table of contents or alphabetical index to contents, placed near the front or back of the text. Carried over from the manuscript tradition, tables as useful finding devices allowed readers to locate desired subjects in lengthy or dense editions. A table of contents was frequently a list of chapters and headings as found in sequential order, designated as “Tabula rubricum huius operis” (USTC 112145) or, less often, “Index alphabeticus” (USTC 112346). From the tables, the reader would discover chapters and sections by means of running heads and foliation, often emphasized in different type or type size. Such early finding devices showed a publisher’s understanding of the need for a scholarly apparatus in reference and schoolbooks. Publishers would obviously try to select titles for the Breton market in the expectation that copies would sell well and not remain unsold in warehouses. Yet, publishers often felt obligated to justify a new edition, underscoring new or original material, differences often highlighted in larger or rubricated type on the title pages. Product differentiation was well understood by the publisher-bookseller associates Angier, Jean and Richard Macé, whose successful partnership was built on their market knowledge and conservative practices. They did not publish new and original titles; rather, they published reeditions of works that had been printed locally or in Paris. That the associates employed the same few printers, and even persuaded one expert printer—Hostingue—to relocate to Caen, testifies to their sound and long-lasting business practices. University masters, like Guillaume Guéroult, acknowledged the practicality and ingenuity of printing: “How useful indeed has the clever trade of printing contributed to students.”34 The masters also praised the technical ability of Hostingue35 and boasted that instead of procuring books from foreign towns, Caen could provision others; the invention would shine a new light on the University of Caen.36 Due to the associates’ success in printing and distribution in Normandy and Brittany, Breton towns had few local printers expert in complex printing until the later sixteenth century.

Readers and libraries Despite the publishing associates’ success, few of their edition copies survive to this day, making it a very difficult task to investigate and identify their full range of customers. Acquired by purchase, gift, or bequest, and whether read or not, printed books might easily be transferred as moveable property. Discovering book owners is therefore challenging: There are often few internal indications (ex-libris notations and dedications) or external documents (bequests and inventories). ­A lthough the latter may provide titles, they rarely identify specific editions. ­Notwithstanding these challenges, this section collects information that identifies a number of Breton readers and how they acquired and used their printed books. Although the reading tastes of particular Breton lawyers and

152  Shaping a reader’s library merchants remain unknown, some evidence exists about printed books owned by members of the ducal family, Breton nobility, and bishops and priests in Breton dioceses. Ducal family and other Breton nobility Given the political difficulties experienced in late fifteenth-century ­Brittany when François II (d. 1488) lost ducal independence to the French monarchy, it is perhaps not surprising that the ducal family possessed few books and manuscripts. Indeed, the only known printed book owned by François II was Rhetorica, gifted by its author ­Guillaume Fichet in 1471 (ISTC if00147000). 37 The author sent copies to other dignitaries as well, including Pope Sixtus IV, Cardinal Bessarion, and Charles de Bourbon, thus distributing his work widely and beyond French readers. By the time François II’s daughter and granddaughter acquired printed books, Brittany had come under control of the French monarchy and his daughter Anne had married Charles VIII (1491–98) and then Louis XII (1498–1514). Although Anne de Bretagne’s court encouraged and patronized authors, her library primarily contained illuminated manuscripts. Among her nearly fifty titles, only nine printed books are associated with her ownership38: a book of hours in French, published by Gilles Hardouyn in Paris (USTC 182865; Bordeaux BM T 3787 Rés. C); Robert de Saint Martin’s Le Trésor de l’âme, dedicated to her by its author and published by Antoine Vérard in Paris (ISTC ir00202850); a presentation copy of Boccaccio’s De la louenge des nobles et cleres dames, translated into French on the queen’s order and published by Vérard in 1493 (ISTC ib00719000; Paris BnF Vélins 1223); Christine de Pizan’s Le trésor de la cité des dames with Vérard’s dedication in 1497 (ISTC ic00473300; Wien ÖNB Ink 3.D.19); Claude de Seyssel’s Les louenges du roy Louys XII, published by Vérard in 1508, containing a miniature of its author presenting the book to the queen (USTC 8251; Paris BnF Vélins 2780); Publio Fausto Andrelini’s Epistolae Annae Reginae, published for Josse Badius (USTC 182907); Germain de Brie’s Chordigerae navis conflagratio, dedicated to Anne de Bretagne and published in 1513 (USTC 183293; Paris BnF Rés. m. Ye. 68); Cicero’s Illustria monimenta, dedicated by Pietro Marso to Louis XII, and the accompanying De divina natura et divinatione to Anne (“ad Illustrissimam Annam Galliarum Reginam christianissimam”) (USTC 822072); and Jean Lemaire’s Les epîtres de l’Amant Vert, published with Illustrations de Gaule et Singularitez de Troye in 1511 (USTC 52352). Anne’s daughter, Claude (1499–1524), owned a book of hours for the use of Rome, printed in Paris by Simon Vostre in 1507 (USTC 95836), a book that Anne had presumably acquired for her. 39 The few printed books in the queen’s large library suggest her preference for illuminated manuscripts and that she gave little encouragement

Shaping a reader’s library  153 to publishers. As Mary Beth Winn concludes about Antoine Vérard, “The existence of a single one [dedication] to Anne de Bretagne suggests that the publisher found no great rewards in preparing books for the queen.”40 With regard to other Breton nobility, few property inventories list printed books, and few extant printed books display marks of Breton ownership, thus offering few clues of literary preference and taste in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.41 It is known, however, that the wellknown bibliophile Jean de Malestroit (d. 1482), seigneur de Châteaugiron, Derval, and Combourg, and his wife Hélène de Laval (d. 1500) assembled a great collection of manuscripts, including one of the earliest chronicles published in the first decade of printing in Paris.42 The ever popular Les grandes chroniques de France, which had been intermittently updated in the course of its long manuscript history from its original commission by Louis IX in about 1250, was printed in Pasquier Bonhomme’s three-­volume edition in 1477 (ISTC ic00483000).43 ­Bonhomme, grand ­libraire-juré of the Université de Paris since 1468, undertook the ambitious task of publishing the lengthy chronicle, the first text published in French in Paris. Malestroit’s interest in chronicles is evident from his own manuscript collection, which included the chronicles of Jean Froissart, Pierre Le Baud, William de Nangis, Henri Roman, and other compilations. ­Bonhomme’s edition marks the transition between manuscript and print in that it left blank spaces for miniatures and initials to be completed by hand after the book’s purchase. In choosing to publish Les grandes chroniques de France, Bonhomme acknowledged the marketplace’s then current taste for this type of historical chronicle. By producing the folio edition on paper, he ensured the chronicle’s accessibility to a large number of buyers. Bishops and priests in Breton dioceses Chiefly due to the imbalance of evidence for Breton liturgical and service books, we are best informed about the book ownership habits of bishops and priests, although we cannot always conclude their role in book commissions. Not all bishops were in the position to order an edition, relying instead on episcopal administrators. For example, two bishops of Vannes, Lorenzo Cibo de’ Mari (r. 1490–1503) and Antoine Ier Pucci (r. 1531–44), never set foot in their dioceses; other bishops were appointed despite their mental disabilities, namely Claude de Rohan, bishop of Cornouaille from 1501 to 1540.44 On the other hand, as we shall see next, some bishops took a deep interest in diocesan affairs and wanted to reform the education and behavior of priests and provide uniform recitations for Mass. Afterward, we shall turn to evidence, however meager, for clerical possession of nonliturgical books to gain at least a glimpse of personal literary preferences. In all, the book testimony helps provide a nuanced view of religious concerns and interests in late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century Brittany.

154  Shaping a reader’s library One of the earliest bishops to take advantage of the invention of printing for Breton diocesan affairs was Pierre du Chaffault, bishop of Nantes from 1477 to 1487. Shortly after his appointment, he ordered the first print edition of the synodic statutes, a reissue of statutes promulgated by his predecessors, to ensure the broad distribution of a uniform text to diocesan priests. Completed on 14 May 1478, the edition forbids clerics to frequent taverns and keep women; other statutes proscribe priestly dress and address the sacrament of matrimony and controversial practices of priests holding multiple benefices (ISTC is00749550).45 Chaffault issued a second statute edition in 1481, but it is known today only in manuscript.46 His concern for clerical dignity and propriety perhaps motivated him to commission a printed breviary and missal for his diocese in 1480 and 1482, thus providing reliable texts for Mass and office to priests. Chaffault had likely seen printed liturgical editions as early as 1466. In that year, he entered the priesthood in ceremonies at old St. Peter’s basilica, Rome, at which time he was also ordained subdeacon of the parish church of Orvault in Nantes.47 The incipit of the breviary underscores Chauffault’s desire for priests to have access to a good liturgical edition (“Curavit vir reverendus D.D. Petrus Du Chaffault, episcopus Nannetensis, ut breviaria sua ubique gens Britannica haberit, ideōque ea imprima mandavit, ut non essent tantum litteris, verum etiam ut castigatissima sui omnes haberent et tenerent”) (GW 05408). Chaffault turned to his local bookseller ­Guillaume Tousé to arrange its commission in 1480 from printer Franz Renner of Heilbronn, active in Venice from 1471 to 1483.48 Not long after, in 1482, the bishop requested a missal, which was printed “by the care and diligence” of associates Bartholomaeus de Blavis, Andreas Torresanus, and Mapheus de Paterbonis in Venice (ISTC im00676200). The printers left blank spaces for initials to be hand-­finished. These three printed editions suggest that the bishop understood the value of printing as a means to control religious matters. The commissions also demonstrate the distant commercial connections among booksellers. An analogous desire for religious reform infused the episcopate of Yves Mahyeuc, bishop of Rennes from 1507 to 1541, who served also as confessor to Queen Anne de Bretagne (1491–1514).49 Dominican, author, and poet, Mahyeuc owned numerous books and manuscripts, containing religious sermons, theological treatises, and liturgy.50 While bishop, he commissioned eight service books for his diocese and financed the Latin verse poetry of Marbode, bishop of Rennes from 1088 to 1099.51 For these commissions, which included two manuals, two breviaries, two missals, and possibly one diurnal, he turned to Jean Macé, the ­publisher-bookseller in Rennes, or to his Norman associates. The publishers produced second editions, justifying them in noting necessary revisions, additions, and corrections (“emendatum cum pluribus additionibus et missis de novo adiunctis correctis et emendates”) or in identifying revisions made at the bishop’s command (“de precepto

Shaping a reader’s library  155 reverendissimi in Christo patris et domini domini Ivonis”). The probable chronological sequence of printing appears to reflect changes in the associates’ business: The earliest two editions of a manual (c. 1510) and a breviary (1512) were printed in Rouen; the second breviary (1514) and missal (1523) were produced in Paris by the skilled printers ­Thielman Kerver and Jean Kerbriant; and, finally, the second missal (1531), the second manual (1533), and the Liber Marbodi (1524) were probably printed in Rennes by Jean Baudouyn. On the basis of typographic material, the two unsigned editions from Rouen have been attributed to Olivier and Martin Morin or to their followers; the associates’ primary printer, Hostingue, was not involved in these liturgical editions. Their decision to hire Kerver and Kerbriant acknowledged the Parisians’ particular expertise in producing complex liturgical editions, printed in red and black and illustrated with woodcuts. Ultimately, the arrival of ­Baudouyn in Rennes finally provided a local printing option, where a professional printer had been absent for many decades. The heightened spiritual interest of Denis Briçonnet, bishop of St.-Malo (r. 1513–35), in his Breton diocese and his subsequent book commissions seems to have followed a religious awakening due to the cult of the Augustinian nun Veronica da Binasco in Italy. Until then, he had not been involved in his episcopate of Toulon, which was administered by his father Guillaume Briçonnet, a former merchant, now cardinal bishop of St.-Malo and royal secretary of the treasury. From 1511 to 1519, Denis and his brother Guillaume, bishop of Meaux, frequently traveled to Italy to attend councils as royal ambassadors. Upon meeting Arcangela Panigarola (1468–1524), a nun of the Augustinian convent of Santa Marta in Milan and a disciple of Veronica Negroni of Binasco, Denis learned of Veronica’s visions of Christ and religious ecstasies. After Veronica’s death in 1497, Arcangela became the convent’s prioress, and in her prophecies, she recognized Denis Briçonnet as the Angelic Pope.52 Denis and others persuaded Pope Leo X in 1517 to issue a bull allowing Veronica’s veneration in her convent as if her beatification had been approved in the regular process. Arcangela’s spiritual beliefs galvanized the brothers to seek religious renewal within the French church. At the death of their father in 1514, Denis became bishop of St.-Malo and ordered the diocesan statuta to be published in Latin and French in May 1515; two years later, he commissioned a breviary. 53 He also wrote prefaces in Latin and French for Jean Gerson’s Linstruction des curez pour instruire le simple peuple, encouraging curates to begin service or Mass with a reading from Gerson’s work, even if it meant shortening prayer to accommodate it. In return, he rewarded curates, teachers, and others with forty days of pardon while listeners and readers were rewarded with twenty days of pardon. 54 The bishop held three synods in quick succession in St.-Malo in 1522, 1525, and 1531, all resulting in printed editions of statutes, suggestive of his attempt at reform. 55

156  Shaping a reader’s library Inventories of other Breton clerical libraries reveal a focus on theology and jurisprudence. For example, Master Prigent Le Barbu, canon and treasurer at Tréguier cathedral, itemized 200 books and manuscripts in the cathedral library in 1491, including his own donation of 96 volumes of theology, sermons, and writings on moral and religious piety.56 Only seven items, however, were printed books. This unusually detailed inventory identifies the editions, dating from 1470 and 1483; all of these were printed outside France: Mainz (Peter Schoeffer), Basel (Michael Wenssler and Bernhard Richel), Mantua (Paulus de Butzbach), and ­Bruges (­Colard Mansion). Unfortunately, inventoried items have not been matched to extant volumes. Without information about the earlier book owners and how these books were acquired, it is impossible to know whether the geographic assortment demonstrates the itinerancy of the Tréguier clerics or the availability of foreign printed books in France. In contrast, the nature of a book acquisition by Guillaume Talsout of Guémené (Morbihan) is known, thanks to the cleric’s meticulous inscription in the extant volume. On 12 July 1515, Talsout bought a copy of Balbi’s Catholicon, printed in Rouen by Olivier in 1511, at the fair in St.-Malo for 20 sous 10 deniers.57 The thirteenth-century Italian dictionary was one of the earliest and the most reprinted Latin grammars, and its popularity continued into the sixteenth century, witnessed by Olivier’s edition printed for Angier and Jean Macé with additional funding from Pierre Regnault (Caen) and François Regnault (Paris). The co-financing reveals its intended wide distribution in Paris, Normandy, and Brittany. Indeed, the associates had placed their Catholicon at the St.-Malo fair and very likely at other regional fairs, a marketing practice that was an established part of their extended distribution system. 58 The posthumous inventory of cleric Hamon Barbier (d. 1544) reflects his thirty-year pathway from simple canon to wealthy grand vicaire of Léon and counselor to the Parlement de Bretagne. Known for ruthless ambition (“une ambition fortement teintée d’âpreté au gain”), Barbier accumulated multiple and well-remunerated benefices (prébendes).59 His luxurious house, besides retaining silver cups and tapestries, also contained a library of some sixty manuscripts and printed books, the majority pertaining to theology and jurisprudence. Yet, among these, we also find a few literary and historical works by Roman authors Cicero, Aulus Gellius, Quintus Curtius Rufus, Persius, and Valerius Maximus as well as the later Gesta Britonum and Le Grand Herbier en franczois by Albertus Magnus. Barbier certainly also possessed a breviary for St.-Pol de Léon that he brought into print in 1516, according to its dedication. The breviary is described as “recently corrected, recollected, emended, and neatened, with many summaries,” with credit given to canons François Le Veyer and Guillaume Fougay. For its complex printing in red and black and woodcut illustrations, Barbier turned to fellow Bretons Quillévéré, bookseller in Paris, and Alain Prigent, bookseller in Morlaix

Shaping a reader’s library  157 (USTC 183613).60 Upon Barbier’s death, so many benefices became available all at once that Pope Julius III, surprised by the many requests and recommendations, is said to have wondered if all the prébendiers in Brittany had died at the same time.61 In this period, books were still prized and inventoried in detail. However, by the 1520s, inventories more often than not overlooked whether a book was manuscript or printed. The number of volumes mentioned in inventories decreased, according to Bozzolo and Ornato, even though libraries had increased in size in previous decades; the book began to lose its value as a precious and expensive object.62 Certainly, mere possession does not equate with reading. Were readers attentive to their books and their contents? Readers in the Breton marketplace By the late fifteenth century when printed books filtered into the market, critical developments in reading and text layouts had already materialized in manuscript books. Oral dissemination of ideas existed alongside literate readers; oral dictation of a text and public reading also informed compositional organization and textual punctuation, as discussed earlier, even while silent reading became more common, especially for spiritual contemplation.63 Private reading styles and learning strategies continued from script to print, including the activities of marking, annotating, and note-taking, as discussed by H.J. Jackson, Ann Blair, and others.64 Most of these strategies can be glimpsed from the glossing, underlining, corrections, and annotations left by readers. Schoolboys were taught to read and underline texts as a way to focus their attention in the first stage of the learning process. As part of the private or “swift” reading strategy (Saenger), underlining depended in part on the reader’s purpose: A university scholar might peruse a text for specific information rather than reading from start to finish. The pedagogical habit continued into professional practice, regardless of subject matter. For example, underlining is found in jurisprudence, such as in Ordonnances royaulx of 1541 (Rennes BM 76804/2) and also in clerical instruction, such as in Boussard’s De continentia sacerdotum (Paris St-Gen 8 D 3550 RES 3899/1). Printers Sensenschmidt and Frisner advised readers to underline parts of the text that they had been unable to print, acknowledging, that though difficult for the reader, it would help him to remember it better, “more than would be possible from reading it ten times over.”65 Once underlined, passages could be more easily retrieved again or serve in the next steps of learning. Upon reading a text, however, a reader might notice errors and want to make corrections in the margin. As we observed in Chapter 1, a reader of Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes detected a whole line missing from his text and took pains to write in the missing words, presumably from a better exemplar (Paris BnF Rés. YE 285). Another attentive reader of

158  Shaping a reader’s library a different edition of Les lunettes noticed words missing from the end of lines and inserted them (Paris BnF Rés. YE 284). A reader of a 1528 Coustumes de Bretaigne corrected an erroneous initial letter (Cambridge Harvard Law School N BRIT 528). A reader of a missal for St.-Malo was undoubtedly startled to find a whole corner missing its text, which he then neatly corrected onto hand-ruled lines (Rennes BM R 10069). Traditional learning methods led to the practice of interlinear schoolbooks. The double-spaced text allowed students more easily to mark or “gloss” unknown words, writing word-for-word equivalents between the lines of a manuscript or printed book. Glossing was imperative, according to Egbert of Liège: “You who rummage in the writings of Virgil without glossing them pick only at the shell without tasting the nut.”66 The next phase of learning was note-taking, which often involved writing in the book’s margins, sometimes referred to as a marginal gloss. Schoolbooks and legal compendia, in particular, were more heavily annotated by readers than other genres. The pages of law books, consulted as reference, received “see also” references (Supra…Infra) (Rennes BM 76804/2) or succinct summaries (Rennes BM Rés. 89858/3). Written often in a compressed cursive script to fit into the margin, these comments are regularly truncated if the volume is later rebound. Trimmed pages, for instance, shortened a reader’s cursive scrawl in his schoolbook of Cato, the most popular aid to learning Latin (Paris Mazarine, Inc. 428A-6). The final step in the learning process was copying information into a “commonplace book,” a bound, usually unlined, small paper book. The increased supply of paper at this time helped in its growing popularity. The commonplace book might be organized thematically, as the Dutch theologian Erasmus (d. 1536) advised, with headings such as piety, remarkable memory, extraordinary eloquence, and subtlety of intellect, among others, to help retrieve information (De Copia, 1512). Moreover, he concluded, the method “has the double advantage of fixing what you have read more firmly in your mind, and getting you into the habit of using the riches supplied by your reading.”67 The popularity of commonplace books may also have been stimulated, as Ann Blair suggests, by a desire to stockpile information and by a growing awareness of the extensive loss of ancient literature.68 However motivated, the learning process followed by Erasmus and many others offers a glimpse into the intellectual process in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in which marginal annotations figure significantly and should therefore no longer be considered “peripheral.” Rather, annotations show reading strategies within a specific historical context. Because ways of reading and reading purposes might differ in particular contexts, the creation and production of texts responded as we have seen with a consideration of presentation. Printer-publishers for the Breton market mediated between the absent author and the prospective reader in deciding on book formats and page layouts, taking into

Shaping a reader’s library  159 account various ways that a reader might locate information in the text and understand it. For publishers of books on the Breton market, the au­ nowledge thor was generally absent because this market wanted either k of recently approved customs and laws or liturgical and religious books by traditional authors. As mentioned from the outset, the book trade in Brittany, after the earliest printings in the 1480s, offered little verse poetry by contemporary authors. One exception was Meschinot’s Les lunettes des princes. Meschinot’s works and those of his contemporaries, however, did not interest regional publishers as they did in Paris where some poets took more control over their published writings.69 The geographic and historical context of Brittany was thus different from adjacent regions, so that marketing a booklist in Brittany could be distinct from the practices of the local market in Normandy. To do well in the marketplace, publishers needed to be informed of the different types of readers and the desired literary genres in each geographic area. Different ways of reading relate to the purpose of reading, as demonstrated by our Breton examples. Reading could be public and oral and intended for learning, such as in a small group of students, or intended for devotion as in a larger community of parishioners. Reading could also be private and silent for solitary learning or for reference consultation. By the early modern era, most printed books facilitated the activity of reading because of their clear and legible typefaces, a greater standardization of punctuation, and depending often on the literary genre, the supplementary apparatus of foliation and tables. As we have seen in our study of books printed or sold in Brittany to 1550, the majority was for liturgy and devotion (27 percent) and civil law (26 percent). How do Bretons’ buying habits compare more broadly with those of other early modern libraries? We can associate our results first to the literary genre distribution of fifteenth-century manuscripts and then of sixteenth-century printed books. Of tallies of fifteenth-­century manuscripts, Bozzolo and Ornato estimate that 16 percent were liturgical in genre, and 11 percent were jurisprudence; the majority (42 percent) was on the subjects of theology or spirituality.70 Among sixteenth-­century Amienois inventories, printed religious books made up the majority, and nearly half were books of hours; jurisprudence was the second most popular genre.71 In sixteenth-century Paris, however, the inventoried libraries belonged to men of law or rich merchants, and their primary collected literary genre was jurisprudence.72 Other popular genres among the ­Parisian libraries were Bibles, the Golden Legend, and in cultivated circles, scholastic works and French translations of Boccaccio and Lorenzo Valla. Other studies of sixteenth-century Parisian libraries demonstrate the considerable success of history books, in particular those by Livy, Flavius-Josephus, and Valerius Maximus, as well as romance, which constituted a tenth of libraries’ holdings.73 These literary interests have little counterpoint in our publication lists for the Breton market.It is also

160  Shaping a reader’s library important to note that many ephemeral titles of indulgences issued as broadsides, small collections of prayers, and alphabet books have disappeared and now leave little trace. In general, the preponderance of liturgical and juridical titles in the Breton book market show parallels elsewhere in France. Moreover, Albert Labarre’s extensive examination of the ­Gesamtkatalog and the Index aureliensis concludes that editions of long popular me­ agnus, dieval texts decreased about 1520, such as titles by Albertus M ­Alexandre de Villa Dei, Guillaume Alexis, Balbi, and Carletti. The change, he suggests, may be related to the time period of Martin Luther and his influential writings, and the expansion of humanist writings.74 It is not evident, however, that such a sea change occurred at the same time in the Breton book trade. Editions of Luther’s texts were published in Paris after 1520, but editions were not published in Caen until after 1560. Fewer editions of the popular medieval texts noted earlier were directed at the Breton market after 1513, but whether this reflects a change in business practice of the Norman-Breton associates or a change influenced by humanists on traditional education is unknown. Indeed, the few humanist editions published by Bretons or for the Breton market (two works by Baptista Mantuanus and one by Andrelini) make it impossible to confirm Labarre’s observations for the early modern book market in Brittany. Books published outside the region were no doubt offered in the Breton marketplace as well, but we are hindered by a lack of evidence. Trying to draw inferences about publishing and reading in early modern ­Brittany and the region’s commercial connections to other parts of France is hampered by the slim survival of books, contracts, and inventories. Yet, given the dissemination of the edition copies that we know about, it can be fairly certain that, though Brittany was geographically peripheral to the larger markets of Caen, Rouen, Paris, and Lyon, Breton readers were not left out of the book market and the circulation of ideas that ensued.

Notes 1 Michael Scot, Mensa philosophica, book II, quoted by Barbara C. Bowen, One Hundred Renaissance Jokes. An Anthology (Birmingham, AL: Summa Publications, 1988), pp. 20–21. 2 Scholars have calculated the number of editions and print-runs and have reached different conclusions. The number of incunable editions is variously estimated at 30,000–40,000 and sixteenth-century editions as high as 200,000. However, there is agreement that print-runs varied over time; that some literary genres, such as liturgical service books, had higher print-runs; and that innumerable editions have been lost. See Henri-Jean Martin, “Ce qu’on lisait à Paris au XVIe siècle,” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 21/1 (1959): 222–30 (229); Paul Needham, “Counting Incunables: The IISTC CD-ROM,” Huntington Library Quarterly 61/3–4 (1998): 456–529; Joseph A. Dane, The Myth of Print Culture. Essays on Evidence, Textuality, and Bibliographical Method (Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 2003), pp. 32–56; Jonathan

Shaping a reader’s library  161 Green, Frank McIntyre, and Paul Needham, “The Shape of Incunable Survival and Statistical Estimation of Lost Editions,” PBSA 105/2 (2011): 141–75. 3 Rudolf Hirsch, “Title Pages in French Incunables, 1486–1500,” GutenbergJahrbuch (1978): 63–66; Malcolm Parkes, Pause and Effect. An Introduction to the History of Punctuation in the West (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1992); Ursula Rautenberg, Das Titelblatt. Die Entstehung eines typographischen Dispositivs im frühen Buchdruck (Nürnberg: Buchwissenschaft, Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, 2004); Hendrik D.L. Vervliet, The Palaeotypography of the French Renaissance: Selected Papers on Sixteenth-­C entury Typefaces, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2008); Margaret M. Smith, The Title-Page, Its Early Development, 1460–1510 (London: British Library, 2000); ibid., “Red as a Textual Element during the Transition from Manuscript to Print,” in ­Textual Cultures: Cultural Texts, eds. Orietta Da Rold and Elaine T ­ reharne (Cambridge: Brewer, 2010), pp. 187–200. 4 Adrian Armstrong, Technique and Technology. Script, Print, and Poetics in France, 1470–1550 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000); Jane H.M. Taylor, The Making of Poetry: Late-Medieval French Poetic Anthologies (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007); David McKitterick, “How Can We Tell If People Noticed Changes in Book Design?” Jaarboek voor Nederlandse boekgeschiedenis 19 (2012): 11–31; Bonnie Mak, How the Page Matters (Toronto, ON: Toronto UP, 2011). 5 Rejecting the strong transitional aspects of Walter Ong’s Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (London: Methuen, 1982) and Paul Saenger’s “Silent Reading: Its Impact on Late Medieval Script and Society,” Viator 13 (1982): 367–414, Joyce Coleman explores aurality and the written text in her Public Reading and the Reading Public in Late Medieval England and France (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1996). On oral reading in a social setting during the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, see Roger Chartier, “Leisure and ­Sociability: Reading Aloud in Early Modern Europe” (trans. Carol Mossman), in Urban Life in the Renaissance, eds. Susan Zimmerman and Ronald F.E. Weissman (Newark, DE: University of Delaware Press, 1988), pp. 103–20. 6 Robert Darnton, “What Is the History of Books?” Daedalus 111/3 (1982): 65–83; “What Is the History of the Book? Revisited,” Modern Intellectual History 4/3 (2007): 495–508; Armstrong, Technique and Technology; Ezio Ornato and Carla Bozzolo, eds., La face cachée du livre médiéval: l’histoire du livre (Rome: Viella, 1997); Paul Saenger, “The Impact of the Early Printed Page on the History of Reading,” Bulletin du bibliophile 2 (1996): 237–300. 7 For an earlier discussion of literary genre classifications of early books and manuscripts, see Diane Booton, Manuscripts, Market, and the Transition to Print in Late Medieval Brittany (Farnham: Ashgate, 2010), pp. 206–210. The literary classifications are borrowed from John Friedman’s Northern English Books, Owners, and Makers in the Late Middle Ages (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse UP, 1995). 8 Walsby, The Printed Book in Brittany, 1484–1600 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), App. B, pp. 314–18. 9 Arthur Tilley, “The University of Caen and the Dawn of the Renaissance,” in Fasciculus Ioanni Willis Clark dicatus, ed. A.J. Mason (Cambridge: Typis academicis impressus, 1909), pp. 378–92 (387). 10 Ibid., pp. 387–88. See Léopold Delisle, Catalogue des livres imprimés ou publiés à Caen avant le milieu du XVIe siècle: suivi de recherches sur les imprimeurs et les libraires de la même ville, 2 vols. (Caen: Delesques, 1903–4), II, pp. cxi, 51–52. 11 Michel Nassiet, “L’Université de Nantes et ses facultés (1492–1735),” in Histoire de l’Université de Nantes: 1460–1993, ed. Gérard Emptoz (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2002), pp. 27–38.

162  Shaping a reader’s library 12 The importance of punctuation for reading and understanding is emphasized by Parkes, who also notes that printing helped the adoption and normalization of punctuation, Pause and Affect, pp. 41, 69–70, 87–88; Alexei Laurentiev, “Les changements dans les pratiques de la ponctuation liés au développement de l’imprimerie à la fin du XVe et au début du XVIe siècle,” in La Ponctuation à la Renaissance, eds. Nathalie Dauvois and Jacques ­Dürrenmatt (Paris: Classiques Garnier, 2011), pp. 31–56. Cf. Adriano ­Cappelli, Lexicon abbreviaturarum. dizionario di abbreviature latine ed italiane usate nelle carte e codici specialmente del medio-evo riprodotte con oltre 14000 segni incisi, 6th ed. (Milan: Hoepli, 1967). 13 Laurentiev, “Les changements dans les pratiques de la ponctuation liés au développement de l’imprimerie à la fin du XVe et au début du XVIe siècle,” p. 34. 14 Kerry Cooke, “Signature Style: Outmoded vs. Unconventional in Robert Waldegrave’s Printing Practices,” 93/2 De Gulden Passer (2015): 161–73. 15 R.A. Sayce, “Compositorial Practices and the Localization of Printed Books, 1530–1800,” The Library 21/1 (1966): 1–45. 16 Daniel Berkeley Updike, Printing Types. Their History, Forms, and Use. A Study in Survivals, 2 vols. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1951), I, pp. 82–92. On roman type, see Hendrik D.L. Vervliet, The Palaeotypography of the French Renaissance: Selected Papers on Sixteenth-Century Typefaces, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2008). 17 The single extant copy is held by Lincoln Cathedral Library, Oo 7 19 (3); see René Pocard du Cosquer de Kerviler, Répertoire général de bio-­ bibliographie bretonne, 9 vols. (Rennes: J. Plihon, 1886–1906), I, p. 259; Catalogue of the Wren Library of Lincoln Cathedral: Books Printed Before 1801, comp. Clive Hurst (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1982), no. 240. 18 Elizabeth Upper, “Red Frisket Sheets, ca. 1490–1700: The Earliest Artifacts of Color Printing in the West,” PBSA 108/4 (2014): 477–522; Ad Stijnman and Elizabeth Savage, eds., Printing Colour 1400–1700: History, Techniques, Functions and Receptions (Leiden: Brill, 2015). 19 See Margaret M. Smith, “Printing Red Underlines in the Incunable Period: Sensenschmidt and Frisner’s 1475 Edition of Justinian’s Codex,” Journal of the Printing Historical Society 10 n.s. (2007): 45–57 (53); Margaret M. Smith, “Red as a Textual Element during the Transition from Manuscript to Print,” in Textual Cultures: Cultural Texts, eds. Orietta Da Rold and Elaine Treharne (Cambridge: Brewer, 2010), pp. 187–200. 20 Margaret M. Smith and Alan May, “Early Two-Colour Printing,” Bulletin of the Printing Historical Society 44 (1997): 1–4 (1). 21 See Margaret M. Smith, “The Design Relationship between the Manuscript and the Incunable,” in A Millennium of the Book: Production, Design & Illustration in Manuscript and Print, 900 –1900, eds. Robin Myers and ­M ichael Harris (Winchester: St. Paul’s Bibliographies, 1994), pp. 23–43. 22 McKitterick, “How Can We Tell If People Noticed Changes in Book Design?” pp. 11–31. 23 Armstrong, Technique and Technology, pp. 1–15. 24 Walsby, The Printed Book, pp. 78–85; items are specified by Delisle, Caen, II, nos. 125, 126, 201, 243, 288, 330. 25 RB 27: 52, 47. 26 The same has been said about the publisher Vérard, see Annie Parent, Les métiers du livre à Paris au XVIe siècle (1535–1560) (Geneva: Droz, 1974), pp. 83–84; Mary Beth Winn, Anthoine Vérard: Parisian Publisher 1485–1512. Prologues, Poems, and Presentations (Geneva: Droz, 1997), p. 30.

Shaping a reader’s library  163 27 For Peter of Spain, see Francis P. Dinneen, Peter of Spain: Language in Dispute. An English Translation of Peter of Spain’s Tractatus, Called Afterwards Summulae logicales: On the Basis of the Critical Edition Established by L.M. de Rijk (Amsterdam: J. Benjamins Pub. Co., 1990), pp. 19–20 (“On predictables”). There were twelve previous editions of this work, printed primarily in Paris in the years 1481–99, as well as one at Rouen by Jacques Le Forestier in about 1495, containing the commentary by Georges de Bruxelles and edited by Thomas Bricot. Angier later contracted with Richard Goupil for another edition between 1510 and 1518 (dated by P. Aquilon in the RB; USTC 201871), but then he reverted to Hostingue for yet another edition in 1512. Later, Pierre Olivier produced another edition for Pierre Regnault (Caen) and François Regnault (Paris) in 1516. 28 Terence Parsons, “The Traditional Square of Opposition,” The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2017 edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), accessed 18 November 2017, https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/square/. 29 Paul Studtmann, “Aristotle’s Categories” in Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (rev. 5 November 2013), accessed 18 November 2017, https://plato. stanford.edu/entries/aristotle-categories/. 30 Gérard Genette, Seuils (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1987), trans. by Jane E. Lewin as Paratexts. Thresholds of Interpretation (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997), p. 16; see also Gérard Genette and Marie Maclean, “Introduction to the Paratext,” New Literary History 22/2 (1991): 261–72. 31 The same stanza, beginning “Qui divina cupit summo libamina patri,” had appeared in the 1523 edition of a Rennes missal printed by Jean Kerbriant of Paris for Jean Macé and Sulpice Le Franc (USTC 180923); however, the stanza has a longer history, having appeared on the title page of a ­Langres missal published by Jean Petit in 1517 (USTC 183759). Louis Marcel, Les livres liturgiques du diocèse de Langres: étude bibliographique (Paris: Picard, 1892), I, p. 135. 32 According to Sarah Baudelle-Michels, most early printed editions in prose are part of family A, the “traditional version”; see “Renaut de Montauban – prosevulgate,”accessed18November2017,http://users2.unimi.it/lavieenproses/ index.php/titres/97-renaut-de-montauban-quatre-fils-aimon. See also Georges Doutrepont, Les mises en prose des épopées et des romans chevaleresques du XIVe au XVIe siècle (Brussels: Palais des Académies, 1939), pp. 184–219. 33 “In commendationem triplicis | commentarij hexasticon ejusdem. Ardua vix olim Donati sensa iuuentus | Contigit: in mediis pene hebetata viis | Hinc pia succendit Guidonis dextera tedam: | Que rudibus lucet: molleque sternit iter. | Si qua tamen fuerat nubis caligo relicte | Spargit Apollineam fax Badiana diem.| Finis.” 34 “Quantam enim utilitatem id artificium imprimendi ingeniosissimum studiosis hominibus attulerit…” published by Delisle, Caen, II, pp. 16–17. Michel Angier in his epigram commended the invented craft of printing; the “Epigramma in artis impressorie inventoris commendationem” is reproduced by Delisle, Caen, II, p. 3. 35 “Provida que docti sudavit cura Hostingui,” published by Delisle, Caen, II, pp. 18–19; “Non possum non vehementer tuum laudare consilium Laurenti ingeniosissime quo singular baptiste mantuani opera tue impressioni committenda sapienter constituisti” (Delisle, Caen, I, p. 33; USTC 112408). 36 “Eam igitur artem, tot laudibus cumulatissimam, nostre Universitatis dotes perguam egregias non parum amplificare crediderim.” Delisle, Caen, II, pp. 16–17.

164  Shaping a reader’s library 37 Although the ducal copy has not been traced, Fichet’s letter of presentation survives in a manuscript copy, dated 13 September 1471 (Paris BnF Rés. Z 1684, ff. 14r-v). Diane Booton, “Guillaume Fichet’s Literary Gift to Duke François II of Brittany,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 53 (2009): 121–32. 38 For a list of titles in her library, see Ernest Quentin-Bauchart, Les femmes bibliophiles de France (XVIe, XVIIe, XVIIIe siècles), 2 vols. (Paris: Morgand, 1886), II, pp. 374–82; and Cynthia J. Brown, The Queen’s Library: Image-Making at the Court of Anne of Brittany, 1477–1514 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), pp. 307–9. For editions published by Vérard, see Winn, Anthoine Vérard, pp. 97, 114–15, 134–36, 191, 362–69. 39 The first folio displays her coat of arms and her name inscribed in gold on a scroll. Quentin-Bauchart, II, p. 384 (ex-coll. Baron Roger Portalis). 40 Winn, Anthoine Vérard, p. 136. 41 Six Breton posthumous inventories are known before 1550; see Michel Nassiet, “Les activités d’un petit noble au début du XVIe siècle d’après son inventaire après décès,” Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l’Ouest 100 (1993): 165–78, who mentions five inventories in his notes. In addition, see Alain ­Gallicé, “Inventaires après décès d’un agriculteur (1392) et d’un représentant de la moyenne noblesse (1563) du pays guérandais,” Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l’Ouest 107 (2000): 15–42. Three other unpublished inventories may itemize books of Bretons living in Paris, see Madeline Jurgens, Documents du minutier central des notaires de Paris. Inventaires après décès, 2 vols. (Paris: AN, 1982), I, nos. 188, 262, 1157, viewed 18 November 2017, www.siv.archives-nationales.culture.gouv.fr/mm/media/download/FRAN_ ANX_008010.pdf. 42 Jeanne Dupic, “Un bibliophile breton du XVe s., Jean de Derval,” in Trésors des bibliothèques de France: Manuscrits, incunables, livres rares, dessins, estampes, objets d’art, curiosités bibliographiques, eds. R. Cantinelli and A. Boinet, 6 vols. (Paris: G. Van Oest, 1925–38) V, pp. 157–62; Booton, Manuscripts, pp. 298–301. 43 Malestroit’s copies are: Paris Bibl. Arsenal RES FOL-H-1582, vols. 1, 3; and Rouen BM Inc. g 13, vol. 2. Claudin, Histoire, I, pp. 172–77, reproduces the frontispiece. For the Chroniques, see Les grandes chroniques de France, ed. Jules Viard, 10 vols. (Paris: Société de l’histoire de France, 1920–53); for its creation and narrative extension, see Bernard Guenée, “The Grandes ­Chroniques de France: The Roman of Kings (1274–1518),” trans. John Goodman, in Rethinking France: Les Lieux de Mémoire, ed. Pierre Nora, 4 vols. (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2001–10), IV, pp. 205–30 (220, 222). 44 Hervé du Halgouet, “Claude de Rohan, évêque de Cornouaille (1479–1540),” Société archéologique du Finistère (1921): 3–8. 45 The edition omits the printer’s name, but the typographic material has been associated with the unnamed printer of Johannes de Fabrica’s Tractatus de indulgentiis (Catalogues régionaux V, p. 865). For the text, see ­E dmond Martène and Ursin Durand, Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, 5 vols. ­(Lutetiae Parisiorum: Sumptibus F. Delaulne, 1717), IV. Varia concilia, episcoporum statuta synodalia, cols. 1013–1015. 46 Ibid., IV, cols. 1015–1017. 47 Jussi Hanska, “Career Prospects of Minor Curialists in the Fifteenth Century,” in Church and Belief in the Middle Ages. Popes, Saints, and Crusaders, eds. Kirsi Salonen and Sari Katajala-Peltomaa (Amsterdam: Amsterdam UP, 2016), pp. 63–84 (63). 48 Tousé sold books not only in Nantes but also elsewhere in the duchy via traveling booksellers; Booton, Manuscripts, pp. 120, 228. 49 Paul-Bernard Hodel posits the existence of two Dominicans of the same name, possibly uncle and nephew; the former was a master in theology and

Shaping a reader’s library  165

50 51

52

53

54

55 56 57 58

59 60 61

Anne de Bretagne’s confessor, until the latter was named bishop. “Magister Yvo: l’un et l’autre Yves Mahyeuc au service de leur Ordre, de sa réforme et du Royaume,” in Yves Mahyeuc 1462–1541. Rennes en Renaissance, eds. Augustin Pic and Georges Provost (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2010), pp. 109–26. See also Amédée Guillotin de Courson, Pouillé historique de l’archevêché de Rennes, 6 vols. (Rennes: Fougeray, 1880–86), I, pp. 83–85. Lionel Rousseau, “La Questio perpulchra, une œuvre d’Yves Mahyeuc dédiée à Louise de Savoie,” in Yves Mahyeuc 1462–1541. Rennes en Renaissance, pp. 127–44. Sarah Toulouse, “À la recherche de la bibliothèque d’Yves Mahyeuc. Les Dominicains de Rennes et leurs livres au XVIe siècle,” in Yves Mahyeuc 1462–1541. Rennes en Renaissance, pp. 151–57. Concerning Liber Marbode, see Walsby, The Printed Book, p. 77. Mahyeuc may have authored poetry in Breton, see Gwennolé Le Menn, “Un Veni Creator latin-breton dédié à Anne de Bretagne en 1505,” Études Celtiques 16 (1979): 223–32 (224–25). Gabriella Zarri, “Living Saints: A Typology of Female Sanctity in the Early Sixteenth Century,” in Women and Religion in Medieval and Renaissance Italy, eds. Daniel Bornstein, Roberto Rusconi; trans. Margery J. Schneider (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1996), pp. 219–303 (226–27); Tamar Herzig, Savonarola’s Women: Visions and Reform in Renaissance Italy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2008), pp. 157–58. André Artonne, Louis Guizard, and Odette Pontal, Répertoire des statuts synodaux des diocèses de l’ancienne France du XIIIe à la fin du XVIIIe siè­ ichel cle (Paris: Centre National de Recherche Scientifique, 1963), p. 399. M Veissière, “Denis Briçonnet évêque de Saint-Malo (1513–35),” Annales de la Société d’histoire et d’archéologie de l’arrondissement de Saint-Malo (1992): 105–14; Michel Veissière, “Statuts synodaux de Denis Briçonnet évêque de Saint-Malo [1515],” Annales de la Société d’histoire et d’archéologie de l’arrondissement de Saint-Malo (1994): 203–15; Bruno Restif, “Les débuts de la Réforme catholique et l’héritage médiéval. Les statuts synodaux de Denis Briçonnet, évêque de Saint-Malo (1515),” in Bretagne et Religion, eds. Christian Brunel and Georges Provost, 3 vols. (Vannes: Institut culturel de Bretagne, 1991–2002), III, pp. 61–78; Deuffic, Inventaire St.-Malo, 63. His preface had its precedents in a 1507 edition published by Simon Vostre containing a pastoral letter by Etienne Poncher; see Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples, The Prefactory Epistles of Jacques Lefévre d’Etaples and Related Texts, ed. Eugene F. Rice, Jr. (New York, NY: Columbia UP, 1972), no. 123. Extant letters of two abbots apologizing for their absences suggest that there were also synods in 1519 and 1530; Veissière, “Denis Briçonnet,” p. 108. Anonymous, “Catalogue de la bibliothèque du chapitre de Tréguier, 1491,” Revue des archives historiques des Côtes-du-Nord, 1–2 (1884): 1–16; Booton, Manuscripts, pp. 105, 184; Deuffic, Inventaire Tréguier, pp. 6–7. Paris BnF Rés. X 151; USTC 210281 and 112075; Delisle, Caen, I, no. 229. Talsout’s precise dating shows that he did not buy the book at the grand foire of St.-Malo, which took place on the Sunday after Lent but at another fair. See Jean-Pierre Leguay, Un réseau urbain au Moyen Âge: les villes du duché de Bretagne aux XIVème & XVème siècles (Paris: Maloine, 1981), pp. 240–42; Michel Duval, Foires et marches en Bretagne à travers les siècles (Trédion: Éditions Breizh, Hor Bro, 1982), pp. 55, 153–54. Louis Le Guennec, “L’héritage de messier Hamon Barbier,” in Vieux Souvenirs Bas-Bretons (Quimper: Société Les Amis de Louis Le Guennec, 1958), pp. 45–48. Deuffic, Inventaire Léon 2. Le Guennec, “L’héritage de messier Hamon Barbier,” p. 45.

166  Shaping a reader’s library 62 “[O]n peut dire que l’imprimé tend à se banaliser dans les bibliothèques”; see Carla Bozzolo and Ezio Ornato, “Les bibliothèques entre le manuscrit et l’imprimé,” in La face cachée du livre médiéval. L’histoire du livre vue par Ezio Ornato, ses amis et ses collègues (Rome: Viella, 1997), pp. 245–72 (254). 63 Cf. Saenger, “Silent Reading,” pp. 367–414. 64 H.J. Jackson, Marginalia. Readers Writing in Books (New Haven, CT: Yale University, 2001); Ann M. Blair, “The Rise of Note-Taking in Early Modern Europe,” Intellectual History Review 20/3 (2010): 303–16; ibid., Too Much to Know. Managing Scholarly Information before the Modern Age (New Haven, CT: Yale UP, 2010), pp. 62–116; Richard Calis and Arnoud Visser, “Building a Digital Bookwheel Together: Annotated Books Online and the History of Early Modern Reading Practices,” Bibliothecae.it: Rivista di studi semestrale 3/1 (2014): 63–79. 65 Smith, “Printing in Red,” p. 53. 66 Robert Black, “Teaching Techniques: The Evidence of Manuscript Schoolbooks Produced in Tuscany,” in The Classics in the Medieval and Renaissance Classroom. The Role of Ancient Texts in the Arts Curriculum as Revealed by Surviving Manuscripts and Early Printed Books, eds. ­Juanita Feros Ruys, John O. Ward, and Melanie Heyworth (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013), pp. 245–65 (246). 67 Desiderius Erasmus, Literary and Educational Writings, 2. De copia / De ratione studii, ed. Craig R. Thompson (Collected Works of Erasmus, v. 24) (Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 1978), p. 638. 68 Blair, Too Much to Know, pp. 12, 55, 63–64. 69 Armstrong, Technique and Technology; Cynthia Brown, Poets, Patrons and Printers: Crisis of Authority in Late Medieval France (Ithaca, NY: Cornell UP, 1995). 70 Carla Bozzolo and Ezio Ornato, “Les lectures des français aux XIVe et XVe siècles. Une approche quantitative,” in Ensi firent li ancessor. Mélanges de philologie médiévale offerts à Marc-René Jung, eds. Luciano Rossi, ­Christine Jacob-Hugon, and Ursule Bähler, 2 vols. (Torino: Edizioni dell’Orso, 1996), II, pp. 713–62 (chart 6). 71 Albert Labarre, Le livre dans la vie amiénoise du seizième siècle. L’enseignement des inventaires après décès 1503–1576 (Paris: Béatrice-­Nauwelaerts, 1971), pp. 400–1. 72 Roger Doucet, Les bibliothèques parisiennes au XVIe siècle (Paris: Picard, 1956); A. H. Schutz, Vernacular Books in Parisian Private Libraries of the Sixteenth Century (Geneva: Droz, 1955); Henri-Jean Martin reviews works of Doucet and Schutz in “Ce qu’on lisait à Paris au XVIe siècle,” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 21/1 (1959): 222–30. 73 Schutz, Vernacular Books, p. 226. 74 Labarre, Le livre dans la vie amiénoise du seizième siècle, p. 402.

Conclusions

In his treatise, In Praise of Scribes, Johannes Trithemius (d. 1516), ­ enedictine abbot of Sponheim, resolutely criticized printed books on B paper: Never would printed books equal parchment manuscripts, written by the scribe as a religious duty to honor God. “The word written on parchment will last a thousand years,” he declared. “The most you can expect a book of paper to survive is two hundred years.” He concluded, confidently, “Printed books will never be the equivalent of handwritten codices, especially since printed books are often deficient in spelling and appearance.”1 Despite the criticism, Trithemius saw his treatise published during his lifetime, in particular by printer Peter von Friedberg at nearby Mainz, who produced the edition as well as Trithemius’s many other writings. Given its objection to books printed on paper, In Praise of Scribes may have circulated primarily in manuscript; in any event, only a single edition of 1494 is known (ISTC it00442000). Whereas Trithemius, as a contemporary author, likely exerted some influence on his first editions, later publishers elsewhere controlled their editions and made decisions about text, presentation, and marketing. What was the role of the author, printer, publisher, or bookseller in the editions studied in our previous chapters? The “communication circuit” for books printed in Brittany or for the Breton market in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries was principally managed by publishers. Their dominance rose from the regional market’s requirement for particular literary genres and from the scarcity of local professional printers. The major genres in this market, as we have seen, consisted of jurisprudence, liturgy, and school texts, texts that centered less on the author. Legal compendia—­ customs, ordinances, and other commandments—were printed after receiving royal or parliamentary approval. Breviaries and missals retained their traditional texts for office and Mass, with the occasional addition of new prayers. Grammars and other educational books offered the customary school curriculum of the time. Publishers, who also functioned often as booksellers, acted as primary decision-makers regarding the title selection and the ways to present the written word to the reader.

168  Conclusions From 1484 to 1532—from the date of the first book printed in ­ rittany to the duchy’s assimilation by monarchal France—ten printers B are known to have produced fewer than fifty editions; historical documents identify another four printers. The earliest editions clearly reveal the printers’ inexperience in typography and their gradually acquired skill in composition and printing. Like their manuscript colleagues, early printers required direct patronage to finance the press work, and when individual or institutional support was insufficient, they left Brittany to seek work elsewhere. By the early sixteenth century, Brittany lacked professional book printers, but publisher-booksellers stepped in to supply the regional market with books produced elsewhere. Given the important role of publisher-booksellers in the Breton marketplace, previous chapters studied certain individuals as well as their ­personal and commercial connections in the book trade to learn more about their influence on the genres, titles, and formats available to the buyer in Brittany. Important early sixteenth-century booksellers in ­Brittany were Jean Macé at Rennes (c. 1500–34), Michel Angier (1504–5) with ­R ichard Rogerie (1501–5) at Morlaix, Alain Prigent at ­Landerneau and St.-Pol de Léon (1516), Antoine and Michel Papolin at Nantes (1516–41), and Olivier and Robert Ganereau at Nantes (1520–24). The booksellers, aided by occasional co-financing, turned to business contacts to contract editions with printers at Caen, Rouen, and Paris. With the establishment of professional printers in Rennes and Nantes in the 1530s, booksellers Thomas Mestrard (1535–53), ­Guillaume Chevau (1539–65), and Georges Cleray (1543–55) took on the additional responsibility of publishing and controlled commercial production in an increasingly competitive market. In their supervision of book production, publisher-booksellers ascertained the selected text on the basis of an exemplar, reviewed and corrected by a local scholar, and determined its book format, layout, and typefaces. Typographic material and woodblocks were sometimes shared among printers, as discussed earlier in the case of Étienne Larcher and Jean Du Pré. In important and costly productions, the format and layout were more generous, allowing more white space between paragraphs and in margins; initials and headings might be printed with decorative or figurative initials or hand-rubricated afterward, like a bespoke manuscript. However, in order to make a profit on books sold more cheaply, especially school texts, the format and layout were reduced, blackening the page with tightly set lines. With an eye to the financial bottom-line, publishers and printers shaped their editions according to market needs. Market awareness was acute in the business practices of the publisher-­ bookseller Jean Macé, for example. Macé teamed up successfully with his brother’s former apprentice, Angier, and with his brother’s son, ­ Richard Macé, and together, the associates established a successful partnership that took advantage of expert printers in Rouen, Caen, and

Conclusions  169 Paris. The business attracted printers to Caen and to Rennes in order to work more closely with the publishers. Leveraging the business prowess of Robert Macé in Caen, the partners organized warehouses there and in Rouen, aided by book distribution along traditional routes of commerce from Normandy to Brittany and to regions farther south. The successful distribution system to Rennes and Nantes during the business life of Jean Macé and his associates discouraged start-up rival presses. Despite the efficacious business model, Jean Macé and other regional booksellers still hired Parisian printers. The selected printers were not infrequently relatives or Breton natives who had moved and set up shop among the many other bookmen long attracted by university and church patronage. Provincial booksellers frequently contracted out liturgical books, complex printing jobs, given the tradition of red and black printing with numerous woodcut illustrations. Thus, Jean Macé turned to Breton Jean Kerbriant in 1523 for a missal for the diocese of Rennes; the same printer was contracted by Nantes booksellers for breviaries in 1518 and 1524. Breton bookseller Yves Quillévéré in Paris contracted local printers to produce editions relevant to Lower Brittany, namely a breviary and a missal for the diocese of St.-Pol de Léon in 1516 and 1526 as well as Jean Lagadeuc’s Catholicon, a Breton-French-Latin dictionary intended for clerics in that regions in 1521. Some two decades later, however, the Breton diaspora may have slowed for Bernard de Léau, who, after his apprenticeship in Paris, set up his business in Morlaix. He continued business connections with Paris, contracting print jobs for a Paris missal in 1543 and religious verse poetry in Breton in 1557, and sold copies in Brittany. Although beyond the historical scope of our chapters, a summary of changes in the publishing business in France after 1550 show the ­effects of political instability and the consequences from the ­Reformation on the print industry. 2 The sermons of Martin Luther (d. 1546) and John Calvin (d. 1564) were printed in cheap slim pamphlets and broadsides, in French, for Protestant groups who advocated reform of corrupt clerical practices and a focus on tenets of salvation by faith alone. Soon, however, authorities prohibited presses from printing the Bible in the French language, forcing some printers to leave France and from printing and selling the works of Protestants. The impact of Reformed ­Protestantism and the French Wars of Religion (1562–70), however, was limited in Brittany at this time. 3 Some Breton publishers, such as Pierre Le Bret and Julien Du Clos, converted to Protestantism, but they kept their private beliefs separate from professional activity and refrained from publishing religious pamphlets. Yet, other converts who printed or sold religious pamphlets or Bibles in French experienced violent reprisals, such as Mathurin Papolin (active 1545–61), whose shop in Nantes was ­ransacked and his “heretical” books burned in 1560.4 Breton booksellers had little professional motive to bring in pamphlets, however, ­because selling cheap pamphlets provided negligible profit.

170  Conclusions Only in the last decades of the sixteenth century, when the ongoing armed conflict among King Henry III, Protestant Henry of Navarre, and Catholic Henry of Guise degenerated into open warfare, did the religious and political controversy largely disturb Brittany. After the assassinations of Henry of Guise (1588) and King Henry III (1589), Henry of Navarre nominally became King Henry IV, but his authority was not universally accepted. The governor of Brittany, Philippe Emmanuel de Lorraine, duke of Mercœur, supported the Catholic League and defeated Henry IV’s army at Cran in 1592. The conflict triggered a flurry of quickly printed pamphlets of controversial sermons and tracts as well as descriptions of battles; the printing demand encouraged printers to relocate to Brittany, including Michel Logeroys (active 1589–1600) to Rennes and Nicolas Des Marestz (active 1586–96) and François Faverye (active 1589–1623) to Nantes. The latter printers supported ­Mercœur and the Catholic League with polemical literature. For example, Des Marestz and Faverye published at least five editions of the writings of Jacques Le Bossu (1546–1626), a ­Benedictine theologian at the Sorbonne in Paris, who encouraged Nantes to revolt against the heretic Henry IV.5 The war went against Le Bossu, who fled France in 1591. Between 1589 and 1592, Des Marestz and F ­ averye often distributed false wartime propaganda for Mercœur, whose victorious battles and municipal police actions were described in prose and verse. They also published three works by the duke’s librarian, Nicolas de Montreux, in support of the Catholic League, including a 1592 edition celebrating Mercœur’s victory at Cran (USTC 74402).6 Most of his victory pamphlets, however, were printed in Paris, Lyon, Toulouse, and Troyes.7 Yet, Mercœur’s reported victories were short-lived as Henry IV, reinforced by English troops, assumed the advantage. In early 1598, the king’s and governor’s armies clashed: M ­ ercœur surrendered and went into exile in Hungary. The royal Edict of Nantes of April 1598 marked the end of the French religious wars. The edict was a religious truce that reaffirmed Catholicism but also offered certain rights and freedoms to Protestants, designated specific towns as safe havens, and gave protection from the Inquisition while traveling abroad.8 Although the edict offered amnesty to authors of polemical literature disseminated in the previous decades, many pamphlets were destroyed apparently because few survive today.9 The edict allowed the printing and sale of Protestant books only in towns where Protestants were allowed to practice their religion, but in fact, Protestant towns, such as Nîmes, Montpellier, and Montauban, were never centers of printing.10 Because of the jobbing and ephemeral nature of these publications, the pamphlets reflect perhaps less of a “strong print culture”11 than a paid opportunistic moment during a troubled time. In fact, some printers left Nantes after the resistance ended. Two aspects remained constant, however: Printers in Rennes and Nantes continued to rely on institutional patronage from the law courts,

Conclusions  171 churches, and schools as well as on their publishing networks to supply the local market with books produced elsewhere. The latter aspect is seen, for example, in the posthumous inventory of Nantes bookseller Luc Gobert, who died in 1616. His inventory lists a variety of titles; most of the books were produced elsewhere. “Though the presses had settled and found a workable business model,” concludes Malcolm Walsy, “they only provided a very small proportion of the printed matter available to Breton readers.”12 Perhaps in consequence of the frenzied printing and distribution of pamphlets during the French Wars of Religion, governmental authorities began thereafter to regulate the printing trade in France. Such controlled regulation had already been proposed by the Breton jurist, Regnault Dorléans, in Les observations de diverses choses remarquees sur l’estat, couronne et peuple de France, printed in Vannes in 1597. In this book, dedicated to the duke of Mercœur, Dorléans advocated the control of press production as part of a well-ordered hierarchical society.13 Whether Dorléans’s ideas exerted direct influence is unclear, but statutes began to appear in the next twenty years that regulated printers and their profession.14 The preamble of the Paris book-trade statutes, which were approved in 1618, justified regulation due to the deterioration of printing during the recent religious war. In 1623, the Rennes statutes, too, made reference to the recent war, declaring that the regulations were written as a “precaution against the abuses being committed in the printing and sale of books, some of which were prohibited and illegal and concerned religion and the state.”15 Statutes for the Nantes book trade were also approved in 1623 and prohibited defamatory books. Whereas statutes confirmed distinct privileges of booksellers, printers, and bookbinders and addressed the quality of printed books, they also put forth policing guidelines. Book wardens were ordered to inspect premises for forbidden books and deliveries of all foreign books. Through regulation, the king and his government could control the profession so that if anything prohibited were discovered, the fault could be identified and the specific people punished. Among other stipulations, apprenticeship training was limited in number, thereby preventing non-Breton printers from easily obtaining work in the region, controlling excessive numbers of bookmen, and thus protecting current jobs. The Rennes statutes underwent modification in 1624 to be less restrictive concerning the mandated years of training and subsequent punishments, but the statutes also prohibited the printing of non-Catholic books. Whether in Paris, Nantes, or Rennes—the center of the French book trade or towns on its periphery—­ the book profession became increasingly organized, regulated, and to some degree, censored. Although the question of center vs. periphery has been discussed in relation to the larger geography of Europe, it applies as well to France, where Paris as the previous center of the manuscript tradition continued

172  Conclusions its primary role in the development of the printed book.16 Lyon as a secondary book center profited from its location on the traditional trade routes. Early provincial presses were successful only if the appropriate business model were found. Foremost, the business model required partnerships to provide financing, warehousing, and distribution. Indeed, this was the successful model of the bookseller Jean Macé in Rennes. ­Together with his publishing partners, Angier in Caen and Richard Macé in Rouen, they created a strong enterprise that hired local printers but also attracted professional printers to their locale. Secondary partnerships were formed with Parisian printers, often Breton, whose expert skills and extensive typographic material produced deluxe and more complex editions than by their own printers. Later publishers, such as Mestrard at Rennes, and Antoine and Michel Papolin at Nantes, were also able to build their own local and Parisian partnerships. A successful business followed the needs of the market, and at this time, it required institutional patronage of the courts, church, and schools, with their anticipated communities of buyers and readers. With this market focus and an extensive publishing and distribution network, publishers and booksellers found a successful foothold in Brittany and adjacent regions.

Notes 1 Johannes Trithemius, In Praise of Scribes: De laude scriptorum, ed. Klaus Arnold and trans. Roland Behrendt (Lawrence, KS: Coronado Press, 1974), Chapter 7, pp. 63, 65. More than a defense of manuscripts, the treatise took on the larger subject of monasticism and his dismay of contemporary monastic life; see David I. Howie, “Benedictine Monks, Manuscripts Copying, and the Renaissance: Johannes Trithemius’ « De laude scriptorum »,” Revue Bénédictine 86/1–2 (1976): 129–54. 2 R.J. Knecht, Francis I (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1982), pp. 399–400; Andrew Pettegree and Matthew Hall, “The Reformation and the Book: A Reconsideration,” The Historical Journal 47/4 (2004): 785–808 (800–803); Malcolm Walsby, The Printed Book in Brittany, 1484–1600 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 187–227. 3 Walsby, The Printed Book, Chapters 7 and 8. 4 Ibid., p. 188. 5 Ibid., App B, nos. 332, 333, 338, 339, 340. 6 Yann Lignereux, “L’illustration d’un guerrier. Le duc de Mercœur et la publication de ses victoires, 1589–1593,” in Le duc de Mercoeur (1558–1602). Les armes et les lettres, eds. Emmanuel Buron and Bruno Méniel (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2009), pp. 181–201. 7 Denis Pallier, Recherches sur l’imprimerie à Paris pendant la ligue (1585–94) (Geneva: Droz, 1975), nos. 473–475, 626, 791, 793. See also USTC 8661 and 30013. 8 Louis XIV would later revoke the edict in 1685. For the edict of Nantes, see http://elec.enc.sorbonne.fr/editsdepacification/edit_12 (viewed 25 June 2017). 9 Walsby, The Printed Book, p. 221. 10 Edict of Nantes, XII, 21; see http://elec.enc.sorbonne.fr/editsdepacification/ edit_12#art_12_21 (viewed 25 June 2017). Andrew Pettegree, “La réforme

Conclusions  173

11 12 13 14

15 16

en France, 1520–1570: les leçons à tirer de la culture de l’imprimé,” in La ­réforme en France et en Italie, eds. Philip Benedict, Silvana Seidel M ­ enchi, and Alain Tallon (Rome: École française de Rome, 2007), pp. 37–52 at http:// books.openedition.org/efr/1715#bodyftn38:¶27 (viewed 25 June 2017). Walsby, The Printed Book, p. 244. Ibid., p. 241. Ibid., p. 229. For the statutes of 1618, see Henri-Jean Martin, Livre, pouvoirs et société à Paris au XVIIe siècle (1598–1701), 3 vols. (1969; repr. Geneva: Droz, 1984), I, pp. 54–57; for the statutes of 1624, see Édouard Pied, Les anciens corps d’arts et métiers de Nantes, 3 vols. (Nantes: Guist’hau, 1903), II, pp. 101–23. McLeod, p. 19–20n36. Andrew Pettegree, “Centre and Periphery in the European Book World,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 18 (2008): 101–28.

Appendix

Books Printed in or for the Market in Brittany, 1480–1550 * Copies consulted

Canon & Civil Law 1480 Sept 23

Brittany. Les coustumes et établissements de Bretaigne. Paris: Guillaume Le Fèvre. Copies: London BL IA.39303; Nantes Musée Dobrée Fonds précieux; Paris BnF RES-F-2188; Rennes BM 76795 Rés.; George Washington Univ Law KJV265.B74 1480. Bibl. ISTC ic00953500; Gouron-Terrin 681.

1484 Mar 26 (1485 n.s.)

Brittany. Les coustu[m]es et constitutio[n]s de Bretaigne. Eds. Nicolas Dallier, Guillaume Racine and Thomas du Tertre. Corrected by Jacques and Alain Bouchart. Rennes: Pierre Bellescullée and Josses for Jean Hus. Copies: New York PML 78529; *Paris BnF Rés. F 1700–1771; *Rennes BM 76796 Rés. Bibl. ISTC ic00953600; Gouron-Terrin 682, 683 (variant); CIBN C-646; Booton Manuscripts 127n33.

1484 Mar 26 (1485 n.s.)

Variant. [Rennes]: ex typ. Martin Morin (mark on title page) for Pierre Bellesculée and Josses and Jean Alexandre (Angers). Copies: Nantes Médiathèque 100361R (Inc. 153). Bibl. Gouron-Terrin 684; Catalogues régionaux V 292 (Not in ISTC).

1485 17 May–4 Jun

Brittany. Les coustumes o les constitucions establissemens de Bretaingne [sic] (“Corrigees et adjustees devers plusieurs leaulx et bons exemplaires”). Tréguier: Ia. P. Copies: London BL IA 43703; *Paris BnF Rés. F 2187. Bibl. ISTC ic00953700; Gouron-Terrin 685; Booton Manuscripts 128n40.

1485

Brittany. Les constumes [sic] et constitutiones de Bretaigue [sic] (“Par lindustrie et loupvraige de…maistres en lart dimpression”). Bréhan-Loudéac: Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès. Copies: Chicago Newberry Inc. 8762.3; London BL IA 43510; Nantes Musée Dobrée 300; *Paris BnF Rés F 956;  Paris ENSBA Masson 979; Rennes BM 76797 Rés. & R 11032. Bibl. ISTC ic00953800; Gouron-Terrin 686; Booton Manuscripts 126n19.

176  Appendix [c. 1491]

Brittany. Les coustumes, constitutions et e­ stablissements de bretaigne. [Lantenac]: Jean Crès. Copies: *Nantes Médiathèque 100689R (Inc. 157); *Rennes BM Rés. 76798. Bibl. ISTC ic00953900; Catalogues régionaux V 293; Gouron-Terrin 687.

1492 Jan 10 (n.s. 1493)

Brittany. Les coutumes de Bretagne. Eds. Nicolas ­Dallier, Guillaume Racine et Thomas du Tertre. Rouen: Martin Morin for Jean ­Alexandre (Angers). Copies: Cambridge Harvard Law Ab B862 492; ­London BL IA 43959; Nantes Médiathèque 100361R (Inc. 153); Paris BnF Res. F-1596. Bibl. ISTC ic00954000; Gouron-Terrin 688.

[1494 Jun]

Charles VIII. Les ordonnances et statuz du roy. Nantes: Étienne Larcher. Copies: *Paris BnF Res. F-1703 (3) Bibl. ISTC ic00216740; Booton Manuscripts 128n55.

[1494 Jun]

Charles VIII. Les ordonnances et statuz du roy. ­Lantenac: Jean Crès. Copies: *Nantes Médiathèque 211126 C5R (Inc. 158); New York PML 196158.3 (CHL 1610M). Bibl. ISTC ic00216760; Booton Manuscripts 127n25.

[c. 1494]

Brittany. Les coutumes de Bretagne. Table. Nantes: Étienne Larcher. Copies: Nantes Médiathèque Inc. 142; *Nantes Musée ­Dobrée Inv. 56–80; New York PML 196158l.2 (CHL 1611M); Oxford Bodl 8o B 18(1) Jur Seld; Paris BnF Res. F-1703 Bibl. ISTC ic00954200; Catalogues régionaux V 294; Bod-inc C-469.

[1500]

Brittany. Cy ensuye[n]t les louables constitutio[n]s de la tresnoble duche de bretaigne (Table printed at Nantes by Étienne Larcher appended at end). Rouen: Jean ­Mauditier, Laurent Hostingue, Jamet Loys for Robert Macé (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Oxford Bodl. 8o B 18(2) Jur. Seld. Bibl. USTC 70169 (not in Delisle); RBN 6, 57:1; Bod-inc C-468.

[1502 Apr 10]

Brittany. Le Coustumier de Bretaigne avec les Coustumes de la mer (“visitees, corrigees par plusieurs discrez et venerables juristes de la dicte duche”). [s.l.]: [s.n.] for Robert Macé (mark) and Jean Macé. Copies: Nantes Médiathèque 6942bis (Inc. 142); Paris BnF Rés. F-1772. Bibl. USTC 67491; RB 19, 33:1; Delisle 120; GouronTerrin 689.

Appendix  177 [1506–10]

John Mair. Omnia opera in artes quas liberales vocant. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Bordeaux BM S. 153; Loches BM Rés. 1. Bibl. USTC 112394 (not in Delisle); RB 27, 41:72; Farge and Zahnd, app. C, p. 377; Walsby, The Printed Book, App. B, no. 70.

1507 Oct 8

Brittany. Les louables coustumes du pais et Duche de Bretaigne (“nouvellement corrigees et amendees”). Paris: Philippe Pigouchet for Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Bern Stadtbibl Bong V 316 (8); Paris BnF Rés. F-1767; *Rennes BM 76800. Bibl. USTC 26074; RB 19, 33: 5; Gouron-Terrin 690.

[1507]

 rittany. Les louables coustumes du pais et Duche B de Bretaigne (“nouvellement corrigées et amendées”). [Paris]: [Philippe Pigouchet]. Copies: Quimper BM Rés. 23. Bibl. RB 19, 80:1.

1508 Feb–1509

Petrus Ravennas. Alphabetum aureum famatissimi ­Juris utriusque doctoris. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Charles de  Bougne (Angers), Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Paris Ste-Gen 8 F 659 INV 3928 RES (P. 1); Seville Colombine 15-4-16. Bibl. USTC 210280 (not in Delisle); RB 22, 42:17; RB 26, 10:17.

1508 Oct 7

Albericus de Rosate. Tractatus de testibus practicabilis ac necessarius valde tabellionibus causidicis judicibus et ­omnibus legalis norme professoribus. Rouen: Pierre ­Olivier for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Paris Assemblée Nationale Bb 123; Rouen BM Inc. p. 95. Bibl. USTC 112057; RB 19, 34:8; RB 22, 41:11.

1508 Oct 7–Nov 10

Jean Barbier. Viatorium iuris. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Greifswald Univbibl 541/Inc. 3; Le Puy-en-Velay BM Cortial 2753. Bibl. USTC 112058; RB 22, 41:12.

1509 Feb 23 (n.s.1510)

Rochus Curtius. Tractatus de iure patronatus (“novissime impressus”). Rouen: [Pierre Olivier] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Frankfurt Stadt- und Univbibl Einband-slg 730 nr; Ghent UnivBibl Juris 9825; Paris ENSBA Masson 1114; Paris Arsenal 4o J 471 (1); *Rennes BM 88916/2 Rés. Bibl. USTC 112069; RB 19, 35:17; RB 22, 44:23; ­Delisle 136.

178  Appendix 1510 Apr 28

Normandy. Le grant coustumier du pays et duche de Normendie [sic] (“nouvellement imprimees”). Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Caen Musée Mancel 1331; Châlons-en-Champagne BM PL 1954; Cherbourg-­O cteville BM 8452; Leiden UnivBibl MEIJERS 6 K 1; London BL 5402 c 13; London Lambeth OJ 4 (N6); Paris BnF Rés. F-1262 & Rés. 4-Z DON 205 (17); Rouen BM Inc. mm 120; Stockholm KB 127 C 10 za Fol Coutumier; Washington George Washington Univ Law KJV265 N67 1510. Bibl. USTC 39003; RB 27, 22:12; Gouron-Terrin 1298; Delisle 128.

1510 after

Brittany. Les coutumes de Bretagne (“Visitées, corrigées par plusieurs discrez et vénérables juristes de la dicte duché…nouvellement corrigées et amendées”). [s.l.]: [s.n.] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Unknown. Bibl. Gouron-Terrin 691.

1511

Louis XII. Les ordonnances constitucions et statuz. Tréguier: Jean Calvez. Copies: *Nantes Médiathèque 211100/C563 R. Bibl. USTC 80289; RB 19, 87:7; Booton Manuscripts 128n72.

[1511–13]

Bonifacius de Vitalinis. Opus Domini Bonifacii de Vitalinis de Mantua super maleficiis. [Rouen]: [Pierre Olivier] for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Bordeaux BM J. 1124; *Caen BM Rés. FN B 2891/3; Erfurt, UnivBibl. LA 4o 155a; Paris BnF Rés. F-2173; Rennes BM R 11403. Bibl. USTC 112145; RB 22, 70:105; Delisle 389.

1512 Jul 31

Jean Boutillier. Liber perutilis incuriis praticantibus/ cui nomen est Summa Ruralis. Ed. Johannes de ­Gradibus. Rouen: Richard Goupil for Jean Macé (Rennes), Michel Angier (Caen), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Luxembourg BN Rés. Préc. L.P. 4030; *Paris BnF Rés. F-1284; Paris BnF Rés. 4-Z Don 205 (12); Paris ENSBA Masson 1071. Bibl. USTC 67363 (variant USTC 110697); RB 8, 21:6; Delisle 66.

Appendix  179 1512 Mar 17 (n.s. 1513)

Guilelmus de Monte Lauduno. Apparatus constitutionum. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Aberystwyth NL b12 R7 (1); Amsterdam U ­ nivLib XA.05518; Nantes Médiathèque 10949 R; Paris BnF Rés. E-4090 (imperfect); Rodez Médiathèque Res. N 25; Rouen BM Inc. p 96; Troyes Médiathèque l.13.1862; Tübingen UnivLib Hf 221; Vienna ÖNB 25.V.43. Bibl: USTC 112083; RB 22, 52:38; Delisle 107.

1514 Nov 15

Brittany. Les loables coustumes du pays [et] Duche de Bretaigne (“Nouvellement corrigees et amendees”) [Rouen?]: [s.n.] for Jean Macé (Rennes), Michel Angier (Caen), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Brest BM Rés. FB D698; *Cambridge Harvard Law N BRIT 90 514; Limoges BM Res. T 140; London BL 1127.a.9. Bibl. USTC 55556; Gouron-Terrin 693; Delisle 122.

1515

Normandy. Le grant coustumier du pays et duche de Normendie [sic]. Caen: [Laurent Hostingue] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé at (Rennes). Copies: Caen Musée Mancel 231; Paris BnF Rés. F-1494. Bibl. USTC 67364; Gouron-Terrin 1299.

[1515]

Tommaso Ferrazzo. Cautele nove. Rouen: Martin Morin for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and ­Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: *Caen BM Rés. A.2; Paris, Alde Maison de ventes, 19 Nov 2014, lot 94 (Richard Macé’s mark) [http://www.alde.fr/lot/5332458]. Bibl. USTC 111334 (dated [1520]); RB 14, 43:68; RB 19, 42:78; Delisle 179.

before 1515 Nov

Jean de Cirey, Incipit defensorium iuria; ­Dinus Mugellanus, Item tractatus prescriptionum ­(“Noviter Impressa”); Petrus Jacobus de Monte P ­ esselano, De arbitris et arbitratoribus; ­ ifferentie legum et canonum; Galvanus de Bononia, D ­Bartolo of Sassoferrato, De tabellionibus; Nicolai de Ubaldis de Perusio, De successionibus ab intestato; Giovanni Battista Caccialupi, De super feudis; Pietro d’Ancarano, De mora. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Rennes BM 88916/1 Rés.; Sevilla Bibioteca ­Capitular Y Columbina 13-3-3 (1); Wolfenbüttel H ­ erzog August Bibliothek A: 112.1 Jur. Bibl. USTC 112128; RB 22, 66:87; Delisle 230.

180  Appendix [1516]

Brittany. ₵Ordonnances faictes en parlement tenu a Venes. Nantes: [s.n.] for Antoine and Michel Papolin. Copies: Nantes Médiathèque 211106/C564R. Bibl. USTC 80274; RB 19, 15:1.

[1516]

Brittany. ₵Ordonnances faictes en p[ar]lement tenu a Vennes. Paris: [s.n.] for Jean Macé. Copies: London BL 1606/632 (2). Bibl. USTC 55564; RB 19, 40:64.

1517 Jun 12

Brittany. Les loables coustumes du pays et duche de Bretaigne (“Visitees et corrigees par Plusieurs discretz et Venerables iuristes nouvellement corrigees & amendees”). Rouen: [material of Pierre ­Olivier] for Jean Macé (Rennes) and Michel Angier (Caen). Copies: Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z Don. 594 (366) (imperfect); *Rennes BM 88545 Rés. Bibl. USTC 38319; RB 19, 17:2 [attributed to J. B ­ audouyn]; Gouron-Terrin 694; Delisle 123; Booton Manuscripts 128n77; Walsby The Printed Book App B 135.

1521 Dec 7

Brittany. ₵Coustumes, constitutio[n]s, establissemens et ordonnances de Bretaigne. [Paris]: [Initials from typographic material of Jean Cornillau and letters from ­t ypographic material of Jean Adam and Jean Bienayse]. Copies: *Cambridge Harvard Law N BRIT 90 521; Rennes BM 76799. Bibl. USTC 57668; Moreau III 72; Gouron-Terrin 695.

[1521]

Brittany. Les loables coustumes du pays et duche de Bretaigne (“Ladite coustume de nouveau y adiousté. Et exposition en aucuns lieux dudit texte, icelles au long reveues et corrigées par plusieurs légistes diceluy pays de Bretaigne”). [s.l.]: [s.n.] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: London BL 1606/632 (1); Moscow Lib for Hist Lit no. 39. Bibl. USTC 55579; Gouron-Terrin 697; Walsby The Printed Book App B 151.

1525 Oct 5

Brittany. La constitution nouvelle stille et ordre de pledoyrie par escript du pays et duche de Bretaigne (signed in Nantes). Rennes: Jean Baudouyn (with privilege) for Jean Macé. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. P-F-8; London BL 1606/632 (3); London BL 1128.a.34. Bibl. USTC 55583; RB 19, 44:2; Booton Manuscripts 128n80.

Appendix  181 [1526]

Brittany. La constitution nouvelle stille et ordre de pledoyrie par escript du pays et duche de Bretaigne. Angers: Richard Picquenot for Pierre Bodin (Nantes). Copies: Nantes Médiathèque 211099/C3R. Bibl. USTC 80126; RB 26, 47:7.

1528

Brittany. Coustumes establissemens et ordonnances du pays [et] Duche de bretaigne (“veues et corrigees par plusieurs practiciens, discretz et venerables juristes dudict pays et duche”). [Rennes]: “ex carracteribus Parrhisiis” [Jean Baudouyn]. Copies: Brest BM D 04381-00C1; *Cambridge ­Harvard Law N Brit 90 528; Minnesota UnivLib Law Small KJV265.B74 1528x; Paris BnF Rés. F-1666; Rennes BM Rés. 88544 & Rés. 76801. Bibl. USTC 38324; RB 19, 44:3; Gouron-Terrin 699; Booton Manuscripts 128n81.

1531

Brittany. Coustumes establisseme[n]s et ordon[n]a[n]ces du pays [et] Duche de bretaigne. [Rennes: “ex carracteribus Parrhisiis,” Jean Baudouyn]. Copies: *Cambridge Harvard Law N Brit 90 531; New Haven Yale Law France 34B7 C83 1531 (1); *Paris BnF Rés. F-1769. Bibl. USTC 38334; RB 19, 45:5; Delisle 126; G ­ ouron-Terrin 700; Booton Manuscripts 128n82.

1532 Apr 4 (n.s. 1533)

Brittany. Les louables coustumes du pays et Duche de  Bretaigne. [s.l.]: [s.n.] for Antoine and Michel Papolin. Copies: Brest BM Rés. FBD 465 (1); Gap AD KJV264 B74 1532; Nantes Musée Dobrée 301 (1); Paris Ste-Gen 8o F 428 inv. 3553 (1) Rés.; Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z Don 594 (87, 1); Quimper BM Y Rés. 24; Rennes BM 76802; Saint-Flour Bibl Grand Séminaire K2 (1). Bibl. RB 19, 15:5–6; Gouron-Terrin 701; USTC 30907.

[1532]

François I. Constitutions et ordonnances faictes par le Roy. Rennes: [Baudouyn’s material] for Antoine and Michel Papolin (Nantes). Copies: Cambridge Harvard Law N BRIT 90 531; New Haven Yale Law France 34B7 C 83 1531 (3) variant; Saint-Flour Bibl. Grand Séminaire K2 (2); Nantes Médiathèque 98470R; Nantes Musée Dobrée 301 (2); Paris Ste-Gen 8-F 428 inv. 3553 Rés.; Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z Don 594 (87). Bibl. USTC 52058; RB 19, 15:4.

182  Appendix [1535]

Brittany. ₵Ordonnances/ et Constitutions/ F ­ aictes en la court de Parlement. Rennes: Jacques Berthelot for Thomas Mestrard (cum privilegio). Copies: Brest BM Rés. RBD 465 (2); Nantes Musée ­Dobrée 265, 267 (2) & 307 (2); New Haven Yale Law France 34B7 C83 1531 (4); Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z. Don 594 (87, 1). Bibl. USTC 52059; RB 19, 51:1; Lepreux IV, no. 947 (privilege transcribed).

1536

François I. Ordonna[n]ces Royaulx. Rennes: Jacques Berthelot for Julian Macé and Thomas Mestrard. Copies: Nantes Musée Dobrée 301 (3); Paris Ste-Gen 8-F 428 INV 3553 (2) Rés. Bibl. USTC 52485; Walsby The Printed Book App B 177–178.

1538 Dec

 rittany. Coustumes/etablissemens et ordonnances du B pays [et] Duche de Bretagne. Rouen: Nicolas Le Roux for Girard Angier (Caen). Copies: Berkeley Law KJV265 B74 1538; Cambridge UnivLib F153 d 4 4; London BL 1607/1405; Munich Stadtbibl ESig/4 J Gall 12 & J Gall 23; Paris BnF Rés. F 1667; Rennes BM 76803 & Rés. 88542; Vienna ÖNB 29 Z 56. Bibl. USTC 34543; Gouron-Terrin 702.

1539 Aug

François I. ₵Ordon[n]ances Royaulx sur le faict de la justice. Rennes: Jean Georget for Jean Lermangier (Rennes) and Galliot Du Pré (Paris). Copies: Paris BnF Rés F-2211; Paris ENSBA Masson 27. Bibl. USTC 57943; RB 19, 51:3.

[1539]

François I. ₵Ordonnances Royaulx sur le faict de la justice. Rennes: Jacques Berthelot for Thomas Mestrard and Georges Cleray. Copies: London BL C 143 ff 36; Paris BnF Rés F-2274; Rennes BM R 10064. Bibl. USTC 60905; RB 19, 47:2; Delisle 315; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 78 (calendar).

[1539]

François I. ₵Ordon[n]a[n]ces royaulx. Rennes: Jean Georget for Guillaume Chevau (Rennes), Thomas Mestrard. Georges Cleray, Thomas Mestrard, and Philippe Bourgoignon mentioned in privilege. Copies: Cambridge Harvard Law N Brit 9 540; Nantes Musée Dobrée 266; Paris BnF Rés F-867 (2) & Rés F-868 (3); *Rennes BM Rés. 89858 (3). Bibl. USTC 52054; RB 19, 51:2.

Appendix  183 [1539]

Variant. Rennes: Jean Georget for Georges Cleray. Copies: Rennes BM 76805 (2). Bibl. USTC 52832; Walsby The Printed Book App B 182.

[1539]

Variant. Rennes: Jean Georget for Thomas Mestrard. Copies: Philadelphia Penn UnivLib B 708; *Rennes BM 76804 (3). Bibl. USTC 55877; Walsby The Printed Book App B 183.

1540

Brittany. Coustumes generalles des pays et duche de Bretaigne (“nouvellement reformees & publiees”) [Edition A]. [Paris]: for Philippe Bourgoignon (Angers). Copies: Nantes Musée Dobrée 302 & Fons ChevalierLa-Barthe; London BL 5423.b.5; Paris BnF Rés. F-867 (1) & F-868 (1) (imperfect) & Rés. Z Don 594 (521, 1); Philadelphia Penn UnivLib B 706; *Rennes BM 89858 (1); Washington George Washington Law KJV 264 B 74 1540. Bibl. USTC 40016; RB 19, 52:5; Walsby The Printed Book App B 186.

1540

Brittany. Coustumes generalles des pays et duche de Bretaigne (“nouvellement reformees & publiees”) [Edition B]. [Paris]: for Philippe Bourgoignon, with privilege (Rennes and Nantes). Copies: London BL 1607/1439; Nantes Médiathèque 6943R; *Rennes BM 76804 (1) & 76805 (1). Bibl. USTC 60668; RB 19, 52:5; Gouron-Terrin 705; Walsby The Printed Book App B 187.

[1540]

Brittany. ₵Instructions [et] articles pour labbreviation des proces. Rennes: [Jean Georget] for Thomas Mestrard. Copies: London BL 1568/8823; Nantes Musée D ­ obrée ­ nivLib 303; Paris BnF Rés. F-867 (3); Philadelphia Penn U B 707; Rennes BM 76805 (3) & *Rés. 89858 (4); Washington George Washington Law KJV 3721 F 73 1540. Bibl. USTC 55904; RB 19, 52:6–7.

1540

François I. ₵Ordonna[n]ces royaulx. Rennes: Jean Georget for Jean Lermangier. Copies: Cambridge Harvard Law N Brit 90 540; London BL 8050 bb 34; Paris BnF Rés F-868 (2); Rennes BM Rés. 89858 (2). Bibl. USTC 52057; RB 19, 51:4.

1541

Brittany. ₵Instructions [et] articles pour labreviation des proces. Rennes: Jean Georget. Copies: Paris BnF Rés. F-868 (4). Bibl. USTC 52056; Walsby The Printed Book App B 196.

184  Appendix 1541

François I. ₵Ordon[n]ances royaulx Sur le faict ordre: [et] stille de plaider. Rennes: Jean Georget, with privilege, for Thomas Mestrard. Copies: *Rennes BM 76804 (2). Bibl. USTC 57365; RB 19, 52:8.

[1541]

François I. [Ordonnance sur le fait du sel en Bretagne]. [s.l.]: [s.n.] for “Anthoine et Michel les Papolins” (cum privilegio). Copies: Cambridge Harvard Law N BRIT 90 540 (2); Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z Don 594 (521, 2) (imperfect). Bibl. USTC 52225; RB 19, 16:8; Walsby The Printed Book App B 195.

1542

 rittany. Coustumes geneRALLES DES PAYS ET B DUche de Bretaigne (“nouvellement reformées et publiées”). Paris: Étienne Caveiller for Philippe Bourgoignon (Rennes and Nantes). Copies: Chantilly Musée Condé III F 69 (1); Cherbourg-­ Octeville BM 717; Paris BnF Rés. F-1665 (1) & Rés. F-1768. Bibl. USTC 40151; Gouron-Terrin 706.

1543

Brittany. Ordonnances de la court de Parlement. Rennes: [s.n.] with privileges for Thomas Mestrard (Rennes). Copies: none. Bibl. USTC 80279; RB 19, 48:7.

[1543]

Brittany. Coustumes generalles des Pays et duche de Bretaigne. [Rouen: Nicolas Le Roux] for Thomas Mestrard. Copies: Cambridge Harvard Law N Brit 90 543 (1). Bibl. USTC 57962; Gouron-Terrin 707; Walsby The Printed Book App B 199.

[1543]

 rittany. ₵ORDONNANCES DE LA COURT DE B PARLEMENT DE CE pays [et] duche de Bretaigne. Rennes: Jean Georget for Georges Cleray (2 variants). Copies: Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z Don 594 (89, 2); Paris Assemblée Nationale; Cambridge Harvard Law N Brit 90 543 (4). Bibl. USTC 52074, 52075; RB 19, 53:10; Walsby The Printed Book App B 203.

1543

 rançois I. Ordonna[n]ces Royaulx. Rouen: Nicolas Le F Roux for Thomas Mestrard (Rennes). Copies: Cambridge Harvard Law N Brit 90 543 (2). Bibl. USTC 57961; Walsby The Printed Book App B 200.

Appendix  185 [1543]

 rittany. ₵Ordonna[n]ces [e]t commandemens faictz au B parlement tenu a Na[n]tes. [Rouen]: [s.n.]. Copies: Cambridge Harvard Law N Brit 90 543 (3). Bibl. USTC 16429; Gouron-Terrin 707; Walsby The Printed Book App B 205.

1544

 rittany. Coustumes generalles des Pays [et] duche de B Bretaigne (“depuis y a esté adjousté une table générale et apposé cotations en marge”). Rennes: Thomas ­Mestrard, with privilege, for Thomas Mestrard and Marie Robin, widow of Jacques Berthelot. Copies: Nantes Médiathèque 74818; Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z Don 594 (89, 1); Paris Assemblée Nationale. Bibl. USTC 38346; RB 19, 48:8; Gouron-Terrin 708.

[1544]

 rançois I. ORDONNANCES FAICTES PAR LE F Roy…sur le faict des jurisdictions des eaues, boys et forestz de ce pays et duche de Bretaigne. Rennes: Jean Georget (three-year privilege) for Georges Cleray. Copies: Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z Don 594 (89, 3). Bibl. USTC 52076; RB 19, 53:11.

[1544]

 rittany. ₵ORDONNANCES DE LA COURT DE B PARLEMENT DE CE pays [et] duche de Bretaigne. [Rennes: Thomas Mestrard]. Copies: Cambridge Harvard Law N BRIT 90 543 (4); Nantes Médiathèque 100367 (3) R & 6944 (3) R. Bibl. USTC 52074; RB 19, 48:7.

1545

 obert d’Andigné. Compendium, sive technologia in R consuetudines Britanniae. Rennes: Thomas Mestrard (with privilege) for Georges Cleray. Copies: Paris BnF Rés. F-2133. Bibl. USTC 111638; RB 19, 49:9.

1546

 rançois I. Ordonnances royaulx. Rennes: Thomas F Mestrard. C opies: Nantes Médiathèque 100367 (2) R & 6944 (2) R. Bibl. Walsby The Printed Book App B 213–214.

[1546]

Brittany. Ordonnances et arrestz sur le faict de la justice. Rennes: Thomas Mestrard (three-year privilege) for Thomas Mestrard, Jean Lermangier, and Georges Cleray. Copies: Nantes Médiathèque 6944 (4) R. Bibl. USTC 80280; RB 19, 49:10.

186  Appendix [1546]

 rittany. Coustumes generalles des pays et duche de B Bretaigne (“avec les arrestz, ordonnances, cotations en marge et depuis y a este adjouste une table generale…ung kalendrier…une table pascale pour 29 ans”). Rennes: Thomas Mestrard. C opies: Nantes Médiathèque 100367R & 6944 (1); Rennes BM Rés. 76806; Valenciennes BM fonds Bauchond. Bibl. USTC 57370; RB 19, 49:11; Gouron-Terrin 709.

[1547]

 rittany. Ordon[n]ances et Arrestz de la Court de parleB ment. Rennes: [s.n.] for Thomas Mestrard. Copies: Nantes Médiathèque 211101 C564 Rés. Bibl. USTC 80282; RB 19, 50:13.

1549

Henri II. Ordonnances royaulx. Rennes: [Jean Georget]. Copies: Rennes BM Rés. 93963 (2). Bibl. USTC 72294; The Printed Book Walsby App B 223.

1550

 rittany. COUSTUMES, Generalles des pays [et] B DUCHE DE BRETAIGNE (“Item y a este pareillement mis [et] appose cotations en marge sur chascun article [et] reveues par gens scientificques”). Rennes: Jean Georget for Guillaume Chevau. Copies: Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z Don 594 (92); Rennes BM Rés. 93963 (1). Bibl. USTC 38350; RB 19, 54:14; Gouron-Terrin 710; Walsby The Printed Book App B 224.

Classical, Literary, & Grammatical [1485]

Évrard de Béthune. Graecismus. Comm. Johannes Vincentius Metulinus. [Tréguier: Ia. P.]. Copies: *Paris BnF RES P-X-10. Bibl. ISTC ie00011280; Booton Manuscripts 128n45.

1487 Mar 27 (n.s. 1488)

Jean de Mandeville. [Le Voyage en Terre Sainte]. [Lantenac]: Jean Crès. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. O2F. Bibl. ISTC im00163100; Booton Manuscripts 127n21.

[1492?]

Catholicon abbreviatum. Rouen: Martin Morin for Pierre Regnault. Copies: London BL G 7500; Oxford Bodl Auct 2 Q 5 5; Paris BnF Rés X-1600. Bibl. ISTC ic00286100; Duval 1953.

Appendix  187 1499 Nov 5

Jean Lagadeuc. Le catholicon seu Dictionarius britonum. Eds. Auffret de Quoatqueveran and Yves Roperz. Tréguier: Jean Calvez. Copies: Manchester Rylands 12318; Paris BnF Rés. X 453 & Rés. 253; Quimper BM Y Rés. 28; *Rennes BM Rés. 15203; Vienna ÖNB Ink 8.E.33. Bibl. ISTC il00028400; Booton Manuscripts 128n67.

1501 Jun 23

John of Garland. Libellus quem de verborum compositis. Ed. Johannes Synthen. [Tréguier: Jean Calvez]. Copies: St-Brieuc BM Inc. 7262 (lost). Bibl. USTC 111650; RB 19, 87:1; Booton Manuscripts 111, 123, 130n71, 233.

1505 Jul 21

John of Garland. Libellus de verborum compositis. Rouen: Laurent Hostingue and Jamet Loys for Richard Rogerie and Michel Angier (Morlaix). Copies: none (Ex-le comte de Boury). Bibl. USTC 112734; RB 19, 7:2; RBN 6, 65:4; Delisle 194.

[1506]

Prester John. Le Prestre Jehan. La diversité des hommes, des bestes [et] des oyseaux. Rouen: [Richard ­Auzoult] (Walsby) for Richard Rogerie (Morlaix). Copies: London BL C 97 b 16; Rouen BM (lost). Bibl. USTC 7947; RB 19, 7:3; Delisle 334; Walsby The Printed Book App B 40.

[1506–7]

Évrard de Béthune. Graecismus. Comm. Johannes Vincentius Metulinus. Rouen: Richard Goupil for Jean Macé (Rennes) and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: *Paris Mazarine 4o 10077-1; Rouen BM Inc. m. 106. Bibl. USTC 111632; RB 8, 25:19; RB 19, 42:77; Delisle 158.

[1506–08]

Boethius. De consolatione philosophie. Pseudo-Boethius. De disciplina scholarium. Comm. Josse Badius; Marcus Fabius Quintilianus. Rouen: [Pierre Olivier] for Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Amiens BM Rés. 276 A; Cambridge Corpus Christi College Parker Lib SP 7; Cambridge St John’s ­College Bb.6.17; Cambridge UnivLib Petersborough A 3 7; Durham cathedral (imperfect); Oxford Bodl. Antiq e F 1519 2; Versailles BM Inc. M 61. Bibl. USTC 112125; RB 22, 65:84; Delisle 51; Shaw B1935.

188  Appendix [1507–15]

Peregrinatio totius terre sancte. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Paris BnF RES O2F-28. Bibl. USTC 112141; RB 22, 69:100.

[1508–10]

Le livre des quattre filz Aymon. [Rouen] (“Nouvellement imprimé”): Raulin Gaultier for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Paris BnF Rés. Inv. 77/5296; *Paris BnF Rés. P-Y2–2787. Bibl. USTC 29439; RB 27, 77:170; (not in Delisle).

[before 1508]

Filippo Beroaldo. Carmen lugubre. Rouen: Laurent Hostingue for Richard Macé. Copies: *Caen BM Rés. A 2116/5. Bibl. USTC 112378; RB 27, 37:54.

after 1508 Mar 1

Niccolò Perotti. Grammatica. Ed. Josse Badius. Rouen: Richard Goupil for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z Don 594 (436). Bibl. USTC 110714; RB 8, 28:33; RB 27, 76:163.

1508 Jul 11

Alain de Lille. Parabolae cum commento. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Caen BM Rés. FN.A.475; Paris BnF Rés. P. Yc.1658; Rouen BM Inc. m. 104 (7). Bibl. USTC 112328; RB 19, 33:6; RB 27, 17:2; Delisle 10.

1508 Aug 18

Michael Scot. Secondary author, Theobaldus Anguilbertus. Mensa philosophica. Rouen: [s.n.] for Michel ­A ngier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Caen BM RES A 2995; London BL Grenville 16719; Paris BnF Rés. Y(2) 2446. Bibl. USTC 112467; RB 19, 34:7; RB 27, 47:3; Delisle 25.

1508 Oct 31

Pseudo-Bernard of Clairvaux. Floretus cum commento. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Rouen BM Inc. m. 122. Bibl. USTC 112060; RB 19, 34:9; RB 22, 42:14; ­Delisle 185.

1508 Jan 12 (n.s. 1509)

John of Garland. Vocabulorum nostros [Dictionarius]. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Paris BnF Rothschild VI (5, 32), pièce 4. Bibl. USTC 112329; RB 19, 34:11; RB 27, 18:3; Delisle 193.

Appendix  189 1508 Jan 15 (n.s. 1509)

Alexander de Villa Dei. Glosa notabilis super doctrinale. Rouen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Alencon BM Rés. XVI A6; Angers BM; Avignon BM Livrée Ceccano; London BL 6143. Bibl. USTC 112330; RB 27, 18:4; (not in Delisle).

[1508–10]

Virgil. Buccolica cum commento. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Paris BnF Rés P-YC-1648. Bibl. USTC 112412; RB 27, 45:91; Delisle 386; Walsby The Printed Book App B 143 [1518].

[1509–10?]

Boethius. De consolatione philosophie. Pseudo-Boethius. De disciplina scholarium. Epigram and dedication by Thomas Meeterius. Rouen: [s.n.] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: none known. Bibl. Delisle 52; (not in USTC).

1509 May 10

Boethius. De consolatione philosophie. Pseudo-Boethius. De disciplina scholarium. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Caen BM Rés. A. 160/1–2; Cambridge Univ Lib; Saint-Lô BM Ph. 28. Bibl. USTC 112331; RB 19, 34:12; RB 27, 19:5; Delisle 56.

1509 Jun 21

Guillaume de La Mare. De sacro sancta eucharistia regisque nostri Ludouci laudibus ac sua expeditione in Venetos opusculum egregium unacum dilucida ac familiari interpretatione. Caen: [Laurent Hostingue] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z Don. 594 (248, 2). Bibl. USTC 112332; RB 27, 19:6; Ricci 287–88; (not in Delisle).

1509 Oct 20

Pseudo-Bernard of Clairvaux. Facetus cum commento. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Laval BM 34042 (2). Bibl. USTC 112067 [for Raulin Gaultier]; RB 22, 44:21.

1509 Nov 7

Gottschalk of Orbais. Theodulus. Inter sacros codices. Ed. Odo Picardus. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Laval BM 32042 (3); *Paris BnF Rés. P-YC-1619; Paris BnF 8-Z. Don. 594 (406) & 8-Z. Don. 594 (286). Bibl. USTC 112335; RB 19, 34:15; RB 27, 21:9; Delisle 365.

190  Appendix 1509 Jan 4 (n.s. 1510)

Terence. Comedie. Secondary authors, Guy ­Jouenneaux, Josse Badius, and Nicolas Cadier. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. P. Yc. 1294. Bibl. USTC 112336; RB 27, 21:10; Delisle 363.

1510

Dionysius Cato. Catho cum commento. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Comm. begins, “Summi deus largitor premii via constans fons refrigerii.” Copies: *Paris Mazarine Inc. 428A-6. Bibl. USTC 112338; RB 19, 35:19; RB 27, 22:13; Delisle 94.

[about 1510]

Jean Lagadeuc. Incipit Dictionarius Britonum [Catholicon]. Eds. Auffret Quoatqueveran and Yves Roperz. Corrected and revised by Jean Corre. [s.l.]: [s.n.]. Copies: Paris BnF Rés. X-946 (imperfect). Bibl. Walsby The Printed Book p. 158.

1510 Mar 8 (n.s. 1511)

Boethius. De consolatione philosophie. Comm. sometimes attributed to Thomas Waleys. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier at Caen and Jean Macé at Rennes. Copies: Tours BM (lost). Bibl. USTC 112339; RB 27, 23:14; Delisle 57.

1511 Jul 15

Giovanni Balbi. Catholicon magnum, quod etiam Januensis seu vocabularius grammatice nuncupatur. Ed. Pierre Gilles. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Michel ­A ngier  (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes), with a variant for Pierre Regnault (Caen) and François Regnault (Paris). Copies: Cambridge UnivLib F151.a.4.2; Le Havre BM Inc. T8; Le Mans BM Belles-Lettres 501; Paris BnF Rés. X 151; Paris Arsenal Fol B L 160; Rennes BM 2688 (formerly 6602); Rouen BM Inc. g 128. Bibl. USTC 210281; RB 19, 36:26; Delisle 229.

1511 Dec 22

Guillaume le Breton. Secondary author, John of Garland. Sinonima perspicacissimi britonis quam utilissima necnon Johannis de gallandia duodecim decades [Synonyma]. Caen: [material of Laurent Hostingue] for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Strängnäs Cathedral 0.554 (18). Bibl. USTC 112342; RB 27, 25:18; (not in Delisle).

Appendix  191 [1511–13]

Baptista Mantuanus. Aureum contra impudice scribentes opusculum. Ed. Josse Badius. Rouen: [s.n.] for Richard Macé (Rouen), Michel Angier (Caen), and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: none. Bibl. USTC 112471; RB 27, 78:175; Delisle 40.

[1511–13]

Cicero. Synonimorum libellus. Caen: [Laurent Hostingue] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Strängnäs Cathedral O554 19. Bibl. USTC 112384; RB 27, 38:61.

[1511–13]

Guillaume Alexis. Les faintises du monde. Rouen (“nouvellement imprimees a Rouen”): Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. P-YE-332. Bibl. USTC 80118; RB 27, 62:95; Delisle 18.

[1511–13]

Guy Jouenneaux. Secondary authors, Lorenzo Valla and Jean Gilles. In latine lingue elegantias tam a Laurentio Valla quam a Gellio memorie proditas interpretatio dilucida. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: *Le Mans BM BL 4*479. Bibl. USTC 112133 [dated 1513]; RB 22, 68:92; Delisle 233.

[1511–13]

Pierre de Provence et la belle Maguelonne. Rouen: Richard Goupil for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Private coll. (ex-Fairfax Murray 447; Norman collector J.C.D.; Paris, Art Curial, 23 May 2005, lot 118). Bibl. USTC 79222; RB 8, 28:33; Delisle 47.

[1511–13]

Prophecies de Merlin. Rouen (“nouvellement imprimees”): [Atelier du bandeau au Lion couronné (successors of Richard Auzoult)] for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Cambridge Harvard Houghton 27271 8 7*; Paris BnF Rés. P-Y(2). 216–218 & Rés. Y(2) 559–560; *Paris Mazarine Inc. 1014; London BL 1074.k.2. Bibl. USTC 8859; RB 22, 31:27; Delisle 264.

[1511–13]

Vocabularius in eruditionem juvenum ysagoicus. Rouen: Laurent Hostingue for Jean Macé (Rennes), ­Michel ­Angier (Caen), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Caen Musée Mancel 341. Bibl. RB 19, 39: 57; Delisle 390.

192  Appendix 1512 Apr 24

Jodocus Erfordensis. Secondary author, Giovanni Battista Caccialupi. Vocabularius perutilis utriusque juris tam civilis quam canonici. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for ­Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), Richard Macé (Rouen), Charles de Bougne, and Clément Alexandre (Angers). Copies: Angers Archives départementales; Boulogne-­surMer BM C 1360; La Flèche Bibl. Prytanée A320-RES; Le Plessis-Villoutreys Château; Rouen BM Inc. p. 123. Bibl. USTC 112081 (cf. 210283); RB 22, 50:36; Delisle 391.

[1512?]

Aesop. Fabule esopi sum commento. Caen: ­Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: *Paris BnF Res P-YC. 1586. Bibl. USTC 112449 (cf. 112350); RB 27, 28:26; RB 27, 70:130; Delisle 6.

after 1512– before 1523

Publio Fausto Andrelini. Hecatodistichon. Corrected and paraphrased by Jean Vatel. [s.l.]: [s.n.] for Jean and Julien Macé, and Rolland Le Franc (Rennes). Copies: Caen BM RES A 1491 / 2. Bibl. USTC 111627; RB 19, 41:72; Delisle 21.

[1513]

Niccolò Perotti. Grammatica. Rouen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Mace (Rennes). Copies: *Rennes BM Rés. 52079. Bibl. USTC 112400; RB 27, 42:78; Delisle 329.

[1513–15]

Aegidius Suchtelensis. Elegantiarum viginti precepta. Ed. Agostino Dati. Comm. Josse Badius and Josse Clichtove. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Strängnäs Cathedral 0.554 (10). Bibl. RB 27, 36:48 [dated 1513–16]; (not in Delisle).

1515 Jul 10

Boethius. De consolatione philosophie. Pseudo-Boethius. De disciplina scholarium. Ed. Josse Badius; Marcus ­Fabius Quintilianus. Rouen: [material of Laurent Hostingue] for Jean Macé (Rennes), Michel Angier (Caen), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Aberdeen UnivLib pi 276 Boe c 1; Paris BnF Rés. P.R. 235; *Rennes BM 52330–52331 Rés. (imperfect); Vire (lost). Bibl. USTC 112357; RB 27, 29:31; Delisle 58.b.

[before 1518]

Dionysius Cato. Cato cum commento. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Caen Musée Mancel 1715; London BL C.56.e.5; Paris BnF Rés. D-6859. Bibl. USTC 112382; RB 27, 37:59; Delisle 92.

Appendix  193 1519 Nov 29

Boethius. De consolatione philosophie. Pseudo-­Boethius. De disciplina scholarium. Rouen: [initial of Pierre Olivier] for Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Copenhagen BR 74:2, 390 & BR 74:2, 387; Paris Bibl. Arsenal 8-S-1986; *Paris BnF Rés R-1092. Bibl. USTC 111626; RB 19, 41:70; Delisle 59.

[1520]

Prophecies de Merlin. Rouen (“nouvellement imprimees”): [Successors of Richard Auzoult] for Richard Macé (Rouen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Michel Angier (Caen). Copies: Grenoble BM Rés. E 30128 (2); London BL 1074 k 2 (3); Paris ENSBA Masson 1032 (1); Paris BnF Rés. Y2 559; Paris Institut de France 8o Q 844 A (1). Bibl. USTC 52003 (cf. 52001 55750); RB 26, 73:27.

[1520]

Arrigo da Settimello. De male fortunitatis versibus elegis. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Dublin Trinity Coll DD hh 56. Bibl. Walsby The Printed Book App B 145.

1521

Jean Lagadeuc. Catholicon. Artificialis dictionarius triphariam partitus, britonice scilicet, gallice et latine (“non parva accuratione et diligentia recenter Parrhisius impressus”). Eds. Auffret de Quoatqueveran and Yves Roperz. Paris: [s.n.] for Yves Quillévéré. Copies: Paris BnF Rés. X-2059. Bibl. USTC 78035; Moreau III 150.

[1541]

Jean Bouchet. Les triumphes de la noble et amoureuse Dame. Rennes: Jean Georget. Copies: Paris BnF Rés. Vélins 586 (imperfect). Bibl. USTC 40092; RB 19, 53:9.

Clerical & Popular Piety 1484 Dec

Le trespassement de nostre dame. [Bréhan-Loudéac]: Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. YE 1154 (3) Bibl. ISTC it00427893; Booton Manuscripts 126n8; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Brieuc 95.

[1485]

Bernard of Clairvaux. Belle doctrine et enseignement que saint Bernart envoya a Ramon [Epistola de gubernatione rei familiaris]. [Tréguier: Ia. P]. Copies: Chantilly Musée Condé III F 39. Bibl. ISTC ib00382200; Booton Manuscripts 128n44.

194  Appendix [1485]

Pseudo-Bernard of Clairvaux. Floret en franczoys. Rennes: Pierre Bellescullée. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. M YC 993. Bibl. ISTC ib00397500; Booton Manuscripts 128n37.

[1485]

Pierre Michault. La dance des aveugles. ­Bréhan-Loudéac: Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès. Copies: New York PML 621; Paris BnF Rés. P YE 230. Bibl. ISTC im00565000; Booton Manuscripts 126n14.

1484 Jan (n.s. 1485)

Le songe de la pucelle. [Bréhan-Loudéac]: Robin ­Fouquet and Jean Crès. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. YE 1154 (4). Bibl. ISTC is00630700; Booton Manuscripts 126n15.

1484 Jan 3 (n.s. 1485)

Jean de Meun. Les loys des trespassez. Bréhan-Loudéac: Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. YE 1154 (1). Bibl. ISTC il00272800; Booton Manuscripts 126n10.

1484 Jan 18 (n.s. 1485)

Francesco Petrarca. La pacience de Grisilidis [Historia Griseldis]. Bréhan-Loudéac: Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. YE 1154 (6). Bibl. ISTC ip00402825; Booton Manuscripts 126n10.

1484 Jan 25 (n.s. 1485)

Alain Chartier. Le breviaire des nobles. Bréhan-Loudéac: Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. YE 1154 (5). Bibl. ISTC ic00428200; Booton Manuscripts 126n11.

1484 Jan 27 (n.s. 1485)

Pierre de Nesson. Oraison a notre dame. BréhanLoudéac: Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. YE 1154 (2). Bibl. ISTC in00012800; Booton Manuscripts 126n12; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Brieuc 96.

1484 Mar 6 (n.s. 1485)

Denis the Carthusian. Le mirouer dor de lame pecheresse [Speculum animae peccatricis]. Bréhan-Loudéac: Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. H 506 (2). Bibl. ISTC is00649700; Booton Manuscripts 126n16.

1485 Apr 30

Ludolph von Sachsen. La vie de Jesucrist [Vita Christi]. Bréhan-Loudéac: Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. H 506 (1). Bibl. ISTC iv00304015; Booton Manuscripts 126n18; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Brieuc 97.

Appendix  195 [1487–91]

Les sept pseaulmes [sic] penite[n]ciaulx [et] la letanie. [Lantenac: Jean Crès]. Copies: London BL IA.44210. Bibl. ISTC ip01032255; Booton Manuscripts 127n23.

1491 Oct 5

Le doctrinal des nouvelles mariees. Lantenac: Jean Crès. Copies: *Nantes Musée Dobrée 454. Bibl. ISTC id00301020; Booton Manuscripts 127n22.

1493

Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Nantes: Étienne Larcher. Copies: *Le Mans Médiathèque BL 1962 & RIB 15; *Paris BnF Rés. YE 281–282 & Vélins 2232–2233. Bibl. ISTC im00505500.

1494 Jun 8

Jean Meschinot. Les lunettes des princes. Nantes: Étienne Larcher. Copies: Chambéry Médiathèque Rés. A 3; *Le Mans Médiathèque RIB 015 (imperfect). Bibl. ISTC im00506350.

1506 Nov 15

Adrianus Cartusiensis. De remediis utriusque fortunae. Rouen: [Pierre Olivier] for Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Angers BM S. 456; Leiden Univbib 652 G 20; London BL 720.a.33; London BL 8407.aa.44; Oxford Bodl Lawn f.180; Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z Don 594 [447]; *Paris Mazarine 8o 49582. Bibl. USTC 111574; RB 19, 33:4; RB 22, 39:5; Delisle 1.

[1508–10]

Johannes Nider. Confessionale. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Cambridge Univ Lib G*13.21(2), G. Bibl. USTC 112398; RB 27, 42:76; (not in Delisle).

[1508–10]

Johannes Nider. Confessionale. Rouen: [Martin Morin] for Jean Macé (Rennes), Michel Angiers (Caen), and Richard Macé (Rouen.) Copies: Caen BM Rés. A. 2081/15. Bibl. RB 27, 68:120; Delisle 306.

1509 Mar 29 (n.s. 1510)

Pseudo-Bernard of Clairvaux. Facetus cum commento. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. P-YC 1587; Rouen BM Inc. m.104/8 Bibl. USTC 112337, 210286 (variant); RB 27, 21:11; ­Delisle 176–177.

196  Appendix 1510 Sept 24

Jacobus de Voragine. Legenda aurea. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Caen BM RES B 1263 (imperfect); Paris ENSBA Masson 1115; Peterborough Cathedral (deposit Cambridge Univ Lib) P.2.31; Solesmes Abbaye St-Pierre; Austin Texas Univ Lib BX 4654 J3 1510; Winston-­Salem Wake Forest Univ Lib BX 4654 J3 1510. Bibl. USTC 112072; RB 22, 46:27; Delisle 395.

[before 1511?]

Gui de Roye. Le doctrinal de sapience. Rouen: Guillaume Gaullemier for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: none. Bibl. USTC 13282; RB 8, 19:8; Delisle 347.

1511 Jan 10

Dominicus Mancinus. Alpha et O salvatoris d[ost]ri Jesu ch[rist]i passio. Caen: [material of Laurent Hostingue] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Caen BM Rés. A 2116/4. Bibl. USTC 112343; RB 27, 25:19; (not in Delisle).

1511 Apr 25

Michael Lochmaier; Jean Chappuis. Parrochiale curatorum. Caen: [material of Laurent Hostingue] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Caen Musée Mancel 1727; Chicago Newberry WING ZP 539.A585; *Paris BnF D-80021; Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z. 594 (551). Bibl. USTC 112416; RB 27, 23:15; Delisle 241.

1511 Dec 17

Jacobus de Voragine. La legende doree (“Nouvellement translatee de latin en francoys”). Trans. Jean de Vignay. Rouen: Richard Goupil for Richard Macé (Rouen), Michel Angier (Caen), and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Paris BnF Rés. Fo H. 1117; Torino BN A-19445. Bibl. USTC 26220; RB 8, 20:3; Delisle 396.

[1511]

Cura clericalis. Ed. Thomas Meeterius. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: none. Bibl. USTC 112385; RB 27, 38:63 Delisle 135.

[1511]

Interrogationes doctrine quibus quilibet sacerdos debet interrogare suum confitentem. Rouen: Jean Moulin for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Philadelphia Penn UnivLib FC 5 M 3118.511 n (6). Bibl. USTC 112470; RB 27, 68:119; Hirsch, “Rouen and Caen Imprints”; Delisle 6.

Appendix  197 1512 May 13

Pseudo-Bernard of Clairvaux. Liber Floreti [Floretus]. Ed. Jean Gerson. Caen: [material of Laurent Hostingue] for Jean Macé (Rennes), Michel Angier (Caen), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Luxembourg BN Rés. Préc. L.P.4066.c; Nantes Médiathèque Rés. 25002; Paris BnF Rés. D-7847; Vire BM (lost). Bibl. USTC 112344, 210287 (variant); RB 27, 26:20; Delisle 186–187.

1512 Sept 23

Baptista Mantuanus. Parthenice Catharinaria. Ed. Josse Badius. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Ex-Caen Goussiaume de Laporte; Abel Vautier (1863). Bibl. RB 27, 27:22; Delisle 42.

1512 Sept 24

Baptista Mantuanus. Parthenice Catharinaria. Ed. Josse Badius. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: *Caen BM Rés. A. 159; *Cambridge Harvard Houghton *IC5.B2296.489pg. Bibl. USTC 112346; RB 27, 27:23; Delisle 43.

1512

Jean Gerson. Tractatus de virtutibus et vitiis. Caen: [s.n.] for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: none known. Bibl. USTC 112418 [dated 1502]; RB 27, 52:43; Delisle 170, 194bis.

1513 Nov 24

Angelo Carletti. Summa angelica de casibus conscientie. Rouen: Laurent Hostingue for Jean Macé (Rennes), Michel Angier (Caen), Richard Macé, and Jean Richard (Rouen). Copies: Antwerp Museum Plantin-Moretus B 532; *Caen BM Rés. B 95; Edinburgh BN Hall 295.f.11. Bibl. USTC 112351 (variants 210289, 210290); RB 27, 28:27; Delisle 23.

1513

Geoffroy Boussard. De continentia sacerdotum. Rouen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: *Paris Ste-Gen 8-D 3550 RES inv. 3899 (1); Washington Folger 168–169q. Bibl. USTC 112352; RB 27, 28:28; RB 27, 52:46; ­Delisle 64.

198  Appendix 1514 May 7

Pseudo-Seneca (attributed to Martin of Braga). De quattuor virtutibus cardinalibus cum commento. Rouen: [workshop of Laurent Hostingue? “Impressum cum multa solicitudine mendatum tergendarum”] for Jean Macé (Rennes), Michel Angier (Caen), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: *Caen BM Rés. A. 2116/3. Bibl. USTC 112353; RB 27, 29:29; (not in Delisle).

1514

Geoffroy Boussard. De continentia sacerdotum breve compendium. Rouen: [s.n.] for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Oxford Bodl. 8o Z 191 R, Art BS; Paris BnF Rés. E-5228; Rouen BM 6296 Inc. p 80. Bibl. USTC 112417; RB 19, 39:58; Delisle 65.

1515 Jun 21

Guido de Monte Rocherii. Manipul[us] curator[um]. Rouen: Richard Goupil for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Paris BnF D-80050. Bibl. USTC 110698; RB 8, 21:7; Delisle 302.

1515

Leo X. Grand pardon général. [Vannes]: Jean d’Alençon and Robert Rio. Copies: none. Bibl. USTC 72711; RB 19, 91:1; Deuffic Inventaire Vannes 103.

before 1518

Pseudo-Bernard of Clairvaux. De contemptu mundi cum commento. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Caen BM Rés. BR 670; Cambridge Univ Lib Norton d 14; *Paris BnF D-80051. Bibl. USTC 210293, 112375 (variant); RB 27, 36:51; Delisle 116/117.

before 1518

Baptista Mantuanus. Secondary author: Guillaume Guéroult. Parthenice Mariana. [Caen]: [Laurent Hostingue] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Caen BM Rés. A 9; Strängnäs Cathedral. Bibl. USTC 112408; RB 27, 44:86; Delisle 45.

1518 Apr 10

Jean Gerson. ₵Linstruction des curez pour instruire le simple peuple…par tout levesche De Sainct Malo, Ed. Bishop Denis Briçonnet of St.-Malo. [Nantes]: Jean Baudouyn. Copies: Paris Ste-Gen 4o BB 239 inv. 462 Rés. Bibl. USTC 14575; RB 19, 17:3; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 139.

Appendix  199 [1518]

Jean Gerson. Linstruction des curez pour instruire le simple peuple…par tout levesche De Sainct Malo [with Statuts synodaux de Saint-Malo, 1515]. Ed. Bishop ­D enis Briçonnet of St.-Malo. [Nantes]: Olivier Senant. Copies: Dinan BM 49.48; Paris Ste-Gen C 4o 332 inv. 320 (P. 2). Bibl. USTC 66946; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 139.

[1518–24]

Cura clericalis: lege: relege. Ed. Thomas Meeterius. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Jean Macé (Rennes) and Michel Angier (Caen). Copies: Amiens BM RES 364 A & LESC 1278; Caen  BM Rés. A 2081/11; *Paris BnF D-80016; Valognes BM C 671. Bibl. USTC 112386; RB 19, 42:76; Delisle 121.

1524 May 21

Marbode. Incipit liber Marbodi. Rennes: Jean ­Baudouyn for Jean Macé. Copies: Glasgow UnivLib Sp Coll Ferguson Al y.8; ­Madrid BN R/5840; Nantes Musée Dobrée; Oxford Bodl Vet. E1 e22; *Paris BnF Rés. P. YC 1533. Bibl. USTC 111634; RB 19, 44:1; RB 19, 43:49; Booton Manuscripts 128n78.

[1527–34]

Jacobus de Voragine. La vie et Legende Des Sainctz [et]Sainctes. Trans. Jean de Vignay. [Caen?]: [s.n.] for ­Michel & Girard Angier and Jacques Berthelot (Caen), and Jean Macé, Sulpice Le Franc, Julien and Jacques Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Caen BM RES C 1082; Paris BnF Rés. H-1064. Bibl. USTC 73466; RBN 5, 37:19; Delisle 397.

1530

Aman ez dezrou an Passion. Paris: [Guillaume de Bossozel?] for Yves Quillévéré. Copies: Paris BnF Rés YN 11. Bibl. USTC 73317; Moreau III 2222; Hemon, Trois poèmes; Walsby The Printed Book p. 158.

[1548]

Pseudo-Bernard of Clairvaux. Le gouvernement de mesnaige selon la doctrine sainct Bernard [Régime de ménage]. [Rennes]: [s.n.]. Copies: Lincoln Cath Lib Oo 7 19 (2). Bibl. USTC 72905; Shaw B863; Walsby The Printed Book App B 220.

200  Appendix

Exegesis [1506–08]

Questiones super evangeliis. Rouen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Chicago Newberry Wing ZP 539. M817, no. 2. Bibl. variant of Delisle 337.

1508 Apr 27

Postilla, sive expositio epistolarum et evangeliorum dominicalium (Plenarium). Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Whalley Lancashire Stonyhurst Coll ms 3/20. Bibl. USTC 112327; RB 27, 17:1; (not in Delisle).

1508 Oct 12

Expositio sequentiarum. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for ­Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Caen BM Rés. A 2116/1; Rome Bibl. Casanatense C(MIN) XXIII 9. Bibl. USTC 112059; RB 22, 41:13; (not in Delisle).

[1508–10]

Expositio hymnorum. Caen: [s.n.] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Rouen BM Inc. p. 30. Bibl. USTC 112456; RB 27, 72:144; Delisle 165.

[1510–13]

Ramon Llull. Aedificatio salutiferae legis. Caen: ­Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Caen BM Rés. A 2116/2; Cambridge Harvard Houghton *42–3323; Paris BnF D-24449/2. Bibl. USTC 111591; Delisle 2.

[1511]

Vincentius Dodus. Apologia contra li defensori de le strie. Et principaliter contra questiones lamiarum fratris Samuelis de cassinis. Eiusdem dodi questio apol. contra invectiuam predicti Samuelis in doctrinam sancti thome aquinatis. Rouen: [s.n.] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Lyon BM Res Inc. 337 (11); *Paris Ste-Gen 8 D 3550 RES (p. 2); Rouen BM. Bibl. USTC 112446; RB 27, 69:127; Delisle 149.

1512 Oct 27

Postilla siue expositio epistolarum et euangeliorum domini­c alium. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel ­A ngier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Barcelona UnivLib 07 CM 230; Le Havre BM R 1462; Xanten Stiftsbibl 2406 (1). Bibl. USTC 112348; RB 27, 27:24; Delisle 328.

Appendix  201 1512 [Oct]

Questiones super evangeliis dominicalibus et festivis totius anni. Caen: [Laurent Hostingue] for Michel A ­ ngier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Le Havre BM R 1462; Xanten Stiftsbibl 2406 (2). Bibl. USTC 112349; RB 27, 28:25; Delisle 339.

[1513]

Questiones super evangeliis dominicalibus et festivis totius anni. Rouen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel A ­ ngier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Amiens BM R. 88 & TH 805. Bibl. USTC 112402; RB 27, 43:80; Delisle 337.

1545

Desiderius Erasmus. Paraphrasis seu potius epitome. Rennes: Marie Robin, widow of Jacques Berthelot. Copies: Cambridge Univ Lib 594. Bibl. USTC 111644; RB 19, 60:3.

Historical 1510 May 2

Les croniques et genealogie des tres nobles roys, ducz et princes tant de la Grant Bretaigne que de la petite. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Jean Macé (Rennes) and ­M ichel Angier (Caen). Copies: Paris BnF Rés. Nb. 290. Bibl. USTC 80206; RB 22, 45:25; Delisle 102.

1514

Gesta romanorum. [Rouen?]: [workshop of ­Laurent Hostingue] for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Paris BnF Rés. Z 2578. Bibl. USTC 112356; RB 19, 40:59; Delisle 195.

1514 Nov 25

Alain Bouchart. Les grandes Cronicques de Bretaigne (“nouvellement imprimees”). Paris: Jean de La Roche for Galliot Du Pré. Copies (among): Brest BM Rés. FB B255; London BL G 5999; Nantes Musée Dobrée Inc. 710; New York PML PML 513; Paris BnF Rés Lk2 442; Rennes BM Rés. 11815; New Haven Yale Beinecke 1983 +37. Bibl. USTC 8338; Moreau II 776.

[1516–18]

Les croniques de Normandie. Rouen (“nouvellement imprimées”): [Atelier du bandeau au Lion couronné] for Jean Le Bourgeois (Rouen), Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Paris BnF Rés. Lk2 1205 (C). Bibl. USTC 70108; RB 22, 28:21; Delisle 104/105.

202  Appendix 1518 Jun 10

Alain Bouchart. Les grandes cronicques de Bretaigne. Caen: Michel Angier. Copies: Cambridge Corpus Christi College EP R 16; Copenhagen KB 18, 262 S-30; Le Mans BM H4o 2937; Paris Arsenal 4o H 4845; Paris BnF Rés. Lk2 442 A. Bibl. USTC 39006.

1531 Sept 20

Alain Bouchart. Les croniques Annales des pays ­dangleterre et Bretaigne. Paris: Antoine ­Cousteau for ­Galliot Du Pré. Copies (among): Cambridge UL Sel 2 58; Cambridge Harvard Houghton Fr 3071.8.5 & *63–1849; Nantes Médiathèque 86827 R; Paris BnF Vélins 763; New ­Haven Yale Beinecke 1974 +12. Bibl. USTC 14469, 49523.

1532

Alain Bouchart. Les gra[n]des Cronicques de bretaigne. [Rennes]: [J. Baudouyn] (cum privilegio). Copies (among): Copenhagen BM; Dresden LB; ­London BL G. 5998; Nancy BM Rés. 4216; Nantes Musée ­Dobrée 48221; *Paris BnF Rés. Lk2 444; Paris ENSBA Masson 1059; Paris Bibl. Arsenal 4o H 3785 & 4o H 4846; Quimper BM C. 8822; Toulouse Médiathèque Rés. B XVI 212; Vienna ÖNB BE 4.M.30. Bibl. USTC 55836; RB 19, 45:7; Delisle 63.

1541

Alain Bouchart. Les grandes annalles ou cronicques parlans tant de la grant Bretaigne a present nommee Angleterre (“nouvellement imprimees”). [s.l.]: [s.n.]. Copies: Cambridge Harvard Houghton Fr 3071.8.7*; London BL 806 e 12; Madrid BN 2899328; Paris Bibl. Arsenal 4o H 4847; Paris BnF Rés. LK2 445; Rennes BM Rés. 11816. Bibl. USTC 40091.

[1548]

Pierre d’Argentré. Recueil d’epitaphes sur le trespas de messire Pierre d’Argentré. Rennes (“Imprime nouvellement”): [s.n.]. Copies: Lincoln Cath Lib Oo 7 19 (3). Bibl. USTC 40613; Shaw R185; Walsby The Printed Book App B 219.

Philosophy & Logic 1509 Jun 27

John XXI (Peter of Spain). Summularum Petri Hispani. Eds. Thomas Bricot and Georges de Bruxelles. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Paris BnF Res. R 778 & Rés. R 1397. Bibl. USTC 112333; RB 19, 34:13; RB 27, 20:7; Delisle 85.

Appendix  203 1511 Nov 22

Jérôme de Hangest. Problemata logicalia. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen); Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Lisbon BN Rés. 1176 P; *Paris Mazarine Inc. 471–2; Tours BM 591 (lost). Bibl. USTC 112340, 111594 (variant); RB 19, 36:27; RB 27, 24:16; Delisle 202–203.

1512

Pierre Tartaret. Questiones super sex libros ethicorum Aristotelis noviter emendate. Ed. Josse Badius. Rouen: Richard Goupil for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Poitiers BM DR 359(1). Bibl. USTC 206596.

1512 Jul 27

Georges de Bruxelles. Expositio in logicam Aristotelis. Secondary author, Thomas Bricot. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Amiens BM SA 251; Glasgow Univ Libr Sp Coll Bm5-f.9; The Hague BR KW 151.F.4; Oxford Univ Libr L.129.1; Oxford Bodl. 4o K.10.Jur. Bibl. USTC 112345; RB 27, 26:21; Delisle 83.

1529 Mar 4

Jérôme de Hangest. Moralia Hieronymi. Ed. ­Guillaume le Rat. [s.l.]: “Ex caracteribus Parrhisiis” [Jean Baudouyn]. Copies: Paris BnF Rés. P. R. 240. Bibl. USTC 112428; RB 19, 44:4; Delisle 201.

1535 Nov 23

William Manderston. Moralia. [Rennes]: [Jean Baudouyn] Copies: St. Andrews Univ Lib TypFRe B35BM; SaintBrieuc BM P 4176. Bibl. Walsby The Printed Book App B 173.

[1540]

Josse Clichtove. Introductiones in terminos; in artium divisionem. Secondary author, Jacques Lefèvre L’Étaples. In suppositiones; In libros posterium; etc. Rennes: Jacques Berthelot for Guillaume Chevau. Copies: *Rennes BM Rés. 88885. Bibl. Bibliothèque Municipale, Rennes, 500 ans d’imprimerie en Bretagne 53; Walsby The Printed Book App B 188.

1542

Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples. Secondary author, Josse Clichtove.Moralis Jacobi Fabri Stapulensis in Ethicen introductio, Judoci Clichtovei,...familiari commentario elucidata. Rennes: Marie Robin, widow Jacques Berthelot. Copies: Paris BnF Rés. P R. 237. Bibl. USTC 111643; RB 19, 60:1; Delisle 236 bis.

204  Appendix

Scientific & Medical 1458

[Map of Brittany and Flanders; calendar in French, English, and Breton] (xylographic). [s.l.]: [s.n.]. Copies: Manchester Rylands Library Spencer coll. Bibl. Dibdin, p. 303, no. 1299; Berjeau, pp. 55–56; Delisle, “Heures bretonnes,” p. 76.

[1485]

Pseudo-Aristotle. Le secret des secretz aristote [Secreta secretorum]. Bréhan-Loudéac: Robin Fouquet and Jean Crès. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. H 506 (3). Bibl. ISTC ia01051700e; Booton Manuscripts 126n17.

[1505]

Arnaldus de Villanova. Le regime de Sante pour conserver le corps humain. Rouen: [Richard Auzoult] for Richard Rogerie [and Michel Angier?] (Morlaix). Copies: London B 1039g 1; Meaux Médiathèque C 11. Bibl. USTC 55541; RB 19, 7:1.

1507 Jul 29

Arnaldus de Villanova. Secondary author, Girard de Solo. Le tresor des povres. Ed. Jean Piscis. [Rouen]: [Atelier du bandeau au Lion couronné (Richard Auzoult’s workshop)] for Jean Macé (Rennes) and Richard Macé (Caen). Copies: *Rennes BM 15573 Rés. Bibl. USTC 59327; RB 22, 22:2; RB 26, 64:2; Delisle 372.

1508 Nov 23

Albertus Magnus. Secreta virorum et mulierum. Rouen: Jean Mauditier for Raulin Gaultier (Rouen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Cambridge Univ Lib Inc. 7.D.40/2; Paris BnF Rés. P.R.306; Washington DC Folger R.128A3.1508 Cage. Bibl. USTC 111579; RB 19, 34:10; Delisle 12.

1509 Jul 30

Floridus Macer. De viribus herbarum. Caen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Bethesda Nat Lib Medicine WZ 240 M142dv 1509; *Paris Mazarine 8–21187. Bibl. USTC 112334; RB 19, 34:14; RB 27, 20:8; Delisle 245.

1510 Sept 30

Albertus Magnus. Secreta virorum et mulierum. Caen: [Laurent Hostingue] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Paris Ste-Gen 8 S 230 INV 2110 RES (P 2). Bibl. Walsby The Printed Book App B 64; (not in USTC).

Appendix  205 1512 Nov 15

Bartholomaeus Anglicus. Propriétaire des choses. Ed. Pierre Farget; trans. Jean Corbichon. Rouen: [Atelier du bandeau au Lion couronné] for François Regnault (Paris), Jean Macé (Rennes), Michel Angier (Caen), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Besançon BM Rés. 57.116; Boston Harvard Countway R128 B 28 F8 1512; Epernay Médiathèque Chandon V 1093. Bibl. USTC 57636; RB 22, 24:9; Delisle 46.

[1513–16]

Albertus Magnus. De virtutibus herbarum, lapidum et animalium. Rouen: Laurent Hostingue for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Caen Musée Mancel 1311; *Paris BnF Rés. P.R. 185. Bibl. USTC 112373; RB 27, 36:49; Delisle 13.

1536

Le kalendriez pour trouver les jours ferielz. Rennes: Thomas Mestrard. Copies: none. Bibl. Walsby The Printed Book App B 179.

1539

Le kalendriez pour trouver les jours ferielz. Rennes: Jacques Berthelot for Thomas Mestrard. Copies: Paris BnF Rés. F-2274; Rennes BM Rés. 10064. Bibl. USTC 13253; RB 19, 47:3; Delisle 88.

1546

Guillaume Brouscon. [Almanac with calendar in French and Breton, tide table, map for navigation at Le Conquet]. [Le Conquet]. Copies: London BL C.36.aa.4. Bibl. Berjeau, pp. 55–56; Howse, pp. 377–78.

[1546]

Guillaume Brouscon. [Almanac with calendar in French and Breton, tide table, map for navigation.] [Le Conquet]: “faict par G. Brouscon du Conquet.” Copies: Cambridge Magdalene Pepysian 1; Chantilly ­ ondon Musée Condé 1585; London BL C.18.e.2 (73); L Nat Maritime Museum N 4046; Oxford Bodl Ashm. 1352. Bibl. Walsby The Printed Book App B 222; Berjeau, pp.  114–16; Howse, pp. 372–78; Michéa, pp. 331n7, 337, 339.

206  Appendix

Sermons 1511 Dec 2

Hugo de Prato Florido. Sermones dominicales super evangelia et epistolas. [Caen]: [material of Laurent Hostingue] for Michel Angier (Caen), Jean Macé (Rennes), Richard Macé (Rouen), and François Regnault (Paris). Copies: Beaune BM A. 99 (pt II); *Paris BnF D-80101 & D-8134 (parts I & II); Poitiers BM CR 108; Roanne BM R 4 169; Sevilla Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina 4-3-9; Sevilla UnivLib A Res. 08/5/18; Vorau Chapter Inc. 236. Bibl. USTC 112341; RB 27, 24:17; Delisle 332–333.

[1513–15]

Nicolas Denyse. Sermones. Rouen: [s.n.] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: none. Bibl. USTC 112444; RB 27, 69:125; Delisle 142.

Service & Devotional 1478 May 14

Catholic Church. Statuta synodalia diocesis Nannetensis [Decreta quae Sinodum celebrans]. [West France?]: Printer of Johannes de Fabrica, Tractatus de indulgentiis. Copies: Nantes Musée Dobrée Fonds Thoby. Bibl. ISTC is00749550; Artonne et al., Répertoire, p. 324; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 132.

1480

Catholic Church. Breviarium Namtenense. Venice: Franz Renner de Heilbronn for Guillaume Tousé. Copies: none. Bibl. GW 05408; Booton Manuscripts, p. 335; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 6.

1482 May 10

Catholic Church. Missale secundum usum diocesis Nanmentensis. Venice: Andreas Torresanus, Bartholomeus de Blavis, and Mapheus de Paterbonis, socios. Copies: Nantes Médiathèque 1276 (Inc. 100); Rennes BM R 10096. Bibl. ISTC im00676200; Delisle 661; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 22.

[1486–1492]

Catholic Church. Missale Redonense. [Poitiers]: [Printer of the “Livre des prêtres”]. Copies: Paris BnF Rés. B-28988. Bibl. ISTC im00688300; CIBN M-441; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 17.

Appendix  207 [1488]

Catholic Church. Psalms. Lantenac: [Jean Crès]. Copies: London BL IA.44210. Bibl. ISTC ip01032255; Booton Manuscripts, p. 102, 127n23.

1489

Catholic Church. Breviarium Macloviense. Paris: Johann Higman. Copies: Ex-Brussels Museum Bollandianum. Bibl. GW5380; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 2.

1491 Dec 1

Catholic Church. Horae ad usum Parisiensem (with Breton saints in calendar). Paris: Philippe Pigouchet in part for E., J. and G. de Marnef. Copies: *Nantes BM Inc. 74 (1248). Bibl. ISTC ih00351000.

1492/93 Jan 11

Catholic Church. Missale Redonense; Speculum sacerdotum. Eds. Thomas Roger, Jean Le Pileux, Alain Fouchart, Simon Guillotin. Paris: [Johannes Higman?] for André Hodian and Jean Alexandre (Angers). Copies: Lisbon Biblioteca da Ajuda Nec. 48 X 25; Paris BnF Vélins 201. Bibl. ISTC im00866180; CIBN M-442; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 18.

1496–98, 1502, 1505

Catholic Church. [Mandements of Christophe de  Penmarch’h, bishop of St.-Brieuc, 1477–1505]. [Lyon?]: [s.n.] after 1496 May 26 (ff. 36–37); [Tours: Mathieu Latherou?] after 1496 Oct 13 (ff. 38–40); [Paris: ­Johann Philippi] after 1498 Jun 7 (ff. 45–46); [Paris: J­ ohann Philippi] after 1499 May 23 (ff. 46–48); [Paris: ­Johann Philippi] after 1500 Jun 11 (ff. 49–51); [1501?] (ff. ­52–53); 1502 May 19 (ff. 54–55); 1502 Oct 13 (ff. 56–58); 1505 May 15 (ff. 59–62). Copies: Vatican City BAV Reg. Lat. 988: Bibl. Michelini Rocci, p. 200, nos. ­29–33; Booton ­ Manuscripts 233; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Brieuc  37, 38, 41, 42–47.

1496 Aug 9

Catholic Church. Dirunale Parisiense; Officia propria Trecorensis diocesis. Paris: Ulrich Gering and Berthold Rembolt. Copies: Paris Ste-Gen. OEXV 820 Res. Bibl. ISTC id00287300; Delisle 625; Deuffic Inventaire Tréguier 10.

208  Appendix [1497]

Catholic Church. Horae ad usum Redonensem (Almanach 1489–1508). [Paris]: [Étienne Jehannot] for Pierre Regnault (Caen). Copies: *Rennes BM Rés. 85163 (imperfect); Solesmes Jle. 1–2 (imperfect). Bibl. Catalogues régionaux V 444; ISTC ih00357140; Delisle 213; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 79.

1498 Jan 27

Catholic Church. Heures à l’usage de Nantes. Nantes: Étienne Larcher. Copies: *Nantes Musee Dobree 998-6-1 (imperfect). Bibl. ISTC ih00348150; Booton Manuscripts 128n56; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 212.

1498 May 30

Catholic Church. Heures a lusage de saint malo. Rouen: Jacques Le Forestier for Robert Macé (Caen). Copies: London BL IA.43989. Bibl. ISTC ih00347500; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 88.

1498

Catholic Church. Manuale Nanetenense. [s.l.]: [s.n.]. Copies: none. Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 60.

after 1499 May 23

Catholic Church. Statuta synodalia celebrata in ecclesia Nannetensis. [Nantes or Paris: Étienne Larcher or Jean Du Pré]. Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. B-2292. Bibl. ISTC is00749600; Booton Manuscripts 128n60; Artonne et al., Répertoire, p. 326; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 133.

1500

Catholic Church. Breviarium Nantenense. Paris: [Étienne Larcher]. Copies: none. Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 7.

1500

Catholic Church. Missale Redonense (“noviter emendatum … Michaelis Dei gratia episcopi Redonensis”) [earlier edition identified as printed on 10 Jan 1492]. Eds. Jean Bougueret, Raoul Berhaud, Simon Guillotin. Rouen: Jean Mauditier and Pierre Olivier for Robert Macé (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. B-27922. Bibl. ISTC im00688400; CIBN M-443; Delisle 286; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 19.

1501

Catholic Church. Missale Nanntenense. Nantes: Guillaume Larchier. Copies: none. Bibl. USTC 206945; RB 19, 13:1; La Borderie Archives I, 47; Delisle 662; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 23.

Appendix  209 [1501–5]

Catholic Church. Manuale ad usum ecclesie Briocensis; Manuale ad usum ecclesie Venetensis. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Robert Macé (Caen). Copies: Bayeux Bibl. du chapitre. Bibl. USTC 112140; RB 8, 11:36; RB 22, 69:99; Delisle 251 ter; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Brieuc 21.

1502

Catholic Church. Missale ad usum ecclesiae Dolensis. Paris: Jean Du Pré. Copies: Paris BnF Rés B-1461 (imperfect). Bibl. USTC 182505; Deuffic Inventaire Dol 5.

[1502]

Catholic Church. Heures a lusaige de Na[n]tes (Almanach 1502–20). Paris: Philippe Pigouchet for Simon Vostre. Copies Nantes Musée Dobrée Inv 620.2780. Bibl. USTC 7805; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 213.

[1502]

Catholic Church. Heures a lusaige de sainct Malo (Almanach 1502–20). Paris: Philippe Pigouchet for Simon Vostre. Copies: Milan BN Gerli 1345. Bibl. USTC 64746; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 89.

[1502]

Catholic Church. Heures a lusaige de Renes (Almanach 1502–20). Paris: Philippe Pigouchet for Simon Vostre. Copies: Marseille Bibl Alcazar impr 200031; *Rennes BM R 11578; San Marino Huntington 108794. Bibl. USTC 57342; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 80.

1503 Nov 6

Catholic Church. Missale ad usum insignis ecclesie macloviensis (“cum additione plurium missarum inprioribus missalibus non habitarum”). Rouen: Jean Mauditier and Pierre Olivier for Robert Macé (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: London BL C.52.d.2 (imperfect). Bibl. USTC 112043; RB 19, 33:2; RB 22, 36:4; Delisle 285; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 12.

[1505]

Catholic Church. Manuale ad usum eccleise [sic] Briocensis. [s.l.]: [s.n.] for Michel Angier and Richard Rogerie (St.-Brieuc). Copies: *Caen BU 247088. Bibl. USTC 111649; RB 19, 83:1; Delisle 251bis; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Brieuc 20.

[1505]

Le kalendrier et compost des bergiers (“auquel sont adioustez plusieurs nouvelles augmentations et corrections tout autrement quil nestoit par auant”). Rouen: [s.n.] for Richard Rogerie (Morlaix). Copies: Louvain Katholieke UB Faculteit der Godgeleerdheid P615.89/QoKALE. Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire Léon 24c.

210  Appendix 1506–7

Catholic Church. [Mandements for Olivier du Chastel, bishop of St.-Brieuc, 1505–1525]. [s.l.]: [s.n.] after 1506 Oct 15 (ff. 63–70); after 1507 Oct 14 (f. 71). Copies: Vatican City BAV Reg. Lat. 988. Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire St.-Brieuc 48, 49.

[after 1506]

Catholic Church. Statuta syondalia [sic] secundum ritum et … consuetudinem ecclesie [et] capituli Macloviensi. Paris: Antoine Bonnemere for Jean Lohyer and Laurence Fournier (Dinan). Copies: Paris Ste-Gen 4C 322 INV 320 RES (p. 1). Bibl. USTC 186622; Artonne et al., Répertoire, p. 398; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 61.

[1507]

Catholic Church. Heures a lusaige de Renes (­A lmanach 1507–27). Paris: Philippe Pigouchet for Simon Vostre. Copies: Rennes BM Rés. 11578. Bibl. USTC 57342; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 81.

[1509]

Catholic Church. [Statuta synodalia celebrata in ecclesia Dolensis]. Nantes: Guillaume Tourquetil. Copies: Rennes BM Rés. 11814. Bibl. RB 19, 14:1; Booton Manuscripts 128n63; Artonne et al., Répertoire, p. 225; Deuffic Inventaire Dol 10.

[1510]

Catholic Church. [Breviarium ad usum insignis ecclesie Corisopitensis]. [s.l.]: [s.n.]. Copies: Brussels Bollandistes Lib Lit A.188 (imperfect). Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire Quimper 4.

[1510]

Catholic Church. Manuale ad usum Redonensem. Rouen: [material of Pierre Olivier] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: *Paris Ste-Gen 4 BB 187 INV 410; Rennes Grand Séminaire XIX 5 1; Vitré Médiathèque Th 189. Bibl. USTC 112136; RB 22, 68:95; Delisle 255; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 46.

1511 Dec 31–Feb 1512

Biblia. Rouen: Pierre Olivier (“novissime impressa”) for Michel Angier and Pierre Regnault (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Caen BM Rés. C 539 (imperfect); La Flèche Prytanée C 1; Oxford Bodl. Antiq. D. F.1512/1; *Paris BnF A-162; Paris Mazarine 2o 617 N; Rouen BM Inc. M 117; Bibl. USTC 210282; RB 22, 48:32; Delisle 50.

1511 Dec 31–Mar 1512

Variant. Rouen: Pierre Olivier for Pierre Regnault (Caen), Michel Angier (Caen), and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: St Andrews Univ Libr BS 75.B11 (imperfect). Bibl. USTC 112077; RB 22, 48:32; Delisle 50.

Appendix  211 [1511–15]

Casus papales. Episcopales et abbatiales omnibus et presertim sacerdotibus religiosis. Rouen: [s.n.] for Michel Angier (Caen) and Jean Macé (Rennes). Copies: Le Mans Médiathèque RIA 044 (TH 8o 3612). Bibl. USTC 112438; RBN 229:110.

1512 Sept 15

Catholic Church. Breviarium ad usum ecclesie Redonensis (“non sine magno labore correcta et in legendis ampliata”). Ed. Yves Mahyeuc. [Rouen]: [material of Martin Morin] for Charles de Bougne (Angers), Jean Macé (Rennes), Michel Angier (Caen), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Copenhagen BR 96/49 (imperfect). Bibl. RB 14, 32:38; RB 19, 37:37; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 3.

1514 Dec 7

Catholic Church. Breviarium Redonense. Paris: Thielman Kerver for Jean Macé (Rennes), Michel Angier (Caen), and Richard Macé (Rouen). Copies: Solesmes Abbey Jle/2–14 (imperfect). Bibl. USTC 111619; RB 19, 40:61; Delisle 78; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 4.

1514

Catholic Church. Diurnale Redonense. [s.l.]: [s.n. for Jean Macé (Rennes), Michel Angier (Caen), and Richard Macé (Rouen)?]. Copies: none. Bibl. Delisle 147; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 71.

1515

Catholic Church. Statuta … in nostra synodo celebrata [St.-Malo]. Latin and French [In L’Instruction des curez]. [Paris]: Olivier Senant. Copies: Paris Ste-Gen 4C 322 INV 320 RES (P.2); Tours BU C3 63 Cur. Bibl. Artonne et al., Répertoire, p. 399; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 63.

[1515]

Catholic Church. Heures a lusaige de Nantes (Almanach 1515–31). Paris: [s.n.] for Simon Vostre. Copies: Munich Bayerische Staatsbibl Rar. 1420; Nantes Musée Dobrée Inv 690.2775. Bibl. USTC 7801; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 214.

1516

Catholic Church. Breviarium insignis ecclesie Leonensis (“summa diligentia correctum”). Paris: Didier Maheu (cum privilegio) for Yves Quillévéré (Paris) and Alain Prigent (Landerneau and St.-Pol-de-Léon). Copies: Paris BnF B-4920 (imperfect); *Rennes BM 15952 Rés. (imperfect). Bibl. USTC 183613; Deuffic Inventaire Léon 2.

212  Appendix 1517

Catholic Church. Heures à l’usage de Nantes. Nantes: Jean Baudouyn. Copies: none. Bibl. USTC 72743; RB 19, 17:1; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 215.

1517

Catholic Church. Breviarium ad usum ecclesie S. Maclovii. Copies: none. Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 3.

1518 Feb 26

Catholic Church. Breviarium Nantenense. Paris: Jean Adam, Jean Bienayse, and Jean Kerbriant for Olivier Ganereau and Antoine Papolin (Nantes). Copies: none. Bibl. USTC 183805; Coyecque, Recueil, I, p. 13, no. 76; RB 19, 15:3; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 8.

1518 Aug

Catholic Church. [Usages de Nantes]. Paris: Jean Bignon for Olivier Ganereau (Nantes). Copies: none. Bibl. Moreau II p. 508, no. 1963.

1519 Aug 3–1520

Catholic Church. Breviarium secundum usum insignis ecclesie Dolensis. Paris: Didier Maheu. Copies: Paris BnF B-24022 (imperfect); *Paris Ste-Gen 8 BB 917 INV 1095 RES (imperfect). Bibl. USTC 184012; Deuffic Inventaire Dol 2.

1520 Oct 16

Catholic Church. Missale ad insignis Nantenensis ecclesie usum. Rouen: Martin Morin for Antoine and Michel Papolin (Nantes), Olivier and Robert Ganereau (Nantes), and Charles de Bougne (Angers). Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. B-1814. Bibl. USTC 111330; RB 14, 39:57; Delisle 663; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 24.

1522

Catholic Church. [Statuta synodalia secundum ecclesie Macloviensi]. Copies: none. Bibl. Artonne et al., Répertoire, p. 399; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 64.

1523 Jan 10

Catholic Church. Missale ad consuetudinem insignis ecclesie Redonensis. Paris: Jean de Kerbriant for Jean Macé and Sulpice Le Franc (Rennes). Copies: Cambridge Univ Lib Sel.2.27; *Paris Arsenal Fol. T 725. Bibl. USTC 180923, 111628; RB 19, 41:73; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 20.

Appendix  213 1523–38

Catholic Church. [Statuta synodalia ad usum ecclesie Leonensis]. [s.l.]: [s.n.]. Copies: Quimper ADF 5G 563 (fragments). Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire Léon 21.

1524

Catholic Church. Breviarium Nanntenense. Paris: Jean Kerbriant for Olivier and Robert Ganereau, Pierre Bodin, Antoine and Michel Papolin (Nantes), and Charles de Bougne (Angers). Copies: none. Bibl. USTC 184375; Coyecque, Recueil, I, pp. ­92–93; Moreau III p. 203, no. 616; Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 9.

1525

Catholic Church. Missale Nanntenense. [s.l.]: [s.n. for Antoine and Michel Papolin]. Copies: none. Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 25.

1525

Catholic Church. Rituale Nanntenense. [s.l.]: [s.n.]. Copies: none. Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire Nantes 61.

1525

Catholic Church. [Statuta synodalia secundum ecclesie Macloviensi]. Copies: none. Bibl. Artonne et al., Répertoire, p. 399; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 65.

1526 Jul 14

Catholic Church. Missale secundum verum usum insignis ecclesie Leonensis. Paris: Nicolas Prevost for Yves Quillévéré (cum privilegio). Copies: *Paris BnF Rés. B-27804 (imperfect); Quimper Bibl. dioc. AA (imperfect). Bibl. USTC 184600; Deuffic Inventaire Léon 6.

1526

Catholic Church. Ordo breviarii secundum usum incliti monasterii sancti Melanii. [Rennes]: [material of Jean Baudouyn]. Copies: Paris BnF Rés. B-27701; Saumur BM R XVI-8. 12; Solesmes BA ASP Jle/2–8. Bibl. RB 19, 40:61. Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 188.

1530 Apr 30

Catholic Church. Missale ad usum ecclesiae Venetensis jam recens impressum. Paris: François Regnault for Jean Macé (Rennes) and Michel Angier (Caen). Copies: Vannes Bibl dioc. XXVIII 82. Bibl. USTC 185043, 182561 (variant); Moreau III, no. 2219; Deuffic Inventaire Vannes 5.

214  Appendix [1530]

Catholic Church. Horae ad usum ecclesiae Corisopitensis. Paris: [widow of Thielman Kerver?]. Copies: Ex-coll. Ambroise-Firmin Didot. Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire Quimper 249.

[1530]

Catholic Church. Heures a lusage de Rennes. [s.l.]: [s.n.] Copies: Paris BnF Rés. B-23684 (fragment); Rés B-23685 (fragment); Rés B-23686 (fragment). Bibl. Lacombe 523–525; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 82–84.

1531

Catholic Church. Missale ad usum insignis ecclesie Redonensis (“emendatum cum pluribus additionibus et missis de novo adiunctis correctis et emendates”). [Rennes?]: “Ex caracteribus Parrhisiis” [Jean Baudouyn?]: for ­Michel and Girard Angier and Jacques Berthelot. Copies: Auxerre BM Rés. 21; *Paris Ste-Gen 4 BB 182 INV 405 RES; Rennes BM R 11890; Vitré BM 190; excoll. Comte de Palys; ex-sale Gros & Delettrez 17 Oct 2013, lot 97. Bibl. USTC 111636; RB 19, 45:6; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 21.

1531

Catholic Church. [Statuta synodalia secundum ecclesie Macloviensi]. Copies: none. Bibl. Artonne et al., Répertoire, p. 399; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 66.

1532 Aug 3

Catholic Church. Manuale sacerdotum ad usum Venetensem (“noviter correctum emendatum atque impressum”). [Rouen]: [Richard Hamillon?)] for Michel and Girard Angier, and Jacques Berthelot (Caen). Copies: Paris St-Gen 4 BB 225 INV 449 RES. Bibl. USTC 206962; RB 5, 33:4; Deuffic Inventaire Vannes 37.

1532

Catholic Church. [Breviarium ad usum insignis ecclesie Briocensis.] [s.l.]: [s.n.]. Copies: none. Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire St.-Brieuc 2.

1533 Nov 3

Catholic Church. Manuale sacerdotum ad usum Redonnensem (“recentissime impressum sumptibus”). [Caen]: [s.n.] for Michel and Girard Angier and Jacques Berthelot (Caen). Copies: Kergonan BA;*Paris BnF Rés. 8-Z Don 594/260; *Rennes BM R 11892. Bibl. RB 5, 33:5; Delisle 256; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 47.

Appendix  215 1533 Nov 13

Catholic Church. Breviarium S. Melanii prope Redonis. Paris: Jean Kerbriant alias Huguelin. Copies: none. Bibl. USTC 185285; Moreau IV p. 207, no. 596 [note of possible confusion with earlier edition].

1533

Catholic Church. Missale ad usum insignis eccl[es]ie Redone[n]sis. [Rennes]: “ex carracteribus Parrhisiis” [Jean Baudouyn] for Michel and Girard Angier and Jacques Berthelot (Caen). Copies: Milan BN Gerli 1367. Bibl. USTC 111637; RBN 5, 34:6; RB 19, 46:8; Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 22.

1535 Dec 10

Catholic Church. Missale secundum usum insignis ecclesie Venetensis (“accuratissima diligentia noviter emendatum”). Paris: Yolande Bonhomme, for Antoine and Michel Les Papolins “mercatoribus et librariis juratis insignis universitatis Nannetensis” and for Guillaume Brunel (Nantes). Copies: Paris BnF Rés. B-28973 (imperfect); Sainte-Anne d’Auray Basilica. Bibl. USTC 185587; RB 19, 16:7; Deuffic Inventaire Vannes 6.

[1535]

Catholic Church. Heures a lusaige de sainct Malo (­A lmanach 1535–46). Rouen: François Regnault. Copies: Paris Bibl Franciscaine Provinciale 134. Bibl. USTC 22458; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 90.

1537

Catholic Church. Breviarium secundum usum insignis ecclesie Macloviensis. Copies: St.-Malo BM 1796b (lost). Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 4.

1543

Catholic Church. Missale ad usum insignis ecclesie Briocensis. Rouen: [s.n.] for Girard Angier (Caen) and Bertrand Jago (Moncontour). Copies: Le Mans BM 8o Th. 1786 (imperfect); Paris Mazarine Rés. 4o 11879 Rés. Bibl. USTC 111272; RB 14, 11:1; RB 5, 51:3; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Brieuc 5.

1543

Catholic Church. Missale Parisiensis. [Paris]: [Didier Maheu] for Bernard de Léau (Morlaix), Oudin Petit, Jacques Kerver, Jean Le Roy, Thomas Eustache (Paris). Copies: London BL C.36.l.10. Bibl. USTC 130494; RB 19, 8:1.

216  Appendix 1543

Confraternity. Statuts et ordonnances de la Confrairie Monseigneur saint Jehan Baptiste. Rennes: Thomas Mestrard. Copies: none. Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 229.

1545

Catholic Church. Breviarium Redonense. [s.l.]: [s.n.] Copies: none. Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire Rennes 5.

1548

Catholic Church. Breviarium de Trinitate ad usum ecclesie Briocensis (“correctum emendatumque ­attentiori cura & vigilia diligentiori cum multis additionibus”). Rennes: [Jean Georget] for Guillaume Chevau. Copies: Paris BnF B-4925; Saint-Brieuc BM Rés. P 38. Bibl. USTC 111639; RB 19, 53:12; Deuffic Inventaire St.-Brieuc 3–4.

1550

Catholic Church. [Breviarium ad usum insignis ecclesie Leonensis]. [s.l.]: [s.n.]. Copies: none. Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire Léon 2b.

[1550]

Catholic Church. Missale ad usum insignis ecclesie maclouiensis. [s.l.]: [s.n.]. Copies: *Rennes BM R 10069 (imperfect) Bibl. Deuffic Inventaire St.-Malo 13.

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Topographical Index of Cited Printers, Publishers, and Booksellers in France

Angers Alexandre, Clément (publisher) Alexandre, Jean (publisher) Bougne, Charles de (publisher-bookseller) Bourgoignon, Philippe (bookseller) Corroyer, Tite (bookseller) Hélye, Jean (bookseller) Hodian, André (publisher-bookseller) Picquenot, Richard (printer) Varice, Jean (publisher-bookseller) Bréhan-Loudéac Crès, Jean (printer, also at Lantenac) Fouquet, Robin (printer) Caen Angier, Girard (publisher) Angier, Michel (publisher, also at Morlaix and Rouen) Berthelot, Jacques (printer, also at Rennes) Hostingue, Laurent (printer, also at Rouen) Hostingue, Laurent, workshop of (printer) Macé, Richard (publisher-bookseller, also at Rouen) Macé, Robert I (publisher) Macé, Robert II (printer-bookbinder) Rogerie, Richard (apprentice, also at Morlaix) Dinan Fournier, Laurence (publisher-bookseller) Lohyer, Jean (publisher-bookseller) Landereau/St.-Pol-de-Léon Prigent, Alain (publisher-bookseller)

Lantenac Crès, Jean (printer, also at Rennes) Lyon Arnoullet, Jacques (printer-bookseller) Arnoullet, Olivier (printer) Dalles, Jean (printer) Dayne, Claude (printer) Faber, Jean (printer) Havard, Martin (publisher) Hongre, Pierre (printer) Huguetan, Jacques (publisher) Huss, Martin (printer) Huss, Matthias (printer) Moylin, Jean de (printer-bookseller) Schabler, Johann (printer) Moncontour Jago, Bertrand (publisher) Morlaix/St.-Brieuc Angier, Michel (publisher, also at Caen and Rouen) Léau, Bernard de (publisher-bookseller) Rogerie, Richard (publisherbookseller, also at Caen) Nantes Baudouyn, Jean (printer, also at Rennes) Bodin, Pierre (bookseller) Des Marestz, Nicolas (printer) Faverye, François (printer) Ganereau, Olivier (publisher-bookseller) Ganereau, Robert (publisher-bookseller) Gaudin, Jean (printer) Gobert, Luc (bookseller) Larcher, Étienne (printer)

240  Topographical Index of Cited Printers Larchier, Guillaume (printer) Le Bret, Pierre (publisher-bookseller, also at Paris) Le Plat, Gabriel (bookseller) Papolin, Antoine (publisher-bookseller) Papolin, Mathurin (publisher-bookseller) Papolin, Michel (publisher-bookseller) Rousseau, Jacques (printer) Tourquetil, Guillaume (printer) Tousé (Touzé), Guillaume (bookseller) Paris Adam, Jean (printer) Anabat, Guillaume (printer) Bienayse, Jean (printer) Bignon, Jean (printer) Bolsec, Hervé (bookseller-binder) Bolsec, Mathieu (bookseller) Bonhomme, Pasquier (printer) Bonhomme, Yolande (printer) Bossozel, Guillaume de (printer) Calvarin, Prigent (printer-bookseller) Caveiller, Étienne (printer) Cornillau, Jean (printer) Corrozet, Gilles (bookseller) Cousteau, Antoine (printer) Dargant, Olivier (apprentice bookseller-binder) Du Pré, Galliot (publisher) Du Pré, Jean (printer) Du Puis Jacques (printer-bookseller) Eustache, Thomas (bookseller) Forget, Pierre (printer) Gering, Ulrich (printer) Gerlier, Durand (publisher) Godard, Guillaume (publisher) Gourmont, Gilles de (printer) Gourmont, Jean I de (printer) Hardouyn, Germain (publisher-bookseller) Hardouyn, Gilles (publisher-bookseller) Hermier, Pierre (publisher) Herry, Yves (apprentice bookbinder) Higman, Johann (printer) Higman, Nicolas (printer) Jehannot, Denis (printer) Jehannot, Étienne (printer) Jehannot, Jean (printer) Kerbriant, Jean (printer) Kerver, Jacques (publisher-bookseller)

Kerver, Thielman (printer) Kerver, Thielman, widow (printer) La Roche, Jean de (printer) Lambert, Jean (printer) Le Bret, Pierre (publisher-bookseller, also at Nantes) Le Caron, Guillaume (printer) Le Caron, Pierre (printer) Le Fèvre, Guillaume (printer) Le Noir, Michel (printer) Le Petit Laurens (printer) Le Rouge, Guillaume (printerbookseller, also at Chablis/Troyes) Le Roy, Jean (publisher) Leaue, Drouet de (publisher-bookseller) Lotrian, Alain (printer) Maheu, Didier (printer) Marchant, Guy (printer) Marnef, Enguilbert de (publisher-bookseller) Marnef, Geoffroy de (publisher-bookseller) Marnef, Jean de (publisher-bookseller) Mignart, Guillaume (printer) Moalic, Alain (apprentice bookseller-bookbinder) Montjay, Toussaint de (publisher) Nicolas de Guingamp (bookseller-binder) Nivelle, Sébastien (printer-bookseller) Petit, Jean (publisher-bookseller) Petit, Oudin (publisher-bookseller) Philippe, Laurent (printer) Philippi, Johann (printer) Pigouchet, Philippe (printer) Pincerne, Pierre (printer) Prevost, Nicolas (printer) Quillévéré, Yves (printer) Régis, Jean (bookseller) Regnault, Pierre (printer) Rembolt, Berthold (printer) Sauberon, Georges (bookseller-binder) Senant, Olivier (printer-bookseller) Sergent, Pierre (publisher-bookseller) Trepperel, Jean I (printer-bookseller) Trepperel, Jean II (printer-bookseller) Trepperel, widow of Jean I (printer-bookseller) Vérard, Antoine (publisher) Vidoue, Pierre (printer) Vostre, Nicole (publisher-bookseller) Vostre, Simon (publisher-bookseller-binder)

Topographical Index of Cited Printers  241 Pipriac Brito, Jean (printer, also at Tournai) Poitiers Printer of the “Livre des prêtres” (printer) Rennes Baudouyn, Jean (printer, also at Nantes) Bellescullée, Pierre (printer) Berthelot, Jacques (printer, also at Caen) Chevau, Guillaume (bookseller) Cleray, Georges (bookseller) Du Clos, Julien (printer) Georget, Jean (printer) Josses (printer) Le Franc, Rolland (bookseller) Le Franc, Sulpice (publisher) Lermangier, Jean (publisher) Logeroys, Michel (printer) Macé, Jacques (bookseller) Macé, Jean (publisher-bookseller) Macé, Julien (publisher-bookseller) Mestrard, Thomas (bookseller) Robin, Marie, widow of Jacques Berthelot (printer) Rouen Angier, Michel (publisher, also at Caen and Morlaix) Atelier du bandeau au Lion couronné (printer)

Auzoult, Richard (printer) Gaullemier, Guillaume (printer) Gaultier, Raulin (publisher-bookseller) Goupil, Richard (printer) Hamillon, Richard (printer) Hostingue, Laurent (printer, also at Caen) Le Bourgeois, Jean (printer-publisher) Le Forestier, Jacques (printer) Le Roux, Nicolas (printer) Loys, Jamet (printer) Macé, Richard (publisher-bookseller, also at Caen) Mauditier, Jean (printer) Morin, Martin (printer) Moulin, Jean (printer) Olivier, Pierre (printer) Regnault, François (printer) Richard, Jean (publisher-bookseller) Tours Latherou, Mathieu (printer) Tréguier Calvez, Jean (printer) P., Ia. (printer) Vannes Jean d’Alençon (printer) Rio, Robert (printer)

General Index

abbreviations 20, 23, 24, 32, 57, 135, 137, 146 Adam, Jean (printer, Paris) 116, 180, 212 Adrianus Cartusiensis: De remediis utriusque fortunae 89, 146, 195 Aegidius Suchtelensis: Elegantiarum viginti precepta 192 Aesop: Fabule 96, 192 Alain de Lille: Parabolae 96, 140, 146, 188 Albericus de Rosate 133; Tractatus de testibus practicabilis 96, 177 Albertus Magnus: De virtutibus herbarum 205; and Secreta virorum et mulierum 89, 204 Aleandro, Girolamo 111 almanacs 205 Alexander de Villa Dei: Doctrinale 96, 189 Alexandre, Clément (publisher, Angers) 100 Alexandre, Jean (publisher, Angers) 83, 100, 108, 175, 176, 207 Alexis, Guillaume 160; Les faintises du monde 191 Aman ez dezrou an Passion 112, 113, 134, 199 Aman et dezraov buhez en itrou Sanctes Cathell 114 Aman ez dezrou buhez Sante Barba dre rym 114 Anabat, Guillaume (printer, Paris) 108, 109 Andigné, Robert d’: Compendium 185 Andrelini, Publio Fausto: Epistolae Annae Reginae 152; and Hecatodistichon 99, 192 Angier, Girard (publisher, Caen) 93, 99, 119, 141, 182, 199, 214, 215

Angier, Michel (publisher): apprenticeship 86; family 98–9; Caen 30, 31, 44, 90–1, 92–3, 94–5, 98, 99, 119, 131, 134, 138, 141–2, 143–4, 146, 148, 149, 150, 151, 156, 177–80, 187–90, 193, 195–206, 209–11, 213–15; Morlaix 86, 87, 88; property 99; and Rouen 88 Anne de Bretagne see France, queen of apprentices 85–6, 115, 171 Apuleius 142 Argentré, Pierre d’ 137 Aristotle 48, 110, 142 Aristotle (Pseudo): Le secret des secretz aristote 204 Arnaldus de Villanova: Le regime de sante 87, 204; and Le tresor des povres 89, 139 Arnoullet, Jacques (printer-bookseller, Lyon) 22–3, 40 Arnoullet, Olivier (printer, Lyon) 31, 44 Arrigo da Settimello: De male fortunitatis versibus elegis 193 Arthur III see Brittany, dukes of Atelier du bandeau au Lion couronné (printer, Rouen) 93, 136, 139, 191, 193, 201, 204, 205 Auffret de Quoatqueveran 187, 190, 193 Auzoult, Richard (printer, Rouen) 26, 42, 83, 136, 187, 204 Auzoult, Richard, workshop of see Atelier du bandeau au Lion couronné Badius, Josse 89, 149, 150, 152, 187, 188, 190, 191, 192, 197, 203 Balbi, Giovanni: Catholicon 156, 190; and Summa Grammaticalis 96, 112

244  General Index Baptista Mantuanus: Aureum contra impudice scribentes opusculum 191; Parthenice Catharinaria 92, 140, 149, 150, 197; and Parthenice Mariana 95, 198 Barbier, Hamon 111, 156 Barbier, Jean 133; Viatorium iuris 177 Bartholomaeus Anglicus: Propriétaire des choses 95, 205 Bartolo of Sassoferrato: De tabellionibus 179 Baudouyn, Jean (printer): Nantes 75, 198, 212; and Rennes 93, 96–7, 98, 119, 138, 141, 155, 180, 181, 199, 202, 203, 213–15 Bellaert, Jacob 71, 72 Bellescullée, Pierre (printer, Rennes) 4, 82, 107, 135, 175, 194 Benali, Bernardino 73 Berhaud, Radulph (Raoul) 85, 208 Bernard of Clairvaux: Belle doctrine 5, 193 Bernard of Clairvaux (Pseudo): De contemptu mundi 96, 198; Facetus 96, 189, 195; Floretus 96, 147, 188, 194, 197; and Le gouvernement de mesnaige 199 Beroaldo, Filippo 89, 188 Berthelin, André 115 Berthelot, Jacques (printer): Caen 99, 119, 141, 199, 214, 215; and Rennes 100, 120, 182, 203, 205 Bible 48n23, 57, 79n28, 95, 136, 159, 169, 210 Bienayse, Jean (printer, Paris) 116, 180, 212 Bignon, Jean (printer, Paris) 31, 32–3, 44, 212 Blavis, Bartholomeus de (printer, Venice) 154, 206 Blocks: borrowing/lending 22, 23, 54, 76n2; composite 71–3; interchangeable 60–5, 75; metalcuts 15, 23, 43, 51n66, 53, 54, 56, 86, 140, 142; rental 26, 76n2, 79n38; reuse 28, 54, 57, 59, 66–8, 70–4, 140, 141, 142; woodcuts 4, 15, 16, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 30, 55, 74; and xylographic 19, 20, 27, 84, 145, 204 Boccaccio, Giovanni: De la louenge des nobles et cleres dames 152 Bodin, Pierre (bookseller, Nantes) 100, 116, 117, 181, 213

Boethius: De consolatione philosophiae 89, 94, 134, 187, 189, 190, 192, 193 Boethius (Pseudo): De disciplina scholarium 89, 90, 134, 187, 189, 192, 193 Bois, Jean II du 34, 37 Boisbrassu, Jean du 12, 48n29 Bolsec, Hervé (bookseller-binder, Paris) 111 Bolsec, Mathieu (bookseller, Paris) 111 Bonhomme, Pasquier (printer, Paris) 153 Bonhomme, Yolande (printer, Paris) 215 Bonifacius de Vitalinis: Super maleficiis 178 Bonnemere, Antoine (printer, Paris) 210 Bononius, Hieronymus 94 book distribution 81, 82, 85, 101, 120, 121 books of hours: 74–5, 134, 152; Cornouaille 114, 214; Nantes 54, 56, 58, 60, 62, 64, 66, 75, 208, 209, 211, 212; Paris 207; Rennes 75, 82, 208, 209, 210, 214; Rome 59, 61, 63, 67, 69; and St.-Malo 208, 209, 215 Bossozel, Guillaume de (printer, Paris) 112, 113, 199 Bouchart, Alain 95, 175; Les croniques Annales des pays dangleterre et Bretaigne 202; and Les grandes Cronicques de Bretaigne 201, 202 Bouchart, Jacques 175 Boucher, Étienne 122 Bouchet, Jean 13; Les triumphes de la noble et amoureuse Dame 121, 193 Bougueret, Jean 85, 208 Bougne, Charles de (publisherbookseller, Angers) 100, 116, 117, 177, 211, 212, 213 Bourdigné, Charles 13 Bourgoignon, Philippe (bookseller, Angers) 101, 120, 122, 182, 183, 184 Boussard, Geoffroy: De continentia sacerdotum 157, 197, 198 Boutillier, Jean: Summa ruralis 96, 178 Bouton, Claude 34, 37 Bouyer, Jean 4 Breton-language texts 112–14, 134, 165n51, 199, 204, 205 see also Lagadeuc, Jean Catholicon Breuille, Rolin de 115

General Index  245 breviaries: Cornouaille 210; Dol 212; Nantes 116–17, 154, 206, 208, 212, 213; Rennes 102n9, 154–5, 211, 216; St.-Brieuc 214, 216; St.-Malo 108, 155, 207, 212, 215; St.-Melaine 213, 215; and St.-Pol de Léon 111, 137, 145, 156, 211, 216 Briçonnet, Denis 155, 198, 199 Briçonnet, Guillaume I 155 Briçonnet, Guillaume II 155 Bricot, Thomas 202, 203 Brie, Germain de: Chordigerae navis conflagratio 152 Brie, Jean de 29 Brito, Jean (printer, Pipriac and Tournai) 4 Brittany, laws: 122; constitutions 97, 117, 180, 181; custumals 4, 5, 55, 82, 85, 89, 95, 96, 102, 120, 133, 135, 138, 158, 175–86; instructions 183; and ordinances 99, 100, 119, 120, 122, 176, 180, 182, 185, 186 Brittany, duke of: Arthur III 11; François I 11; François II 11, 12, 152; Jean V 11; and Pierre II 11 Brittany, duchess of: Anne de Bretagne see France, queen of; Claude see France, queen of; and Marguerite de Foix 12, 14, 38 Brouscon, Guillaume 205 Brunel, Guillaume 215 Buyer, Jacques 26 Caccialupi, Giovanni Battista 192; De super feudis 179 Cadier, Nicolas 89, 94, 147, 149, 190 calendars 88, 119, 204, 205, 209 Calvarin, Prigent (printer-bookseller, Paris) 109 Calvez, Jean (printer, Tréguier) 5, 112, 135, 178, 187 Calvi, Geoffroy 108 Calvin, John 169 Canisius, Pierre 114 Carletti, Angelo: Summa de casibus conscientie 142, 146, 197 Carmen lugubre 89 Carrer, Vincent 89 Casus papales 211 catechism 114 Catholic League 170 catholicons 5, 95, 112, 134, 135, 156, 186, 187, 190, 193

Cato, Dionysius: Distichs 96, 134, 190, 192 Caveiller, Étienne (printer, Paris) 184 Cenalis, Robert 121 Chaffault, Pierre du 78n23, 154 Chappuis, Jean 196 Charles VIII see France, king of Charles d’Orléans 11 Chartier, Alain 12, 13, 17; Le breviaire des nobles 194 Chastel, Olivier du 210 Chastelain, Georges 12, 13 Chevau, Guillaume (bookseller, Rennes) 119, 120, 121, 122–3, 182, 186, 203, 216 Cicero, Marcus Tullius: Illustria monimenta 152; and Synonimorum libellus 191 Cirey, Jean de 133; Defensorium iuris 96, 179 Cleray, Georges (bookseller, Rennes) 122, 182, 183, 184, 185 Clichtove, Josse 192, 203; Introductiones in terminos 203 contracts 116–17 copying 158 copyright see Printing privileges Corbichon, Jean 205 Corre, Jean 112, 190 corrections 157–8 Cornillau, Jean (printer, Paris) 180 Corroyer, Tite (bookseller, Angers) 100 Corrozet, Gilles (bookseller, Paris) 44, 45 Cousteau, Antoine (printer, Paris) 202 Coutumes, see Brittany, laws: Custumals; see also Normandy. Custumals Crès, Jean (printer): Bréhan-Loudéac 4, 135, 175, 193, 194, 204; Lantenac 176, 186, 207 Crétin, Guillaume 13 Christine de Pisan 17; Le trésor de la cité des dames 152 Cuburien, monastery 114 Cura clericalis 94, 196, 199 Curtius, Rochus 133; Tractatus de iure patronatus 177 Dalles, Jean (printer, Lyon) 23 Dallier, Nicolas 175, 176 Dargant, Olivier (apprentice bookseller-binder, Paris) 115 Dati, Agostino: Elegantiae latinae 94

246  General Index Dayne, Claude (printer, Lyon) 22 Denis the Carthusian: Le mirouer d’or de l’âme pécheresse 134, 194 Denyse, Nicolas: Sermones 206 Des Marestz, Nicolas (printer, Nantes) 170 Deschamps, Eustache 12 devotional books see literary genres, devotional books diagrams 142, 143, 144 Dinus Mugellanus: Tractatus prescriptionum 179 diurunals: Paris 207; and Rennes 154, 211 Dodus, Vincentius: Apologia 200 Dominicus Mancinus: Alpha et O salvatoris 196 Dorléans, Regnault: Les observations de diverses choses remarquees sur l’estat 171 Du Bellay, Joachim 35 du Bois, Jean II 34, 38 Du Clos, Julien (printer, Rennes) 119, 122–3 Du Pré, Galliot (publisher, Paris) 31, 32, 43–4, 120, 122, 182, 201, 202 Du Pré, Jean (printer, Paris) 15, 18, 22, 25, 39, 53–4, 57, 59, 60, 61, 63, 65–6, 67, 74, 107, 208, 209; wife 55 Du Puis Jacques (printer-bookseller, Paris) 123

Ferrazzo, Tommaso 133; Cautelae novae 96, 179 Fichet, Guillaume: Rhetorica 152 Floridus Macer: De viribus herbarum 204 Fontaine, Charles 13 Forget, Pierre (printer, Paris) 45 Fouchart, Alain 207 Fougay, Guillaume 111, 156 Fouquet, Robin (printer, Bréhan-Loudéac) 4, 135, 175, 193, 194, 204 Fournier, Laurence (publisher-bookseller, Dinan) 210 France, king of: Charles VIII 34, 56, 152, 176; François I 99, 120, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185; Henry III 170; Henri IV 170; Louis XI 13; and Louis XII 152, 178 France, queen of: Anne de Bretagne 12, 14, 15, 23, 34, 46n3, 112, 140, 152; and Claude 152 France: edicts 120; and ordinances 119, 147, 157, 178, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185 François I see France, king of François II see Brittany, duke of Françoise de Dinan 12 French Wars of Religion 169, 171 Frisner, Andreas (printer, Nuremberg) 138, 157 Froissart, Jean 13, 153

Egbert of Liège 158 epigrams 94, 149, 189 Épine, Jean de l’ (student scribe, Paris) 107 Erasmus, Desiderius: De copia 158; and Paraphrasis 201 Espinay, Eustache d’ 46n6 Espinay, Jean d’ 56 Eustache, Thomas (bookseller, Paris) 112, 215 exegesis see literary genres, exegesis Expositio hymnorum 200 Expositio sequentiarum 200 Évrard de Béthune: Graecismus 5, 89, 96, 134, 146, 147, 186, 187

Galle, Jacques 37 Galvanus de Bononia: Differentie legum et canonum 179 Ganereau, Olivier and Robert (publisher-booksellers, Nantes) 100, 116, 117, 212, 213 Gaudin, Jean (printer, Nantes) 118 Gaullemier, Guillaume (printer, Rouen) 93, 196 Gaultier, Raulin (publisher-bookseller, Rouen) 89, 93, 148, 149, 188, 204 Gauvin, Guillaume (cleric-scribe, Paris) 107 Georges de Bruxelles 202; Expositio in logicam Aristotelis 203 Georget, Jean (printer, Rennes) 119, 120, 121, 122, 147, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 193, 216 Gering, Ulrich (printer, Paris) 23, 207 Gerlier, Durand (publisher, Paris) 23

Faber, Jean (printer, Lyon) 26 Fabri, Pierre 12 Farget, Pierre 205 Faverye, François (printer, Nantes) 170

General Index  247 Gerson, Jean 197; De virtutibus et vitiis 197; and Linstruction des curez pour instruire le simple peuple 155, 198, 199 Gesta romanorum 201 Gilbert, Jehan 107 Gilles, Jean 191 Gilles, Pierre 190 Giron, André 46n6 glossing 140, 158 Gobert, Luc (bookseller, Nantes) 171 Godard, Guillaume (publisher, Paris) 29 Gottschalk of Orbais 95, 189 Goullet, Robert 122 Goupil, Richard (printer, Rouen) 93, 95, 136, 140, 142, 178, 187, 188, 191, 196, 198, 203 Gourmont, Gilles de (printer, Paris) 110, 111 Gourmont, Jean I de (printer, Paris) 110 Gradibus, Johannes de 178 grands rhétoriqueurs 12, 35, 36 Gratian 133 Gregori, Gregori de (printer, Venice) 74 Gregori, Giovanni de (printer, Venice) 74 Gringore, Pierre 12 Grognet, Pierre 13 Guéroult, Guillaume 91, 92, 94, 95, 151, 198 Guevara, Antonio de 35 Gui de Roye: Le doctrinal de sapience 196 Guibé, Michel 83, 208 Guido de Monte Rocherii: Manipulus curatorum 142, 198 Guilelmus de Monte Lauduno: Apparatus constitutionum 96, 179 Guillaume le Breton 190 Guillotin, Simon 85, 207, 208 Guy XIV, count of Laval and Vitré 12 Hamillon, Richard (printer, Rouen) 214 Hangest, Jérôme de: Moralia Hieronymi 94, 203; and Problematic logicalica 142, 203 Hardouyn, Germain (publisher-bookseller, Paris) 108 Hardouyn, Gilles (publisher-bookseller, Paris) 108, 152 Havard, Martin (publisher, Lyon) 26, 27, 41, 146 Henry I, duke of Guise 170

Hélye, Jean (bookseller, Angers) 100 Henry of Navarre 170 Hermier, Pierre (publisher, Paris) 44, 45 Herry, Yves (apprentice bookbinder, Paris) 115 Heuryon an ytron Maria 114 Heynlin, Johann see Johannes, de Lapide Higman, Johann (printer, Paris) 107, 207 Higman, Nicolas (printer, Paris) 23, 28, 29, 30, 43 Hodian, André (publisher-bookseller, Angers) 83, 108, 207 Hongre, Pierre (printer, Lyon) 26 Horace: Epistles 94 Hostingue, Laurent (printer) 30, 93, 136, 155; Caen 89, 91, 92, 94–5, 96, 140, 142, 143, 144, 150, 151, 177–9, 188, 190–3, 195, 196, 197, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206; and Rouen 86, 90, 176, 187, 189, 200, 201, 205 Hostingue, Laurent, workshop of 198, 201 Huguetan, Jacques (publisher, Lyon) 23 Hugo de Prato Florido: Sermones de sanctis 95; and Sermones dominicales 206 Hus, Jean 4, 175 Huss, Martin (printer, Lyon) 26 Huss, Matthias (printer, Lyon) 26, 27, 41 interlineares 102, 140, 158 Interrogationes doctrine 196 Jacobus de Voragine (Varagine): Legenda aurea 134, 196; and Légende des saints 99, 146, 199 Jago, Bertrand (publisher, Moncontour) 215 Jaille, Pierre de la 46n6 James, Thomas 107 Jean d’Alençon (printer, Vannes) 198 Jean de Meun 13; Les loys des trespassez 194 Jean de Mandeville, [Le voyage en terre sainte] 4, 186 Jean d’Ypres (Master of Anne de Bretagne) 77n11 Jehannot, Denis (printer, Paris) 108

248  General Index Jehannot, Étienne (printer, Paris) 75, 82, 208 Jehannot, Jean (printer, Paris) 28, 42–3 Johannes, de Lapide: Compendiosus de arte punctandi dialogus 135 Jodocus Erfordensis: Vocabularius perutilis 192 John of Garland 5; Dictionarius 89, 96, 146, 188; De verborum compositis 86, 134, 187; and Synonyma 190 John XXI (Peter of Spain): Summule logicales 91, 142, 143, 144, 202 Josses (printer, Rennes) 4, 82, 135, 149, 175 Jouenneaux, Guy 149, 190, 191 Kerampuil, Gilles de 114 Kerbriant, Jean (printer, Paris) 93, 116, 117, 155, 212, 213, 215 Kernivynen, A. (student-scribe, Paris) 107 Kerver, Jacques (publisher-bookseller, Paris) 112, 114, 215 Kerver, Thielman (printer, Paris) 23, 93, 95, 155, 211 Kerver, Thielman, widow (printer, Paris) 214 La Marche, Olivier de 13 La Mare, Guillaume de 94, 189 La Roche, Jean de (printer, Paris) 201 La Vigne, André de 12 Lagadeuc, Jean 5, 112, 134, 187, 190, 193 Lallemant family 82 Lambert, Jean (printer, Paris) 22 Larcher, Étienne (printer, Nantes) 14, 15, 16, 17, 23, 24, 39–40, 41–2, 53–7, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67–9, 74–5, 107, 176, 195, 208 Larcher, Thomas 55 Larchier, Guillaume (printer, Nantes) 55, 208 Latherou, Mathieu (printer, Tours) 207 Laval, Hélène de 153 Lax, Gaspar Tractatus sillogismorum 108, 109 law books see literary genres, legal Le Barbu, Prigent 156 Le Baud, Pierre 153 Le Bossu, Jacques 170

Le Bourgeois, Jean (printer-publisher, Rouen) 30, 31, 201 Le Bret, Pierre (publisher-bookseller, Paris/Nantes) 119, 122, 169 Le Brun, Étienne 149 Le Caron, Guillaume (printer, Paris) 17 Le Caron, Pierre (printer, Paris) 17, 18, 19, 20, 40 Le Clerc, Gui 111 Le doctrinal des nouvelles mariées 195 Le Fèvre, Guillaume (printer, Paris) 175 Le Forestier, Jacques (printer, Rouen) 75, 208 Le Franc, Rolland (bookseller, Rennes) 119, 192 Le Franc, Sulpice (publisher, Rennes) 99, 199, 212 Le kalendrier et compost des bergiers 209 Le kalendriez pour trouver les jours ferielz 205 Le livre des quattre filz Aymon 148, 188 Le Noir, Michel (printer, Paris) 25, 30, 41–2 Le Petit Laurens (printer, Paris) 20, 21, 22, 40 Le Pileux, Jean 207 Le Plat, Gabriel (bookseller, Nantes) 118 Le preux chevalier Artus de Bretaigne 108, 109 Le Rat, Guillaume 94, 203 Le Rouge, Guillaume (printer-bookseller, Chablis, Troyes, and Paris) 22 Le Roux, Nicolas (printer, Rouen) 120, 182, 184 Le Roy, Jean (publisher, Paris) 215 Le songe de la pucelle 194 Le trespassement de nostre dame 193 Le Veyer, François 111, 156 Le Villain, Raoul 92 Léau, Bernard de (publisher-bookseller, Paris/Morlaix) 111, 112–15, 215 Leaue, Drouet de (publisher-bookseller, Paris) 112 Lefèvre L’Étaples, Jacques: In suppositiones 203; and Moralis Jacobi Fabri Stapulensis 203 Lemaire de Belges, Jean 12, 13, 34; Illustrations de Gaule et Singularitez de Troye 152; and Les epîtres de l’Amant Vert 152

General Index  249 Leo X, Grand pardon général 198 Lermangier, Jean (publisher, Rennes) 120, 122, 182 Les coutumes de Bretagne see Brittany, laws. Custumals Les croniques et genealogie des tres nobles roys, ducz et princes tant de la Grant Bretaigne que de la petite 201 Les croniques de Normandie 201 Les grandes chroniques de France 153 Les sept pseaulmes pénitenciaulx et la letanie 195 libraires 23, 26, 28, 30, 31, 82, 83, 85, 89, 91, 94, 99, 100, 101, 112, 115, 117, 153 libraries 1, 114, 152–4, 156–7, 159 literary genres 132–3; Bible 136, 159; classical 133, 136, 159, 186–93; clerical/popular piety 133–4, 148, 193–9; devotional 160, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 214, 215; exegetical 133, 200–1; grammar 95–6, 133, 136, 167, 186–93; historical 133, 201–3; legal 96, 133, 136, 159, 167, 175–86; literary 133, 159, 167, 186–93; liturgical 133–4, 136, 159, 206–16; logic/philosophical 133; scientific/ medical 133, 204–5; and sermons 133, 205 livres de raison 70 Lochmaier, Michael 196 Logeroys, Michel (printer, Rennes) 170 logic see literary genres, logic/ philosophical Lohyer, Jean (publisher-bookseller, Dinan) 210 Lotrian, Alain (printer, Paris) 31, 32, 44, 108, 109 Louis XI see France, king of Louis XII see France, king of Loyon, Jehan de 46n6 Loys, Jamet (printer, Rouen) 86, 95, 176, 187 Ludolph von Sachsen La vie de Jesucrist 194 Luther, Martin 160, 169 Luxembourg, Jacques de 46n6 Macé, Girard 83 Macé, Jacques (bookseller, Rennes) 99, 199

Macé, Jean (publisher-bookseller, Rennes) 81–3, 84, 85–6, 88–9, 90, 91, 92, 94–8, 100, 119, 131, 133, 138–42, 143, 144, 145–6, 148, 149, 150, 151, 154, 156, 176–80, 187–206, 208–13; family 99; property 99 Macé, Julien (publisher-bookseller, Rennes) 99, 100, 119, 182, 192, 199 Macé, Richard (publisher-bookseller) 83, 88, 95, 99; Caen 89; and Rouen 90, 91, 92, 93, 139, 142, 145, 149, 150, 151, 178–9, 187–8, 190–3, 195–8, 200, 201, 203, 204, 205, 206, 211 Macé, Robert I (publisher, Caen) 26, 27, 28, 42, 75, 77n11, 82–4, 85–8, 89, 93, 96, 108, 134, 141, 145, 176, 208, 209 Macé, Robert II (printer-bookbinder, Caen) 83 Maheu, Didier (printer, Paris) 111, 112, 145, 211, 212, 215 Mahyeuc, Yves 97, 119, 154, 211 Mair, John 133; Omnia opera 177 Malestroit, Jean de 153 Mallet de Graville, Louis 34, 37 manuals: Nantes 118, 208; Rennes 141, 154–5, 210, 214; St.-Brieuc 86, 87, 209; and Vannes 214 Manderston, William: Moralia 203 Mantuanus see Baptista Mantuanus Mapheus de Paterbonis (printer, Venice) 154, 206 maps xviii, 204, 205 Marbode 97, 119, 155, 199 Marchant, Guy (printer, Paris) 22 Marnef, Enguilbert de (publisher-bookseller, Paris) 23, 29, 116–17, 121, 207 Marnef, Geoffroy de (publisher-bookseller, Paris) 29, 207 Marnef, Jean de (publisher-bookseller, Paris) 29, 121, 207 Marot, Clément 35 Martin of Braga see Seneca (Pseudo) Mathieu de Vendôme 96 Mauditier, Jean (printer, Rouen) 31, 83, 84, 85, 89, 93, 95, 141, 176, 204, 208, 209 medical genre see literary genres, scientific/medical Meeterius, Thomas 94, 189, 196, 199

250  General Index Mercœur, Philippe Emmanuel de Lorraine, duc de 170, 171 Meschinot, Jean 11, 12, 13; epitaph 20; family 46n3; Les lunettes des princes, with Vingt-cinq balades and Nouvelles additions 10, 11, 13, 14, 16–19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24–5, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32–3, 34–6, 39–45, 83, 98, 109, 134, 146, 157, 158, 159, 195; and manuscripts 37–9 Mestrard, Thomas (bookseller, Rennes) 100, 101, 119–21, 122, 147, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 205, 216 metalcuts see blocks Metulinus, Johannes Vincentius 89, 186, 187 Michault, Pierre 194 Mignart, Guillaume (printer, Paris) 42 Missals: Dol 107, 209; Nantes 102n9, 117, 137, 154, 206, 208, 212, 213; Paris 215; Rennes 83, 84, 108, 119, 141, 154–5, 206, 207, 208, 212, 214, 215; St.-Brieuc 215; St.-Malo 85, 137, 145, 158, 209, 216; St.-Pol de Léon 137, 213; and Vannes 213, 215 Moalic, Alain (apprentice bookseller-bookbinder, Paris) 115 Molinet, Jean 12, 35 Montjay, Toussaint de (publisher, Paris) 23 Montreux, Nicolas de 170 Morin, Martin (printer, Rouen) 82, 83, 86, 93, 102, 117, 155, 175, 176, 179, 186, 195, 211, 212 Morlon, Estienne 26 Moulin, Jean (printer, Rouen) 93, 196 Moylin, Jean de (printer-bookseller, Lyon) 101 Nangis, William de 153 Neckam, Alexander 96 Nesson, Pierre de: Oraison a notre dame 194 Nicolas de Guingamp (bookseller-binder, Paris) 115 Nider, Johannes 195 Nivelle, Sébastien (printer-bookseller, Paris) 114 Normandy. Custumals 96, 178, 179 Note-taking 158

Odo Picardus 189 offices: Nantes 212; and Tréguier 207 Olivier, Pierre (printer, Rouen) 83, 84, 85, 93, 95, 133, 136, 138, 140, 141, 155–6, 177, 179, 180, 187–93, 195, 196, 200, 201, 208, 209, 210 Oulipo Group 13 Ovid: Liber de remedio amoris 98; and Metamorphoses 98 P., Ia. (printer, Tréguier) 5, 175, 186, 193 Page design 53, 54, 75, 140 Panigarola, Arcangela 155 Papolin, Antoine (publisher-bookseller, Nantes) 98, 100, 116, 117, 118, 180, 181, 184, 212, 213, 215 Papolin, Mathurin (publisherbookseller, Nantes) 118 Papolin, Michel (publisher-bookseller, Nantes) 98, 100, 116, 117, 118, 180, 181, 184, 212, 213, 215 Pasquier, Étienne 13 pecia system 107 Penmarch’h, Christophe de 5, 207 Peregrinatio totius terre sanctez 138, 188 Perotti, Niccolò: Grammatica 134, 188, 192 Persius: Satryae sex s122 Pestivien, Jehan de (illuminator, Paris/ Dijon) 107 Peter of Spain see John XXI Peter Lombard: Glossa magistralis Psalterii 138 Petit, Jean (publisher-bookseller, Paris) 23, 44, 45, 83, 89, 116, 119 Petit, Oudin (publisher-bookseller, Paris) 112, 215 Petrarca, Francesco: La patience de Griselidis 134, 194 Petrus, Ravennas 133; Alphabetum aureum 96, 177 Petrus Jacobus de Monte Pesselano: De arbitris 179 Philippe, Laurent (printer, Paris) 22, 40 Philippe le bon 107 Philippi, Johann (printer, Paris) 207 philosophy texts see literary genres, logic/philosophical Piscis, Jean 204 Plantin, Christophe (apprentice, Caen; printer Antwerp-Leiden) 83 Plenarium 200

General Index  251 Picquenot, Richard (printer, Angers) 100, 117, 181 Pierre de Provence et la belle Maguelonne 191 Pietro d’Ancarano: De mora 179 Pigouchet, Philippe (printer, Paris) 23, 24, 25, 42, 75, 89, 93, 177, 207, 209, 210 Pincerne, Pierre (printer, Paris) 23 Postilla, sive expositio epistolarum 200 prefaces 94, 114, 149, 155 Prester John: La diversite des hommes 88, 187 Prevost, Nicolas (printer, Paris) 213 Prigent, Alain (publisher-bookseller, Landerneau/St.-Pol de Léon) 111, 145, 156, 211 Printer of Johannes de Fabrica (printer, West France?) 206 Printer of the “Livre des prêtres” (printer, Poitiers) 206 printing: in red and black 85, 137–9, 156; invention of 1, 151, 167; print-runs 160; and privileges 120, 122–3 Prophecies de Merlin 191, 193 Protestantism 118 Psalms 206 punctuation 23, 51n67, 135–6 Questiones super evangeliis 200, 201 Quillévéré, Yves (printer, Paris) 111, 112, 113, 145, 156, 193, 211, 213 Quintilian 187, 192 Racine, Guillaume 175, 176 Ragazzo, Giovanni (printer, Venice) 74 Ramon Llull: Aedificatio salutiferae legis 200 readers 157–8; effect of page design on 140 Recueil d’epitaphes sur le trespas de messire Pierre d’Argentré 137, 202 Reformation printing 169–70 Régis, Jean (bookseller, Paris) 112 Regnault, François (printer, Rouen) 29, 82, 93, 95, 133, 156, 190, 205, 206, 213, 215 Regnault, Pierre (printer, Paris) 75, 82, 94, 95, 156, 186, 190, 208, 210 Rembolt, Berthold (printer, Paris) 23, 207

Renner, Franz of Heilbronn (printer, Venice) 154, 206 Richard, Jean (publisher-bookseller, Rouen) 23, 82, 133, 197 Rio, Robert (printer, Vannes) 198 rituals: Nantes 213 Robertet, Jean 12 Robin, Pascal: Les vendanges ensembles autres poesies 118 Rohan, Jean I de 4 Rohan, Pierre de 4 Robin, Marie, widow of Jacques Berthelot (printer, Rennes) 185, 201, 203 Roger, Thomas 207 Rogerie, Richard (publisher- bookseller): apprentice in Caen 86; Morlaix/St.-Brieuc 87, 88, 187, 204, 209 Roman, Henri 153 Roperz, Yves 5, 187, 190, 193 Rousseau, Jacques (printer, Nantes) 118 rubrication 68, 137, 138 Run, Jean (student-scribe, Paris) 107 Saint-Martin, Robert de: Le trésor de l’âme 152 Saligot family 68–70 Sauberon, Georges (bookseller-binder, Paris) 115 Schabler, Johann (printer, Lyon) 26 schoolbooks 95–6, 145 scientific genre see literary genres, scientific/medical scribal publication 34, 37–9, 56 Seneca (Pseudo) (attributed to Martin of Braga): De quattuor virtutibus 142, 198 Sensenschmidt, Johann (printer, Nuremberg) 138, 157 sermons see literary genres, sermons service books see literary genres, liturgical Seyssel, Claude de: Les louenges du roy Louys XII 152 Scot, Michael: Mensa philosophica 131, 188 Senant, Olivier (printer-bookseller, Paris) 199, 211 Sergent, Pierre (publisher-bookseller, Paris) 44, 45 signing methods 136–7 Solo, Girard de 204

252  General Index Statuta synodalia: Avranches 121; Dol 210; Nantes 56, 107, 154, 206, 208; St.-Malo 155, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214; and St.-Pol de Léon 213 statutes: book-trade 171; confraternity 216 Synthen, Johannes 5, 187 Tacuino, Giovanni (printer, Venice) 74 Talsout, Guillaume 156 Tartaret, Pierre: Questiones 203 Terence: Comedie 94, 149, 150, 190 Tertre, Thomas du 175, 176 Theobaldus Anguilbertus 131, 188 Theodulus 96, 189 Theramo, Jacobus de (printer, Haarlem) 71, 72 Tissard, François: Gnomologia 111 title pages 14, 132, 138–9, 145, 146 Tomai, Pietro see Petrus Ravennas Torresanus, Andreas (printer, Venice) 154, 206 Tory, Geoffroy 12 Tour, Colas de la 46n6 Tourquetil, Guillaume (printer, Nantes) 210 Tousé (Touzé), Guillaume (bookseller, Nantes) 154, 206 Trepperel, Jean I (printer-bookseller, Paris) 25–6, 41 Trepperel, Jean II (printer-bookseller, Paris) 31 Trepperel, widow of Jean I (printer- bookseller, Paris) 28, 30, 31, 42–3, 108 Trithemius, Johannes: In praise of scribes 167 typeface: Gothic 137; roman 137

Ubaldis de Perusio, Nicolai de: De successionibus ab intestato 179 underlining 157 University: Caen 81, 89, 91, 92, 134, 151; Nantes 134–5; Paris 23, 28, 31, 89, 107, 115, 117, 122 Valla, Lorenzo: Elegantiae linguae latinae 96, 191 Varice, Jean (publisher-bookseller, Angers) 100 Vatel, Jean 192 Vérard, Antoine (publisher, Paris) 22, 34, 55, 74, 152, 153 Veronica da Binasco 155 Vergil, Polydore 1 Vidoue, Pierre (printer, Paris) 31, 32, 43–4 Vignay, Jean de 196, 199 Villon, François 17 Virgil, Bucolica: 94, 189 Vitali, Bernardino (printer, Venice) 74 Vocabularius in eruditionem juvenum ysagoicus 191 Vostre, Nicole (publisher-bookseller, Paris) 28, 29, 30, 43 Vostre, Simon (publisher-booksellerbinder, Paris) 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 42, 75, 209, 210, 211 wages 117 Waleys, Thomas 190 warehouses 82, 90, 101, 108, 169 woodcuts see blocks workshop of the crowned lion banderole, see Atelier du bandeau au lion couronné xylographic see blocks