Psychology of Prophecy in Early Christianity: Prophetism and religious altered states of consciousness 9781463216825

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Psychology of Prophecy in Early Christianity

Perspectives on Philosophy and Religious Thought 11

Perspectives on Philosophy and Religious Thought (formerly Gorgias Studies in Philosophy and Theology) provides a forum for original scholarship on theological and philosophical issues, promoting dialogue between the wide-ranging fields of religious and logical thought. This series includes studies on both the interaction between different theistic or philosophical traditions and their development in historical perspective.

Psychology of Prophecy in Early Christianity

Prophetism and religious altered states of consciousness

Alan Humm

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34 2013

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2013 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2013

‫ܚ‬

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ISBN 978-1-60724-618-3

ISSN 1940-0020 Second Printing

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication Record is Available from the Library of Congress. Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ..................................................................................... v List of Illustrations ................................................................................. vii Acknowledgments ................................................................................... ix Abbreviations ........................................................................................... xi Modern ............................................................................................. xi Ancient ............................................................................................ xii Introduction: the problem(s) .................................................................. 1 1 Definitions ........................................................................................ 7 Category systems ............................................................................. 9 Traditional categories .............................................................. 10 Sociological categories ............................................................ 14 Psychological categories ......................................................... 31 Ancient Terminology .................................................................... 49 Hellenistic Greek terminology............................................... 49 Hellenistic Jewish terminology .............................................. 65 2 Early Christianity ........................................................................... 73 3 The post-apostolic age ................................................................105 From about 80 to 150 CE ..........................................................105 From about 150 to 200 CE........................................................129 The Proto-unorthodox .........................................................129 Proto-orthodox ......................................................................143 The New Prophecy ...............................................................152 Later third century .......................................................................181 Decline ..........................................................................................187

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4 Charting the seas..........................................................................193 5 Reflections and Prognostications..............................................203 Appendix 1: Glossary...........................................................................207 Appendix 2: Montanist Prophecies ...................................................213 Bibliography ..........................................................................................219 Index .......................................................................................................267

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure 1: Maenad with head flung back .......................................................... 58 Figure 2: Reports by 1/4 Century.................................................................. 193 Figure 3: Reports by sect ................................................................................. 195 Figure 4: Reports by social context ............................................................... 197 Figure 5: Reports by psychological type ....................................................... 198 Figure 6: Reports by region ............................................................................ 199 Figure 7: Reports by region and date ............................................................ 200

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want to thank, first and foremost, my family: my son, Asher, for providing the picture that appears on p. 58, my daughter Karis Mills for giving me the idea in the first place (and being available for many hours of discussion on neurology), and my wife, Jean, for supporting me beyond anything I deserved during the writing process. I should thank my friend Kyle Cardwell for proofreading various portions and generally providing feedback, as well as a host of other friends for making sure I was appropriately distracted. Since this was my dissertation (with only a few minor corrections), I should point out that long-suffering only begins to describe the patience offered to me by my advisor (Robert Kraft) and the department chair (Ann Matter). They have my undying gratitude.

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ABBREVIATIONS MODERN ABS

Anchor Bible Dictionary

ALUOS

Annual of the Leeds University Oriental Society

HTR

The Harvard Theological Review

JBL

Journal of Biblical Literature

JJS

Journal of Jewish Studies

JSOT

Journal for the Study of the Old Testament

JSSR

Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion

NovT

Novum Testamentum

NTS

New Testament Studies

TDNT

Theological Dictionary of the New Testament (see Kittel, Gerhard, et al.)

ThZ

Theologische Zeitung

ThLZ

Theologische Literaturzeitung

TU

Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur

ZAW

Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft

ZNW

Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft xi

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ANCIENT Throughout, with a few exceptions, I have translated titles of ancient works into their English equivalents. Some of them the reader may know by their traditional Latin titles, so this is a conversion table from my own English abbreviations to full Latin titles. Names are generally unchanged, and I have not listed completely obvious ones (fragments for fragmenta). Ag. Heresies

Adversus haereses (Irenaeus)

Ag. Julian

Contra Julianum imperatorem 2

(citations given as traditional|Harvey) (Gregory of

Nazianzus) Ag. Praxias

Ad Praxeas

Ant.

Antiquitates Judaicae

Apology of Socrates

Apologia Socratis

Apos. Trad.

Traditione apostolica

Attic Nights

Noctes atticae

Body of Christ

De carne Christi

Contemplative Life

De vita contemplative (Philo)

Dancing

De saltatione

EH (Eccl. Hist.)

Historia ecclesiastica

Enc. to the Greeks

Cohortatio ad gentiles

(Pseudo-Justin)

Ex. Theo.

Exerepta ex Theodoto

(Clement of Alexandria)

Exor.

Protrepticus

Fasts

De ieiunio adversus psychicos

(Tertullian) (Josephus)

(Xenophon) (Hippolytus)

(Aulus Gellius) (Tertullian)

(Lucian) (Eusebius)

(Clement of Alexandria) (Tertullian)

ABBREVIATIONS

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First Principles

De principiis

(Origen)

Flight

De fuga in persecution

For the orthodox

Quaestiones et responsiones ad orthodoxos

(Tertullian)

(Pseudo-Justin) Heir

Quis rerum divinarum heres sit

(Philo)

Joshua

Jesu Nave

Instructor

Paedagogus

Lysis.

Lysistrata

Medicine Box

Panarion = Adversus haereses (Epiphanius)

Migr. Abr.

De migratione Abrahami

Modesty

De Pudicitia

Monogamy

De monogamis

NT

Novum testamentum graecae (New Testament)

The soul

De anima

The supernatural

De superstition

The Trinity

De Trinitate

Veiling virgins

De virginibus velandis

Chastity

De exhortatione castitatis

Pagan religions

De errore profanorum religionum

(Origen) (Clement of Alexandria)

(Aristophanes)

(Philo)

(Tertullian) (Tertullian)

(Tertullian) (Plutarch)

(Novatian) (Tertullian) (Tertullian) (Julius Firmi-

cus Maternus) Plea for Christians

Legatio sive Supplicatio pro Christianis (Athena-

goras)

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Presc. ag. Heretics

De praescriptione haereticorum

(Tertullian)

Peregrinus

De morte Peregrini (Lucian)

Public shows

Opuscula

Ref.

Refutatio omnium haeresium

Res.

De resurrectione carnis (Tertullian)

Roman Questions

Aetia Romana et Graeca

To the Greeks

Oratio ad Graecos

War

De bello Judaico or sometimes Bellum

(Pseudo-Cyprian) (Hippolytus)

(Plutarch)

(Tatian) (Josephus)

INTRODUCTION: THE PROBLEM(S) Earliest Christianity was, at least to some extent, a prophetic community.1 That the Pauline communities, and probably a much larger slice of early Christianity regarded enthusiastic or ecstatic experiences (prophetism, glossolalia, etc.) as appropriate, or even normal aspects of Christian life and worship is rarely doubted. This can be established from 1 Corinthians and Revelation, at least, and from Acts, in as much as it is regarded as historical.2 References to contemporary prophecy also surface in other Pauline texts,3 and there appears to be a formula for testing prophets in 1 John 4.2ƒ. There may, however, be two fundamental problems with this portrait of earliest Christianity. The first centers around the problem of homogeneity in the first century Church and the second

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I will attempt to define the terms used for prophetic experience below (see pages 31ƒ). The reader is also referred to appendix I. 2 Of course, the reliability of Acts as a source of historical facts is independent of the question of whether it is a reliable portrait of the social world of the early Church. My inclination is to read it as a reasonable characterization of one or two streams of early Christian community life. 3 Appearing in lists in Rom. 12.8, Eph. 3.5; 4.11, and 1 Thess. 5.20. Specific prophecies in 2 Cor. 12.9 (probably in reference to himself), Rom 11.25ƒ, Gal. 5.21, 1 Thess. 3.4; 4.2–6; 5.15–17, 2 Thess. 3.6; 10; 12, and 1 Tim. 4.14... Since we are talking about the community, and not the person of Paul, and particularly since it is merely a backdrop to the focus of this study, I will make no effort to discern differences between proto- and deutero-Pauline texts. The fact that these references span both types simply demonstrates that the phenomenon was not short-lived.

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reflects our inability to definitively know how early Christian prophecy functioned psychologically, socially or even theologically. That the community lacked homogeneity is footnoted only by those who assert that apostolic orthodoxy was easily recognizable among the various theological positions available. Most scholars make no such assertion,4 although it is hardly important to this study. While the evidence clearly suggests that several of the varieties growing out of the Jesus movement were prophetically active,5 there is little reason to suppose that they all were. Even among related communities, those associated with Paul for example, we would be hard-pressed to argue that prophetic activity functioned in all assemblies in the same way. It is entirely likely that prophetism in the Diaspora was more influenced by analogous activities in surrounding pagan culture, although we have no references to confirm or deny this.6 It may also be meaningful that there are few references to contemporary prophecy in the New Testament outside of the Pauline and Johannine literature (reading Acts as a product of the Pauline world).7 It is also unclear how important prophecy was to the life of the community. Paul seems to upbraid the Corinthians for elevating glossolalia over prophecy in 1 Cor. 12ƒƒ, and elsewhere he says

4

There are, of course, exceptions, notably among conservative scholars. See, for example, Wayne Grudem (2000). 5 That is, they had active prophets in their communities. 6 Discussions surrounding the problematic passage in 1 Cor. 11.3–16 may reveal an exception to this statement, if we follow some approaches to interpretation. This appears to be the argument, at any rate, made by Luke Timothy Johnson (1998). 7 Matt. 7.22 comes to mind, although it is obviously somewhat negative regarding pneumatics: Πολλοὶ ἐροῦσίν µοι ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡµέρᾳ, Κύριε κύριε, οὐ τῷ σῷ ὀνόµατι ἐπροφητεύσαµεν, καὶ τῷ σῷ ὀνόµατι δαιµόνια ἐξεβάλοµεν, καὶ τῷ σῷ ὀνόµατι δυνάµεις πολλὰς ἐποιήσαµεν (eds. Aland, et al.).

INTRODUCTION

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that the Gospel, as preached to them by him, takes precedence over even a message of an “angel from heaven” (Gal. 1.8). Prophecies in the community should not be “quenched” or “despised,” but need to be “tested” and “judged” (esp. by other prophets— 1 Cor. 14.29, 1 Thess. 5.19ƒƒ8).9 If the earliest communities were not homogeneous, there is little reason to expect their daughter communities in the second and third centuries to be otherwise. That lack of expectation does not seem to be disappointed, but prophetism appears to continue in Proto-orthodox circles well into the second century, and may have been even more common in some ‘heretical’ Christian communities. Over the next couple of centuries, though, it slowly went into decline. Scholars generally accept that, with the exception of its well know survival in the New Prophecy (Montanist) movement, it had largely died out by the middle of the third century.10 What we do not fully understand on this last point is why. The most common explanation given for this waning focuses on the

8 Note here that “abstain from every form of evil” may be a reference to the contents of the prophecy. 9 The theological place of prophecy in the community is important in recent scholarly discussions about the gospel sayings of Jesus. The suggestion has been made that some could actually have their origin in the oracles of early Christian prophets, speaking with the voice of the Lord. I will return to this later (below p. 98). 10 This statement can only be made with confidence about those communities that are usually termed ‘catholic’ or ‘Proto-orthodox.’ We do not know to what extent this type of charismatic activity might have been present in some Gnostic or Jewish Christian expressions. We do know that there are historical pockets of overtly prophetic activity throughout Christian history, and, because ‘prophecy’ is a term that often eludes exact definition, it is possible to argue that it continues unabated, recast as inspired biblical interpretation or the like. Also, it is important to note that some forms of the prophetic (oracular dreams and visions, for example) have been a perennial part of the Christian world throughout its history. Exactly what is in decline in this period will need to be addressed after we have discussed the varieties of prophetic phenomena (below, pp. 31ƒƒ).

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solidification of the institutional structures of the Church and the need for doctrinal stability descending from that hierarchy. Prophetism, in particular, became a problem when it potentially conflicted with official positions taken by the church authorities. Both the Didache and Hermas clearly reflect a tightening of controls on itinerant charismatics.11 There are plenty of reasons to affirm this largely Weberian analysis, but it is important to remember that most communities that make use of intermediaries have managed to do so without threatening their fundamental belief structures. What would appear similar—tensions between community teachers and ruling authorities—sometimes resulted in the marginalization of the particular teacher (in the case of Origen, waiting until well after he was dead), but never in a community wide rejection of the didactic ministry. While recognizing that tension between charisma of the spirit and charisma of office may have played a rôle, I suspect there must have been more at play. Besides the centralization of power, there are a cluster of comorbid movements afoot in this period which may have had some connection with the decline of congregational prophecy: es-

11 Other charismata did not share the same fate. Healing, for example, remains a part of Christian tradition throughout its history, and glossolalia, which may have faded from common practice long before prophecy, has enjoyed periodic renaissances, without notable resistance from the ecclesiastical authorities. Modern Pentecostalism, not well received in mainstream Protestant circles, is an exception. Its rejection in those circles may have reflected social or even racial prejudices, although the tension did not immediately disappear with the emergence of the higher class— and whiter—Charismatic movement. I am not aware, however, of modern attacks on these contemporary pneumatics that cite race or social makeup as part of their criticism. This study will occasionally address charismata other than prophetism, if they appear to aid in our understanding of prophetic experience, and it will occasionally step outside the bounds of early Christianity, but the primary focus will be limited to prophecy in the first three centuries (esp. the second).

INTRODUCTION

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calating asceticism, increased or emerging liturgical structuralism, solidifying gynephobia,12 and a profound fear of deviation13 come immediately to mind. Any of these, with the possible exception of asceticism,14 could have encouraged a distrust of pneumatic messengers.15 A recurring focus of this study will be an analysis of the psychological categories and social location of prophetic activity wherever we find instances. The goal here is to construct a map of where and how such activity took place. We will also be interested

12 This term, in my opinion, better describes the flavor of 2nd & 3rd century Christian (men’s) attitudes toward women than the more commonly used ‘misogyny.’ It is not a hate so much as a fear—perhaps even a fear of self—that is a play, for the most part, in the rejection of sexuality and its embodiment in the feminine. 13 I will sometimes distinguish, for sake of clarity, between heterodoxy and heresy. Heterodoxy is deviation from community beliefs and standards which, however, does not result in expulsion. Heresy is deviation sufficient to require expulsion. In the period under examination, for the Proto-orthodox at least, heterodoxy appears to be a very narrow category. 14 Asceticism would probably have the opposite effect, since bodily depravation is one of the better established methods of inducing parasensory and ecstatic experiences. 15 A red flag may have gone up on my inclusion of gynephobia as a potential source of early cessationism. There is, however, evidence that women may have been disproportionately represented in the early Christian prophetic community. There were, at least, a high percentage of women prophets among the Montanists, and perhaps among more heretical groups of the second and third centuries as well. In general, unless forbidden by community standards, women appear to be somewhat more likely to develop intermediary skills. There may be psychological or neurological reasons for this, but we will have to know more about the psychology of pneumatic experience before that can be evaluated. I. M. Lewis argues that members of socio-economically lower groups, or decentralized members (which would often include women), of societies in which intermediary activity is allowed may use such skills—consciously or unconsciously—to elevate their own social status (2003).

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in how seriously the various communities took these messages (did they change their behavior in response?). Unfortunately, the available tools force us to be largely phenomenological. It is to be hoped that in the future our understanding of the neurological foundations of the types of altered experiences that lie behind prophetism will allow us to better understand this type of activity in the early Christian communities.

1 DEFINITIONS While not wanting to get lost in pedantry, a clear and unambiguous definition of terms is fundamental to any investigation of prophetic activity. Unfortunately, in this field, both primary and secondary literature is littered with a variety of terms whose meanings, even when dealing with a single author, are clearly anything but unambiguous.16 The word ‘prophet’ itself has been used in a range of ways. In common parlance, the term has several meanings. It is often used interchangeably with ‘prognosticator’—anyone who predicts the future (more likely to be used if the predictions are correct). It is sometimes used of important religious reformers (e.g. Martin Luther) but more frequently of social reformers like Martin Luther King (see Townes, 1970). Both Martin Luther and John Calvin equated it with inspired preaching.17 In the Hellenistic period, the term προφήτης also had a range of meanings, which I will discuss below (pp. 49ƒƒ).

16 Obviously, some authors have carefully thought through their own terminology. I will survey these where appropriate. 17 Luther’s comment on Joel 2.28 (in Lectures on the Minor Prophets):

…when Paul or the other apostles are manifestly interpreting Scripture, this interpretation is prophecy.

Calvin, commenting on Rom 12.6 (in The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Romans and to the Thessalonians): In the Christian Church, therefore, prophecy at the present day is simply the right understanding of Scripture and the particular gift of expounding it, since all the ancient prophecies and all the oracles of God have been concluded in Christ and His Gospel.

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In scholarly circles the term is generally limited to a particular communicative rôle within a religious community. Some will distinguish prophecy from visions, apocalyptic or divination.18 I will use it as an umbrella term that includes all of these, and will make distinctions using other terms (see pp. 31ƒƒ). As used in this study: A prophet is a person who, from her own perspective and usually that of a community, can and does receive messages and/or revelations from one or more divinities and who delivers them in an interpretable19 fashion to their intended au-

18 David Aune (1983), for example, reflecting a series of discussions in a Society of Biblical Literature seminar (on early Christian prophecy), gives the following definition:

The Christian who functions in the prophetic rôle… believes that he receives divine revelations in propositional form. (1983, 19)

While this definition leaves visionaries in limbo, it is useful in that it emphasizes the subjective nature of the phenomenon (“believes”). Not all scholars make such a distinction. David Hill, for example, requires that a Christian prophet be …a Christian who functions within the Church, occasionally or regularly, as a divinely called and divinely inspired speaker who receives intelligible and authoritative revelations or messages which he is impelled to deliver publicly, in oral or written form, to Christian individuals and/or to the Christian community (1979, 5).

This leaves the scholar in the impossible position of having to decide who is “divinely inspired,” may force the issue of authority, and even ignoring those two points, is really more adequate as a definition of ‘congregational prophecy.’ Given the context, we can bypass the strictly Christian features, although ‘intelligible’ may prove to be a problem. I am generally more comfortable with the definition offered by Samuel Storms: “The human report of a divine revelation” (1996, 207), although, of course, that tends to simply redirect the problem of definition onto ‘revelation.’ In both Hill’s and Storms’ definitions we are compelled to read ‘divine’ as including the caveat, “as understood by the community.” 19 I prefer ‘interpretable’ to Hill’s ‘intelligible.’ One person’s clear message could be another person’s gibberish, but that is for the communi-

DEFINITIONS

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dience(s). The inspired interpreter of such a message may also be a prophet. ‘Prophecy’ is that which the prophet speaks/writes20 when delivering a message of this type.

I will also use the term ‘intermediary,’ which is borrowed from Robert Wilson (1980), and specifically refers to a person whose rôle in the community is to serve as a conduit for supernatural-human communication. This definition (of intermediary) would, of course, also encompass the rôle normally assigned to the priest(ess), but in this investigation I am limiting it (as does Wilson) to new communication originating with the supernatural. 21 I will use the term ‘intermediary’ throughout as a general synonym for ‘prophet.’ Although I do not shy away from the traditional terminology, ‘intermediary’ has the advantage of being uncluttered by years of reappropriation.

CATEGORY SYSTEMS There are, as far as I can tell, four basic approaches to categorizing prophetic activity: traditional, sociological, psychological and neurological. While the first is, at one level, outside the scope of this investigation, it is an important part of the early Christian community’s analysis. It is their means of evaluating the truth of the mes-

ty, not the scholar, to decide. Many prophetic messages do arrive in intelligible format. To focus on an example, the Delphic oracle appears to have arrived in some sort of gibberish form from the πυθιάς, which was then interpreted by the προφήτης for delivery to the inquirer (see below, p. 57). From the point of view of this study, both are prophetic. 20 One might also include actions, as in the case of Agabus (Acts 21.10ƒ) and numerous prophets of the Hebrew Scriptures. 21 E. E. Evans-Pritchard (quoted in Lessa, 1972, 381) also makes this distinction, speaking of the Nuer prophets: Whereas in the priest man speaks to god, in the prophet… god speaks to man.

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sage. Sociological systems, also embraced by cultural anthropologists, look for the rôle of the intermediary in the community. While useful, this method refrains from evaluating the degree to which a message is purely cognitive. It also tends to lump psychologically disparate categories and separate others that appear to be essentially the same. Psychological categories, are, as the name implies, based on the apparent psychological state of the prophet. The big caveat is that we are entirely dependent on the prophet’s report (or, in some cases, the reports of those around her) to determine this. This is always problematic and, in the case of ancient reports, particularly so. Neurology is, when compared to theology, sociology and psychology, a relatively new discipline. Not surprisingly, then, as a method of categorizing religious states of consciousness, it is limited in scope to what has actually been studied—a list that remains fairly short, particularly in the area of intermediary activity. It has, however, in relation to the subject matter of this study, the greatest potential for providing useful new information. Traditional categories For the most part, this is a fairly simple system. A prophecy is viewed as either ‘true’ or ‘false,’ but for any intermediated community,22 this is an important distinction, and some groups develop sophisticated methods of determining validity. In communities

22 I.e., a community that makes use of intermediaries. Certain theological features are necessary even to be in this category. The community must believe that the supernatural power(s) are able and willing to communicate with humans, that they are willing to use humans as a medium, and that they are willing to use humans with whom they might actually come in contact (Wilson, 1980). This last point is the breaking point for most modern Western Christians. It is far easier to believe that God might speak to some saintly person (whom I am not likely to meet) than to my next door neighbor (whose cat gets into my flowers). Of course, for a modern cessationist—a Christian who believes that miraculous gifts were limited to the ‘apostolic age’—all such messages are, ipso facto, counterfeit.

DEFINITIONS

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with at least some level of exclusivity,23 divine messages coming from outside the larger analogous community24 are virtually always excluded. Christianity, in its conservative flavors at least, clearly occupies this exclusivist world.25 Once past the ‘with us or against

23

The vast majority of religious communities believe themselves to be ‘right’ vis-à-vis their religious competition. Not all religious groups, however, believe that being right is of extreme importance. Most Hindu traditions, for example, perhaps because they vary so widely, have long ago developed a generally liberal view of competing claims. Traditions such as this are accepting of variant, often even distantly varying, beliefs because they can encompass wrong belief into their soteriology. A good practitioner, even of a foreign tradition, may well hope to be reborn as a Hindu. This is to be distinguished from cultural tolerance which requires that physical (secular) community be kept separate from ethnic / religious beliefs and practices. In the Western world, with certain news-making exceptions, this appears to be on the rise. I think H. L. Mencken expressed this view well: We must respect the other fellow's religion, but only in the sense and to the extent that we respect his theory that his wife is beautiful and his children smart.

Religionists, in theory, try to do better, seeking to develop a genuine sympathy for beliefs that differ widely from their own. 24 A modern Pentecostal Baptist may well consider a prophecy delivered at the Pentecostal Holiness Church in another town, but is less likely to give credence to a message delivered at a Catholic Charismatic service meeting next door. At the same time, she is far more likely to listen to that than to the communications received from the beyond by a local Spiritualist medium. 25 Since the Reformation, the varieties of Christianity have obeyed the Biblical injunction to “be fruitful and multiply.” Many are nowhere near so exclusivist. But others have pulled the belt of qualification even tighter. It is probably obvious, but I will mention anyway, that Christian exclusive claims regarding revelation are extended to include Jewish revelation prior to the birth of Christianity. Titus 1.12 includes a quotation from a Greek poet, which is cited as prophecy, and, in the second and early third centuries Justin, Athenagoras of Athens, Theophilus, Clement of

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us’ test, however, evaluation becomes a bit stickier. Theological orthodoxy is the criterion used in 1 John 4.2 to exclude Docetic messages. Paul asks the prophetic sub-community at Corinth to evaluate one another’s revelations (1 Cor. 14.29), but we are not told the criteria. In 1 Thes. 5.19ƒƒ26 he is not much more helpful: “Keep the good ones, get rid of the bad ones. ”27 The author of the Didache (11) looks for appropriate content and good behavior on the part of the prophet, but cuts him some slack for prophetic actions, as long as he “does not instruct others to do likewise” (11.11).28 Hermas also looks at behavior (43.7), but adds to this a rejection of prophetic inquiry—true messages should originate in the community and be initiated by the Spirit. Someone who inquires of a false prophet is an idolater, lacking truth, and foolish, since any spirit from God does not need to be inquired of, but, rather, has divine empowerment to say whatever is needed. 29

Alexandria, and Lactanuius all quote from the Sibylline oracles, and an unknown Christian author apparently feels comfortable adding to it. I do not believe, however, that these exceptions are sufficient to justify tossing out the ‘home-grown’ criterion in early Christian evaluations of prophecy. 26 In general, I am simply passing over issues of authenticity in the Pauline corpus. Although there are a handful of scholars who struggle with this book (1 Thessalonians), it is mostly a non-issue for this study, since we can reasonably assume that this and others like it are products of early Christian thought, and probably from Pauline circles. If the issue is more meaningful to the interpretation of a passage, I will note it there. 27 προφητείας µὴ ἐξουθενεῖτε· 21 πάντα δὲ δοκιµάζετε, τὸ καλὸν κατέχετε, 22 ἀπὸ παντὸς εἴδους πονηροῦ ἀπέχεσθε (eds. Aland, et al.). 28 πᾶς δὲ προφήτης δεδοκιµασµένος, ἀληθινός, ποιῶν εἰς µυστήριον κοσµικὸν ἐκκλησίας, µὴ διδάσκων δὲ ποιεῖν, ὅσα αὐτὸς ποιεῖ, οὐ κριθήσεται ἐφ’ ὑµῶν· µετὰ θεοῦ γὰρ ἔχει τὴν κρίσιν· ὡσαύτως γὰρ ἐποίησαν καὶ οἱ ἀρχαῖοι προφῆται (eds. Lightfoot & Harmer). 29 4b ὁ γαρ ἐπερωτῶν ψευδοπροφήτην περὶ πράξεώς τινος εἰδωλολάτρης ἐστὶ καὶ κενὸς ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας καὶ ἄφρων. 5 πᾶν γὰρ

DEFINITIONS

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Both take a dim view of prophets who ask for remuneration. How important the verification issue was depends, of course, on how much authority was given to intermediaries. I will address this issue elsewhere (p. 92) but it is worth noting that the natural assumption is that revelations were evaluated against a body of received theology/tradition. This, in the earliest period at least, leaves us with a chicken and egg problem if some of their theology, and perhaps even some of their traditions, had their origins in prophetic revelations. 30 In the examples above, though, note that only John expressly uses theology as a litmus test. Traditional systems of organization may also include other factors. Prophecies in scripture obviously outweigh those in the present, even if they may be less applicable to a current situation. Messages delivered by people with greater credibility (e.g. a pastor or elder) have more clout than those given by a new member of the community. Also some of the issues we will be looking at in sociological or psychological categories may impact credibility. So, for example, a reported vision, because it is more dramatic and less common, is likely to have greater impact than a propositional message. Psychological state, or at least perceived state, can be an important social aspect of community evaluation. There is an understandable tendency to assume that people who appear not to be in an altered state are simply speaking in a normal cognitive fashion, and that the ideas they present, or the predictions they make, are simply normal human thoughts and prognostications. The odder a person acts, so the thinking goes, so long as she does not get too abnormal, the more likely it is that we are seeing someone “driven by the spirit.” Most intermediated communities have certain expected altered state behavior to which, if the prophet does not conform, his claim is less likely to be taken seriously.

πνεῦµα ἀπὸ θεοῦ δοθὲν οὐκ ἐπερωτᾶται, ἀλλὰ ἔχον τὴν δύναµιν τῆς θεότητος ἀφ’ ἑαουτοῦ λαλεῖ πάντα (ed. Reiling). 30

See below, p. 98.

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Mircea Eliade (e.g., 1964, p. 417) is frequently critical of modern shamans because, in his observation, most have abandoned the genuine primitive trances (which he calls “ecstasy”) and become “decadent” (e.g. imitating form and function without any of the personal experiential backbone). In some cases, this decadence involves simply becoming skilled prestidigitators.31 Others embrace foreign substances in order to induce an altered state. Of course, as we will see below (p. 45), entheogens have a long and respected history in many religious communities. Eliade’s negative reaction may reflect his own perennialist infatuation with “ecstasy.” Other communities, and there may be an element of social class involved here, are offended by the more dramatic shows of non-ordinary behavior. Shaking uncontrollably and drooling may gain the prophet credibility in some churches, but get him politely shown the door of others. Sociological categories In the scholarly world, one would expect that most taxonomies of the prophetic would be organized around the prophet’s function within the community. This is a reasonable way of doing things, and since most scholars who attempt to work with this material are doing so from an anthropological or sociological point of view, it is, for them, the obvious choice. There is, in addition, the simple

31 This is, not surprisingly, what earlier anthropologists assumed from the beginning. Among many Indian fakirs, illusion is not regarded fraud, so long as it increases the devotion of the audience. In some cases, as in the example of the shaman sucking out disease (discussed below in note 36), the shaman understands an action to have a magico-scientific function, but allows the patient to perceive it as a more primitive magic, so that it becomes both illusion and ritual power at the same time. I am reminded of the story of Bultmann bragging to Barth that in his (Bultmann’s) sermon he had, by carefully choosing words, been able to say one thing (discernable to scholarly insiders) while appearing (to the uninitiated hearer) to be saying something else entirely.

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fact that it is far easier to observe external behavior, and make observations regarding its function in a given society, than to see inside the practitioner’s head to find out what is ‘really’ going on. Erika Bourguignon (1966) argued that even if we see all trances as the same, they must be distinguished because they function and feel different to people in different cultures.32 She is certainly correct. It is unfortunate that her own, highly influential, classifications systems do not seem to be informed by this criticism, resembling instead a first-pass psychological system informed by anthropological data. There is also the problem that external classifications, even socially based ones, are going to be entirely different than indigenous ones. The difficulty lies in the fact that the emic categories are so diverse under the patina of diverse cultures that we often cannot tell if the same thing is going on, even at a cultural level.

32

Bourguignon (1979) used a study by Anthony Wallace (1959) to shed light on varying evaluations of trance states. Wallace had compared the experiences of control subjects to Native Americans who used peyote as part of their sacred ritual. While the later had experiences which were shaped by their Native American cultural patterning, the former had individualized and comparatively random hallucinogenic experiences. Using this data, Bourguignon argued that individual cultures helped shape the trance experience for member subjects, while at the same time there was a larger component of trance which could be talked about cross-culturally. She bolstered her work with a statistical analysis of better than 400 small societies world-wide. …the capacity to experience altered states of consciousness is a psychobiological capacity of the species, and thus universal…. Its utility, institutionalization and patterning are, indeed, features of culture, and thus variable. (1973, 12).

This is obviously true for things other than altered states of consciousness. The eating of pork, for example, is biologically the same for all people, but for the Jew or the Muslim it is an entirely different experience. There are reasons to believe that there are psychological identities between mental states which are admired and cultivated in one culture and mental states which are regarded as pathological or immoral in another (see Goodman, 1988).

16

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The popularity of social categories for this material has earned it the dubious prize for greatest diversity. The task of applying various models to the data in order to see what seems best to fit, or, perhaps better, to see what can be learned in the attempt to make a fit, is, in some circles, what sociology is all about. It is not surprising that these data are no exception, but the studies are crippled by two fundamental problems. The first is language. The juggling of terminology when discussing the same categories is both confusing and frustrating. One scholar’s ecstasy is another’s trance and another’s mediumship. 33 I will try to normalize the terminology (footnoting as needed) for the purpose of clarity.

33 Eliade (1964), for example, seems to consider all religious altered states of consciousness to be varieties of ‘ecstasy,’ which he regards as a “primary phenomenon,” not related to any historic movement and

…fundamental in the human condition, and hence known to the whole of archaic humanity (6).

He identifies “possession” and “shamanism” as subcategories (while admitting that possession is sometimes a part of the shaman’s experience). For Gilbert Rouget (1985), on the other hand, “ecstasy” best describes the experiences of Teresa of Avila (characterized by solitude, silence, and immobility). “Possession-trance” is distinguished by being the opposite on all points (public, noisy, and kinetic), and always involves amnesia. “Shamanic trance” (which he sometimes just calls “trance,” following Bourguignon) does not involve amnesia, but does involve soultravel (on these points Eliade would strongly concur). Bourguignon, in her early work (e.g., 1966), distinguished “trance” (which is voluntary) and “possession-trance” (which is involuntary, although it may be desirable). Later she added “possession proper” (see 1976). She renames the first two (appropriately, in my opinion, but adding to the confusion nevertheless) as “voluntary trance” and “involuntary trance.” She also speaks of “shamanism” (characterized by soul-journey) and “mediumism” (characterized by loss of both ego center and motor control). Raymond Firth (1967) distinguished mediumship from possession in that the former involves intelligible communication. Both are to be distinguished from shamanism in that the latter has the shaman “exercising his

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The second general problem, as may have become clear from note 33, is that while striving for social or anthropological categories, most systems end up utilizing psychological phenomenology. There is, of course, nothing wrong with this, per se. I will be looking at those categories in the next section, and will make extensive use of them as this study continues. The problem is that in mixing social and psychological categories we become, in most cases, hopelessly mired. The distinction, for example, between shamanic trance, possession trance, and mediumship is made problematic by frequent examples of shamans who insist on ignoring these boundaries. Needed, for cultural anthropology at any rate, are etic categories that are informed by social function rather than by shifting and, frankly, not yet well understood, psychological ones. ‘Shaman,’ for example, is a valid emic category for the Tungus and in true sense applies only in that community. I take no real issue with commandeering emic terminology for etic use, but the big problem with this term is that it is so broad-brushed that it is covers all manner of intermediary and/or healing activity in any pre-modern type community, so long as it is not specifically covered by some other category (such as possession). 34 This is because, for the Tungus, the shaman serves a number of these varying functions in the community. Rather, we should be breaking

mastery over [spirits] in socially recognized ways.” The medium only has partial amnesia. The degree depends on how extensive the possession is (does it include the head?). Some mediums experience their first possession in the context of religious dance (in a way reminiscent of possession cults), but after that there is no need for either music or kinesis to stimulate the trance. Their rôle among the Tikopia is often medical. Larry Peters and Douglass Price-Williams (1980) define “ecstasy” as uncontrolled dissociation, while “trance,” associated with shamanism, is compared to waking dream therapy, and is voluntary. 34 Peters and Price-Williams are an exception. In their 1983 paper they, to quote Price-William’s self-analysis in a later paper (1999), “grappled with the problems of definition and differentiation from other magico-religious specialists such as medicine men, sorcerers, priests etc.”

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down the social/religious functions normally associated with shamanism, and locating them under different names. This would enable us to talk intelligently about what are the rôles of a particular holy man in this community, or of a particular healer in another.

Shamanic intermediaries For Bourguignon (1966), as well as many scholars following her lead, one of the key features of shamanism is ‘soul-travel.’ This practice, however, has a number of different facets. A soul-traveler might be functioning as a psychopomp, intermediary, spiritwarrior, or simply using it for personal spiritual growth.35 I am inclined to think of these as separate sociological categories. Any, or all three, might be associated with any particular shaman, but some “shamans” exhibit none of these—in fact do no soul-traveling at all. For these, the key to being shamanic (in terms of etic categories) is often that they serve as pre-modern healers.36 A shaman-healer can

35 “Spiritual growth” is not generally considered a function of the shamanic journey, as, for example, when it is part of a Native American rite of passage into adulthood (see, e.g., Clomstock, 1994), but would, on the other hand, if it were an initiatory vision for someone who is to become a community psychopomp or intermediary (Harner, 1990, Eliade, 1964). Anthropologist Felicitas Goodman has offered workshops in which she trained people to experience such things (1988), and ‘astral projection’ is popular in some Spiritualist circles. 36 A common technique is for the healer to suck the disease out of the body of the patient. She will then pull something out of her mouth and show it to the patient, saying that it is the extracted disease. Healers using this method have been accused of chicanery. Harner argues that, at least for those healers he has studied with, it is more a case of not giving the patient all the details of the shaman’s art. Specifically, the shaman puts in her mouth a leaf, twig, or similar object which is thought to attract the ‘harmful power’ in the patient. When the disease is sucked out of the patient it is trapped in the object in the shaman’s mouth (this also serves to protect the healer herself from infection by the disease). She will then often take the object out, show it to the patient (and those attending), announcing that it is the disease (1990).

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also be a soul-traveler, but it is certainly not necessary.37 Many native North Americans carefully distinguish between the ‘holy man’ who is responsible for priestly and intermediary functions, and the ‘medicine man’ who is the community healer.38

37

A Tungus shaman is also a healer, which is why both the social rôles of folk healer and soul-traveler are associated with shamanism. Admittedly, shamanic healers often use trance-like or similar altered states of consciousness to diagnose diseases. Perhaps this is the basis for the healer = shaman evaluation. 38 Winkelman (1989) does distinguish among several categories which he associates with different types of culture. Hunting-gathering societies have soul-traveling shamans, usually male, with high social status. Their trances are frequent, voluntary, and self-controlled. In agricultural societies, we find shaman-healers, again usually male, but with low social status, and similar self-directed soul-travel. Once these agricultural cultures become sedentary and trans-local, they transition to use of mediums and healers (distinguished). The mediums are usually women of lower social power. Their trances are spirit-controlled. The healers, on the other hand, have high social status and only infrequent trances. Note that shamans, shaman-healers and mediums never occur in the same society. Winkelman argues from this that they are the same thing, adapted to different types of culture. I am not convinced, but at least Winkelman appears to be looking at social categories (however fuzzily defined). At a psychological level, mediums and shamans are not the same type of thing at all. Both their experiences and their means of stimulating those experiences are quite different (see Rouget, 1985). They may, however, be serving the same function in their relative social contexts. It is also not clear where he would put apocalypticists? They have shaman-like experiences in sedentary translocal societies (in which mediums, or something like it, often coexist). Unlike shamanic soul-travelers, though, they do not control their own experiences. Note also, that (according to Black Elk, among others) the medicine man is separate from the holy man in Lacota-sioux society (Black Elk & Neihardt, 1988). The Lacota were hunter-gatherers in Black Elk’s day, which either creates an issue for Winkelman, or requires another category in his chart (the hunter-gatherer healer).

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The primary job of the psychopomp (one of the most common shamanic rôles) is to guide the spirit of the deceased to the next world (Eliade, 1964). In many religious systems this job is reserved for deities (Hermes, for example, among the ancient Greeks39), angels, or previously departed friends and relatives (a feature of many modern near death experiences [NDEs]). For a significant number of indigenous communities, though, it is a rôle assigned to a specialist. We also find something like this with modern spiritualists, among whom it is a standard technique used when attempting to de-haunt a house. De-haunters are never called shamans, although I fail to discern the sociological distinction, except in that the “primitive” communities have figured out what the “modern” have not—that preventing a haunting is easier than getting rid of one.40 Obviously, the shamanic function which most interests us in this study is that of intermediary. The primary way that the shaman fills this rôle is as soul-traveler, although possession is often among her bag of tools as well. It is not surprising that there is no single presenting form, but the following description, based on Knud Rasmussen’s observations of an Eskimo community, is illustrative: The shaman’s journey is commissioned by either the whole community or an individual. The shaman sits behind a curtain, wearing only kamiks (boots) and mittens, while the community members sit on the other side of the curtain singing songs and oc-

39

E. R. Dodds (1957) argues that shamanism was imported into Greece from the north, and while not present in classical culture, it left its mark in stories of legendary characters who are said to be able to do the things that shamans do. Of these, Orpheus would be the most famous, although this is not to imply that Orphism is shamanic. More importantly, it leaves its mark in the concept of the ‘occult self’ (ψυχή or δαίµων) who coexists with, but survives the body. This, according to Dodds, is at the core of the Greek concept of transmigration. 40 It must be admitted, though, that exorcisms make better entertainment than prophylaxis.

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casionally making ritual responses. Once the shaman has entered his trance, it is not unusual that his clothes (which he is not wearing) will begin to fly around over the heads of those present, and they may hear voices of the shaman’s “namesakes,” who are there to help him. He travels down into the earth to the home of Takánakapsâluk, goddess of the sea, where he combs her hair and asks for her help. If it is a community problem, it is usually a question of asking her to release the animals so they can be hunted. Ordinarily there are issues of taboo violations which have caused the problem. When the shaman returns to the surface, he reveals the cause. At this point, the violations must be confessed by community members. In case of community problems, many of those present will volunteer areas of personal violation. After this, names (usually most of the women) are called out, and those named are expected to make further confession. If the person is not present, s/he is fetched (Rasmussen, 1972). More than one psychological category of intermediary activity appears to be at work here. It is hard to know what to do with the flying clothes, but the voices appear in other descriptions of, in particular, tundric shamanic activity. Waldemar Bogoras (1909/1972) describes similar phenomena among the Chukchee, which he believed to be some sort of ventriloquism, although he admitted that it far outshone the abilities of European and American voice throwers. The “separate voices” of their calling come from all sides of the room, changing their place to the complete illusion of their listeners. Some voices are at first faint, as if coming from afar; as they gradually approach, they increase in volume, and at last they rush into the room, pass through it and out, decreasing, and dying away in the remote distance (1909/1972, 384).

It is clear from this account, and there are many others like it, is that the soul-traveling intermediary often mediates in both directions. Specifically, she brings messages back from the supernatural which direct the community’s relationship with that world, but at the same time, she carries messages to the Powers, and as with the hair combing feature, may placate them.

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Apocalyptic and heavenly tours Due to the obvious external similarities, it is tempting to locate the heavenly tourists of apocalyptic literature41 with these soultravelers. There is, as Eliade (1964) points out, a clear apocalyptic bent among those whom he identifies as shamans. While apocalypticists do bring a message of hope to the dispossessed community (good for us, bad for them), it is not unknown for them to direct specific requests for improvement at specific members.42 However, it seems to me that the social function is entirely different, and it is social function, after all, that we are currently examining. Apocalypticists do not, as I noted above (note 38), control their own experience. While this has psychological implications, it also has impact for the community, since they cannot inquire of the prophet in times of stress.43 Nevertheless, it is possible that there is a line of decent from the travelers to the tourists, and that the differences have grown out of the larger changing societal backdrop. There is a valid issue as to whether to consider apocalyptic literature prophetic at all. Pseudonymity appears to be normative (John the Revelator is the major exception), which may suggest a lack of direct connection to any particular community, although, alternatively, it could be symbolic, and easily translated by the au-

41

Christopher Rowland (1982) would prefer that we distinguish between tours of heaven/hell and apocalyptic invocations of the future/past. I am obviously discussing the tours, but I have made no effort to distinguish the two either theologically or in terms of target communities. When I use such phrases as ‘apocalyptic literature,’ unless I specify, I mean both temporal and spatial tourists. 42 The letters of Revelation come to mind, as does the demand for reconciliation aimed at the antagonistic bishops in Saturnus’ vision in Perpetua (Himmelfarb, 1993). 43 Inquiry is made of Daniel, but it is not in the apocalyptic section. The usefulness of these stories may not really depend on ones analysis of their historicity. If they are fiction, they are intended to mirror (idealized) reality. But they are stories of an ideal wise man, in touch with God, not of an apocalypticist.

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thor’s target group.44 In the case of tours, however, we do have at least one other case where we are told both the name of the visionary and the community of which she is a part—Perpetua. This recommends the possibility that some of this literature represents real experiences targeted at real communities. Of course, the martyrs probably would not have been regarded as community prophets until after their death, which once again puts us outside the primary goals of this study.

Possession ‘Possession’ is one of those words which have been used by a large number of scholars to serve a large number of purposes. Particularly in Biblical scholarship, it is often simply used as a convenient synonym for the equally ill-defined ‘ecstasy,’ meaning, “any altered stated of consciousness which seems to lead to prophetic behavior.” Even in this study, it will have to do double duty, being used here to describe an observable category of religious activity, and again when we are talking about psychological categories to refer to specific loss of motor control to a perceived outside power. That loss, whether real or implied, is fundamental to the social category as well. The spirit, as Goodman puts it, …so conjured, summoned, brought in, is of overpowering might and will take control of such a borrowed body. The mediums,45 humans undergoing a possession experience, turn into

44

See Humm (1985) for various alternate approaches to pseudonymi-

ty. 45 Goodman uses “medium” to mean, ‘the person who is possessed.’ In normal contemporary Western parlance it is used more specifically of those who practice Spiritualist mediumship, sometimes referred to as ‘channeling.’ Both are correct uses, but the two categories of possession must be distinguished. Goodman is describing Yoruba style possession, which is highly kinetic and musicated (Rouget’s term, meaning that it is driven by another person playing a musical instrument), usually by drumming. Spiritualist possession is usually sedentary and generally lacks musi-

24

PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY the spirit’s tabernacle, its canoe, or its horse. It will shake them, make them dance; it might take over their tongues and speak through their mouths. Only the termination of the ritual can break its hold over the human host. Possession, however also brings with it a number of blessings, well-being as well as prestige for the medium (1988, 47ƒ).

Although there is no unity of practice among groups that claim to utilize possession, there is a certain commonality among those who trace their practical ancestry to the African Yoruba. Foremost among these are practitioners of voudoun, particularly in Cuba, and the Condomblé in Brazil. Ester Pressel described an Ubanda (Sãn Paulo, Brazil) ceremony that involved possession. The Ubanda are a syncretistic group, drawing, on the one hand, from Latin American Catholicism, and on the other, from the Condomblé. This possession ceremony is clearly illustrative of the later. About an hour before the service is to start, the cavalos46 begin to arrive. Today they have been preparing their bodies through diet, avoidance of alcohol, and by taking a ritual bath. They change into (generally) white, ritual garments, adding markers showing which of the spirits possess them. As the service begins, drummers begin a particular rhythm, and the cavalos begin to dance to it. The audience joins by singing songs to the orixas, or other spirits. An assistant brings an incense burner with various herbs around to the musicians, mediums, and the audience. The mediums prostrate

cal accompaniment. The goal of the Spiritualist is virtually always limited to communication with the possessing spirit. In contrast, the Yoruba seek primarily to embody the spirit, which may or may not include communication. I will generally use ‘medium’ as a general term covering both categories, unless the context makes it clear what is being discussed. ‘Channeling’ is reserved for the Spiritualist type medium and ‘incorporation’ or ‘mount’ for those who seek to embody the deity or spirit. 46 The cavalos (literally, ‘horses’) are the people who will receive the possessing spirits (the mounts).

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themselves before the altar. After more drumming and singing, a collection may be taken, and there may be a short sermon. After a couple of hymns of invocation the cavalos begin to spin rapidly, jerking their heads in opposing directions. At this point, the spirits come onto the cavalos. Their faces change, reflecting the possessing spirit’s nature, and they may begin to mimic behaviors (such as shooting arrows) associated with the individual spirits. They may shout in the language of the spirit’s origin. When the drumming stops, they take up stations and wait for audience members to approach them for “consultations.” The spirit is often provided with a cigar by an assistant. Consultations may include issues of illness, employment, business, family difficulties, or any matter which the spirits might reasonably be expected to address. The spirit advises, including suggesting rituals and prayers, and then passes her hand over the congregant several times, removing “bad fluids.” They embrace and the congregant returns to his seat. During the consultation period, drumming and singing continue intermittently. Before departing, the spirit will shake the cavalos’s clothing and pass her hand over her head several times (disposing of evil fluids). After more shaking, the spirit departs. An assistant may be needed to catch the disoriented cavalo at this point. A special song of dismissal is sung, and the cavalos return to the dressing rooms and change back into normal clothing (Goodman, Henney, & Pressel, 1974, 146–146). It is not clear at all what connection, if any, this sort of incorporation has with the non-kinetic spirit manifestation we find in modern spiritualism. Firth, who did most of his field work among the Tikopia (at the southern tip of the Solomon Islands) distinguished “mediumship” (probably what I am calling channeling) from “possession” (incorporation). The former, he argues, but not the latter, involves intelligible communication (1967, 296).47 This ‘non-communicative’ view does not seem to be supported by the

47

The Tikopia had channelers, but not mounts.

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experiences of the Ubanda, nor does it by most American practitioners of incorporation.48 This may simply be a case, a favorite among perennialists, of the same psychological phenomenon being transported into very different cultures, and then emerging with a phenomenology appropriate to its setting. On the other hand, if the oral aspects (consultations) are not native to this type of possession, then the resemblance between channeling and incorporation largely disappears.

Charismatic prophecy What I am terming “Charismatic prophecy” is the dominant form of intermediary activity among European derivative49 Pentecostals and Charismatics. The meeting I have described here is from an ethnically mixed North American congregation (whites, blacks, Hispanics and a few Asians). It is much less demonstrative than some others I have witnessed, but it does provide a nice contrast to the Ubanda service described above. The music begins more or less on time. It is loud and rhythmic. The band consists of two guitarists, an electric keyboardist, a drummer and a bass player. There is a set of congas on the stage which are played on other occasions, although not tonight. The worshipers are still milling around when the music starts and begin to find their seats. Other worshipers still arrive, and continue to do

48 However, it is worth noting that for the Yoruba, from whom these groups ultimately derive, the possession dance does not involve consultation. For them, communication with the other world is primarily done through a form of (non-inspirational) divination known as Ifá. The consultations, in fact, look a good deal more like the sort of intermediary activity that I will describe next under Charismatic prophecy. 49 I make this qualification because Native American Pentecostals, such as the ones among whom Goodman did field study (Goodman, Henney, & Pressel, 1974) look very different to me. Some of this may be due to her own interpretative framework, but in any case they need to be viewed separately.

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so for at least another twenty minutes. Being on time does not appear to be a requirement. Songs run 5 to 7 minutes each. Shorter songs are lengthened by repetition. All but one of the songs is well known to the worshipers. The last one is new, but most quickly join in as soon as they are familiar enough with the tune (from hearing—there is no sheet music—although the lyrics are projected onto a couple of screens at the front). After about twenty minutes, the music dies down and one of the pastors moves up to the front. Tonight is not the usual fare—it is a prophetic presbytery.50 There are two prophets present from sister congregations on the other side of the country. One of the local leaders, also known for his prophetic abilities, is sitting with them. After just a few words from the officiating pastor, one of the other pastors goes out into the congregation and selects a couple. They are brought up to the front and seated in chairs set there for that purpose. The congregation falls silent, but the band continues to play quietly in the background. They are improvising around a segment of one of the worship tunes from earlier that evening.51 After a short prayer, one of the visiting prophets comes up and stands behind the selected couple. He has a message for them from God. He speaks over them together, as a couple, and over each of them individually, laying his hands on them. It is personal but positive. God is pleased with them and wants to bring them

50 I am not sure where the terminology (presbytery) comes from. Etymologically, and as used in other denominations, this should indicate a gathering of elders. Community elders are present here, but this is a congregational event. Perhaps it reflects the fact that the center of attention is on a couple of leaders from other churches (who are well known for their prophetic ability). 51 Although the worship team (the band) virtually always leads the congregation in singing a number of tunes, it is not at all the rule that they play throughout the period of personal prophesying. Not all prophesiers consider it helpful, and at this meeting, it appeared that the first prophet to come forward was surprised by it, and took a minute to get comfortable with it.

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into positions of greater leadership within the community. The husband has been a pillar of mercy in his work place, which the Lord commends. She has been a prayer warrior, and God has withheld potential misfortune among her acquaintances because of her prayer. God will set her up as a prayer leader in the congregation. Leadership will listen to her. When the first prophet is finished speaking, the other visiting prophet comes up and speaks over them in a similar fashion. The prophesying continues for about fifteen minutes, after which the church leadership prays for the couple, and they are allowed to return to their seats. At this point, the band leads the worshipers in another song, and a second couple is summoned. The band improvises on another tune, and the process is repeated. This continues throughout the evening. All in all, about six couples or singles are brought forward. The process will repeat itself in two subsequent meetings over the next two days. Although it does not take place at the meeting just described, it is common at a prophetic gathering for the prophet to give a message to the congregation before launching into personal prophecy. It is worth noting that the congregational leaders sought to fulfill the portions of the message regarding the couple’s increased opportunities for service. They were given a broader range of responsibility in the community within the next six months or so. More dramatically, similar prophecies occasionally call for more significant changes in leadership, which are sometimes followed through on.52 Most prophecies are not so remarkable, and some are generally ignored by community members and leaders. Other than studies of “speaking in tongues,” these Pentecostal groups have not attracted a great deal of interest among anthropol-

52

Vaguely recalling the tradition, reported in Paulinus, of Ambrose’s call to the bishopric.

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ogists,53 and Charismatics even less so. There are, however, obvious points of contact between this group and others. The Ubanda obviously come to mind, although not necessarily other examples of possession. Some shamanic activity bears a remarkable resemblance54 (although not the Eskimo soul-traveler we saw above). In addition, some “New Age” intermediary activity is not far removed.

Congregational vs. private prophecy All of the types of intermediary activity we have looked at so far have been set in gatherings of a social/religious body. They have also tended to feature specialists. The first attribute is, to some extent, defined by the field of study: sociology. The truth is that private religion is often not observable and is rarely the target of ethnography. This is also consistent with the primary goals of this investigation. I am interested in whether changes in corporate worship lead to changes in corporate intermediation. Community is also built into my definition (above, p. 8). However, when we begin looking at the historical data, we will see that much of it does not take place in a corporate setting. When, in Acts 20.17, Paul enters a trance and God tells him to leave Jerusalem, it impacts the community only in that Paul will no longer be with them. We will be looking at numerous trances, visions, and spiritual impressions that

53 There are exceptions, of course, most notably Mary Douglas’ analyses in the area of their social organization, which, however, are not central to the scope of this study. Also, Bourguignon and her students have done a number of interesting studies (including Esther Pressel’s study of the Ubanda, cited above, pp. 21ƒ) on Latin American groups, some of whom call themselves “Pentecostal.” These are important groups, of course, but I am not sure how they relate to the Anglo-American groups. As mentioned above, from the descriptions, they look quite different, both socially and in the apparent psychological nature of their prophetism. 54 Eliade (1964) describes strikingly similar community worship.

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do not take place in a communal setting, but it is important to keep in mind that this is a secondary target. My primary interest is congregational prophecy.55 The emphasis on specialists has more to do with the communities and individuals being observed, and perhaps with the prejudices of the observers. For example, among the Chukchee, Eliade tells us (1964, 252), each family has a drum and will sometimes corporately imitate the shaman. Members of the family imitate ‘possession by the spirits’ in shamanic fashion, writhing, leaping into the air, and trying to emit inarticulate sounds which are supposed to be the voice and language of the ‘spirits.’ Sometimes even, shamanic cures are attempted and prophecies uttered, to which no one pays any attention (252).

This family shamanism is done by day, while the professional works at night. Waldemar Jochelson (cited in Eliade, 252) argues that family shamanism predates the professional version. Eliade, agreeing with Bogoras (cited in Eliade, 252), maintains that it is just a poor imitation. I am inclined to lean toward Jochelson’s view, although this does not preclude influence going the other direction as well, simply because I think that specialists tend to be secondary to practice. In any case, I would not degrade it as irrelevant as Eliade seems to. This prejudice against non-professionals seems entirely presumptive, especially in light of the fact that Eliade repeatedly accuses the professionals of ‘decadence’ compared to their predecessors. The point, in any case, is that Eliade’s emphasis on specialists derives more from his anti-amateur animosity than from the data.

55 There are borderline instances. If a community member has a vision and shares it with her community, it becomes congregational. Some of this seems to have gone on in Tertullian’s community.

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31

Psychological categories Some of these sociological categories are likely to be of interest to us at a later point, but since this study is more oriented toward the psychological factors in prophetic behavior, I am going to attempt to organize the data from the point of view of the (apparent) psychological state of the prophet. However, this organizing principle must be subsumed under the overall category of intermediary activity. This is delimited by its function within the religious community. Soul-travel and mystical states, for example, are excluded if their sole function is personal.56 Purely pathological states are also only marginally helpful. In both these cases, however, the borders can become blurred. So, for example, a person may exhibit behavior similar to that of a schizophrenic, but she may be a prophet (from our perspective) if she functions within a religious community as an intermediary. Alternatively, a mystic may be in search of personal growth, but becomes an intermediary if his experience includes a message or vision whose intended audience is the larger religious community (or some subset thereof).57

56

This excludes some forms of glossolalia as well, although not all. I have not included meditative states in this list for the simple reason that they never, to my knowledge, feature in intermediary activity. I obviously need to qualify this. ‘Meditation’ is sometimes used in English to describe thinking, or letting one’s mind wander. These activities can certainly lead to varieties of inspiration at least (see below, pp. 42ƒ). As I am using the term I am referring to altered states of consciousness brought on by focused attention. This leads to a range of experiences, the extent of which has not been fully explored, although d’Aquili, et al. (1999 & bibliography), have shown that at least two can be distinguished in CAT scans: what they call “absolute unitary being” (AUB) and contemplative meditation. Externally, and even within their respective communities, these experiences appear to be the same, but inside the brain they show up quite differently. D’Aquili’s team argues that contemplative meditation is merely a “lesser form” of AUB. I do not find the evidence for this conclusion compelling, but it is worth noting that outwardly similar psychological phenomena may be quite different on the inside, and this observa57

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From a psychological or neurological point of view, the mental state of the prophet at the time that she receives her message is subject to a range of opinions, not always clearly stated. Some scholars are on the same general page as Luther and Calvin (that prophecy is hardly distinguishable from preaching). In which case prophecies are products of normal cognitive processes, and are delivered in normal rational states of mind. Others find the line between prophetism and schizophrenia very fine indeed. For obvious reasons, the perceived psychological state of the prophet has a direct impact on modern analyses. Apocalyptic, for example, has often been read as purely literary,58 in which case it is entirely appropriate to look for literary influences and sources, and to discuss the author’s intention. Some more recent scholars, however, reappraising the psychological state of the prophet, are beginning to take more seriously the apocalypticist’s claim to be reporting a visionary experience (e.g. Stone, 1984; Halperin, 1993; Himmelfarb, 1993). Using this approach, literary influence and author’s intention, while still important, take on a different cast. It would be hard to argue that prophetic activity in the Hellenistic period, or any other, was never cognitive.59 If nothing else,

tion can just as easily be applied to other presenting forms of altered states. 58 So Rowley (1964), Collins (1984), and a host of others. There are connections between different apocalyptic reports which are most easily interpreted, at a scholarly level, if they are literary dependencies. Carl Jung, and hosts of others in the psychoanalytical world, would have no difficulty with the non-rational or subconscious self producing images that reflect symbolic patterns that either draw from their environment or (in Jung’s case) from a collective unconscious of some variety. Believers, of course, have never had a problem with God delivering similar messages to different people. 59 By ‘cognitive’ and ‘normal mental state’ I mean ‘deriving from that state of mind that we associate with normal healthy waking mental processes,’ productions, primarily, of the conscious intellect. I do not

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we have to account for fraud.60 However, it is extremely difficult to make the case that conscious cognition was the implied source of revelation. Scholars of the Jewish Scriptures are divided over the extent to which the prophets of ancient Israel were driven by what William Braud calls “non-ordinary and transcendent experiences” (NTE) (2003).61 However, it is rarely doubted that NTEs of some variety underlie most New Testament prophecy. Certainly both Revelation and the experience that Paul recalls in 2 Cor. 12.1–5, claim, at least, not to be fully cognitive. Other instances, specifically those in Acts and 1 Corinthians appear to most scholars, me included, as the results of NTEs, but it is possible to make the case that they derive from normal conscious mental states, presumably understood as infused by the indwelling Spirit of God.62

mean to imply that abnormal states are by contrast unhealthy, merely less common. 60 Following our definition, fraud is not really prophetic, but it may well be perceived as prophetic by the target community. It is often presumptuous to assume that the modern scholar can tell the difference if the target community could not. 61 These “include, but are not limited to, mystical, spiritual, and paranormal experiences.” They would presumably be a religious subset of what Etzel Cardeña, et al. call “anomalous experiences” (2002, 3f). NTEs are emphasized by Gunkel, Duhm, Hölscher, Lindblom & Robinson. Cognition is emphasized by Skinner, Mowinkel, and Huffman (Hayes, 1979). However, it is clear that the New Testament authors viewed the revelations in the Jewish Scriptures as supernatural in origin (2 Tim. 3.16ƒ, Heb. 1.1, etc.). 62 Obviously, this is Calvin’s view, driven by theological considerations. It is not clear to me whether Luther would agree, based on the quotation given above (note 17). He may simply be saying that the apostles spoke with the same authority as prophecy. E. Earle Ellis has, somewhat prolifically, argued that early Christian prophecy is usually a form of ‘inspired’ preaching or teaching (esp., 1970, 1974, 1977, and 1978). I would disagree on the ‘usually,’ but am inclined accept that this was a category of prophetic activity in the early Church, largely depending on what is meant by ‘inspired.’

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY

Just as in sociology, the vocabulary used for prophetic NTEs varies widely from discipline to discipline, and even within a scholarly community. Needless to say this can lead to confusion, so I will try to specify, as closely as possible, how I am using the various terms within the scope of this study. At this point I need to lay out a basic taxonomy of mental states associated with prophecy as used in this study.

Dissociation In the field of psychology, a number of types of altered states of consciousness are subsumed under the term ‘dissociation.’ I will be generally following the lead of the psychologists in this case, although only to the extent of the phenomenology, not necessarily embracing any particular psychological model or etiology.63 Webster’s Medical Dictionary (2002) gives the following definition: The separation of whole segments of the personality (as in multiple personality) or of discrete mental processes (as in the schizophrenias) from the mainstream of consciousness or of behavior with loss of integrated awareness and autonomous functioning of the separated segments or parts.

In terms of NTEs, this mental state can be subdivided into the subcategories of ecstasy, possession, and parasensory experience. Ecstasy, as used here, is any mental state in which the subject perceives herself to be apart from the body, or at least unaware of

63 Etiology is sometimes incorporated into the definition, in my view inappropriately. So, for example, Stedman’s Medical Dictionary (2002) defines dissociation (within psychology) as

A psychological defense mechanism in which specific, anxietyprovoking thoughts, emotions, or physical sensations are separated from the rest of the psyche.

Needless to say, this eliminates from consideration experiences with a neurological basis, not to mention divine origin. It also leaves us without terminology for these phenomena.

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35

bodily context (Wilson 1,980).64 This essentially follows the etymology. Modern “out of body experiences” (OBE) are obviously examples, although they are rarely prophetic. Paul describes an ecstatic experience, a tour of heaven apparently, in 2 Cor. 12.1–5. Obviously, most apocalyptic reflects a claim, at least, to describe experiences of this nature. Shamanic journeys (although not generally other shamanic activities) fall into this category, and some mystical experiences, such as those of Teresa of Ávila, appear to drink from this well. Teresa calls her own experiences of this type arrobamiento, often translated ‘rapture,’ which is, I suppose, as good a term as any. Rapture may, or may not, be prophetic (that is, containing some sort of message for either the subject or her community). Rouget is anxious to distinguish it from the shaman’s journey based on social context and induction technique. Those, he claims, pursuing rapture are solitary and silent. The shaman is generally surrounded by her community and musicated (usually by herself—playing drums, guitars, etc.). Rouget does not address apocalyptic or OBEs, but once we throw them into the mix we have possibly as many as five65 separate experiences which I have chosen to lump under ‘ecstasy.’ It is also possible that we have as few as one. It should be obvious that most of these reside in different social categories. If that is Rouget’s point, then it is well taken. That may, in itself, be enough to make the argument that they differ psychologically. It is not clear at all whether they are different at a neurological level.66

64

Modern students of religion often refer to any sort of NTE as ‘ecstasy.’ Cultural anthropologists tend to be slightly more careful in their use of the term, but it can still refer to a wide range of experiences. The most frequent problem is the failure to distinguish between mystical experiences, out of body experiences (OBEs), and possession (Rouget 1985). 65 Since, at a literary level, apocalyptic can be subdivided into at least two categories: tours of heaven/hell and visions of the future (or past). 66 Teresa’s experience (headaches, visions, occasional loss of consciousness, a four-day coma) has received some attention from the medical community. Most influential has been the historical diagnosis of tem-

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY

In the case of possession,67 the subject’s perception may vary, but the community believes that her body has been entered by a spirit or divinity that speaks (or moves) through the subject, without the subject’s participation (Wilson, 1980).68 It is not un-

poral epilepsy put forward independently by Drs. Pierre Vercelletto (2000) and Esteban Garcia-Albea (2006) (cited from Kristeva, 2006). Assuming this temporal epilepsy approach, Mark Salzman's novel Lying Awake, asks what would happen if a visionary whose experiences had a physical basis were to receive medical treatment. Earlier physicians had assigned Teresa the now obsolete diagnosis, “hysteria” (Evelyn Underhill, 1911). Roland Fischer (1971), not so interested in pathology, argues for a continuum of experience with trophotropic (“Samadhi”) on one side (characterized by lower EEG frequencies) and ergotropic (rapture) on the other. “Normal” is in the middle. Recovery from intense ergotropic excitation can result in a rebound to trophotropic states. Others have made similar after-the-fact diagnoses of Paul, Hildegard, and numerous historical figures whose experiences are described in primary literature. To assume that all such experiences are derived from pathology is parsimonious and probably reductionistic. To assert that none are is to be in denial. Both Newberg (2001) and Carter (1999), discussing subjective contact with the divine in normal people, suggest that (if we assume the existence of God) humans may have been designed with the ability to sense such things. The same could be said of certain “pathologies.” This, however, is theological speculation, which, per se, is outside the goals of this investigation (see Bache, 1982; Albright, 2001; Persinger, 1987). 67 See my longer discussion of this phenomenon above under sociological categories, p. 20ƒƒ. Also note that I am using ‘mediumship’ more or less as a synonym for possession, when intermediation is involved. 68 Johannes Lindbloom (1957) notes that possession and ecstasy are not always distinct. In rare cases, the prophet can be experiencing a tour of heaven, for example, while her body is, according to the testimony of those present, possessed and communicating independent information to the community.

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37

usual that the possessed does not remember the experience, and has to be told what happened during her absence. 69 It is useful to distinguish between channeling and incorporation as subcategories of possession.70 The former usually does not involve amnesia,71 and is not stimulated by dancing or music. The latter involves all of these in most cases. While it is possible to argue that possession is unrepresented in earliest Christianity,72 there are a couple of probable biblical examples. One of these is the story of the ‘Witch’ of Endor (1 Sam. 28.3–24), and the other is the woman at Ephesus who loudly proclaims that Paul is ‘come from God’ (Acts 16.16–18). Both of these look like examples of some sort of mediumship. In the modern world, possession is characteristic, on the one hand, of Spiritualist mediums (channelers), and on the other hand, of mounts among the Condomblé and in Santeria (both incorporation).73 Total bodily

69 Rouget (1985) considers amnesia a defining characteristic of possession-trance. For him, this is a key characteristic in distinguishing from ecstasy which, he says, is always remembered. 70 See above, note 45, on distinguishing terminology. Goodman and a significant body of social scientists use the term ‘possession-trance’ for what I am calling ‘incorporation.’ I do not like the term, but at least it is fully descriptive and unambiguous. 71 One former channeler I spoke to said that while she remembered her sessions, her memories of the experiences were often hazy. 72 This argument will become much more difficult if we stretch ‘earliest’ far enough into the second century to include the New Prophecy (Montanism). It is still possible to argue it here as well, as I will do (p. 173 ƒ), but it requires fighting against the most common interpretation of the data. It is also possible to argue for possession backwards from the Montanists to the earlier period, but I view this as equally difficult in view of the control that Paul seems to assume the prophets have over themselves in, especially, 1 Cor. 14. 73 The description of the Ubanda above (pp. 21ƒƒ) is an example of incorporation.

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possession is the rule,74 but not necessary. Partial possession, such as in ‘automatic writing’ is not uncommon in Spiritualist circles.75 In the ancient world, Bacchants and Corybantes, described by Plato, have a strong resemblance to African incorporation rites like those of the Condomblé. The pythia at Delphi, in contrast, may have been a channeler of some variety. Parasensory experiences76 are among the most commonly described in biblical (and surrounding) literature. These are experiences in which one or several of the subject’s natural senses report when there is no apparent external stimulus. Visions of angels, saints or departed acquaintances are among the most common (Jdg. 13.1–18; Mk. 1.9–11; Acts 12.6–15). Simply hearing voices is also not uncommon (less so in the Bible, but note 1 Sam. 3.1–17).77 Usually, in these cases, others that might be present do not share the experience, although there are exceptions.78 Other senses also come into play occasionally, although without a verbal or visual component, these are less likely to be viewed

74 Among the Condomblé, the dance of the possessed may be more important than any message. This is certainly true of healing trances, such as the tarantella. 75 It will be recalled that Firth argued that degree of amnesia was dependent on whether the possessing spirit’s control extended to the head (n. 33). Presumably, it often did not. 76 My terminology. Psychologists often subsume these under dissociation. Needless to say, many of these are also symptomatic of schizophrenia. 77 In Rabbinic literature, when God speaks using a disembodied voice that is called the ‫( בת קול‬daughter of voice) (Rothkoff, 1971). It is one of the last remaining acceptable intermediary experiences in the Talmudic period. 78 As with Paul’s Damascus road experiences. But there are problems. Luke’s Paul tells the story differently than Luke at first presents it. The original version is in Acts is in 9.1–18, but he recounts it in 22.6–16 and again in 26.12–18. Paul’s version differs in the minor detail of what the traveling companions see and hear. Medjugorje can also be cited as an example of a shared vision .

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39

as intermediative. A subjective drop in temperature frequently accompanies ghost experiences. Reports of near death experiences sometimes include accompanying smells and tactile sensations, and Elijah, of course, senses a light breeze (1 Kings 19.12).

Enthusiasm This is technically not a prophetic state, but it is often related. The term is derived from the Greek ἐνθουσιασµός meaning “engodded” and I will return to the Greek term presently, but it has acquired a range of meanings in religious studies as well as the obvious popular usage. As I will occasionally use the term (unless the context indicates that I am talking about the Greek word group) it refers to a state of extreme religious emotion often characterized by reduced motor control and a perceived heightened state of religious consciousness. It sometimes leads to prophecy, but certainly not always.

Epipnoia A type of prophetic experience, which I will call ‘epipnoia,’79 may be a light form of possession. The primary difference, as Rouget points out, lies in the degree to which the subject participates. 80

79

Terminology in this area is not well established. Rouget (1985) calls it ‘inspiration.’ It is sometimes called ‘enthusiasm.’ Both of these terms could be useful, but have too many other technical and non-technical uses which may be needed as this study progresses. I have just discussed how I will use “enthusiasm.” Epipnoia is, of course, simply a Greek term (ἐπίπνοια) which, while not common, often means something like ‘inspired’ (literally, ‘breathed on’). I do not, however, intend to be constrained by the Greek use of the term. Readers not familiar with Greek should note that the associated adjective will be ‘epipneumatic.’ 80 He actually identifies three types of possession: possession proper (more or less the same as my use of the term possession), inspiration, and communion. Inspiration is, as mentioned in the previous note, simply his term for what I am calling epipnoia. The latter appears to be a more private form in which the subject encounters the spirit internally, expe-

40

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The epipneumatic prophet believes that she has been overshadowed by the divinity and that (in the case of prophecy) the divinity speaks through her. She is “invested” by the spirit, but is not controlled by it (Rouget, 1985, 26), and does not generally speak of being entered by a spirit, or at least not in the same sense as in possession. Epipneumatics are characteristically fully aware, and can participate in, or even alter, the content of the message or behavior (if one is prophesying, it is a message, but epipneumatic behavior can also include tongues,81 dancing, etc.). Paul’s admonition to the Corinthian prophets that they should take turns in an orderly fashion, and to glossolalists that they should limit their expression, suggests that the pneumatic activity at Corinth, at least, was most likely of this variety. Most modern Pentecostal and Charismatic prophecy falls into this category.82 I would also include such modern phenomena as Ouija boards and many ESP experiences (although the latter rolls over into the next category as well). The Yoruba Ifá (mentioned above, note 48) also looks like epipneumatic prophecy, and Socrates, who took dreams and oracles seriously, was probably also an

rienced as communion, revelation or illumination. It seems to me that the last category is simply a variation on epipnoia, distinguished by whether the experience is private or public. However, many of the experiences we have and will be examining can have both public and private manifestations. Furthermore, the messages can be targeted at either the prophet himself, at some other individual(s), or at the community in general. These distinctions are not unimportant, particularly to an anthropologist like Rouget, but I do not think they require different terminology when we are talking about the psycho-neurological categories of NTEs. 81 On the relationship between tongues and prophecy, it is interesting that in one instance (3.12.15|3.12.17) in which Irenaeus quotes Acts 10.46, where Luke has γλώσσαις Irenaeus reads προφητεύοντας (Paul, 1998). 82 This is not to say that members of these groups do not occasionally have visions, hear voices or have ecstatic experiences.

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41

epipneumatic when, according to Xenophon, he obeyed an inner voice which, he called “the voice of God” (Dodds, 1957, 184ƒ).83 Epipnoia, and sometimes much more, comes into the process of prophetic interpretation of scripture. While it is possible to interpret sacred texts at a strictly cognitive level, the prophetic interpreter is one who can obtain the appropriate interpretation for this community, at this time, directly from the divine source. While to my knowledge this terminology is never used in primary literature, the concept is probably present in Ezra-Nehemiah, clearly at Qumran (Humm, 1985, 31–37), and throughout the history of Christianity continuing into the modern period.84 While prophetic interpretation is generally applied to the interpretation of scripture, in communities where there are other active prophets of the dissociative or epipneumatic variety, the prophet interpreter may also serve as a decoder or expander of other’s prophetic revelations. In the eyes of at least one scholar, this decoding may lie behind the pneumatic manifestation which is usually translated “discerning spirits” (διακρίσεις πνευµάτων) in 1 Cor. 12.10 (Dautzenberg, 1971 & 1975). Closely related to this is orative prophecy. This looks like a sermon to the external observer, but from the speaker’s point of view, and possibly also from the community’s he is speaking directly from the prompting of the divinity.85

83 θεοῦ µοι φωνὴ φαίνεται (Xenophon, Apology of Socrates 12; ed. Marchant). 84 It is interesting that many Pentecostal groups were admitting women to the pulpit long before their larger denominational cousins, while simultaneously maintaining a conservative position on biblical inerrancy. This apparent contradiction (in light of such passages as 2 Tim. 2.12) may be explained by their view that preaching was primarily prophetic rather than didactic. Women are, of course, graced with prophetic rôles both in the New Testament and (to a somewhat lesser extent) in Jewish Scriptures (see Acts 21.9, 1 Cor. 11.5, 2 Kings 22.14). 85 I had a conversation with a Pentecostal preacher once in which I asked him how he prepared his sermons. His response was, “I prepare my

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Intuition is, to a large extent, a less intense form of epipnoia. Besides what we normally call intuition, I would include premonitions, telepathy, and many less dramatic ESP experiences. In early Christian literature (canonical and otherwise) this sort of thing is rarely reported, or is elevated to a higher level after the fact, if the intuition proves accurate. This phenomenon, of course, continues in the modern period as well.

Divination I use the term ‘divination’ differently than is characteristic of most modern writers. For most writers, the term denotes any communication with the supernatural that violates traditionally accepted modes.86 Consequently, everything from entrail reading to necromancy87 can fall into this category, but not Urim and Thummim or angelic visitations. However, in this study, the word will have a much narrower scope, delimited by method rather than morality.88

heart.” He would not know what he was going to speak about until he was at the pulpit, and even then might have no idea where he was going to end up. From his point of view, this allowed him to be entirely directed by the Holy Spirit. I do not know whether he viewed his sermons as extended prophecies, although he may have. Certainly others in that tradition have seen their messages that way. 86 ‘Traditionally’ may be defined in terms of the observer’s culture, or in terms of the observed’s. Which is intended usually has to be gleaned from the context. 87 Necromancy is, properly, communication with the dead. It usually takes the form of possession, although nineteenth century favorites like table tapping (which I would be inclined to consider epipneumatic) probably fall into this category as well. The distinction between the dead and other spirits is blurred in modern Spiritualism, as in many world religious traditions, and the term necromancy is viewed as pejorative and rarely used. 88 We are once again running into the old functional vs. descriptive conflict. Functional, in this case, referring to categories based on how something functions in the (religious) community, and descriptive referring to the psycho-neurological state of the prophet at the time of the

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43

Divination, while you are reading this investigation, is any means of communication with the supernatural that is based on the interpretation of (apparently) random phenomena.89 By far the most common example is astrology. The random phenomena in this case would be the location, in the skies, of stars and planets at any given time. No altered state of consciousness is needed (although a computer helps). Books are, and have been available in the West, at least since the 3rd century, BCE, to aid in interpreting this data. Divination also includes such ancient favorites as casting lots,90 haruspices and dream interpretation. Modern varieties include tarot cards, palm reading and tealeaves.91 In the ancient world, as today, all the hopeful practitioner needs is a little training—knowing what to look for and what it means when found.92

revelation. There is, of course, nothing wrong with functional categories, and they are to be expected when reading cultural anthropology, but they are less useful for our immediate purposes. It is unfortunate that we have a limited vocabulary to work with, such that the discipline must be determined in order to discern the meaning of the words (compare ‘cult’ and ‘fetish’). Lessa & Vogt’s distinctions (next note) are useful, but I prefer to just limit the reference of the term. 89 Lessa & Vogt (1972, following Turner (1961)) distinguish two types of divination: inspirational and non-inspirational. Inspirational includes shamanism, crystal gazing and shell hearing. Non-inspirational subdivides into fortuitous (finding meaning in random events such as black cats, broken mirrors, etc) or deliberate (reading random phenomena —astrology, scapulimancy, chiromancy, etc). Obviously, my definition corresponds to their non-inspirational category. Dodds appears to use the modifier ‘inductive’ for divination in this category (1957). 90 Including, presumably, the Urim and Thummim. 91 Scrying, the reading of crystal balls, bowls of liquid, etc. is often located in this category. I am more inclined to see it as an aid to epipnoia (as do Lessa & Vogt, 1972). 92 In his 1957 (1972) study Omar Khayyam Moore argued that divination provides random responses to inquiries. He noted that this randomness may prove useful to communities under certain circumstances. Where it is used to determine where to hunt (in times where normal hunt-

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY

(Being a bona fide priest(ess), though, may help in getting others to believe your interpretations.) The big difference between divination and other forms of prophecy we have considered is the fact that no NTE is required. However, it should be added that the most skilled practitioners are generally at least intuitive, if not fully epipneumatic,93 mixed in with the purely cognitive aspects of their work.94 The only instance of early Christian divination that I know of is the casting of lots to determine Judas’ successor.95 Luke places this before Pentecost, and therefore before the reception of the Spirit by the Christian community. This in itself may be significant, but at least as far as what is reported in surviving literature, it was

ing patterns have failed), it is likely to send hunters into places they would not normally choose. Since normally chosen areas are likely to be ‘hunted out,’ new areas may better serve the community. Divination provides that randomness. Underlying this is, of course, the community belief that such phenomena are not truly random, but are either directed by the gods or reflect deeper natural connections (comparable to reading clouds to predict weather). 93 Professional ‘psychics’ are often accused of simply having well developed powers of observation. If these powers of observation are unconscious, I would argue that is hardly to be distinguished from intuition. However, it is outside the scope of this study to distinguish ‘true’ intermediaries from frauds. 94 The distinction between NTE-based and cognitive interpretation of dreams is at the root of the story of Daniel and the ‘Chaldeans’ in Nebuchadnezzar’s court (Dan. 2). However, it does not seem to underlie Joseph’s skill as compared with Pharaoh’s magicians in Gen. 41. I am not sure whether the same sort of contrast is at play in Matthew, where Joseph has to hear in a dream what the µάγοι, highly trained diviners, should have known. 95 Of course, lots are cast for Jesus clothes (Mark 15:24 and parallels), but this is hardly divination, although it does predict who will take what items of clothing.

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45

not a normal method for determining the will of God after that point.

Entheogens Entheogens, drugs used to stimulate an altered state for mystical or intermediary purposes, have a long and well studied history. Soma, a frequent topic in the Rig Veda, is generally held to have been such a substance, which some believe to be extinct, but many argue to be the hallucinogenic mushroom amanita muscaria (Roberts, 1968). Much legal ink has, of course, been spilled over the status of Native American use of, in particular, the peyote cactus as a frequent part of their ritual life. Ayahuasca is a hallucinogen important among the shamans of the Peruvian Amazon (Harner, 1990, 2ff), and alcohol and tobacco are frequent shamanic aids elsewhere (Eliade, 1964, 401).96 The list could, of course, go on. I would not be inclined, however, to consider drug-induced experiences as a type of intermediation, per se. Rather, in the same category as fasting, rhythm, dancing and extended meditation, entheogens are a means of stimulating such experiences as ecstasy, possession, and even epipnoia. In Wallace’s 1959 study, which I noted earlier (note 32) he showed that, at least in the case of the Peyote Cult, the cultural expectation of entheogen users tended to direct their experiences in socio-religiously appropriate directions.97 It is certainly worth taking note if an NTE

96 As mentioned earlier (p. 9), Eliade is sometimes critical of the “decadence” of shamanic traditions who have embraced entheogens relatively recently in their history. He seems to feel that by this they have cheapened their own prophetic tradition (e.g., 1964). 97 It is worth noting, in light of Eliade’s criticism in the previous note, that the Peyote Cult is only a little over 100 years old, growing, perhaps, out of the same kind of political and economic forces that lead to the Ghost Dance movement (Barber, 1941).

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY

has a chemical etiology, but it does not necessarily reduce its value, or credibility, for the target community.98 Every so often a scholar will suggest that entheogens were used within groups of intermediaries in ancient or Hellenistic Palestine. The best known of these was John Allegro (1970) who made such a claim regarding the origins of Christianity. It was not well received, but it would be very difficult to make the case that the ancient Jews were unaware of psychoactive substances. However, any argument (positive or negative) regarding use of entheogens in any period of Jewish or early Christian history is largely from silence.

Dreams One of the most ordinary of our ‘non-ordinary’ experiences,99 dreams, nevertheless played an important rôle in ancient (as well as modern) communication with the divine.100 They feature, of course, in early Christianity and Biblical Judaism as well. If someone says they have had a dream, it would be unusual to doubt their report, but it is another thing entirely to determine if one is of supernatural origin. Artemidorus (1.2), along with other Hellenistic sources, identified three types of prophetic dreams: symbolic (always requires interpretation), visionary (including a preënactment of something in the future), and oracular (visitation by a deceased

98 Huston Smith (2000) has made a relatively recent contribution to the study of this area of religious experience, including a response to his own experience in this area. Harner (1990) also describes his first shamanistic journey, which was entheogenically stimulated. 99 Between 17 and 38 percent of studied subjects claim to have had a precognitive dream (e.g., one presumably predicting the future). They decline with age, are more likely to be reported by women than men, and can be induced. (Emery, 1991, Haraldsson, 1975, Lange, Schredl, & Houran, 2001, Palmer, 1979). 100 Dodds (1957) has an excellent chapter on dreams in the classical Greek world, from which I will only highlight a few points, and of course, there is Philo’s Dreams (De somniis).

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relative, friend, famous person or divinity) (Dodds, 1957, 107). When found in ancient reports, any of these can be purely literary.101 To my knowledge, the second category is not found in our literature,102 unless we should include Joseph’s dream (Matt 2:13), although the description does not suggest a preënactment. We will be seeing examples of the other two. Most dreams are unexpected, but on occasion people will specifically seek a prophetic dream. Methods vary from fasting to cutting off body parts, but by far the most common, then as well as now, is incubation (sleeping in a sacred space) (Dodds, 1957,

101

They can in modern reports as well, to be sure, but modern writers are less likely to compose a dream as a feature of an otherwise factual account, which the ancients might. Moderns do not generally put much weight on dreams unless they have psychological significance or end up impacting ‘real’ behavior. When they are reported, however, they may undergo modifications, which the reporter believes to be minor. Freud noted that dream reports are frequently modified by those reporting them in order to eliminate their ubiquitous surrealism. He called this “secondary elaboration” (1913, 391). 102 It is, however, one of the most common, and by far the easiest to study. Lange, Schredl, & Houran (2001) studied precognitive dreams. In order to qualify for the study, a dream needed to be recorded (or told) prior to its supposed fulfillment. They found a high correlation with (a) frequency of dream recall, and (b) tolerance for ambiguity. As with many such studies, the results seem (after the fact) obvious, since dreams must be recalled to be meaningful and are not likely to exactly pre-play future events. The first correlation is not necessarily so obvious, though. Since most of us only remember a fraction of our dreams after the first few minutes of being awake, except for habitual dream recorders, simply remembering would normally be an indication that the dreamer regarded the experience as somehow significant. Of course, this could lead her to be on the lookout for a fulfillment. Pharaoh’s dream of the cows and corn is a perfect example of the second correlation, as are most dreams described in biblical literature.

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110).103 Again, although there are Biblical examples of accidental incubation,104 I am unaware of this as a self-conscious method in our literature. I am inclined to think, however, given the early Church’s view of martyrdom, that for Perpetua and her companions, prison becomes a type of sacred space.105

Prophetic office When a person’s position in the community is such that her statements are viewed as authoritative divine communications, and especially when their authority goes beyond the lifespan of the speaker,106 she becomes functionally prophetic for that community. In some cases, although not all, such statements become prophetic for the community, but only if they are made in the appropriate context. Obviously, the Pope fills this rôle in modern Roman Catholicism when he speaks ex cathedra. In John 11.49–52, the high priest Caiaphas’ argument for political expediency is taken by John as a prophecy, resulting from Caiaphas’ office. This is true even though it is not an official proclamation and in spite of the fact that, for John, its prophetic meaning is far different from Caiaphas’ intention.107

103

Incubation is still used today in Greece, according to Dodds (1957), as well as in Morocco (Llewelyn-Davies & Fernea, 1979). 104 Jacob’s dream at Bethel is an example (Gen. 28.10–19). This story is, in fact, an etiology for Bethel’s becoming a sacred space, and I would not be surprised if one of its functions was as a site for incubation. 105 Surely in the "martyr cults," something like incubation was practiced, but of course, simply waiting for martyrdom makes one holy enough not to need to find a “sacred space.” 106 If the authority of her statements does not go beyond her life— span, that is merely authority of office. 107 This last point is a frequent characteristic of interpretation of prophecy. Since it is God who is the real author, not the prophet, the interpreter is not limited to the intention of the speaker (even when that can be known unambiguously).

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ANCIENT TERMINOLOGY Hellenistic Greek terminology Since we will eventually be looking at Hellenistic Christianity, it is probably appropriate, at this time, to look at how the various words for intermediary activity were used in that period. For the early Christians, particularly in the second and third centuries, both the language and the concepts associated with prophecy would be shaped by two forces: the Hellenistic world and Judaism.

Προφήτης Obviously, the most important Greek term for Hellenistic Judaism and early Christianity is the word from which we derive prophet: προφήτης. However, the basic meaning of the term in Greek, straying a good deal from Jewish-Christian usage (Hill, 1979, 9f), is something like ‘interpreter, proclaimer, spokesperson.’108 Krämer’s highly influential study focuses on this, saying, “every [προφήτης] declares something which is not his own” (1964, 6:795). In Hellenistic Greek this acquires a range of applications:

108 Πρό = before, on behalf of + φηµί = to say. So we have, “one who speaks before or on behalf of” without specifying whether ‘before’ means ‘in front of’ or ‘beforehand.’ Liddell and Scott (1889) say it is first, “one who speaks for a god and interprets his will,” but include “interpreter” and “proclaimer” later in their definition. Numerous scholars have been anxious to distance it from ‘predictor’ (although ancient writers are not necessarily so careful), so it is sometimes given as ‘forthteller’ which is fine, but perhaps somewhat simplified, as we will see.

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY Dio Crysostom: a philosopher is “a prophet of immortal nature” Lucian of Samosata: a teacher seeks to be a “prophet of truth and candor” Plutarch: Epicurians are “prophets of Epicurius” Diodorus Siculus: written history is the “prophetess of truth” Dioscurides of Cilicia: a botanist is called a prophet Galen of Pergamum: a medical quack is called a prophet (794 condensed by Grudem, 2000, 34f)

The upshot is that, in Hellenistic Greek, a προφήτης is not necessarily an intermediary, as we have been using the term, although he may be one, if he receives his message from a divinity.109 On the other hand, an intermediary, by definition, speaks for another, and is therefore always a προφήτης. Language used in connection with the oracle of Apollo at Delphi, supports this argument, up to a point. The oracle was accessed through several steps. In the first, the inquirer delivered his request to a priest, who then delivered it to the pythia. She, sitting on a sacred tripod (the seat of Apollo), would receive a message from the deity.110 After this the priest would provide an interpreta-

109 Some scholars (e.g. Hill, 1979, Ellis, 1978) have used this to argue that prophecy in the early Christian era and earlier in Judaism was essentially cognitive, rather than NTE based. I believe the evidence militates against this, although admittedly, some cognitive literary productions were passed off as prophecy, and some communities may have elevated charismatic (in the sociological sense) leaders to the point where they regarded all their utterances as prophetic. There are also non-NTE based categories, as noted earlier, especially divination and prophetic office. I have already argued that divination was not a significant part of early Christian intermediation. Some of the people we will be looking at, notably Ignatius (p. 123ƒƒ) and Cyprian (pp 199ƒƒ) seem to combine NTE based intermediation with their own sense of the charisma of office. 110 See below, under mantic µανία (p. 57) for a discussion of this message receiving process.

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tion,111 or perhaps versification,112 and deliver that to the inquirer. The pythia went by a number of names, but the man who interpreted and delivered the oracle to the inquirer was called the προφήτης (Krämer, 1964).113 In Delphi, then, the προφήτης deliv-

111

The need for a priest interpreter creates a problem. It suggests that the pythia’s message might be unintelligible to the inquirer, perhaps even appearing as complete gibberish. This interfaces nicely with the entheogen theory (for which see below, pp. 58ƒ), although, of course, some sort of glossolalia is still possible without a chemical intermediary. However, it fails to take into account reports of direct communication with the pythia (see note 112). I am inclined to think that the pythia’s oracles were sometimes intelligible, although perhaps not always slick. In any case we are covering a very long period of activity, and it is plausible that all of these could have been true at different times, or variously in the same time period. The priests, consequently, sometimes versified, sometimes edited, and often simply up-classed the message for the enquirer. 112 According to Strabo (9.3.5) the temple kept poets on staff for this purpose, although he also says that she sometimes delivered her oracle already in versified format. 113 This rôle for the προφήτης is supported in Plato’s Timaeus 72, where several intermediary terms (ἔνθεος, µαντείας & προφήτης) come together in one passage. Here the προφήτης is clearly the interpreter / judge of the message delivered by the one who is ἔνθεος. The context suggests that he sees it in the same category as dream interpretation. In a story retold by Strabo (Geog. 9.2.4) the Boeotians, anticipating conflict with the Pelasgians, went to the oracle at Dodona, who (apparently the προφήτις herself) told them that they would be successful if they committed sacrilege. They suspected treachery, especially in light of her family connections to the Pelasgians (who had probably also consulted her). They killed her on the spot, arguing that either she was sincere, in which case they were obeying the oracle, or she was trying to entrap them, in which case she deserved it. All this lead to a trial presided over by the other two priestesses (there were always three) and two unidentified men. The decision split along gender lines, resulting in acquittal. As a result of this, only men were allowed to prophesy to Boeotians in Dodona (ἐκ δὲ τούτων Βοιωτοῖς µόνοις ἄνδρας προθεσπίζειν ἐν ∆ωδώνῃ (ed. Meineke)).

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ers the message, but does not originate it, nor does he even receive it directly from the god. To be fair though, in many instances he is not a mere messenger; he transforms the divine message from the less intelligible into a meaningful oracle. Unless there is a divinatory method to his technique (of which we are not aware), this essentially makes him a prophetic interpreter.114 Before, however, we dismiss the term as consistently secondary (as do Krämer and those dependent on him), we need to look a little closer at the terminology associated with tripod oracles (such as the one at Delphi). The pythia might be referred to using a range of terms, including πυθᾶς, of course, some form of ἔνθεος, µάντις, πρόµαντις or προφῆτις (reflecting her rôle as mouthpiece of the god). Of course, the careful reader will have noticed προφῆτις on this list. Since this is merely the feminine form of προφήτης, and it is being used of the intermediary herself, it creates a tension with the secondary rôle we have so far assigned to προφήτης. This form of the term is relatively rare,115 and outside of Jewish and Christian literature consistently (where it can be determined) designates a

This may mean that from that point onward Boeotian inquirers had to consult through the male προφήται, or it might mean that men performed the inquiry themselves if Boeotians were involved. I am inclined toward the men-as-buffers approach, particularly since that is consistent with practice at Delphi. 114 Technically, if it is divination, that is simply another intermediation technique. 115 On the Perseus database it has a frequency ratio of 0.04 per 10,000, compared to a maximum frequency of 0.96 for προφήτης. This reflects 19 instances compared to 466 at the time of this study. Of course, Perseus is not an exhaustive database, at least not in 2006, although I suspect that it is representative of classical literature. The ratio is less likely to change than the numbers if this were run on a larger text-base such as the TLG. The TLG does contain a greater percentage of Christian and Jewish translation texts (the LXX, for example). This actually makes it less accurate for our purposes at this point in the study, and would certainly increase the distance in ratio between the two forms of the word.

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tripod oracle like the one at Delphi, and usually the Delphic oracle herself. While it is possible that it refers to her office as priestess (as it is often rendered in modern translations), rather than to her mantic functions,116 the latter is more likely.

Μανία A more characteristic word used for Greek intermediary activity is µανία. However, as its obvious etymological connection to ‘mania’ suggests, it has a wider meaning than just some type of prophecy. Plato lists it as one of the diseases of the soul in the Timaeus (86b), although in Phaedrus, an earlier work, he says it can be subdivided into human diseases on the one hand, and a “divine state which releases us from the customary social norms” on the other.117 He then118 distinguishes four types of divine µανία: Mantic, inspired by Apollo Ritual, inspired by Dionysus

116 It would be hard to establish this, and it would leave us wondering why it is not used for non-mantic priestesses. In contrast, Plato uses the usual word for priestess (ἱέρεια) for a mantis in Phaedrus, where Socrates is made to say ἥ τε γὰρ δὴ ἐν ∆ελφοῖς προφῆτις αἵ τ' ἐν ∆ωδώνῃ ἱέρειαι µανεῖσαι … ἠργάσαντο (244a–b; ed. Burnet).

Μανίας δέ γε εἴδη δύο, τὴν µὲν ὑπὸ νοσηµάτων ἀνθρωπίνων, τὴν δὲ ὑπὸ θείας ἐξαλλαγῆς τῶν εἰωθότων νοµίµων γιγνοµένην (ed. Burnet). It should be noted, however, that in Timaeus (72), where µανία is 117

disease, disease is presented as one of the sources of prophetic visions, etc., which require the services of a προφήτης to decipher (p. 132, n. 113). 118 Technically, he is summarizing an earlier argument in 244, to which I will now turn. Gilbert Rouget (1985, 199) believes that Plato is only half serious in this discussion, since he is clearly mocking Ion in Ion 535b–c. This may be true, although it is not so clear that he is similarly mocking Phaedrus. In any case, I believe we can take his categorization seriously, if not his evaluation of the positive value of the categories. It should also be noted that Plato’s limitation of divine µανία to these four formal categories does not prevent him from using the word group in other intermediary, or at least magico-religious, contexts.

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY Poetic, inspired by the Muses Erotic, inspired by Eros and Aphrodite (265a–b) 119

Mantic µανία, for all intents and purposes, refers to the tripod oracles at Delphi, Dodona,120 and elsewhere. The pythia’s importance to the Greek community is unquestioned. Her psychological state, however, is often a matter of debate. Plato suggests that she is in “inspired ecstasy” (e.g. a possession state). Pierre Amandry (1950, 234ƒ) puts her “in a state of grace resulting from the accomplishments of the rites” (tr. Dodds, 1957, 87 n. 41). This would presumably be some form of prophetic office, activated by the ritual, although one could argue for epipnoia. I am inclined to think that if it were merely an office supported by ritual power the officials in charge would tend to select women of greater social rank to fill the post.121 Plutarch says the pythia in his day was an uneducated farmer’s daughter (Pyth. Orac. 22, 405c). Amandry’s main, and not unreasonable, argument hinges on a rejection of frenzied activity usually associated with incorporation, and sometimes (e.g. Lucan 5.200ff) reported of the pythia. Dodds, however, points out that mediums are not generally frenzied, and it is quite possible to be possessed without “hysterical excitement” (87 n. 41).

119 Tῆς δὲ θείας τεττάρων θεῶν τέτταρα µέρη διελόµενοι, µαντικὴν µὲν ἐπίπνοιαν Ἀπόλλωνος θέντες, ∆ιονύσου δὲ τελεστικήν, Μουσῶν δ' αὖ ποιητικήν, τετάρτην δὲ ἀφροδίτης καὶ Ἔρωτος, ἐρωτικὴν µανίαν ἐφήσαµέν τε ἀρίστην εἶναι (Phaedrus 265b; ed. Burnet). 120 These two oracles were closely connected. The tripod at Delphi, according to Strabo, was replaced annually, and the discard was carried up to Dodona (Geog. 9.2.4). Of course, this could simply be a story told to elevate Delphi over her sister sanctuary. 121 Plato, I believe, would similarly reject Amandry’s argument. Remember that we came to this discussion of the pythia by way of Plato’s discourse on µανία. He comments that while the pythia “were mantic, they conferred great benefits on Hellas, publicly and privately, but in their senses, [they conferred] none or few.” [µανεῖσαι µὲν πολλὰ δὴ καὶ καλὰ

ἰδίᾳ τε καὶ δηµοσίᾳ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἠργάσαντο, σωφρονοῦσαι δὲ βραχέα ἢ οὐδέν (ed. Burnet)] (Phaedrus 244b).

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The ritual referred to here is described by Dodds: She bathed, probably in Castalia, and perhaps drank from a sacred spring; she established contact with the god through his sacred tree, the laurel, either by holding a laurel branch, as her predecessor Themis does in a fifth-century vase painting, or by fumigating herself with burnt laurel leaves, as Plutarch says she did, or perhaps sometimes by chewing the leaves, as Lucian asserts; and finally she seated herself on the tripod, thus creating a further contact with the god by occupying his ritual seat. All these are familiar magical procedures, and might well assist the autosuggestion…. (1957, 73)

According to some traditions (e.g. Strabo, Geography 9.3.5), she was intoxicated by the vapors which rose from the ground there (Hill, 1979, 10—presumably the breath of a dragon—πύθων— killed by Apollo). Dodds (1957, 73f) makes a strong argument against this. The anti-supernaturalist motivations of the stoic sources of this ancient theory make it suspect, he argues, particularly in light of Plutarch’s investigation and rejection of this theory. He further cites the failure of archaeologists to find any evidence of a chasm or a source of vapors (ancient or modern) (citing Courby, 1927, II.59ff). However, recent geological studies have arrived at different conclusions. Finding two intersecting faults immediately below the temple, and ethylene, ethane and methane present in gasses at nearby springs, Jelle de Boer and colleagues have argued for a reevaluation of the entheogenic theory (de Boer, 2001). Other entheogenic methods have been tested and found wanting—e.g. chewing, or inhaling the fumigations of laurel leaves (Oesterreich 1974, 319 n. 3), although it should be noted that the ancient Greeks were not necessarily the careful botanists of the modern world, and δάφνη may not (always) mean the plant we call ‘laurel’ (Osborne, 2006; Ott, 1998).

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In my opinion, the current evidence points toward entheogenic epipnoia or mediumship, perhaps from more than one induction source.122 It is important, though, not to downplay other aspects in making this judgment. As in modern possession cults (Rouget, 1985, 47ff), the pythia had to pass through a period of training which would teach her how to control the chemical experience so that it produced the expected intermediary results.123 Also, Amandry’s (1950, 234f) and Dodds’ (1957, 73f) arguments, noted earlier, are (in spite of their differences) quite justified in emphasizing the importance of the immediate ritual preparation. This is also a feature of modern shamanistic trance, where chemical assistants are not at all uncommon (Eliade, 1964). The experienced intermediary knows how to use, rather than be controlled by, entheogens.124 Plato also includes the sibyls in the category of mantic µανία, and so, presumably, he would also other peripatetic intermediaries, such as Bakis.125 Unfortunately, as with the classical prophets, there

122 This may even explain the somewhat diverse reports from the ancient world, although other explanations are possible. It is likely that some reports are more sensationalist than accurate (Amandry, 1950). In addition, even in the most conservative of cultures, there is no reason to assume that an oracular institution would remain completely static throughout a millennium of reported operation. 123 Once again, Wallace’s 1959 study of Peyote use comes to mind (see p. 48). 124 This is not entirely unlike the way shamans in some cultures are trained to use, rather than be controlled by, experiences that western medicine would regard as psychologically or neurologically pathological. Passing through an induced crisis is sometimes part of the process of becoming a shaman. Compare, for example, Black Elk’s description of his crisis (not chemically induced) and admission into the world of the Oglala holy man (Black Elk, & Neihardt, 1988). 125 Not all scholars are in agreement as to whether Bakis was an individual, or whether it is a term describing a class of wandering intermediaries. If he was an individual, he would presumably have been active around 700–500, BCE (Aune, 1983, 38). It is, of course, not necessary to

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is not enough information to allow us to intelligently speculate on the psychological nature of their experiences. Ritual 126µανία is a little harder to pinpoint. In Phaedrus 244, Plato has Socrates give an expanded explanation: In fact, congenital dissociative127 mania can be used to treat those diseases and calamities which have come from ancient offenses, committed by some ancestor. [It does this] by employing prayer and worship of [certain] gods, from whom one acquires [appropriate] purification and rituals.128 Those who participate promote self-healing, through being properly en-

choose, as it is easy to imagine an individual whose charisma makes him eponymous to a class of similar prophets. 126 Τελεστικός (ritual) appears twice in Plato and once in Plutarch. In Plutarch (Lives Sol. 12,4) and in one of the Plato references (Phaedrus 248) all we can conclude is that the linguistic context is intermediary (ἐνθουσιαστικός and µαντικός respectively). It is presumably derived from τελέω, one of whose meanings is “to initiate [in the mysteries]” (Liddell & Scott, 1889). 127 ἐγγενοµένη καὶ προφητεύσασα. For obvious reasons, most translators render προφητεύσασα as ‘prophetic.’ I believe ‘prophetic’ in modern English connotes other things than Plato intends. I realize my choice may be equally problematic. ἐγγίγνοµαι can mean “innate” (Liddel & Scott, 1889), which is why I chose “congenital.” If it is useful for treating afflictions that arise from ancestral offenses, as Plato suggests, there is some logic in thinking the µανία is, in Plato’s thinking, inherited as well. 128 καθαρµῶν τε καὶ τελετῶν. Perhaps “purification rituals.”

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY tranced129 and possessed, finding in this a release from both present and future symptoms (244d–e).130

Figure 1: Maenad with head 131 flung back

Apparently, µανία can be used to cure certain kinds of ailments. The kind of ailment is suggested when, later in Phaedrus, Plato identifies ritual µανία with Dionysus (265a–b, quoted above, p. 53). Boyancé (1932, 65) says that, prior to the establishment of the cult of Dionysus, frenzy overtook people, especially women, and that the establishment of the cult brought the cure. That cure, Rouget argues (1985, 65), consists of the possession experience, which is characterized by foaming at the

129 µανέντι, following Rouget 1985, 193. That this is the same word used for ‘mantic’ µανία should not be overlooked. In spite of Plato’s complaining earlier about the ‘tasteless’ insertion of a ‘τ’ in µανία, there is little doubt, in my mind, that for him mantic is a narrower category, corresponding to the prophetic. An alternate translation for this phrase (µανέντι τε καὶ κατασχοµένῳ) might be “prophetically possessed.”

ἀλλὰ µὴν νόσων γε καὶ πόνων τῶν µεγίστων, ἃ δὴ παλαιῶν ἐκ µηνιµάτων ποθὲν ἔν τισι τῶν γενῶν ἡ µανία ἐγγενοµένη καὶ προφητεύσασα, οἷς ἔδει ἀπαλλαγὴν ηὕρετο, καταφυγοῦσα πρὸς θεῶν εὐχάς τε καὶ λατρείας, ὅθεν δὴ καθαρµῶν τε καὶ τελετῶν τυχοῦσα ἐξάντη ἐποίησε τὸν [ἑαυτῆς] ἔχοντα πρός τε τὸν παρόντα καὶ τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον, λύσιν τῷ ὀρθῶς µανέντι τε καὶ κατασχοµένῳ τῶν παρόντων κακῶν εὑροµένη (ed. Burnet). Note that, in my translation, I 130

have swapped the first two clauses in pursuit of better English sense. 131 Artist’s rendition © 2008 Asher Humm (used by permission).

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mouth, rolled back eyes (Euripides, Bacchae 1122; Lucian, Alexander 13), with flung back head and arched body (as in the illustration— Figure 1, p. 58), under the influence of music, dance, or alcohol132 (or all three). Dodds (69), essentially in agreement, adds that, in Greece at any rate, the prophetic aspects are “absent or quite subordinate.” He argues that while intermediation is a part of Bacchic µανία outside of Greece,133 the tripod oracles made it unnecessary on the peninsula. I think this is unlikely. As he later points out, Apollo was a high class god, and communicated with high class (male) clientele, but Dionysus, and Plato probably intends for us to include Cybele and her Corybantes as well (Dodds, 1990/1965; Rouget, 1985) ,134 was available to all. That the latter should keep silent seems as likely as that only high class men would have any desire to hear from the divine. This is also supported by the observation that possession cults in other times and places have characteristically had an intermediary dimension.135 However, neither Plato, nor anyone else, gives us much of a window into this world.

132

Alcohol is certainly not the least common entheogen, although I suspect it may be one of the least effective. Its use in the cult of Dionysus should raise no eyebrows, and may have been more important for loosening the feet than the voice of the deity. Sexual aspects of the Bacchants’ ritual are widely reported among the ancients, and also widely doubted among modern scholars. That aspect is outside the scope of this study, except to note that in some traditions such things form part of an induction ritual. 133 Euripides, for example, has Dionysus associated with “ecstatic prophecy” (Bacchae 298ƒƒ). Dodds also notes that in the Roman period there was a Dionysus trance oracle, with a male priest, at Amphikleia in Phocia (Paus. 10.33.11), but finds no evidence of this earlier (86 n. 30). 134 As time progressed, the cult of Dionysus went mainstream, and both its cathartic healing aspects and the prophetic either went underground into esoteric societies, or were transferred to the Corybantes (Dodds, 1957). 135 “Characteristically,” but not “necessarily.” It will be recalled that the Yoruba, and derivative mounts, do not intermediate. In the case of the

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All the evidence, however, seems to point toward the prophetic state that I have labeled incorporation. Also, it is clear that both music and dance are an important part of these (as well as other incorporation) rites. It is worth noting that (in contrast to the experience of the pythia) ritual µανία appears to be collective and perhaps, as Dodds suggests “highly infectious” (p. 69). It may, in fact, not be that far distant from what is described in 1 Sam. 10.5– 12 (vide 19.20–24), where Saul, on coming in contact with the ‘sons of the prophets,’ begins to prophesy. Plato’s third category of good µανία requires only a few comments. This is the µανία of poetry (ποιητική—which, in Plato’s time, included music). The third variety of possession-µανία is from the Muses. Taking a tender and unspoiled136 soul, it stirs and inspires137 it to songs and other poetry…. However, whoever comes to the gates of poetry without the Muse-µανία, convinced that art can be created from skill alone, will fail,138 since the art of sanity will always be overshadowed by the art of µανία (Phaedrus 245a).139

Yoruba, this is balanced by the general availability of Ifá prophets (see above, note 48). 136 Or, perhaps, inexperienced. 137 ἐκβακχεύω—literally, “to Bacchize.” Liddel & Scott give for it, “to excite to Bacchic frenzy, to make frantic.” 138 ἀτελής—failure—can also mean “uninitiated in the mysteries,” which we should probably view as an intentional double-entendre here. 139 τρίτη δὲ ἀπὸ Μουσῶν κατοκωχή τε καὶ µανία, λαβοῦσα ἁπαλὴν καὶ ἄβατον ψυχήν, ἐγείρουσα καὶ ἐκβακχεύουσα κατά τε ᾠδὰς καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην ποίησιν, [µυρία τῶν παλαιῶν ἔργα κοσµοῦσα τοὺς ἐπιγιγνοµένους παιδεύει:] ὃς δ' ἂν ἄνευ µανίας Μουσῶν ἐπὶ ποιητικὰς θύρας ἀφίκηται, πεισθεὶς ὡς ἄρα ἐκ τέχνης ἱκανὸς ποιητὴς ἐσόµενος, ἀτελὴς αὐτός τε καὶ ἡ ποίησις ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν µαινοµένων ἡ τοῦ σωφρονοῦντος ἠφανίσθη (ed. Burnet).

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Socrates is made to arrive at the same conclusion in the Apology (22), although he is perhaps less kind to the ποιηταί, whom he accuses of not understanding even their own poems. The connection between poetry and prophecy should not be too much of a surprise. Most of the early Delphic oracles were in verse, as are most of the oracles of the classical prophets in the Hebrew Bible. The close connection between verse and music may simply be a feature of Greek language and culture which clouds Plato’s view, although, even in his own day they were beginning to separate.140 Whether he would have viewed music as similarly inspired, or have seen music as a tool in stimulating inspiration, we cannot know with certainty. However, it is worth noticing that in Phaedrus 248 he does separate them in his division of types of souls that fall to earth. In this list which contains nine types (by order of spirituality), the musician/lover is second (after the philosopher), whereas the poet/artist is sixth. Plato’s final subdivision of positive µανία is the erotic. Given formative Christianity’s negative view of this aspect of human experience, it is unlikely that we will be able to mine for very much in this area, but there may be a couple of insights from modern neurology and psychology. First, brain scan studies of orgasm (Georgiadis, et al. 2006), particularly in women, have revealed a similar shut-down of most areas of brain activity141 that d’Aquili, et al. discovered in absolute unitary experience (1999). It is not the same part of the brain that remains active, but Plato may have been right in perceiving that religious and erotic ecstasy have more in common than ascetic Christianity would have liked to admit.142 Freud would, or course, have argued that suppressed sexuality emerges, or can be directed, elsewhere. The sexual dynamic in later mystical

140

Enc. Art. In Perseus Of course, some would argue that, for both sexes, the brain as functionally shut down long before orgasm. 142 Practitioners of some forms of Tantric Yoga, however, will not find this surprising. 141

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Christianity is well attested. It is not beyond the pale to argue that this may underlie some prophetic experience, particularly among the Montanists, who emphasized the importance of celibacy, even to the point of severing existing marriage ties.143

Μάντις, ἔνθεος, κατοκωχή, etc. Plato argued that µάντις was cognate with µανία (Phaedrus 244d). For him, µανία was the older, and more correct, term. He may have been right, on the etymology at least, but in general use, µανία had too much ambiguity (or useful ambivalence). In contrast, if someone was said to be mantic, it fairly consistently meant that a deity was speaking through him. For most Greeks, including Plato, this meant that they were in some way possessed, or occupied, by the deity (κατοκωχή). Being so occupied, the person might be said to be enthused (ἔνθεος, ἐνθουσιασµός), literally, with a god inside, or god-seized (θεολεπτος). Λαµβανω (to take hold of) may be used to describe the process by which a god takes control.144 Less frequently a prophet might be said to be breathed on (ἐπίπνοια—the work behind my coined term, “epipnoia”), and, of course, driven mad (either µαινόµενος—from µανία—or ἔκφρον = irrational). While the Greeks clearly had a concept of possession, they did not necessarily differentiate between incorporation and channeling, or possibly even inspiration. Plato may have been trying to do this when he distinguished mantic and telestic µανία. If this is the case,

143

The sexual dynamics in Perpetua’s dream-vision of battle with the Egyptian (see below, p. 186) are obvious enough. However, since she is not celibate (although she is isolated from her husband), I am less inclined to see erotic undertones. It is rife with gender issues, of course, but they are outside the scope of this study. 144 In Herodotus 4.79.4, for example, Skyles says, “You laugh at us, Scythians, since we Bacchantize and the God takes hold of us…” [ἡµῖν γὰρ καταγελᾶτε, ὦ Σκύθαι, ὅτι βακχεύοµεν καὶ ἡµέας ὁ θεὸς λαµβάνει... (ed. Godley)] (Rouget 1985, who informs much of this para-

graph).

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then he is telling us that the mantic types—tripod oracles, the Sibyl (Phaedrus 244b), and even the lover (Symposium 179a)—are channeling. The poet is of unspecified type, although she is possessed (Ion 534b).145 Telistic µανία, on the other hand, clearly resembles incorporation. Only here do we find the arched body with head flung back (painted vases), foaming at the mouth, rolled back eyes (Euripides, Bacchae, 1122), and all under the influence of music or dance.146 Here we have the characteristic amnesia (Bacchae 1122), and the immunity to pain (carrying fire on their heads without being burned—Euripides, above), which are clearly present in modern examples of incorporation.147 Euripides also makes it clear that this possession was intermediative (unlike what we find among the Yoruba, for example): But this divinity is a mantis, since maniacal Bacchantism is replete with manticism; whenever the god fully enters the body

145

Although the Greeks probably knew both of the categories that I have subsumed under “possession,” and called both κατοκωχή, the passage in Ion is problematic. Plato is toying with Ion, to be sure, but manages to convince him that when he performs Homer, he is possessed by him. Although it is easy to see where Plato is going with this, it illustrates the problem that he is not using the term (or ἔνθεος, which also appears in the passage) in the narrow sense that would make this investigation easier. 146 All of this could be faked, of course, as does Lucian’s Alexander. 147 It is not unusual for people in trance to demonstrate this immunity to prove that they are truly in trance (see, for example, Llewelyn-Davies & Fernea, 1979). Also demonstrating immunity have been various Christian mystics (e.g., St. Francis of Paula, St. Catherine of Siena) and, famously, patients under hypnosis.

64

PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY he makes the maniac predict the future (Bacchae 298ƒƒ).148

On the dark side, mantics came also to be identified with magic. Xenophanes uses “manticism” (µαντική) for divination, which he attacked, finding natural explanations for usually portentous phenomena (Cic. Div. 1.5; Aetius, 5.1.1 =Xenophanes Anabasis 52; Dodds, 1957, 204, n. 95). This is only slightly stretched from uses of mantis at which we have looked.149 Somewhat more sinister, however, the sorceress (φαρµακίς) Theoris is called a mantis by Harpocration [s. v.?] (while Plutarch calls her a ἱέρεια—Dem. 14). She is accused of “sorcery and enchantment” (τὰ φάρµακα καὶ τὰς ἐπῳδὰς (Demosthenes, Ag. Aristogeiton 1.25.80; ed. Butcher)).150 In Rep. 364c, Plato makes reference to the performance of curses (κατάδεσµοι) by “vagabonds151 and mantics” (ἀγύρται καὶ µάντεις) on behalf of clients (Dodds, 1957, 204 n. 95).

148

298 µάντις δ' ὁ δαίµων ὅδε: τὸ γὰρ βακχεύσιµον καὶ τὸ µανιῶδες µαντικὴν πολλὴν ἔχει ὅταν γὰρ ὁ θεὸς ἐς τὸ σῶµ' ἔλθῃ πολύς, λέγειν τὸ µέλλον τοὺς µεµηνότας ποιεῖ (ed. Murray).

My translation is, admittedly, a little stilted in an effort to allow cognates to read through. It is true that µανία and its related forms lie behind the English words mania, maniac, etc., however, the primary meaning in this context is somewhere between “frenzied” and “prophetic”—of course, “crazy” may be slinking in the background, from Euripides’ point of view. 149 Plato is also cautiously contemptuous of divination (Phaedrus 244cd; Dodds, 1957). 150 On a slight detour to the main topic of this study, the use of ἐπῳδὰς as a type of magic illuminates a connection between music and magic which may have been at play later in the Church’s rejection of instruments in worship. It must be noted, though, that the term implies singing (which the Church never rejected) rather than instrumental music. 151 Ἀγύρτης carries with it much of the feel of “gypsy,” as used in modern English. I refrain from using that term simply because it also refers to an ethnic group. According to Liddell & Scott, it can mean “a begging priest of Cybele.” This would certainly fit the context.

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Dance and trance Not so quick to separate the tripod oracles from the Bacchants, Dodds (1957, 271) suggests that the ritual dances at Delphi may have been in imitation of the Bacchic (and similar) dances, and may have produced trance as late as Plutarch’s time. I am less inclined to pull the pythia into the circle of the incorporated, simply because at the time of the oracle she is sitting in her chamber. This hesitance is by no means ironclad, however. The Ubanda cávalos (see above, pp. 24ƒ) move smoothly from incorporated dance/performance into readings, and it would not be unreasonable to argue for such a thing among the tripods, although there are also abundant of examples of people entering some sort of trance state with no assistance at all. Rouget (1985) and Dodds are in agreement over the power of dance to invoke the divine, both individually and corporately (although Rouget is speaking of Bacchants and Corybantes). Hellenistic Jewish terminology While Greek usage is important, the Jewish Scriptures along with the religious and linguistic developments in (especially Hellenistic) Judaism provided the primary, conscious and welcome influences for early Christianity. The term ‘prophet’ (προφήτης / ‫ )נביא‬had, long before the Jesus movement, become a technical term in Judaism for the prophets in certain writings (or their authors) that later became canonical. In classical Greek, προφήτης may not be specific to divine communication, but the Hellenistic Jewish choice of a word meaning “proclaimer,” or “interpreter” to translate ‫נביא‬ should not be downplayed. Both senses appear in Jewish thought. The ‫ נביא‬is, like the προφήτης, a secondary proclaimer of someone else’s message (God’s). There is at least one instance where a prophet functions as a secondary proclaimer for another prophet (2 Kings 9.1–3).

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In the late Persian period it is possible to see a loosening of categories. In Chronicles, for example, prophecy is identified with sacred music and historiography.152 Somewhat later, in the Hellenistic wisdom literature (and also later in Philo) wisdom is identified as prophetic in nature.153 In spite of this loosening, there are only a handful of references to post-canonical προφῆται, prior to its use in early Christian circles, and they are by far the exception, rather than the rule.154 This does not keep the phenomenon of intermediary activity from being present at least up until the time of the Bar Kosiba Revolt, 155 but it is generally described rather than named. In some circles, as early as the mid-second century, BCE, all contact with the divine is thought to be a thing of the past (and the future). The author of I Maccabees has the fate of the stones from the defiled altar put in limbo “until a prophet comes to discern what should be done with them” (1 Macc. 4.44–46).156 By the Mishnaic period, this was the normative view. A related term, ψευδοπροφήτης has no direct correspondence in the Hebrew Bible. It appears in the LXX ten times (nine in Jeremiah).157 The Hebrew vorlage is always simply ‫( נביא‬Reiling, 1971,

152 Music: see 1 Chr. 25.1a, 15. 22, 27 (where “music” usually translates ‫ מא‬usually used for oracles) (Blenkinsopp, 1983). History: Compare his frequent use of prophets as historical sources (the authenticity of his citatations falls outside the scope of this investigation), see, for example, 2 Chr. 9:29. 153 Wis. 7.27–28, the blurring between Daniel as prophet and wisdom figure (in fact, a connection between wisdom and apocalyptic generally), Philo, Heir, 259–260. 154 Even those few instances where it appears, e.g. in Josephus, are not quietly accepted by scholarship (Humm, 1985). 155 See Meyer (1974), Hill (1979), Aune (1983), and Humm (1985).

καὶ ἀπέθεντο τοὺς λίθους ἐν τῷ ὄρει τοῦ οἴκου ἐν τόπῳ ἐπιτηδείῳ µέχρι τοῦ παραγενηθῆναι προφήτην τοῦ ἀποκριθῆναι περὶ αὐτῶν. (4.46; ed. Rahlfs). 156

157

6.13; 33(26).7, 8, 11, 16; 34(27):9; 35(28).1; 36(29):1, 8. [Parenthesized numbers are MT chapter numbers).

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147). Apparently, ‫נביא‬, in Jeremiah’s time, simply referred to a particular variety of intermediary,158 without built-in judgment regarding the quality or even the (supernatural) source of the message. By the time the Greek translators were at work, however, προφήτης (in the Jewish context) meant a true Yahwistic prophet (Reiling, 1973, 47ƒ). Jeremiah’s opponents could not have the same title, so ψευδοπροφήτης was applied, or perhaps coined. By the birth of Christianity, the term was well ensconced in the language, and is regularly used by Jewish and Christian writers throughout the period under investigation. Josephus found it useful for people who stirred up messianic expectation (whether or not they claimed to be hearing from divine sources) (Barnett, 1981, 679–697). It was similarly appropriate for any prophetic claimants whom an author believed

158 It may be contrasted in 27.9 with ‫( קסם‬diviner?), ‫( חלם‬dreamer), ‫( ענן‬soothsayer?) and ‫( כשף‬magician). The Greek terms used here by the LXX are verbal forms of µάντις, ἐνύπνιον λεγόµενος, οἰωνίσµατος, and φαρµακός. The Septuagint elsewhere carefully distinguishes between προφήτης and µάντις—using the former for approved utterances and the latter for false prophecy and “divination” (where it is forbidden), e.g. Deut. 18.14 (Reiling, 1973). Μανία, in the LXX usually refers to “anger.” One exception may be Ps 39.5 [Eng. 40.4]. Here Καὶ οὐκ ἐνέβλεψεν εἰς µαταιότητας καὶ µανίας ψευδεῖς (ed. Rahlfs). Translates ‫( ולא־פנה אל־רהבים ושטי כזב‬eds. Kittel, et al.).

‫שטי כזב‬would normally be rendered “turn aside to lies,” as does the KJV, but since ‫ כזב‬can also mean “an idol,” many modern translations give this as “go astray after false gods” (NRSV). It is possible that the LXX’s µανίας means either “crazy” or “angry,” but I am inclined to wonder if the translator is using both words (µανίας ψευδεῖς) to cover the ambivalence of ‫כזב‬: “false prophets.” ‫ שטי‬would then presumably be covered by ἐνέβλεψεν in the translator’s mind.

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to be either fraudulent or drawing from inappropriate supernatural sources (usually demons).159

Qumran, Philo & Josephus If προφήτης / ‫ נביא‬generally refers to Biblical prophets, other terminology fills in the gap for living prophets. At Qumran, at least, ‫[( משכיל‬one who has] understanding) comes to be used for a prophetic interpreter, particularly of prophecy (Bruce, 1961, 227ff). This may be under the influence of its use in Daniel (9.22, 11.33, & 12.10). Here we have frequent claims to be receiving directly from the holy spirit, and to know from God the true interpretation of obscure (or not so obscure) and eschatological passages in the Hebrew scriptures. This usage also illustrates another move towards a more inclusive scope for intermediary activity. By the later Second Temple period a prophet can also be an inspired interpreter of another prophet’s message (see above, p. 41). Some scholars (e.g. Ellis and probably Hill) see this as the primary (or even only) function of the prophet in earliest Christianity. While I disagree with this formulation, it is certainly possible that it was viewed as one of the forms that prophecy could take. If it was still seen that way into the late second century, it could easily explain how congregational prophecy was absorbed into the pastoral office. Philo is often accused of drinking more deeply from the cup of Platonism than from the chalice of Judaism. While there is some truth in this, it is not entirely fair. The measuring stick used is usually Palestinian Judaism separated from him by at least a hundred years. His view of prophecy, however, could easily be used against him. He borrows most of the nomenclature of Greek intermediary activity, and perhaps some of his interpretive frame-

In Hermas, κενός is the negation of choice, rather than ψευδο(Reiling, 1973, 35). 159

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work.160 Aune (1983, 147) accuses him of simply substituting “the term ‘prophecy’ for the Platonic term ‘recollection.’”161 I think, however, that Aune may be beginning in the wrong place. Unless we disbelieve Philo, he is describing his own NTE, and it is particularly interesting that it seems to take the form of possession.162 He says he is inspired “even as the prophets are inspired” (Heir 69ƒ). Being empty I become suddenly full. thoughts flurrying on me invisibly from above, as if divinely possessed like a Corybant, and all not knowing—the place, those with me, what I say, what I write. I found scattered interpretations, enjoyment of

160

Abraham’s status as prophet is described using such terms as

ἔκστασις, θεοφόρητος (Heir 258), ἕνθεος, κατοκωχή, and µανία (250), as well as προφήτεια. 161 The Platonists believed that everyone was born with an innate knowledge of all things. Once trapped in the body we forget. The process of recovering that true knowledge is called recollection. They may have thought that intermediaries, at least sometimes, possessed a shortcut to that knowledge. It is probably reductionist simply to cram Philo into this mold, but it would also be characteristic of him to find a context for his experience that fit both the Platonic and the Jewish worldview (as he understood them). 162 Hill, too, is highly critical of Philo’s concept of contemporary prophecy; he calls it

…either an acute Hellenization of the Jewish concept of prophecy, or a Hellenistic view of prophecy justified on a biblical basis….”

It is, he says, a “significant departure” from contemporary Jewish literature. My impression, though, is that Jewish literature in this period is not all that consistent. With the passage in 1 Macc. 4.44–46, discussed above, on one end of the spectrum, Philo admittedly on the other, and Josephus operating somewhere in the middle, other than that he is also thoroughly Hellenistic in language, as we will see.

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY light, strength of vision, clarity in important matters, whatever might be seen in a vision (On Migr. Abr. 35).163

This is highly reminiscent of some modern “enlightenment” experiences (Ellwood 1998), except for his reference to Corybantic frenzy. The amnesia is not a problem. In any case this, his own non-ordinary experience, is the basis for his understanding of the psychology of prophecy. For Philo, prophecy was something in which “divine reason passed into [the prophet] and he became the mouthpiece of God” (Heir 263–66). The prophet’s mind does not participate in the utterance when God speaks through him (Sandmel, 1978, 299). Nevertheless, it is made available by the “holy word” (ἱερὸς λόγος) to anyone who is worthy (παντὶ δὲ ἀστείῳ) (Heir 259).164 A prophet is not his own spokesperson, in everything he speaks for another, carries the other’s message. The untrustworthy may not be an interpreter of God, so that a rascal can never be entranced. Only the wise is fit, since only such can be the (musical) instrument of God, sounding and invisibly blown into by him. 260 Consequently, all those recorded as just sooner or later are possessed and prophesy (Heir 259–260).165

ἔστι δὲ ὅτε κενὸς ἐλθὼν πλήρης ἐχαίφνης ἐγενόµην ἐπινιφοµένων καὶ σπειροµένων ἄνωθεν ἀφανῶς τῶν ἐνθυµηµάτων, ὡς ὑπὸ κατοξῆς ἐνθέου κορυβαντιᾶν καὶ πάντα ἀγνοεῖν, τὸν τόπον, τοὺς παρόντας, ἐµαυτόν, τὰ λεγόµενα, τὰ γραφόµενα. σξεδὸν γὰρ ἑρµηνεύει εὕρεσιν, φωτὸς ἀπόλαυσιν, ὀχυδερκεστάτην ὄψιν, ἐνάργειαν τῶν πραγµάτων ἀριδηλοτάτην, οἵα γένοιτ' ἂν δι' ὀφθαλµῶν (ed. Wendland). 163

164 The universal availability of prophecy may derive from Moses’ desire that “all the LORD’s people were prophets” (Num. 11.29).

προφήτης γὰρ ἴδιον µὲν οὐδὲν ἀποφθέγγεται, ἀλλότρια δὲ πάντα ὑπηχοῦντος ἑτέρου· φαύλῳ δ’ οὐ θέµις ἑρµηνεῖ γενέσθαι θεοῦ, ὥστε κυρίως µοχθηρὸς οὐδεὶς ἐνθουσιᾷ, µόνῳ δὲ σοφῷ ταῦτ’ ἐφαρµόττει, ἐπεὶ καὶ µόνος ὄργανον θεοῦ ἐστιν ἠχεῖον, κρουόµενον καὶ πληττόµενον ἀοράτως ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ. 260 πάντας γοῦν ὁπόσους ἀνέγραψε δικαίους κατεχοµένους καὶ προφητεύοντας εἰσήγαγεν (ed. Wendland). 165

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Josephus refrains from using προφήτης of anyone not found in the canon.166 In spite of this, he probably believed himself to be in the prophetic tradition as a sacred historiographer (Humm, 1985). Also supporting this self-image, he had a series of dreams predicting the future, and claims to have been skilled as an interpreter of “ambiguous utterances of the Deity.” As a result of this he was “inspired (ἔνθους γενόµενος) to read [the dreams’] meaning” (War 351–4). He uses the term µάντις in reference to himself, and to some Essene seers and foretellers (of whom he approves) (Reiling, 1973, 35), so he does not seem to have the same negative view of the term as the LXX, noted above. Ψευδοπροφήτης he reserves for failed revolutionaries (as noted above—Ant. 20.97ƒ, 169ƒƒ, War 2.261–264), and one who promises divine intervention for Jerusalem during the siege (War 6.283ƒƒ). Exercising excellent hindsight, I am inclined to agree with him. In terms of the categories of prophecy that we looked at earlier, Josephus’ form of prophecy includes precognitive dreaming and prophetic interpretation, both of his own dreams and of scripture. From his own point of view, it also included sacred historiography, an opinion perhaps supported by the theology of the Chronicler (see note 152, above).

166 There are three exceptions. He uses προφήτεια of John Hyrcanus twice (Ant. 13.299 and parallel in War 1.68), and προφήτης in Ant. 1.240ƒ of an historian. The other instance of προφήτης (War 6.286) refers to hired charlatans, and is either sarcastic or a mistake (Aune 1982).

2 EARLY CHRISTIANITY Among the early Christians, of course, the term προφήτης was revived for a contemporary practice. To a great extent this was more a revival of terminology than of action, which may even have had a polemical motivation. As a phenomenon, intermediation was still present in Judaism, but under other names (Humm, 1985). Many early Christians believed that in fulfillment of eschatological prophecies (e.g. Joel 2.28f quoted in Acts 2.17f), the Holy Spirit had, since the resurrection and ascension, been made available to all the faithful. Connected with this belief prophetic activity became comparatively common among Christians. We cannot be sure to what extent this reflected the shift of meaning that the idea of ‘prophecy’ might have undergone in Second Temple Judaisms.167 There is evidence for each of these Second Temple approaches in early Christianity, but the activity described by Paul, and to a lesser extent, by Luke, only partially resembles attested Jewish parallels.168 Later

167 There is, of course, little homogeneity among forms of Judaism in this period, but surviving literatures have certain common features. Προφήτης (as opposed to ἔνθεος, µάντις, or similar terms) is generally a term for characters from Jewish Scriptures who speak for God. It is, as noted earlier, rarely used (once in Josephus) of contemporary characters. This is partly due to archaism, but partly to the concept having a certain mystique around it, such that it could not be applied to anyone of whose shortcomings one might be aware. 168 Walter Schmithals (1969) argued that the office of προφητης (along with those of ἀπόστολος and even διδάσκαλος) was incorporated into Proto-orthodox Christian circles from a pre-existing (or at least con-

73

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Christian implementations of prophecy, and use of the term itself, are generally filtered through its usage in the earliest Church, but we need to be careful to remember that our window into first century Christianity is somewhat limited (mostly Pauline). It is not even clear that all Christian communities were prophetically active; we can be sure that other streams existed, and that they also fed into the second and third century practice. In that later period, however, Christian uses of the terms derived from προφητεία have as their antecedents the (Old Testament) canonical prophets in the vast majority of cases. There are exceptions, as we shall see, but there is a tendency to use other language for contemporary intermediaries. Besides προφητεία, the most important single term in early Christianity for intermediary activity was revelation (ἀποκάλυψις). It is a frequent term used for any God-given revelation, not just for the variety that moderns would call apocalyptic. In 1 Cor. 14.30, it appears to be divine insight that leads to prophecy. “Ecstasy” (ἔκστασις) is used for “trance” three times in the New Testament (Acts 10.10; 11.5; 22.17).169 It is used less frequently in the Greek Christian literature of the post-apostolic period (Oepke, 1964), however the Latin cognate (ecstasis) is the word that Tertullian normally uses for the prophetic altered state, and it sometimes appears with prefixes. New Testament visions (ὅραµα, ὅρασις) are fairly

temporaneous) Gnosticism. This proposition, it should be noted, depends on a controversially early date for the origins of Gnosticism (see, contra., Schütz, 1975). In any case, his argument is stronger for ἀπόστολος (which is, to be sure, the thrust of his study) than for either προφήτης or διδάσκαλος, and the latter two largely hinge on acceptance of the former. 169 The first two describe Peter’s rooftop vision of the unclean animals, and the third refers to Paul being told by God to leave Jerusalem. The other four New Testament uses, all in the Gospels, are in the semantic domain of “amazed.” In an interesting variation in Acts 23.11, the Lord is portrayed as standing (ἐπιστὰς) by a presumably sleeping Paul in order to deliver a message.

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common. Prophecies are often said to be by or through the Holy Spirit (especially in Acts), or, sometimes, the Lord.170

Paul’s letters Probably the earliest surviving Pauline text on prophecy is 1 Thes. 5.19–21. Do not quench the Spirit; do not nullify prophecy; evaluate everything; embrace what is good; keep away from any kind of evil.171

It tells us two things: some people disapproved of prophecy and not all prophetic content was worthwhile. These two things may be connected. The greatest threat to intermediary activity is conflict between the spirit and the fixed tradition. Paul, obviously a stickler for his version of fixed tradition, however, refused to muzzle prophets. He does encourage the community to evaluate them in light of received teaching. It has been a truism in scholarship, at least since the mid twentieth century, that the Jesus movement diversified very early on. Some of this diversity certainly derived from worldview conflicts between the parent Jewish community and the

170

Things attributed to the Lord are sometimes ambiguous. In 1 Cor. 7, Paul carefully distinguishes between his own opinion and things that come from the Lord. In v. 8 he says, “I say…” (λέγω), and then in v. 10 we read, “not I but the Lord…” (οὐκ ἐγὼ ἀλλα ὁ Κύριος), and finally in v. 12, “I say (not the Lord)…” (λέγω ἐγώ, οὐκ ὁ Κύριος). V. 10ƒ contains a restriction on divorce and remarriage which could be based on Jesus’ similar restriction which is preserved in Matt. 5.31ƒ. Paul would not have known Matthew, but it is entirely likely that he would know this part of the Jesus tradition. On the other hand, he could be telling the Corinthians that that part of his discourse he has received prophetically. I tend to lean toward the first interpretation. 171 τὸ πνεῦµα µὴ σβέννυτε, προφητείας µὴ ἐξουθενεῖτε· πάντα δὲ δοκιµάζετε, τὸ καλὸν κατέχετε, ἀπὸ παντὸς εἴδους πονηροῦ ἀπέχεσθε

(eds. Aland, et al.).

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recently converted Gentiles.172 But it may well be the case that some of the new ideas came directly from the communities’ intermediaries.173 We get the longest dedicated discussion of prophecy and other pneumatic gifts in 1 Cor. 12–14. The list in 12.8–11 can be broken down into three categories: supernatural knowledge (“word of knowledge,” “word of wisdom”), supernatural power (faith, healings, miracles), and supernatural speech (prophecy, discernment of spirits, foreign tongues, interpretation of tongues).174 Of these, the words of knowledge and wisdom and the discernment of spirits

172

This is not to down play the liberalizing impact coming from some Diaspora Jews, possibly cut from a mold much like Philo’s. 173 Christians (at least of Pauline descent, probably others as well) seem to have managed this problem for some time, but it was still present when Irenaeus warned that true prophecy was beginning to disappear as a result of ongoing struggles with enthusiasts who did not keep their prophesies orthodox (Ag. Heresies 3.9.9; Hill, 1979). We do not know if the communities had ways of identifying prophetic pretenders who happened to conform to tradition. ᾧ µὲν γὰρ διὰ τοῦ πνεύµατος δίδοται λόγος σοφίας, ἄλλῳ δὲ λόγος γνώσεως κατὰ τὸ αὐτὸ πνεῦµα, ἑτέρῳ πίστις ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ πνεύµατι, ἄλλῳ δὲ χαρίσµατα ἰαµάτων ἐν τῷ ἑνὶ πνεύµατι, ἄλλῳ δὲ ἐνεργήµατα δυνάµεων, ἄλλῳ [δὲ] προφητεία, ἄλλῳ [δὲ] διακρίσεις πνευµάτων, ἑτέρῳ γένη γλωσσῶν, ἄλλῳ δὲ ἑρµηνεία γλωσσῶν· πάντα δὲ ταῦτα ἐνεργεῖ τὸ ἓν καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ πνεῦµα, διαιροῦν ἰδίᾳ ἑκάστῳ καθὼς βούλεται (eds. Aland, et al.). 174

The supernatural ‘gifts’ listed here are usually referred to as ‘charismata’ or ‘charismatic gifts,’ but Paul’s terminology is to call them “manifestations of the Spirit.” In the 1 Cor. lists, only healings (pl.) are called charismata (consistently on both terminology and number—e.g. 12.28 & 30). He does use the term for the list in Rom. 12, which, except for the presence of prophecy is largely of the non-supernatural (e.g. non-pneumatic) variety. Deutero-Paul says of the offices (if that is an appropriate term) in Eph. 4.11 that Christ “gave (ἔδωκεν)” them, which does means that they were ‘gifts,’ but as long as we are being precise about terminology, it is not the same.

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remain open to varieties of interpretation. The primary issue on the first two is whether they are to be considered supernatural in nature. Knowledge and wisdom can certainly be considered gifts, and no doubt the author of Wisdom would be quite comfortable with them on the list. Nevertheless, their placement in company with the evidently supernatural other list items suggests some type of special knowledge or wisdom which does not derive from the usual sources. Discernment of spirits is generally taken to mean judging the content of other intermediaries’ revelations. This is what Paul seems to be admonishing the Thessalonians to do in the passage discussed above. However, Gerhard Dautzenberg (1971, 1975), as noted earlier, has argued that the phrase should be read as “interpreting [revelations of] the spirits.” Seen this way the discerner has to the prophet much the same kind of relationship that the προφήτης has to the pythia at Delphi. Those present may understand the words of the revelation, but the discerner is required to reveal what it means. In spite of Dautzenberg’s arguments, most scholars continue to support the traditional understanding.175 One of the most important characteristics of prophecy at Corinth for this study is that it appears to be primarily congregational. Prophecy occurs in and for the assembly of believers. The messages in prophecy are for others’ “up-building, encouragement, and

175 I, too, am inclined to see the discerner as a judge between true and false revelations. The same word (διακρίσεις) is used in 14.29, where, after a couple of prophecies the other prophets are enjoined to discern. My inclination is to assume that both passages should have the same meaning, and “judging” makes more sense to me in the latter. It is possible, however, that they are independent of each other (14.29 does not add the πνευµάτων), and if that is the case it could easily go the other way. πνευµάτων is a little odd anyway, but it is consistent with 14.32. Pentecostals and Charismatics generally read this such that the spirits being discerned between are the Holy Spirit on the one hand, and not-so-holy spirits on the other.

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consolation” (14.3)176 and to convert the visiting unbeliever when “the inner secrets are uncovered” (14.25).177 We cannot know the exact nature of these gatherings,178 and we are thus denied a sense of the importance of intermediation in them. There are, however, some clues. In an intriguing passage Paul exhorts: Consider, brethren, when you gather, each one brings a worship song, each a teaching, each a revelation, each a tongue, each an interpretation; everything should be for upbuilding. If it is a tongue you are speaking then by two or three, one by one, then someone should interpret; without an interpreter you should stay quiet in the assembly (just speak to yourself and God). Prophets, too, should speak by two or three and the others should discern. If someone sitting there has a revelation, the first should be quiet. You can all speak if you take turns in prophesying, so that all can learn and be encouraged. The spirits179 of the prophets submit to the prophets. God is harmonious, not disorderly (14.26–33).180

ὁ δὲ προφητεύων ἀνθρώποις λαλεῖ οἰκοδοµὴν καὶ παράκλησιν καὶ παραµυθίαν (eds. Aland, et al.). 177 τὰ κρυπτὰ τῆς καρδίας αὐτοῦ φανερὰ γίνεται (eds. Aland, et al.). 176

178 Wayne Meeks (1983) makes a respectable attempt in his chapter on ritual. 179 Whether this is the Holy Spirit, some sort of intermediating angel, or the prophet’s inner self is not entirely clear, but the plurality of spirits disinclines toward the first.

26 Τί οὖν ἐστιν, ἀδελφοί; ὅταν συνέρχησθε, ἕκαστος ψαλµὸν ἔχει, διδαχὴν ἔχει, ἀποκάλυψιν ἔχει, γλῶσσαν ἔχει, ἑρµηνείαν ἔχει· πάντα πρὸς οἰκοδοµὴν γινέσθω. 27 εἴτε γλώσσῃ τις λαλεῖ, κατὰ δύο ἢ τὸ πλεῖστον τρεῖς, καὶ ἀνὰ µέρος, καὶ εἷς διερµηνευέτω· 28 ἐὰν δὲ µὴ ᾖ διερµηνευτής, σιγάτω ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἑαυτῷ δὲ λαλείτω καὶ τῷ θεῷ. 29 προφῆται δὲ δύο ἢ τρεῖς λαλείτωσαν, καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι διακρινέτωσαν· 30 ἐὰν δὲ ἄλλῳ ἀποκαλυφθῇ καθηµένῳ, ὁ πρῶτος σιγάτω. 31 δύνασθε γὰρ καθ’ ἕνα πάντες προφητεύειν, ἵνα πάντες µανθάνωσιν καὶ πάντες παρακαλῶνται, 32 καὶ πνεύµατα προφητῶν προφήταις ὑποτάσσεται· 33 οὐ γάρ ἐστιν ἀκαταστασίας ὁ θεὸς ἀλλὰ εἰρήνης (eds. Aland, et al.). 180

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It would appear that at least during some portion of the regular meeting there would be enough enthusiastic activity going on that it required an exhortation to self control and perhaps even some external control. The list of things that “each one has” is also worthy of examination.181 ‘Tongues’ and ‘interpretation’ are probably pneumatic182 (that is, NTE based), as is ‘revelation’ (ἀποκάλυψις), but ‘hymn’ and ‘lesson’ (διδαχή) do not seem to be. Ἀποκάλυψις is almost always a technical term for either a mystery or some other kind of NTE based revelation.183 Certain types of psalmody were regarded in some Jewish circles as a form of prophecy in the Second Temple period,184 and this may be evidence that this attitude was carried over into Christianity. It could, just as easily, be someone bringing in their favorite spiritual song to share with the assembled group, though. It is also possible in this context that διδαχή (‘lesson’) could refer to the type of prophecy that is

181

It is not immediately obvious that any of this activity (except tongues) has to be pneumatic. The context, however, does seem to imply it, and I will argue that it can be taken that way, but it is possible to make sense out of the passage without this. It is also not clear whether Paul regards this situation as good, but from the point of view of this study it is more important that the Corinthians were able to identify with the description. 182 I am assuming that ‘interpretation’ means interpretation of tongues, as elsewhere in this chapter. Taken together, tongues and interpretation are a functional equivalent of prophecy. If, alternatively, ‘interpretation’ means something like an explanation of Scripture, then it could still be ‘in the Spirit,’ or the result of a revelation. The reporting of a revelation need not be pneumatic to be regarded as a pneumatic activity, as long as the underlying revelation was the result of an NTE. 183 It is far from clear what, exactly, is the difference between some of these intermediative categories. 184 The books of Chronicles (written well into the Second Temple period) suggest strongly that the writing of psalms, and perhaps the leading of corporate worship, are forms of prophecy (see above, n. 152). This is, in turn, supported by at least one rabbinic source (Midrash Tehilim), and perhaps at Qumran (Blenkinsopp, 1977, Humm, 1985).

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characterized by encouragement and exhortation rather than to non-ecstatic teaching.

Acts There are two ways to approach the descriptions of prophetism in the Acts of the Apostles. One is to view them as para-historical. By that I mean that they are taken to be rooted in historical tradition or reports, rather than in pure fabrication or pure folklore.185 This approach does not require the historian to read them as pure history,186 but it does assume that the characters are real, and the events described generally have antecedents in things that happened, even if features of those events and people are lost (or added) through transmission and editorial shaping. The other approach is to view Acts as a purely literary production of the late first or early second century. Read this way, it tells us almost nothing about earliest Christianity, but can, with sufficient cleverness, allow us to read into it much that we would like to know about the period in which it was written. Which approach we take largely hinges on the question of when it was written. This is an important issue, not just because a later date makes the data more difficult to use for the earliest period, but because the editorial decisions, even assuming accurate records, will be shaped by the author’s social-theological context—a context which, in first century Christianity, was rapidly developing. Particularly if we take the second approach, the degree to which Acts can serve as a useful window into formative Christianity187 depends largely on whether we can figure out which part of

185 Of course, folklore and history are merely different ways of shaping a contemporary context. Generally, however, “history” has more facts in it. Finding them is another problem. 186 OK, there is no such thing as ‘pure’ history, if by that we mean unbiased as-they-happened facts. 187 By “formative Christianity” I mean that period during which it was being shaped into what we know (once again with excellent hindsight) it was destined to become. Admittedly, there are several temporal candi-

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the structure we are looking into. Unfortunately, I am not sufficiently convinced by any of the scholarly attempts to date the work. The termina established by the nineteenth century giants188 are still the termina of the early twenty-first century (although I suspect the scholarly needle has shifted the latest possible date to a little earlier in the second century, and two-source orthodoxy has muscled the earliest up to around 80). If Acts is late enough no longer to be reliable for earliest Christian practice, then I am inclined to view it as consistent with Flavian period Proto-orthodoxy. The prophetic activity it describes resembles what little we know about actual practice in that period.189 Further, by way of contrast, it resists the fabular sensationalism of later acts, whose archaism makes the apostles into powerful wielders of sacred magic (compare the Acts of Peter).190 Of course, this resistance (hardly complete) may be part of Luke’s editorial contribution. Luke191 as historian should, I believe, be taken with the same degree of credulity that the careful historian applies to Eusebius. In

dates. I am using this term to describe the period in Christian history that spans the gap between the apostolic age and the legalization of Christianity under Constantine. 188 Baur on the one extreme—putting it well into the second century— and Harnack on the other—seeing it written during the period of Paul’s imprisonment (Brown, 1997). 189 One of the assumptions that I intend to make, with only limited caveat, is that we are not in a position to distinguish among the varieties of formative Christianity using either the social functions, or psychological media, of prophetism. 190 There are, admittedly, a smattering of events in Luke’s history that invite comparison (the deaths of Ananias and Saphira, Damascan Ananaias’s appraisal of Paul’s conversion, the raising of Tabitha, Peter’s release from prison, and perhaps the blinding of Bar-Jesus). 191 I neither reject nor embrace the traditional view that the author, or editor, of Luke-Acts was named Luke. It is, however, convernient to call him (or her) by a name.

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other words, he is not a fabulist, or even a composer of historical fiction, but it is likely that he believes and transmits reports that the modern researcher would dismiss. David Hill (1977, 1979) criticizes the book of Acts as a source of historical information about prophecy because he believes that the author has imposed his concept of prophecy, derived from his time (Hill thinks ca. 90), on the earlier Pauline period. From Hill’s point of view, prophecy in the primitive Church was cognitive (non-NTE) and differed only in content from teaching. He is therefore offended by examples of prophetic prediction in Acts, particularly those attributed to Agabus, which he says “reveal the imprint of Lucan formation and theological tendenz” (Hill, 1977, 124). Even if we were to accept his analysis of the nature of early Christian prophecy, the circumstances that would cause the community192 to move from rationally obtained ‘revelation’ to the dissociative or even epipneumatic variety would be unusual. Cultural anthropologists and historians more frequently find movement in the opposite direction (see Wilson, 1980; Lewis, 1971). 193 Much more dangerous for Acts would be the suggestion that its prophecy represents a fictional idealization from a historical context where NTEs are no longer recognized. This is, no doubt, possible.194 The presence of ecstatic activity in documents such as

192

It is entirely possible that one or several of the varieties of first century Christianity reflected Hill’s model, and 1 Corinthians may even reflect a tension between the two models in a single community. If this is the case, Acts seems to stand with the pneumatics. 193 There can, of course, be revival movements, like Montanism, or modern Charismaticism, where enthusiasm is embraced over against a well-established religious authority. 194 This proposition is strengthened by the fact that Luke presents ‘tongues’ in ch. 2 as real languages understood by passersby. This, actually called xenoglossy, does not match the known characteristics of glossolalia as it occurs in numerous enthusiastic groups (including Pentecostals), but may match the phenomenon with which Paul is familiar in 1 Corinthians. If Luke is unfamiliar with tongues he is unlikely to be familiar with enthu-

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the Didache and Hermas, however, coming from the same general period (or later), makes it improbable that the author of Acts was ignorant of contemporary prophecy. Either idealization or conformance may still be present here, but it is not likely to be creation out of whole cloth. If it is not a strictly accurate record then it is

siastic prophecy. However, as noted earlier, I am not inclined to assume that Luke is making things up; rather he is usually interpreting and passing on traditions. Even if he knows non-linguistic glossolalia, he is not likely to substitute them for the tradition of the miraculous reversal of Babel in Acts 2. This applies equally well to the tradition he receives about prophecy. On the other hand, the reversal of Babel has a literary ring, and may be Luke’s contribution, and real languages may sit better with his “rationalism.” While modern research has concluded that glossolalia is nonlinguistic, I would caution against the conclusion that this was clear to the tongue speakers at Corinth or to Paul (to say nothing of Luke). Paul refers to the phenomenon as “the tongues of men and of angels” (1 Cor. 13.1), suggesting that while he may be aware that it is not always human language, he does not think of it as nonsubstantive gibberish. Even modern Pentecostals and Charismatics who are aware of the non-linguistic nature of glossolalia sometimes tell stories about foreigners understanding a tongues speaker. It would seem that familiarity with the phenomenon does not keep people from thinking that it is language, or that under the right circumstances it might be understood. While confirmable instances of xenoglossy are lacking, there are a fair number of reports from somewhat reputable observers, mostly coming from Spiritualist circles, and cited as evidence for reincarnation. There are also a few from descriptions of demonic exorcisms, and, of course, the Pentecostal anecdotes referred to in the previous paragraph. Since it is rare we can, from the point of view of parsimony, only speculate about the reliability of the reports, and the possibility of unconscious memory recording previously heard language. This last suggestion would tend to exclude accounts of interactive conversations in unlearned tongues. Anecdotally in this regard, Anderson (1979) cites the case of an early Pentecostal who claimed to be able to decipher transcriptions of glossolalia. He said that he used “the standard works on languages and found out what it meant.”

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probably either idealized from, or conformed to, activities in the author’s experience, and thus, in another sense, also “historical.” With some exceptions, the picture of prophecy in Acts is not significantly different from what we saw in 1 Corinthians. While not very much simple congregational prophecy is described, this is because there is little congregational activity described at all. It is nevertheless constantly assumed. After their baptism, Paul lays hands on the believers in Ephesus and ...The Holy Spirit came upon them, and they were speaking in tongues and prophesying (Acts 19.6).195

During a stopover in Tyre on his return to Jerusalem in what appears to be local prophecy: They told Paul, through the Spirit, not to set foot in Jerusalem (21.4).196

And this was apparently not an isolated incident because, in his farewell speech to the Ephesian leaders, Paul says, And now, constrained in the spirit, I am going to Jerusalem, not knowing what will happen to me, only that the holy Spirit in every city tells me that chains and tribulation await me (20.22ƒ).197

195 ἦλθε τὸ πνεῦµα τὸ ἅγιον ἐπ’ αὐτούς, ἐλάλουν τε γλώσσαις καὶ ἐπροφήτευον (eds. Aland, et al.). 196 οἵτινες τῷ Παύλῳ ἔλεγον διὰ τοῦ πνεύµατος µὴ ἐπιβαίνειν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυµα (eds. Aland, et al.). 197 καὶ νῦν ἰδοὺ δεδεµένος ἐγὼ τῷ πνεύµατι πορεύοµαι εἰς Ἰερουσαλήµ, τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ συναντήσοντά µοι µὴ εἰδώς, 23 πλὴν ὅτι τὸ πνεῦµα τὸ ἅγιον κατὰ πόλιν διαµαρτύρεταί µοι λέγον ὅτι δεσµὰ καὶ θλίψεις µε µένουσιν (eds. Aland, et al.). There is a question whether δεδεµένος ἐγὼ τῷ πνεύµατι refers to

Paul’s inner self or to the Spirit of God. The latter gets credit in the next verse, but most translators see this phrase in the same category with Jesus being driven by the Spirit into the desert (Mark 1.12: τὸ πνεῦµα αὐτὸν

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Presumably these messages came in ways analogous to what we saw in Corinth during meetings of the believers that Paul attended on his journeys. But we are not privileged to any specific content until Paul comes to Caesarea and the prophet Agabus comes down from Judea. Binding his own hands and feet with Paul’s clothing Agabus prophesies, Thus says the Holy Spirit, “The Jews in Jerusalem will bind the man who owns this belt and remand him to the custody of the Gentiles” (21.11).198

All this happened in the house of Philip who had “four unmarried daughters, prophesiers” (παρθένοι προφητεύουσαι). It may not be accidental that the author of Acts uses προφήτης (prophet) for Agabus, but προφητεύουσαι (prophesiers) of Philip’s daughters. Luke may intend us to find a quantitative distinction between the frequent enthusiast and the recognized official prophet. To a great extent, Acts is a book of heroes. This extends not only to the two primary characters, Peter and Paul, but includes also the secondary ones—James, Philip, Barnabas, etc. Because of this, it is not so surprising that the primary contribution the book makes to our understanding of the social world of early Christian prophecy is the existence of a translocal office of ‘prophet.’ Agabus, then, gets the limelight in this passage because he falls into this category, and perhaps because he is already known to the reader from ch. 11.199 There are three people to whom Acts applies the

ἐκβάλλει εἰς τὴν ἔρηµον). The “inner self” reading gains some support from Acts 17.16. I lean towards this interpretation, and have consequently left “spirit” in lower case (see also n. 179). 198 καὶ ἐλθὼν πρὸς ἡµᾶς καὶ ἄρας τὴν ζώνην τοῦ Παύλου δήσας ἑαυτοῦ τοὺς πόδας καὶ τὰς χεῖρας εἶπεν, Τάδε λέγει τὸ πνεῦµα τὸ ἅγιον, Τὸν ἄνδρα οὗ ἐστιν ἡ ζώνη αὕτη οὕτως δήσουσιν ἐν Ἰερουσαλὴµ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ παραδώσουσιν εἰς χεῖρας ἐθνῶν (eds.

Aland, et al.). 199 The close juxtaposition of Philip’s daughters with Agabus might suggest one of two things. We could take the prophesying virgins as in

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formal designation ‘prophet’: Agabus, Silas, and Judas.200 Agabus appears twice. His first appearance is in 11.27–30 when he comes

agreement with Agabus and therefore undergirding his prophecy (a tribunal of intermediaries to ensure his accuracy). It is also possible that they are being contrasted. Read this way they are being lumped with the earlier local prophesiers who in vs. 4 did not so much predict Paul’s imprisonment, as demand that he not go. The message would in that case be quite different, and one that in Luke’s intention we should understand as contrary to the will of God. The daughters, then, would be here as representatives of that group being supplanted and corrected. Agabus, whom the reader has already met, and whose predictions he has already found to be accurate (ch. 11), appears on the scene as the seasoned and anointed professional to clarify God’s message which has been somewhat inaccurately transmitted (muddled?) by those who merely prophesy, but are not prophets. John Bowker (private communication) has made the interesting suggestion that the key to the passage is not Agabus’ authority but his use of sympathetic magic. Up to that point it was all talk, but when he binds himself with Paul’s clothes, he seals the event in the future and thereby ends all further argument. I suspect, however that sympathetic magic as used here, and even among the classical prophets, was not seen so much as creating the events but as mirroring the predetermined heavenly reality on the earthly plane. Agabus’ ability to do this derives from the charisma of his calling (e.g. prophet. If Luke does not intend this, he has done an excellent job of misleading us). I am still inclined to see them as part of the prophetic chorus, standing together, even if they are not full blown prophets. It would explain why we are told they are virgins—it increases their sacred mana, and with it their prophetic authority. 200 There is another group; we just do not know exactly who they are. In 13.1 we are told: At the church in Antioch there were some prophets and teachers: Barnabas, Simon (called Niger), Lucius of Cyrene, Manaen (a companion of Herod the tetrarch), and Saul. [Ἦσαν δὲ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ κατὰ τὴν οὖσαν ἐκκλησίαν προφῆται καὶ διδάσκαλοι ὅ τε Βαρναβᾶς καὶ Συµεὼν ὁ καλούµενος Νίγερ, καὶ Λούκιος ὁ Κυρηναῖος, Μαναήν τε Ἡρῴδου τοῦ τετραάρχου σύντροφος καὶ Σαῦλος (eds. Aland, et al.).]

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to Antioch from Jerusalem with a group of prophets where, presumably during a meeting of believers, he …stood up and predicted, through the spirit, that a great famine was going to come upon the whole world (v. 28).201

Luke tells us that it was fulfilled. His second appearance is in the incident at Philip’s house, discussed above. The office of prophet, has received a reasonable amount of attention since the publication of the Didache. The existence of such an office is clear enough from not only this passage, but also from Eph. 4.11ƒ where we are given a list of ministries given to the Church by God:

The text does not tell us which are the prophets, and which the teachers. Interestingly, the Greek would allow us to lump them together as “prophetteachers,” or even “prophetic teachers.” Barnabas is listed first and Saul last, in a manner that may suggest that among the “prophets and teachers,” Barnabas is one of the prophets, and Saul one of the teachers, but there is no real reason to assume that Luke is imposing any kind of order. Some (notably Ellis, 1970, Clarke, 1937/1826), see in Barnabas’ name the Aramaic for ‘son of prophecy’ (presumably ‫)?נבא\בר־נבואה‬. Bauer (1957), on the other hand, derives it from ‫‘( בר־נבו‬son of [or man from] Nabu’). Luke, oddly, gives it as “υἱὸς παρακλήσεως” (4.36). Clarke believes this may be a reference to the positive nature of Barnabas’s inspired utterances. Paul certainly qualifies as both (prophet and teacher). About the others, we know virtually nothing. 201 Ἐν ταύταις δὲ ταῖς ἡµέραις κατῆλθον ἀπὸ Ἱεροσολύµων προφῆται εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν· ἀναστὰς δὲ εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν ὀνόµατι Ἅγαβος ἐσήµανεν διὰ τοῦ πνεύµατος λιµὸν µεγάλην µέλλειν ἔσεσθαι ἐφ’ ὅλην τὴν οἰκουµένην· ἥτις ἐγένετο ἐπὶ Κλαυδίου. τῶν δὲ µαθητῶν καθὼς εὐπορεῖτό τις ὥρισαν ἕκαστος αὐτῶν εἰς διακονίαν πέµψαι τοῖς κατοικοῦσιν ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ ἀδελφοῖς· ὃ καὶ ἐποίησαν ἀποστείλαντες πρὸς τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους διὰ χειρὸς Βαρναβᾶ καὶ Σαύλου (eds. Aland,

et al.).

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY He gave, for the preparation of the holy ones in right action, some apostles, some prophets, some evangelists, some shepherds and teachers.202

Unlike the manifestations in 1 Cor. 12, which are, if not completely universal, at least generally available to believers, these gifts are individual leaders within the larger community. Some scholars believe them to be, by definition, itinerant, while others see them as gifted members of local communities who might (sometimes) be sent out as temporarily itinerant arms of the sending community (Nee, 1962). The evidence is mixed. The passage (discussed in n. 200, above (Acts 13.1)), implies the latter, but we will see in the Didache that prophets, at least, may be invited to settle into communities they have initially visited as itinerants (while apostles must keep moving). What the Didache does do is inform us that itinerant ministries did exist.203 Alternatively, if they were unattached itinerants, it is easy to imagine the sort of problems that would ensue. The Didache may confirm this. My inclination is to suspect that there were both types: traveling arms of local communities, on the one hand, and enterprising spiritual opportunists on the other. In this context, it is certainly worth mentioning Simon Magus, whose brief appearance in Acts (8.9–24) foreshadows (or reflects) what was probably a colorful career as a Para-Christian itinerant, and possibly an example of just the sort of opportunists just mentioned. The group that bears his name in the second century is Proto-gnostic, but the individual himself is so negatively portrayed in deprecatory fiction that is hard to know much about him. It is

202 καὶ αὐτὸς ἔδωκεν τοὺς µὲν ἀποστόλους, τοὺς δὲ προφήτας, τοὺς δὲ εὐαγγελιστάς, τοὺς δὲ ποιµένας καὶ διδασκάλους, πρὸς τὸν καταρτισµὸν τῶν ἁγίων εἰς ἔργον διακονίας. (eds. Aland, et al.). 203 Although distinctions between them may be sometimes fuzzy. Bad prophets and bad apostles are both considered “false prophets” in the Didache. Some of this fuzziness may also be present in Acts 13.1 where, it will be recalled, it is hard to tell the prophets from the teachers.

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probably safe to say that he belongs in this study, but it is not at all clear where.

How authoritative where the Christian Prophets? One of the other major polemical battles in the area of early Christian prophet studies is the question of to what extent their messages were considered authoritative. Reviewing quickly, the basics of the preceeding story are: Various prophets tell Paul, “through the Spirit” not to go to Jerusalem. Paul is determined (or driven?) to go there anyway. Agabus does not tell Paul not to go, but says he will be bound and remanded. Paul goes; he is arrested and remanded; the book ends with him in prison.

Gerhard Friedrich (1974), Hill (1979), and Wayne Grudem (1982, 2000) believe that the early Christian intermediaries were never regarded as authoritative in the same way that prophets in ancient Israel were. Taking the story in Acts 21 as a test case, Grudem argues that Agabus is wrong on the details on two points: Paul is not, in fact, bound by the Jews, but by Roman officer, and since he was not technically arrested by the Jews, but by the Romans, it is incorrect to say that he was handed over (παραδώσουσιν).204 The errors in detail, he says, would not have happened to a Hebrew Bible prophet. It follows that Agabus does not have the prophetic authority that his ancient predecessors did. For them, “accuracy of detail was traditionally an essential mark of authenticity” (Grudem, 2000, 80).205 In contrast, Agabus’ prophecy is “general content”

204 A case can be made for greater accuracy in Agabus’ oracle than Grudem allows, as does Brian Rapske (1994). 205 A position not generally taken by modern scholars.

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only, and therefore not fully trustworthy (1982, 80).206 Paul, who is an apostle and does have such absolute authority, can see through these dark glass oracles to God’s true message.207 Grudem (2000) further points out that in both the 1 Thes. 5.19–21 passage and in 1 Cor. 14.31, the prophetic utterances always need to be evaluated, and occasionally need correction. The same absence of authority, by definition, attached to the prophesying of Philip’s daughters. We do not know what they said, but being women, they could not speak with any real clout: If women were not allowed authoritative rôles in congregational meetings in the first-century churches, then it seems unlikely that these women would be speaking with the same kind of absolute authority as the apostles…and that these prophe-

206

Reminiscent of Sid Leiman’s (1976) distinction between inspired and uninspired canon, Grudem (1982) contrasts “divine authority of actual words” with “divine authority of general content.” “Actual words” authority is no longer present after the classical prophets (pp. 21ƒƒ). This is obviously simply a restatement of the traditional position that prophecy ended when Malachi penned his final “‫ם‬,” which was demolished by Rudolf Meyer (1974; see also Aune, 1983; Humm, 1985). The distinction between types of prophetic authority is an attempt to shore it up in spite of the evidence presented by Meyer (et al.). 207 Grudem, in fact, argues that the mantle of infallible spokesman for God, which belonged to the prophet in the Jewish Scriptures, has shifted over to the apostle (2000). This, I am afraid, stirs up a hornet’s nest of problems since, unless by the term he means only Peter and Paul, we really know very little about apostles’ rôles or authority in the earliest churches. Frankly, Peter and Paul are not ordinary examples. Did Silas, Barnabas, Andronicus and Junia all have infallible authority? How can infallible Paul get into a disagreement with infallible Barnabas (Acts 15.36– 41), or with infallible Peter (Gal. 11–18)? I do not wish to belittle Grudem who is a decent scholar even though I often disagree with him. He would surely say, as with the Pope speaking ex cathedra, that the prophet and the apostle have authority only when actually speaking as prophet or apostle.

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cies did not have the authority of words of the Lord (2000,

77). 208 It is possible to read the story in Acts another way: Paul is disobedient and suffers the consequences. This possibly is supported by the last verse in the book in which the Gospel, in contrast to Paul, is unrestrained. Richard Gaffin Jr. (1996, p. 38 n. 32) points out the significance of the contrast between Paul and the Gospel, but does not go so far as to suggest that Paul is being painted as having erred.209 I might not be so timid, particularly in light of Paul’s earlier conflict with the ‘son of prophecy’ (Barnabas). He ignores the prophets in favor of his own inner turmoil. Later in the story he flubs his interview with Felix by appealing to Caesar, and even messes up his retelling of his own conversion account. It is worth asking whether it is not the prophets’ but Paul’s faults that are being highlighted. Could it be that, while Luke is clearly positive about the apostles, there is a running subtext designed to counter apostle worship? Note that the Gospel is unhindered by the human errors of the not-always-perfect Apostle. This would be the more compelling if the book was written, as some assert, just at the end

208 He does not explain how Huldah had prophetic authority over the righteous king (Josiah) in 2 Kings 22.13–20. That Philip’s daughters later acquired real fame and respect as prophetesses either does not occur to Grudem, or he assumes that toward the end of the century the Proto-orthodox community had degenerated to the point that it was no longer living in the pure light of complementarianism. We must not forget that the kinds of details we are now discussing come from Luke, and more likely represent late first century attitudes. His specific mention of their lack of carnal knowledge may tell us that their spiritual knowledge is greater even than Agabus.’ Some of this depends on how we evaluate the theme of this section. See the following discussion. 209 He does see in it, though, a solution to the age-old problem of the ending of Acts. Scholars have often wondered where the third volume went. Harnack thought it ended where it does because that is when it was written. Gaffin argues that the triumph of the Gospel, not Paul, is the point.

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of the apostolic age. In any case, read this way the Christian prophets retain their accuracy, and possibly their authority (which Gaffin, incidentally, affirms). Other scholars (notably Bultmann, 1968/1921; Boring, 1982; 1991)210 assume that the earliest Christian prophets were viewed as speaking with divine authority. For them this is foundational to their thesis that the early church failed to maintain a distinction between the remembered sayings of the historical Jesus, and the messages in which Jesus spoke through a community intermediary. The argument hinges on the proposition that such oracles were viewed as theologically identical to the traditions surrounding the historical Jesus. In time, the distinction was forgotten (if it was ever maintained) resulting in some of these oracles being included among the gospel sayings of Jesus.211 However, it is worth noticing that very few of these earliest prophets’ utterances or writings have survived. There is the Revelation, of course, particularly the first three chapters. As noted below, Ellis tries to make the case that Jude should be included as an ex-

210

Boring (1991) finds examples of this approach to gospel material going back to 1864, but Bultmann was its modern popularizer, and Boring is among its most vocal contemporary advocates. 211 This thesis allowed them to sift through gospels for logoi which could be understood in this manner. One reason for this exercise is that it solves a problem (which may be minor for some) of sayings which appear not to be authentic without accusing the evangelists (or their sources) of simply composing and falsely attributing. There is, of course, plenty of evidence for such artificial composition in second century and later Christian, as well as other, literature, so this approach provides an explanation for some of the early problem material, at least. Gospel scholars are more likely to want to find “sayings of the risen Lord” than scholars of early Christian prophecy. In both cases it is a matter of caution. Those searching for the “historical Jesus” are anxious to clear the field of potential chaff (which would be how they are likely to view the products of Christian intermediaries). Students of early Christian prophecy recognize that the selection process is less than reliable, and do not want to clutter their collection of oracles with data of unknown provenance.

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ample of early prophetic literature. Acts includes a few such passages, as we have seen. Some may have found their way into gospels, including Thomas, or survived to be included in extracanonical literature. But the general absence would seem to suggest that they were not granted anything like normativity in their own time. Even if snippets do survive in passages in the epistles or even in logia Iesu, this does not dramatically affect the conclusion. Admittedly, use of oracles among the collected sayings of Jesus would certainly raise the bar of authority, but only for the specific communities that failed to keep them separate. I do find compelling the image of the clay-footed apostle that Gaffin is not quite ready to embrace, but right or wrong, the story illustrates that in earliest Christianity (as portrayed by Luke) not everyone (at least) viewed Christian prophets as inerrant. It is possible that that Luke is writing in a period, somewhat later than the collection of oracles, when contemporary prophecy was no longer regarded as God-breathed, but Paul’s repeated insistence that prophecies need to be evaluated makes me think that his attitude goes to the earliest period in Christian thought, in some communities, at least. So, I find myself agreeing with Grudem and Hill on the subject of the authority that was attached to prophecy in Pauline circles, at least. But they are still wrong.212 What they fail to consider is the difference between prophecy and canon. At the core of this is the erroneous assumption that ancient Israelite prophets, including those whose writings are now preserved in Hebrew Scripture, were ever regarded by their general contemporaries as having any real authority. This is not to say that they were not respected, even feared at times, and some of them may have had core groups of

212

But so, for the most part at least, are Bultmann and the other scholars who find the prophets in the Gospels. Early Christians often respected, but did not necessarily trust, their intermediaries. There may have been exceptions, but from my vantage point ambivalence about prophecy is the rule.

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disciples around them who held their utterances or writings in higher regard. But, only in retrospect is the judgment applied as it was to Samuel that God “did not let any of his words fall to the ground” (1 Sam. 3.19).213 In any case, normativity in Christian tradition comes from canonicity, not, as it were, ad hominem. If archaeologists were to miraculously find Paul’s lost second letter to the Corinthians (assuming that our 2 Cor. is actually the third), or the hypothetical third volume in the Luke-Acts saga, it would be a great find, but there would be no great move to print new Bibles to contain it (although I am equally sure someone would do it). The bottom line, then, is that while authority of office eventually becomes a part of catholic Christianity, and does not survive the grave, canonical authority is only granted posthumously (usually dramatically so), and not necessarily to all known works. Prophetic authority is never fully normative unless, in some future generation, it becomes canonical.

Psychological state Judgments about the psychological state(s) that produced primitive Christian intermediation, while never argued at any depth, lie at the root of many recent studies of Christian prophecy. It has been characteristic of scholarship on prophecy in early Christianity to focus on the rôle of the prophet or the prophecy in the communities, rather than the nature of prophecy itself. This is understandable, to some degree. First, focusing on the nature of prophecy borders on practical theology, and so is often viewed as outside the purview of the historian. Second, the tools for social and anthropological research on history are better developed, when working with the past, than those for psychology. Psychology remains, to a great extent, a science of observation, and extrapolating from those ob-

213

:‫דבריו ארצה‬-‫הפיל מכל‬-‫( ולא‬eds. Kittel, et al.).

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servations to the unobservable is, while potentially fruitful, problematic at best.214 In line with claims of groups such as Qumran to possess inspired interpretation of scripture, it can be argued that ‘prophecy’ was simply a term applied by the early church to (certain kinds of) preaching. Scholars for whom this is a compelling argument215 tend to emphasize the rôle of the prophet’s cognition in the message and see little difference between prophecy and teaching (except perhaps in content). Ellis (see, esp., 1978) finds some things that look like oration to which he is able to arguably attach the label “prophecy.” Acts 15.32, for example, provides just such an opportunity. Judas and Silas, being prophets themselves, encouraged and strengthened the brothers with a long discourse. 216

The passage does not require that the “long discourse” be a prophecy (or a string of them), but it is implied.217 Nor is there anything

214 The famous study of Luther from a psychoanalytical viewpoint— Roland Bainton’s Here I stand (1950)—is a good example of such an attempt that has met with mixed reviews. 215 So, e.g., Ellis, Hill. Harnack and McGiffert (1910 in the Britannica 11th ed. ),, try to keep their feet in both camps in their discussion of early Christian prophecy. They say,

In the time of Paul the form of prophecy was reasoned exhortation in a state of inspiration; but very frequently the inspiration took the form of ecstasy—the prophet lost control of himself, so that he did not remember afterwards what he had said.

They do not tell us exactly how this works, or where they get their information. 216 Ἰούδας τε καὶ Σίλας, καὶ αὐτοὶ προφῆται ὄντες, διὰ λόγου πολλοῦ παρεκάλεσαν τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ ἐπεστήριξαν (eds. Aland, et al.). 217

In the same context, the charge to the gentiles in v. 28 is introduced with the formulaic, “For it seemed right to the Holy Spirit and to us” [ἔδοξεν γὰρ τῷ πνεύµατι τῷ ἁγίῳ καὶ ἡµῖν (eds. Aland, et al.)]. Aune, not unreasonably, thinks that this means that the charge itself was the product of a prophetic utterance. While this may be the case, it is equally

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that prevents a prophecy from being long, but it is not the image we get from 1 Cor. 14.218 Ellis also argues that this Judas is the same as the Jude of the epistle. He finds it natural to conclude from this that the Epistle of Jude must be a prophecy. While there are real weaknesses in his argument, there are strengths in his proposition that such documents might exist. Ellis believes that the Epistle is a composed work. He may be minimalizing what can be done “in the Spirit,” but he may also be following the sort of thinking that lead the Chronicler (and Josephus) to view sacred historiography as an appropriate outlet for prophetic composition219 to its natural postresurrection conclusion. The only real difference between prophecy and teaching, following this argument, is that teaching is instructive and prophecy is for ‘encouraging and strengthening’ (Acts 15.32). If prophecy differed from teaching only in subject matter, then the whole question of decline becomes moot. Oration fitting Ellis’ criteria has continued unabated in Christian pulpits (or the equivalent) since the beginning until the present, unimpacted by changes in worship. If this is prophecy, then only the nomenclature has changed. An experience such as Paul’s journey to the third heaven220 might be labeled a revelation (ἀποκάλυψις), to distinguish it from prophecy. These, although less common, have never disappeared from Christian experience either, and have sometimes played significant rôles in the progress of theological thinking.

possible that it reflects an inner sense of the Holy Spirit’s confirmation. Perhaps not an utterance, in that case, but in terms of our definitions of intermediation, it could still be considered prophetic, in the epipneumatic category. If it was an utterance, however, the context may lead us to suppose that either Judas or Silas was the source. 218 1 Cor. does imply, to be sure, that some of the prophecies tended to run longer than Paul thought necessary. 219 Or the author of the Wisdom of Solomon to identify wisdom and prophecy. 220 Or his anonymous acquaintance whom I will call, for convenience, “Paul.”

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Against this, it is clear that some of the experiences described cannot be viewed as cognitive,221 and certainly they do not all appear to be didactic (Agabus’ oracle to Paul, at least). In 1 Cor. 12, prophecy is lumped together with tongues, interpretation of tongues, and faith healing—clearly implying, not only its perceived supernatural origin, but (at least in the case of tongues and interpretation) its roots in non-ordinary experience. This type of prophecy can also trace its roots in Second Temple Judaism, in apocalyptic traditions, and in the perceived nature of biblical prophecy.222 Scholars223 who see these as the more important models for primitive Christian prophecy tend to speak more of the rôle of the psychology of revelation in the prophet’s message. They will distinguish sharply between prophecy and teaching as modes of discourse, while in contrast, often seeing no distinction in content. If choice must be made at this point between these two models, I believe that NTE based intermediation must be chosen. It is important to understand that the prophets (or prophesiers) view themselves as directly transmitting a message from God. However, it may do more justice to the historical data, taken as a whole, if we assume that something between these, or better, inclusive of both of these models was present in primitive Christianity. While there is an enormous gray continuum between the prophet and the preacher/teacher who re-transmits or (re)interprets received truth, it is nevertheless a distinction that is valuable to maintain. Without this differentiation, the continuum disappears into unity, and part of the whole is lost. That it was not always carefully maintained by the primitive Christians will have to be conceded.

The two instances in Acts where ἔκστασις is used (10.10; 11.5; 22.17) and Paul’s journey to the third heaven (2 Cor. 12.2) come to mind. 222 I do not wish to address the nature of Hebrew Bible prophecy in any depth here. The reader is referred to standard works on the subject, but particularly to Wilson (1980) and Lindblom (1957). 223 So, e.g., Friedrich (1974), Reiling (1973, 1977). 221

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It would be useful, though, to distinguish what type of experience(s) about which we are talking in any given instance. Harnack & McGiffert (1910) cited above, n. 215) held out for two forms: purely cognitive and some form of mediumship involving loss of control and amnesia, but it is hard to know on what evidence this is based.224 If I was right in arguing in the previous paragraph that it was a continuum then we must not only look at each instance individually, but be prepared to be stumped on some. I prefer not to drag the reader through such a catalogue. I will, however, try to overview the major cases. The easiest place to start is at Ellis’ end—that is orative prophecy. I located this category as a type of epipnoia in my summary of psychological types.225 There is an admitted grey area here between NTE and cognition, or inspiration at least. The bottom line is that in the understanding of the congregation (and probably usually the intermediary), their “long discourses” (Acts 15.32, discussed above) were Spirit directed and Spirit controlled. The Corinthian prophets virtually have to be either cognitive or epipneumatic. This is simply because they are presumably able to respond to Paul’s admonition that they chop it short if someone else gets a revelation (1 Cor. 14.30), and in light of his statement

224

They might be thinking of Philo or the Montanists. See above (p. 105). I have chosen to use “orative” as the differentiating adjective rather than “teaching” simply because, in contrast with Ellis, I do not think teaching is the normal function of prophecy, although it is not excluded. So, for precision, I should clarify what I perceive as the primary categories of oration within the early Church. Kerygma is oration for proselytization; teaching is for imparting tradition and knowledge; edification is for the purpose of encouragement or correction. When prophecy is orative, it is usually for edification, although Paul specifically associates prophecy and proselytization in 1 Cor. 14.24ƒ. Ellis would replace my “usually” with “always” and use that as the defining criterion to distinguish prophecy from teaching. I am, as noted, more inclined to use some type of NTE as the defining criterion. 225

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that “the spirits of the prophets submit to the prophets” (v. 32).226 Incorporation does not usually work this way; even if the medium had control over herself, she would usually have to be extracted, usually by means of some external stimulus (more often than not, music, or some other audible signal). Since prophecy is here lumped with glossolalia, which is either trance based or epipneumatic, and since trance is problematic, I believe the evidence points to epipnoia for the normal psychological state of the Corinthian prophets.227 However, some prophets may have received the “revelations” that lay behind their prophetic messages prior to the worship service, and simply be relaying them, in which case the revelation would be NTE based, but the delivery may well be strictly cognitive. Mostly for the same reasons, I would be inclined to lump all prophecies that are described as accompanied by glossolalia, such as those found in Acts 19.6 (former disciples of John receive the Spirit), into this (epipneumatic) category as well. As I have noted on a couple of occasions, Peter and Paul are both described as entering a trance state (ἔκστασις) in Acts (10.10; 11.5 and 22.17 respectively). Peter’s is clearly a visionary experience, and he does not perceive himself as having left the roof of Simon the tanner. Parasensory is the obvious choice. Paul’s experience (in which he sees Jesus, who speaks to him) could easily be read the same way. In neither case do we get the impression that they have the sense of having traveled to another place, nor that have they lost bodily control (although we are not told that they have retained it either). Nor or they amnesiac.

226

καὶ πνεύµατα προφητῶν προφήταις ὑποτάσσεται (eds. Aland, et

al.). 227

When, that is, they are in session during a community meeting as described by Paul—in other words, congregational prophecy. They may have had very different experiences in different circumstances, for example when praying privately. The same prophets may have been conduits for orative prophecy on other occasions.

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The opening flourish of the Revelation is similarly parasensory, although once the tour of heaven begins it shifts to full blown ecstatic (obviously, of the apocalyptic tour of heaven variety). Paul’s (generally assumed to be his own) tour of the third heaven (descrbed in 2 Cor. 12.2–5) is clearly enough in the same ecstatic category. Joseph, like his namesake, is a dreamer in Matthew,228 but it is not completely clear what is going on in Acts 16.6–10.229 The missionaries are repeatedly thwarted in their travel plans by the Holy Spirit. Largely because we are not told otherwise, I am inclined to see this as descriptive of epipnoia.230 But Paul’s nighttime “vision” (ὅραµα) could, once again, be parasensory, or it could be a prophetic dream. I am inclined to parasensory simply because Paul is portrayed as having a lot of them in Acts, and no other dreams, but I would not bet any money on it. The same analysis applies to a dream/vision he has in Corinth (18.9ƒ), but in 27.23ƒ (at sea, prior to the shipwreck on Malta) Paul is made to say specifically that an angel stood by him in the night (which would be unambiguously parasensory). It may be that this provides the model for all three. There is one instance of divination, leading to the selection of Matthias as the twelfth apostle (Acts 1.23ƒ).

228

This is mentioned in passing, but in general I am ignoring the NTEs and prophetic activity in the Gospels, simply because they are not portrayed as activities within the early Church. 229 ∆ιῆλθον δὲ τὴν Φρυγίαν καὶ Γαλατικὴν χώραν, κωλυθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύµατος λαλῆσαι τὸν λόγον ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ· 7 ἐλθόντες δὲ κατὰ τὴν Μυσίαν ἐπείραζον εἰς τὴν Βιθυνίαν πορευθῆναι, καὶ οὐκ εἴασεν αὐτοὺς τὸ πνεῦµα Ἰησοῦ· παρελθόντες δὲ τὴν Μυσίαν κατέβησαν εἰς Τρῳάδα. καὶ ὅραµα διὰ [τῆς] νυκτὸς τῷ Παύλῳ ὤφθη, ἀνὴρ Μακεδών τις ἦν ἑστὼς καὶ παρακαλῶν αὐτὸν καὶ λέγων, ∆ιαβὰς εἰς Μακεδονίαν βοήθησον ἡµῖν. ὡς δὲ τὸ ὅραµα εἶδεν, εὐθέως ἐζητήσαµεν ἐξελθεῖν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, συµβιβάζοντες ὅτι προσκέκληται ἡµᾶς ὁ θεὸς εὐαγγελίσασθαι αὐτούς (eds. Aland, et al.). 8

9

10

230

Again, we are assuming, somewhat hopefully, a connection between historical events and the author’s narrative.

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The oracle of Agabus in Acts 21.11 cannot be categorized with certainty. The whole feel of the counter is obviously reminiscent of Samuel-Kings with symbolic action (or sympathetic magic), the introductory formula, “Thus says the Holy Spirit,” and even the detail that Agabus apparently “came down from Judea” for the purpose of delivering the message to Paul (v. 10). This last detail suggests that the message is a result of a previously received revelation, which the prophet feels commissioned to deliver, but it does not have to be. He could be speaking epipneumatically, or for that matter, this could be a portrayal of incorporation.231 That would make it unique, which, admittedly, it is anyway, but in my opinion, too unique.232

New Testament stragglers There are a handful of references to prophets in the New Testament whom I have passed over, so for the sake of completeness I will briefly catalogue them. In addition to his Joppa vision, Peter is portrayed prophetically announcing to Ananias and Sapphira their respective demises (Acts 5.1–1). Since he is fully interactive this is

231 Keep in mind that incorporation is often in the eye of the beholder. I argue below that the Montanists generally were not. 232 I simply do not see evidence for incorporation, or any type of mediumship, in the earliest Christian communities. Rouget (1985) argues that no Jewish or Christian tradition could ever support this type of trance because it is theologically incorrect; a fully transcendent monotheistic God cannot be incorporated. There would indeed be a problem with full presence of the deity, but there would be no problem with his simply takeing over the senses of a lower (e.g. humuan) form. The example of Montanism, as generally understood, seems to stand against this (although I will argue that, if present, incorporation is less frequent than generally supposed—below pp. 173ƒƒ). It may be at the root of Philo’s experience, the evidence being that he probably claims amnesia, and compares his experience to the Corybantes. The latter, if Rouget is correct, behaved in ways that would strongly suggest a similarity to modern incorporation.

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most easily understood as either epipnoia or simply the result of an (unreported) earlier revelation. On the other side of Peter’s Joppa vision, Cornelius is said to have had an angelic appearance, instructing him to send for Peter (Acts 10.3–8). Angelic visitations are by definition parasensory.233 Stephen is depicted as having a parasensory vision of heaven which he shares (Acts 7.55ƒ); becoming the first Christian martyr. In Acts 8.26, Philip was sent “toward the south” by an angel (parasensory), then directed by the Spirit to speak to the Ethiopian eunuch in v. 29 (epipnoia). Aune (1983) argues that the charge to the Gentiles in Acts 16.28 begins as a prophecy, since it is introduced by “It seemed [good] to the Holy Spirit and to us.”234 If he is right the originating prophet is unnamed, but it illustrates the principle that prophetic utterance requires confirmation (in this case by the Jerusalem apostles and leaders). Of course, we cannot know what type of NTE might lie behind this message. In Romans 12.6, Paul lists prophecy among the gifts (χαρίσµατα) available to the believer.235 It is generic, and so not specific to any particular psychological type, but it is interesting that none of the other items on the list are NTE based (ministry, teaching, exhortation, giving, leadership, compassion). It could be that he is specifically referring to orative prophecy, which I would regard as the least non-ordinary of the categories we have identified in the early Church.

233 This would be true even from an orthodox point of view, since we do not normally see angels, and presumably they are all around us. Consequently something must happen that allows us to see them on such occasions as they want to be seen. 234 ἔδοξεν γὰρ τῷ πνεύµατι τῷ ἁγίῳ καὶ ἡµῖν (eds. Aland, et al.). 235 ἔχοντες δὲ χαρίσµατα κατὰ τὴν χάριν τὴν δοθεῖσαν ἡµῖν διάφορα, εἴτε προφητείαν κατὰ τὴν ἀναλογίαν τῆς πίστεως... (eds.

Aland, et al.).

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Revelation, itself a prophetic work, has some prophetic references within it. There are the two eschatological prophets who die and are resurrected in Jerusalem (11.3–12). The term is used in conjunction with “saints” and “apostles” to collectively refer to the holy community (11.18; 16.6; 18.20, 24). Prophets deliver messages to the community regarding the things to come (22.6, 9). And then there is the False Prophet who supports the Beast (16.13; 19.20; 20.10). Reserved to last, although she comes early in Revelation, is the prophetess whom John/Jesus names “Jezebel.” But I hold this against you, that you tolerate the woman “Jezebel.” She calls herself a prophet but deceives my servants into promiscuity and eating offerings to idols. 21 I have given her time to repent, but she does not want to turn away from her promiscuity. 22 If she does not turn from her actions I will drop her into a sickbed, and her paramours into great affliction, and I will kill her children (2.20–23a).236

Jezebel is obviously not her real name; John (or Jesus) uses the same technique on the teacher he names Balaam in v. 14.237 The “sexual immorality” may also be an insulting parody, although we know that some second century groups did use the power of sexual union sacramentally.238 On the food issue, Jezebel may stand with

236 ἀλλὰ ἔχω κατὰ σοῦ ὅτι ἀφεῖς τὴν γυναῖκα Ἰεζάβελ, ἡ λέγουσα ἑαυτὴν προφῆτιν, καὶ διδάσκει καὶ πλανᾷ τοὺς ἐµοὺς δούλους πορνεῦσαι καὶ φαγεῖν εἰδωλόθυτα. 21 καὶ ἔδωκα αὐτῇ χρόνον ἵνα µετανοήσῃ, καὶ οὐ θέλει µετανοῆσαι ἐκ τῆς πορνείας αὐτῆς. 22 ἰδοὺ βάλλω αὐτὴν εἰς κλίνην, καὶ τοὺς µοιχεύοντας µετ’ αὐτῆς εἰς θλῖψιν µεγάλην, ἐὰν µὴ µετανοήσωσιν ἐκ τῶν ἔργων αὐτῆς· 23 καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτῆς ἀποκτενῶ ἐν θανάτῳ (eds. Aland, et al.). 237

That the Nicolaitans are named outright is, in light of this, perhaps unusual. Of course, we still do not know anything about them. 238 The Cainites are accused of this, and for different reasons, Barbeliotes. Irenaeus charges Marcus (below, pp. 149ƒ) with using his magical/religious skills to obtain sexual favor (as well as money). It is possible

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Paul. The “deep things of Satan” probably parody her “deep things of Christ” or some such, but it should be remembered that Gnosticism developed some God/Satan inverting theology.239 Bauer (1934/1971) points out that John’s attitude regarding Jezebel is doubtless mirrored by her attitude regarding him. He goes on to argue that true and false prophecy is not always directly parallel to true and false doctrine, although in this case it seems likely that Jezebel has earned John’s distain through both heterodoxy and heteropraxy (John’s point of view).240

that Marcus, in fact, believes he is harvesting the dynamism of heiros gamos to empower religious experience. The Carpocratians were sexually libertine, rather than sacramental. 239 The same things, on both sides of the argument, can be said about the “Synagogue of Satan” in 3.9. 240 Prophetic opponents of canonical authors should also be stretched to include the implied target(s) of 1 John 4.1–3, who, like Jezebel, claim to speak for the.

3 THE POST-APOSTOLIC AGE FROM ABOUT 80 TO 150 CE The landscape of intermediary activity, which was beginning to be recognizable in the New Testament, quickly begins to shift and lose focus once we exit the apostolic period. I will be progressing through this material in a generally historical order. From the beginning, however, it is necessary to recognize that a significant number of our primary texts are not easy to pin down historically. Unfortunately, this is most true for our most important texts. There is other information that we would love to know about these documents: Where do they come from and to what stream of formative Christianity do they belong? Sometimes they tell us, or we have other ways of knowing, but frequently we are left guessing on one or both of these questions.

Didache [late 1st–3rd century, eastern Mediterranean] I will be beginning with the Didache, which may be date-appropriate (e.g. it may be late first century), but may well be completely out of place. It does not have any obvious marks of Proto-unorthodoxy, but this does not guarantee anything.241 The work is composite, and the section we will be looking at must be dated and provenanced independently of the, probably older, “two ways” section. Scholarly arguments for date range from late first to third century and for place of origin from Egypt through Syria to Asia Minor

241 In discussions of parabiblical Jewish literature, it has been argued that the absence of specific references to Jesus or other obviously Christian markers does not guarantee a Jewish origin. Similarly, the absence of “heretical” markers does not guarantee a catholic origin.

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(Kraft, 1992). The portion that we will be looking at (11–15) appears to be a single layer (that is, either the same redaction, or the same source document).242 The fact that itinerant prophets and apostles (especially apostles) are present243 should lead us to one or two conclusions: either this text is fairly early (e.g. around the start of the second century) or that it derives from some other group than the emerging catholics. It could, certainly, be both. The basis for this judgment is that while (I will argue) prophecy and prophets continued into the second century, and beyond, people who identified themselves as apostles did not, in Proto-orthodox circles at least.244 For the author of the Didache, at first glance anyway, prophets are itinerants. Among the target churches, it apparently had not been uncommon for traveling ministers to wander into the community and to be accorded some moderate amount of respect. The Didache classifies these into two categories: ‘apostles’ and ‘prophets.’245 The only criterion that specifically applies to apostles is that

242 11.1–2, with its reference to the “preceding things” implies that this whole section is a level of redaction, although it is also possible that this brief section is an editorial bridge into the following pasted in section. 243 They may not be, of course, making this entire section (of the Didache) anachronistic, but my expectation, at least, would be for anachronistic order to be somewhat more in tune with conservative expectation, although this depends on who is being conservative. In any case, this does not look like what we have come to expect. 244 If “apostle” simply means “missionary,” then obviously the function continued, but the name was so charged with the memory of the first-generation founders, that it was not used for contemporaries after the beginning of the second century, at the latest. On apostles outside of Proto-orthodoxy see above p. 79, n. 168. 245 But when the ‘apostle’ fails the test, he is called a ‘false prophet’ (11.5). I suspect that the categories here, and in this period, are becoming quite mushy. The discussion that follows in chs. 11–13, however, appears to be generally directed at prophecy. E. C. Selwyn (1900), taking 11.3–5 as a launching point, contended that apostles were itinerant prophets. But while this text imposes iterancy on the apostle, it also accepts it on the

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they have to move on after a few days (11.5), while ‘true’ prophets may be invited to stay on if they wish (13.1),246 and presumably if the community has need of them. Itinerants were apparently received warmly and given room and board for a brief period of time. Although 11.5 limits this to three days, it is possible that stays were often longer. The itinerants presumably participated in the community gatherings and, in the case of prophets, this is probably where the bulk of their activity took place. Immediately after warning the readers not to judge a prophet who is speaking in the Spirit,247 using language reminiscent of the

part of the prophet, only the latter may settle if he wishes. Ellis (1970) rightly rejects Selwyn but goes on to argue that the prophet is basically an apostle without authority. Apostles do everything prophets do, but they also perform miracles, are witnesses to the resurrection, have at minimum local authority, and can communicate the Holy Spirit. As I have stated earlier (p. 96, n. 207) I do not believe it is wise to use Paul and Peter as our primary sources for the activities of most apostles. Unless the Didache is very early, it is unlikely that its apostles were witnesses of the resurrection, and there is no evidence outside of Acts that communicating the Spirit is an apostles-only activity, and even there the case is usually made that apostolic impartation is needed only for special circumstances (first mission to the Gentiles, etc., see Dunn 1970). 246 A number of scholars (e.g. Schmithals, 1969, Aune, 1983) see a parallel and possible dependency in the Greek philosophical concept of the wandering cynical philosopher. This is possible, but it needs to be kept in mind that the primary model for early Christian prophets would be their Hebrew Bible counterparts, who sometimes also wandered. Kydd (1984) argues that the presence of itinerant ministries suggests that the community addressed represents a “wide geographic area.” Of course, this could be true, but all they really tell us is that the itinerants could be viewed as part of a translocal community, and even then, the community so described is their own perhaps artificial community. Local member bodies do not need to be “in fellowship” with each other. 247 “You are not to test or evaluate any prophet speaking in the Spirit, since while all sins will be forgiven, this sin will not be forgiven” [Καὶ πάντα προφήτην λαλοῦντα ἐν πνεύµατι οὐ πειράσετε οὐδὲ διακρινεῖτε· πᾶσα γὰρ ἁµαρτία ἀφεθήσεται, αὕτη δὲ ἡ ἁµαρτία οὐκ ἀφεθήσεται (eds.

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‘unforgivable sin’ (see Matt. 12.31), the author proceeds to delineate certain kinds of unacceptable prophetic behaviors. From the author’s warnings in 11.7ƒƒ, it is apparent that symbolic action, similar in type to that of Agabus in Acts, was commonplace. We find here, for example, that a prophet might call for food (in the Spirit) but should not eat it (to do so would indicate that the prophecy originated from the prophet’s own hunger, rather than from the Spirit). He may even do things ‘in the Spirit’ which are forbidden to normal believers (11.11).248 The prophet may not ask for money. Presumably, some did.249 In forbidding certain behaviors, the Didachist touches on an important characteristic of enthusiasm in its social setting. Intermediaries are perceived as speaking or acting for the divinity, and as such, they are not only allowed to, but are often expected to behave differently from ‘normal’ people. But there are limits. As Robert Wilson points out, societies must be able to recognize “certain stereotypical characteristics” of intermediation in order to distinguish µανία from insanity, demon possession, or chicanery (Wilson, 1980, 32ƒ). If the prophet’s behavior strays too far outside these limits, he is likely to be labeled a false prophet and removed. In religious groups where intermediation has survived into a period of (at least emerging) doctrinal stability, this includes a degree of content control as well.250

Lightfoot & Harmer)] (v. 7). This passage would have had Paul foaming at the mouth, and not in ecstasy. Even when read in the context of the following caveats, this text suggests a very different view of the authority of prophecy than that which we saw in the Pauline literature. 248 Some scholars (e.g. Lake, 1912) postulate a reference to “spiritual marriage, ” remembering Hosea. If Lake is correct, one is inclined to suspect that these ‘marriages’—on the model of food not eaten—were unconsummated. Other forbidden practices may be included as well. 249 Prophetic simony was also a problem for Hermas (below, p. 129), as well as for the critics of the New Prophecy (below, p. 171). 250 2 John appears to be, like this portion of the Didache, aimed at controlling bogus itinerants. There, however, the criterion is strictly doctrinal.

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In ch. 13 we find that for the author of the Didache, every Christian community ideally has at least one prophet in residence. It is also apparent that not all communities were ideal in this sense, and that one way of remedying the situation was to recruit an itinerant (after determining that he was a true prophet). Prophets were apparently given boarding for their services and received the offering of firstfruits from the congregation in the manner of the Old Testament priests. In ch. 15 the author appears to be trying to elevate the bishops (overseers) to the same plane, in terms of popular respect. So you should choose for yourselves overseers and ministers who are worthy of the Lord, men who are agreeable, generous, true, and tested; they will serve for you as prophets and teachers. You should not dishonor them, since they are your esteemed ones (along with the prophets and teachers) (15.1– 2).251

Van Campenhausen (1969, 178) uses this text to argue that charismatics and office holders could work together without conflict over authority.252

Cerinthus [late 1st century, Asia Minor] Cerinthus was, according to Eusebius, a younger contemporary (and opponent) of the Apostle John. The earliest surviving record (Irenaeus, Ag. Heresies 1.26; 3.3 & 11) has him fail the test of ortho-

Χειροτονήσατε οὖν ἑαυτοῖς ἐπισκόπους καὶ διακόνους ἀξίους τοῦ κυρίου, ἄνδρας πραεῖς καὶ ἀφιλαργύρους καὶ ἀληθεῖς καὶ δεδοκιµασµένους· ὑµῖν γὰρ λειτουργοῦσι καὶ αὐτοὶ τὴν λειτουργίαν τῶν προφητῶν καὶ διδασκάλων. 2 µὴ οὖν ὐπερίδητε αὐτούς· αὐτοὶ γὰρ εἰσιν οἱ τετιµηµένοι ὑµῶν µετὰ τῶν προφητῶν καὶ διδασκάλων (eds. 251

Lightfoot & Harmer). 252 Kydd (1984) suggests the possibility that the admonition to respect office holders is a backhanded way of putting the brakes on a movement toward exaltation of offices above charismatics.

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doxy, drawing from, or feeding into, both Jewish Christianity and Gnosticism. He is reported to have had strong chiliastic tendencies. He is of interest in this study because, on the one hand, he claimed to have received revelation from angels (according to Irenaeus253), and because he is identified as a (false) prophet by Dionysius of Alexandria (according to Eusebius (EH 3.28; 7.25; 11.1)). This last identification is based on the fact that Dionysus did not have a very high opinion of the Revelation, and, as part of his defamation of that work, attributed it pseudepigraphically to Cerinthus.254 It may be that his identification of Cerinthus as a pseudoprophet is based on his evaluation of the Apocalypse, although the case could just as easily be made for the reverse. Eusebius has this to say: Caius, whom we have already cited, in the investigation ascribed to him, has this to say concerning this man: 2 But Cerinthus, by means of written revelations as though by a great apostle, recounts wondrous things to us, as though

253

And Caius (EH 28.2), perhaps dependent on Irenaeus. Dionysus is one of our sources for Cerinthus’ millennial views. It should be apparent that some of this evidence is circular. There is another, backwards, connection between Cerinthus and the Revelation, however. Irenaeus, citing Polycarp, reports that John the evangelist disliked Cerinthus to the point that he on one occasion left a bathhouse on learning the Cerinthus was inside. He is reported to have said, “Let us flee, lest the bathhouse collapse, since Cerinthus, the enemy of the truth, is inside” [Φύγωµεν, µὴ καὶ τὸ βαλανεῖον συµπέσῃ, ἔνδον ὄντος Κηρίνθου τοῦ τῆς ἀληθείας ἐχθροῦ (ed. Harvey)] (Ag. Heresies 3.3.4|3.5). Given that it was not uncommon to attribute the Apocalypse to the evangelist, I am inclined to wonder whether the original protagonist of this story was John the Revelator, simply confusingly identified as “John.” Having made that stretch, I am inclined to stretch a little further and wonder whether John was inclined to call Cerinthus, “Balaam,” simply because in the Revelation that is a pseuodonym he uses for someone he clearly does not like (2.14), but this is pure speculation. Feeling over-stretched, I will now try to return to normal. 254

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to him by angels. The liar says that after the resurrection, the kingdom of Christ will be on earth, and that a citizen in Jerusalem will be subject to fleshly lusts and desires. Being an enemy of the Scriptures of God, and desiring to deceive, he says there will be a thousand years for a wedding festival (EH 3.28.1– 2).255

John Gwynn (1888) does not believe this millennialist view to be close enough to the Apocalypse to identify the one with the other.256 He suggests that Cerinthus may have produced his own embellished version of John’s Apocalypse, which Caius then ascribes to him. But I think we need to remember that Caius does not like the Apocalypse, and if he thinks it was written by Cerinthus might well embellish it this way. Or, if Cerinthus did teach these sorts of things, Caius may present the Revelation in this way to emphasize its distastefulness. Heresiarchs (Irenaeus and those dependent on him) also accused him of adoptionism and a generally dualistic doctrinal system. The last accusation is possible, but his much later detractors may be anachronistically imposing a full blown, almost Valentinian, cosmogony on the late first century (Arendzen 1908).257 Unfortunately, even if we accept Cerinthus’ prophetism, it does not add much to our knowledge of prophetic activity in this

Γάϊος, οὗ φωνὰς ἤδη πρότερον παρατέθειµαι, ἐν τῇ φεροµένῃ αὐτου ζητήσει ταῦτα περὶ αὐτου γράφει 2 “ἀλλὰ καὶ Κήρινθος ὁ δἰ ἀποκαλύψεων ὡς ὑπὸ ἀποστόλου µεγάλου γεγραµµένων τερατολογίας ἡµῖν ὡς δἰ ἀγγέλων αὐτῷ δεδειγµένας ψευδόµενος ἐπεισάγει, λέγων µετὰ τὴν ἀνάστασιν ἐπίγειον εἶναι τὸ βασίλειον του Χριστου καὶ πάλιν ἐπιθυµίαις καὶ ἡδοναῖς ἐν᾿Ιερουσαλὴµ τὴν σάρκα πολιτευοµένην δουλεύειν. καὶ ἐχθρὸς ὑπάρχων ταῖς γραφαῖς του θεοῦ, ἀριθµὸν χιλιονταετίας ἐν γάµῳ ἑορτῆς, θέλων πλανᾶν, λέγει γίνεσθαι” (ed. Bardy). 255

256

Although they look pretty close to me. 257

See also Hill (2000).

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period. I am inclined to include him in our emerging list of possible post-biblical prophets, although I do not do so with overwhelming confidence. His claim to have had angelic visitation is obviously parasensory, although it could also be apocryphal. If it was genuine, we do not know its social context (private or congregational).

Ignatius [late 1st–early 2nd century, Syria] Ignatius was bishop of Antioch on the Orontes in Northwest Syria, and died (in Rome) somewhere between 98 and 117.258 The tradition is fairly strong that he knew some of the (twelve) apostles. Although he never calls himself a prophet,259 there are several references in his letters which are best interpreted as intermediative. The most famous is Philadelphians 7.1b–2: Among you I shouted, loudly, with God’s voice, “Pay attention to your overseer, and to your elders and deacons.” 2 Some suspected that, in saying these things, I must have had prior knowledge of a disagreement among you, but as God is my witness, I was not told by any person of flesh. The Spirit said this: “You should do nothing without the overseer; keep your flesh as a temple of God; love unity; avoid divisions; imitate Christ as he does his father.”260

258

E.g. during the rein of the emporer Trajan, but most scholars think later in the reign (106–117). Harnack (1878) doubts even the tradition that the martyrdom occurred under Trajan (R. T. S., 1911). 259 He does regularly call himself “Θεοφορος” (God-bearer), which may have an intermediative twinge. Schoedel (1992) suggests, but rejects, the possibility that he saw a connection between his own prophecy and his bishopric. ἐκραύγασα µεταξὺ ὤν, ἐλάλουν µεγάλῃ φωνῇ, θεοῦ φωνῇ· Τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ προσέχετε καὶ τῷ πρεσβυτερίῳ καὶ διανόνοις. 2 οἱ δ’ ὑποπτεύσαντές ὡς πρειδότα τὸν µερισµόν τινων λέγειν ταῦτα· µάρτυς δέ µοι, ἐν ᾧ δέδεµαι, ὅτι ἀπὸ σαρκὸς ἀνθρωπίνης οὐκ ἔγνων. τὸ δὲ πνεῦµα ἐκήρυσσεν λέγον τάδε· Χωρις τοῦ ἐπισκόπου µηδὲν ποιεῖτε, τὴν σάρκα ὑµῶν ὡς ναὸν θεοῦ τηρεῖτε, τὴν ἕνωσιν ἀγαπᾶτε, τοὺς 260

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It is hard to read this in any other than as a claim to prophetic utterance.261 The apparent response of his opponents also suggests that they are trying to discredit his prophecy. This tells us, on the one hand, that they recognize the form of prophecy for what it is (a claim to direct divine communication), but, on the other, that there is an already present skepticism about congregational prophecy in this period (they suspect he may be faking it). This skepticism, however, also underlines the authority associated with prophecy. Their desire to discredit it as prophetic speech is based on the acceptance of the proposition that prophetic speech carries divine authority (Kydd, 1984). F. A. Schilling (1932) also identifies four other passages from Ignatius’ surviving letters which look to be either claims or references to divine inspiration: My own lust has been crucified, and there is in me no materialistic fire, but water, living and speaking in me, within me it says, “Come to the Father.” (Rom. 7.2b)262

µερισµοὺς φεύγετε, µιµηταὶ γίνεσθε Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ὡς καὶ αὐτὸς τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ (eds. Lightfoot & Harmer). 261 Kydd (1984) claims that speaking “at the top of your lungs” was recognized by both Christians and non-Christians as indicative of prophecy at that time, but he gives no citations to support this claim. Ignatius’ testimony, that he is speaking with God’s (or later the Spirit’s) voice should be sufficient, in any case. At the outset, I should alert the reader that I am following Lightfoot in his “middle rescension” of the text. The expanded version is not likely to add anything useful to this investingation, and the Syriac appears to be an epitome which excludes many of the passages at which we are looking. There are two exceptions. Rom. 7.2b is present, but lacks the speaking water, and Poly. 2.2b is more or less the same. 262 ὁ ἐµὸς ἔρως ἐσταύρωται, καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ἐν ἐµοὶ πῦρ φιλούλον, ὕδωρ δὲ ζῶν καὶ λαλοῦν ἐν ἐµοί, ἔσωθέν µοι λέγον· ∆εῦρο πρὸς τὸν πατέρα (eds. Lightfoot & Harmer). This is the longer version. The shorter

reading cannot be read at all as prophetic:

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I do not find Schilling’s first text compelling, and read it instead as Ignatius’ poetic description of his spiritual self triumphing over his baser self (but see below on the Odes of Solomon (p. 128)). The Ephesians text works well enough. If Lightfoot (1901) was right, though, the ὅτι should be excised (with a half stop after ἀποκάλυψῃ) and we get a reading something like “particularly if the Lord reveals something to me. Each and every…” Both readings, though, claim for Ignatius the ability to receive revelations.

ζῶν γὰρ ἐσταύρωται, καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ἐν ἐµοὶ πῦρ φιλούλον· ∆εῦρο πρὸς τὸν πατέρα (ed. Migne). …ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ βιβλιδίῳ, ὃ µέλλω γράφειν ὑµῖν… µάλιστα ἐὰν ὁ κύριος µοι ἀποκαλύψῃ ὅτι οἱ κατ’ ἄνδρα κοινῇ πάντες… (eds. 263

2

Lightfoot & Harmer). Καὶ γὰρ ἐγώ, οὐ καθότι δέδεµαι καὶ δύναµαι νοεῖν τὰ ἐπουράνια καὶ τὰς τοποθεσίας τὰς ἀγγελικὰς καὶ τὰς συστάσεις τὰς ἀρχοντικάς, ὁρατά τε καὶ ἀόρατα, παρὰ τοῦτο ἤδη καὶ µαθητής εἰµι. πολλὰ γὰρ ἡµῖν λείπει, ἵνα θεοῦ µὴ λειπώµεθα (eds. Lightfoot & Har264

mer). 265 διὰ τοῦτο σαρκικὸς εἶ καὶ πνευµατικός, ἵνα τὰ φαινόµενά σου εἰς πρόσωπον κολακεύῃς· τὰ δὲ ἀόρατα αἴτει ἵνα σοι φανερωθῇ, ἵνα µηδενὸς λείπῃ καί παντὸς χαρίσµατος περισσεύῃς (eds. Lightfoot &

Harmer).

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Trallians is interesting. A century later, the editor of Perpetua views her imprisonment and impending martyrdom as putting her in a position to receive special revelation from God. Ignatius seems to say he can know mysteries in spite of it. In any case, his special knowledge does not have to be by revelation, although it could be. In his Letter to Polycarp, though, he does seem to be suggesting that Polycarp seek supernatural revelation. He also calls such things ‘charismata.’266 It is worth noting, before moving on that Ignatius stands firmly in the camp of structured ecclesiastical authority in the church. The fact that he does not perceive this as presenting a conflict with pneumatic authority is worth noting (Kydd, 1984) (even though, in this case, the pneumatic authority is his own). His NTE state in Philadelphians is almost certainly epipneumatic. Nothing else really fits. I do not believe Romans applies, and the others cannot be categorized. Only Philadelphians provides us with a social context, which is congregational, but in the middle of a sermon (or so it appears). This is not quite the same as orative prophecy, since it is only a brief oracular moment in an otherwise normal cognitive discourse.

The Shepherd of Hermas [early 2nd century, Rome] Although a person named Hermas is greeted by Paul in Romans (16.14) and there is a reference (2nd Vision. 4[8].3) to Clement (presumably of Rome—late first century); the Muratorian canon, among others, tells us that this Hermas was the brother of Pius I (Bishop of Rome 140–155). Most scholars follow the latter date, making it early to mid second century (Livingstone, 1977).267 The Clement

266

The connections to 1 Cor. are clearer in Greek, where we find

σαρκικὸς and πνευµατικός, reminiscent of 1 Cor. 3, and χαρίσµατος, sug-

gesting 12.1. 267 It is possible for someone to have been young during Clement’s time and still be around fifty years later (see also Joly, 1958, cited from Snyder, 1992). Being the same as Paul’s Hermas would be more of a prob-

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and/or Pius connection puts the book in Rome, but it was popular in the East, where it was sometimes regarded as scripture.268 Hermas does not call himself a prophet, but this is not particularly meaningful; his work is driven by visions. In one, he asks how to distinguish true from false prophets, and is told By way of life you test the person who [claims to] have the divine Spirit.

and There you have both kinds of prophets’ lives. So, judge each person who claims to have the Spirit by means of their life and works (Hermas, Mand. 11(43).7 & 16).269

lem. The work itself, even taken at face value, represents many years of writing, and we are not compelled to read it so simplistically; it could well be layered by multiple authors. Such layering, even if by the same author, could be refelected in the widely different contents of early witnesses (see Snyder, 1992). The only real significance to this study is that Mandate 11 may well be closer to mid-second century, which could even put it in the Montanist period (although it should be noted that Montanist Tertullian (Modesty 10) did not like it, thinking it soft on sin). It does, however, have to be early enough for Clement of Alexandria to know and approve of it (see next note). 268 He is cited (quoting Mandate 11(43).3) on the subject of prophecy, with approval, by Clement of Alexandria (as noted in the last note): Along with the lies, the false also mixes some truth; the servants of the apostate even made predictions from ecstasy. As also says the Shepherd, the angel of repentance, to Hermas concerning the false prophet, “He speaks true words since the devil fills him with his own spirit, hoping to be able to break someone’s hold on what is right” [ἐν δὲ τοῖς ψεύδεσι καὶ ἀληθῆ τινα ἔλεγον οἱ ψευδοπροφῆται, καὶ τῷ ὄντι οὗτοι ἐν κστάσει προεφήτευον ὡς ἂν ἀποστάτου διάκονοι. λέγει δὲ καὶ ὁ ποιµήν, ὁ ἄγγελος τῆς µετανοίας τῷ Ἑρµᾷ περὶ τοῦ ψευδοπροφήτου, “τινὰ γὰρ ῥήµατα ἀληθῆ λαλεῖ ὁ γὰρ διάβολος αὐτὸν πληροῖ τῷ ἑαυτοῦ πνεύµατι, εἴ τινα δυνήσεται ῥῆξαι τῶν δικαίων” (eds. Lightfoot & Harmer)] (Misc. 1.17.85).

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Like the Didachist, Hermas was also concerned about the presence of bogus prophets in the Churches, but his criteria were generally different. The false prophet may indeed be in it for the money (11.10ƒ), but if so, he openly charges for his services rather than using the subterfuge of asking for donations ‘in the Spirit.’ He …revels in all sorts of pleasure, is a regular cheater, and insists on receiving reimbursement for his prophecies. If he does not get paid, he does not prophesy (Mand. 11(43).12).

The real acid test of the false prophet is his willingness to respond to inquiries. And the spirit which responds to questions [does so] according to human desires. It is earthly and frivolous; having no power, it speaks only if you speak to it (Mand. 11(43).6).270

Hermas’ objection probably arises from a desire to distance Christian intermediation from the pagan oracular world where inquiry was common. From our point of view it is more important that this type of activity was present. As in 1 Cor., prophecy in Hermas is primarily congregational and centered around the community gatherings. Mandate 11 begins with a somewhat difficult passage that has elicited some discussion. He showed me people sitting on benches and another person sitting in a chair, and said to me , “Do you see those on the benches?” “I see them, Lord” I said. “They,” he said, “are the faithful. But the one sitting on the chair is a false prophet, who

269 7: Ἀπὸ τῆς ζωῆς δοκίµαζε τὸν ἄνθρωπον τὸν ἔχοντα τὸ πνεῦµα τὸ θεῖον. 16: Ἔχεις ἀµφοτέρων τῶν προφητῶν τὴν ζωήν. ∆οκίµαζε οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς ζωῆς καὶ τῶν ἔργων τὸν ἄνθρωπον τὸν λέγοντα ἐαυτὸν πνευµατοφόρον εἶναι (eds. Lightfoot & Harmer). 270 ὸ δὲ πνεῦµα τὸ ἐπερωτώµενον καὶ λαλοῦν κατὰ τὰς ἐπιθυµίας τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπίγειόν ἐστι καὶ ἐλαφρόν, δύναµιν µὴ ἔχον· καὶ ὅλως οὐ λαλεῖ, ἐὰν µὴ ἐπερωτηθῇ (eds. Lightfoot & Harmer).

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The picture that this elicits on first reading is of a congregational gathering with the prophet sitting at the head of the assembly in the seat of honor.272 If this is the intention, then it links up nicely with the rôle of the local prophet in the Didache. He appears to be the leading figure in the church and presumably carries a great deal of authority. I suspect, however, that rather than giving us a picture of an early Christian gathering, the author intends to contrast the faithful with the false prophet. This should be clear from vs. 2 where we are informed that the “earthly spirit” “does not come into the assembly of the just, but rather avoids it (13).”273 The prophet’s ‘chair’ is distinguished from the benches as a metaphor for his avoidance of the assembly, or at least his ‘arm’s-length’ distance from it., if we can read past Hermas, simply his willingness to serve as prophet outside the assembly. Hermas provides us, then, with two different models for the social setting of Christian prophecy in the early second century. According to one model, the prophets were primarily congregational, and the social location is always the assembly. This is the model of which Hermas approves. The other is the ‘prophet at large.’ This intermediary may function in an assembly, in spite of

271 Ἔδειξέ µοι ἐπὶ συµψελλίου καθηµένους ἀνθρώπους καὶ ἕτερον ἄνθρωπον καθήµενον ἐπὶ καθέδραν, καὶ λέγει µοι· Βλέπεις τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ συµψελλίου καθηµένους; Βλέπω, φηµί, κύριε. Οὗτοι, φησί, πιστοί εἰσι, καὶ ὁ καθήµενος ἐπὶ τὴν καθέδραν ψευδοπροφήτης ἐστίν, ὃς ἀπόλλυσι τὴν διάνοιαν τῶν δούλων τοῦ θεοῦ· τῶν διψύχων δὲ ἀπόλλυσιν, οὐ τῶν πιστῶν (eds. Lightfoot & Harmer). 272 Attempts to connect the false prophet’s καθέδραν with a bishop’s

chair are not terribly convincing, resulting from a common anachronistic imposition of more recent liturgical experience on the ancient data. εἶτα ὅλως εἰς συαγωγὴν ἀνδρῶν δικαίων οὐκ ἐγγίζει, ἀλλ’ ἀποφεύγει αὐτούς (eds. Lightfoot & Harmer).· 273

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Hermas’ assertion, but his primary social location is private—one on one.274 The itinerant prophet that we encountered in Acts and the Didache is also to a great extent a ‘prophet at large,’ but as portrayed in those books, most of his activity is in the assembly.275 It may be that the same people performed both functions, as was the case with Pentecostal prophets in the early days of the movement. It is, in fact, interesting that Pentecostals expressed concern over some of the same problems as increasing numbers sought out intermediaries in order to “inquire of the Lord.” This new way of “inquiring of the Lord” promotes secret meetings, cliques and conspiracies and tends to division and strife.... No one’s Christian character is safe from attack when parties of two, three, or half a dozen are off together getting messages (so-called) about everything and everybody... you may be sure... there will be no secret assassination of character when the holy spirit does the work.276

274 The privately employed intermediary is apparently absent from the rest of our literature (although some—such as Philumene, who does respond to queries—could be, we are just not told how they operate). This type is, nevertheless, and certainly was in the second century, fairly common. They are often marginalized in society, or members of marginal groups. It should be remembered that Christians were such a group, but Hermas’ complaint is probably too slim a basis to suggest that this was a common Christian profession. It may suggest, however, that as congregational prophecy began to decline towards the end of the second century (at least), other options for intermediaries may have existed. 275 It could be argued that while Agabus is at church in Acts 11, he may be more like Hermas’ prophet at large in Acts 21. I suspect that this performance is also in the context of gathered believers, even if specially convened to hear Agabus, but I would not press this. 276 W. F. Carothers in Latter Rain Evangel (Chicago, 1908–1934), Oct. 1910, 7–10. Quoted from Anderson 1979, 156. “Inquiring of the Lord” apparently required two enthusiasts—one to speak in tongues, and one to interpret (Anderson, 1979). As also for Paul, taken together this is a functional equivalent of prophecy.

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Hermas’ emphasis on the social aspects of false prophecy should not, however, blind us to the fact that, just like the Didachist, he uses the intermediary’s way of life as the first means of testing (43.8). This is consistent with the method advocated by Jesus in Matt. 7.15–17. With Kydd (1984) we can conclude that there was no shortage of prophets in this period. That congregational prophets are still active is a useful piece of information,277 but really no less so than that there was a class of (presumably Christian) self-employed intermediaries for whom we have no other evidence.

Angels, the Spirit and prophecy A side note on Hermas is his viewpoint on the source of divine utterance. Whereas in Acts, it is usually the Holy Spirit that is behind any kind of intermediation, here it is somewhat more complicated. Whenever the person having the divine spirit comes into an assembly of just men who have divine faith of the Spirit, and that assembly of men pray to God, then the person is filled up by the appointed angel of prophetic Spirit, and being filled with the spirit of the Holy Spirit speaks to the group, as the Lord wills (Mand. 11(43).9).278

277

It must be admitted that Hermas’ idealization of congregational intermediaries does not establish that they exist. He does describe them in action, but, admittedly, this is the content of a vision. 278 ὅταν οὖν ἔλθῃ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ὁ ἔχων τὸ πνεῦµα τὸ θεῖον εἰς συναγωγὴν ἀνδρῶν δικαίων τῶν ἐχόντων πίστιν θείον πνεύµατος καὶ ἔντευξις γένηται πρὸς τὸ θεὸν τῆς συναγωγῆς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκείνων, τότε ὁ ἄγγελος τοῦ προφητικοῦ πνεύµατος ὁ κείµενος πρὸς αὐτὸν πληροῖ τὸν ἄνθρωπον, καὶ πληρωθεὶς ὁ ἄνθρωπος τῷ πνεύµατι τῷ πνεύµατι τῷ ἁγίῳ λαλεῖ εἰς τὸ πλῆθος, καθὼς ὁ κύριος βούλεται (eds.

Lightfoot & Harmer).

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Apparently, the prophet has the divine spirit and at the moment of prophecy the angel of prophecy fills him with the Holy Spirit. This is, as it turns out, not hugely different from the view taken by Plutarch and Iamblichus regarding pagan intermediation (Reiling, 1973). Hermas’ view, though, is also not entirely unlike what we see in Revelation. [The angel] said to me, “These words are trustworthy and true, and the Lord, the God of the spirits of the prophets, sent his angel to show his servants what must happen soon” (22.6).279

That there are spirits (πνεύµατα) associated with prophecy has other parallels in the New Testament (1 Cor. 14.12, 32; 1 Jn. 4.1–3).280 Similarly, evil spirits are connected with false prophecy (1 Jn. 4.1–3, perhaps 1 Cor. 12.10; possibly Jub. 15.31; 1 Tim. 4.1281 ). Angels are often called ‘spirits’–Heb. 1.7–14 (Ps. 104.4; Job 2.2); Enoch 37.4 (Ellis, 1978).282

279 Καὶ εἶπέν µοι, Οὗτοι οἱ λόγοι πιστοὶ καὶ ἀληθινοί, καὶ ὁ κύριος, ὁ θεὸς τῶν πνευµάτων τῶν προφητῶν, ἀπέστειλεν τὸν ἄγγελον αὐτοῦ δεῖξαι τοῖς δούλοις αὐτοῦ ἃ δεῖ γενέσθαι ἐν τάχει (eds. Aland, et

al.). 280 The πνεύµατα in 1 Cor. could, of course, simply refer to the prophets’ own inner selves. 281 In 1 Tim. 4.1, the singular Spirit is for the Holy Spirit, which is a prophetic formula. 282 Ellis (1978) also sees a connection between angels and tongues, based on 1 Cor. 13.1: (tongues of angels). I read this passage as a description of the tongues, though, not the source. It is likely that even in the first century, people would have noticed that glossolalia is not necessarily, or even usually, xenoglossia (real knowable languages). Attributing it to angels was (and is) a way of solving that problem. Somewhat more interestingly, Ellis suggests that there could be a connection between the angel of prophecy and Paul’s insistence on the veiling of women. Certainly, it is true that Paul’s immediate motivation appears to center around prophecy (and [public?] prayer). It is not clear, however, how this connection might work, or how it might be related to other approaches to elucidating this difficult passage (e.g. the Watchers,

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Justin Martyr [mid 2nd century] Born around 100 in Samaria-Palestine and converted to Christianity in the neighborhood of 130, he was active in Asia Minor and Rome, where he was martyred in 165. In his Dialog with Trypho, he makes several references to ongoing prophetic activity in the Christian community. They receive gifts as they merit them, being illuminated through the name of this Christ. One may receive a spirit of understanding, another of counsel, another of strength, another of healing, another of foreknowledge, another of teaching, and another of divine awe (Justin, Trypho 39).283 The prophetic gifts remain with us even now, from which you should glean this, that the things that were formerly with your people have been transferred to us (Justin, Trypho 82).284 [After quoting Joel 2.28ƒ] And among us one can see both women and men possessing gifts from God’s Spirit (Justin, Trypho 88.1).285

The list in 39 is reminiscent of Paul’s list in 1 Cor. 12, but it is significant that it is not dependent in any except external form. Of

loose hair among pagan mantic prophets, Corybantes, mantle dancers, or [sacred] prostitution?). It would be particularly interesting if there were a tie to Corybantes or mantle dancers, since it would introduce the possibility of sacred dance in connection with prophecy into early church liturgy. The evidence, however, is a long way from that. οἳ καὶ λαµβάνουσι δόµατα ἕκαστος ὡς ἄξιοί εἰσι, φωτιζόµενοι διὰ τοῦ ὀνόµατος τοῦ Χριστοῦ τούτου· ὁ µὲν γὰρ λαµβάνει συνέσεως πνεῦµα, ὁ δὲ βουλῆς, ὁ δὲ ἰσχύος, ὁ δὲ ἰάσεως, ὁ δὲ προγνώσεως, ὁ δὲ διδασκαλίας, ὁ δὲ φόβου θεοῦ (ed. Goodspeed). 284 Παρὰ γὰρ ἡµῖν καὶ µέχρι νῦν προφητικὰ χαρίσµατά ἐστιν, ἐξ οὗ καὶ αὐτοὶ συνιέναι ὀφείλετε, ὅτι τὰ πάλαι ἐν τῷ γένει ὑµῶν ὄντα εἰς ἡµᾶς µετετέθη (ed. Goodspeed). 285 Καὶ παρ’ ἡµῖν ἔστιν ἰδεῖν καὶ θηλείας καὶ ἄρσενας, χαρίσµατα ἀπὸ τοῦ πνεύµατος τοῦ θεοῦ ἔχοντας (ed. Goodspeed). 283

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the gifts listed, only healing is directly parallel, while understanding, counsel, and foreknowledge could correspond to Paul’s “words” of knowledge and wisdom, and, of course, prophecy. The reference to “prophetic gifts” (προφητικὰ χαρίσµατα) in 82 removes doubt as to whether he is including prophecy, and he doubtless intends to include it in the χαρίσµατα mentioned in 88 as well. The fact that there is a polemical aspect must be considered. Part of his argument is that the supernatural gifts, and prophecy in particular, which had previously belonged to the Jews have now been transferred to the Christians. This transfer is, in part, to make the Jews jealous (87ƒ). Justin, though, is in the present tense when he speaks of these pneumatica (Kydd, 1984), and I do not think he has his fingers crossed behind his back. It is, to be sure, possible that the phenomena to which he refers are less common than he lets on. George Purves (1890) argued that he had a wider than usual perspective on mid second century (catholic) communities, since he had travelled widely. Purves concluded from this that prophecy was wide spread. It is, though, just as easy to argue from Justin’s travels in the other direction; it may not be common but he has run into it once or twice. Polemically it is just a useful to him even if he has only seen it in one place—at least it exists. Nor does Justin seem to be suggesting that it is necessarily commonplace or widespread. What we can conclude is that mid century there are still Protoorthodox communities who are active in this area. Of course Asia Minor was within his area of action, which is the area where pneumatic activity seems to have the deepest roots (also having a long pre-Christian history). It may also be worth noting that this is written on the eve of the emergence of Montanism from the same region. What little he does say about it has the feel of congregational prophecy, but it is not enough to arrive at any hard conclusions. It is not possible to decide anything at all about psychological states except to say, as noted above, that if we are going to find mediumship anywhere in early Christian catholicism, it will probably be in Asia Minor, from which hail the Corybantes and similar groups, and, of course, the New Prophecy.

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Quadratus, Ammia, and the daughters of Philip [first half of the 2nd century, Asia Minor] Quadratus and Ammia (of Philadelphia) we will encounter later (Eusebius, EH 5.17.3–4) as the claimed predecessors of the Montanists (Miltiades was anxious to deny them the connection). Eusebius also mentions Quadratus earlier in his History (3.37.1) Quadratus was prominent among the illuminated, who, along with the daughters of Philip, had a prophetic gift.286

Associating him with the daughters of Philip would make him early indeed, but the Montanist references to him suggest early second century. There was an apologist by the same name (EH 4.3), who was alive in about the right time period, although there is no compelling reason to think they are the same person (nor, for that matter, that they are not). Ammia was active in Philadelphia. That she is lumped together with Quadratus may suggest that he was from Asia Minor as well, although I would not argue this with huge amounts of confidence. Both of these prophets were well enough respected in their time that Montanists and catholics equally wanted to claim them, but beyond that we know nothing. Assuming that there is not a temporal hiccup in Acts, Philip’s daughters could easily have been in their early teens in the 50s, and have therefore overlapped with a second or even third generation Quadratus without problems. Assuming, however, that there are no temporal hiccups in Acts is a big assumption. They could even be granddaughters whose fame prompts Luke to anachronistically put them back into Paul’s day. I am, however, inclined to believe both reports. The apparent prominence of Philip’s daughters, along with Ammia, reinforces the observation that gender was not generally a hinderance to acceptance as an intermediary.

286 Τῶν δὲ κατὰ τούτους διαλαµψάντων καὶ Κοδρᾶτος ἦν, ὃν ἅµα ταῖς Φιλίππου θυγατράσιν προφητικῷ χαρίσµατι λόγος ἔχει διαπρέψαι

(ed. Bardy).

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Odes of Solomon [1st–3rd centuries] The Odes of Solomon is a collection of early Christian hymns probably of Syrian origin (Aune, 1972). Scholars range in dating them between the late first century and the early third (Charlesworth, 1992). The majority position (if that means anything) has them around mid second century, which is why I have located them here. There is scholarly discussion regarding the orthodoxy of the source community. Some scholars argue that the community was Gnostic, while most hold that they were essentially catholic with some interesting quirks.287 Since I have not limited myself to catholic intermediaries, this argument is not hugely consequential to this study. A significant number of these odes contain passages in which Christ speaks in the first person. The following example comes from Ode 28.13–14,17: Because I continually did good to every man I was hated. And they surrounded me like mad dogs, those who in stupidity attack their masters. … And they sought my death but did not find it possible, because I was older than their memory; and in vain did they cast lots against me (tr. Charlesworth 1973, 109).

287 One of those quirks is that the Father has breasts (Ode 19, see also 14), from which the Spirit drinks, but is still masculine (perhaps related to the root meaning of ‫“–אל שׁדּי‬God with mammaries”–usually translated, “God Almighty”). The Holy Spirit, however, is clearly feminine (consistent with its/her gender in Syriac as well as other Semitic languages). She takes the milk from the Father’s breasts into her bosom and uses it to impregnate the Virgin. Descriptions of the birth of the Son are reminiscent of the Infancy Gospel of James. Docetism (as in G. James) may also lay behind the odd passion in Ode 28, and may in turn eventually surface in the Muslim concept that the Jews mistakenly thought they had crucified Jesus (Qur'an 4.157).

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY They288 encircled me like mad dogs who do not know their masters. Their spirit is corrupted and their sense is distorted. … They wanted to kill me, but could not find me, since I was older than their memory, they cast lots over me in vain.289

Passages such as this one probably had congregational worship as their context of normal use.290 It is also posssible that this was the

288

Charlesworth marks a number of passages, including this one with “(Christ Speaks).” If anything, he errs in identifying too few. I would argue that there are many more passages than he identifies in which Christ speaks in the first person, including Ode 28 in its entirety. In addition, not everything that should be considered prophetic needs to be written in the first person of the divinity. However, without some identifying formula like “The Spirit says” attempts to identify such utterances tend to become uncontrolled. 289

 
 

 

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(ed. Lattke). 290 This becomes even more likely when we compare others of the Odes like the following from 23.1–3: Joy belongs to the holy ones; and who shall wear it except they alone. Grace belongs to the chosen ones; and who will receive it except those who trust in it from the beginning? Love belongs to the chosen ones; And who will wear it except those who had it from the beginning?

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context of their origin, if anthropological studies of other similar phenomena provide useful clues. There is an observable correlation between music, particularly corporate music, and enthusiasm in groups where such activity is encouraged. In modern Pentecostal and Charismatic groups it usually accompanies or immediately follows a period of group singing. It is possible, then that hymns, perhaps like those of the Odes of Solomon, were often composed ‘in the Spirit’ during such gatherings. Those that were particularly noteworthy may have been remembered, likely refined and written down afterwards.291 Other songs of this variety may survive as semi-poetic passages in New Testament literature.292

(ed. Lattke). 291

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Of course, not all hymns had their origin in the worship service, not even all those that the community regarded as prophetic. But I would argue strongly against the assumption, sometimes found in studies of the Hebrew prophets, that poetic form is ipso facto evidence of nonecstatic origin. This is the position of, most notably, Hermann Gunkel, T. H. Robinson and H. H. Rowley. See the review of this topic in Wilson 1980, 5ƒƒ. By the first centuries (BCE and CE), whatever the original psychological facts of the matter, the Psalms were regarded as prophetic by most segments of the Jewish community, including Qumran. Given the Qumran community’s general recptiveness to the possibility of at least didactic intermediation from its leaders, it is possible that some of the Hodayot were produced in this fashion. Unfortunately, we know very little of their

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There may be a connection made between the composition of sacred songs and prophecy in 7.17–18: To announce the coming of the Lord to those having Psalms, that they would go out to meet with joyful singing and with the many-toned playing of kithara The seers will go before him, and will be seen by him.293

Finally, reminiscent of Ignatius Rom. 7.2b, discussed above (p. 113), there is a recurring theme of speaking water: The speaking water approached my lips whose source is the generous Lord.

patterns of community worship, so it is not possible to know whether some of them might have been composed in that context. 292 These passages have been the subject of much scholarly discussion in this century. Numerous scholars (e.g. Meeks, 1983, Brown, 1966) have seen them as quotations of hymns—the prologue to John and Phlp. 2.6–11 are probably the best examples from this perspective. Others (e.g. Käsemann, 1969, Aune, 1983) find evidence of the inclusion of early Christian prophecies, perhaps to bolster an argument—1 Cor. 15.51ƒ and Rom 11.25ƒ are prime examples. If psalmody can be a form of prophecy and prophecy can be in poetic form (as it is in the Hebrew Bible and in Greek prophecy) then it is less likely that they can be distinguished from each other. 293

(ed. Lattke).


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(ed. Lattke). 295 Lucian, one of a handful of non-Christian sources for this period in the early Church, was a novelist, often a fantasy novelist. One story (Ἀληθῶν διηγηµάτων—“Narrations of true events”) includes a trip to the moon and to Venus. The reader needs to keep a close eye on her leg, to see if it is being pulled; sometimes, as in this case, he even tells the reader this. Probably an Epicurean, and certainly a skeptic, some of his other works (especially Alexander) contain unapologetic attacks on “miracle workers.” It should be assumed that the Christians in this story are being mocked, although as fools, not as charlatans. As with any decent novelist, he provides a window into his culture and at the very least Peregrinus is such a window, but the question, of course, is whether there is a real person behind this fiction, and if so, who it might be.

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least by that name. He is interesting to us, even if he never existed, simply because parodies often reflect reality. There is, however, the possibility that he is a parody of a real person. Peregrinus, according to Lucian, had a long and varied career. Hailing from northern Asia Minor, he gets in trouble early in life when he is caught in the act of adultery. Later he strangles his own father and flees his home town. He subsequently converts to Christianity in Palestine, and becomes a Christian leader of some significance. He is imprisoned as a Christian and, after a while, released. Returning to his hometown, dressed as a traveling cynic, he gives all of his remaining property to the community, which exonerates him in their eyes. He continues to serve as an itinerant Christian leader until he has a falling out with them, according to Lucian, when he is caught eating forbidden food.296 Forsaking the Christian life, he becomes a committed cynic, attempts (unsuccessfully) to reacquire his donated property, studies asceticism in Egypt, and at some point begins to call himself Proteus. Ultimately, he immolates himself in view of all at the conclusion of the Olympic Games in 165, CE. The reason he comes into this study is that Lucian tells us that during his Christian period, he was considered a prophet. At this point, he found out about the wonderful wisdom of the Christians from associating with their priests and scribes in Palestine. And, what do you know, shortly he made them look like children—he was prophet, cult-leader,297 and head of synagogue all rolled into one. He elucidated and explained some of

296 Lucian admits he is not sure about the cause, and food is an educated guess. Harmon (Lucian, 1936) thinks this might be food offered to idols. 297 θιασάρχης is usually used of leaders or groups like the Bacchae. Christians did not use the term of themselves. Presumably, if this has some basis in reality he means something like “elder,” “deacon,” “overseer,” or even “apostle.”

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their books, and even composed quite a few (11; italics mine)298

Lucian, for all his animosity toward them, cannot be faulted with an ignorance of supernaturalist claims. Nevertheless, there remains a question of whether, by using the term ‘prophet,’ he intends us to understand that Peregrinus was an intermediary in the Christian community, or simply that he was a well respected leader. That he intends the latter is obvious; that he includes the former is not. It is also possible, in light of his parsimonious worldview, that he wants us to read ‘prophet’ as a synonym for ‘charlatan.’ If this is the case, he probably does mean something like ‘intermediary,’ although we are obligated to view him as a hostile historical witness.299 Not all scholars have taken Lucian seriously at all. Baur, Bauer, and Zahn all found reason to believe that the entire story was a fiction (Detering, 2004). Daniel Völter argued that Peregrinus was, in fact, Ignatius of Antioch (1887). Ignatius is, of course, on my list of prophets, so this identification would, on the one hand, not expand my list, but on the other, it might add some support.300 Perhaps more exciting is Hermann Detering’s proposal that the whole work is a biography of Marcion (18ƒƒ). Both of these proposals are supported by the probability that Peregrinus is not his real name.

“Ὅτεπερ καὶ τὴν θαυµαστὴν σοφίαν τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἐξέµαθεν, περὶ τὴν Παλαιστίνην τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν καὶ γραµµατεῦσιν αὐτῶν ξυγγενόµενος. καὶ τί γάρ; ἐν βραχεῖ παῖδας αὐτοὺς ἀπέφηνε, προφήτης καὶ θιασάρχης καὶ ξυναγωγεὺς καὶ πάντα µόνος αὐτὸς ὤν, καὶ τῶν βίβλων τὰς µὲν ἐξηγεῖτο καὶ διεσάφει, πολλὰς δὲ αὐτὸς καὶ συνέγραφεν 298

(ed. Harmon). 299 I will have to do the same when “querying” catholic writers about any “heretical” prophet. 300 The date of Peregrinus’ death in 165 is better than half a century off from Ignatius’ during the reign of Trajan (98–117, CE), although this may be fiction, after all (but see n. 303). We should also recall Harnack’s (1878) doubts regarding the dating of Ignatius’ martyrdom (above, p. 123, n. 258).

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The name (meaning ‘wanderer/ stranger’) could easily become an epithet for either an itinerant Christian preacher or a wandering cynic. It is instructive that in Marcionite circles it functions as a descriptive name for the True God, and for some, for Marcion himself (Harnack, 1908).301 The fact that he changes his name to Proteus,302 following his post-Christian reimaging, encourages us to believe that for Peregrinus, name follows function.303

301 Marcion’s approximate date of death (c. 160—Frend, 1984) does not present the same problem as Völter’s proposal. 302 A Greek god who changes shapes at will, just as Peregrinus seems to keep changing his philosophy. 303 Both Detering’s Marcion theory, and the pure fiction approach are somewhat weakened by a passage in Aulus Gellius’ Noctes Atticae, in which he describes a meeting with a certain Peregrinum outside of Athens who also goes by Proteus.

Philosophum, nomine Peregrinum, cui postea cognomentum Proteus factum est, virum gravem atque constantem vidimus, cum Athenis essemus, deversantem in quodam tugurio extra urbem, cumque ad eum frequenter venitaremus, multa hercle dicere eum utiliter et honeste audivimus, in quibus id fuit, quod praecipuum auditum meminimus. Virum quidem sapientem non peccaturum esse dicebat, etiamsi peccasse eum dii atque homines ignoraturi forent. Non enim poenae aut infamiae metu non esse peccandum censebat, sed iusti honestique studio et officio. Si qui tamen non essent tali vel ingenio vel disciplina praediti, uti se vi sua ac sua sponte facile a peccando tenerent, eos omnis tunc peccare proclivius existimabat, cum latere posse id peccatum putarent, impunitatemque ex ea latebra sperarent. «At si sciant», inquit «homines, nihil omnium rerum diutius posse celari, repressius pudentiusque peccabitur. » Propterea versus istos Sophocli, prudentissimi poetarum, in ore esse habendos dicebat» (11.1–6; ed. Migne).

Peregrinus is functioning as a cynic, not a Christian preacher. Detering acknowledges this but argues that the philosophy is not that distant from the Marcion we know (contrast the Marcionism of his followers). Following this line of thought, Peregrinus and Proteus are not Lucianisms but pseudonyms that the real Marcion took on, and Lucian’s parody slides very much closer to reality.

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Although we cannot identify either social context or psychological type, it is interesting that Peregrinus’ break with the church, as Lucian portrays it, recalls the prophet-problems discussed in the Didache. Like the Didache prophets, he is itinerant, and like them he gets in trouble over issues related to food. Whoever (or if ever) Peregrinus was, it seems likely that he could have been an excellent case-in-point for the Didachist. 304

Philumene [2nd century, Alexandria] Marcion’s most famous student, Apelles, probably an ascetic, went to Alexandria after leaving Marcion in Rome.305 There he met the virgin Philumene,306 whose revelations he viewed as inspired. His book Manifestations consists of her collected oracles. Tertullian tells us that that Philumene received her messages from an angel (Body of Christ 6.24) She may have made this claim, now lost, or he may be making the sort of jump Hermas makes

Lucian’s Marcion would also be in conflict with Tertullian’s (Pres. Ag. Her. 30), who has Marcion repenting and returning to catholic orthodoxy, but dying before reincorporating his followers into mother Church. Tertullian’s version does have the ring of folklore about it, but it hardly seems likely that the church fathers would let slide the opportunity to revel in the public suicide of catholic enemy number one. Of course, if no one knew Peregrinus’ secret identity…. 304 Not that Peregrinus stands alone as a candatate for the Didachist’s contempt. So, indeed would the unnamed false prophet of Hermas or Montanus and his co-laborers (at least on the issue of money). 305 Marcion’s Roman activities are generally dated around 142–143. 306 According to Tertullian (Body of Christ 6), he met Philumene only after an affair with an unidentified woman. He launches a similar ad hominem attack against Philumene herself (Prescription against heretics 30), in which he accuses her of having become a prostitute. McGiffert (1890) thinks, reasonably, that both of these are baseless slander, particularly as they are not mentioned by parallel sources (Rhodo and Hippolytus). Virginity is definitely a plus card in this period, which is why Tertullian wants to take it away and, assuming he is not being original, why these defaming stories may have begun to circulate in the first place.

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(see above, pp. 120), assuming an ‘angel of prophecy.’307 Other authors only tell us that she has revelations. If she claimed to receive messages from an angel, it does not tell us how they arrived. They may have been parasensory, or she may have been a medium of one variety or another. I incline toward the latter, but with minimal confirming evidence.308 Her experiences are probably not congregational. Apelles’ worldview is a little more complicated than what we know of his teacher’s (Marcion). If Hippolytus (7.26, 10.16) is to be believed he had no fewer than three subdivinities in addition to one overarching God. The one responsible for Hebrew Bible prophecy is a lying spirit. Jesus was the son of God, and had flesh, but was not actually born; he harvests his material self from the universe around him at birth. How much of Apelles’ doctrinal system derives from Philumene is hard to know. There are obvious connections both to Marcion and to other Gnostic systems, already becoming ubiquitous in Egypt (Bauer, 1934/1971). The heresiarchs, however, are unanimous in saying that he leans heavily upon her revelations. She is may have functioned as a medium, but epipnoia is still possible. There is nothing in the text to suggest that she, like Valentinus (next), was subject to visions.

307 Tertullian may pick on an angel simply because it fits nicely with the quote from Gal. 1.8 which he is using as a refutation text. 308 Rhodo, quoted by Eusebius (EH 5.13.2) says of Apelles’ point of view,

the prophesies [of the Jewish Scriptures] are from an opposing spirit, he says, arriving at this conclusion from the sayings of a virgin with a demon, named Philumene ᾽Απελλῆς µέν… τὰς δὲ προφητείας ἐξ ἀντικειµένου λέγει πνεύµατος, πειθόµενος ἀποφθέγµασι παρθένου δαιµονώσης, ὄνοµα Φιλουµένης (ed. Bardy).

Rhodo will be lead by content to the conclusion that a demon is behind her sayings.

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Valentinus [mid 2nd century, Rome (and Cyprus)] Valentinus was the most prominent of the Gnostics, and his system is usually the basis against which other Gnostic systems are measured. According to Hippolytus (Ref. 6.37|6.42.2) Valentinus claimed that he saw a newborn, and, curious about whom it was, he asked and it answered that it was the Logos. Then it recounted a sort of tragic myth from which, since it has come into his possession, he (Valentinus) wishes to build up his heresy.309

Bauer (1934/1971) assumes, not unreasonably, that the Valentinian system “derives from this vision” (167). The vision is either parasensory or ecstatic (more likely the latter), and we are told nothing about its context. Perhaps more important to Valentinian religious life was the inclusion of what appears to have been an active system of intermediation in their community. One of them (Theodotus) was singled out for attack by Clement of Alexandria (Exerpts from Theodotus). Clement tells us: According to the Valentinians, each one of the prophets had the heavenly Spirit for ministry; those of the Church each have this and as a result the signs of the Spirit, healings and prophecy, are accomplished through the Church (Ex. Theo 24.1).310

καὶ γὰρ Οὐαλεντῖνος φάσκει ἑαυτὸν ἑωρακέναι παῖδα νήπιον ἀρτιγέννητον· οὗ πυθόµενος ἐπεζήτει τίς ἂν εἴη, ὁ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο λέγων ἑαυτὸν εἶναι τὸν Λόγον· ἔπειτα προσθεὶς τραγικόν τινα µῦθον, ἐκ τούτου συνιστᾶν βούλεται τὴν ἐπικεχειρηµένην αὐτῷ αἵρεσιν (ed. 309

Marcovich). 310 Λέγουσιν οἱ Οὐαλεντινιανοὶ ὅτι ὃ κατὰ εἷς τῶν Προφητῶν ἔσχεν Πνεῦµα ἐξαίρετον εἰς διακονίαν, τοῦτο ἐπὶ πάντας τοὺς τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐξεχύθη· διὸ καὶ τὰ σηµεῖα τοῦ Πνεύµατος, ἰάσεις καὶ προφητεῖαι, διὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐπιτελοῦνται (ed. Sagnard).

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This seems to be saying that the Valentinians exercised pneumatic gifts, just as Justin says the catholics did. The context (receiving it from the prophets—if those of Jewish Scripture fame are intended) is, in fact quite reminiscent of Justin’s claim. If the older prophets are not those of the “Old Testament,” then the connection to Justin is lost, but not the sense that Valentinian prophecy is in a continuity with a recognized tradition (Jewish or Christian). This insight into Roman Gnostic prophecy sets the stage for a whole group of underreported (and/or villainized) Gnostic intermediaries. Of course, we can know nothing about social setting or psychological type.

Marcus [mid 2nd century, Asia Minor] Marcus, a former Valentinian, was an older contemporary of Irenaeus. A purveyor of his own version of the Gnostic system, which he claims to have received in an ecstatic or parasensory vision, he is by far one of the most interesting characters we will be looking at. Irenaeus describes Marcus’ initial revelatory experience, which might be compared to a prophetic call and in any case recalls Valentinus’ opening vision: The highest Tetrad from the invisible and nameless places appeared to him in female form, since, so she said, the world was not able to bear her male form. She revealed to him who she was and the origins of everything, which had not yet been revealed to gods or humans; to him alone came this narrative (Ag. Heresies. 1.14.1).311

Αὐτὴν τὴν πανυπερτάτην ἀπὸ τῶν ἀοράτων καὶ ἀκατονοµάστων τούτων [H: τόπων] Τετράδα κατεληλυθέναι σχήµατι γυναικείῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν, ἐπειδή, φησι, τὸ ἄῤῥεν αὐτῆς ὁ κόσµος φέρειν οὐκ ἠδύνατο, καὶ µηνύσαι αὐτὴ τί ἦν, καὶ τὴν τῶν πάντων γένεσιν, ἣν οὐδενὶ πώποτεοὐδὲ Θεῶν οὐδὲ ἀνθρώπων ἀπεκάλυψε, τούτῳ µονωτάτῳ διηγήσασθαι (ed. Harvey). Closely paralleled in Hippolytus Ref. 6.37. 311

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There follows a summary of a Gnostic cosmogony and a theology of letters. Irenaeus tells us that Marcus could prophesy, although, of course, he attributes that ability to a demon (1.13.3ƒ). We are not told enough to be completely confident of the nature of his prophetic gift, but it is likely that his experience is similar to that which he teaches his disciples. Irenaeus had apparently interviewed some ex-disciples and, based on that, constructs the following initiatory conversation: Marcus: Let Charis fill up your inner self, sowing the mustard seed on good ground, and be filled with her knowledge…I am anxious to have you share my Charis,312 since the all-Father continually sees your angel in his presence…. Adorn yourself as a bride awaiting her bridegroom, so that you may be as I am, and I as you are. Enthrone the seed of light in your bridal chamber. Receive a spouse from me, and make room for him, and be contained in him. See, Charis has come upon you; open your mouth and prophesy. The woman: I have never prophesied, and I do not know how to prophesy. Marcus: (making, once again, some invocations, in an effort to bewilder his dupe) Open your mouth, say whatever comes to you, and you will be prophesying.

312 Χάρις, in this context, draws from the natural meaning of the word (gift), and its Christian implications (grace and supernatural empowerment). But it also refers to a feminine sub-divinity in Marcus’ system that goes by that name.

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY She313 is falsely confident and captivated by his encouragement, and tipsy with the expectation that it is she who will prophesy; her heartbeat rises, and she boldly speaks all manner of foolish and random things, [both] empty and daring, consistent with the empty spirit who intoxicates314 her…. Now she considers herself a prophetess, and demonstrates her gratitude to Marcus for having shared with her from his own gift… [She shares more than her money] (Ag. Heresies 1.13.2–3|1.7.2).315

313 Irenaeus claims that most of Marcus’ disciples are women, generally of high social standing. 314 The same root I translated ‘tipsy’ earlier. Literally, ‘warmed,’ but regularly used for the affects of alcohol (διαθερµανθεῖσα, τεθερµαµένη). 315 Χάρις πληρώσαι σου τὸν ἔσω ἄνθρωπον, καὶ πληθύναι ἐν σοὶ τὴν γνῶσιν αὐτῆς, ἐγκατασπείρουσα τὸν κόκκον τοῦ σινάπεως εἰς τὴν ἀγαθὴν γῆν...Μεταδοῦναί σοι θέλω τῆς ἐµῆς χάριτος, ἐπειδὴ ὁ Πατὴρ τῶν ὅλων τὸν ἄγγελόν σου διαπαντὸς βλέπει πρὸ προσώπου αὑτοῦ· ὁ δὲ τόπος τοῦ µεγέθους ἐν ἡµῖν ἐστι δι’ ἡµᾶς ἐγκαταστῆσαι [l. δεῖ ἡµᾶς ἓν καταστῆσαι.] Λάµβανε πρῶτον ἀπ’ ἐµοῦ, καὶ δι’ ἐµοῦ τὴν χάριν. Εὐτρέπισον σεαυτὴν, ὡς νύµφη ἐκδεχοµένη τὸν νυµφίον ἑαυτῆς, ἵνα ἔσῃ ὃ ἐγὼ, καὶ ἐγὼ ὃ σύ. Καθίδρυσον ἐν τῷ νυµφῶνί σου τὸ σπέρµα τοῦ φωτός. Λάβε παρ’ ἐµοῦ τὸν νυµφίον, καὶ χώρησον αὐτὸν, καὶ χωρήθητι ἐν αὐτῷ. Ἰδοὺ ἡ χάρις κατῆλθεν ἐπί σε· ἄνοιξον τὸ στόµα σου, καὶ προφήτευσον. Τῆς δὲ γυναικὸς ἀποκρινοµένης, οὐ προεφήτευσα πώποτε, καὶ οὐκ οἶδα προφητεύειν· ἐπικλήσεις τινὰς ποιούµενος ἐκ δευτέρου εἰς κατάπληξιν τῆς ἀπατωµένης, φησὶν αὐτῇ· Ἄνοιξον τὸ στόµα σου, λάλησον ὅ τι δήποτε, καὶ προφητεύσεις. Ἡ δὲ χαυνωθεῖσα, καὶ κεπφωθεῖσα ὑπὸ τῶν προειρηµένων, διαθερµανθεῖσα τὴν ψυχὴν ὑπὸ τῆς προσδοκίας τοῦ µέλλειν αὐτὴν προφητεύειν, τῆς καρδίας πλέον προσδοκίας τοῦ µέλλειν αὐτὴν προφητεύειν, τῆς καρδίας πλέον τοῦ δέοντος παλλούσης, ἀποτολµᾷ λαλεῖν [Int. καὶ λαλεῖ] ληρώδη καὶ τὰ τυχόντα πάντα κενῶς καὶ τολµηρῶς, ἅτε ὑπὸ κενοῦ τεθερµαµένη πνεύµατος· (καθὼς ὁ κρείσσων ἡµῶν ἔφη περὶ τῶν τοιούτων, ὅτι τολµηρὸν καὶ ἀναιδὲς ψυχὴ κενῷ ἀέρι θερµαινοµένη,) καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου λοιπὸν προφήτιδα ἑαυτὴν µεταλαµβάνει, καὶ εὐχαριστεῖ Μάρκῳ τῷ ἐπιδιδόντι τῆς ἰδίας χάριτος αὐτῇ· καὶ ἀµείβεσθαι αὐτὸν πειρᾶται, οὐ µόνον κατὰ τὴν τῶν

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After this, according to Irenaeus, Marcus has free access both to her checkbook and her body. Reading through Irenaeus’ contempt it is possible to see the following pattern. Marcus emphasizes, first, that it is a gift, which he has, but which is available to her. Second, there is some sort of ritual which is not entirely clear in this passage. Does he actually ask her to dress like a bride?316 In any case the ritual partly functions to put her into a state of religious expectation. He then tells her to open her mouth and say whatever comes to her. She does so, growing out of her stimulated emotional state.317 This approach in Marcus’ group is reinforced, when, in the next section, Irenaeus tells us: They are accustomed at their dinners to entertain themselves by casting lots, and ordering each other accordingly to prophe-

ὑπαρχόντων δόσιν, (ὅθεν καὶ χρηµάτων πλῆθος πολὺ συνενήνοχεν,) ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ σώµατος κοινωνίαν, κατὰ πάντα ἑνοῦσθαι αὐτῷ προθυµουµένη, ἵνα σὺν αὐτῷ κατέλθῃ εἰς τὸ ἕν. (ed. Harvey). 316 This is sometimes a feature of induction ceremonies when modern women decide to take vows and enter a convent. In these cases, they are symbolically marrying the Lord. Is that what is going on with Marcus? There is simply not enough information to arrive at a conclusion. 317 Ehrman (1993) interprets this as tongues rather than prophecy. She is, after all, just uttering the first thing that comes to her mind, and Irenaeus says it is nonsense. This is, as it turns out, exactly how Joseph Smith tried to teach his followers to speak in tongues (May, 1956/1986). There is a connection between tongues and prophecy, and Irenaeus does, in Ag. Heresies 3.12.15 give “prophecy” when quoting Acts 10.46 where the source text reads “tongues.” Such methods have sometimes been used in Pentecostal groups as well, usually with limited success. But it does not necessarily follow that the first thing that comes into the potential prophet’s mind is gibberish. Irenaeus does not appear to have glossolalia in mind when he tells us that Marcus can prophecy, and I suspect that he does not when he has Marcus training others to prophesy.

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY sy, and they each divine318 according to their own desires. So the one who orders is even more authoritative than the prophetic spirit, while yet a human, which is impossible (Ag. Heresies 1.13.4|1.7.3).319

Irenaeus, and later, Hippolytus, see Marcus’ training method as entirely spurious. Of course, “open your mouth, say whatever comes to you” does sound suspect, but it is not completely out of the playing field. If the worshiper is in a state of spiritual exultation, e.g. enthusiasm, such speech may well be regarded as “in the Spirit.” This may not be exactly what a modern Pentecostal would say, but it is not necessarily fakery either. Irenaeus’ argument is largely ad hominem, and given Irenaeus’ mindset on such things, it is not a bad argument. From our point of view, however, distancing ourselves from both doctrine and from Latin mores, this can be read as an entirely reasonable account of training to prophesy (in the epipneumatic manner).320 The issue of control is important. Does Irenaeus imagine that true prophets are seized and without control, as in some varieties of mediumship, or is he simply saying that the “prophetic spirit” has the right of initiation (as does Hermas)? In Corinth, Paul tells us that “the spirits of the prophets submit(s) to the prophets” (see above p. 98), suggesting control, but he is addressing the individual

318 ‘Divine’ used here in the traditional sense of ‘to prophesy from an inappropriate source,’ which is Irenaeus’ intention, rather than as a verbal form of ‘divination’ as defined above (p. 44). 319 ὡς εἰώθασιν ἐπὶ τοῖς δείπνοις τοῦ κλήρου οὗτοι πάντοτε παίζειν, καὶ ἀλλήλοις ἐγκελεύεσθαι τὸ προφητεύειν, καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἰδίας ἐπιθυµίας ἑαυτοῖς µαντεύεσθαι, ἔσται ὁ κελεύων µείζων τε καὶ κυριώτερος τοῦ προφητικοῦ πνεύµατος, ἄνθρωπος ὢν, ὅπερ ἀδύνατον

(ed. Harvey). 320 Of course, entirely inappropriate both from the point of view of Irenaeus’ Proto-orthodoxy, but also from the point of view of Latin pudicitia (Langlands, 2006).

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authority to shut it down, not necessarily initiate it.321 Obviously Marcus sees it going both ways. I have seen similar situations in Charismatic groups where members are trained in the art of prophecy. There is prayer, and perhaps a short worship time, all designed to build up the emotional connection to God, and then participants are asked to step out and let God speak through them: whatever comes to mind, whatever image seems to present itself, etc. In the next step, they will be trained to exercise some sort of judgment, but the goal is always to be as open a conduit as possible so that God’s message will emerge unmodified.322 Marcus is also accused of practicing sorcery. In a Communion celebration he turns the wine’s color, and makes it overflow its cup. Hippolytus (6.35) takes Irenaeus’ account and expands it slightly to try and demonstrate that it is merely trickery. He is probably right (by modern standards, these are easy chemistry tricks), which simply means that Marcus stands in a long honored tradition of religious performance (see above, p. 14, n. 31). Irenaeus also tells us that Marcus is in the habit of seducing his female disciples. It is certainly true that history is packed with sexual misconduct under the guise of religion. There is no compelling reason to exonerate Marcus in this regard. But, what Irenaeus sees as proof of ill-intent, may well be an integral part of the training process. Stripped of the heresiarch’s vituperations, Marcus’ relations with his female disciples may look a lot like hieros gamos,

321

Paul’s argument in 1 Cor. 14.28ƒƒ could be read such that if a message comes to a second prophet, it is an indication that the first should back off, simply because, since God is a god of harmony (v. 33), s/he would not speak through more than one at a time. 322 From Marcus’ point of view, this is the “seed of light” bearing fruit (“the mustard seed on good ground”). When Charis is implanted in the prophetess she possesses divine knowledge. Prophecy, presumably, releases that knowledge. This would be a very different model from the catholic idea of messages originating from the outside, although it may not have appeared that foreign to Plato (see above, p. 74, n. 161).

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and may have been carefully designed to induce ecstasy. This may also explain the wedding garment in the preparatory ritual, above. Marcus’ prophets are obviously congregational and epipneumatic, although his original vision probably was neither.

Mixed Gnostics [2nd century, various places] There is a handful of the Proto-unorthodox about whom we know next to nothing, except that they claimed, or others claimed about them, that they had revelations and/or prophecies. Epiphanius (Medicine Box 40.7.6) mentions a pair, Martiades and Marsianos, honored by the Archontici. They were said to have been taken up to heaven and learned its mysteries for three days.323 It is well within the realm of possibility that this Marsianos is the same as the Marsanes whose name titles one of the texts found at Nag Hammadi, and who in any case should be included in our list.324 The Bruce Codex also mentions him, along with another, Nikotheos, as “perfect men” (Pearson in Robinson, 1978). Basilides claimed to have received revelations from the prophets Barkabbas and Barkoph (Agrippa in Eusebius, EH 4.7.7).325 His son Isidorus also claimed to interpret the prophecies of Parchor and Cham (Clement of Alexandria, Misc. 6.6.53.2). Parchor could be Barkoph (Harnack & McGiffert, 1910), and by the

323 οὗτοι δὲ καὶ ἄλλους προφήτας φασὶν εἶναι, Μαρτιάδην τινὰ καὶ Μαρσιανόν, ἁρπαγέντας εἰς τοὺς οὐρανοὺς καὶ διὰ ἡµερῶν τριῶν καταβεβηκότας (ed. Holl). 324

It should be noted that if Marsanes is not Marsianos, then we no longer have even this weak anchor connecting him to a time base. 325 Agrippa and Eusebius agree that Barkabbas and Barkoph are both fictional. Basilides was in Alexandria, according to Eusebius. The “others,” he says, were given “barbarous names so as to amaze those who are awed by things like that” [βαρβάρους τε αὐτοῖς εἰς κατάπληξιν τῶν τὰ τοιαῦτα τεθηπότων ἐπιφηµίσαι προσηγορίας (ed. Bardy)]. Of course giving special names to people with special revelation, or even to the exceptionally devout, is not that unusual.

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same stretch, Cham could be Barkabbas; Barkabbas could be Barabba (Barabbas); and speculations could continue for some time. In the same time period the Carpocratians “boasted… of certain demons who gave them dreams and support” (Eusebius, EH 4.7.9, based on Irenaeus Ag. Heresies 1.25|1.20.1).326 Once again, we should probably assume that they boasted of “angels” or “spirits,” and Irenaeus heard this as “demons.” Proto-orthodox

Polycarp [~155, Asia Minor] Polycarp’s overall ministry would take us back somewhat in our chronological journey. However, he appears here in our history simply because the only report we have of his prophetic nature comes from the end of his life.327 He is said to have had a prophetic vision (parasensory) by which he predicted the manner of his death. The following are extracts from the Martyrdom of Polycarp. So, about three days before he was captured, he had a vision while he was praying in which he saw his pillow being consumed with fire. Then he turned and said to those who were with him, “I must be burned alive” (5.2).328

Brought to the arena, he cannot be fed to the wild beasts, so Then [the crowd] decided to cry out, all together, that Polycarp should be burned alive. This was necessary in order that what was revealed to him in his pillow vision may be fulfilled–when he saw it burning while he was praying, he turned to those

326

ὀνειροποµποῖς τε καὶ παρέδροις τισὶ δαίµοσιν (ed. Bardy).

327

Although we might include Ignatius’ message to Polycarp in Poly. 2.2b (above, p. 126) as evidence. 328 καὶ προσευχόµενος ἐν ὀπτασιᾳ γέγονεν πρὸ τριῶν ἡµερῶν τοῦ συλληφθῆναι αὐτόν, καὶ εἶδεν τὸ προσκεφάλαιον αὐτοῦ ὑπὸ πυρὸς κατακαιόµενον· και στραφεὶς εἶπεν πρὸς τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ· ∆εῖ µε ζῶντα καῆναι (ed. Lightfoot).

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY faithful who were with him and said prophetically, “I must be burnt alive” (12.3).329

Later the author eulogizes him: This admirable Polycarp certainly was one of [the elect], being, in our time, an apostolic and prophetic teacher, an overseer of the holy Church in Smyrna. For every word that went out from his mouth was, or will be, fulfilled (16.2).330

Several things are worth noting. The first is that while it is a vision, it is in a communal context—others are with him, presumably also praying. Even though the “message” seems to be targeted at Polycarp himself, the fact that he immediately shares it tells us that its significance is also for the congregation (presumably so that when it is fulfilled they will know that it was in God’s hands). This, then, is a congregational prophecy, at least from my point of view. The eulogy contains a few interesting phrases. He is called an “apostolic and prophetic teacher.” Since Polycarp died around 155, he is well past the “apostolic age,” although Irenaeus (Ag. Heresies 3.3) tells us that he was a disciple of John (presumably the apostle), although he must have been very young (and John very old). This may be why he was called neither apostle nor prophet, but those words are used to modify his proper title, teacher. Nevertheless, the phrase, “in our time,” may be telling us that the author views it as appropriate to assign him these titles, even if the proper age is

τότε ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς ὁµοθυµαδὸν ἐπιβοῆσαι, ὥστε τὸν Πολύκαρπον ζῶντα κατακαῦσαι. ἔδει γὰρ τὸ τῆς φανερωθείσης ἐπὶ τοῦ προσκεφαλαίου ὀπτασίας πληρωθῆναι, ὅτε ἰδὼν αὐτὸ καιόµενον προσευχόµενος εἰπεν ἐπιστραφεὶς τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ πιστοῖς προφητικῶς· ∆εῖ µε ζῶντα καῆναι (eds. Lightfoot & Harmer). 330 ...τῶν ἐκλεκτῶν· ὧν εἷς καὶ οὗτος γεγόνει ὁ θαυµασιώτατος [Πολύκαρπος], ἐν τοῖς καθ’ ἡµᾶς χρόνοις διδάσκαλος ἀποστολικὸς καὶ προφητικὸς γενόµενος, ἐπίσκοπος τῆς ἐν Σµύρνῃ ἁγίας ἐκκλησίας. πᾶν γὰρ ῥήµα, ὃ ἀφῆκεν ἐκ τοῦ στόµατος αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐτελειώθη καὶ τελειωθήσεται (eds. Lightfoot & Harmer). 329

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past. However, the phrase, “every word that went out from his mouth,” a clear reference to 1 Sam. 3.19, should remove all doubt that not only does the author consider him a prophet, but one of the highest order. There is, to be sure, the problem of whether any of this is to be believed at all. It is true that the martyrdom scene tends to wax fabular, which does not engender confidence. From the outset it must be said that it is believable because the author thinks it is. That is to say that it is more important to this study to ask what sort of things would have been acceptable in, in this case, late second century communities than to ask whether this particular account is actually historical. Having said that, and without a hard commitment, I do not see a reason to reject this part of the story, per se. People have visions; this story is consistent with other verifiable stories; sometimes (perhaps randomly) they turn out to be true.

Celsus [~170, Palestine/Lebanon] Celsus331 probably wrote his True report (Ἀληθὴς λόγος) between 170 and 180 (Frend, 1984). It has not survived, except in (extensive) quotations within Origen’s refutation (Against Celsus). True report was an attempt to refute Christianity, as Celsus observed it in the later second Century. Its strengths and weaknesses, from the point of view of modern scholarship, lie in the fact that, although

331

Celsus is another of our useful non-Christian sources for second century Chrisitan activity. What has survived of Celsus’ magnum opus does so because of Origen’s attempt to refute it (Against Celsus), in which he quotes or summarizes most of it, as far as can be told. Much of his distaste for Christianity centers around its assertions of exclusivity: a complaint frequently heard in our own time as well (Livingstone, 1977). He claims, during his travels, to have observed Christians prophecying, which he mocks. Origen, of course, takes his mockery, although not his claims, to task.

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Celsus did his homework on Christianity, he did not consistently distinguish between sects. At one point he gives a composite picture of (presumably) Christian332 prophecy. It is representative, he says of Phoenician and Palestinian prophets he has heard. There are many…, although nameless, from acquaintance with prayers both in and outside a temple, collecting in different cities or camps, gesticulating wildly as if prophesying. And each waving hands characteristically says “I am God, or a son of God, or a divine Spirit. I have returned because the world is dying, and you O humans, are undone as a result of unrighteousness. I want to rectify it. And you will see me again with manifest heavenly power. Happy is the one who worships me now, on all others I will cast eternal fire—both cities and rural areas. And people who do not perceive their guilt, will repent in vain and groan, but I will protect those who are faithful to me forever.” To these threats they offer, in addition, unknown, mysterious, and entirely unintelligible ravings, the meaning of which no sane person could grasp. So indistinct as to be meaningless, they give a foothold to any fool or scoundrel for anything; he can make it say whatever he wants (Ag. Celsus 7.9).333

332

Not all concede this. Schneemelcher (in Hennecke, 1964/1965) believes them to have been pagan oracles and, although he does not explain this conclusion, the facts that these prophets are “in and outside of temples” could give that impression. Πολλοί…, καὶ ἀνώνυµοι ῥᾷστα ἐκ τῆς προστυχούσης αἰτίας καὶ ἐν ἱεροῖς καὶ ἔξω ἱερῶν, οἱ δὲ καὶ ἀγείροντες καὶ ἐπιφοιτῶντες πόλεσιν ἢ στρατοπέδοις, κινοῦνται δῆθεν ὡς θεσπίζοντες. Πρόχειρον δ’ ἑκάστῳ καὶ σύνηθες εἰπεῖν· Ἐγὼ ὁ θεός εἰµι ἢ θεοῦ παῖς ἢ πνεῦµα θεῖον. Ἥκω δέ· ἤδη γὰρ ὁ κόσµος ἀπόλλυται, καὶ ὑµεῖς, ὦ ἄνθρωποι, διὰ τὰς ἀδικίας οἴχεσθε. Ἐγὼ δὲ σῶσαι θέλω· καὶ ὄψεσθέ µε αὖθις µετ’ οὐρανίου δυνάµεως ἐπανιόντα. Μακάριος ὁ νῦν µε θρησκεύσας, τοῖς δ’ ἄλλοις ἅπασι πῦρ αἰώνιον ἐπιβαλῶ καὶ πόλεσι καὶ χώραις. Καὶ ἄνθρωποι, οἳ µὴ τὰς ἑαυτῶν ποινὰς ἴσασι, µεταγνώσονται µάτην καὶ 333

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Celsus notes that there are different kinds of Christian prophecy, a point which Origen flatly rejects, but which is, of course, quite true. Unfortunately, so Origen tells us, he does not elaborate the differences. Celsus’ text can be read in a couple of different ways, leading to very different evaluations. This is where it becomes a problem that he does not distinguish, or perhaps cannot tell the difference, between different Christian sects. At first blush the message reads like religious hubris—something one might expect of a Simon Magus type character. The fact that Simon Magus presumably found a following in an earlier age tells us that this is not impossibility, particularly within the Gnostic flavors of Christianity. But if we remember that the prophet speaks as a mouthpiece for God, it may well be relatively orthodox prophecy. Viewed that way, the only unusual feature is that it is being used, apparently, for proselytism. We have not seen prophetic evangelism in any of the materials we have seen thus far (although Paul alludes to it in 1 Corinthians) and, to hear Celsus tell it, it was fairly commonplace. In the last segment he tells us that the prophets added “unknown, mysterious, and entirely unintelligible ravings, the meaning of which no sane person could grasp.”334 Kydd (1984) believes this is glossolalia, which is a possibility, but it could also be that the prophet has shifted into highly esoteric speech of which only the initiated can make sense (if anyone). This would, I am inclined to think, be characteristically Gnostic, but one person’s obvious is another person’s obscure. Origen, in any case, clearly takes it this

στενάξουσι· τοὺς δέ µοι πεισθέντας αἰωνίους φυλάξω…. Ταῦτ’ ἐπανατεινάµενοι προστιθέασιν ἐφεξῆς ἄγνωστα καὶ πάροιστρα καὶ πάντῃ ἄδηλα, ὧν τὸ µὲν γνῶµα οὐδεὶς ἂν ἔχων νοῦν εὑρεῖν δύναιτο· ἀσαφῆ γὰρ καὶ τὸ µηδέν, ἀνοήτῳ δὲ ἢ γόητι παντὶ περὶ παντὸς ἀφορµὴν ἐνδίδωσιν, ὅπῃ βούλεται, τὸ λεχθὲν σφετερίζεσθαι (ed. Bor-

ret). The ellipcized passages are Origen’s stylistic interjections. 334 ἄγνωστα καὶ πάροιστρα καὶ πάντῃ ἄδηλα (ed. Borret).

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way (as prophetic, that is, not as Gnostic). In the next section he says, interpreting these “ravings,” that prophets sometimes spoke plainly, particularly regarding proper behavior, but sometimes they were hard to understand. In regards to mysteries and esoterica and oracular subjects, which are too deep for common hearing, these are spoken of through enigmas and allegories, and so called dark sayings, and things designated parables, or simple proverbs.335

This is not congregational, strictly speaking, since it is presumably targeted at the unconverted, no matter how many of the converted may be sharing in the evangelistic experience. The psychological state is not clear. It could certainly be epipneumatic, but it must be kept in mind that the time frame is consistent with the early spread of Montanism, in which both contemporary critics and modern scholars generally see some type of mediumship.336 It should also be kept in mind that the prophecy is a composite; it does not necessarily all come from the same sect and does not have to be the result the same psychological state.

Irenaeus [2nd half of the 2nd century, Asia Minor, Rome, Lyons] Irenaeus was born sometime in the early second century and died in the late second or early third. He was still active in the early 190s when he appealed to Pope Victor on behalf of Quartodecimans in Asia Minor. He was a prolific writer, although much of his creative legacy has not survived.

…ὅσα δὲ µυστικώτερα ἦν καὶ ἐποπτικώτερα καὶ ἐχόµενα θεωρίας τῆς ὑπὲρ τὴν πάνδηµον ἀκοήν, ταῦτα «δι’ αἰνιγµάτων» καὶ ἀλληγοριῶν καὶ τῶν καλουµένων σκοτεινῶν λόγων καὶ τῶν ὀνοµαζοµένων παραβολῶν ἢ παροιµιῶν ἀπεφήναντο (ed. Borret). 335

336

Labriolle (1913) did not believe this to be Montanist although there is no real reason to exclude any group.

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To our knowledge, he never identified himself as a prophet, so his usefulness to this study is as a witness to active intermediaries in communities with which he was familiar. We have already looked at his disdain for Marcus, but he does make one more useful comment in that section: Some of his former female devotees…, understand… that only those to whom God sends his gift from above receive the God-given gift of prophecy, and they speak only where and when God wills, and not when Marcus commands (Ag. Heresies 1.13.4|1.7.3).337

That the prophets speak “where and when God wills” may suggest a type of possession, but it may simply mean that they speak only when spoken to. In any case, he implies that it is a contemporary phenomenon. In Ag. Heresies 2.32.4 (quoted in Eusebius, EH 5.7.4) Irenaeus tells us Some drive out demons, really and truly, so that many who have been cleansed from evil spirits also believe and join the assembly. Others have foreknowledge, and visions, and prophetic messages. Yet others have gifts of healing through laying on of hands, and they are made whole. In fact, as I said, the dead have been raised and continued to be with us for some time…338

Ἤδη δὲ τῶν προτέρων τινὲς γυναικῶν…ἀκριβῶς εἰδυῖαι... ἀλλ’ οἷς ἂν ὁ Θεὸς ἄνωθεν ἐπιπέµψῃ τὴν χάριν αὑτοῦ, οὗτοι θεόσδοτον ἔχουσι τὴν προφητείαν, καὶ τότε λαλοῦσιν ἔνθα καὶ ὁπότε Θεὸς βούλεται, ἀλλ’ οὐχ ὅτε Μάρκος κελεύει (ed. Harvey). 338 οἳ µὲν γὰρ δαίµονας ἐλαύνουσιν βεβαίως καὶ ἀληθῶς, ὥστε πολλάκις καὶ πιστεύειν ἐκείνους αὐτοὺς τοὺς καθαρισθέντας ἀπὸ τῶν πονηρῶν πνευµάτων καὶ εἶναι ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, οἳ δὲ καὶ πρόγνωσιν ἔχουσιν τῶν µελλόντων καὶ ὀπτασίας καὶ ῤήσεις προφητικάς, ἄλλοι δὲ τοὺς κάµνοντας διὰ τῆς τῶν χειρῶν ἐπιθέσεως ἰῶνται καὶ ὐγιεῖς 337

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Warfield (1918/1983) objects to the raising of the dead. This, he says, confirms that Irenaeus is simply recounting the glories of the first century, and so, the same applies for the passages on prophecy.339 It is not clear, though, how this helps Irenaeus against his opponents (Simon and Carpocrates). In any case Ag. Heresies 2.31.2|2.48.2 specifies both: …as [did] the apostles through prayer, and among the brothers often as a result t of necessity (also EH 5.7.2).340

A similar passage can be found in Ag. Heresies 5.6.1 (partially quoted in EH 5.7.6) Consequently, the apostle says, “We speak wisdom among the perfect,” calling ‘perfect’ those who take hold of the Spirit of God and speak in all tongues through the Spirit of God, just as did He. Just as we have heard many of the brethren in the Church, having prophetic charismata, speaking many tongues through the Spirit, uncovering people’s secrets for the collective good, and explaining the mysteries of God. The Apostle calls this sort of person ‘spiritual.’341

ἀποκαθιστᾶσιν, ἤδη δέ, καθὼς ἔφαµεν, καὶ νεκροὶ ἠγέρθησαν καὶ παρέµειναν σὺν ἠµῖν ἔτεσιν ἰκανοῖς… (ed. Harvey). 339

McGiffert (1890), too, struggles with this, but points to Irenaeus’ honesty elsewhere, and to such reports as late as the time of Augustine. Pentecostals and Charismatics still occasionally make such claims, usually about someone far away and unverifiable, but all the claim needs is a credulous audience. In any case it is not that unusual for the near-dead to recover, sometimes dramatically, and, if this is after prayer, well then, they are raised from the dead. καὶ οἰ ἀπόστολοι διὰ προσευχῆς καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀδελφότητι πολλάκις διὰ τὸ ἀναγκαῖον (ed. Harvey). 341 Propter quod et Apostolus ait: Σοφίαν δὲ λαλοῦµεν ἐν τοῖς τελείοις; perfectos dicens eos qui perceperunt Spiritum Dei, et omnibus linguis loquuntur per Spiritum Dei, quemadmodum et ipse loquebatur. ‘καθὼς καὶ πολλῶν ἀκούοµεν ἀδελφῶν ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ προφητικὰ 340

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There are other passages,342 but these should suffice to show that for Irenaeus, prophecy was probably a contemporary phenomenon, although he does not give enough information to help us know much about its social or psychological features.

Attalus [2nd half of the 2nd century, Lyons] Eusebius describes, from a document primarily dedicated to the persecution at Lyon (under Marcus Aurelius, reigned 161–180), an ascetic named Alcibiades who was arrested and attempted to maintain his abstemious lifestyle in prison. He did not fare well in the arena. Attalus,343 possibly a physician originally from Pergamum, who was himself later to be martyred in the same persecution, received a revelation that “Alcibiades was not doing well in refusing the creatures of God [i.e. meat], and was offending the others” (EH 5.3.2).”344 Bauer (1934/1971) comments that the nature of the revelation is not revealed to us, although visions were not uncommon. However, particularly in light of Attalus’ probable profession, I am inclined to read here nothing more than natural wisdom, accompanied, perhaps, by an epipneumatically based sense of the Spirit’s approval. Regardless of the psychological source, however,

χαρίσµατα ἐχόντων καὶ παντοδαπαῖς λαλούντων διὰ του πνεύµατος γλώσσαις καὶ τὰ κρύφια τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἰς φανερὸν ἀγόντων ἐπὶ τῷ συµφέροντι καὶ τὰ µυστήρια του θεου ἐκδιηγουµένων. quos et spiritales Apostolus vocat (ed. Harvey). 342 4.33.8|4.53.2 lists three active gifts: love, knowledge, and prophecy, and 4.33.3|4.52.3 addressed to contemporary false prophecy. 343 There is also an Attalus mentioned in Pergamus. 344 ᾿Αττάλῳ µετὰ τὸν πρῶτον ἀγῶνα ὃν ἐν τῷ ἀµφιθεάτρῳ ἤνυσεν, ἀπεκαλύφθη ὅτι µὴ καλῶς ποιοίη ὀ᾿Αλκιβιάδης µὴ χρώµενος τοῖς κτίσµασι του θεοῦ καὶ ἄλλοις τύπον σκανδάλου ὐπολειπόµενος (ed.

Harvey). McGiffert (1890), notes, “Imprisoned confessors were never permitted to suffer for want of food and the other comforts of life so long as their brethren were allowed access to them. Compare e.g. Lucian’s Peregrinus Proteus.”

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Alcibiades was obedient to the revelation.345 We do not know the social origin of this message. The New Prophecy Somewhere in the second half of the second century, beginning in Phrygia, a new movement appeared. They were called by various different names, most commonly and least creatively, the Phrygians. 346 We do not know how soon they had a name for themselves, but Tertullian calls them the “New Prophecy” (Ag. Praxias 3; Ag. Marcion 3.24; Res. 6.3; see Bauer, 1971/1934). Most now know them as the Montanists. While still a recent convert, Montanus began to receive prophecies (Apolinarius in Eusebius EH, 5.16.7). This, in itself, was not unusual, as we have seen,347 but the manner of his prophesying was, at least from the point of view of some members of the community. It was apparently highly enthusiastic, in the proper sense of the term. Others, however, were drawn to him and he was quickly surrounded by a group of Christians. Some of them also

345 Bauer jokes (1934/1971, 176 n. 59), “Whether an ancient dungeon was really the best place to change one’s diet from bread and water to elegant cuisine is, of course, open to question.” 346 Or Cataphrygians, meaning “among the Phrygians.” 347 The Montanists would later claim as precedent two well respected prophets from that, or a slightly earlier, time period: Ammia (from Philadelphia) and Quadratus. None of the detractors of Montanism ever defame either of these two, or deny that they had the prophetic gift. Eusebius actually makes this point

…for many other wonders coming from gifts of God were still current in the Churches, which allowed their prophesying easily to be credited by many [πλεῖσται γὰρ οὖν καὶ ἄλλαι παραδοξοποιίαι τοῦ θείου χαρίσµατος εἰς ἔτι τότε κατὰ διαφόρους ἐκκλησίας ἐκτελούµεναι πίστιν παρὰ πολλοῖς του κἀκείνους προφητεύειν παρεῖχον (ed. Bardy)] (EH 5.3.4).

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prophesied. Several names have come down to us, but the most famous were two women: Maximilla and Priscilla (Prisca).348 Their penchant for enthusiasm, and perhaps mediumship, may have lead to their initial marginalization, but once marginalized they began to develop some theological idiosyncrasies, any one of which may have caused catholic eyebrows to raise, but taken together, along with the enthusiasm, resulted in the New Prophecy getting the thumbs down from the bishop of Rome,349 and subsequently being considered a heresy.

348 A third woman, Quintilla, is known to us perhaps only by name. Epiphanius (Medicine Box 49.2) lists her with Priscilla as if they, and not Montanus, were the founders (Kraemer, 1992). Trevett (1996) thinks she may be a later prophetess of the New Prophecy. Others hold that Quintilla and Priscilla are the same person (Chapman, 1913). Epiphanius cannot remember whether the famous Jerusalem prophecy (see below, p. 169) was hers or Priscilla’s (Medicine Box 49.1); Augustine has it as both (Heresies 1:17). Tertullian mentions a Quintilla (On Baptism 1) of whom he does not approve, who is apparently a member of the Cainites; it it unlikely that they are the same person.

349 Tertullian complains that the bishop (Victor) had originally acknowledged the New Prophecy, and had “brought peace to the Churches in Asia and Phrygia.” Then an opponent of the Montanists (Praxias), who Tertullian also knew to be a Monophysite, persuaded the bishop to reverse his decision.

So, Praxias accomplished two diabolic missions in Rome: he expelled prophecy and introduced heresy; he put the Paraclete to flight and crucified the Father. [nam idem tunc episcopum romanum, agnoscentem iam prophetias Montani, Priscae, Maximillae, et ex ea agnitione pacem ecclesiis Asiae et Phrygiae inferentem, falsa de ipsis prophetis et ecclesiis eorum adseverando et praecessorum eius auctoritates defendendo coegit et litteras pacis revocare iam emissas et a proposito recipiendorum charismatum concessare. ita duo negotia diabolic Praxeas Romae procuravit, prophetiam expulit et haeresim intulit, paracletum fugavit et patrem crucifixit (ed. Evans).] (Ag. Praxias

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Their doctrinal problems began with a strong ascetic tendency in regards to sexual matters. Maximilla and Priscilla both left their husbands to devote themselves to the New Prophecy.350 The community apparently considered second marriages to be the same as fornication (Tertullian, Modesty 1.10.20). Somewhere in the region of Pepuza and Tymion (in Phrygia) Priscilla351 had a dreamvision in which [She said,] Christ appeared to me [in sleep], in the form of a woman352 in shining robes and gave me wisdom and revealed

1.5) 350

We do not know any more details. Was this entirely motivated by a desire for celibacy? Were their husbands strongly anti-enthusiastic and had they demanded that their wives cease and desist? Were the women on their second marriages? Apollonius (Eusebius, EH 5.18.2) tells us that they encouraged the dissolution of marriages. This may have been the case early on (it is not mentioned by Tertullian), but this may simply be Apollonius’ inference from the leading women’s behavior. In any case the community granted Pricilla, at least, the status of a virgin, which attracts Apollonius’ ridicule (EH 5.18.3). 351 Or Quintilla. Epiphanius is not sure who the prophetess was (Bauer, 1934/1971). 352 Kraemer sees in Christ appearing as a woman (among other things) a connection to the cult of Cybele. Cross fertilization of religious ideas is not to be assumed, but it is entirely likely, and when apparent similarities appear, the burden of proof is on those who deny it. But it needs to be kept in mind that communities are usually aware of what makes their system unique, and are not generally inclined to violate those aspects. Gender bending of divinity we also saw in Marcus’ vision and his subsequent use of Charis (presumably dependent on the divine feminine among Valentinians. Perpetua and Thomas both gender bent the individual believer (see below). The Church appears personified as a woman in both Revelation and Hermas, at least. It does seem odd that one of the most striking features of the vision, Christ appearing as a woman, is completely passed over by the prophetess’ detractors. Besides noting that this is a full reversal of the gynophobic

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to me that this place is holy and that it is here that Jerusalem will descend from heaven (Epiphanius, Medicine Box 49.1)353

The community took this seriously and set up shop there. Needless to say this attracted some derision.354 Maximilla at one point had a similarly problematic prophecy: After me, there will no longer be a prophet, rather, the fulfillment. (Epiphanius, Medicine Box 48.2.4)355

The point of this is probably not cessationist, but to emphasize the immanence of the Parousia. But when the end did not come after her death it became a problem for the community.356 Not that it

tendencies of the catholic leadership, it even puts to shame the backhanded inclusiveness of the Gospel of Thomas 114 (see below p. 189, n. 404), where Jesus plans to make Magdalene into a male so that “she may also become a living spirit.” It would, perhaps, not have seemed out of place to the Odist, however, whose Holy Spirit is feminine and whose Father-God has breasts (see above, p. 138, n. 287). ἐν ἰδέᾳ, [φησί,] γυναικός, ἐσχηµατισµένος ἐν στολῇ λαµπρᾷ ἦλθε πρός µε Χριστὸς καὶ ἐνέβαλεν ἐν ἐµοὶ τὴν σοφίαν καὶ ἀπεκάλυψέ µοι τουτονὶ τὸν τόπον εἶναι ἅγιον καὶ ὧδε τὴν Ἱερουσαλὴµ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ κατιέναι (ed. Holl). 353

Some doubt has been cast on the authenticity of this oracle (see Heine, 1989). 354 The reader will likely recall that Joseph Smith had a similar revelation, only in his version Jerusalem turned out to be in Indiana. Poirier (1999) points out that where most modern scholars read Priscilla/Quintilla’s prophecy as chiliastic, that is not demanded by the oracle itself, nor even by Epiphanius’ reading (Medicine Box 49.1–3). Reading it in light of Sirach 24, Poirier sees “Jerusalem” as symbolically the place where the wise are found. Read this way, it would not be unlike an Anglican saying that Canterbury was the new Rome. 355 µετ' ἐµὲ προφήτης οὐκέτι ἔσται, ἀλλὰ συντέλεια (ed. Holl). 356 Miltiades (Eusebius, EH 5.17.4), writing fourteen years after her demise, asks where the successors are, if they, as they claim, were simply holding their place in the line of prophets. It may be that the core com-

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died out. Some form of Montanism may have lasted as late as the ninth century, but if Epiphanius is to be believed, it lacked its most definitive characteristic—prophecy.357 Montanus apparently tried to normalize the flow of money into and out of the community, collecting offerings and paying prophetic leaders. They are accused of prophesying for profit (Apollonius in Eusebius, EH 5.18.4–7).358 The same author says they wear fancy clothes; some dye their hair and use eye shadow (EH 5.18.5 & 11). These last points may be baseless slander, particularly considering the otherwise ascetic nature of the group,359 but they are hauntingly reminiscent of Hermas’ complaints. Less likely to be baseless, they are accused of “setting forth new Scriptures” (Caius in Eusebius, EH 6.20.3). It is certainly true

munity in Phrygia took Maximilla’s prophecy so seriously that they shut off the faucet of intermediation after she died. It was still flowing in Tertullian’s part of the world, but 200 years later when Epiphanius is writing his Medicine Box, he can ask pointedly, “…why do they have no more prophets after Montanus, Priscilla, and Maximilla? (48.2.1)” It is possible that Epiphanius is simply mimicking Miltiades, but more likely, I suspect, he is targeting this question at the contemporary sect, which was still active. 357 Although on this point, note Firmilian’s problem, below, in which an apparently Montanist prophetess is active around 234. If Maximilla were still alive, she would have to be very old at that point. 358 Obviously, both the Didachist and Hermas would likely agree with this criticism. 359 Equally baseless is the accusation made in later centuries that they pricked babies and mixed their blood with the host of the Eucharist. Similar accusations (baby killing) are often made of any group when running out of accusations with real substance, and the early Christians were no exception. Before them it had been the Bacchantes, and later (as well, perhaps, as earlier) it would be the Cathari, the witches, and the Jews. The unknown author generally referred to as Praedestinatus (26) suggests that this slander was known to Tertullian, who refuted it in one of his defenses of Montanism (lost to us). It may well not be that old, however, and only shows up in surviving documents in the fourth century—Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. 16.8 (Tabernee, 2007).

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that Tertullian occasionally quotes prophecies as if they have authority similar to Scripture (e.g. The soul 9; Chastity 10). What was and was not (New Testament) scripture was still in flux, but it is likely that the community collected oracles and perhaps had some of their own, highly regarded, writings.360 Themiso, for example, is accused of having written a “certain catholic epistle,”361 which Apollonius regards as insolent (EH 5.18.5). Most damning of all, perhaps, they were egalitarian, at least when it came to the prophetic gifts. Frend believes that this feature of Montanism was as important as any in its rejection by the catholic leadership (See also Trevett, 1996). He sees parallels to the reform movement under Nehemiah where “the prophetess Noadiah and the rest of the prophets” (Neh. 6.14) are included among the leader’s opponents. Now, after six centuries, the new Israel was confronted with the same problem, either an organized urban and hierarchal church with set forms of worship and discipline and a set relationship with the outside world, or a church of the Spirit in which men and women participated equally as the vehicles of

360

Hippolytus says, for example,

They assert that they have learned more from these than from the Law, the Prophets and the Gospels. Further, they magnify all the charismata of these women more than the apostles. [πλεῖόν τι δι’ αὐτῶν φάσκοντες [ὡς] µεµαθηκέναι ἢ ἐκ 2 νόµου καὶ προφητῶν καὶ τῶν εὐαγγελίων. ὑπὲρ δὲ ἀποστόλους καὶ πᾶν χάρισµα ταῦτα τὰ γύναια δοξάζουσιν (ed. Marcovich).] (Ref. 8.12|8.19.1–2).

Tertullian, defending the Montanist position on second marriage, says If Christ abolished Moses’ precept because “from the beginning it was not so”…, why should the paraclete not abolish what Paul allowed? [Si enim Christus abstulit, quod Moyses praecepit, quia ‘ab initio non fuit sic’…cur non et Paracletus abstulerit, quod Paulus indulsit (ed. Bulhart).] (Monogamy 14). 361 καθολικήν τινα συνταξάµενος ἐπιστολήν (ed. Bardy).

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY the Spirit. Once again, as in the old Israel, organization triumphed (Frend, 1984, 255ƒ).362

All this brings us to the question, “What do we know about this Montanist enthusiasm?” One thing we know is that it was not always enthusiasm. Apolinarius tells us (Eusebius, EH 5.16.14), that Montanus made claims “that he had ascended, at some point, and been received into heaven.”363 This has the appearance of an apocalyptic vision, which usually leaves the subject appearing asleep or catatonic.364 Priscilla’s famous Jerusalem vision, it will be recalled, came to her in a dream.365 But apocalyptic trances and dream-visions did not bring on the execration of the catholic conservatives. Describing Montanus’ first prophecy, Apolinarius (quoted in Eusebius) tells us And he was suddenly mounted by a spirit (πνευµατοφορηθῆναι), possessed (κατοχῇ) by something, in a trance (παρεκστάσει) and inspired (ἐνθουσιᾶν) to rant and make alien sounds (ξενοφωνεῖν), prophesying in a fashion

362 Tertullian’s often negative attitude about women as a class of humanity needs to be seen through this tempering filter. His view of women functioning as conduits for the Spirit is consistently positive. 363 ὡς αἰρόµενόν ποτε καὶ ἀναλαµβανόµενον εἰς οὐρανοὺς (ed. Bardy). 364 Apolinarius informs us that Theodotus was also sometimes incorporated, which led to a fatal accident, but this is in the same context in which he recounts Montanus’ and Maximilla’s suicides. These, even Eusebius is reluctant to credit. Bauer (1934/1971) doesn’t think that Eusebius gives any of these dishonorable deaths credence (Eusebius says perhaps so, perhaps not—5.16.15), but he does report it because it supports his position. Theodotus’ death reminds him of Simon Magus.’ 365 This is probably best seen as a type of incubation, except that the holy place is not known until after the fact. It is highly reminiscent of Jacob’s dream at Bethel, which also gave rise to a holy place (or at least its etiology).

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contrary to the tradition and instruction of the Church, passed down from the beginning . (5.16.7)366

In spite of resistance, it caught on But [some others] being excited by the Holy Spirit and prophetic gifts, and more than a little light headed, forgot the Lord’s distinction [between true and false prophecy] . (5.16.8)367

Maximilla and Priscilla became involved ….so that they [began] to speak enthusiastically (ἐκφρόνως) and inappropriately, in a way similar to the previously mentioned person. (5.16.9)368

The description of Montanus’ initial prophecy has obvious points of connection to incorporation sects. The initial word (πνευµατοφορέω) is unusual, but means, literally, “spirit-bearing” reminiscent of the Yoruba-related groups’ use of “horse” to describe the rôle of the possessee in incorporation. Κατοχή is the normal word for possession in the Corybantic style groups, and παρεκστάσις, from ἔκστασις, probably simply means “trance” or, possibly, “some sort of trance.” One has the impression that the author is merely stringing as many questionable prophetic words as he can find into a single description. It is supposed to sound offthe-charts crazy. This does not mean that there is nothing of value here, though, only that we have to be careful about reading too

πνευµατοφορηθῆναί τε καὶ αἰφνιδίως ἐν κατοχῇ τινι καὶ παρεκστάσει γενόµενον ἐνθουσιᾶν ἄρξασθαί τε λαλεῖν καὶ ξενοφωνεῖν, παρὰ τὸ κατὰ παράδοσιν καὶ κατὰ διαδοχὴν ἄνωθεν τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἔθος δῆθεν προφητεύοντα (ed. Bardy). 367 οἳ δὲ ὡς ἁγίῳ πνεύµατι καὶ προφητικῷ χαρίσµατι ἐπαιρόµενοι καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα χαυνούµενοι καὶ τῆς διαστολῆς του κυρίου ἐπιλανθανόµενοι (ed. Bardy). 368 ὡς καὶ λαλεῖν ἐκφρόνως καὶ ἀκαίρως καὶ ἀλλοτριοτρόπως, ὁµοίως τῷ προειρηµένῳ (ed. Bardy). 366

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much into this passage. The language does tend to lead the reader to think of the possession experiences associated with the Corybantes, Bacchantes, and similar groups—what Plato would call telestic µανία. Ξενοφωνέω gives the immediate impression of speaking in tongues (with the author choosing not to dignify it with the New Testament term). This is a possibility, and is probably why Latourette says that Montanus “‘spoke with tongues’ at his baptism” (1965).369 It is also possible that this just describes “strange sounds.”370 The possibility of glossolalia is also raised by a phrase a couple paragraphs further on where we are told that the Montanists reviled the catholics …because we did not receive their ἀµετροφώνους prophets (5.16.12)371

McGiffert (1890) translates ἀµετροφώνους as “loquacious;” Lake gives “chattering;” Oulton prefers “of unbridled tongues” (Kydd, 1984). Kydd wants to read it as “speak in an indefinite number of what sounds like languages” and concludes that it is tongues (35).

369 He may have assumed too much, including that the setting of this incident is Montanus’ baptism. 370 This might also be considered a subset of glossolalia in modern research. Émile Lombard, for example identified 4 types: phonations frustes, pseudo-language, verbal fabrication, and xenoglossia (Lombard, 1910, cited in May, 1965/1986). To this might be added spirit language, animal language, and sacerdotal language (May, 1965/1986). These range all the way from grunts and moans (phonations frustes) to full blown (consciously) unlearned language (xenoglossia). Sacerdotal is learned, archaic language, often unknown to any but the specialists. What we normally term “tongues” usually falls into the categories between pseudo-language and xenoglossia (this being fairly rare). Montanus could have been practicing any of the others as well, although phonations frustes seems particularly likely. 371 ...ὅτι µὴ τοὺς ἀµετροφώνους αὐτῶν προφήτας ἐδεξάµεθα (ed. Bardy).

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Latourette (1953) and Lombard (1915) agree (Kydd 1984). It is possible, but ἀµετροφώνους etymologically suggests ‘unmeasuredsounding.’ If prophecy was expected to be metered/poetic, perhaps Apolinarius is offended when it (at least sometimes) is not (e.g. some sort of proof of lack of inspiration). This suggestion, however, may be crippled by the surviving oracles, on either side of the aisle. What few oracles we have seen in the course of this investigation do not appear to be any more metered than the surviving Montanist logia.372 Maximilla and Priscilla, we are told, spoke ἐκφρόνως (out of mind). This, too, is a characteristically old Greek term, used both for prophetic and poetic enthusiasm. What we have called incorporation is a form of trance, practiced among the Yoruba which, it has been argued (by, e.g., Rouget, 1985), is in so many points similar to the practices of the Corybantes, that in all probability, it is essentially the same. I would be inclined to quibble because the former do not intermediate, and I believe the latter did. But, the Ubanda are Yoruba derivatives, and they do offer “consultations,” which are intermediation. If the language used here is, perhaps even deliberately, intended to lead us to think of these groups, then it is possible that Montanus and his two most famous prophetesses experienced prophecy in much the same way. This is the position usually taken by modern scholarship when approaching these texts. It is reinforced by catholic criticisms which suggest that the prophets lacked control of their own bodies. Eusebius quotes Apolinarius who quotes Miltiades who quotes Alcibiades:373

372 There are prophetic forms, which Aune identifies and analyses at length (1983), but the New Prophecy’s contribution to the list, when they are preserved in greater length than a single line, are consistent with the other material. Of course, the Odes cannot be admitted as evidence because their genre is different. 373 Who is actually being quoted by a Montanist respondent, from whom Miltiades extracts the text of Alcibiades!

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY But the false prophet, having fallen into a trance, lacks shame and fear. Starting from voluntary unknowing,374 he selfdestructs to the point of involuntary375 psychic376 µανία (EH 5.17.2).377

My translation may shove the intention too far in the direction of mysticism, but it is clear that the author means us to understand that this false prophet has lost control, and probably that he is amnesiac. He goes on to argue that none of the real prophets, new or old,378 was ever incorporated (πνευµατοφορηθέντα).379

374 The normal word for unlearned would be ἀµαθής, sometimes applied to heretics (e.g. 2 Pet. 3.16). This word (ἀµαθία) appears in Xenophon for being involuntarily unaware (Liddell & Scott, 1889). It is not that the ecstatic in this passage is uneducated, but that he chooses to suppress knowledge. Perhaps it is as simple as “he empties his mind,” but, while that might be useful in making oneself open to epipnoia, it would hardly lead to the condition described in the next clause. 375 “Voluntary” and “involuntary” are similarly connected in the original (ἑκουσίου & ἀκούσιον). The prophet’s volition projects him into a state of involition. 376 Or perhaps “psychotic”; in any case it is “µανία of the soul.”

ἀλλʼ ὅ γε ψευδοπροφήτης ἐν παρεκστάσει, ᾧ ἕπεται ἄδεια καὶ ἀφοβία, ἀρχοµένου µὲν ἐξ ἑκουσίου ἀµαθίας, καταστρέφοντος δὲ εἰς ἀκούσιον µανίαν ψυχῆς (ed. Bardy). 377

378

By which he could mean New or Old Testament, although there is nothing to make us think that Alcibiades is a cessationist, so by “new” he may intend to include contemporary. 379 τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τρόπον οὔτε τινὰ τῶν κατὰ τὴν παλαιὰν οὔτε τῶν κατὰ τὴν καινὴν πνευµατοφορηθέντα προφήτην δεῖξαι δυνήσονται

(5.17.3) (ed. Bardy).

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Tertullian [Montanist activity early 3rd century, Carthage] Tertullian, who became a Montanist probably around 207,380 tells us, from a positive side, that prophecy always requires an altered state NTE in the dissociative category: When a person is connected to the Spirit, particularly when seeing the glory of God, or when God speaks through him, it is inevitable that he loses consciousness—obviously—having been overshadowed by the power of God. This is a point of dispute between us and the intellectuals381 (Ag. Marcion 4.22.5).382 [In] this power we call trance, consciousness withdraws and [the prophet] appears to be unhinged (The soul 45.3).383

In Tertullian’s community it appears that trance was the normal mental state associated with prophecy. The type of trance is not completely clear, though, and may depend on what he means by amentia (unhinged), which could be anything from catatonic to convulsive or raving. We get some hint in his description of a prophetess in Carthage.

380 From 207 on we find increasing references to Montanism and use of Montanist vocabulary (Kydd, 1984). 381 Psychicos is a technical term used by Tertullian for the catholics. He is likely to be drawing on 1 Cor. 2.14ƒƒ, where the ψυχικός is contrasted unfavorably with the πνευµατικός. It is not the same as “carnal,” as it is sometimes translated, however. Tertullian would reserve “carnal” for someone who was either not a Christian, or a Christian unable to control their baser instincts. I have chosen “intellectuals” because, I think, that is as close as we are going to get to the general sense of someone who’s spirituality stops short of the full available blessing. 382

Ιn spiritu enim homo constitutus, praesertim cum gloriam dei conspicit, vel cum per ipsum deus loquitur, necesse est excidat sensu, obumbratus scilicet virtute divina, de quo inter nos et psychicos quaestio est

(ed. Evans). 383

Hanc uim ecstasin dicimus, excessum sensus et amentiae instar (ed.

Waszink).

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY There is a sister currently with us whose portion384 is revelatory charismata. In church, in the middle of the Lord’s Day service, she will experience a trance in the Spirit: communication with angels, sometimes even with the Lord. She sees and hears sacred mysteries, sometimes discerns hearts, and provides needed remedies.385 During the scripture reading, singing of psalms, sermon delivery, or offering of prayers—in any of this —she may receive a vision. I had been holding forth about the soul (I cannot be sure exact what I said), while our sister was in the spirit. After the dismissal at the end of the service, she usually tells us what she may have seen (since it is meticulously evaluated before being given approval). “Among other things,” she said [on this occasion], “a soul has been shown to me having a body, and the spirit was appearing, not with empty and insubstantial properties, but rather suggesting tangibility, delicate, bright, misty in color, and completely human in form.” This was the vision,386 and God was witness, and reliably does the Apostle predict that there will be charismata in the Church (The soul 9.4).387

384 What Tertullian calls “portion,” modern Charismatics might call, “gifting.” Paul seems to use the term χάρισµα in this fashion for any God-given skills used in the community, supernatural or not (e.g. Rom. 12), but for Tertullian charisma is a technical term for pneumatic manifestations. 385 Diagnosing medical problems and suggesting treatments was one of the specialties of Edgar Cayce. 386 “This was the vision” may have been part of the woman’s narrative, or it may have been Tertullian’s own concluding statement. 387

Est hodie soror apud nos reuelationum charismata sortita, quas in ecclesia inter dominica sollemnia per ecstasin in spiritu patitur; conuersatur cum angelis, aliquando etiam cum domino, et uidet et audit sacramenta et quorundam corda dinoscit et medicinas desiderantibus sumit. Iamuero prout scripturae leguntur aut psalmi canuntur aut allocutiones proferuntur aut petitiones delegantur, ita inde materiae uisionibus subministrantur. Forte

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There are several interesting features of this account. The woman falls into a trance of some variety. Presumably, from what we have seen, this is an essential feature of prophetism in Tertullian’s community. This takes place in the middle of the Sunday service. The image of the possessed that we find in Eusebius’ sources is completely closed out here. It is difficult to imagine Tertullian approving of the sort of Corybantic frenzy which Apolinarius and Alcibiades describe as characteristically Montanist in this context, largely because it would be extremely disruptive. Any yet, she “communicates” (conversatur) with angels and the Lord (and apparently claims to see souls). The image which emerges is one of what I called ecstasy (p. 34; The fact that this is also what Tertullian calls it is, more or less, coincidental). She would appear to be basically catatonic, or, at least, to be having a petit mal seizure, which can look like staring. Her inner experience would be that she was in some other place, probably, although she could still be experiencing the “real” world, but invisibly interacting with another. This is likely the context in which she “sees and hears sacred mysteries.” For Paul, “discerning hearts” is one of the rôles of congregational prophets (1 Cor. 14.25), but his prophets are, of necessity, conscious and in control (see above p. 98).388 During her trances,

nescio quid de anima disserueramus, cum ea soror in spiritu esset. Post transacta sollemnia dimissa plebe, quo usu solet nobis renuntiare quae uiderit (nam et diligentissime digeruntur, ut etiam probentur), 'inter cetera,’ inquit, 'ostensa est mihi anima corporaliter, et spiritus uidebatur, sed non inanis et uacuae qualitatis, immo quae etiam teneri repromitteret, tenera et lucida et aerii coloris, et forma per omnia humana.' Hoc uisio et deus testis et apostolus charismatum in ecclesia futurorum idoneus sponsor (ed. Waszink). 388

What Paul means by orderliness is somewhat in the eye of the beholder. A reader raised in a structured liturgical setting will likely hear him calling for structured liturgy; someone used to a less structured setting may only hear Paul exorting the prophets not to talk all at once. What the Corinthian church was actually like at any given service may depend on the extent to which its practice was informed by synagogue form. For

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this woman probably is neither. Her in-service functions are consequently limited389 (in contrast, for Hermas, consciousness would be at the core of congregational, and therefore true, prophecy). My suspicion is that the Carthagian services were strictly ordered, and there would simply have been no place for one of Hermas’ (or Paul’s) congregational prophets. Her trances could also be where she “discerns hearts, and provides needed remedies,” but it is also possible that these intermediary activities take place outside the context of the service, and could even derive from different pneumatic senses. In either case, the messages are delivered at a later time, and perhaps, if Tertullian’s example is a general rule, after submitting her visions to the community leaders. 390 She enters trance during the service, and although it may be at different times, it may be that her introit is stimulated by aspects of the sacred ritual. There are plenty of parallels for this, particularly in the Western mystical traditions—and it must be noted that her trances have much more in common with those traditions than they do with the enthusiastic intermediaries. The environment of her experience is neither solitary nor silent, however, as Rouget insists rapture must be (1985), but I am not, in any case, convinced he is right.

Tertullian, I suspect, order would have looked more like structured liturgy, but we should not too quickly sell short his flexibility. 389 Fellow congregants are probably just glad that she does not snore, unlike some other members. 390 From Tertullian’s point of view, as well as Paul’s (1 Thess. 5.21), this submission has verification in light of received tradition as its primary goal. Secondarily it is so the keepers of those traditions might also have regular access to divine communication. In this regard, we do not know the extent to which either one of them were swayed in their opinions by intermediated messages, although it is a strong possibility, in both cases. Of course, that messages are sometimes submitted to leaders by no means indicates that they always were.

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It is possible to read Tertullian here such that his sermon on the soul stimulates the content of her vision. He does say she was in the Spirit during the sermon and it is possible to postulate from this that he is subconsciously seeding her vision, as is possible with dreams. I think it is safe to say that Tertullian would be very uncomfortable with this suggestion. From his perspective the Sprit gives her this vision specifically to confirm in his own mind his understanding regarding our inner nature. It is also possible that she is describing previous visions—the perfect and imperfect are used, suggesting previous continuing action—perhaps even several visions in which this “soul” has appeared to her. She may be recounting it precisely because it reinforces his message, not because it was that day’s vision.391 He similarly uses a woman congregant’s revelation to support his position on the appropriate length of women’s veils. He says that the whole back of the head needs to be covered, which, apparently, not all conformed to. He appeals to intermediation: The Lord has assigned the size of the veil by revelation. For one of our sisters, in sleep, was clapped on the neck by an angel, as if applauding. “An elegant neck,” he said, “deserving to be bare! It would be nice if you would show all, from head to

391

Distinctive features of Tertullian’s view of the soul included a) that individual souls did not exist prior to conception, b) they did not return in any kind of transmigrational fashion, and c) that they each had some sort of metaphysical body. This last point is the one confirmed (or perhaps suggested) in the vision just described. Tertullian wants to treat the vision as if it were a proof-text, although he realizes that not all will accept such proof. Usually, when he cites messages from intermediaries, he will preface them with a type of reverse disclaimer in which he tries to challenge those who do not believe such things. Of course, he also tries to support the position with textual and logical arguments. He does not tell us, although there certainly must have been cases, of local messages from “the Paraclete” of which he did not approve.

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY privates. Your liberated neck may not be enough to get what you want.” And certainly, what you have said to one, you have said to all392 (Veiling virgins 17.6).393

Use of abrasive sarcasm by an angel is certainly unusual. We also get the impression that the prophetess was not wearing the appropriate head gear in her dream, and it may well be that she was among those of whose manner of dress Tertullian disapproved (since this is clearly a rebuke).394 That it is a dream revelation recalls Priscilla’s (or Quintilla’s) Jerusalem vision, as well as those of Perpetua and Saturus (below, p. 170). This could, of course, be the same woman as in the previously discussed instance, but there is no reason to assume this. He also culls prophetic support for his position on veiling in 1.11, where he implies that there were other messages from the pneumatics on this topic as well.

392

If we end the vision-message, as I have, after “want” (prosit), then the last comment probably is added to tell us that the message to the visionary is appropriate for all women (or at least, virgins). Alternately, if it is still part of the message, the angel is presumably adding that the message sent from the neck is the same as that sent from other body parts. Once again, as with his position on souls, there is the possibility the Tertullian’s own view is being shaped by the vision (or that his report of the vision is being shaped by his own views). Certainly his position on second marriage was so shaped. 393 …nobis dominus etiam revelationibus velaminis spatia metatus est. Nam cuidam sorori nostrae angelus in somnis cervices, quasi applauderet, verberans: 'Elegantes,’ inquit, 'cervices et merito nudae! Bonum est, usque ad lumbos a capite veleris, ne et tibi ista cervicum libertas non prosit.' Et utique quod uni dixeris, omnibus dixeris (ed. Bulhart). 394 We can imagine that this would make her dream-vision doubly pleasing to Tertullian, since not only does it reinforce his own position, but it brings someone over from the opposition. However, since Tertullian is clearly influenced by these Spirit messages, we need to avoid jumping too quickly to the conclusion that the position presented is the one he already had. It is also possible that the woman’s revelation compelled him into a more conservative stance than that which he held beforehand.

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Finally, it is important to note that in stark contrast to Phrygian Montanism, at least as it comes down to us through the eyes of its detractors, these revelations reported by Tertullian are “meticulously evaluated.” It will be recalled that one major source of criticisms directed at Maximilla and Priscilla is that they make problematic predictions (relocated Jerusalem and Maximilla as last prophetess) and the community swallows them without caveat.395 This last point brings out a feature of North African Montanism which needs to be stressed. As Rex Butler (2004) notes, it was not necessarily identical with Asian Montanism. Phrygian Montanists are sometimes accused of monophysitism, which may have sometimes been accurate; Tertullian never is. Also, Carthagian New Prophets were, under Tertullian’s leadership probably more ascetic (in areas other than merely second marriage). The oracles referenced in Tertullian’s works are often assumed to contain Asian oracles, unless otherwise noted (as above), but it may well be the other way around. In addition to those oracles at which we have looked, some are attributed to Montanus by later writers and modern scholars—sometimes without apparent justification (although antique writers may have had collections of oracles containing attributions which have not survived). It is highly unlikely that the women described in The soul and Veiling virgins are the only intermediaries in his community. If no one else, we have the visionaries of Perpetua. He also quoted several unidentified intermediaries, attributing them to the Paraclete, the Spirit, or the Lord (Butler, 2004).396

395 It is not that Tertullian does not take prophecies seriously, as we have seen, but he does insist on evaluation. 396 Attributed by tradition, rather than Tertullian, to Montanus: Flight 9 (two sayings on martyrdom); Ag. Praxias 8.5 contains an oracle on the relationship between the Father and the Son (root and tree); Modesty 21.7 on remission of sins; explicitly attributed by Tertullian to Priscilla: Ex. to chastity 10.5 advances the cause of (sexual) purity, and On the resurrection 11.2 on hating the flesh.

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Perpetua and Saturus [early 3rd century; Carthage] The Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas clearly comes from the same theological world. Rader (1981) is not alone in thinking that it was edited by Tertullian.397 Certainly the editor makes the same kind of pro-prophecy polemic in the first chapter as we find in the famous theologian’s Montanist works.398 But for the purposes of this study it is hardly important. The useful parts of the book for this study are the four visions (taking the two regarding Dinocrates together as one). All claim to be written by visionaries themselves. From the outset it must be noted that the community viewed martyrs as in a special relationship with God. It should also be made clear that they became martyrs (i.e. witnesses) at the time of their standing firm at trial. Sometimes martyrs were released, and as long as they had not denied their faith, they were regarded as martyrs (or sometimes confessors).399 It is perhaps for this reason that Perpetua can reasonably expect that if she asks for a vision, as she

Other oracles either quoted or referred to, which do not appear in standard lists of Montanist oracles, include the following. The soul 55.5: a pro-martyrdom message with strong parallels to the one generally attributed to Montanus in Flight 9. The soul 58.8 (the soul suffers in Hades) does not actually quote the oracle, but refers to one for homiletic support. The Spirit apparently occasionally called for community fasts, which he mentions but does not quote in Fasts 13.5. In Veiling virgins 1.11 he refers to, apparently multiple, Spirit utterances in favor of veiling virgins. Chastity 1.7, 17.3. (Butler, 2004) See Appendix 2. 397 Mursurillo (1972) and Kydd (1984) agree, on stylistic grounds. Detering, however, argues that both Perpetua and To the martyrs are written by the same person, just not Tertullian. 398 Quoting Joel 2 in ch. 1 as does the Acts of the Apostles (2.17–21). 399 Apollonius accuses Themiso of purchasing his release and still insisting on being considered a martyr (Eusebius, EH 5.18.5). Presumably, from Apollonius’ point of view, in order to retain the title release would have to come from some other source—the magistrate’s mercy, or even the community’s intercession, but not from the arrestee himself. Although it is possible that for Apollonius a martyr would have to not be a Montanist.

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does at the beginning of chapter 4, she will receive one. For the same reason, the martyr’s visions are given credulity both by the editor, and the readers.400 In chapter 7 Perpetua realizes that her situation allows her to have a particularly effective prayer life, so she prays for her departed brother (Dinocrates) resulting in a couple of connected visions in which she seems to see her prayers answered. Each of the dreams/visions presents its own set of problems. Dinocrates was Perpetua’s natural brother, and since her family was pagan, it is natural to assume that he was too. He is presumably in hell, but Perpetua’s prayers are sufficient to at least lighten his suffering, but more likely admit him to heaven (8).401 Augustine said that he must have been baptized (On the Soul and its origin 2.14[X]) contra Vincentius Victor (Steinhauser, 1997). Post mortem salvation was still under discussion in his day, so presumably in Perpetua’s it was not a problem. A later rewriting of the same story, the Acts of Perpetua and Felicitas, perhaps for this reason, leaves it out.402 In any case, Vincentius cites Perpetua’s vision as an authority, and Augustine does not reject that authority, only its interpretation. In the first vision (4), she sees a narrow ladder to heaven with a serpent at its feet that is afraid at the mention of Jesus’ name, and Perpetua uses its head as a first step in climbing the ladder.403 The divine figure at the top welcomes her and offers her a curd from the sheep he is milking. This last image has a somewhat curious feel to it, and Powell (1975; cited in Kraemer) wonders if it is from this vision that the Montanist practice of using cheese in the Eu-

400

She has a leadership position among those imprisoned (Kraemer,

1992). 401

Or is he admitted to heaven? It is not entirely clear from the text. Halporn (1991) does not think the Acts should be so easily dismissed, but that is hardly an issue for this discussion. 403 In an obvious allusion to Gen. 3.15, repeated with the Egyptian in her final vision (10), in case the reader missed it. 402

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charist derives (mentioned first in Epiphanius, Medicine Box 49.2.6, in the late fourth century). In her last vision (10) she finds herself in the arena facing an Egyptian gladiator. She is turned into a man, and defeats the Egyptian, who she says expressly represents the Devil. The fact that she is transformed into a man does not represent surrender of her womanhood,404 but God giving her strength to prevail. In real life, of course, that victory consists in accepting death in that same arena.405 Saturus also has a ‘trip to heaven’ vision, also left out of the Acts. It contains a specific injunction to church leaders Optatus and Aspasius that they should be reconciled, but we do not know whether they were. It is not clear in any of the descriptions of the visions whether they are sleep visions or trances. Perpetua consistently says that she “awoke” afterwards, as does Saturus, but this tells us nothing. My inclination is to read these in the category of apocalyptic. Two of them are, after all, tours of heaven, and the Dinocrates pair could be seen as a tour of hell. It is also not possible to know whether any of them were later additions, or composed by the editor. Saturus’ is the most likely editorial addition, largely because it lacks unusual features and has a possible motive (Optatus’ and Aspasius’ reconciliation).

404 In contrast to Thomas 114 where Jesus says he will transform Mary into a man, tacitly accepting Peter’s statement that “women do not deserve life.” (18)         

                       

  

      !"  "

              #  (ed. Guillaumont, et al.). 405 The editor refers to death in martyrdom as the second baptism (18).

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Were Montanists possessed? Much later, Epiphanius, responding to Montanism, will tell us When prophets were necessary, those saints prophesied all in a true spirit and a clear head and a lucid mind…. (Medicine Box 48.3.1).406 The prophet spoke everything with reasonable temperament and lucidity, and proclaimed from the Holy Spirit, everything was spoken clearly…. (48.3.4)407 When they [the Montanists] undertake to prophesy, they have neither the semblance of stability, nor lucid speech; their language is ambiguous and uneven; they have nothing right. (4) For example, Montanus says, Look! A person is like a lyre and I fly over as a plectrum; the person falls asleep but I am vigilant.408

406 ὅτε γὰρ ἦν χρεία προφητῶν, ἐν ἀληθινῷ πνεύµατι καὶ ἐρρωµένῃ διανοίᾳ καὶ παρακολουθοῦντι νῷ οἱ αὐτοὶ ἅγιοι τὰ πάντα ἐπροφήτευον… (ed. Holl). 407 ὁ προφήτης πάντα µετὰ καταστάσεως λογισµῶν καὶ παρακολουθήσεως ἐλάλει καὶ ἐφθέγγετο ἐκ πνεύµατος ἁγίου, τὰ πάντα ἐρρωµένως λέγων… (ed. Holl). 408

Or, “the person sleeps and I am awake.” Heine (1989) translates this, “man sleeps, and I awaken him.”

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY Look! It is the Lord who removes409 people’s hearts410 And gives them [new] hearts (3.31–4.1).411

I will return to the poem soon, but I have included it here because it illustrates the argument. The fact that he adds this most famous

409 ἐξίστηµι is the verbal form of ἐκστάσις, which I have been translating, “trance.” Consequently, an alternative way to render this would be Look! it is the Lord who [both] entrances the will and provides a will (see below, p. 195). This would have highlighted the possible “trance” connection, but I have followed Labriolle (1913) on these two lines, because I think it makes most sense in context, although the “new” is entirely contextual, and does not appear in the literal reading. Williams renders these two lines Lo, it is the Lord that distracts the hearts of men and that gives the heart to man. Epiphanius’ complaint may be based on, especially, the difficulty of these two lines. 410 καρδία in both this line and the next is usually translated, “heart.” This would be perfect if the author were talking about the physical part of the body. But other aspect of “heart,” the inner aspect, is entirely different in Greek than “heart” as it is used in modern English. We use it to mean, “emotions” or sometimes, “the deep inner self.” Bauer says it is the “center and source of the whole inner life, with its thinking, feeling, and volition” (1957, 404). There is no direct English equivalent. I have reluctantly translated it “heart,” although I considered rendering it as “will”—see the previous note. My decision was based on scriptural allusions to transformed “hearts” that would be lost otherwise. If I am right in following Labriolle, those allusions are important.

ἃ δὲ οὗτοι ἐπαγγέλλονται προφητεύειν, οὐδὲ εὐσταθοῦντες φανοῦνται οὔτε παρακολουθίαν λόγου ἔχοντες. λοξὰ γὰρ τὰ παρ’ αὐτῶν ῥήµατα καὶ σκαληνὰ καὶ οὐδεµιᾶς ὀρθότητος ἐχόµενα. Εὐθὺς γὰρ ὁ Μοντανός φησιν: 411

4

ἰδού, ὁ ἄνθρωπος ὡσεὶ λύρα κἀγὼ ἐφίπταµαι ὡσεὶ πλῆκτρον· ὁ ἄνθρωπος κοιµᾶται κἀγὼ γρηγορῶ. ἰδού, κύριός ἐστιν ὁ ἐξιστάνων καρδίας ἀνθρώπων καὶ διδοὺς καρδίαν ἀνθρώποις (ed. Holl).

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example from Montanus’ collected logia makes much of what Epiphanius is saying becomes clearer. The poem is an example of what, for Epiphanius, prophecy is not—ambiguous and difficult. When he talks about prophets having a “clear head and a lucid mind,” he is not really talking about their psychological state, but the intellectual accessibility of the message. There may be little more than wishful thinking in the proposition that all Biblical prophecies are plain and easily understood, but that appears to be the assumption underlying his criticism. This is not to say that he approves of incorporation [The dreaming soul] is not like senselessness of an incorporant in trance who, physically and mentally awake, handles nasty things412 and ominously portends for himself and his neighbors. He does not know what he is saying or doing, since his trance has made him senseless (48.5.6).413

This obviously describes incorporation, but he has already told us that prophetism is no longer practiced by the Montanists after Maximilla (48.2.1ƒ; see above, n. 165). Based on his own criticism, we are compelled to ask on what he is basing this observation. Either the Montanists in his day no longer prophesy, in which case this is based on second century Montanism, and draws from critics contemporary with them, or Montanists in his day do behave this way, in which case his earlier criticism is invalid. It is possible to posit a combination of the two, in which he infers incorporation from second century descriptions and draws this description from other groups he has seen behaving in what he assumes is a similar

412

δεινὰ µεταχειριζόµενον is highly problematic. What is he han-

dling? οὐ µὴν κατὰ τὸν ἀφραίνοντα καὶ ἐν ἐκστάσει γινόµενον ἐκστατικὸν ἄνθρωπον, τὸν τῷ σώµατι καὶ τῇ ψυχῇ ἐγρηγορότα τὰ δεινὰ µεταχειριζόµενον καὶ πολλάκις ἑαυτῷ δεινῶς χρώµενον καὶ τοῖς πέλας· ἀγνοεῖ γὰρ ἃ φθέγγεται καὶ πράττει, ἐπειδήπερ ἐν ἐκστάσει γέγονεν ἀφροσύνης ὁ τοιοῦτος (ed. Holl). 413

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matter. The last scenario would be interesting, if he came clean with us, but as it is, this testimony must be excluded as invalid. At any rate, we already have enough data to guess that one of the intermediary states among the, especially Asian, Montanists was some form of incorporation. Even among the surviving second century critics, only Miltiades seems to harp on the problem of the psychological state. Where he tells us that “a prophet should not speak in a trance,” (Eusebius, EH 5.17.1)414 several contemporary writers, prior to the Montanist crisis, had assumed that that is exactly what they did. Pseudo-Justin tells us that the ancient prophets cleanly presented themselves to the working of the Spirit of God, like a kithara or lyre, in order for God from heaven, like a plectrum, by using righteous men might reveal the knowledge of divine and heavenly things. (Enc. to the Greeks 7|8).415

And a little later, in 176 (Athenagoras to Aurelius and Commodus), and so after the rise and initial spread of Montanism (Sherratt, 1992): [Prophets] among them spoke in ecstasy, being stirred in themselves by the divine Spirit, they spoke those things which

414 ...ἐν ᾧ ἀποδείκνυσιν περὶ του µὴ δεῖν προφήτην ἐν ἐκστάσει λαλεῖν (ed. Bardy). 415 ...καθαροὺς ἑαυτοὺς τῇ τοῦ θείου πνεύµατος παρασχεῖν ἐνεργείᾳ, ἵνα αὐτὸ τὸ θεῖον ἐξ οὐρανοῦ κατιὸν πλῆκτρον, ὥσπερ ὀργάνῳ κιθάρας τινὸς ἢ λύρας τοῖς δικαίοις ἀνδράσι χρώµενον, τὴν τῶν θείων ἡµῖν καὶ οὐρανίων ἀποκαλύψῃ γνῶσιν (ed. Otto).

The use of the musical instrument metaphor reminds us, not only of Montanus’ logion, quoted above, but of Philo’s description of the prophesying wise man in Heir 259–260 (above, p. 76), Ode 6.1–2, and Paul’s analogy in 1 Cor. 14.7–9 (in which the musical instruments are used to create an analogy in which tongues are unfavorably compared to prophecy).

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stirred in them, being utilized by the Spirit as an aulist who blows into an aulos (Athenagoras, Plea for Christians 9).416.

The overall shift, in fact, from this viewpoint to Miltiades’ may very well have been a direct reaction to the Montanists. Kydd concludes that prophecy and tongues were the points of offense which primarily lead to Montanism’s being considered a heresy by the Protoorthodox, but I suspect that if most of the Montanists had looked like Tertullian’s group, there may never have been a problem. In any case, it was certainly the Phrygians that gave ammunition to the earliest cessationists. Even if prophecy had faded out of practice by the time Montanus came on the scene (a claim which I do not believe to be supported by the evidence), the Christian authors do not seem to have recognized that absence. After the Montanist crisis they not only recognized, many embraced it.417 The oracles themselves may tell us something about the mental state of the New Prophecy intermediaries. Montanus regularly speaks in the first person as any of various members of the trinity: I am the Lord God Omnipotent coming down in a human. (Epiphanius, Medicine Box 48.11)418

ἳ κατ’ ἔκστασιν τῶν ἐν αὐτοῖς λογισµῶν, κινήσαντος αὐτοὺς τοῦ θείου πνεύµατος, ἃ ἐνηργοῦντο ἐξεφώνησαν, συγχρησαµένου τοῦ πνεύµατος, ὡς εἰ καὶ αὐλητὴς αὐλὸν ἐµπνεύσαι (ed. Schoedel). 416

417

The absence, that is. McGiffert (1890) argues that after the prophets lost credibility, the apostolic age increased in importance, and any justification for change had somehow to be founded on the founders. This, he suggests, was the impetus behind the increased number of pseudoapostolic narratives in the third and subsequent centuries. 418

ἐγὼ κύριος ὁ θεὸς ὁ παντοκράτωρ καταγινόµενος ἐν ἀνθρώπῳ

(ed. Holl). Of course, it is possible to read καταγινόµενος as “who has come down,” which would make this into a testimony to the incarnation. I am reading it in the present such that it refers to the presence of God speaking through the prophet.

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This is normal when the prophet is possessed, but is not that unusual in any psychological state, since the intermediary is speaking for the divinity. The descriptions of his initial prophecy, however, may incline us to assume that he was incorporated. The fact that some of the detractors harp on this probably tells us that it was the case with at least some of the Montanist messengers. The famous “lyre oracle”419 is usually taken as evidence for Montanus as possessee losing all control: Look! A person is like a lyre and I fly over as a plectrum; the person falls asleep but I am vigilant. Look! It is the Lord who removes people’s hearts and gives them [new] hearts (Epiphanius, Medicine Box 3.31–4.1).

The truth is, there is little here to compel us to read it as a description of possession. The strongest evidence for that is that the musical instrument metaphor is used elsewhere for prophecy (see note 415). This could just as easily, as translated here, be read as a poem describing God’s power to choose and direct the elect (compare Eph. 2.10). Of course, I have, admittedly, translated this (I think correctly) in a way that leans away from the traditional interpretation. Alternatively, we could read it this way: Look! A person is like a lyre and I fly over as a plectrum; the person sleeps and I am awake Look! It is the Lord who [both] entrances the will and provides a will.

This is much friendlier to the trance description interpretation. The prophet’s sleep is now a trance. The heart/will is no longer the re-

419

Translated above, p. 190, which see for notes and Greek, but I will put the translation here as well.

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born believer, but the consciousness of the possessee.420 Unfortunately, they both work from the Greek. Maximilla and Pricilla are different stories. In none of the surviving oracles do we find a shift into the first person of the deity. The “I” is always the prophetess herself. This would be characteristic of the very type of prophecy which Miltiades and friends insists is the only true prophecy. Maximilla tells us: Do not listen to me, rather, listen to Christ (Epiphanius, Medicine Box 48.12).421

The likelihood of this being a possession oracle, either channeling or incorporation, is very low. She does tell us, on one occasion that she is compelled: Being forced, whether I want it or not, to learn the knowledge of God (Medicine Box 48.13).422

But, after all, Jeremiah says more or less the same thing (Jer. 20.9). Priscilla’s oracles are similar, but one gives us even more insight:

420

This is how Epiphanius reads it. He says they, “…are the words of an ecstatic. They are not the words of a person with understanding, entirely different from the mental control characteristic of the Holy Spirit speaking in the prophets” [ἐκστατικοῦ ῥήµατα ὑπάρχει ταῦτα καὶ οὐχὶ παρακολουθοῦντος, ἀλλὰ ἄλλον χαρακτῆρα ὑποδεικνύντος παρὰ τὸν χαρακτῆρα τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύµατος τοῦ ἐν προφήταις λελαληκότος (ed.

Holl)] (Epiphanius, 1994, 10). Of course, we have to remember that he has already arrived at that conclusion from what his sources tell him. It may well be his reading of this passage which has stamped it in the minds of most subsequent scholars. 421 Alternatively, “You don't hear me, but you hear Christ” [ἐµοῦ µὴ ἀκούσητε, ἀλλὰ Χριστοῦ ἀκούσατε (ed. Holl)]. Epiphanius clearly reads as I have, since he comments that her hearers should have listened to this admonition, but it is entirely possible that Epiphanius is working from a list of Montanist oracles without context. 422

ἠναγκασµένον, θέλοντα καὶ µὴ θέλοντα, γνωθεῖν γνῶσιν θεοῦ

(ed. Holl).

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY …A holy minister must understand how to minister holiness. Purity is in fact unity, [She says,] and they have visions, and bowing their face they even hear real voices, those that save and those that are mysterious. (Chastity 10.5).423

The prophet, then, sees visions and hears voices. It is hard to find a better description of parasensory experience.424

Firmilian’s problem [~230, Asia Minor] In Cyprian’s collected correspondence is a letter from Firmilian (a student of Origen, bishop of Cappadocia ~250s–260s) discussing what, by the time of the writing was an old event: I want to tell you about something that happened here which may be pertinent to this discussion. About twenty years ago [~234]…, [geological disturbances and local persecution] suddenly brought out in that area a woman who, being entranced, was set up as a prophet; something like the Holy Spirit filled and drove her. Thus, her primary demons impelled her and for some time she agitated and ensnared the brethren, as she performed astonishing and supernatural things, even promising to cause an earthquake425 (Cyprian, Epistles 75.10.1–2).426

423

Sanctus minister sanctimoniam nouerit ministrare. Purificantia enim concordat, [ait,] et uisiones uident, et ponentes faciem deorsum etiam uoces audiunt manifestas, tam salutares quam et occultas (ed. Moreschini). 424

Although many modern epipneumatics will talk about visions and voices, by which they mean inner impressions of the same. 425 Earthquakes were among the geological disturbances currently plaguing the community. Firmilian thinks her “demon” foresees and so pretends to cause them. 426

Volo autem uobis et de historia quae apud nos fact est exponere ad hoc ipsum pertinent. Ante uiginti enim et duos fere annos…, 2 emersit istic subito quaedam mulier quae in extasin constituta propheten se praeferret et quasi Sancto Spiritu plena sic ageret. Ita autem principalium demoniorum impetu ferebatur ut per longum tempus sollicitaret et deciperet fraternitatem,

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She also walked barefoot on snow and claimed to be able to traverse great distances. She was apparently a Montanist. She made converts, baptized people, and offered Eucharist. The local Protoorthodox convened and concluded that heretical baptisms and sacraments had no value. The year 234 is toward, if not past, the end of the first generation of Montanists. It should not be ignored that this prophetess flourishes in Asia Minor. Firmilian also tells us that there were a number of disastrous earthquakes in the same time period, but does not tell us if they happened before or after this woman’s predictions. Note, however, how closely her behavior resembles incorporation trances we know from elsewhere! Walking barefoot in the snow would be entirely characteristic of the types of things such mounts often do in an effort to demonstrate that when possessed they are above harm. The claim to travel to and from places quickly reminds me of Philip in Acts, of Mohammed, and of Ezekiel.

LATER THIRD CENTURY Cyprian [Mid third century; Carthage] Cyprian (martyred 258) was bishop of Carthage. Tertullian would have been getting on when he was young, and it is generally thought that he did not convert until middle age (around 245), so

admirabilia quaedam et portentosa perficiens, te facere se terram moueri polliceretur temporibus post Alexandrum imperatorem multae istic conflictationes et pressurae acciderunt uel in commune ómnibus hominibus uel priuatim christianis: terrae etiam motus plurimi et frequentes extiterunt, ut et per Cappadociam et per Pontum multa subruerent, quaedam etiam ciuitates in profundum receptae dirupti soli hiatu deuoratentur, ut ex hoc persecutio quoque grauis aduersum no nominis fieret. Quae post longam retro actatis pacem repente oborta de inopinate et insueto malo ad turvandum populum nostrum terribilioreffecta est. Serenianus tunc fuit in nostra prouincia praeses, acerbus et drus persecutor (ed. Bayard).

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while it is possible that they met, it is unlikely that there was a strong connection. Of course, Cyprian would have known about the elder theologian. In spite of this, there is the sense of a strong continuity between the Carthage of Tertullian and that of Cyprian. However, where Tertullian was an aficionado of the prophetic, Cyprian was himself a visionary (Harnack, 1902).427 Like Polycarp, he had a vision of his impending martyrdom (Pontius, Passion of Cyprian, 77.12–13). Not only does he have visions himself, but he corresponds with others who do (Epistles 23.1; 77.2; Concerning Mortality 19; see Robeck 1992), and on one occasion one of his own letters is referred to as a prophecy (Epistles 78.2). Children are also said to prophesy: The divine censure does not cease to chastise us night or day. At night there are visions; by day innocent boys are filled with the Holy Spirit, who in ecstasy see and hear and then speak what our Lord deems worthy to instruct us (Epistles 9.4).428

Another of his letters is worth looking at: I remember what was clearly set out before me… “Those who do not believe that Christ appoints a priest will logically feel justified in avenging a priest.” Though, I suppose, some think dreams are ridiculous and visions stupid, but they are more likely among those who chose to believe against priests than for priests (Epistles 69.10).429

427 428

See Epistles 7.3–5;

Castigare nos itaque divina censura nec noctibus desinit nec diebus. Praeter nocturnas enim visions, per dies quoque impletur apud nos Spiritu sancto puerorum innocens aetas, quae in ecstasi videt oculis et audit et loquitur ea quibus nos Dominus monere et instruere dignatur (ed. Bayard). 429 Memini enim quid jam mihi sit ostensum… «Itaque qui Christo non credit sacerdotem facienti, et postea credere incipiet sacerdotem vindicanti.» Quamquam sciam somnia redicula et visions ineptas quibusdam videri, sed utque illis qui malunt contra sacerdotes credere quam sacersoti (ed. Bayard).

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This is interesting because of the close connection it draws between parasensory revelation and sacramental office. It is interesting particularly in light of the usual attempt made by scholars since Weber to see a tension between prophetic charisma and charisma of office. That no such tension is present for Cyprian is evident. He, in fact, comes close to identifying them. Of course, this passage is useful, as Kydd (1984) points out, because it makes it clear that in the mid third century there existed a (probably growing) rejection of such phenomena.

Stragglers [Third century; various locations] In the third century, there are a handful of characters identified as intermediaries or prophesying in the literature. From what we can see, however, the age of congregational prophecy seems to be passing. It probably had some life in Carthage and similar communities for a while, but generally without literary reporters. The reports we do get are of isolated and usually self-targeted visions and dreams. Although these, too, diminish in frequency, there has never been a time in the history of Christianity when they completely disappear, in spite of an increasing cessationist viewpoint coming from the dominant theological community. For completeness, I will briefly summarize the third century instances of divine communication, but from the outset it must be admitted that they will not add much to our overall picture. Natalius was willing to be a heretic if the money was right. He was hired by a group professing adoptionism and Melchisedechianism to serve as their bishop for a salary of 150 denarii per month. But God, apparently, would not allow it. He was pursued by visions, and finally actually beaten by angels through one whole night. The next morning he presented himself to the Roman bishop, Zephyrinus (pope 198–217), showing those present his wounds, and seeking readmission into the Proto-orthodox fold. He was allowed back in (Eusebius, EH 5.28.10–12). Oddly, the physical manifestations on his body (compare stigmata) are not unknown, although rare, as symptoms of a psychic event (or psychosomatic event, as the case may be). Of course, we have to exercise the usual caution, but the story is within the realms of credibility. This is particularly true if we allow that Natalius was probably pursued by guilt, as well as angels.

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Origen (~185–254), like Irenaeus, claimed to have seen prophecy and other pneumatic manifestations at work in contemporary Christian communities. And yet traces of this Holy Spirit, which appeared as a dove, still remain among Christians. They expel demons, perform many healings, and see some things, according to the will of the Word, which have yet to take place (Ag. Celsus 1.46).430 There are no more prophets or wonders, although one finds them, more or less, among Christians and some [works are] even greater. And (if I may be trusted) I have also seen them (Ag. Celsus 2.8).431

It must be noted that Origen was well traveled, and so had opportunity to see activity which may have still been active only locally in various places (Kydd, 1984). It also needs to me mentioned that coming from a Christian family (his father was martyred) he would have been a (young) believer during the height of Montanism. He may well have seen things in his youth which he dredges up when needed for his argument. It is possible, of course, that he is aware of active intermediaries in his mature period, but we have to be careful about projecting the survival of congregational prophecy beyond what we already know based on his testimony.432

430 Καὶ ἔτι ἴχνη τοῦ ἁγίου ἐκείνου πνεύµατος, ὀφθέντος ἐν εἴδει περιστερᾶς, παρὰ Χριστιανοῖς σῴζεται ἐξεπᾴδουσι δαίµονας καὶ πολλὰς ἰάσεις ἐπιτελοῦσι καὶ ὁρῶσί τινα κατὰ τὸ βούληµα τοῦ λόγου περὶ µελλόντων (ed. Borret). 431 Οὐκ ἔτι γὰρ προφῆται οὐδὲ τεράστια, ὧν κἂν ἴχνη ἐπὶ ποσὸν παρὰ Χριστιανοῖς εὑρίσκεται, καί τινα γὲ «µείζονα»· καὶ εἰ πιστοί ἐσµεν λέγοντες, καὶ ἡµεῖς ἑωράκαµεν (ed. Borreat). 432

Benjamin Warfield, in his classic apology for cessationism (1918/1983), while admitting that Origen claims to have witnessed contemporary prophets, points out that he refuses to record the details, not wanting to incur the ridicule of unbelievers. Warfield sees dishonesty in this refusal, and calls all Origen’s testimony on the subject into question.

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Origen sees a prophetic rôle of Spirit in aiding the interpreter (student or teacher) in understanding the deeper meaning of a difficult text (Kydd, 1984). This is perhaps the earliest explicit reference to this type of prophecy that we find, although Philo’s description is similar. It is what I classified as “prophetic interpretation” (above, p. 41). In many ways, this is still intermediation, but it is indirect, since it inserts the text as the primary source of revelation, with the Spirit functioning only as periodic illuminator. It is the scholarly version of didactic prophecy. Novatian (mid third century) became anti-pope when Cornelius was appointed to the see in 251. His only significant contention against Cornelius centered on the issue of readmission of believers who had faltered in times of persecution. He comes into this study because he, not surprisingly, discussed the Holy Spirit in his book The Trinity. He says the following: He is the one who sets prophets in the Church, instructs leaders, distributes tongues, makes one strong or healthy, works wonders, enables discernment of spirits, selects rulers, convenes councils, puts together and distributes all of the other charismatic gifts and so makes the Lord’s Church perfect in all things, and completes it (29.10).433

The list is clearly based on those in 1 Cor. 12 and Rom. 12. Novatian uses the present tense, which Kydd (1984) thinks indicates that these gifts are present in ~240 when Novatian was writing, but he admits that it could be an instance of the “extended present” (61). It is clear, at least, that Novatian is not a self-conscious cessationist; he does not locate the gifts in the irrevocable past. Nevertheless,

433

Hic est enim qui Prophetas in Ecclesia constituit, Magistros erudit, linguas dirigit, virtutes et sanitates facit, opera mirabilia gerit, discretiones spirituum porrigit, gubernationes contribuit, consilia suggerit, quaeque alia sunt charismatum dona componit et digerit, et ideo Ecclesiam Domini udique, et in omnibus perfectam et consummatam facit (ed. Migne).

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this doesn’t read like it comes from experience—for one thing, if it were, we might expect his list to be a little different from Paul’s. Dionysius was a student of Origen and bishop of Alexandria from about 247 to 264. He claims to have heard from God on two occasions. First, he left Alexandria in a time of persecution because God told him to (Eusebius, EH 6.40.3; Kydd, 1984). Second, God told him he could read heretical literature: And a message came to me commanding explicitly, “Receive whatever comes into your hand, because you are capable of discriminating and amending it. This was what originally stimulated your faith.” I accepted the vision as an apostolic voice… (EH 7.7.3).434

Hippolytus (anti-pope with Callistus’ papacy in 257) wrote in his Apostolic Tradition: If there is an instruction in the word, they [the faithful] should prefer to go and hear the word of God for the comfort of their soul. They should go quickly to the church where the Spirit flourishes (35.3).435

This is clearly in the category of didactic prophecy. It may be a natural step beyond Origen’s prophetic interpretation, a step into the pulpit.436 This type of intermediation will emerge as the dominant form. First, it is primarily clerical, which means that there is no

434 καὶ λόγος πρός µε γενόµενος προσέταξεν, διαρρήδην λέγων· “πᾶσιν ἐντύγχανε οἷς ἂν εἰς χεῖρας λάβοις· διευθύνειν γὰρ ἕκαστα καὶ δοκιµάζειν ἰκανὸς εἶ, καί σοι γέγονεν τοῦτο ἐξ ἀρχῆς καὶ τῆς πίστεως αἴτιον.” ἀπεδεξάµην τὸ ὅραµα, ὠς ἀποστολικῇ φωνῇ… (ed. Bardy). 435 Si qua autem per uerbum catecizatio (κατήχσις) fit, praeponat hoc ut pergat et audiat uerbum dei ad confortationem animae suae. Festinet autem ad eccclesiam, ubi floret spiritus (ed. Botte). 436 Although, we do need to recall Ellis’ argument that this sort of thing was the primary type of prophecy found in the earliest Church. I do not agree with him that it was the primary type, although concede that it was present, whether or not it was identified as prophetic.

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conflict of authority between cleric and prophet. Second, given the nature of the clerical population, there is little danger of women functioning as intermediaries. Third, there is no obligation for the intermediary to identify when he is speaking “in the spirit” and when not.

DECLINE Opinions on the decline of prophecy are somewhat varied. Most scholars see a Weberian style conflict between the emerging forces of ecclesiastical authority, represented by the bishops (charisma of office), and the older order of prophetic intermediation. Lewis (1971) summarizes the position well: If certain exotic religions thus allow ecstasy to rule most aspects of their adherents’ lives, all the evidence indicates that the more strongly-based and entrenched religious authority becomes, the more hostile it is towards haphazard inspiration. New faiths may announce their advent with a flourish of ecstatic revelations, but once they become securely established they have little time or tolerance for enthusiasm. For the religious enthusiast, with his direct claim to divine knowledge is always a threat to established order (p. 176).

It has become standard to see this as what happened in Christianity some time during the late second or early third centuries. Harnack (1908), Ehrhardt (1962), Chadwick (1967), Pelikan (1969), von Campenhausen (1969),437 Ash (1976), and Aune (1983) all take similar positions. Ruthven summarizes (without approval): These authors are essentially restating the classic Protestant position in this issue: that miraculous spiritual gifts, including prophecy, where in some sense ‘foundational’ in that they were essential for the initiation and spread of the Christian faith,

437

Van Campenhausen blames the heresies for leadership’s muscling the prophets out. Aune is not significantly different.

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PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY but, like scaffolding, they were no longer required after the viable structure and doctrines of the church had been established (p. 17).438

Montanism did not help the prophetic contingent.439 Although the theology of cessationism was never really influential in the first centuries, the literature of anti-Montanism is probably where it first appears. It will be destined to become the standard entrenched position for the rejection of Pentecostalism in the twentieth century. B. B. Warfield (1918/1983) was its strongest modern advocate. The basic position is that the charismata ceased, after the passing of the apostolic age, simply because God chose for them to cease. They were needed to establish the church, but not to maintain it, so God brought them to an end. The ‘when’ varies slightly, but the most common position is that this took place with the death of the last of the twelve.440 In Judaism, intermediation (rarely called prophecy) was present in the Second Temple period but did decline in the early Christian period, particularly after the second Jewish revolt (Hill, 1979; Gowan, 1980; Aune, 1983; Humm, 1985). There may have been a dependency of Christian on Jewish cessationism since the later claimed that prophecy had ceased when the holy Spirit was

438

Some Pentecostal and Charismatic scholars have tried to demonstrate that no hiatus occurred at all. To do this they are forced not to distinguish congregational prophecy from other forms. There is, admittedly no evidence of any kind of permanent disappearance of personal visions at any time in the history of Christianity. Kydd (1984) blames the decline on increased levels of “sophistication.” 439 Hill (1979) and Carson (1987) see this behind the decline of prophecy. 440 Graves (1983) finds several variations: after the writing of 1 Corinthians, of Hebrews, of the last of the books of the New Testament, the closing of the canon (in Jerome’s time?), the death of the last apostle (the twelve; missionary apostles do not count), the destruction of Jerusalem, or the maturation of the church (which will happen… when?).

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taken away (due to sin) in the fourth century, BCE.441 Christians largely accepted this position, claiming it had briefly been revived for the New Testament period. The intervening period was called the “four hundred silent years.”442

441

The claim that prophecy had ceased in Judaism shortly after the restoration is made in the second century (CE) and later literature (Tosefta Sota 13.2; Seder Olam Rabbah 30; Baba Bathra 12a; Abot 1.1). I have argued elsewhere that prophetism, but under different names continued through the Second Temple period and up through the second Jewish War (Humm, 1985). That intermediation in different forms continued after that cannot be denied, though. Specifically, the rôle of intermediary seems to have been largely taken over by the authoritative interpreters of tradition generally known to us as the ‘rabbis.’ The Bat Qol (see above, p. 39, n. 77) also appears in this literature (Tosefta Sota 13.2ƒ; Ta’anit 69b; also Jos. Ant. 13.282ƒ), but has little real authority in matters of halakha (yBer. 1.7; 3b.73ƒ). Merkabah literature, and probably its cousin Apocalyptic, also continued to be produced under the cover of pseudepigraphy. 442 One of the fundamental assumptions that underlies most modern assertions that prophecy ceased after the exilic period is that prophecy must be normative (and be viewed as such by its audience) in order to be true prophecy. We have already seen that Jeremiah’s prophecies were not so viewed during his lifetime (even after vindication—his prophecy about the governor is ignored after which he is hauled off to Egypt) and the same can surely be shown for Amos and some of Isaiah, among many. That the prophets may have viewed their own prophecies as authoritative is not relevant, since the false prophets probably also viewed themselves in this manner. That prophecy ceases to be preserved in the late Persian period more likely reflects the prevailing uncertainty regarding it by the (literate) public and may even evidence a personal uncertainty on the part of the prophets themselves, than the complete disappearance of the phenomenon. Grudem tries to live in both worlds by having Old Testament prophets be authoritative, but early Christian prophets not. This is problematic— see my thoughts on Acts. The problem reflects a failure to distinguish active prophecy from canon. However, it is not beyond the pale that this attitude lies behind the slow decline of prophecy in the second and third centuries.

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Meyer (1974) largely debunked this position, and has been followed by most scholars (e.g. Aune, 1983, Humm, 1987). The decline after the second Jewish revolt was in a large degree because that revolt failed, and intermediation, except as noted above (note 441), did not recover. That failure to recover may also have been helped by the closing of canon (in main stream Judaism) in the same period (see Greenspahn, 1989; Humm, 1987). Some of the same things can be said about Christianity. The delayed Parousia may have put pressure on prophets. Maximilla’s prophecy that she was the last must have been embarrassing.443 Although complete acceptance of canon was still some years off, that lack should not blind us to the fact that most of this process was completed (Gospels and Pauline epistles) by the end of the second century. 444 The Weberian analysis should be viewed in light of the fact that coexistence has not been a huge problem in some modern groups, and the observation that leaders such as Cyprian were able

443 Although the community had tolerated similar earlier problemprophecies, such as the Jesus tradition that "some standing here will not see death until they see the kingdom of God come with power” [εἰσίν

τινες ὧδε τῶν ἑστηκότων οἵτινες οὐ µὴ γεύσωνται θανάτου ἕως ἂν ἴδωσιν τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐληλυθυῖαν ἐν δυνάµει] (Mark 9.1), or

the tradition mentioned in John that the beloved disciple would not die before the parousia [λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς, Ἐὰν αὐτὸν θέλω µένειν ἕως ἔρχοµαι, τί πρὸς σέ; σύ µοι ἀκολούθει] (John 21.22). Apocalyptic and apocalypticism may have gone through a period of decline and outright rejection in some communities, but has always had a place somewhere in the Church (see, for example, Chadwick, 2001). Proto-heretics may have seen themselves in distinction to Rome but after Constantine that distinction became much more serious which could have easily lead to the sence of oppression and marginalization which often feeds apocalyptic communities. Some of this would fall into the category of what I am calling intermediation. 444 Closing of canon, particularly in response to Montanism, is cited as a cause in various forms by Harnack (1900/1961), Ehrhardt (1962), Chadwick (1967), von Campenhausen (1972), and Pelikan (1969).

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to exemplify both types of charismata (spirit and office). But as a principle it still holds.445 Even if it is insufficient as a complete explanation, it must have been present as part of the pressure that existed on intermediation in the third century, at least. It should be noted, though, that it is never expressly stated in primary literature.446 Few have noticed (possibly because not all would agree) that it is in the third century that we see a surge in church orders. This movement may have reflected a desire to control content, and it may have been designed to allay (secular) Roman criticism. Cumont (1911) comments: The liturgy reminds one of the ancient civil law on account of the minuteness of its prescriptions. This religion looked suspiciously at the abandonment of the soul to the ecstasies of devotion. It repressed, by force if necessary, the exuberant manifestations of too ardent faith and everything that was not in keeping with the grave dignity befitting the relations of a civis Romanus with a god.

This negative Roman attitude could have influenced the church in various ways supporting the second century changes. Discouraging ecstatic behavior fits nicely into this pattern. This is in a context where many of the upper Christian crust were trying

445 James Ash (1976) sees this compatability as the key to decline of identifiable congregational prophecy. The authorities eventually so joined the charisma of prophecy to that of episcopal office that the separate ministry of the prophet became superfluous. 446 We would not expect to see a sudden disappearance, even if conditions did change. Firth (1967), for example observed the Tikopia for over forty years during which (not of his doing) the culture shifted from an indigenous paganism to Christianity. Early mediums tended to be demonstrative but by the 1950s they were “less public.” By 1966, mediumship was no longer practiced. They did try to accommodate. In one case, a medium enrolled his spirit helper in the local church (Wood, 2003).

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hard to argue for Christianity as compatible with Roman life in all things except emperor worship.447 If order was being increased, we have to ask where the congregational prophecies were going to be taking place? In Tertullian’s community the answer is, apparently, “Afterwards.”448 Tertullian was nothing if not positive about intermediation. In a community in which the leadership was perhaps more ambivalent, potential prophets may have been more inclined not to come forward. If I am correct, epipnoia flows better in more flexible liturgies. If Wilson (1980) is correct, it also needs some level of community support. The Montanist crisis, failed prophecy, and perhaps a distaste for enthusiasm harmonized to undercut that support. It was not a plot from those with power, but a slow erosion of popular support that incrementally took the wind out of community intermediation.

447 Most sources on liturgy (one of the better discussions is Bradshaw, 1992; see also Bornkamm, 1966/1969; Delling, 1962; Hahn, 1973; Martin, 1974; Moule, 1961; Schweizer, 1957; Webber, 1993) seem to assume that the Orders simply quantify what was so from the beginning. It is an assumption from silence for the most part. The earliest suggestion of that sort of worship structure that I know of is in the Didache, but only for the Eucharist and baptism. Roman worship was highly structured, and so was later Synagogue form (how structured was it in the early period?). Obviously, the mysteries were less so, but magic attracts formal liturgy and the mysteries were at least in part magical. Of course, 1 Cor. 12–14 suggests a certain lack of structure. The real question is, “How much was ordered, in a word-for-word sense?” Even the Orders do not preserve a single unbroken tradition (Schmemann, 1975), suggesting either that none existed in the earlier period, or that it was not regarded as that important. 448 Or during, if quietly and restrained, as is suggested by the vision described in The Soul (above pp. 179ƒ).

4 CHARTING THE SEAS

Figure 2: Reports by 1/4 Century

At this point, I want to take a step back and look over the collective data to see what generalizations can be made. First, we should look at the frequency of reports of intermediation as it varies throughout the period. Figure 2 shows the number of reports per 25 year period. It should be kept in mind that this includes all reports, from all sects, of all psychological types, etc. I have made no effort to filter out

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reports based on believability.449 However, prophets with multiple recorded messages (such as Paul) are counted only once. Passages that imply, but do not enumerate, multiple prophets are counted as one instance. If they specifically say there are more than one, but without a specific number, this was counted as two. This method turned up a total of 73 intermediaries. Of these, 44 are postbiblical, amounting to a little over 60%. Three of the prophets mentioned in the New Testament are considered heterodox by the biblical authors (Simon Magus, the unnamed prophetic opponent in 1 John,450 and Jezebel). In this particular chart I have distinguished Proto-orthodox from proto-heterodox, as well as the New Prophecy intermediaries. The peak in the second quarter of the second century was apparently shared by catholics and non-catholics alike, but the apparent disappearance of the latter after the third quarter more likely reflects lack of reporting on the part of our catholic sources.451 The Proto-orthodox had pockets of more and less prophetism, and so did their opponents, but I see no reason to assume that the later had less activity overall, or at least per capita. I would not be surprised if they had more. I have not distinguished between Phrygian and Carthaginian Montanists, although the latter represent virtually all of the reported New Prophecy activity in the first quarter of the third century, and nothing else (the exception is the woman about whom Firmillian reports). In spite of Maximilla’s prediction of immanent

449

Although, Barcabbas, Barcoph, Parchor, and Cham have been reduced to two, assuming that some duplication is going on there (see above, p. 156). 450 Obviously, John probably has more than one false prophet in mind, in addition to approved intermediaries, but since they are not enumerated, only one is counted. 451 In fact, even the existence of the peak may be, in part, attributable to Irenaeus’ compendium of heresies in the second half of that century. Later heresiarchs are so dependent on Irenaeus that they add very little of interest.

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prophetic decline, in all likelihood, it was active in the New Prophecy in Asia Minor throughout this period, so these differences simply represent lack of consistency in the nature of the reports. The apparent resurgence of catholic prophetic activity in the second quarter of the third century also needs to be footnoted by the fact that these reports are largely visionary. Such activity may never have declined (although reports are sporadic). It may also not be insignificant that Cyprian worked out of Carthage, where Tertullian had been active. Although the latter was later anathemized due to his Montanist connections, that shadow had probably not yet fallen on his legacy in Cyprian’s time, at least not in North Africa. Consequently, I suspect that the apparent peaks and valleys of reported manifestations are illusory. The general decline is not, but we have very little to go on as far as non-catholic groups are concerned.

Figure 3: Reports by sect

Figure 3 illustrates how the activity breaks down by sect. By “Earliest Christian,” I mean early Christian prophets not directly associated with the Pauline community, and yet still evaluated as orthodox. The first two columns are biblical, as is the “ProtoGnos-

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tic” column. Whether post-biblical prophets are predominantly Proto-orthodox depends on our evaluation of the New Prophecy. We have, of course, no known literature from the first century Proto-unorthodox.452 The handful of catholic references to disapproved activities, however, suggests that they maintained an active contact with the supernatural, so I suspect that the Proto-gnostic column would be taller if we knew more. If Max Weber was correct, then proto-heterodox groups are somewhat more likely to have been intermediated, for the simple reason that they were generally younger, and therefore still in the stage which Weber identified as ‘charismatic.’ Although I do not wish to become sidetracked into issues relating to the age of Gnostic speculation, such groups seem to have tended to multiply, and thereby be continually renewing their status as new religious communities. Prophetic experience is claimed as the source for Valentinus, Marcus, and Apelles, at any rate. Long standing proto-heterodoxies, such as the Jewish Christian communities (‘independent Orthodoxies’ may be a better description), are likely to have passed into the Weber’s doctrinal period, although we have already seen that this does not necessarily eliminate prophetism in those groups either. That said, I am inclined to suspect that intermediation was a regular feature of early Christian groups, regardless of their catholicism. It is likely, however, that there were anti-supernaturalists as well in both camps.

452 Thomas may be that early, but we can have not confidence about its form, if it existed, in that period. In any case it does not shed light on this issue.

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Figure 4: Reports by social context

By “Social Context” in Figure 4, I mean the original setting of the prophecy. Since each prophet counts only once, even if she has multiple prophecies recorded, I have had to choose which type seems to predominate. “Private prophecy” refers to communications directed at the prophet herself. Paul’s various trance-visions in Acts are good examples. Personal prophecy, Agabus’ to Paul comes to mind, is directed to an individual other than the intermediary. Congregational is the largest category, not surprisingly, and is activity occurring within the framework of group meetings. Such meetings may, or may not, be a formal “service.” Public intermediation is as the name implies. The best example in our literature is Celsus’ description of unnamed prophets in the area of Palestine, but apocalyptic sometimes falls into this category. Certainly this includes the social category which lies behind the reports of the activities of Jewish scripture prophets such as Elijah or Jeremiah. I did run a couple of parallel analyses on social context to see if any light could be shed on time periods when one variety was more popular than another but found nothing of significance. I

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specifically anticipated that the first century might look different from the second and third, but all categories seemed to vary more or less proportionately.

Figure 5: Reports by psychological type

Psychological categories (shown in Figure 5—previous page) have been a recurring theme in this study, and once again, the results are not terribly surprising. The high volume of unknown types is disappointing, but to be expected given the nature of most of the reports. Epipnoia is the big item for identifiable types, and, in my

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opinion, might be higher if I had not given incorporation more than it was probably due in several too-close-to-call situations.453 Origen’s inspired interpretation falls under intuitive. I have counted Perpetua and Saturus’ visions as soul-travel, but as we saw in the discussion, they might have been dreams (above, p. 170).

Figure 6: Reports by region

The last major category has to do with location. It should come as no surprise that Asia Minor tops the charts by a significant margin. Apparently, this is true even if we remove the New Prophecy from the mix. I have done this by inserting the Montanists on top of the Asia Minor bar (in Figure 6) such that it is possible to

453 Specifically, Montanus, Agabus, the sending of Paul & Barnabas, the Didache, and Celsus. Of course the Didachist could be referring to more than one type, as could Celsus.

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see the relative counts with and without those prophets included in the mix. The home of modern Turkey seems to have been a hotbed for intermediary activity since long before Christianity. The Phrygian mode (the preferred musical mode for possession) is named after an Asian province and of course both Bacchics and Corybantes hail therefrom. There is certainly a well established social reward system, and there may even be a genetic predisposition (see StewartSykes, 1997).

Figure 7: Reports by region and date

In Figure 7, I have separated the data into four historical periods. By carefully examining this chart it is possible to see a general shift from east in the first century (darker bars, on the bottom) to almost exclusively southwest in the third (lighter bars, on top). Rome is relatively balanced. Asia Minor undoubtedly would be as well if we had more surviving reports. As always, the entire shift could tell us more about reporting than practice. Certainly the presence of both Tertullian and Cyprian in Carthage makes that area appear dominant in the third century, largely due to their literary contribution. One thing which does present itself, although not immediately visible through the charts, is that most prophecy which is identifia-

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bly predictive (usually apocalyptic) originates in Asia Minor. It is probably safe to assume that there were others. Eusebius describes a revelation given to Christians living in Jerusalem that they should escape before its destruction (EH 3.5), but this is the only postbiblical Christian future prediction that is specifically described in the literature at which we have looked.454

454 Its authenticity is, of course, hardly beyond question. By “postbiblical” I mean ‘after the events explicitly described in the Bible.’ That some biblical writings were composed after this period is widely held. There are literatures at which we have not looked, largely because I have viewed apocalyptic as for the most part outside the scope of this study. The various apocryphal ‘revelations,’ and the Christian Sibyllines come immediately to mind Many of these have unknown provenance, and may reflect predictive intermediation outside Asia Minor.

5 REFLECTIONS AND PROGNOSTICATIONS The largest category under psychological type (above p. 31) is in “unknown.” This probably will not change as we gather a better understanding of the nature of (at least some types of) prophecy. While much observational work has been done on modern intermediation, as should be clear from the first part of the investigation (see pp. 14ƒƒ), the psychology and neurology of the underlying NTEs is fairly new. Obviously, not all intermediation is based on non-ordinary states of consciousness, but we assume that at least some is. Most prophets make such claims. In 1972 Richard Shweder did a ground breaking study in which he determined that local healer-shamans were more likely to be confident of their guesses than other locals. 455 Such studies further our understanding of some intermediaries’ mindsets significantly. Unfortunately, they are rare. Michael Persinger (1984, 1987, 1993) has found a correlation between religious visions and temporal lobe stimulation.456 Eugene D’Aquili and Andrew Newberg

455

The Zinacanteco shamans function as healers. They diagnose by divine revelation or by feeling the pulse. Shweder compared the responses of local healer-shamans to other locals on questions about the contents of unrecognizably out of focus pictures. The healer-shamans were much surer of their answers, and no more likely to be right. He concludes that, for this group, there is a predisposing personality for shamans. 456 He has been able, by applying electro-magnetic stimulation to the temporal lobes of even non-religious subjects, to stimulate visions of angels and other religious figures. Some individuals who reported earlier religious experience also reported “symptoms characteristic of temporal

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(1996, 1998, 1999, etc.—see bibliography) have performed brain scans on subjects emerging from states of meditation (Catholic and Buddhist).457 More recently Newberg has studied glossalalia (2006), discovering that, not surprisingly, singing in tongues differed from regular singing in that it showed decreased conscious control. Unfortunately, neither of these studies furthers our understanding of prophetic speech. The relationship between music and prophetism has been the subject of some speculation, arising from the fact that they usually occur together. This may simply be because congregational prophecy tends to be found in contexts of corporate worship. There may be more to it than that, though. One possibility is simply that music stimulates the emotions (Jourdain, 1997).458 More frequently, however, scholars cite the effects of rhythm. Neher (1962) used visual stimuli to simulate acoustic, and found that they caused “unusual perceptions or hallucinations” (155). Harner (1990) cites the hypnotic effects of the drum, as do Huxley (cited in Needham, 1997), and Newberg (2001), among others. Some, alternatively, invoke the accompanying dance (Zémpleni, 1966; Nketia, 1957 [cited from Rouget]; Carter, 1999), especially the swinging of the head that we see in illustrations such as Figure 1 (p. 59), as well as in modern possession dances. Rouget (1985) is critical of each of these, largely because if the effect were physiological, it would have the same affect on all listeners (or dancers), but it does not. In any case, he points out,

lobe activation” (1984). His temporal stimulation device has not worked on everybody, though, and it is not clear what are the discriminating factors. 457 They found significant differences, but failed to notice that they had thereby addressed one of the long-standing issues in the study of mysticism: whether Eastern and Western ‘mystical experiences’ are, in fact, the same. 458 It also helps Parkinson’s sufferers by organizing the brain (Jourdain, 1997). This may also explain the apparent effect of listening to Mozart on spatial reasoning (Rauscher, Shaw, & Ky, 1993).

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neither music nor dancing is always present. Rather, he says, it is an ingrained social response. He is right, but it needs to be considered that it is possible to have a physiological affect which only in the proper ingrained social situations can be turned into a stimulus to intermediation. The issue of music and rhythm has meaning to this study simply because it is likely that in the period under investigation there were certain voices in the Proto-orthodox community that wanted to exclude musical instruments (Clement of Alexandria, Instructor 2.4; Sibylline Oracles 8.113–121; Pseudo-Cyprian, Public shows 3.2–3). It appears that by the fifth century, they had been largely successful (Gregory of Nazianzus, Ag. Julian 5.25; Basil, Canon 74; Pseudo-Justin, For the orthodox 107). If the exclusion of musical instruments impacted either the physiological effect or the ingrained social context mentioned above it could have been a factor in the decline of prophecy in the same period. All this awaits further research. It is admittedly difficult (and expensive) to do the kind of research that Newberg does on intermediaries. He admits that it was difficult enough to find glossalalists for his 2006 study. Neher’s 1961 study needs to be returned to with more methodological care and without assuming that flashes of light are the same as drum beats. It would be interesting to see how Shewder’s 1972 test would work when applied to other intermediative groups. Some of this may enable us to speak with more authority about early Christian experience. Until then, we speak as the scribes (Mark 1.22).

APPENDIX 1: GLOSSARY

Abbreviations: AUB = “Absolute unitary being” (see below) NDE = “Near death experience” NTE = “Nonordinary and transcendent experience” (see below) OBE = “Out of body experience” Absolute unitary being (AUB) Coined by Newberg and D’Aquili for the state of consciousness sought by the Buddhist monks they studied, this phrase is certainly appropriate for much Eastern mystical meditation. The degree to which it is appropriate for Western mystics is neither resolved nor to be investigated in this study. Channeling This is the variety of mediumship characteristic of (although not limited to) modern Spiritualism. It is a form of possession, but distinguished by the fact that it is generally not musicated, non-kinetic, and rarely involves amnesia. Cognitive In the context of this study this means deriving from a normal state of mind, a production, primarily, of the conscious intellect. Congregational prophecy Prophecy that occurs in, or is directed toward an assembly of initiates, even though non-members (non-initiates) may also be present.

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Discernment of spirits One of the nine manifestations of the spirit found in 1 Cor. 12.10. Generally, this is understood to mean the supernatural ability to determine whether something (e.g. another manifestation of the spirit) is of divine origin. Dautzenberg (1975) argues that it is better understood as a divinely inspired interpretation of prophetic revelation. Dissociation In psychology, this refers to the dis-integration of aspects of the psychological self, manifesting in symptoms often associated with schizophrenia: hearing voices, multiple personalities, etc. In this study, it refers to three classes of prophetic states: ecstasy, possession, and parasensory experience. In the first two cases, either the psychological self is separated from the body (e.g. tours of Heaven), or the body appears to have been taken over by a foreign entity (e.g. possession). In the third case, the subject’s senses perceive things not normally perceived (visions, voices, etc.). Divination In general use, this refers to any sort of forbidden contact with the supernatural (generally) for the purposes of discovering the future. In this study, it is used for methods of discovery that utilize the (cognitive) interpretation of (apparently) random phenomena (e.g. Tarot card or entrail reading). Underlying this is, of course, the belief that such phenomena are not truly random, but are either directed by the gods or reflect deeper natural connections (like reading clouds to predict weather). Ecstasy The category of revelatory experience in which the subject perceives herself to have left her body and to have traveled, or been taken, to another place. It is characteristic of apocalyptic visions and shamanic journeys. I have also used this for certain classes of mysticism in which the subject visibly communes with the deity (rapture).

APPENDIX 1: GLOSSARY

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Epipnoia (epipneumatic) I have coined this term (derived from Greek ἐπίπνοια) and its companion adjective—epipneumatic—for experiences in which the prophet has a strong internal sense of the message being delivered, but in which she (a) does not lose control of (any part of) her body, and (b) does not claim to have actually heard (in the aural sense) or seen (visually) a message or messenger. Incorporation This is the category of possession in which the spirit is embodied in the medium. It is virtually always musicated and involves dance. Among the Yoruba, there is no oral communication between the Orisha (possessing spirits) and congregants. American practitioners (Condomblé, Ubanda, Santeria) generally have an oral component. There is, in my opinion, not enough data to determine whether ancient practitioners prophesied, or just danced (although the former is likely). Inspiration Literally, this means a condition of being in-spirited. It is the term usually used to translate θεόπνευστος (god-breathed) in 2 Tim. 3.16, where it describes the nature of scripture. I am using it as a generic term for a NTE based prophetic state. Intermediary In the larger sense, this is one who mediates between parties. In our case, those parties would be humans and the supernatural. As used here it is narrowed down to one who receives messages from the supernatural (the priestly function of delivering messages or sacrifices to the gods, for example, would not be included). Intuition This is semi-conscious knowledge of the generally unknowable. What we usually call intuition, as well as ESP and mind reading are all parts of this larger category. How it relates to the prophetic states that are the main topic of this study is not clear, although at a psychological level, there may be connections. The theological constructs are, of course, quite different.

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Medium In much literature this is a synonym for channeler and will be distinguished from someone who is incorporated (e.g. Firth 1967), but in much scholarly literature it means any possessed person without distinction (see n. 45). I have chosen to use it in the latter fashion, using channeler or mount when a distinction needs to be made. Nonordinary and transcendent experiences (NTE) Coined by Braud (2003), they “include, but are not limited to, mystical, spiritual, and paranormal experiences.” Normal mental state Like ‘cognitive,’ this refers to the normal states of mind— those that are not associated with any sort of intermediary activity, are fully conscious, and generally regarded as sane (which is not to say that intermediary states are necessarily insane). Oracle In this study, this is a divinity’s response to an inquiry (or the one who delivers that response). Elsewhere, of course, it is often used as a synonym for prophecy. Parasensory experience These are experiences in which one (or several) of the five physical senses are stimulated by things which are not normally sensed. In this context, of course, we are interested in occasions where such experiences are revelatory. The most common are such things as seeing visions and hearing voices, although other senses are sometimes involved. Partial possession I use this for instances where the medium loses control of only part of her body. In Spiritualist circles a prime example is automatic writing. In terms of the features that usually distinguish incorporation from channeling, this is more likely to resemble the latter. However, Firth’s comment that mediums do not experience amnesia unless the possession includes their head suggests a modified version of incorporation. There could, of course be instances of both.

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Pneumatic From πνευµατικός, this term simply means “related to the spirit.” It is frequently used in the literature, as well as here, to describe non-ordinary manifestations (e.g. tongues, healing, prophecy, etc.) or the people who do such things. Possession In this state, the subject is presumably taken over by another entity for a period of time. She is often unaware afterwards of anything that has taken place during the possession. Although complete possession is the most common, one does encounter, especially in spiritualist traditions, reports of people surrendering only part of their body (e.g. the hands in automatic writing). Possession-trance This is Bourguignon’s term for what I am calling incorporation. It is also used by her students, but less consistently by other scholars in the social sciences community. I have not seen it outside that community. Prophecy/prophet For the purposes of this investigation, this is synonymous with ‘intermediary.’ Other modern uses are generally derivative, playing on the social rôles or messages of historical prophets —especially those in the Bible. So, for example, because Amos’ prophecies are characterized by demands for social reform, a social reformer might be called a ‘prophet’ by an author wanting to capitalize on the positive connotations of the word. Prophetic interpretation While it is possible to interpret sacred texts at a strictly cognitive level, the prophetic interpreter is one who can obtain the appropriate interpretation for this community, at this time, directly from the divine source. While to my knowledge this terminology is never used in primary literature, the concept is probably present in Ezra-Nehemiah, clearly at Qumran, and throughout the history of Christianity.

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Psychopomp He or she is one who guides the spirits of the dead to their place in the next world. Hermes has this rôle in Greek mythology. Anubis does in Egypt. Metatron is given this rôle in 3 Enoch 48c.12 and on an incantation bowl (Klutz, 2003), while Peter and/or Michael seem to handle it for Christians. It is very frequently the rôle of the shaman, if she is a soul traveler (rather than just a healer). Shaman Shamans actually have a number of intermediary rôles, but for this study, the distinguishing one is the shamanistic journey, in which the shaman travels into the supernatural realm for purposes that range from healing to the prophetic. Trance This term has a wide range of meanings in the literature. For our purposes, it is the psychological altered state into which the dissociated intermediary enters during possession or ecstasy.

APPENDIX 2: MONTANIST PROPHECIES Labriolle, (1913, 34–105); Hennecke, Shneemelcher, & Wilson (1965, vol. 2, pp. 686ƒ); Heine (1989, 3ƒƒ).

Attributed to Montanus ἐγὼ κύριος ὁ θεὸς ὁ παντοκράτωρ καταγινόµενος ἐν ἀνθρώπῳ. (Epiphanius, Medicine Box 48.11)

I am the Lord God Omnipotent occupied in a human.

οὔτε ἄγγελος οὔτε πρέσβυς, ἀλλ' ἐγὼ κύριος ὁ θεὸς πατὴρ ἦλθον. (Epiphanius, Medicine Box 48.11)

Neither angel nor elder, but I, the Lord God Father, have come.

Ἐγώ εἰµι ὁ πατὴρ καὶ ἐγώ εἰµι ὁ υἱος καὶ ἐγώ ὁ παράκλητος. (Didymus, The Trinity 3.41.1)

I am the father, I am the son, and I am the Paraclete.

Why do you say the better person is “saved”? For the just will shine, [he says,] a hundred times brighter than the sun; the least among you who are saved will shine a hundred times brighter than the moon.

τί λέγεις τὸν ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον σῳζόµενον; λάµψει γὰρ [φησίν] ὁ δίκαιος ὑπὲρ τὸν ἥλιον ἑκατονταπλασίονα, οἱ δὲ µικροὶ ἐν ὑµῖν σῳζόµενοι λάµψουσιν ἑκατονταπλασίονα ὑπὲρ τὴν σελήνην.

(Epiphanius, Medicine Box 48.10)

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ἰδού, ὁ ἄνθρωπος ὡσεὶ λύρα κἀγὼ ἐφίπταµαι ὡσεὶ πλῆκτρον· ὁ ἄνθρωπος κοιµᾶται κἀγὼ γρηγορῶ. ἰδού, κύριός ἐστιν ὁ ἐξιστάνων καρδίας ἀνθρώπων καὶ διδοὺς καρδίαν ἀνθρώποις.

(Epiphanius, Medicine Box 48.4.1)

Attributed to Maximilla After me, there will no longer be a prophet, rather, the fulfillment.

µετ' ἐµὲ προφήτης οὐκέτι ἔσται, ἀλλὰ συντέλεια.

(Epiphanius, Medicine Box 48.2.4) διώκοµαι ὡς λύκος ἐκ προβάτων· οὐκ εἰµὶ λύκος· ῥῆµά εἰµι καὶ πνεῦµα καὶ δύναµις. (Eusebius, EH 5.16.17)

I am driven as a wolf from sheep; I am not a wolf—I am word, spirit and power.

Do not listen to me, rather, ἐµοῦ µὴ ἀκούσητε, ἀλλὰ Χριστοῦ ἀκούσατε. listen to Christ. (Epiphanius, Medicine Box 48.12.4)

The Lord sent me forth to this labor as analyst and interpreter of this contract and of this promised selection, forced, willing or not, to be taught the knowledge of God.

ἀπέστειλέ µε κύριος τούτου τοῦ πόνου καὶ τῆς συνθήκης καὶ τῆς ἐπαγγελίας αἱρετιστὴν µηνυτὴν ἑρµηνευτήν, ἠναγκασµένον, θέλοντα καὶ µὴ θέλοντα, γνωθεῖν γνῶσιν θεοῦ.

(Epiphanius, Medicine Box 48.13.1)

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Attributed to Priscilla (Prisca) …A holy minister must understand how to minister holiness. Purity is in fact unity, [She says,] and they have visions, and bowing their face they even hear real voices, those that save and those that are mysterious.

Sanctus minister sanctimoniam nouerit ministrare. Purificantia enim concordat, [ait,] et uisiones uident, et ponentes faciem deorsum etiam uoces audiunt manifestas, tam salutares quam et occultas. (Tertullian, On ex. chastity 10.5)

They are flesh, and hate the flesh.

Carnes sunt et carnem oderunt.

(Tertullian, On the res. of the body 11.2)

Attributed to Priscilla or Quintilla ἐν ἰδέᾳ, [φησί,] γυναικός, ἐσχηµατισµένος ἐν στολῇ λαµπρᾷ ἦλθε πρός µε Χριστὸς καὶ ἐνέβαλεν ἐν ἐµοὶ τὴν σοφίαν καὶ ἀπεκάλυψέ µοι τουτονὶ τὸν τόπον εἶναι ἅγιον καὶ ὧδε τὴν Ἱερουσαλὴµ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ κατιέναι. (Epiphanius, Medicine Box 49.1)

[She said,] Christ appeared to me [in sleep], in the form of a woman in shining robes and gave me wisdom and revealed to me that this place is holy and that it is here that Jerusalem will descend from heaven.

Unidentified prophets, attributed to the Spirit (or the Paraclete) In fact God brought forth the word [as teaches the Paraclete] just as a trunk bears fruit, a spring a river, and the sun a ray.

Protulit enim deus sermonem, [quemadmodum etiam paracletus docet,] sicut radix fruticem et fons fluvium et sol radium. (Tertullian, Ag. Praxias 8.5)

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[The Paraclete in the New Potest ecclesia donare delictum, Prophets] The Church can remit sed non faciam, ne et alia sin, but I will not, in case others delinquant. also sin. (Tertullian, Modesty 21.7)

[The Spirit says] Exposed? Good. The one who is not licly exposed to men will be so to the Lord. Do not be turbed; being just creates visibility. Why does it disturb you to receive praise? There is power in being publicly observed.

Publicaris? bonum tibi est; qui enim non publicatur in hominibus, publicatur in domino. Ne confundaris: iustitia te producit inmedium; quid confunderis laudem ferens? Potestas fit, cumconspiceris ab hominibus. (Tertullian, Flight 9.4)

[The Spirit says] Do not hope to die on your couch, by abortion or of crippling fever, but rather in martyrdom, that he might be glorified who suffered for you.

Nolite in lectulis necin aborsibus et febribus mollibus optare exire, sed in martyriis,uti glorificetur, qui est passus pro vobis.

(Tertullian, Flight 9.4)

[The Paraclete counsels] It is not in crippling fevers or on your couch but in martyrdom, if you take up your cross and low the Lord, as he himself taught. The whole key to Paradise is your own blood.

non in mollibus febribus et in lectulis, sed in martyriis, si crucem tuam tollas et sequaris dominum, ut ipse praecepit. Tota paradisi clauis tuus sanguis est.

(Tertullian, The soul 58.5)

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217

Tertullian’s community A soul has been shown to me having a body, and the spirit was appearing, not with empty and insubstantial properties, but rather suggesting tangibility, delicate, bright, misty in color, and completely human in form.

Ostensa est mihi anima corporaliter, et spiritus uidebatur, sed non inanis et uacuae qualitatis, immo quae etiam teneri repromitteret, tenera et lucida et aerii coloris, et forma per omnia humana. (Tertullian, The soul 9.4)

The Lord has assigned the size of the veil by revelation. For one of our sisters, in sleep, was clapped on the neck by an gel, as if applauding. “An gant neck,” he said, “deserving to be bare! It would be nice if you would show all, from head to privates. Your liberated neck may not be enough to get what you want.” And certainly, what you have said to one, you have said to all (see above, n. 392).

…nobis dominus etiam revelationibus velaminis spatia metatus est. Nam cuidam sorori nostrae angelus in somnis cervices, quasi applauderet, verberans: 'Elegantes,’ inquit, 'cervices et merito nudae! Bonum est, usque ad lumbos a capite veleris, ne et tibi ista cervicum libertas non prosit.' Et utique quod uni dixeris, omnibus dixeris.

(Tertullian, Veiling virgins 17.6)

References to prophecies in Tertullian without direct quotes Those who heard up to date, not ancient, prophesying cover virgins.

Hunc qui audierunt usque non olim prophetantem, virgines contegunt. (Tertullian, Veiling virgins 1.11. See 17.6, above)

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The Paraclete has frequently discussed this [that the soul suffers in Hades, awaiting the resurrection], if one, recognizing the promised gifts, admits any of his messages.

Hoc etiam paracletus frequentissime commendauit, si qui sermones eius ex agnitione promissorum charismatum admiserit.

(Tertullian, The soul 58.8)

The Holy Spirit, in whatever land he chose, and by er he chose to predict, ing either the immanence of temptations to the church or world plagues, speaks as lete (i.e. advocate who suades the Judge) to mandate approved solutions. For stance, in the present, [he dates] the maintenance of briety and discipline of abstinence. We who receive them necessarily also maintain the behaviors which he ordained in an earlier time.

Spiritus sanctus, cum in quibus uellet terris et per quos uellet praedicaret, ex prouidentia imminentium siue ecclesiasticarum temptationum siue mundialium plagarum, qua paracletus id est aduocatus ad exorandum iudicem dicitur, huius modi officiorum remedia mandabat, puta, nunc ad exercendam sobrietatis et abstinentiae disciplinam; hunc qui recipimus, necessario etiam quae tunc constituit obseruamus.

(Tertullian, Fasts 13.5)

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Stewart-Sykes, Alistair. (1997). The Asian context of the New Prophecy and of Epistula Apostolorum. Vigiliae Christianae, 51, 416–438. Stoller, Paul. (1989). The taste of ethnographic things: The senses in anthropology. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Storms, C. Samuel. (1996). A third wave view. In Wayne Grudem (Ed.), Are miraculous gifts for today? four views (pp. 175–223‚ 72– 85‚ 156–163‚ 305–308). Leicester: Inter-varsity press. Stronstad, R. (1984). The charismatic theology of Luke. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson. Stone, Michael E. (1984). Jewish writings of the Second Temple period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran, sectarian writings, Philo, Josephus. Compendia rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum. Netherlands: Van Gorcum. Stone, Michael, & Esther Chazon (Eds.). (1998). Biblical Perspectives: Early Use & Interpretation of the Bible in the Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Leiden: Brill. Tabernee, William. (1985). Early Montanism and voluntary martyrdom. Colloquium: The Australian and New Zealand theological review, 17, 33–44. Tambornino, Julius. (1909). De antiquorum daemonismo. Giessen: A. Töpelmann. Tappeiner, Daniel A. (1974). The function of tongue speaking for the individual: A psycho-theological model. Journal of American Scientific Affiliation, 26, 29–32. Tabbernee, William. (2007). Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism. Vigiliae Christianae, Supplements (84). Leiden: Brill Tart, Charles T. (Ed.). (1969). Altered states of consciousness: A book of readings. New York: Wiley. Taves, Ann. (1999). Fits, trances, & visions experiencing religion and explaining experience from Wesley to James. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Tertullian.. (1918). Latin Christianity: Its Founder, Tertullian. (Allan Menzies (Trans.), Philip Schaff (Ed.)). Ante-Nicene Fathers (vol. 3). Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Tertullian. (1957). Traite de la prescription contre les he re tiques. (Pierre Chaimpagne de Labriolle, and R. F. Refoule , Eds.). Sources chre tiennes, 46. Paris: Cerf.

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INDEX 1 Corinthians, 1, 33, 82, 83ƒ, 149, 190 1 Thessalonians, 12 accuracy, 86, 90ƒƒ Acts of the Apostles, 1ƒ, 9, 29, 33, 37, 38–41, 73ƒƒ, 80–89, 90102, 107ƒ, 120ƒ, 126, 141, 172ƒ, 183, 191, 197 adoptionism, 112, 185 Agabus, 9, 82, 85–91, 97, 101, 108, 120, 197, 199 Against Celsus, 147, 150 Alcibiades, 153, 163ƒ, 167 alcohol, 24, 45, 59, 139 Alexandria, 135, 144, 188 allegory, 150 amanita muscaria, 45 Ambrose, 28 American Anglo-, 29 Latin, 24, 29 Native, 15, 18ƒ, 26, 45 Ammia, 125ƒ, 126, 154 amnesia, 16ƒ, 37, 38, 63, 70, 95, 98–102, 164, 207, 210 anachronism, 106, 119 angel, 3, 20, 38, 43, 78, 83, 101ƒ, 111, 117, 121ƒƒ, 135, 139, 144, 166, 170, 185, 202, 213, 217 anthropology, 14, 29, 82

cultural, 10, 35, 43 APA, 219 Apelles, 135ƒ, 196 Apocalypse. See Revelation of John apocalyptic, 8, 19, 22, 32, 35, 66, 74, 97, 100, 160, 174, 191ƒ, 197, 201, 208 Apolinarius, 154, 160, 163, 167 Apollo, 50–55, 59, 130 Apollonius, 156, 159, 172 apostle, 2, 7, 10, 33, 74, 80ƒ, 88– 93, 101ƒ, 103–107, 112ƒ, 132, 146, 152, 159, 172, 179, 188ƒƒ archaism, 73, 81 Archontici, 144 asceticism, 5, 132 Asia Minor, 105, 111, 123, 126, 131, 138, 145, 150, 155, 171, 178, 182ƒ, 195, 199ƒƒ Athenagoras of Athens, 12 Attalus, 153 AUB (absolute unitary being), 31, 207 Augustine, 151, 155, 173 authority of office, 48, 94, 116, 189 prophetic, 87, 89–94, 116 Bacchants, 38, 59, 62, 65, 200 Balaam (in Revelation), 104, 111 Barabbas, 144 Barbeliotes, 104

267

268

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Barkabbas, 144 Barkoph, 144 Barnabas, 86ƒ, 90, 92, 199 Basilides, 144 bishop. See overseer Black Elk, 19, 56 Caiaphas, 48 Cainites, 104, 155 Caius, 111ƒ, 158 Calvin, John, 7, 32ƒ canon, 71, 90, 94, 117, 190ƒƒ Carpocratians, 104, 144, 152 Carthage, 165, 168, 171, 172, 183ƒƒ, 195, 200 casting lots, 43, 141 catatonia, 160, 165, 167 categories, 9–48 emic, 15, 17 etic, 17, 18 psychological, 6, 10, 13, 17, 21ƒƒ, 31–49, 198 sociological, 10, 14–18 traditional, 10-14 catholic. See Proto-orthodox cavalo, 24, 25 celibacy, 62, 155 Celsus, 147, 150, 186, 196, 199 Cerinthus, 111ƒƒ cessationism, 5, 10, 157, 164, 185ƒƒ, 190 Cham, 144, 193 channeling, 24ƒ, 37–38, 63, 181, 207, 210 Charis, 139, 143, 156 charisma of office, 4, 50, 109, 185, 189, 193 charisma of the spirit, 4, 109, 185, 193

Charismatic movement, 4, 11, 26–29, 77, 82, 129, 142, 152, 190 charlitans, 14, 18, 33, 44, 71, 108, 131, 142ƒ Children, 184 chiliasm, 111ƒ, 157 Christianity earliest, 1, 37, 68, 80, 93, 98 early, 1–9, 12, 33, 42, 45ƒ, 49ƒ, 65ƒ, 73ƒ, 82, 86, 89, 93ƒƒ, 107, 119, 125ƒ, 129, 158, 190, 191, 195, 205 formative, 61, 81, 105 Jewish, 3, 111, 195 Chronicler, 71, 96 Chronicles, 66, 79 Chukchee, 21, 30 church orders, 193 Clement of Alexandria, 12, 117, 137, 144, 205 cognition, normal, 32, 44, 207, 210 community Pauline, 1ƒ, 12, 94 prophetic, 1 compulsion, 214 Condomblé, 24, 37, 38, 209 Constantine, 81, 192 convulsions, 166 Corinth, 2, 12, 40, 75–79, 83ƒƒ, 94, 99ƒƒ, 142 Cornelius, 102, 187 Corybantes, 38, 59, 65, 69, 102, 123, 125, 162, 163, 200 Cybele, 59, 65, 156 cynicism, 107, 131, 134 Cyprian, 50, 182, 185, 193, 195, 200, 205

INDEX dance, 17, 24ƒƒ, 37–40, 45, 59, 60, 63ƒƒ, 123, 202ƒ, 209 Daniel, 22, 44, 66ƒƒ, 133 decadence, 14, 30, 45 decline, 3ƒƒ, 46, 97, 120, 189, 194, 195, 205 definition, 7ƒƒ, 17 Delphi, 9, 53, 61 demon, 68, 108, 122, 136ƒƒ, 144, 151, 182, 186 depravation, 5 Devil, 174 Diaspora, 2, 76 Didache, 4, 12, 83, 88, 89, 105– 109, 118, 121, 134ƒ, 158, 194, 199 Dinocrates, 172ƒƒ Dio Crysostom, 50 Diodorus Siculus, 50 Dionysius of Alexandria, 111, 188 Dionysus (the god), 53, 58, 59, 111 Dioscurides of Cilicia, 50 dissociation, 17, 34, 38, 41, 57, 82, 165 diversity, 2ƒ, 149 divination, 8, 26, 42, 43ƒƒ, 50ƒƒ, 64, 67, 101, 141, 208 divinity, 20 female, 126ƒ, 138, 156 dream, 3, 17, 41–5, 46ƒƒ, 51, 62, 71, 101, 144, 156, 160, 169, 170, 173ƒ, 184ƒ, 199 drumming, 23–26, 35, 45, 204ƒ dualism, 112 economic class, 5 ecstasis, 74 ecstasy, 1, 5, 14ƒƒ, 17, 23, 34–37, 40, 45, 54, 59ƒƒ, 74, 80, 83,

269 95, 100, 108, 117, 129, 137, 138, 143, 164, 167, 178, 181, 184, 189, 193, 208, 212 Egypt, 105, 132, 136, 191, 212 Elijah, 39, 197 enlightenment, 70 entheogens, 14ƒ, 45ƒ, 51, 56, 59, 131 enthusiasm, 1, 39, 79, 82ƒ, 108, 129, 142, 154ƒ, 160ƒ, 163, 168, 189, 194 Epiphanius, 143, 154, 156ƒƒ, 174, 181, 213, 215 epipnoia, 39–42, 43ƒƒ, 54ƒ, 63, 82, 96–102, 116, 136, 142ƒ, 150, 153, 164, 194, 199, 209 ESP (extra-sensory perception), 40, 42, 209 Eusebius, 82, 111, 125, 135, 144, 151, 160, 163, 167, 172, 178, 185, 188, 201, 214 evaluation, 5, 11ƒƒ, 75, 91ƒƒ, 107ƒƒ, 143, 166, 171, 196 evangelist, 88, 92 exclusivity, 11, 147 exorcism, 20, 83 Ezekiel, 183 Ezra-Nehemiah, 41, 211 Firmillian, 182ƒ, 195 fasts, 45, 48 folklore, 80, 134 food, 104, 108, 132, 134, 153 frequency of reports, 193 Galen of Pergamum, 50 ghost, 20, 39 glossolalia, 1–4, 24ƒ, 28, 31, 40, 51, 76, 79, 83ƒ, 97ƒƒ, 121ƒƒ, 141, 149, 152, 162, 178ƒ, 187, 204, 211 interpretation, 76, 79, 97

270

PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY

Gnosticism, 3, 74, 104, 111, 126, 136, 137ƒ, 149, 196 Gospel, 3, 7, 91ƒƒ Greece, 20, 48, 55, 59, 62ƒ, 178 Greeks, 49–65 gynephobia, 5 healing, 4, 17, 18, 19, 38, 57, 59, 76, 97, 123ƒ, 137, 151, 186, 202, 211ƒ heaven tour of, 22, 35ƒ, 100, 174, See also soul-travel Hellenism, 7, 32, 66, 69 heresiarchs, 136, 194 heresy, 3, 5, 105, 133, 183, 188, See also heterodoxy Hermas, 4, 12, 68, 83, 108, 117, 123, 135, 142, 156ƒƒ, 168 Hermes, 20, 212 heterodoxy, 5, 104, 194, 196, See also heresy hieros gamos, 104, 108, 139, 141ƒƒ Hildegard, 36 Hinduism, 11, 14, 45 Hippolytus, 135ƒƒ, 142ƒ, 159, 188ƒ historiography, 66, 71, 96 Hosea, 108 hymns, 21, 24–28, 60, 64, 78ƒ, 126, 129ƒ, 166, 204 I Maccabees, 66 Ifá, 26, 40, 60 Ignatius, 50, 113, 116, 130, 133, 145 incorporation, 24ƒƒ, 34, 37ƒ, 54, 60, 63ƒƒ, 73, 99–102, 160, 164, 177, 180, 183, 199, 209ƒƒ incubation, 48, 160 induction, 35, 56, 59, 141

inerrant, 93 Infancy Gospel of James, 127 inquiry prophetic, 12 inspiration, 31ƒƒ, 39, 61ƒƒ, 95, 99, 114, 163, 189 intermediary, 9, 209 interpretation prophetic, 41, 71, 95, 187ƒ, 208, 211 intuition, 42ƒƒ, 209 Irenaeus, 40, 76, 104, 111ƒ, 138, 146, 150, 153, 153 186, 194 Isidorus, 144 Islam, 127 itinerants, 4, 27, 56, 86–89, 106– 109, 120, 132ƒƒ James, 86, 193 Jeremiah, 67, 181, 191, 197 Jerusalem vision, 154, 157, 171 Jewish War second, 191 Jezebel, 103ƒ, 194 John (the apostle), 111, 146 John (the elder), 13, 194 John (the evangelist), 48, 111 John (the Revelator), 103ƒ, 111 Joppa vision, 102 Joseph (husband of Mary), 44 Josephus, 66–73, 96 Judaism early, 50 Judas, 45, 87, 96 Jude (Epistle of), 93, 96 Justin (Martyr), 12, 123ƒƒ, 137, 178, 205 knowledge word of, 76ƒ Lactanuius, 12

INDEX liturgy, 5, 119, 123, 167, 193, 194 location social, 6, 120 logia Iesu, 3, 92ƒ Logos, 136 Lucian of Samosata, 50, 131 Luke, 2, 38ƒƒ, 45, 73, 81–94, 126 Luther, Martin, 7, 32, 33, 95 magic, 14, 64, 81, 86, 101, 194 Malachi, 90 mania erotic, 61 mantic, 53ƒ, 63 poetic, 60 ritual, 57 telestic, 63, 162 Marcion, 133, 136, 154, 165 Marcus, 104, 138, 143, 150ƒƒ, 156, 196 marriage second, 156, 159, 170, 171 Marsianos, 143ƒ Martiades, 143 martyrdom, 23, 48, 113, 116, 123, 133, 146, 153, 171, 174, 183, 186, 216 The Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas, 22ƒ, 116, 156, 170, 172, 174, 199 Matthew (Gospel of), 44, 75, 100 Maximilla, 154, 163, 171, 177, 181, 192, 195, 214 meditation, 31, 45, 204, 207 mediumship, 10ƒ, 16–19, 23ƒƒ, 36ƒ, 54ƒƒ, 98–101, 125, 135ƒ, 142, 150, 155, 193, 207, 210 Merkabah, 191 millennialism. See chiliasm

271 Miltiades, 125, 157, 163, 178, 181 missionary, 106, 190 Mohammed, 183 Montanism. See New Prophecy Montanus, 135, 154, 158, 163, 171ƒ, 175, 180, 199, 213 mount. See incorporation music, 17, 23–26, 35ƒƒ, 59–66, 99, 129, 200, 204, 209 musical instruments, 23, 64, 70, 178ƒƒ, 205 aulos, 179 guitar, 26, 35 kithara, 130, 178 lyre, 175, 178ƒƒ, 214 mysticism, 31, 35, 62ƒ, 164, 204, 207ƒ Nag Hammadi, 144 Natalius, 185 NDE (near death experience), 20, 39, 207 neurology, 5ƒ, 9, 10, 32–35, 40, 43, 202 New Prophecy, 3ƒƒ, 37, 62, 82, 98, 101, 108, 117, 125ƒ, 150, 154, 164, 164 165ƒƒ, 171, 183, 186, 190, 192ƒƒ, 194ƒƒ, 198, 212 Nikotheos, 144 Noadiah, 159 Novatian, 187ƒ NTE (nonordinary and transcendent experience), 15ƒ, 19, 31–35, 40, 44ƒƒ, 50, 69ƒ, 79, 82, 98–103, 116, 165, 202, 207, 210 OBE (out of body experiences), 35, 207

272

PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY

Odes of Solomon, 116, 126, 131, 157 On the death of Peregrinus, 131, 135 oracle, 3, 7ƒƒ, 41, 50–54, 59–66, 90–93, 97, 101, 130, 135, 147, 157ƒƒ, 163, 171ƒ, 179ƒƒ, 210 order, 167 Origen, 4, 147ƒƒ, 182, 186ƒƒ, 199 Orpheus, 20 orthodoxy, 2, 12, 81, 111, 126, 134 Orthodoxy independent, 196 overseer, 109, 113, 132, 146 paraclete. See Holy Spirit parasensory experience, 5, 34, 38ƒ, 100ƒƒ, 113, 135, 138, 145, 182, 185, 208, 210 Parchor, 144, 194 Parousia, 157, 192 parsimony, 36, 83, 133 pathology, 15, 31, 36, 56 Paul, 1ƒ, 7, 12, 29, 33–40, 73– 104, 107ƒ, 117, 121, 126, 142, 149, 159, 166ƒƒ, 178, 188, 194, 197ƒƒ deutero-, 1 epistles of, 75–80 Pentecostalism, 4, 11, 26, 28, 29, 40ƒƒ, 77, 83, 120, 129, 141ƒ, 152, 190 Pepuza, 156 Peregrinus, 131, 135, 153 perennialism, 14 period apostolic, 10, 81, 92, 146, 179, 190 post-apostolic, 74, 105, 194

Second Temple, 68, 73, 79, 97, 190ƒ Perpetua, 48, 62, 172, 174 Peter, 74, 81, 86, 90, 100ƒƒ, 107, 174, 211 Philip, 85–88, 102, 126 Philip’s daughters, 85ƒ, 91, 125ƒ Philo, 46, 66–70, 76, 98, 102, 178, 187 Philumene, 120, 135ƒ Phrygians. See New Prophecy physical manifestations, 185 Plato, 38, 51–64, 143, 162 Platonism, 68ƒ Plutarch, 50, 54–57, 64ƒ, 122 Polycarp, 111, 116, 145ƒƒ, 184 pope, 155 possession, 16ƒ, 20, 23–26, 29ƒ, 34ƒ, 36–38, 39, 42, 45, 54ƒƒ, 58–63, 69ƒ, 108, 124, 137, 151, 160ƒ, 167, 175, 180, 181ƒƒ, 200, 204, 207, 212 possession-trance, 16, 211 Praxias, 15ƒ, 171, 215 praying, 99, 145ƒ preaching, 7, 32ƒ, 41, 95 prediction, 87, 145 prestidigitation, 14 priest(ess), 9, 44 Prisca. See Priscilla Priscilla, 154, 163, 170ƒ, 181, 215 prophecy, 7ƒƒ Charismatic/Pentecostal, 26, 40 congregational, 5, 8, 27, 30, 68, 84, 99, 114, 120ƒ, 125, 146, 166ƒ, 185ƒ, 190, 193, 204, 207 contemporary, 1ƒ, 69, 84, 93

INDEX didactic, 187ƒ ecstatic, 59 false, 12, 67, 88, 103, 111, 117, 122, 135, 152, 161, 164, 191, 194 Hebrew Bible, 33, 90, 97, 107 New Testament, 33 orative, 41, 98ƒ, 103, 116 personal, 28 Proto-orthodox, 195 prophet, 8, 211 prophetic actions, 12 prophylaxis demon, 20 proselytism, 149 proselytizing, 98ƒ Proteus, 132ƒƒ, 153 Proto-gnosticism, 89, 196 Proto-orthodoxy, 3ƒƒ, 73, 81, 91, 106, 125, 142, 145, 179, 183ƒƒ, 194ƒƒ, 205 Proto-unorthodoxy, 105, 131, 143, 196 psalmody, 79, 129, 166 pseudepigraphy, 22, 191 psychological state, 10, 13, 31ƒ, 54, 95–101, 150, 177, 180, 202 psychopomp, 18, 20, 212 pythia, 38, 50–56, 60, 65, 77 Quadratus, 125ƒ, 154 Quintilla, 154, 157, 170, 215 Qumran, 41, 68, 79, 95, 129, 211 rapture, 35ƒ, 168, 208 reincarnation, 20, 83 remuneration, 13, 101, 104, 108, 118ƒƒ, 135, 158, 185 revelation, 8, 11ƒ, 33, 40-43, 74, 77ƒƒ, 82, 97–102, 111ƒ, 116,

273 135ƒ, 143ƒ, 153, 157, 169ƒƒ, 185, 189, 201ƒ, 208, 217 Revelation of John, 1, 22, 33, 93, 100, 103, 111ƒ, 122, 156 Rhodo, 135ƒ ritual, 14ƒ, 21, 24ƒ, 45, 54–60, 65, 78, 140, 143, 168 Samadhi, 36 Samuel, 8, 94, 101, 146 Samuel-Kings, 101 Satan, 104 Saturnus, 22 Saturus, 170, 174, 199 schizophrenia, 31ƒ, 38, 208 scripture, 13 Scriptures Hebrew, 94 Jewish, 33, 41, 65, 73, 90, 136 self-mutilation, 48 sexuality, 61ƒ, 104, 139, 141ƒƒ, 155, 171 shaman, 14–22, 29, 30, 35, 45, 56, 202, 212 Shamanic journeys. See soultravel shamanism, 16–20, 30, 43, 46, 56, 212 sibyl, 56, 63 Sibylline Oracles, 12, 201 Silas, 87, 90, 96 Simon Magus, 89, 149, 160, 194 singing. See hymns Smith, Joseph, 141, 157 songs. See hymns soul-travel, 16–22, 29, 35, 97, 100, 199, 208, 212

274

PSYCHOLOGY OF PROPHECY

Spirit, Holy, 12, 33, 42, 45, 73– 79, 84ƒ, 89, 96, 99–102, 107ƒ, 113ƒ, 118, 121, 131, 137, 142, 148, 152ƒ, 157, 161, 165ƒ, 169, 172, 175, 178, 190, 215, 218 spirits, 12ƒ, 17–20, 23ƒƒ, 30, 36– 42, 68, 75–78, 84–87, 99, 117, 123, 127, 136, 139, 144, 156, 160ƒƒ, 166, 175, 189, 193, 208, 214, 217 discerning, 41, 76, 187, 208 Spiritualism, 11, 18, 23ƒ, 37ƒ, 42, 83, 207, 210 summary reports by quarter century, 193ƒƒ, 200 by psychological type, 198ƒ by region, 199ƒƒ by sect, 195ƒ by social context, 197ƒ Takánakapsâluk, 21 teacher, 4, 50, 87ƒ, 98, 104, 109, 136, 146, 187 teaching, 33, 75, 78, 80ƒƒ, 95–98, 103, 123 Teresa of Avila, 16, 35 Tertullian, 30, 74, 117, 134ƒ, 154, 160, 165, 172, 179, 183, 194, 195, 200, 215, 218 Themiso, 159, 172 theology, 2ƒ, 10–13, 22, 33, 36, 71, 80ƒƒ, 92, 95ƒƒ, 101, 104, 138, 155, 172, 185, 190, 209 Theophilus, 12 terminology (ancient) 49-72 Hellenistic Greek, 49–65 Hellenistic Jewish, 65–72 Thomas (Gospel of), 93, 156, 174, 196

Tikopia, 17, 25, 193 tobacco, 25, 45 tradition, 4, 11, 13, 28, 42, 45, 71, 75, 76, 80, 83, 94, 98, 101, 113, 137, 143, 161, 168, 171, 191, 194 trance, 14–21, 29, 37, 38, 56, 59, 63ƒ, 74, 99ƒƒ, 160, 168, 174, 180, 183, 197, 212 involuntary, 16 voluntary, 16 Tungus, 17, 19 Ubanda, 24ƒƒ, 29, 37, 65, 163, 209 Valentinianism, 113, 137, 138 Valentinus, 136ƒƒ, 196 versification, 51, 61, 85, 163 virginity, 85ƒƒ, 135ƒ, 156, 170, 171ƒ, 217 vision, 3, 8, 13, 18, 22ƒ, 29–32, 35–40, 47, 53, 62, 70, 74, 100ƒƒ, 118, 121, 136ƒƒ, 143, 147, 151ƒƒ, 156, 160, 166, 174, 182, 190, 194, 195, 197, 199, 202, 208ƒƒ, 215 voice, 21, 38ƒƒ, 182, 205, 208, 210, 215 War second Jewish, 190, 192 water, 114ƒ, 130ƒ, 153 Weber, Max, 4, 183, 192, 196 wisdom word of, 76, 77 Wisdom of Solomon, 96 women, 5, 19, 21, 37, 41, 46, 51, 54, 58, 61ƒ, 91, 103, 123, 126, 135, 139, 141, 154ƒƒ, 159ƒ, 166, 171, 174, 182ƒ, 189, 195, 215

INDEX worship, 1, 27ƒƒ, 57, 64, 78ƒ, 92, 97ƒƒ, 128ƒ, 142, 159, 194, 204 xenoglossia, 123, 162 xenoglossy, 83 Yoruba, 23–26, 40, 60, 63, 161, 163, 209 Zephyrinus, 185 amentia, 165 charisma, 166 psychicos, 165 γλώσσαις, 40, 152 δαίµων, 20 διακρίσεις, 76ƒ διδάσκαλος, 73 διδαχή, 79 ἔδωκεν, 76, 88 Θεοφορος, 113 θιασάρχης, 132 καταγινόµενος, 179, 213 κατάδεσµος, 64 κατοχῇ, 160ƒ ἐκβακχεύω, 60 κενός, 68 ἀκούσιον, 164 ἑκουσίου, 164 ἔκστασις, 69, 74, 97, 100, 161 ἐκφρόνως, 161ƒƒ ἔκφρων, 63 λαµβανω, 62 λεγόµενος, 67 µάγοι, 44 ἀµαθία, 164 µαινόµαι, 63 µανία, 50, 53–64, 67ƒƒ, 162ƒƒ µαντείας, 51, 57 µαντική, 64 µάντις, 52, 62, 67, 71ƒƒ ἀµετροφώνους, 162 ἐνέβλεψεν, 67 ἔνθεος, 51ƒ, 62ƒ, 73 ἐνθουσιασµός, 39, 57, 62

275 ἐνύπνιον, 67 ξενοφωνεῖν, 160ƒ οἰωνίσµατος, 67 παρεκστάσει, 160ƒ ἐπίπνοια, 39, 62, 209 ἐπιστὰς, 74 πνεύµατα, 122 πνευµατικός, 165, 211 πνευµατοφορηθέντα, 164 πνευµατοφορηθῆναι, 160 πνευµάτων, 76ƒ, 122 ποιηταί, 61 ποιητική, 60 ἀποκάλυψις, 74, 79, 97, 116 ἀπόστολος, 73 προφητεία, 74 προφήτεια, 69, 71, 74 προφητεύω, 57, 85 προφήτης, 7ƒƒ, 49–53, 65–68, 71–74, 77, 85 προφήτις, 51 πυθιάς, 9 ὅραµα, 74, 101 ἱέρεια, 53, 64 τελέω, 57 ἀτελής, 60 φαρµακίς, 64, 67 φηµί, 49 ψευδοπροφήτης, 66, 67 ψυχή, 20 ψυχικός, 165

126 ,‫אל שׁדּי‬ 87 ,‫בר־נבואה‬ 38 ,‫בת קול‬ 67 ,‫חלם‬ 67 ,‫כזב‬ 67 ,‫כשף‬ 65–68 ,‫נביא‬ 67 ,‫ענן‬ 67 ,‫קסם‬