Princely Authority in the Early Marwānid State: The Life of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn Marwān 9781463206321, 1463206321

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Princely Authority in the Early Marwānid State

Islamic History and Thought

2 Series Editorial Board Series Editor

Peter Adamson Isabel Toral-Niehoff Isabel Toral-Niehoff Ahmad Khan Manolis Ulbricht Jack Tannous Jan Just Witkam

Peter Adamson

Ahmad KhanBoard Advisory Editorial

Binyamin Abrahamov Konrad Hirschler Jack Tannous Asad Q. Ahmed James Howard-Johnston Mehmetcan Akpinar Maher Jarrar Manolis Ulbricht Abdulhadi Alajmi Marcus Milwright Mohammad-Ali Amir-Moezzi Harry Munt Jan Just Witkam Massimo Campanini Gabriel Said Reynolds Agostino Cilardo Walid A. Saleh Godefroid de Callataÿ Jens Scheiner Farhad Daftary Delfina Serrano Beatrice Gruendler Georges Tamer Wael Hallaq

Islamic History and Thought provides a platform for scholarly research on any geographic area within the expansive Islamic world, stretching from the Mediterranean to China, and dated to any period from the eve of Islam until the early modern era. This series contains original monographs, translations (Arabic, Persian, Syriac, Greek, and Latin) and edited volumes.

Princely Authority in the Early Marwānid State

The Life of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn Marwān

Joshua Mabra

gp 2017

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2017 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. ‫ܗ‬

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2017

ISBN 978-1-4632-0632-1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication Record is Available from the Library of Congress. Printed in the United States of America

Princely Authority in the Early Marwānid State: The Life of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn Marwān (d. 86/705)

Do not delete the following information about this document. Version 1.0 Document Template: Template book.dot. Document Word Count: 12772 Document Page Count: 226 For my parents, Doc and Debra Mabra, who taught me to cherish the written word

TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ..................................................................................... v Acknowledgments .................................................................................. vii List of Tables and Images ...................................................................... ix Abbreviations ........................................................................................... xi Chapter 1. Introduction: Egypt and the Early Umayyads.................. 1 Chapter 2. The Coalition of Kalb and Umayya ................................. 13 The Kalbī Lineage of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ........................................... 23 Chapter 3. Al-Ḥasham: Building a Provincial Power Base in the Nile Valley ...................................................................................... 33 The Marriage Alliances of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ................................... 40 The Yamānī Appointees and Companions of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ......................................................................... 43 The Property Acquisitions of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ............................. 48 Chapter 4. The Poetic Battle for Succession..................................... 55 The Poetry of Ibn Qays al-Ruqayyāt (d. 85/705) ..................... 60 Qaṣīda # 2 ................................................................................. 60 Ghazal # 3 ................................................................................. 64 Qaṣīda # 38 ............................................................................... 68 Qaṣīda # 61 ............................................................................... 70 The Poetry of al-Aḥwaṣ al-Anṣārī (d. 75/104) ......................... 75 Qāfiyat al-ʿayn............................................................................. 75 Qāfiyat al-dāl .............................................................................. 77 Chapter 5. The Independent Polity of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn Marwān............................................................................................ 83 Protocols, Papyri and a Portrait: Material Evidence from the Reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn Marwān ........................... 96 New Administrative Features (post 86/705) ..........................102 Coinage Reforms .........................................................................109 The ABAZ Coin ..........................................................................113 v

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Chapter 6. Into the Egyptian Holy Land: The Amīr, the Patriarch and the City of Ḥulwān .............................................119 The Monasteries, Churches and Holy Sites of Ḥulwān ........125 Memphis, Miṣr and the Sacred Name of Egypt .....................129 The MACP Coin..........................................................................137 The Amīr and the Patriarch........................................................141 The Monastic Poll-Tax ...............................................................153 Chapter 7. Conclusion: The Legacy of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn Marwān..........................................................................................161 Excursus: Beyond Egypt: The Legitimation of Bishr ibn Marwān (d. 75/694) ...........................................................167 The Orans Drachm of Bishr ibn Marwān ...............................169 Court Poetry and the Ambitions of Bishr ibn Marwān.........176 Conclusion ....................................................................................182 Select Bibliography ...............................................................................189 Arabic, Coptic and Greek Sources ...........................................189 Secondary Sources .......................................................................192 Index .......................................................................................................203

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I owe a lifetime of gratitude to the many educators and institutions that have supported me throughout the years, in particular Kenyon College, The School of Oriental and African Studies (University of London), and the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, University of Chicago. My deepest thanks go to Fred Donner, for taking a chance on me so many years ago; Don Whitcomb, who believed in my research when I didn’t; and Sean Anthony, whose generous advice has been a tremendous source of guidance.

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LIST OF TABLES AND IMAGES Table 1: The Royal House of Dūmat al-Jandal

Table 2: Marriage Ties Between the Umayyads and Kalb Table 3: The Yamānī Appointees and Companions of

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32

ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz

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Image 1: ABAZ Coin (I)

115

Image 2: ABAZ Coin (II)

115

Image 3: MACP COIN (I)

140

Image 4: MACP COIN (II)

140

Image 5: MACP COIN (III)

141

Image 6: Ḥulwān Palace A

145

Image 7: Ḥulwān Palace B

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Image 8: Bishr Orans

Image 9: Standing Caliph and Bishr Orans

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186

ABBREVIATIONS Aghānī Aḥwaṣ

Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣbahānī, Kitāb al-Aghānī, 24 vols, ed. Muḥammad Abū al-Faḍl Ibrāhīm, et al. Cairo, 1927.

ʿAbd Allāh b. Muḥammad al-Aḥwaṣ, Shiʿr alAḥwaṣ, ed. ʿĀdil Sulaymān Jamāl. Cairo, 1970.

ANSMN

American Numismatic Society Museum Notes

Aphrodito

Greek Papyri in the British Museum Catalogue, with Texts, vol. IV, The Aphrodito Papyri, ed., H.I. Bell, with an Appendix of Coptic Papyri, ed. W.E. Crum. London, 1911.

BASP

Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists

BSOAS

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London

Caskel

CPR

EI2 EI3

Werner Caskel, Ğamharat an-Nasab: das Geneologishce Werk des Hišhām ibn Muḥammad al-Kalbī, 2 vols. Leiden, 1966. Corpus Papyrorum Raineri, Archiducis Austriae, III. Series Arabica, ed. Adolphus Grohmann. Vienna, 1923–1924.

Encyclopædia of Islam. 2nd edition, ed. P. Bearman, et al. Leiden, 1960–2002. Encyclopædia of Islam. 3rd edition, ed. Gudrun Krämer, et al. Leiden, 2007–.

xi

xii HP

PRINCELY AUTHORITY Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ, Severus. History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria, ed. B. Evetts. Paris, 1904–1915.

Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAbd Allāh Ibn ʿAbd alḤakam, Futūḥ miṣr wa akhbāruhā, ed. Charles C. Torrey. New Haven, 1968. Ibn Qays

ʿUbayd Allāh b. Qays al-Ruqayyāt, Dīwān ʿubayd allāh b. qays al-ruqayyāt, ed. Muḥammad Yūsuf Najm. Beirut, 1958.

IJMES

International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies

JAOS

Journal of the American Oriental Society

JARC

Journal of the American Research Center in Cairo

JEA

The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology

JESHO

Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient

JNES

Journal of Near Eastern Studies

John of Nikiu

The Chronicle of John, Bishop Of Nikiu, translated from Zotenberg’s Ethiopic text., trans. R.H. Charles. London, 1916.

JRAS

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society

JRAFS

Journal of the Royal African Society

JSAI

Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam

JSS

Journal of Semitic Studies

Kāshif Khiṭaṭ Kindī MESAB

Sayyida Ismāʾīl Kāshif, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Marwān. Cairo, 1967.

Aḥmad ibn ʿAlī al-Maqrīzī, al-Mawāʿiẓ aliʿtibār fī dhikr al-khiṭaṭ wa-al-āthār, ed. Ayman Fuʾād Sayyid. London, 2002.

Muḥammad ibn Yūsuf al-Kindī, Wulāt Miṣr, ed. Rhuvon Guest. Leiden, 1908. Middle East Studies Association Bulletin

ABBREVIATIONS Ṭabarī

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Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad b. Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh al-mulūk wa-l-rusūl, 3 vols, ed. M. J. de Goeje, et al. Leiden, 1879–1901.

Ṭabarī (2)

The History of al-Ṭabarī, 40 vols, ed. Ehsan Yarshater. Albany, 2007.

ZPE

Zeitscrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION: EGYPT AND THE EARLY UMAYYADS In the year 35/656, the third amīr al-muʾminīn of the Islamic state, ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (r. 23–35/644–656) of the Umayyad clan of Quraysh, was besieged and murdered at the hands of provincial insurgents. 1 The revolt was spearheaded by Arab tribesmen from Egypt, who had rejected the amīr al-muʾminīn’s policies of nepotistic centralization. ʿUthmān had disrupted the balance of power in the Nilotic province when he appointed his milk-brother, ʿAbd Allāh b. Saʿd b. Abī Sarḥ (d. 37/657–8), as the financial administrator of Egypt in 27/647, in an attempt to limit the authority of ʿAmr b. alʿĀṣ, the conquering amīr (commander) of the province. 2 Martin Hinds, in his analysis of ʿUthmān’s murder, writes that the movement against him “reflected opposition to the greater measure of control being imposed by ʿUthmān and his governors…” 3 ʿAmr was a Qurashī from one of the wealthiest clans in Mecca, the Banū Sahm; he was a skilled soldier, a shrewd merchant, and an important player in the Muslim conquest of Palestine and Syria. 4 For the leaders of the Egyptian revolt, see Kindī, 15; Ṭabarī (1), I, 3064; Balādhurī, Ansāb (1), (Jerusalem, 1936), V, 98; Sean Anthony, The Caliph and the Heretic: Ibn Sabaʾ and the Origins of Shīʿism, (Leiden, 2011), 15 ff. 2 Kindī, 10 f. 3 Martin Hinds, “The Murder of the Caliph ʿUthmān,” IJMES 3 (1972), 458. See also Wilfred Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad: A Study of the Early Caliphate (Cambridge, 1997), 78 ff. 4 See Butler, The Arab Invasion of Egypt: And the Last Thirty Years of Ro1

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Known for his ambition and cunning, it is possible that ʿAmr and his allies from among the tribes of South Arabia and Quḍāʿa began the initial invasion of Egypt as an independent undertaking. When ʿAmr was appointed by the caliph Abū Bakr (d. 13/634) as a commander in the conquest of Syria and Palestine, he was instructed to first go to Sinai to summon the tribes of the area to join the Muslim conquests; most of these tribes were from the coalition of Quḍāʿa, such as Balī and ʿUdhra, to whom ʿAmr was related. 5 It was with this army that he conquered Egypt, and due to their shared tribal ties, the army’s loyalty to him may have been greater than their loyalty to the amīr al-muʾminīn in Medina. ʿAmr’s appointment of his half-brother, ʿUqba b. Nāfiʿ, as the amīr of Ifrīqiya (North Africa), demonstrates the great autonomy he exercised as the conqueror of Egypt. 6 ʿAmr was for a short time married to ʿUthmān’s half-sister, Umm Kulthūm, who was the full sister of ʿUthmān’s half-brother, al-Walīd b. ʿUqba, who was also the governor in Kufa. But after ʿUthmān’s affront to his authority, ʿAmr, in a fit of pride, quit his post, divorced ʿUthmān’s sister and retired to his estate in Palestine, allowing Ibn Abī Sarḥ to become the amīr of both the military and financial affairs of the province. 7 Ibn Abī Sarḥ had been a scribe of the Prophet Muḥammad, but after an incident in which Muḥammad failed to notice changes he had made to verses of the Qurʾānic text, he doubted the veracity of the Prophet and became man Dominion (London, 1978), 194; EI2, s.v. “ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ”; Phil Booth, “The Muslim conquest of Egypt reconsidered,” Travaux et mémoires 17 (2013), 639–70. 5 Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State (Oxford, 2014), 62 n. 98. See Philip Mayerson, “The First Muslim Attacks on Southern Palestine (A.D. 633– 634),” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 95 (1964), 155–199; Michael Lecker, “The Estates of ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ in Palestine: Notes on a New Negev Inscription,” BSOAS 52 (1989), 28 f. 6 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 171. 7 See Ṭabarī (1), I, 2968. Umm Kulthūm had previously been married to ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf. See Balādhurī, Ansāb (1), V, 19; Zubayrī, ʿAbd Allāh b. al-Musʿab, Nasab quraysh, ed. E. Lévi-Provençal (Cairo, 1953), 145; Michael Lecker, “The Estates of ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ in Palestine,” 29.

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an opponent of the Muslim community. ʿUthmān, Ibn Abī Sarḥ’s milk-brother, would eventually intervene and arrange a pardon for the surreptitious scribe, bringing Ibn Abī Sarḥ back into the Muslim fold. When ʿUthmān appointed Ibn Abī Sarḥ to Egypt, he began a trend of direct Umayyad family rule in the province, one that would last until the beginning of the 8th century. 8 In the words of ʿUthmān himself, rule of the Islamic community “was the shirt that God had put on him,” and he had no scruples about tightening control over his divine mandate by administering the provinces through his relatives. This is evident in the fact that ʿUthmān appointed a number of relatives to important posts. He appointed his third cousin, Muʿāwiya b. Abī Sufyān, as governor of Syria, and his half-brother, al-Walīd b. ʿUqba, as governor of Iraq. 9 Even ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ can be considered a relative of ʿUthmān, for he was, for a short time, his brother-in-law. But the politics of family rule would ultimately lead to ʿUthmān’s demise, when his foster son, Muḥammad b. Abī Ḥudhayfa (d. 35/656), feeling scorned and overlooked, seized control of Egypt in 35/656 and roiled up some 400 to 700 Egyptians, who would march upon and murder the amīr al-muʾminīn in Medina. 10 ʿUthmān’s death plunged the Muslim community into the throes of civil war, leading ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (d. 40/661), the nephew and son-in-law of the Prophet Muḥammad (d. 10/632), down a Three other Umayyads would rule Egypt as governors, all of which were either the brothers and/or sons of caliphs. They were: ʿUtba b. Abī Sufyān (r. 43–44/664–665), ʿAbd al-‘Azīz b. Marwān (r. 65–86/685–705) and ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik (r. 86–90/705–709). 9 See Hinds, “Murder of ʿUthmān,” 458 ff; See EI2, s.v. “Walīd b. ʿUqba.” 10 Muḥammad b. Abī Ḥudhayfa ruled Egypt for a matter of months, his reign and life ending when he and his close fellows were lured to Syria and imprisoned by Muʿāwiya. The Egyptian rebels eventually escaped from Muʿāwiya’s prison, only to be recaptured and slaughtered on Dhūʾl-Ḥijja 36/May-June 657. See Kindī, 14 ff; Ch. Pellat, “Muḥammad b. Abī Ḥudhayfa,” EI2; Sean Anthony, “The Domestic Origins of Imprisonment: An Inquiry into an Early Islamic Institution,” JAOS 129.4 (2009), 590. 8

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strife-ridden path to claim the title of amīr al-muʾminīn for himself and reunite the shattered community. 11 This period is known as the First Fitna (35–40/656–661), and ʿAlī’s first challenge came from two Qurashī nobles, Zubayr b. al-ʿAwwām (d. 35/656), who was a cousin of the Prophet Muḥammad, and Ṭalḥa b. ʿUbayd Allāh (d. 35/656), who was an early convert. 12 Zubayr and Ṭalḥa enjoyed the backing of the Prophet’s youngest wife, ʿĀʾisha bt. Abī Bakr (d. 58/678), but their rebellion was quickly squashed by ʿAlī, who was then left facing the Umayyad family of ʿUthmān, which was led by Muʿāwiya b. Abī Sufyān (d. 60/680), the amīr of Syria, and his allies from Quḍāʿa. In his effort to become the amīr al-muʾminīn and avenge his cousin ʿUthmān, Muʿāwiya formed an alliance with ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ (d. 43/664), the deposed amīr of Egypt, who was eager to return to power. 13 As the conqueror of Egypt, ʿAmr had a significant base of diehard supporters in the province, and he pledged to back Muʿāwiya in exchange for independent rule over the Nile Valley at See Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet and Age of Caliphates: The Islamic Near East From the Sixth to the Eleventh Century (London, 2004), 75–81; Hinds, “Murder of the Caliph ʿUthmān,” 466; Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad, 141 ff; L. Veccia Vaglieri, “ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib,” EI2. 12 Fitna is a Qurʾānic term, which variously means “temptation” and “seduction,” particularly in relation to wordly gain. This term is employed by later Muslim historians to refer to periods when the early Islamic community was divided by violent conflict and political strife, the implication being that the temptation of worldly gain was the ultimate cause of the community’s troubles. 13 ʿUthmān’s half-brother, al-Walīd b. ʿUqba, claimed that the leaders of the revolt against ʿUthmān, Ibn Abī Ḥudhayfa and Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr, were acting on behalf of ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, who sought revenge against the caliph for challenging his autonomy. For a poem written by al-Walīd accusing ʿAmr of complicity in the murder of ʿUthmān, see Aghānī, IV, 177; Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad 188 f. ʿAmr’s half sister is said to have been married to Muḥammad b. Abī Ḥudhayfa, and later to Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr, which could suggest a degree of cooperation between ʿAmr and the rebel groups. See Ṭabarī (2), III, 368; Julius Wellhausen, The Arab Kingdom and its Fall (Calcutta, 1927), 98. 11

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the conclusion of the war. 14 It is because of this deal between Muʿāwiya and ʿAmr that Companion ʿAmmār b. Yāsir (d. 37/657) chided and cursed ʿAmr at the Battle of Ṣiffīn for having “sold his religion for Egypt.” 15 Madelung attributes the alliance between the two leaders to possible kinship ties, and he calls ʿAmr, Muʿāwiya’s “bastard halfbrother.” 16 ʿAmr’s mother, al-Nābigha, was of servile birth, perhaps Abyssinian, and she reportedly entered into a communal marriage with six men of the leading clans of Quraysh, including Abū Sufyān b. Umayya and al-ʿĀṣ b. Wāʾil. Though al-ʿĀṣ claimed ʿAmr as his own, rumors that Abū Sufyān was his real father were whispered in later periods. 17 This report, however, may represent ʿAlid propaganda against ʿAmr, who duped the ʿAlid side at the Battle of Ṣiffīn and in the subsequent negotiations with the Sufyānids. 18 Muʿāwiya would follow a similar strategy in Iraq by creating kinship ties with his governor in that province, Ziyād (d. 53/673), by acknowledging that Abū Sufyān, Muʿāwiya’s father, was Ziyād’s biological father. He thus came to be known as Ziyād b. Abī Sufyān; beforehand, he had been known as Ziyād b. Abīhi (Ziyād, son of his father)—a very unflattering name in a society where one’s lineage was everything. This acknowledgement (istilḥāq) took place not long after ʿAmr had retaken Egypt, suggesting that Muʿāwiya began

This contract states that after the war, Egypt would be ṭaʿāmatun lahu, i.e. sustenance for ʿAmr. See Yaʿqūbī, Tarīkh, 2 vols, ed. M.Th. Houtsma (Leiden, 1969), II, 334 f; Marsham, “The Pact (Amāna) Between Muʿāwiya ibn Abī Sufyān and ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ (656 or 658 CE): ‘Documents’ and the Islamic Historical Tradition,” JSS 1 (2012), 69 ff. 15 Ṭabarī (2), XVII, 66. 16 Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad, 185. 17 See Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad, 185; Ibn Abī Ḥadīd, Sharḥ nahj al-balagha, 20 vols, ed. Muḥammad Abū al-Faḍl Ibrahim (Cairo, 1959– 1964), VI, 284 f; Zamakhsharī, Rabīʿ al-abrar, 4 vols, ed. Salīm al-Nuʿaymī (Baghdad, 1976), III, 548–50. 18 See Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad, 184 f. 14

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his attempts at family rule with two possible half-brothers at his side. 19 Working together, ʿAmr and Muʿāwiya seized control of the Nile Valley from the ʿAlid governor, Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr (d. 38/658), who, after fleeing Fusṭāṭ, was captured and executed; his corpse was later burned in the carcass of a donkey. 20 Having taken Egypt, the Sufyānid coalition gained the upper hand in the conflict, but the First Fitna would come to an abrupt end when ʿAlī was assassinated in 60/661 by a former supporter. As the sole claimant to the title of amīr al-muʾminīn, Muʿāwiya moved the seat of government to Damascus, ruling the Islamic empire from the territory of his staunchest supporters, the tribe of Kalb and their allies. 21 As the leaders of the coalition of Quḍāʿa, Muʿāwiya’s alliance with the Kalb gave him access to a broad base of tribal support, thereby providing him with the military strength needed to maintain his control over the state. Egypt would remain under ʿAmr’s independent control until his death in 43/664. ʿAbd Allāh, ʿAmr’s son, succeeded his father for a few months as governor of Egypt, but Muʿāwiya was able to set him aside and appoint his own brother, ʿUtba b. Abī Sufyān (r. 43–44/664–665), as the amīr of Egypt. 22 Like ʿUthmān before him, Muʿāwiya saw the benefit of family rule in Egypt, as it enabled him to exert a greater degree of control over the Nile Valley. Muʿāwiya seems to have taken a keen interest in Egypt, as evidenced by the presence of his name on the protocols of the province, as well as his acquisition of property in Fusṭāṭ. 23 Muʿāwiya was particularly interested in the wealth of Egypt, and there is a report that Birḥ b.

Ella Landau-Tasseron, “Adoption, Acknowledgement of Paternity and False Claims in Arabic and Islamic Societies,” BSOAS 66 (2003), 173 ff; I. Hasson, “Ziyād b. Abīhi,” EI2. 20 See Kindī, 29 ff; Ṭabarī (1), I, 3400–3407. 21 Damascus, Palmyra and Dūmat al-Jandal were the main Kalbī strongholds. See Fück, “Kalb,” EI2. 22 See Kindī, 34 ff. 23 See Petra Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State (Oxford, 2013), 21 f. 19

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Huskul of Mahra complained about camels being herded together to be taken to Muʿāwiya in Syria. 24 Muʿāwiya ruled as amīr al-muʾminīn for almost 20 years, and when he died in 60/680, his son Yazīd (r. 60–64/680–683) succeeded his father as amīr al-muʾminīn with the loyal support of his maternal relatives from the tribe of Kalb, while the rest of the Muslim community violently rejected Sufyānid dynasticism. Thus did the Islamic empire fall into the Second Fitna (60–73/680–692), and Yazīd was left facing multiple revolts against his rule. In the Ḥijāz, ʿAbd Allāh b. al-Zubayr (d. 73/692), the son of the famed Companion al-Zubayr b. ʿAwwām, refused to recognize Yazīd and absconded to Mecca, while an armed resistance formed in his favor. 25 The Prophet’s grandson, al-Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī (d. 61/680), also refused allegiance to Yazīd, and he made preparations to make a run as amīr al-muʾminīn from Iraq. Quick to respond, Yazīd went on the offensive against his many foes, attacking Medina, bombarding the Zubayrids in Mecca and slaughtering al-Ḥusayn and his fellows at Karbalāʾ. 26 While in the process of violently eliminating his challengers, Yazīd suddenly died in 64/683, eight years before the end of the Second Fitna. Upon his death, the Kalb threw their support behind Yazīd’s son by a Kalbī wife, Muʿāwiya II (d. 64/683). The young prince, however, quickly renounced his claim to leadership, lacking the constitution for the contest—dying within months of his abdication. 27 Without a viable Sufyānid candidate, large swathes of Syria, particularly those controlled by the North Arabian tribes of Qays, came to support Ibn al-Zubayr, who proclaimed himself amīr al-muʾminīn in 63/683. Egypt, the province most closely allied with the Syrian coalition of the Umayyads, also fell from Sufyānid conSee Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 102 f. ʿAbd Allāh was the son of the Companion al-Zubayr b. ʿAwwām, who joined Ṭalḥa b. ʿUbayd Allāh and ʿĀʾisha b. Abī Bakr during the First Fitna in their military challenge to the caliphal claims of ʿAlī b. Abī Tālib. See Kennedy, Age of the Caliphates, 75 ff; W. Madelung, “Ṭalḥa,” EI2. 26 Kennedy, Age of the Caliphates, 89 f. 27 See G.R. Hawting, “The Umayyads and the Hijaz,” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 2 (1972), 39–46. 24 25

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trol and a Zubayrid governor, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿUtba b. Jahdam (r. 64–65/684–685), took over the reigns of the province in 64/684. 28 With Egypt lost and political momentum shifting in favor of the Zubayrids, the Syrian tribes of Quḍāʿa, led by the Kalb, tentatively looked to elect a son of Yazīd from a non-Kalbī mother, Khālid b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya (d. 90/704), as amīr al-muʾminīn. But the combination of Khālid’s youth, the growing support for Ibn alZubayr in Syria and a brewing apocalyptic movement in Iraq led by the old adventurer al-Mukhtār (d. 67/687), motivated the old Sufyānid coalition to look for a candidate from another Umayyad line. In 64/683, the tribes of Quḍāʿa and their allies from Kinda and Ghassān held a shūrā (elective counsel) at Jābiya, the old Ghassānid capital near Damascus, and after much discussion, the tribes gave their allegiance to the seasoned Umayyad politician, Marwān b. alḤakam b. al-ʿĀṣ. 29 Marwān was the head of the Banū Abī al-ʿĀṣ, the branch of the Umayyads which had held the primacy of leadership in Mecca prior to the rise of the Sufyānids in Damascus. He was the halfbrother and son-in-law of the amīr al-muʾminīn ʿUthmān, whom he served as a close advisor; Marwān had also served as the amīr of Medina during the reign of his cousin, Muʿāwiya. 30 After the shūrā of Jābiya, the newly elected amīr al-muʾminīn Marwān, the tribes of Quḍāʿa and their allies among the Kinda, Ghassān, Tanūkh and Ṭayy went to war with the pro-Zubayrid tribes of Syria. 31 The struggle for Syria came down to one major engagement, which occurred outside of Damascus, at a place called Marj Rāhiṭ. This battle was a signal victory for the outnumbered Marwānids, and as a Kindī, 41 ff. See Ṭabarī (1), II, 477 ff; Balādhurī, Ansāb (1), V, 128 ff; Yaʿqūbī, II, 304 ff; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 175; Crone, Slaves on Horses, 35 ff; Bosworth, “Marwān b. al-Ḥakam,” EI2. 30 See Fred Donner, “Was Marwan b. al-Hakam the First “Real” Muslim?,” in Geneaology and Knowledge in Muslim Societies, ed. Sarah Savant and Helena de Felipe (Edinburgh, 2014), 106. 31 See Ṭabarī (1), II, 474 ff; Balādhurī, Ansāb (1), V, 134 f; Elisséeff, N. “Mardj Rāhiṭ,” EI2. 28 29

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result, the wavering South Arabian tribes of Syria returned to the Umayyad fold, while the defeated, North Arabian tribes of Qays fell further into opposition against the Qudāʿa and their allies. In the wake of Marj Rāhiṭ, a great fissure of a feud developed between the tribes of Qays, who had supported Ibn al-Zubayr, and Yamānī tribes, who, led by Quḍāʿa, formed the core support for the Sufyānids and early Marwānids. Crone describes the violent competition between the Qays and Yamān as a factional, military phenomenon rooted in competition for power. She explains that since the Sufyānids were so intimately allied with the tribes of Quḍāʿa (which led the Yamānī block), the “non-Quḍāʿī tribes of Syria were thus left with the choice between trying to gain membership of Quḍāʿa and trying to oust them.” 32 Having established himself as amīr al-muʾminīn in Syria, Marwān sought to reconstitute the second part of the Sufyānid power base, therefore he sent his son, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, to the Sinai, whence he would lead a vanguard force into Egypt. In 64/684, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz began gathering troops to invade the Nile valley from his base in Ayla, just as ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ had done before his initial conquest of the province. 33 After repelling a pre-emptive sea attack on the port by the ʿAlid governor of Egypt, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿUtba b. Jahdam, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz led the charge into Egypt. 34 After winning a few skirmishes, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz made his way to the outskirts of the Muslim capital of Fusṭāṭ, where he camped and awaited his father’s force, which soon arrived with the milk-brother of the Zubyarid governor as a captive in tow. 35 Patricia Crone, “Were the Qays and Yemen of the Umayyad Period Political Parties?” Der Islam 71 (1994), 44. 33 When ʿAmr was recruiting troops for his initial conquest of Egypt, he sent Shurayḥ b. Maymūn of Mahra to Ayla to muster support for his conquest in Egypt. This same Shurayḥ served as an important naval official after the conquest. See Kindī, 6 ff; Robert Hoyland, Arabia and the Arabs: From the Bronze Age to the Coming of Islam (London, 2001), 109. 34 Kindī, 43; Kāshif, 27 f. 35 See Kindī, 43 f; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 211 ff. The plan for kidnapping Ibn Jahdam’s milk-brother was conceived by Rawḥ b. Zinbāʿ al-Judhāmī. Rawḥ was a close ally of Ḥassān b. Malik, the sayyid of Kalb; 32

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Ransoming his kinsman for Egypt, the Zubayrid governor, Ibn Jahdam, fled east, abandoning his post and allowing the Marwānids to assume control of the province. 36 After establishing a measure of stability, which included his personal execution of some eighty dissenters, the elderly Marwān returned to Syria and appointed ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz the amīr of Egypt, charging him with the religious (ṣalāt) and financial affairs (kharāj) of the province. 37 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz would become the third brother of an Umayyad amīr almuʾminīn to rule Egypt, and his reign over the province would last over 20 years. Shortly after his return to Syria, Marwān died, having reigned less than a year. But before his death, in an unprecedented act of Muslim dynasticism, he designated two heirs—his eldest son, ʿAbd al-Malik (r. 65–85/685–705), to be followed by his other son, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. 38 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was the first long term heir apparent in Islamic history, and had he not died a few months before his brother ʿAbd al-Malik, he would have succeeded as amīr al-muʾminīn and the Marwānid dynasty would have likely continued through his line. But the combination of his early death, ʿAbd al-Malik’s illustrious career as the victor of the Second Fitna, and the limited treatment of Egypt in the classical Arabic sources have left ʿAbd alʿAzīz a largely unknown figure. For these reasons, there has yet to be written a single monograph or article about ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz by western scholars, and it is the goal of this study to stitch together the political life of this largely forgotten amīr and demonstrate the paramount role he played in the foundation of the first sustained Muslim dynasty, that of the Marwānids. In the analysis to follow, we hope to establish a number of points about the career of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. We will open by arguing Rawḥ also served as the caliph Yazīd’s governor in Palestine, and he fought for Marwān at Marj Rāhiṭ. See I. Hasson, “Le Chef judhamite Rawḥ ibn Zinbāʾ,” Studia Islamica 77 (1993), 116 f. 36 See Kindī, 45; Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 107. 37 See Kindī, 45 ff. 38 While Muʿāwiya was the first to designate his own son as heir, Marwān was the first caliph to appoint two sons as consecutive heirs.

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that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was appointed the amīr of Egypt and second in line to become amīr al-muʾminīn due to the legitimacy his mother’s royal Kalbī lineage brought the nascent dynasty. The mother of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, Laylā bt. Zabān b. al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr al-Kalbiyya, was from the royal Kalbī house of Dūmat al-Jandal, that of ʿAdī b. Janāb, and her family ruled one of the most important centers of Quḍāʿī power. 39 Commonly known as Ibn Laylā after his mother, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz formed the link between the Marwānids and the pastoralist nomads who had brought his family to power. The amīr almuʾimīn Muʿāwiya had won the loyal support of the Quḍāʿa through a marriage alliance with the leading house of Kalb, and he solidified this alliance by appointing his son of this illustrious union, Yazīd, as his heir. As we shall soon see, the Marwānid dynasty came to power under very similar circumstances. Using a mix of literary, numismatic and papyrological evidence, our second goal is to demonstrate that the Nile Valley was the sole prerogative of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and that he ruled with almost no involvement from his brother, the amīr al-muʾminīn ʿAbd alMalik. Rather than operating as an agent of his brother, ʿAbd alʿAzīz, who began ruling Egypt before his brother’s succession, refused to participate in a number of his brother’s Islamicizing and centralizing reforms, and instead chose to develop a more latitudinarian form of legitimacy by absorbing Coptic traditions and building close ties with the indigenous church. This is particularly evident in his building of a new administrative capital, Ḥulwān, a multi-faith settlement that sat across the Nile from the ancient capital of Egypt, surrounded by monasteries and holy sites and in the midst of the Egyptian holy land.

Ibn Ḥazm, Abū Bakr b. Muḥammad, Jamharat ansāb al-ʿarab, ed. E. Levi-Borvinsal (Cairo, 1948), 80; Zubayrī, Nasab quraysh, 160; Balādhurī, Ansāb (4), ed. Iḥsān ʿAbbās (Weisbaden, 1979), IV, 448. 39

CHAPTER 2. THE COALITION OF KALB AND UMAYYA Almost every modern scholar of the first century of Islam has unequivocally concluded that the Sufyānid dynasty (41–64/661–683) rose to power with the military support of the tribal coalition of Quḍāʿa, a support that was solidified when Muʿāwiya b. Abī Sufyān, the founder of the Sufyānids, married Maysūn bt. Baḥdal, the daughter of the sayyid (chief) of Kalb and the leader of Quḍāʿa. 1 The family ties of the Marwānids to Quḍāʿa through ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, however, have been largely overlooked, and it is for this reason that modern scholarship has had a hard time explaining how the Marwānids came to win the support of the Sufyānid tribal coalition. Since little research has been done on the Marwānid alliance with the Kalb, we will look at what has been written about the Kalb and the Sufyānids, thereby laying the groundwork for our contention that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s maternal lineage was critical to the tribal support the Quḍāʿa provided the Marwānid dynasty. The Quḍāʿa first began their political fortunes as overseers of the northern reaches of Arabia for the Ḥimyarite kingdoms in the Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 132 f; Gerald Hawting, The First Arab Dynasty: The Umayyad Caliphate AD 661–750 (London, 1986) 42; Marshall Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, I (Chicago, 1975), 221, 229; Hugh Kennedy, Age of the Caliphates, 99; M. Hinds, “Muʿāwiya I,” EI2; Patricia Crone, Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity (Cambridge, 1980), 34 ff; Bosworth, “Marwān,” EI2; Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad, 61; Madelung, “Apocalyptic Prophecies,” 184; Andrew Marsham, Rituals of Islamic Monarchy: Accession and Succession in the First Muslim Empire (Oxford, 2009), 115. 1

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first century CE. By the fifth century CE, they had migrated farther north to Palestine, Jordan, Syria, Egypt and southern Iraq, where they became auxiliary forces and client kingdoms for the Byzantines and Sassanians. Quḍāʿī tribes like Ghassān, Kalb and Lakhm guarded the borderlands between the Arabian Peninsula and the lands of the great empires of Late Antiquity, acting as gatekeepers for the great empires. 2 The Kalb were particularly important to the Byzantines in guarding the Sirḥān valley, which was a major trade route connecting Arabia with Greater Syria. Dūmat al-Jandal, the city ruled by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s maternal ancestors, sat at the southern edge of this valley, and Latin inscriptions in this Arab city mark its incorporation into the Byzantine military network. 3 Julius Wellhausen emphasizes Quḍāʿa’s long tradition of kingship and the culture of obedience and loyalty that they developed during their association with the Byzantines. He writes: The influence of the Graeco-Aramaic culture, the Christian church, and the Roman kingdom under which they had come had not failed to leave traces upon them. A regulated state government and military and political discipline were not new ideas to them; they had an old line of princes, which they had long obeyed, and they transferred their wonted obedience to Muawiya as the rightful successor of their former dynasty. 4

Wellhausen places Muʿāwiya’s marriage to Maysūn bt. Baḥdal at the center of his political strategy in Syria. He writes that through this See Millar, “Rome’s ‘Arab Allies in Late Antiquity,” in Commutatio et Contentio, Studies in the Late Roman, Sassanian, and Early Islamic Near East, ed. Joseph Wiesehöfer (Düsseldorf, 2010), 159–186; Greg Fisher, Between Empires: Arabs, Romans, and Sasanians in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2011). 3 See G.W. Bowersock, Roman Arabia (Cambridge, 1983), plates 14, 15; M.P. Speidel, “The Roman Road to Dumata,” in Roman Army Studies (Stuttgart, 1992), 213–17. In 530 CE, when the emperor Justinian restructured the role of the Arab confederates in the Byzantine empire, the tribe of Kalb was included in both the inner and outer defenses of the southern deserts. See Irfan Shahid, Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, II, part II (Washington D.C., 2010), 27. 4 Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 132. 2

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marriage alliance, and the subsequent appointing of his son Yazīd, the fruit of this union, as heir, all “the Kalbites felt themselves, as it were, brothers-in-law of the Khalifa and uncles of his successor.” 5 Martin Hinds agrees with Wellhausen that Muʿāwiya’s marriage to Maysūn formed the foundation of Sufyānid military power, and he writes that Yazīd “represented a continuation of the link with Kalb and so a continuation of the Kalb-led confederacy on which Sufyānid power ultimately rested.” 6 Patricia Crone writes that in exchange for their loyal support, the Qudāʿa were given such a privileged status in the Sufyānid court that they were to “be consulted in all decisions made by the caliph” and “that they have the right to propose and veto measures.” 7 The Kalb stood as the martial rung of Sufyānid authority, and Muʿāwiya’s nephew-in-law, Ḥassān b. Mālik b. Baḥdal b. ʿUnayf (commonly known as Ibn Baḥdal after his grandfather), governed Jordan and Palestine for both him and Yazīd. 8 Ibn Baḥdal’s brother, Saʿīd b. Malik b. Baḥdal, governed Qinassarīn for Yazīd, while his cousin, Ḥumayḍ b. Ḥurayth b. Baḥdal, was the head of Yazīd’s shurṭa. 9 When Yazīd died in 64/683, his son, Muʿāwiya II, became amīr al-muʾminīn for a few short months. Like his father, Muʿāwiya II’s mother was from the tribe of Kalb, and thus his ascension to power was strongly backed by his maternal relatives. Ibn Baḥdal, who by that time had become the sayyid of Kalb, was central to his

Ibid., 132 f. Ḥassān b. Mālik was one of the most active champions of the caliphate of Yazīd I. See Balādhurī, Ansab, IVb, 63 f. 6 See Marsham, Rituals of Islamic Monarchy (Edinburgh, 2009), 115; M. Hinds, “Muʿāwiya I,” EI2. 7 Patricia Crone, “Qays and Yemen,” 44. 8 Ṭabarī (1), II, 468; Balādhurī, Ansāb (2), ed. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Dūrī (Beirut, 1978), IV, 65; Ansāb (1), V, 128. 9 For Saʿīd b. Malik’s governorship, see Aghānī, XIX, 195. For the career of Ḥumayḍ b. Ḥurayth, see Balādhurī, Ansāb (2), IV, 6, 60. Ḥumayḍ was also enlisted by ʿAbd al-Malik to negotiate a treaty with the Byzantines, see Kindī, 41 ff; Balādhurī, Ansāb (1), V, 300; Ṭabarī (2), XXI, 786. 5

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ascension, and according to Wellhausen, Ibn Baḥdal was “the main pillar” of Muʿāwiya II’s extremely short reign. 10 While marriage alliances with the Kalb have been identified as a major factor in the rise of the Sufyānids, the same is not true for the Marwānids, and their marriage ties to the Kalb have largely been ignored. In fact, the rise of the Marwānids is generally considered a mysterious event by modern historians, and Marwān b. alḤakam is often characterized as an outsider with no measure of legitimacy among the Quḍāʿī tribes of Syria. For instance, Wellhausen was left stumped as to the reason for Marwān’s “miraculous” election, while Robinson attributes Marwān’s ascension to serendipity. 11 These depictions have their roots in the Arabic sources, which never identify Marwān’s Kalbī ties as a factor in his securing Quḍāʿī support for his dynasty. Instead, the Arabic sources focus their attentions on the Kalbī ties of Marwān’s competitors for leadership, i.e. Khālid b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya (d. 85/704 or 90/709) and ʿAmr b. Saʿīd al-Ashdaq (d. 70/689–90). 12 Although still a minor when is father, the amīr al-muʾminīn Yazīd, died, Khālid b. Yazīd stood as the last potentially viable Sufyānid candidate for leadership; his support base among the Quḍāʿa, however, was limited by his youth, as well as by the fact that he was born of a non-Kalbī mother. ʿAmr b. Saʿīd, who Muʿāwiya’s second cousin, was a longstanding and loyal servant of the Sufyānids, having served as governor of Mecca and Medina, and his experience and history with the Sufyānids gave him a measure of support among the tribes of Syria. With the sudden death of Yazīd and growing support for Ibn al-Zubayr as amīr al-muʾminīn, the Quḍāʿa desperately needed to elect a new leader, or risk losing their privileged proximity to power. Marwān, Khālid and ʿAmr, were the three main contenders for Quḍāʿī support, yet in the end, Marwān and his sons were chosen The name of Muʿāwiya’s II mother is not recorded; all that is said of her is that she was Kalbiyya. See Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 170; Balādhurī, Ansāb (2), Ansāb, IV, 63 ff; Bosworth, “Muʿāwiya II,” EI2. 11 Chase Robinson, ʿAbd al-Malik (Oxford, 2005), 26. Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 183. 12 See M. Ullmann, “Khālid b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya,” EI2. 10

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as the new line of amīr al-muʾminīns in Syria, a choice that continues to confound modern scholars. C.E. Bosworth writes that Marwān began his tenure as amīr almuʾminīn “starting from a position without many natural advantages beyond his own personal qualities (for he had no power-base in Syria and had spent the greater part of his career in the Ḥidjāz).” Hugh Kennedy writes that, “Marwān had no experience or contacts in Syria,” and describes him as an “old man” who “seems to have been resigned to accepting Ibn al-Zubayr.” 13 Chase Robinson, in his 2005 biography of ʿAbd al-Malik, continues this line of thought, writing: As an Umayyad, Marwan was a kinsman of the Sufyanids, but the choice was surprising: he was relatively old (probably in his late sixties at the time) and a relative foreigner to Syrian politics. In fact, it is not going too far to suggest that Marwan and the Marwanids owe at least some of their great success to serendipity… 14

Part of the poor assessment of Marwān’s initial support is based on reports that the sayyid of Kalb, Ḥassān b. Mālik b. Baḥdal, stipulated that his great nephew, Khālid b. Yazīd, be appointed Marwān’s first successor. Some of these reports also mention that ʿAmr b. Saʿīd (d. 70/689) was designated Marwān’s second successor after Khālid. 15 It is for this reason that Gerald Hawting suggests that Marwān was a placeholder amīr al-muʾminīn whose election was ca-

Hugh Kennedy, Age of the Caliphates, 91. Robinson, ʿAbd al-Malik, 26. 15 “There can certainly be no doubt that ʿAmr b. Saʿīd was a serious rival of ʿAbd al-Malik’s.” Robinson, ʿAbd al-Malik, 27. ʿAmr b. Saʿīd’s daughter, Umm Mūsā bt. al-Ashdaq, was married to ʿAbd Allāh b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya. ʿAbd Allāh b. Yazīd is said to have loved his stepfather, telling him that, “you are dearer to me, by God, than my hearing and sight” as he warned him against seeking the caliphate. ʿAmr responded by saying that ʿUthmān had come to him in a dream and cloaked him. See Ṭabarī (2), XXI, 786 f. 13 14

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veated by the demand that his successors be picked by the Quḍāʿa. 16 While Khālid enjoyed the legitimacy as the son of the last Sufyānid amīr al-muʾminīn, ʿAmr b. Saʿīd’s bid to become amīr almuʾminīn was supported by the likes of Ḥumayḍ b. Ḥurayth b. Baḥdal, an agnate of the sayyid of Kalb, Ḥassān b. Mālik b. Baḥdal, and important tribal leader in his own right. 17 ʿAmr was closely connected to all the major factions of this period through marriage ties: he was himself married to a Kalbī woman; he was married to Marwān’s sister, Umm Banīn bt. al-Ḥakam; and his daughter, Umm Mūsā, was married to ʿAbd Allāh b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya. 18 We read in al-Ṭabarī the following report: An agreement was reached on allegiance to Marwān, then to Khālid b. Yazīd as his successor, and then to ʿAmr b. Saʿīd alʿĀṣ as successor to Khālid, on condition that the governate of Damascus should be for ʿAmr b. Saʿīd al-ʿĀṣ and that Ḥimṣ for Khālid b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya. Ḥassān b. Mālik b. Baḥdal, therefore, summoned Khālid b. Yazīd and said, “Oh my nephew, the people have rejected you on account of your lack of years. I myself do not want this matter to be entrusted to anybody but you and your family, and I will only give Marwān the oath of allegiance out of regard for you.” Khālid b. Yazīd said to him, “No, rather, you were not strong enough for us.” 19

A contemporary Christian source, the Chronicle AD 1234, characterizes Marwān as an “old man” from Yathrib who came to Syria and pleaded with the Quḍāʿī tribes of Syria to choose their next leader by means of divining arrows. Marwān is then said to have written three names on arrows, one being his own, and through this artifice, Marwān chose his own name and became amīr al-muʾminīn. 20 Hawting, First Arab Dynasty, 58 f. See Balādhurī, Ansāb (2), IV, 308 ff; Ṭabarī (2), XXI, 784 ff. 18 Ṭabarī (2), XXI, 786 f. 19 Ibid., 476 f. 20 Andrew Palmer, The Seventh Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles (Liverpool, 1993), 198. 16

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Scholars have preferred to accept the reports of Marwān’s caveated election, ignoring the numerous reports depicting Ḥassān b. Mālik b. Baḥdal, the sayyid of Kalb, as a vocal champion of the succession of ʿAbd al-Malik and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. For instance, Ḥassān b. Mālik b. Baḥdal reportedly sent letters to Damascus with Naghiḍa al-Kalbī in support of the Marwānids and reviling Zubayr. 21 There is a lengthy report in al-Ṭabarī, which gives an account of Ḥassān’s support for the Marwānid dynastic project. After ʿAmr b. Saʿīd b. al-ʿĀṣ al-Ashdaq had defeated Muṣʿab b. al-Zubayr, when the latter’s brother ʿAbd Allāh sent him to Palestine, he turned back to return to Marwān. At that time, Marwān was in Damascus, having won control over all Syria and Egypt. He heard that ʿAmr was saying the rule would pass to him after Marwān and that he was claiming Marwān had made him a promise.

Marwān, therefore, called Ḥassān b. Mālik b. Baḥdal and told him that he wanted to take the oath of allegiance for his two sons ʿAbd al-Malik and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in succession to himself and he told him what he had heard about ʿAmr b. Saʿīd. Ḥassān said, “I will deal with ʿAmr for you!” When the people gathered in front of Marwān in the evening, Ibn Baḥdal stood and said, “We have heard that there are some men who have fanciful desires. Stand and give the oath of allegiance to ʿAbd al-Malik and to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz after him!” So the people stood and gave the oath of allegiance down to the last man. 22

We find in the Arabic sources two opposing sets of traditions concerning the succession to Marwān. One set suggests that Khālid and ʿAmr were appointed Marwān’s successors at the time of his appointment, and another set that denies this claim. Instead of favoring one set of reports over another, it is perhaps more profitaHillary Kilpatrick, “Umar ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, al-Walīd ibn Yazīd and Their Kin: Images of the Umayyads in the Kitāb al-Aghānī,” in Umayyad Legacies: Medieval Memories from Syria to Spain, eds. Antoine Borrut and Paul M. Cobb (Leiden, 2010), 82. 22 Ṭabarī (2), XX, 576; Balādhurī, Ansāb (1), V, 149 f. 21

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ble to see these reports as a reflection of how unsettled and contested the succession to Marwān was—these two sets of traditions represent the claims of the two contesting parties. Let us recall that it was the dynastic appointment of Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya as amīr almuʾminīn that led to the Second Fitna, which continued to rage at the time of Marwān’s election. With the issue of dynastic succession at the forefront of the civil war, there was likely no official appointment of an heir at the shūrā of Jābiya—there were only preferences. Such preferences, however, were subject to change. For instance, Marwān’s marriage to Khālid b. Yazīd’s mother, Fākhita, was connected to his desire to “diminish” the status of Khālid and forestall his support as the next amīr al-muʾminīn. Ḥassān gave the oath of allegiance to Marwān, but he wanted authority after him to be made over to Khālid b. Yazīd. When he and the Syrians gave the oath of allegiance to Marwān, it was suggested to Marwān, “Marry Khālid’s mother, so you can diminish his importance and he will not seek the caliphate.” So he married her. 23

Marwān’s marriage to Khālid’s mother, Fākhita, has been given great importance, and has been seen as an act aimed at usurping Khālid’s birthright. 24 By marrying his rival’s mother and becoming his step-father, not only did Marwān embarrass Khālid by gaining control over his mother (who may have been plotting in her son’s favor), but it also placed him in a position of authority over Khālid, which enabled him to stifle his stepson’s ambitions. Marwān is even said to have cursed Khālid in public so to lower his esteem in the eyes of the nobles, and thus sway their decision against supporting his future succession. 25 Despite the many contenders to succeed him, before his death, Marwān successfully appointed his two sons, ʿAbd al-Malik Ṭabarī (2), XX, 577; A.A. Dixon, Umayyad Caliphate, 65–86/684– 705: a political study (London, 1971), 19, 124 ff. 24 Interestingly enough, ʿAmr b. Saʿīd has been credited with suggesting to Marwān to marry Fākhita, perhaps hoping to sully the fortunes of his rival. See Ṭabarī (2), XX, 577. 25 Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad, 350. 23

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and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, as his two heirs. The struggle for succession, however, did not end with Marwān’s death and ʿAbd al-Malik’s ascension. The continued conflict raised its head during the reign of ʿAbd al-Malik, when ʿAmr b. Saʿīd tried to force his claim by seizing control of Damascus. Determined in his mission, ʿAmr only relinquished control of the city after ʿAbd al-Malik offered him the heir apparency. Once in the amīr al-muʾminīn’s camp, ʿAmr was captured and murdered, and his body dragged through the streets of Damascus. 26 Scholars have had great difficulty explaining how Marwān was able to overcome these rival claims and appoint his own sons as his heirs, just as they have been confused as to how he was appointed amīr al-muʾminīn in the first place. Wellhausen struggled to find a reason for Kalbī acceptance of Marwān’s dynastic claim, and he conjectured that the Kalb accepted ʿAbd al-Malik and ʿAbd alʿAzīz due to the fact that the Marwānid succession arrangement excluded ʿAmr b. Saʿīd along with Khālid b. Yazīd. He writes: The marriage of Marwan with Fakhita, the widow of Yazid, betokened not so much an alliance as the seizure of an inheritance. By it he injured Khalid b. Yazid, now his stepson, and in other ways also willfully and publicly humiliated him, finally even withdrawing from him the promise of the succession to the government which was made to him at Jabia…Ibn Bahdal did not oppose the breach of faith, perhaps because Amr b. Said also was set aside by it. 27

Wellhausen elsewhere describes Marwān’s election as a “miraculous” and fortuitous occurrence, an assessment which Madelung questions. Madelung, rather, sees Marwān’s election as having been the end result of a nefarious, long-planned plot to wrestle leadership from the hands of the Sufyānids. 28 He writes of Marwān’s “life See Kindī, 29 ff. ʿAbd al-Malik ordered ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz to kill ʿAmr b. Saʿīd, but he refused due to their kinship ties. See Ṭabarī (2), XXI, 789 ff. 27 Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 183. 28 “Marwān insidiously encouraged Ibn al-Zubayr to claim the caliphate against his Umayyad kinsman. He knew what he was doing. For his 26

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long contention that the Sufyānids were not the senior branch of the Umayyads, but rather had usurped the primary rights of the Banū Abī al-ʿĀṣ.” 29 The relationship between the Marwānids and Sufyānids was certainly at times tense, and was likely rooted in clan rivalry and competition. Such is clear in the poetry of Marwān’s brother, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. al-Ḥakam, who expresses his anger at Muʿāwiya for having made his governor of Iraq, Ziyād b. Abīhi, his brother, an act ʿAbd al-Raḥmān saw as diminishing the rights of his branch of the Umayyads. He rhymes: Are you angry when it is said, your father is pure? Are you pleased when it is said, your father is an adulterer? I bear witness that your kinship with Ziyād, is like the kinship of an elephant to a she-ass. 30

‫ك ﱞ‬ ‫ﻋﻒ‬ َ ‫ﻀﺐُ أَ ْن ﯾُﻘﺎل أَﺑﻮ‬ َ ‫أَﺗَ ْﻐ‬ ‫زان‬ َ ‫ﺿﻰ أَ ْن ﯾُﻘﺎل أَﺑﻮ‬ َ ْ‫وﺗَﺮ‬ ٍ ‫ك‬ ً‫ﺖ ِزﯾﺎدا‬ ْ َ‫وأَ ْﺷﮭَ ُﺪ أﻧّﮭﺎ َﺣ َﻤﻠ‬ ‫دان‬ َ ‫َو‬ ٍ ‫ﺻ ْﺨ ٌﺮ ِﻣﻦ ُﺳ َﻤﯿّﺔ َﻏ ْﯿ ُﺮ‬

Elsewhere, Madelung suggests that Marwān “insidiously encouraged Ibn al-Zubayr to claim the caliphate against his Umayyad kinsman” in order to overthrow the Sufyānid state. He even suggests that Marwān had years earlier murdered Ṭalḥa and thrown ʿUthmān “to the wolves,” in order to create a political vacuum that he could fill. This somewhat complex narrative proposed by Madelung speaks to the great difficulty in understanding the rise of the Marwānid dynasty. designs the paramount task was to overthrow the Sufyanid regime in Syria…Thus he went on ostensibly backing the counter-caliph until the Syrians were ready to drop the Sufyanids. The scenario he had set for himself long ago in murdering Ṭalḥa now was put on stage.” Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad, 348 f. 29 Ibid., 348. 30 Kilpatrick, “Images of the Umayyads in the Kitāb al-Aghānī,” 85; Ṭabarī (2), XVIII, 202.

2. THE COALITION OF KALB AND UMAYYA

23

It is our argument that Marwān was able to win Kalbī and Quḍāʿī support for his dynasty due to his marriage ties with the royal Kalbī house of Dūmat al-Jandal. The promotion of ʿAbd alʿAzīz as the amīr of Egypt and as second heir symbolized Marwān’s commitment to continuing the Umayyad partnership with the Quḍāʿa, and was a decisive factor in his ability to outcompete the leadership claims of ʿAmr b. Saʿīd and Khālid b. Yazīd. To use the words with which Martin Hinds describes Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz “represented a continuation of the link with Kalb,” and understanding his maternal lineage is essential to understanding the rise of the Marwānid dynasty. 31

THE KALBĪ LINEAGE OF ʿABD AL-ʿAZĪZ

The Kalbī lineage of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz has never been considered by modern scholars as a factor in the rise of the Marwānids, and thus the election of Marwān is generally depicted as caveated and fortuitous. This is largely due to the fact that little work has been done on the life of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, and therefore his maternal lineage has gone largely unnoticed. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was the son of Laylā bt. Zabān b. al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr b. Thaʿlaba, who hailed from the ruling house of Dūmat al-Jandal, that of ʿAdī b. Janāb of the tribe of Kalb. Dūmat al-Jandal is located in the Sirḥān valley of the northern Najd, a well-traveled trade and communication route that had connected Syria to northern Arabia for centuries. 32 This city is first mentioned as a major cultic and political center in Assyrian texts, where it is identified as the capital city of the tribal confederation of Qedar in the fifth to eighth centuries BCE. 33 The Nabateans See M. Hinds, “Muʿāwiya I,” EI2. A detailed account of the city of Dūmat al-Jandal is found in A. Musil, Arabia Deserta: A Topographical Itinerary (New York, 1927), 532 ff. 33 In Assyrian texts, Dūmat al-Jandal is called Adummatu. See Robert Hoyland, Arabia and the Arabs: From the Bronze Age to the Coming of Islam (London, 2001), 132–134. See also Veccia L. Vaglieri, “Dūmat al-Jandal,” EI2; Caskel, II, 84 ff, 369; Ibn Hazm, Jamharat ansāb al-ʿarab, 403, 458; G.R.D. King, “The Distribution of sites and routes in the Jordanian and Syrian deserts in the early Islamic period,” Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 17 (1987), 91–105. 31 32

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occupied Dūmat al-Jandal in the first centuries CE, and the city maintained its importance throughout the Late Antique period, when it was alternately controlled by the tribes of Kalb and Ghassān. 34 The first assessment of Dūmat al-Jandal in the Islamic period is found in the history of al-Yaʿqūbī, who writes the following about the city: The markets of the Arabs were ten, at which they would gather for their trading activities, and other people would attend them and would be safe in respect of their lives and their possessions. Among them was Dūmat al-Jandal, taking place in the month of Rabīʿa; its conveners were Ghassān and Kalb: whichever of the two tribes had the upper hand would run it. 35

Fred Donner writes that towns such as Dūmat al-Jandal were “essential as bases from which the Islamic state could attempt to observe and control neighboring nomadic groups.” 36 The conquest of Dūmat al-Jandal was a major goal of the Prophet Muḥammad, and in 5/626, he led the first campaign against the city, which was ultimately unsuccessful. 37 The second expedition against the city, led by ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf (d. 33/652), ended with the surrender and conversion of the city’s ruler, al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr, who was ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s maternal great-grandfather. The peace between the One Dujāja b. Qunāfa b. ‘Adī b. Zuhayr b. Janāb al-Kalbī of the clan of Zuhayr b. Janāb is said to have been the first Kalbī ruler of Dūmat al-Jandal, but leadership of the city came to be the prerogative of the clan of ‘Adī b. Janāb. See Fück, “Kalb b. Wabara,” EI2. 35 Al-Yaʿqūbī, I, 313 f; Robert Hoyland, Arabia and the Arabs, 109, 133. 36 “In addition, such towns were essential as bases from which the Islamic state could attempt to observe and to control neighboring nomadic groups; their integration along with the nomads was necessary to ensure that the new state would successfully prevent the aggregation of too much power by the warrior tribes, in which lay the greatest potential threat to the survival of Islamic control in this part of Arabia,” Fred Donner, The Early Islamic Conquests (Princeton, 1981), 102. 37 Ṭabarī (1), I, 1463 f. 34

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25

Muslim movement and the ruling house of Dūmat al-Jandal was sealed by a marriage alliance between Muḥammad’s general, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ibn ʿAwf, and Tumāḍir bt. al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr, the daughter of the king of Dūmat al-Jandal. There is a commonly preserved report of this expedition, narrated on the authority of Ṣāliḥ b. Ibrāhīm b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf, the grandson of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf, which reads: Muḥammad said to ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf: “If they respond to you, then marry the daughter of their king (malik).” And when ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf approached and called them to Islam, they responded to the call and some of them started paying the jizya, and ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf married Tumāḍir the daughter of al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr [b. Thaʿlaba b. Ḥiṣn b. Ḍamḍam b. ʿAdī b. Janāb al-Kalbī al-Quḍāʿī], their king. Then he brought her to Medina, and she was the mother of Abū Salama b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf.” 38

After his marriage to Tumāḍir, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf was put in charge of the ṣadaqa of the Kalb, while Tumāḍir’s brother, Imruʾ lQays, served as the Prophet’s agent (ʿāmil) over Kalb. 39 Another Kalbī, Diḥya b. Khalīfa al-Kalbī was reportedly sent to the Byzantine emperor on the authority of Muḥammad. 40 These appointments demonstrate the political importance of marriage alliances with the Kalb from the very beginning of the Islamic state. Asad Ahmed, in his study of five elite Ḥijāzī families of the early Islamic period, writes that the Kalbī origins of ʿAbd alRaḥmān b. ʿAwf’s family made them an attractive family for politiSee Balādhurī, Ansāb (4), I, 378, 530; Ṭabarī (1), I, 1556; Wāqidī, Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿUmar, Kitāb al-Maghāzī, II, 560–62. 39 Balādhurī gives a report that the army ʿAbd al-Raḥmān used against Dūmat al-Jandal had a party of Kalb within it. See Balādhurī, Ansāb (4), I, 530; Asad Ahmed, The Religious Elite of the Early Islamic Ḥijāz: Five Prosopographical Case Studies (Oxford, 2010), 59 n. 244. See al-Burrī, AlJawhara fī nasab al-nabī wa-aṣḥābihi al-ʿashara, ed. Tūnjī Muḥammad (al-ʿAyn, 2001), I, 454 f. 40 See Ṭabarī (1), I, 1740 ff; Ahmed, Religious Elite, 60. 38

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cal service to the Umayyads. 41 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf’s son by Tumāḍir, Abū Salama, had an illustrious career during the Umayyad period, having served at various periods as qāḍī, ṣāḥib al-shurṭa, and even governor of Medina. Abū Salama remained close to his mother’s tribe of Kalb, and he actively maintained his connections to the Kalb by marrying his maternal cousin, Umm Ḥasan bt. Saʿd b. alAṣbagh b. ʿAmr, also from the ruling house of Dūmat al-Jandal. Abū Salama had seven children with Umm Ḥasan, and two of his sons, Salama and ʿUmar, would serve as qāḍīs of Medina. 42 Bishr b. Marwān, the brother of ʿAbd al-ʿAziz, would marry the daughter of Abū Salama b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān, Umm Kulthūm al-Kubra, with whom he had a son named named al-Ḥakam. 43 After its absorption into the Islamic state in the late 620’s, the city of Dūmat al-Jandal next appears in Arabic histories as a meeting sight for peace arbitration during the civil war between Muʿāwiya b. Abī Sufyān and ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib. 44 Dūmat al-Jandal would eventually loose its political importance with the rise of new centers of Arab-Muslim power, such as Kufa, Basra, Damascus and Fusṭāṭ, but as can be seen from its role in the arbitration of the First Fitna, the city remained an important political center in the decades following the conquest. Attempts to Islamicize the city may have begun quite early, for it is reported that in 17/638 the amīr al-muʾminīn ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb converted the city’s main church in to a mosque. 45 Dūmat al-Jandal likely remained a largely Ibid., 60. Ibn Saʿd, Muḥammad. Kitāb al-ṭabaqāt al-kubrā, 9 vols, ed. Edward Sachua (Leiden, 1905–1940), V, 155 f. 43 See Zubayrī, Nasab quraysh, 166 f. 44 Ṭabarī (I), 3340, 3353 ff. 45 See Geoffrey King, “A Mosque Attributed to ʿUmar b. al-Khattāb in Dūmat al-Jandal in al-Jawf, Saudi Arabia,” JRAS 2 (1978), 109. G.A. Wallin, who traveled through Dūmat al-Jandal in the mid nineteenth century, relates that local inhabitants attribute the founding of their city to the prophet Sulaymān. Wallin mentions that Dūmat al-Jandal was also home to a tomb associated with Dhūʾl-Qarnayn, who is the Qurʾānic Alexander the Great. See G.A. Wallin, “Narrative of a Journey from Cairo to Medina 41 42

2. THE COALITION OF KALB AND UMAYYA

27

Christian city well into the Umayyad period, and a poem by Kuthayyir ʿAzza (d. 105/723) which mentions the pilgrims of Dūmat al-Jandal, suggests the city’s continued status as a cultic center for Arab Christians continued into the early Marwānid period. 46 Dūmat al-Jandal had been a Christian city for perhaps a century prior to the rise of Islam, and it is possible the slow rate at which the city converted to Islam had a role in its decline. Forming alliances with the Kalb was a salient strategy of the early Islamic elite, one that was begun by Muḥammad and continued by the Umayyads. The third amīr al-muʾminīn of the Islamic state (and the first amīr al-muʾminīn of Umayyad origins), ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān, took two wives from the royal Kalbī house of ʿAdī b. Janāb. First he married Nāʾila bt. al-Farāfaṣa b. al-Awḥaṣ b. ʿAmr, whose grandfather, al-Awḥaṣ b. ʿAmr, became the sayyid of Kalb in Dūmat al-Jandal after the death of al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr. 47 Upon the death of ʿUthmān, Nāʾila is said to have roiled up the Quḍāʿa of Syria by sending the dead amīr al-muʾminīn’s bloody shirt to Muʿāwiya and his Kalbī allies, calling upon them to seek revenge on behalf of their kinsman. 48 Saʿīd b. al-ʿĀṣ, an Umayyad and the father of Marwan’s rival, ʿAmr b. Saʿīd al-Ashdaq, married Nāʾila’s sister, Hind bt. al-Farāfaṣa. 49 ʿUthmān’s second wife from the tribe of Kalb was Tumāḍir bt. al-Aṣbagh, the daughter of the king of Dūmat al-Jandal. Tumāḍir, who was the maternal great aunt of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, is credited with being the first Kalbī woman to marry into Quraysh when she married ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf after the conquest of

and Mecca, by Suez, Araba, Tawila, al-Jauf, Jubbe, Hail, and Nejd, in 1845,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London 24 (1854), 141 ff. 46 Shahid, Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, II, part II, 35 n. 8. 47 Ṭabarī (I), 2827; Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad, 367. 48 Balādhurī, Ansāb (1), V, 12 f; Ibn ʿAbd Rabbih, al-ʿIqd al-farīd, 7 vols. (Beirut, 1998), III, 323, VIII, 98; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 132 n.1; Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad, 368. 49 Aghānī, XV, 70 f; Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad, 367.

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Dūmat al-Jandal. 50 Ruling from Medina, ʿUthmān, like Muḥammad before him, saw the benefit of maintaining a close alliance with the Quḍāʿī tribes of Dūmat al-Jandal. As mentioned earlier, Muʿāwiya b. Abī Sufyān married Maysūn bt. Baḥdal, the daughter of the sayyid of Kalb in Syria, Mālik b. Baḥdal. Rather than marrying into the royal Kalbī house of Dūmat al-Jandal, Muʿāwiya, who settled in Syria with the army of his brother Yazīd b. Abī Sufyān (d. 19/640), chose to marry into the Kalbī house of al-Ḥārith b. Janāb, whose power base lay on the outskirts of the provincial capital of Damascus. Muʿāwiya’s son by Maysūn, Yazīd, continued the family’s tradition of political marriages and he himself took a Kalbī wife, who bore his son and short-lived successor, Muʿāwiya II. 51 Yazīd also allied himself with another royal Quḍāʿī house when he married a Ghassānid noblewoman named Umm Ramla. 52 Yazīd is also reported to have courted the daughter of Ghassānid king Jabala b. al-Ayham (d. 645). 53 Tumāḍir’s maternal grandfather was the brother of al-Nuʿmān b. al-Mundhir. It is also reported that Tumāḍir married Ibn al-Zubayr after Ibn ʿAwf. See Ahmed, Religious Elite, 60; Zubayrī, Nasab quraysh, 267–9. 51 The name of Muʿāwiya II’s mother is not known; all that is said of her is that she was Kalbiyya. Like his father, Yazīd, Muʿāwiya II lived among his Kalbī kinsmen at their family palace at Ḥuwwārīn, between Palmyra and Damascus. See Bosworth, “Muʿāwiya II,” EI2. 52 In Kitāb al-Aghānī there are five lines of verse that the caliph Yazīd wrote upon the death of Umm Ramla’s father. See Aghānī, XVII, 143; Shahid, Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, II, part II, 109. 53 In the 630’s, Jabala led a Christian Arab army against the Muslim forces, fighting on the side of the Byzantines. See Ṭabarī (1) I, 2081, 2109, 2124–25, 2347; Balādhurī, Futūḥ al-Buldān, transl. Phillip Khuri Hitti (New York, 1916), 207–210; Canard, “Les expeditions des Arabes contre Constantinople dans l’histoire et dans le legende,” Journal Asiatique 208 (1926), 69 f; Walter E. Kaegi, Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests (Cambridge, 1992), 53, 119, 131. For more traditions concerning Jabala, see, Julia Bray, “Christian King, Muslim Apostate: Depictions of Jabala ibn al-Ayham in Early Arabic Sources,” in Writing ‘True Stories’: Historians and Hagiographers in the Late Antique and Medieval Near East, eds. Arietta Papaconstantinou, et al (Turnhout, 2010), 175 ff. 50

2. THE COALITION OF KALB AND UMAYYA

29

Marwān b. al-Ḥakam followed closely in the footsteps of his paternal first cousin/maternal half-brother, the amīr al-muʾminīn ʿUthmān. 54 Marwān was so committed to building ties with the Kalb that he married his half-niece, Umm Abān, ʿUthmān’s daughter with his Kalbī wife Nāʾila. 55 In addition to his quasi-incestuous marriage to his half-brother’s daughter, Marwān also married Laylā bt. Zabān b. al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr, the mother of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, who, as we previously mentioned, was the granddaughter of the king of Dūmat al-Jandal. 56 Through this marriage, Marwān, like Muḥammad, ʿUthmān, Muʿāwiya and Yazīd before him, was able to garner the support of the Quḍāʿī tribes that were so vital to the creation of the Islamic empire. Marwān spent most of his political life in Medina, and it wasn’t until the turmoil of the Second Fitna that he left the Ḥijāz for Syria. This likely explains his preference for creating ties with the Kalb of northern Arabia, while Muʿāwiya, based in Damascus, preferred marriage alliances with the Kalb of Syria. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Marwān was well aware of the value of his maternal lineage, and he leaned heavily on his mother’s name and nobility. His Kalbī background was central to his political identity, and it is due to his mother’s royal status that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was popularly known as Ibn Laylā (the son of Laylā). 57 Andrew Marsham, discussing the role of maternal lineages during the Umayyad While Marwān and ʿUthmān were paternal first cousins (i.e. their fathers were brothers), they also shared the same mother, Āmina bt. ʿAlqama b. Ṣafwān of the Kināna. Fred Donner is likely the first scholar to point out this much over looked fact. See Donner, “Was Marwān ibn alḤakam the first Real Muslim?” in Genealogy and Knowledge in Muslim societies: understanding the past, eds. Sarah Bowen Savant and Helena de Felipe (Edinburgh, 2014), 106. 55 Balādhurī (1), V, 106; Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad, 364. 56 See Balādhurī, Ansāb (1), V, 11 ff; Aghānī, XV, 70 f. 57 See G. Levi Della Vida, “Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, “Matronymics of Poets”” JAOS 3 (1942), 156 ff. ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was named after his maternal grandfather, ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb. Hishām b. ʿAbd al-Malik was named after his maternal grandfather, Hishām b. Ismāʾīl al-Makhzūmī, a leading Qaysī commander. See Marsham, Rituals of Islamic Monarchy, 120. 54

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period, writes that, “the importance of such alliances is reflected in the tendency to name the offspring after their mother’s father, from whom they were also held to derive noble status (sharaf).” 58 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz held true to this tradition and named two of his sons, Zabān and al-Aṣbagh, after his maternal grandfather and greatgrandfather. 59 In addition to progeny, the greatest advertisement of his maternal lineage was the naming of his new capital city, Ḥulwān, after a distant maternal relative. 60 By the time of the Second Fitna, the only remaining Sufyānid candidate for the title of amīr al-muʾminīn was Khālid b. Yazīd. Khālid’s mother was a Qurashī, and his only claim to Kalbī lineage was through his paternal grandmother, Maysūn bt. Mālik b. Baḥdal. Although he was the second cousin of the sayyid of Kalb in Syria, Ḥassān b. Mālik b. Baḥdal, the marriage and kinship ties of Marwān and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz were closer, more numerous and more noble than Khālid’s. Additionally, the Marwānids offered a more stable dynastic line in comparison to the young Khālid. ʿAmr b. Saʿīd was a long serving Sufyānid loyalists, as evidenced by the fact that his daughter was married to ʿAbd Allāh b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya. That said, even though ʿAmr enjoyed the backing of the brother of the sayyid of Kalb, Ḥumayḍ b. Ḥurayth b. Baḥdal, his lower standing among the Umayyads made him the weakest of the contenders. Thus, through his two Kalbī wives and his appointing of ʿAbd alʿAzīz as amīr of Egypt and second heir apparent, Marwān was able to solidify Quḍāʿī support for his dynasty.

Ibid., 90; Garth Fowden, Qusayr ʿAmra: Art and the Umayyad Elite in Late Antique Syria (Berkeley, 2004), 126–128. 59 Al-Aṣbagh was a prominent figure in his father’s government, serving in both the financial and executive apparatus. He was his father’s presumed heir, but he died months before ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. See Kindī, 51, 58. 60 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s mother’s full name is: Laylā bt. Zabān b. al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr b. Thaʿlaba b. Ḥiṣn bn Ḍamḍam b. ʿAdī b. Janāb b. Ḥulwān b. ʿImrān b. al-Ḥāfī b. Quḍāʿa. See Balādhurī, Ansāb (4), I, 378, 530; Ṭabarī (1), I, 1556; Wāqidī, Kitāb al-Maghāzī, II, 560–62. 58

2. THE COALITION OF KALB AND UMAYYA

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Table 1: The Royal House of Dūmat al-Jandal ʿAmr b. Thaʿlaba (King of Dūmat alJandal)

al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr (King of Dūmat alJandal) Zabān b. al-Aṣbagh

Laylā bt. Zabān (married Marwān b. al-Ḥakam)

ʿAbd alʿAzīz b. Marwān (Ibn Laylā)

Tumāḍir bt. alAṣbagh (married ʿAbd alRaḥmān b. ʿAwf & ‘Uthmān b. ʿAffān)

al-Aḥwaṣ b. ʿAmr (King of Dūmat alJandal) Imruʾ alQays b.alAṣbagh (Prophet’s ʿāmil to Kalb)

Abū Salama b. ʿAbd alRaḥmān b. ʿAwf (Ibn Tumāḍir)

Farāfaṣa b. alAḥwaṣ

Hind bt. Farāfaṣa. (married Sa‘īd b. al-ʿĀṣ)

Nāʾila bt. Farāfaṣa (married ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān)

Umm Abān bt. ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (married Marwān b. al-Ḥakam)

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PRINCELY AUTHORITY Table 2: Marriage Ties Between the Umayyads and Kalb Umayya b. ʿAbd alShams Ḥarb b. Umayya

Abū al-ʿĀṣ b. Umayya al-Ḥakam b. al-ʿĀṣ Marwān b. al-Ḥakam 1. Laylā bt. alAṣbagh 2. Umm Abān bt. ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān

Bishr b. Marwān 1. Umm Kulthūm bt. Abū Salama (i.e. daughter of Ibn Tuḍāmir

ʿAbd alMalik b. Marwān

al-Walīd b. ʿAbd alMalik 1. Umm Banīn bt. ʿAbd alʿAzīz

Sulaymān b. ʿAbd alMalik

ʿAffān b. alʿĀṣ ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān 1. Nāʿila bt. al-Farāfaṣa 2. Tumāḍir bt. al-Aṣbagh

ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Marwān (Ibn Laylā)

ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz

Abū Sufyān

Muʿāwiya b. Abī Sufyān

1. Nāʿila bt. ‘Umara alKalbī 2. Maysūn bt. Baḥdal

Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya 1.Unknown Kalbiyya Muʿāwiya b. Yazīd

CHAPTER 3. AL-ḤASHAM: BUILDING A PROVINCIAL POWER BASE IN THE NILE VALLEY In 69/688, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz built a bridge in Fusṭāṭ, the dedication of which is recorded in al-Khiṭaṭ by al-Maqrīzī (d. 845/1441). This dedication is a prayer for divine support in the political realm, and it speaks to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s preoccupation with establishing his administration on firm footing. This dedication is similar to the Ṭāʾif inscription written on behalf of the amīr al-muʾminīn Muʿāwiya, in which he petitions God to “strengthen him and help him and let the faithful profit by him.” 1 The bridge inscription reads: This bridge was commissioned by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn Marwān, the amīr. Oh God, bless him in all his affairs, strengthen his authority as You see fit, and firmly establish him, himself and his entourage, amen. 2

‫ﺑﺎر ْك ﻟﮫ ﻓﻲ‬ ِ ‫ اﻟﻠﮭ ّﻢ‬.‫ھﺬه اﻟﻘﻨﻄﺮة أَ َﻣ َﺮ ﺑِﮭﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻌﺰﯾﺰ اﺑﻦ ﻣﺮوان اﻷﻣﯿﺮ‬ ْ ‫أَ ْﻣﺮه ﻛﻠّﮫ وﺛﺒ‬ -‫ﺿﻰ وأﻗ ّﺮ ﻋﯿﻨﮫ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﮫ وﺣﺸﻤﮫ‬ َ ْ‫ﱢﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﮫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗَﺮ‬ ‫آﻣﯿﻦ‬

This bridge inscription places the success of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s rule in Egypt in the hands of God, and it asks for blessings for both the See Robert Hoyland, “The Content And Context Of Early Arabic Inscriptions,” JSAI 21 (1997), 77 ff. 2 Maqrīzī, Khiṭaṭ, II, 146. Hoylands writes: “The absence of any religious element, not even a Hijrī date, make it likely that this inscription has been accurately transmitted.” Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw it: A Survey and Evaluation of Christian, Jewish and Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam (Princeton, 1997), 694 n. 27. 1

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ruler and his entourage. The word used in the inscription meaning “establish” or “confirm” (aqarra), is the same word used by alKindī to describe ʿAbd al-Malik’s confirmation of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as the amīr of Egypt after their father’s death. 3 The bridge inscription, when juxtaposed to al-Kindī, projects a divine etiology for ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s authority, rather than one bestowed upon him by the amīr al-muʾminīn. 4 The inclusion of the ḥasham (entourage) of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in this divine petition speaks of the heir apparent’s preoccupation with building a power network, a sentiment that is echoed in a report preserved by al-Kindī. In this narration, upon the departure of his father Marwān from Egypt, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz expresses fear about ruling a strange land where none of his father’s kinsmen live. 5 When Marwān overtook Egypt in Jumādā II in year 65 AH, he put ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in charge of its ṣalāt (prayers) and kharāj (tax). After his victory, Marwān stayed in Egypt for two months, during which time [i.e. Jan.–Feb. 65/685] ʿAbd alʿAzīz asked him: “Oh Commander of the Faithful, how can I stay in a land where there are none of my father’s people?”

Marwān said to him: “Oh my son, embrace them with your best and they will all be like your brothers; and turn happily to them in goodwill, and set upon every headman as if he is special to you above the rest, and he will watch others for you, and lead his people to you. I left your brother Bishr here as a comfort, and Mūsā ibn Nuṣayr as an aid (wazīr) and counselor. It is incumbent upon you to be the amīr of the most distant land (amīr bi-aqṣa al-arḍ), is that not better for you than locking your door and living in obscurity?” 6 Kindī, 49. Robinson, ʿAbd al-Malik, 45. 5 Bishr b. Marwān (d. 74/694) and Mūsā b. Nuṣayr (d. 97/716) are said to have remained to serve as advisors for ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. See Kindī, 47; Kennedy, “Egypt as a Province in the Early Islamic Caliphate, 661–868,” in Cambridge History of Egypt, vol I, ed. Carl F. Petry (Cambridge, 1998), 71. 6 Kindī, 47. 3 4

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35

When Marwān left Egypt, he left behind no army for his son; instead, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, with a small group of advisors, ruled Egypt by building ties with the local Yamānī notables. 7 The maternal lineage of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was critical to his success as the amīr of Egypt, as he could claim kinship to nearly all the Arab tribes of Egypt. The conquering army of Egypt was composed of tribes that had been living in Syria and Palestine during pre-Islamic times (i.e. Quḍāʿa), as well as those that had recently migrated from South Arabia with the conquest (i.e Qaḥṭān/Ḥimyar). Other tribes, like the Mahra, Ghāfiq, Lakhm and Rāshid, had lived in Egypt prior the conquest. 8 By the time of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, these tribes had grown close in their isolation in Egypt, and shared kinship ties had developed between the tribes of Quḍāʿa and those from South Arabia. 9 While the tribes of Quḍāʿa and South Arabia both formed major segments of ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ’s army, the tribes of Quḍāʿa were his closest allies. ʿAmr’s paternal grandmother was of the tribe of Balī, and for this reason he fought under their tribal banner in the conquest. Through their association with ʿAmr, the Balī occupied an honored place in the first Muslim community of Egypt. The number of Balī tribesmen grew after the conquest, and is reported that the amīr al-muʾminīn ʿUmar relocated a third of the Quḍāʿa of “In the Sufyanid period the amir had no independent military force at his disposal other than the tribesmen over whom he had authority, apart from a small police force (the shurta) which would not have been strong enough to check any major disturbance among the tribesmen. His authority over the tribesmen of his province, therefore, depended on the respect he could command and his ability to manipulate them by exploiting divisions among them.” Hawting, First Arab Dynasty, 35. While there is no mention of Marwān leaving troops with his son, some of Marwān’s mawālī show up in ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s household registers. See P. Aphrodito 1447 and P. Aphrodito 1346. 8 See Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 87, 116, 119 ff; Kennedy, Age of the Caliphates, 65. 9 See M.J. Kister and M. Plessner, “Notes on Caskel’s Ğamharat annasab,” Oriens 25–26 (1976), 57; al-Jāhiẓ, Kitāb al-Ḥayawān, ed. ʿAbd alSalām Harūn (Cairo, 1945), VII, 256. 7

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Syria to Egypt, and this third was said to be of the Balī. 10 The Quḍāʿī tribe of Lakhm played a particularly large role in the conquest Egypt. At the battle of Umm Dunayn during the initial conquest of the province, some 500 Lakhmī horsemen, perhaps due to their familiarity with the geography of the province, pulled a flanking move that allowed the conquering Muslim force to win a seminal battle. 11 South Arabian tribes like Ḥimyar, Tujīb, and Khawlān also played a large role in ʿAmr’s conquering army, and in some ways they came to represent the epitome of the conquering Egyptian force. For instance, we find in Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam a report in which ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, upon his arrival in Egypt, inquires about the conquest of Alexandria. This report, narrated by an old Byzantine informant who witnessed the conquest as a young man, relates how he and his companion went out from the city walls to inspect their besiegers, when a Muslim soldier charged after them, killing the informant’s companion. The informant describes how the soldier rode away reciting the Qurʾān, ignoring the gold headband and silk clothing on the body of the fallen Byzantine soldier, because “he had no desire for booty.” When the Byzantine narrator describes the man as being extremely short and beardless, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz responds to the informant’s description of the soldier, saying, “Indeed you have described a Yamānī man!” 12 The tribe of Balī is mentioned as controlling the catapults used in the siege against Alexandria, while one Ibrāhīm al-Saʿīd al-Balawī is credited with opening the gates of Alexandria for ʿAmr’s conquering army. Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 62. The Balī were given a place of honor near the congregational mosque in Fusṭāṭ, and Balawī elite, like Abū Zumʿa al-Balawī, Zuhayr b. Qays al-Balawī and Mūsā b. Nuṣayr al-Balawī/al-Lakhmī, owned property close to the congregational mosque. Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 94, 114 ff. 11 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 59 ff. 12 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 74 f. For more on the stereotyping of ʿAmr’s invading force as an all South Arabian affair, see Hinds, “Murder of ʿUthmān,” 456; Sean Anthony, The Caliph and the Heretic: Ibn Sabaʾ and the Origins of Shīʿism: Between Myth and History, Ph.D. diss. (University of Chicago, 2009), 61 n. 138. 10

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37

The Muslim population of Egypt was an extremely localized community dominated by a small group of elites descended from the original conquerors of the province. 13 By the Second Fitna, the main elements of ʿAmr’s conquering army, the tribes of Quḍāʿa and South Arabia, had come to form a super tribal block of “southern” tribes, known as the Yamān. This tribal block crystalized within the confines of a political rivalry against the coalition of North Arabian tribes of Qays, which had been brewing since the early days of the conquest. The Kalbī genealogist, Naṣr b. Mazrūʿ al-Kalbī (d. 204/819), writes the following about the formation of the Yamānī block. The Quḍāʿa formed an alliance between themselves and the Yamān in the days of the fitna between Ibn al-Zubayr and Marwān b. al-Ḥakam and his son ʿAbd al-Malik, at the time when ʿUmayr b. al-Ḥubāb al-Sulamī (Qays) was raiding Kalb and Ḥumayd b. Ḥurayth al-Kalbī was raiding Qays ʿAylan. 14

While most scholars date the creation of the Yamānī tribal block to the political turmoil of the Second Fitna, there is evidence to suggest that the forging of genealogical ties between the tribes of Quḍāʿa and South Arabia was born over a decade earlier. 15 Abū Mikhnaf writes that as early as 50/671, the Quḍāʿa of Kūfa were already considered a Yamānī tribe. 16 There are also reports that Muʿāwiya actively sought to extend his marriage ties with the “The local Egyptian jund was small and largely composed of the conquerors of the country and their descendants. In fact the army was a small, hereditary ruling class, very few outsiders may their way into it and the Egyptian soldiers never served in other areas of the Caliphate (except North Africa and Spain).” Hugh Kennedy, The Armies of the Caliphs: Military and Society in the Early Islamic State (New York, 2001), 19. 14 See M.J Kister and M. Plessner, “Notes on Caskel’s Ğamharat annasab,” 57; al-Jāhiẓ, Kitāb al-Ḥayawān, VII, 256. 15 See Ṭabarī (1), II, 122; Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr, al-Inbāh ʿalā qabāʾil al-ruwā (Najaf, 1966), 60 f; Caskel, I, 34; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 26 ff; Crone, Slaves on Horses, 47 n. 183, 167; Crone, “Qays and Yemen,” 47; Madelung, “Apocalyptic Prophecies,” 181 ff. 16 See Madelung, “Apocalyptic Prophecies,” 183; Ṭabarī (1), II, 122. 13

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Quḍāʿa to encompass the South Arabian tribes of Egypt by promoting shared lineage ties between the two tribal groups. In this pursuit, Muʿāwiya sent Companion ʿAmr b. Murra al-Juhanī (after 65/685) and some of his tribesmen to Egypt, where they began to claim descent from Quḍāʿa b. Malik b. Ḥimyar, thereby creating a genealogical link between the Quḍāʿa and the tribes of South Arabia. 17 A poem attributed to Ibn Murra celebrates the genealogical ties of these tribal groups: Oh you tribal cryer, announce us and rejoice and be of Quḍāʿa and do not belittle. We are the Banū al-Shaykh al-Ḥajān, the most prominent of the Quḍāʿa b. Mālik Ḥimyar— a well-known lineage, blameless and inscribed upon the stone below the minbar. 18

‫ﯾﺎ أﯾّﮭﺎ اﻟﺪا ِﻋﻲ أدﻋُﻨﺎ‬ ْ‫اﺑﺸﺮْ و ُﻛ ْﻦ ﻗُﻀﺎﻋﺎ وﻻ ﺗَ ْﻨﺰَر‬ ِ ‫َو‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻦ ﺑَﻨﻮ اﻟ َﺸﯿْﺦ اﻟ َﺤﺠﺎن‬ ْ ‫اﻷزھَﺮ ﻗُﻀﺎع ﺑِﻦ ﻣﺎﻟِﻚ ِﺣﻤﯿَﺮ‬ ْ ‫اﻟﻨَﺴْﺐ اﻟ َﻤﻌﺮوف َﻏﯿْﺮ اﻟ ُﻤﻨ ِﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟ َﺤﺠﺮ اﻟ َﻤﻨﻘﻮش ﺗَﺤﺖ اﻟ ِﻤ ْﻨﺒَﺮ‬

This same poem is elsewhere attributed to Alfaḥ b. Yaʿbūb, a poet who was active in Muʿāwiya’s court. 19 In 44/664, Muʿāwiya appointed the Quḍāʿī Companion ʿUqba b. ʿĀmir al-Juhanī (r. 44– 58/677) as governor of Egypt. Like Ibn Murra before him, ʿUqba promoted the Ḥimyarī (i.e. South Arabian) origin of Quḍāʿa, thereby further paving the way for the formation of the Yamānī tribal Crone, “Qays and Yemen,” 47 n. 253. Little is known about ʿAmr b. Murra, other than that he settled in Egypt during the caliphate of Muʿāwiya, that he spent time in among the Byzantines and that his descendants lived in Damascus. See Balādhurī, Ansāb (4), I, 15; Ibn Ḥajar, alIṣāba fī tamyīz al-ṣaḥāba, 8 vols (Cairo, 1970–1972), III, 15 f; Ṭabarī (1), I, 188; Madelung, “Apocalyptic Prophecies,” 152, 182. 18 See Ibn Ḥajr, Isāba, III, 16. 19 Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr, Inbāh, 61; Caskel, II, 143; Madelung, “Prophecy of Hims,” 182. 17

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block. ʿUqba is credited with narrating a ḥadīth that gave tacit prophetic approval for the Ḥimyarī lineage of Quḍāʿa. In this ḥadīth, he reportedly asked the Prophet: “O Messenger of God, are we [i.e. Quḍāʿa] not of Maʿdd?” The Prophet answered: “No. You are (of) Quḍāʿa b. Mālik b. Ḥimyar.” 20

Wilferd Madelung gives credence to the tradition that ʿAmr b. Murra promoted the Quḍāʿī-Ḥimyarī lineage in Egypt during the Sufyānid period. Madelung writes: These reports seem to indicate that the efforts to join Quḍāʿa to Ḥimyar were first made with regard to Juhayna in Egypt in the time of the caliph Muʿāwiya and that the latter may have had an interest in them. The motive for this interest is not clear. Ḥimyar was, however, also strongly represented among the Arabs settling in Egypt and an alliance between them and Quḍāʿa could have been of some political benefit. If Muʿāwiya had hopes that the linkage would be recognized in Syria, he may have had in mind to extend his marriage alliance with Kalb indirectly to Ḥimyar. 21

The formation of the Yamānī block was a great boon to the Umayyads, as it expanded the legitimizing strength of their kinship ties to Quḍāʿa. Almost the entirety of the Egyptian tribal population fell under the expansive umbrella of the Yamān, and thus could ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz claim kinship ties with the entire province. Khālid b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya is also reported to have been a supporter of this shared genealogy, for it would have extended his potential base of tribal support in the same way. 22 Due to the tribal history of Egypt, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s appointment as the amīr of Egypt was likely just as strategic as his apIbn Saʿd, IV/b, 65 f; Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr, al-lnbāh, 60 f. Madelung, Succession to Muḥammad, 181 n. 255; Madelung, “Apocalyptic Prophecies,” 183. 22 See Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr, Inbāḥ, 60; Caskel, II, 73 f; Crone, Slaves on Horses, 35, 48; Crone and Cook, Hagarism, 120 ff; Kister and Plessner, “Notes on Caskel’s Ğamharat an-nasab,” 57. 20 21

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pointment as second heir apparent. When Marwān left Egypt, he instructed his son to look to the heads of the tribes with great care, so that the tribes of Egypt, who were his distant maternal relatives, would become like his paternal kinsmen. 23 Marwān must have known that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s Kalbī lineage would allow him to easily ingratiate himself with the tribes of Egypt, who were quickly coalescing into a united tribal front.

THE MARRIAGE ALLIANCES OF ʿABD AL-ʿAZĪZ

Although his maternal lineage brought him a broad measure of tribal legitimacy in Egypt, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz strengthened his ties to the Yamānī tribes by marrying into prominent Egyptian families. One of his first acts as amīr was to marry Umm Kulthūm al-Saʿdiyya and ʿArwa bt. Rāshid al-Khawlāniyya, the wives of his predecessor, Maslama b. Mukhallad al-Anṣārī (d. 62/683). 24 Maslama had been a part of the conquering army of Egypt; he was a close companion of ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ and he was one of the founding fathers of Islamic Egypt. 25 By marrying the wives of Maslama—who at that point had ruled Egypt longer than any other Muslim ruler (47–62/668– 683)—ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz hoped to associate himself with the legitimacy of Maslama, and thereby ensure the loyal service of his predecessor’s supporters and officials. One of these wives, ʿArwa, was from one of the most prominent tribes of Umayyad Egypt, that of the Khawlān, making his marriage to her particularly strategic. A quote attributed to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz explicitly describes the political nature of his marriage to Maslama’s two wives, who were likely quite old at that time. I entered Egypt during the rule of Maslama b. Mukhallad and I desired it [i.e. Egypt] and to rule it. I desired the wilāya of Egypt, so I married the two wives of Maslama. 26

Kindī, 47. Ibid., 54. 25 Ibid., 53. 26 Ibid., 54. 23 24

3. AL-ḤASHAM: A PROVINCIAL POWER BASE

41

ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s son, Abū Bakr, furthered his father’s co-optation of his predecessor’s prestige by marrying Maslama’s daughter, Umm Sahl. 27 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz also forged ties with the intimates of Maslama. He appointed Abū Ghunaym, a mawlā of Maslama, as the head of the island of Rawḍā near Fusṭāṭ. 28 This island had been of strategic military importance since the construction of the fortress of Babylon in Roman times, and it would remain an important military base for centuries to come. 29 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz also retained the services of Maslama’s chamberlain (ḥājib), Qays b. Kulayb; Qays came from the leading family of the tribe of Ḥaḍramawt, and his brother, ʿAbd Allāh b. Kulayb, was an important tribal leader during the time of ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ. 30 The connections of an old guard figure like Qays would have been essential to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as he learned the tribal politics of Fusṭāṭ. He also re-appointed ʿĀbis b. Saʿīd alMurādī al-Ghuṭayfī, who had served as both ṣāḥib al-shurṭa and qāḍī for Maslama. 31 ʿĀbis had been appointed by Maslama in 49/669, and it was ʿĀbis who rounded up the tribesmen of Egypt to give the oath of allegiance to Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya while Maslama was in Alexandria. 32 The importance of ʿĀbis and his effectiveness is seen in the fact that when the Zubayrid governor ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Jahdam took control of Egypt in 64/685, he also kept ʿĀbis on as ṣāḥib al-shurṭa and qāḍī. 33 In addition to absorbing the ḥasham of Maslama, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz associated himself with the most famous family of Egypt, that of province’s conqueror, ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, when he married ʿAmr’s Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 100. Maqrīzī, Khiṭaṭ, II, 535. 29 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 69, 103, 137, 239. 30 Ibid., 123 f. 31 ʿĀbis served as ṣāḥib al-shurṭa for 4 governors of Egypt. See Maged Mikhail, From Byzantine to Islamic Egypt (New York, 2014), 140 f. “The term shurṭa is among the earliest of the Arabic sources of the Muslim state applied to the élite units of the armed forces whose function was to impose law and order and to uphold the authority of the newly-established state.” J.S Nielsen and Manuela Marín, “Shurṭa,” EI2. 32 Kindī, 39; Kāshif, 37 f. 33 Ibid., 38. 27 28

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granddaughter, Umm ʿAbd Allāh bt. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr b. alʿĀṣ. 34 Umm ʿAbd Allāh’s father, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr, was one of the first scholars of Islam; he had been a scribe for the Prophet and he is said to have collected the first book of prophetic ḥadīth. 35 ʿAbd Allāh was a major player in the apocalyptic circles of the South Arabian tribes in Palestine and Ḥimṣ, and he is identified as narrating a number of traditions predicting the coming of a halfQurashī, half Yamānī redeemer who would become the ultimate amīr al-muʾminīn—ḥadith such as the one narrated by Kaʿb b. Ṣafwān, in which he states: “The Mahdī will be only of Quraysh, and the caliphate is (vested) only in them. He will, however, have an origin and a lineage among the Yemenites.” 36 Madelung suggests that such traditions were written to bolster support for the successorship of Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya, whose ascension was being challenged by traditions emanating from Ḥimṣ, which prophesied the coming of a purely South Arabian (Qaḥṭānī) redeemer. 37 The tribes of Ḥimṣ were led by families of royal South Arabian origin; they had a strong tradition of kingship, and their hopes of restoring their past glory swelled in the early Umayyad period. The traditions of the half-Qurashī, half-Yamānī may very well have been originally written for Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya in order to discredit the traditions of Ḥimṣ; but their content equally served the purpose of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, as he too fit the tradition’s description. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr died in either 65/685 or 69–70/689, and thus he may have lived long enough to promote the future reign of his son-in-law. Whether ʿAbd Allāh circulated any of these ḥadīth to support ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz is beyond our abilities of historical recovery. That said, simply by marrying the daughter of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr, ʿAbd Allāh’s birth name was al-ʿĀṣ, but because of his deep asceticism and spirituality, he was given his new theophoric name ʿAbd Allāh (servant of God) by Muḥammad himself. This honor was bestowed upon a few other early Companions. See Ibn Saʿd, V, 83. 35 ʿAbd Allāh called his collection of prophetic sayings al-ṣaḥīfa alṣādiqa (the truthful text). See Ibn Saʿd, V, 83. 36 See Madelung, “Apocalyptic Prophecies,” 148. 37 Ibid., 148 ff. 34

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ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz built up the religious prestige of his house among the Yamānī tribal block, by associating himself with the family which prophesied the coming of a redeemer figure, whose description he matched. 38

THE YAMĀNĪ APPOINTEES AND COMPANIONS OF ʿABD AL-ʿAZĪZ

The South Arabian tribes of Khawlān and Tujīb had come to Egypt as part of the conquering army of ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ. From the 5th through early 7th centuries, these tribes had served as auxiliary forces for the kingdom of Ḥimyar and the tribal confederation of Kinda. 39 Having been central to the province, the nobles of these tribes were some of the most influential figures in early Egyptian politics, and Tujībīs and Khawlānīs are present at every major event in the first hundred years of Muslim rule in Egypt. For example, Khawlānīs and Tujībīs formed the core of Egyptian nobles that revolted against ʿUthmān; they also formed the core of the Egyptian ʿUthmāniyya, who fought to avenge the murder of ʿUthmān. 40 The key leaders of the Egyptian ʿUthmāniyya were Muʿāwiya b. Ḥudhayj al-Tujībī (d. 52/672), who was the sworn leader of the group, ʿAmr b. Qaḥzām al-Khawlānī, Yaḥyā b. Yaʿmar al-Ruʿaynī al-ʿAblī and Maslama b. Mukhallad, who would later rule as the amīr of Egypt for 12 years. 41 The make up of the leaders of the Egyptian ʿUthmāniyya is echoed into the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, For ʿAbd Allāh’s eschatological ḥadīth of predicting the coming of a South Arabian (Qaḥtānī) redeemer, see Nuʿaym b. Ḥammād, Kitāb al-fitan (Mecca, 1991), index; Madelung, “Apocalyptic Prophecies,” 149 ff. 39 Kennedy, Age of the Caliphates, 65; A.F.L. Beeston, “Kinda,” EI2. In Futūḥ Miṣr, there is a poem glorifying the place of Khawlān and Kināna in Egypt. See Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 126. 40 Maslama is said to have put the Khawlān and Tujīb in charge of constructing minarets for the mosques in Fusṭāṭ. See Kindī, 38 f. Muʿāwiya, for whom Maslama served as governor, reportedly instructed him: “Do not entrust matters to anyone except to an Azdī or a Ḥaḍramī, for they are trustworthy people.” See Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 126. 41 Kindī, 17 ff. 38

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who relied on Khawlānīs, Tujībīs, Ruʿaynīs and intimates of Maslama to rule Egypt. In 69/688, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz appointed ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ḥujayra al-Khawlānī as both qāḍī (judge) and qāṣṣ (public preacher). 42 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān was later put in charge of the treasury (bayt al-māl) of Fusṭāṭ. 43 Upon the death of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān, religious leadership stayed in the tribe of Khawlān, and in 83/702, Mālik b. Shurāḥbīl al-Khawlānī was appointed qāḍī. Mālik, who is described as the ṣāḥib (patron) of a mosque, also had an important military role in ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s administration. In an Egyptian tradition about the final battle against Ibn al-Zubayr in Mecca, Mālik is said to have commanded the 3,000 man contingent sent out by ʿAbd alʿAzīz. 44 After the early death of his son, al-Aṣbagh, and shortly before his own death in 86/705, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz designated his brother, ʿUmar b. Marwān, as amīr over the military affairs (jund) of Egypt, while placing Mālik b. Sharaḥbīl over the religious affairs (ṣalāt) of the province. 45 Another Khawlānī religious scholar, Sufyān b. Wahb, is also said to have frequented ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s court and narrated traditions to him. 46 While Khawlānīs dominated the religious affairs of ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s administration, the tribe of Tujīb was vital to the political

Irit Bligh-Abramski, “The Judiciary (Qādīs) as a GovernmentalAdministrative Tool in Early Islam,” JESHO 35/1 (1992), 40 ff. 43 “It is reported that a man came to Ibn ʿAbbās (d. 68–70/687–689) with a question, and he responded by saying, “You ask me and Ibn Ḥujayra is here,” suggesting that Ibn Ḥujayra was the more knowledgeable one. Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 156, 235. Ibn Ḥujayra related traditions to ʿAbd alʿAzīz. See Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 95. Mention is made of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ḥujayra in P. Aphr. 1412. 44 See Kindī, 51. 45 Kindī 55 f; Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 236. Al-Kindī lists the brother as Muḥammad b. Marwān, but Muḥammad was the governor of the Umayyad north. The brother who resided in Egypt with ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, who is mentioned correctly by Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, was ʿUmar b. Marwān. 46 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 95. 42

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and military institutions of Egypt. 47 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s first chamberlain, Qays b. Kulayb, closely identified with his maternal relatives of Tujīb, amongst whom he lived. 48 The Tujīb dominated the shurṭa of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s administration, and after the death of ʿĀbis b. Saʿīd in 68/687, he appointed Ziyād b. Ḥunāṭa al-Tujībī (d. 75/694) as ṣāḥib al-shurṭa. 49 Ziyād was a powerful figure within his tribe, and he is said to have owned a qaṣr (walled compound) in his tribe’s territory. When ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz paid a visit to Syria, he selected Ziyād as his khalīfa (deputy). 50 After Ziyād’s death in 75/694, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz appointed ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ḥasān b. ʿAtāhiyya b. Ḥazn al-Tujībī as ṣāḥib al-shurṭa. When ʿAbd al-Raḥmān died in 84/703, ʿAbd alʿAzīz appointed Yūnis b. ʿAṭiyah b. Aws al-Ḥaḍramī as ṣāḥib alshurṭa for a short while, but he soon replaced him with ʿAbd alRaḥmān b. Muʿāwiya ibn Ḥudayj al-Tujībī, the son of the leader of the Egyptian ʿUthmāniyya, whom he also appointed qāḍī. 51 The tribes of Ḥimyar were also important during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, and when he combined the three forces of the ḥaras (guard), al-aʿwān (auxiliary troops) and al-khayl (cavalry) into a single unit, he appointed Janāb b. Marthad b. Hānī al-Ruʿaynī al-Ḥimyarī (d. 83/702) as head of the new force. We read in al-Kindī a report of the function of this combined force. Hinds comments on the growing influence of Ibn Ḥudayj, who was from the Tujībī sub-clan of Kināna b. Bishr b. Ḥudayj, and how he became the leader of Sakūn through his association with the Umayyads. Hinds, “The Murder of ʿUthmān,” 456. 48 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 123 f. 49 For a short exposition of the history of the shurṭa, see Kennedy, The Armies of the Caliph, 13 f. 50 Kindī, 51. 51 Kindī 51. In the chaos of the First Fitna, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān’s father, Muʿāwiya b. Ḥudayj (d. 70/689), was given the bayaʿ (oath of allegiance) as the amīr of the ʿUthmāniyya in Egypt. He was also commander of the North African campaign in 34/654–5. See Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 192–194. Muʿāwiya is also mentioned as being one of four men appointed to help distribute land after the conquest in 21/642. Maqrīzī, Khiṭaṭ, I, 297; Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 122. 47

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When Janāb died in 83/702, his tribesman ʿAmr b. Kurayb b. Ṣāliḥ b. Thumāma al-Ruʿaynī (d. 83/702) assumed his post. 53 ʿAmr, however, died after a few months in office, and Saʿīd b. Yaʿqūb alMaʿāfirī al-Shaʿbānī was appointed his successor. Another Ḥimyarī, Kurayb b. Abraha, a nobleman of the Wadī Ṭiḥāma, was also part of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s ḥasham, as suggested by an eyewitness report found in Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, which states the following: I went to Egypt during the days of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Marwān and I saw Kurayb b. Abraha leave from ʿAbd al-Azīz and with him were 500 men of Ḥimyar. 54

Kurayb’s father, Abraha b. al-Ṣabbāḥ, had been the ruler of the Red Sea coastal plains known as the Ṭiḥāma. 55 Kurayb, along with his brothers, had participated in the initial conquest of Egypt and he had been a companion of Maslama b. Mukhallad. Kurayb was the head of Ḥimyar in Syria during rule of Muʿāwiya, whom he supported in the First Fitna. He later went to Egypt, where he came to support Ibn al-Zubayr in the Second Fitna. When the Marwānids took control of Egypt, Kurayb reconciled with them, and he became a regular fixture in ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s court, as attested by his mention in poem by Ibn Qays al-Ruqayyāt, which praises ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s army. 56 See, Kindī, 49; Kāshif, 47; Abd al-Muhsin Madʾaj M. Madʾaj, The Yemen in early Islam (9–233/630–847): a political history (London, 1988), 90. 53 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 236 f; Ibrāhīm al-Dasūqī Jād al-Rabb, alShuʿarā ghayr al-mustawiṭinīn fī ʿahd ʿabd al-ʿazīz ibn marwān (Cairo, 1987), 50. 54 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 113; Ṭabarī (1), I, 2586–7. 55 Ṭiḥāma stretches for Sinai to Bāb al-Mandab in South Arabia. See G.R. Smith “Ṭiḥāma,” EI. 56 Ibn Qays (Qaṣīda #3, v. 23), 16. 52

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He leads the cavalry at the head of the army, the region of the Balqāʾ is unknown in its uproar. 57 Among them Kurayb leading Ḥimyar, The people of jurisdiction do not deviate from what he says.

‫ﯾَﮭْﺪي ِرﻋﺎﻻ أﻣﺎ َم أرْ ﻋَﻦَ ﻻ‬ ‫ﯾُﺮْ َﻋﻒُ َوﺟْ ﮫُ اﻟﺒَ ْﻠﻘﺎ ِء ﻓﻲ ﻟَ َﺠﺒِ ْﮫ‬ ‫ﻓﯿﮭﻢ ُﻛ َﺮﯾْﺐ ﯾَﻘﻮ ُد ِﺣ ْﻤﯿَ َﺮ ﻻ‬ َ ‫ﯾَ ْﻌ ِﺪ ُل أ ْھ ُﻞ اﻟﻘَﻀﺎ ِء ﻋﻦ ُﺧﻄﺒِ ْﮫ‬

There were also Quḍāʿī tribesmen serving in ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s administration. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz appointed Zuhayr b. Qays, of the Quḍāʿī tribe of Balī, as the amīr of North Africa. After the death of Zuhayr, ʿAbd al-Malik tried to appoint his own amīr to North Africa, one Ḥassān b. Nuʿmān al-Ghassānī. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, however, forcefully removed Ḥassān and appointed another Quḍāʿī, Mūsā b. Nuṣayr al-Balawī/al-Lakhmī, as the amīr of North Africa. 58 Another Quḍāʿī of the tribe of Lakhm, ʿUllay b. Rabāḥ, was employed by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as a messenger to ʿAbd al-Malik while they were feuding over the succession arrangement. 59 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s cousin, ʿIyāḍ b. Jurayba b. Saʿd b. al-Aṣbagh al-Kalbī, also seems to have played an important part in the amīr’s entourage. ʿIyāḍ’s exact role in the administration is unclear, but the large number of properties ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz bestowed upon him speaks to his proximity to power. ʿIyāḍ would later serve as ṣāḥib alshurṭa of Egypt during the reign of amīr al-muʾminīn Hishām b. ʿAbd al-Malik (d. 105/724), and he was later put in charge of Alexandria during the reign of Marwān II (d. 127/744). From what the Arabic sources say of the appointments and companions of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, it is clear that he relied exclusively on Yamānīs (both South Arabians and Quḍāʿīs) to fill the military, religious and political posts of his administration. 60 Through his Balqāʾ is the region around ʿAmmān, Jordan. Ibn ʿIdhārī, Bayān, I, 39 ff; Kennedy, “Egypt as a Province,” 71. 59 Kindī, 54 f. 60 ʿAbd al-Malik, on the other hand, relied upon both Yamānīs and Qaysīs. See Crone, “Qays and Yaman,” 11 ff. 57 58

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maternal lineage, his marriage alliances and his utter reliance upon South Arabian and Quḍāʿī notables, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz established himself as one of the most powerful figures of the Yamānī tribal coalition. This not only facilitated the spread of his authority in Egypt, it also forestalled ʿAbd al-Malik from attempting to remove ʿAbd alʿAzīz from the heir apparency, for the “rebellious” voice” that ʿAbd al-Malik feared would be raised against him if he modified the succession agreement, was that of the Yamānī tribes. Table 3: The Yamānī Appointees and Companions of ʿAbd alʿAzīz 1. Abū Ghunaym 2. Qays b. Kulayb of the Ḥaḍramawt 3. ʿĀbis b. Saʿīd al-Marādī al-Ghuṭayfī 4. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ḥujayra al-Khawlānī 5. Sufyān b. Wahb al-Khawlānī 6. Mālik b. Shurāḥbīl al-Khawlānī 7. Ziyād b. Ḥunāṭa al-Tujībī (d. 75/694) 8. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ḥasān b. ʿAtāhiyya b. Ḥazn al-Tujībī 9. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Muʿāwiya b. Ḥudayj al-Tujībī 10. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Yuḥannas, a mawlā of the Tujīb 11. Janāb b. Marthad b. Hānī al-Ruʿaynī 12. ʿAmr b. Kurayb b. Ṣāliḥ b. Thumāma al-Ruʿaynī (d. 83/702) 13. Saʿīd b. Yaʿqūb al-Maʿāfirī al-Shaʿbānī 14. Kurayb b. Abraha 15. ʿIyāḍ b. Jurayba b. Saʿd b. al-Aṣbagh al-Kalbī

THE PROPERTY ACQUISITIONS OF ʿABD AL-ʿAZĪZ

We find in Futūḥ Miṣr a plethora of reports concerning the initial settlement of Fusṭāṭ. Some of these reports reach into the Marwānid period and give bits of information concerning what became of the houses, baths, markets and plots of land of certain early notable figures. While far from being a systematic presentation of the settlement history of early Islamic Egypt, these reports give clear sense of how ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz used property acquisition as a

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means of solidifying his place among the elite of Egypt. ʿAbd alʿAzīz also undertook a number of large scale building projects in Fusṭāṭ, which included expanding the congregational mosque, constructing a massive administrative complex called dār al-mudhahhaba (the Gilded House), and building four covered markets. 61 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz is said to have built or acquired some 34 properties in Fusṭāṭ, mostly in the area surrounding the congregational mosque, which was the economic, cultural and religious center of the capital. This area, known as khiṭṭat ahl al-raʾya (the area of the bannermen) was home to tribal leaders, prophetic Companions, military commanders, allies of the governor and other elites. 62 Representatives of the Christian pagarchs and duces of Egypt also resided in this area. 63 Every governor before ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz established himself in central Fusṭāṭ, and one’s proximity to the congregational mosque was directly proportional to one’s prestige. The house of the first amīr of Egypt, ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, was directly connected to the congregational mosque by a private entrance into its courtyard. The house of ʿAmr’s son, ʿAbd Allāh, was likewise adjacent to the mosque. 64 As a stranger to Egypt, from a family that did not participate in the conquest of the province, it was essential for ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz to establish himself in area of the ahl al-raʾya in order to boost his prestige, as well as to ensure his control over the tribes and administrative apparatus of the province. 65 Settling in this area enabled him to increase his contact with local elites and expand his knowledge of local politics, while facilitating his ability to gain supporters and earn political capital. By acquiring properties in central Fusṭāṭ, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz worked to dominate the physical landscape of the city, thereby solidifying and legitimizing his authority over the Muslim population. Due to its size and grandeur, this administrative complex was known as al-madīna (the city). See Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 136, 214; Kindī, 49. 62 Wladyslaw Kubiak, Fustat: Its foundation and Early Urban Development (Cairo, 1987), 46, 76–8. 63 Bell, Aphrodito, xxv. 64 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 96. 65 See Lecker, “The Estates of ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ in Palestine,” 24–37. 61

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ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz likely began his tenure ruling from dār al-bayḍāʾ (the White House), the complex built for his father, Marwān, during his short stay in Egypt. 66 Located near the gate of the congregational mosque, in a spot where worshippers once halted their mounts, the White House had been built on land owned by the Quḍāʿī tribal leader, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿUdays al-Balawī. 67 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz also took possession of the House of the Pond, a residence built for the amīr al-muʾminīn ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb (d. 24/644), who may have resided in Egypt prior to his ascension as amīr almuʾminīn. The Egyptian jurist and ḥadīth scholar, al-Layth b. Saʿd (d.175/791), relates that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz asked ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb (d. 73/693) for the house, which he reportedly gave to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as a gift. 68 In addition to the houses built for former amīr al-muʾminīns, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz also acquired the houses of previous gubernatorial families. Through his marriage to Umm ʿAbd Allāh bt. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz acquired the house of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr, which was directly adjacent to the central mosque and was said to have been as square as the Kaʿba. 69 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz also acquired the bath complex of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr, which was later known as Ḥammām Sahl (the Bath of Sahl). 70 This complex came to be named after Sahl b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Marwān, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s son with Umm ʿAbd Allāh bt. ʿAbd Allāh. Sahl remained in Egypt after his father’s death, and likely inherited his maternal grandfather’s bath complex. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz also purchased a bath for his other son, Zabān. 71 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 112, 121. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿUdays al-Balawī was one of the leaders of the Egyptian revolt against ʿUthmān. See Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 305; Ṭabarī (1), I, 2991. 68 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 93; Fred Donner “An enigmatic Arabic Papyrus from Early Islam,” Watson Institute, Brown University, March 13, 2014. Lecture. 69 Ibid., 97. 70 Ibid., 92. 71 Ibid., 98, 113. 66 67

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ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz purchased the house of Wardān (d. 53/672), the mawlā and right hand man of ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, which was near to the dīwān, and gave it to his brother, ʿUmar b. Marwān. 72 This house had previously been owned by Abu Rāfiʿ, a mawlā of the Prophet Muḥammad, and during the reign of Muʿāwiya it served as the residence for the ṣāḥib al-kharāj (head tax official). 73 One would expect that ʿUmar b. Marwān, like the previous residents of the house, was involved in the provincial administration, however the Arabic sources never define for him a specific role in the administration. 74 This elite property maintained its stature into the ʿAbbāsid period, when the ruling Banū ʿAbbās took possession of it. 75 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz also acquired the properties of his predecessor, Maslama b. Mukhallad, when he married Maslama’s two wives. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz reportedly paid the 20,000 dīnārs Maslama owed as debt and assumed control of Maslama’s centrally located house, known as dār al-raml (the House of Sand). This house was particularly prestigious, as Maslama built it in association with Abū Rāfiʿ, a mawlā of the Prophet, and ʿUqba b. ʿAmr al-Juhanī, the prophet’s messenger who would later become governor of Egypt on behalf of Muʿāwiya—the same ʿUqba that had been an early promoter of the shared lineage of Quḍāʿa and Yamān. Muʿāwiya is also said to have taken over a portion of this house during his reign. 76 ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s son, Abū Bakr, came to possess an agricultural estate of Maslama’s through his marriage to Maslama’s daughter, which was called Munyat Umm Sahl (the estate of Umm Sahl bt. Maslama b. Mukhallad). ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz bought the houses of a number of other prominent Companions and Egyptian elites, some of which he distributed to his relatives and allies. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz reportedly paid 10,000 See P. Aphrodito 1447, which mentions ʿUmar b. Marwān. Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 102 ff. 74 We know almost nothing about ʿUmar b. Marwān, other that he was appointed the amīr al-jund (amīr of military affairs) of Egypt upon ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s death. ʿUmar, however, was quickly removed from office and was replaced by his nephew, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik. See Kindī, 55 ff. 75 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 100. 76 Ibid., 100 f, 132. 72 73

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dīnārs for the house of Companion Khārija b. Ḥudhāfa, which he gave to his son and presumed heir, al-Aṣbagh. 77 Khārija had served as ṣāḥib al-shurṭa for ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, and his house, which was the first multi-story residence in Fusṭāṭ, was located between the western side of the congregational mosque near the house of Thawbān, a mawlā of the Prophet. 78 It is possible that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz coerced Khārija’s son, Rabīʿa b. Khārija, into selling this prestigious house, because during the rule of ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, Rabīʿa petitioned him for the return of his family’s property. The ownership of the house remained contested as late as the reign of amīr almuʾminīn Hishām b. ʿAbd al-Malik (r. 105–125/724–743), when there was a debate as to whether the descendants of al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz were obliged to pay rent or not. 79 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz bought the house of Companion Abd Allāh b. al-Ḥārith b. Juzʾ al-Zubaydī and gave part of this property to his scribe, Yazīd b. Rumāna, and part to his son, al-Aṣbagh. 80 This house was next to the residence of Qays b. Abī al-ʿĀṣ, who served as qāḍī under ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ. He also gave Ibn Rumāna and another man, ʿUmayr b. Mudrik, palm groves in Ḥulwān. 81 ʿUbāda b. alṢāmit (d. 34/ 645), a Companion who acted as a military commander and negotiator during the conquest of Egypt, owned two houses in central Fusṭāṭ. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz purchased both of ʿUbāda’s houses and kept one for himself and dedicated the other to the maintenance of the poor (banū miskīn). 82 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz also purchased property on the street called the Lane of Nobles (zuqāq al-ashrāf), a name derived from the fact that at the opposite ends of the street lived ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, the conKhārija b. Ḥudhāfa was part of the original conquering army of Egypt. He is mentioned as an amīr in SB VII 9749 (642 CE). See Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State, 75. 78 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 104. 79 Ibid., 104. 80 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 103. For a tradition narrated by ʿAbd Allāh b. Ḥārith on the authority of the prophet, see Ṭabarī (2), VI, 473–75. 81 Ibid., 112. 82 This property was near the Market of the Bath, and was at some point the house of a muezzin named Juju. See Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 104. 77

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queror of Egypt, and Kaʿb b. Ḍinnāh, a man whom the amīr almuʾminīn ʿUmar had unsuccessfully tried to promote as qāḍī of Fusṭāṭ the early days after the conquest. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz purchased the house of Kaʿb b. Ḍinnāh called dār al-nakhla (House of the Date Palm) and gave it to his maternal relative, ʿIyāḍ b. Jurayba b. Saʿd b. al-Aṣbagh al-Kalbī. 83 He also bestowed upon ʿIyāḍ the house of Ibn Firās al-Kinānī (d. 31/652) and the house of the Companion ʿUqba b. Nāfiʿ (d. 63/683), who was the half-brother of ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ and had served as the amīr of Ifrīqiya. 84 ʿAbd alʿAzīz bought another residence on the Lane of Nobles called dār alnaṣr (the House of Victory) from a Qurashī man and gave it to his son al-Aṣbagh. 85 As his father’s presumed heir, al-Aṣbagh came to possess the oldest, and perhaps largest, private landholding of Muslim Egypt, though it is unclear exactly how he acquired it. This property, known as Munyat al-Aṣbagh (the estate of al-Aṣbagh), originally belonged to the Companion Sandar and reportedly measured 1,000 fidāns. Sandar is said to have been a freed slave who was caught sleeping with a slave girl owned by his master. His master punished him by cutting off his nose and ears, and due to this excessive punishment, the Prophet took pity on Sandar and manumitted him with the title of the “mawlā of God and his messenger.” Sandar’s tract of land was reportedly the only private tract granted by the caliph ʿUmar in Egypt, who heartily discouraged the division of conquest lands. 86 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz also gave houses to the family of his commander in North Africa, Mūsā b. Nuṣayr al-Balawī al-Quḍāʿī. He beʿIyāḍ b. Jurayba narrated ḥadīth on the authority of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, while ʿAmr b. al-Ḥarith and al-Layth b. Saʿd narrated on his authority. ʿIyāḍ was in charge of the shurṭa during the caliphate of Hishām b. ʿAbd al-Malik, when Ḥanẓala b. Ṣafwān al-Kalbī was the governor of Egypt. He was later put in charge of Alexandria during the governorship of ʿAbd al-Malik b. Marwān b. Mūsā b. Nuṣayr, during the reign of Marwān II. 84 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 111. 85 Ibid., 137. 86 See Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 137; Maqrīzī, Khiṭaṭ, I, 259. 83

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stowed upon a mawlā of Mūsā’s sister, ʿAbd al-ʿAlā, a house and a bath in Fusṭāṭ. He is also said to have given ʿAbd al-ʿAlā four houses in Alexandria. 87 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz also built or acquired houses for some of the women of his house. For instance, he built a qaṣr for his umm walad (a concubine who bears a child) and he acquired an estate for his children’s wet nurse. This review of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s properties likely represents only a portion of his real estate holdings, as we are relying on imperfect and unsystematic literary sources. That said, it is clear from this sampling of properties that establishing himself and his ḥasham in the physical landscape of Fusṭāṭ was central to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s ruling strategy. Almost every property he purchased was previously owned by an amīr al-muʾminīn, a governor, a prominent Companion or an important tribal leader. By purchasing such prominent properties, not only was ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz staking a claim to the physical landscape of Fusṭāṭ, he was laying claim to the prestige of its past as well, by establishing his allies and intimates in the houses of the heroes of Islamic Egypt.

87

Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 133.

CHAPTER 4. THE POETIC BATTLE FOR SUCCESSION At the end of the Second Fitna in 73/692, ʿAbd al-Malik set his sights on removing ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as heir apparent in favor of his own sons. The struggle over the succession was a drawnout process, one that lasted over a decade, but it never devolved into a violent conflict, as would such struggles in later generations. 1 Instead, this fraternal feud remained a popularity contest of sorts, where the opposing sides competed for legitimacy and prestige through rhetorical charges and versified assaults. Two poets in particular did the most to advance ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s political cause, building for him a popular image of an extraordinary amīr and a valid candidate to rule as amīr al-muʾminīn. These poets, whose lives and verse we will analyze below, are Ibn Qays al-Ruqayyāt (d. 85/705) and al-Aḥwaṣ al-Anṣārī (d. 105/723). ʿUbayd Allāh b. Qays al-Ruqayyāt began his career as a poet for Muṣʿab b. al-Zubayr (d. 72/691), the Zubayrid amīr in Iraq. 2 After the defeat and death of Muṣʿab in 72/691 by the Marwānids, Ibn Qays went into hiding, living underground as a fugitive, and fearing the reach of ʿAbd al-Malik. In his poetry, Ibn Qays speaks of hiding in the house a woman named Kathīra, who was the wife of the ʿAlid, ʿAlī b. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbbās. 3 When Kathīra and ʿAlī b. ʿAbd Allāh were unable to secure a pardon for him, Ibn Qays Competition over the caliphate would turn violent at the end of the Marwānid period, when Yazīd III (d. 126/744) revolted and killed his cousin, the caliph Walīd II (d. 126/744). See Kennedy, Age of the Caliphates, 112–123. 2 See Taha Ḥusayn, Ḥadīth al-arbiʿāʾ (Cairo, 1974), I, 249 ff. 3 Aḥwaṣ, 285. 1

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made his way to yet another ʿAlīd, ʿAbd Allāh b. Jaʿfar b. Abī Ṭālib (d. 80/699), who was also on friendly terms with the Umayyads. There are reports that ʿAbd Allāh b. Jaʿfar wrote to Umm Banīn, who was both the daughter of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and the wife of Walīd b. ʿAbd al-Malik, seeking her intervention on behalf of Ibn Qays. Other reports suggest that it was ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz himself who wrote to his daughter Umm Banīn to intercede on the poet’s behalf. Once Ibn Qays finally received the pardon he so desperately sought, he travelled to Damascus to reconcile face to face with ʿAbd al-Malik. As befitting a poet, Ibn Qays wrote a qaṣīda in praise of the amīr al-muʾminīn, but it was met with little enthusiasm. ʿAbd al-Malik complained of the poem’s lackluster praise, feeling slighted by the description of the crown upon his head, in comparison to the lines Ibn Qays wrote for Muṣʿab, whom he described as a shooting star. 4 The amīr al-muʾminīn did, however, keep his promise and pardoned Ibn Qays for his previously oppositional verse, but he refused to patron his poetry. Secure but patron-less, Ibn Qays made his way to the court of Bishr b. Marwān (d. 74/693–4), who was made amīr in Kufa in 73/692. 5 Upon Bishr’s death, Ibn Qays relocated to Egypt, where he threw his full support behind ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, who was struggling with ʿAbd al-Malik over the succession. The former Zubayrid poet apparently continued to harbor hard feelings towards ʿAbd alMalik, for Ibn Qays composed the most brazen verse in support of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. 6 There survive four poems from Ibn Qays written in praise of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, and his compositions stand out for both the focused themes of their praise, as well as their caustic stance towards ʿAbd al-Malik. The second court poet we will discuss, al-Aḥwaṣ al-Anṣārī, was born around the year 40/660 in Qubāʾ outside of Medina. The son of a noble Medinan family and a descendant of one of the earliest Companions of Muḥammad, al-Aḥwaṣ, with his privileged status, was an impertinent personality, despite his short stature and Aghānī, IV, 157 f. Ṭabarī (1), II, 852; Balādhurī, Ansāb (1), V, 171, 179. 6 See Aghanī, XVI, 57; Ibn Qays, 14 n. 4. 4 5

4. THE POETIC BATTLE FOR SUCCESSION

57

ocular ailments (al-Aḥwaṣ means droopy eyed). 7 He spent his youth in the song houses and lyrical dens of Medina, and he gained a reputation for his provocative ghazals (love poems) and his proclivity for scandal. All too secure in the nobility of his family, he openly criticized the elite of his day, both Qurashīs and Anṣārīs alike, and after the death of his patron ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, he was on two occasions exiled from Medina. 8 Al-Aḥwaṣ was the grand nephew of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s wife, Umm ʿĀṣim Jamīla bt. Thābit b. Abī al-Aqlah, who was the granddaughter of the second amīr al-muʾminīn of the Islamic empire, ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb (d. 23/664). 9 Al-Aḥwaṣ is said to have once visited the court of ʿAbd al-Malik, but the amīr al-muʾminīn was unimpressed with the poet, whom he called “al-mukhannath” (the effeminate one). 10 Rejected and offended by ʿAbd al-Malik, al-Aḥwaṣ reserved his political poetry for his great aunt’s husband, ʿAbd alʿAzīz, with whom he remained close for the entirety of his reign. The relationship between al-Aḥwaṣ and later Umayyad amīr almuʾminīns was, however, particularly strained, and he lived partially in exile during the reigns of Sulaymān b. ʿAbd al-Mālik and ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. The dīwān of al-Aḥwaṣ was first gathered and edited by ʿĀdil Sulaymān Jamāl in 1970. Only two of al-Aḥwaṣ’s poems praising ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz survive, a 19-verse qaṣīda and 49-verse qaṣīda. 11 He was a descendant ʿĀṣim b. Thābit (d. 3/613), a Companion of Muḥammad who fought at the Battle of Badr. ʿĀsim was killed in a surprise attack after the Prophet sent him on a proselytizing mission, an event supposedly referenced in Q. 2:204. See Aḥwaṣ, 11. 8 Al-Aḥwaṣ was exiled once to the Dahlak Islands for writing indecent poetry about noble women in Medina, and another time to the island of al-Bulūs for his incessant hajāʾ (satirical poetry) against the governor in Medina, Abū Bakr b. Muḥammad b. ʿĀmir b. Ḥazm. See Aḥwaṣ, 11. 9 Al-Aḥwaṣ is unique in that he wrote praise poetry exclusively for the Umayyads. See Aḥwaṣ, 31 f; Aghānī, IV, 250 f. 10 Aghānī, IV, 254; Aḥwaṣ, 32. 11 Interestingly enough, after the death of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, al-Aḥwaṣ accepts the patronage of al-Walīd b. ʿAbd al-Malik. See Aḥwaṣ, 33 f. 7

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In our analysis of the court poetry of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, we will utilize the surviving work of Ibn Qays (four poems in total) and alAḥwaṣ (two poems in total) written in praise of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. Rather than presenting full translations of these poems, which are lengthy and at times abstruse, we will present a general description of them, followed by a presentation of selections from their madīḥ (praise) sections. A central theme in all of the court poetry patroned by ʿAbd alʿAzīz is praise of his maternal lineage. Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣbahānī writes that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz would only patron poets who praised the tribe of his mother, and quotes him as saying: “I won’t give a poet anything until he mentions her (my mother) when praising me.” 12 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz wanted to advertise his mother’s lineage with the hope of inspiring his Yamānī allies and kinsmen, and it is that reason he is constantly referred to as Ibn Laylā (the son Laylā), after his mother. Of the six poems written by Ibn Qays and al-Aḥwaṣ in praise of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, five of them call him Ibn Laylā, and four of them strongly praise the nobility of Laylā. The primacy of praising ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s Kalbī origins should be seen as both a call to his Yamānī allies, as well as a challenge to ʿAbd al-Malik’s plan to replace him with his sons by a Qaysī woman. 13 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz represented the continued hopes of the Quḍāʿa to maintain their position of privilege vis-à-vis the Islamic state, and thus removing him as heir would have truncated Quḍāʿa’s influence over the amīr al-muʾminīn. Thus calling ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz Ibn Laylā and praising his mother’s lineage served to strengthen his tribal support and mobilize the Quḍāʿa to reject ʿAbd al-Malik’s revised succession plan. In addition to praising the maternal lineage of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, Ibn Qays and al-Aḥwaṣ defended ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s right to succeed, calling him the noblest and worthiest of all of the Umayyads to become the next amīr al-muʾminīn. At times, the poets go so far to argue that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz is the noblest and worthiest of all of Aghānī, I, 131; Ibn Qays, 14 n. 2; Jād al-Rabb, al-Shuʿarā ghayr almustawṭinīn, 53. 13 Crone, “Qays and Yemen,” 50 n. 273; Crone, Slaves on Horses, appendix 1, no. 15. 12

4. THE POETIC BATTLE FOR SUCCESSION

59

Quraysh to lead the community, including the Hāshimites, who were either descendants of, or close clan relatives of, the prophet Muḥammad. Another approach ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s court poets took to promote his future succession was to call him caliphal titles in advance of his ascension. The calling of an heir apparent caliph, imām alhudā (imām of guidance), or other honorific titles before his ascension was not an unusual occurrence, for it was part of maintaining ones hold on the heir apparency. 14 This premature use of such titles was a rejection of ʿAbd al-Malik’s attempts to remove ʿAbd alʿAzīz as heir apparent and a foreshadowing of the heir apparent’s authority to come. 15 Part of this image of inevitability included the sons of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, whose future succession was similarly hailed and predicted. We see a similar strategy being employed by alWalīd b. ʿAbd al-Malik, who uses the title of “son of the commander of the faithful” as part of his campaign for the heir apparency. 16 While ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s maternal lineage was central to his political image, the Umayyad/Qurashī origins of his father are by no means ignored. It was ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s father’s lineage that made him a contender for leadership in the first place, and praise of Laylā and her lineage is always coupled with praise of Marwān and his. Ibn Qays and al-Aḥwaṣ both emphasize the ancientness of the glory of the Marwānid house and the protection and stability the Marwānids offered the Muslim community during the turmoil of the Second Fitna. The end result of this praise of the Marwānids is a declaration that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz comes from the worthiest clan to Kindī, 56. ʿAbd al-Malik, Walīd I, Yazīd II, Hishām and Muṣʿab b. al-Zubayr were all called imām al-hudā. See Patricia Crone and Martin Hinds, God’s Caliph (Cambridge, 1986), 34 f. 15 Crone and Hinds, God’s Caliph, 34 n. 64. Stetkevych argues that the use of the qaṣīda, which was an established and “canonical genre,” gave authority to the poet’s voice. Suzanne Pinckney Stetkevych, “Umayyad Panegyric and the Poetics of Islamic Hegemony: al-Akhṭal’s “Khaffa alQaṭīnu” (“Those that Dwelt with You Have Left in Haste”), Journal of Arabic Literature 28 (1997), 94. 16 Robinson, ʿAbd al-Malik, 27. 14

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rule, and from among that clan, he and his sons are the most deserving to rule.

THE POETRY OF IBN QAYS AL-RUQAYYĀT (D. 85/705) Qaṣīda # 2

This qaṣīda does not specifically mention the name of its patron, but it is clear from its content that it was written in praise of a Marwānid. Arthur Wormhoudt, who attempted to translate the poetry of Ibn Qays in 1979, believed this poem to be written for ʿAbd al-Malik, based on the fact that the poet refers to the object of his praise as caliph (khalīfa). 17 Muḥammad Yūsuf Najm, however, in his 1958 edition of Ibn Qays’ dīwān, identifies ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as the object of praise in this poem, basing his determination on a manuscript of the dīwān found in Istanbul, which explicitly states that the poem was dedicated to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. 18 Additionally, only one poem by Ibn Qays can be firmly attributed to ʿAbd al-Malik, while four of his poems praising ʿAbd alʿAzīz have survived, and three for Bishr b. Marwān. Let us recall that Ibn Qays had spent years as a fixture in the court of Muṣʿab b. al-Zubayr (nine of Ibn Qays’ poems written for Muṣʿab survive), and while ʿAbd al-Malik pardoned Ibn Qays for his past affiliation at the end of the civil war, he never fully forgave the poet, and therefore didn’t patron him. 19 Ibn Qays instead sought his fortunes with the princes of the Marwānid house, and he continued to attack ʿAbd al-Malik, but this time from within the dynasty. Najm’s interpretation is supported by other poems written by Ibn Qays for ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, in which he openly insults and attacks ʿAbd al-Malik in defense of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s right to the succession. If rhyming how ʿAbd al-Malik’s breath was bad wasn’t beyond the See Arthur Wormhoudt, The Diwan of ʿUbaid Allah ibn Qais al Ruqayya (William Penn College, 1979), 9. 18 It is unclear whether Wormhoudt had access to the 1958 Arabic edition of Ibn Qays’s dīwān published by Muḥammad Yūsuf Najm, which contains the complete dīwān of Ibn Qays with extensive expository notes. See Wormhoudt, Diwan of ʿUbaid Allah ibn Qais, 1; Ibn Qays, 7. 19 Ibn Qays, index, 207. 17

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61

bounds of Ibn Qays, then calling ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz caliph in advance of his succession wasn’t either. 20 The calling of an heir apparent caliph before his ascension was not an unusual occurrence, and other poets are known to have called ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz by this honorific title while he was the amīr of Egypt. For example, upon the death of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, the poet Dhū Shāma b. Muḥammad b. ʿAmr b. Walīd mourns the loss of Egypt after the death of the caliph ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. 21 After the caliph (khalīfa) ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, and after the amīr, will this go away? For me, after ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and al-Aṣbagh, the goodness of Egypt is no longer a wonder.

‫ﺰﯾﺰ‬ ِ ‫أَﺑَ ْﻌ َﺪ ْاﻟﺨَ ﻠِﯿﻔَ ِﺔ َﻋ ْﺒ ِﺪ ْاﻟ َﻌ‬ ‫ﯿﺮ َﻛ َﺬا َواﺑِﻘَ ْﮫ‬ ِ ‫َوﺑَ ْﻌ َﺪ ْاﻷَ ِﻣ‬ ْ ‫ﯾﺰ‬ ِ ‫ﻓَ َﻤﺎ ِﻣﺼْ ُﺮ ﻟِﻲ ﺑَ ْﻌ َﺪ َﻋ ْﺒ ِﺪ اﻟ َﻌ ِﺰ‬ ‫َو ْاﻷَﺻْ ﺒَ ِﻎ ْاﻟ َﺨﯿ ِْﺮ ﺑِ ْﺎﻟ ُﻤ ْﺆﻧِﻘَ ْﮫ‬

Qaṣīda # 2 by Ibn Qays begins with a nasīb (amatory prelude) describing an empty and desolate land and the movements of his beloved’s tribe. The beloved of this poem, however, is not a woman, but is instead the amīr ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. This association becomes clear in verse 8, when Ibn Qays supplicates God on behalf of his beloved, wishing that “God and his caliph grant” him an abode in Ghūṭa of Syria, a region that was a Kalbī stronghold. While veiled in the sentiment of a lost love, in reality this line is a prayer for the unnamed ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz to inherit the caliphate swiftly, and imbedded in it is a call for ʿAbd al-Malik’s death to draw nigh, so ʿAbd alʿAzīz can ascend as ruler of the entire Islamic state. 22

See Ibn Qays, # 38. See Kindī, 56; See Crone and Hinds, God’s Caliph, 34 n. 64. 22 Stetkevych writes: “…we need to keep in mind that the qaṣīdat almadḥ is almost always polemical.” Stetkevych, “Umayyad Panegyric,” 95. 20 21

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PRINCELY AUTHORITY 8. May God and his caliph grant you an abode in Ghūṭa with the Banū al-Ḥakam. 23

-‫ﻚ ﷲُ واﻟﺨﻠﯿﻔﺔ ﺑِﺎل‬ َ ‫أَ َﺣﻠﱠ‬ ْ ‫ُﻏ‬ ‫ﻮط ِﺔ داراً ﺑِﮭَﺎ ﺑَﻨﻮ ْاﻟ َﺤ َﻜ ِﻢ‬

The poem further challenges ʿAbd al-Malik by calling ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz an “imām of guidance” and a “caliph whose sunna is followed.” In verses 9–12, Ibn Qays moves to praising the Banū al-Ḥakam collectively, recalling how they to came to the rescue of the Muslim community during a time of great strife. He describes them as “protectors” and “restorers of breaks” and calls them the “night stars lighting oppression” in the midst of a “dark tribulation.” 9. Protectors of the neighbor from harm, For there is no neighbor called oppressed among them.

‫ُﻀﺎ َم ﻓَ َﻤﺎ‬ َ ‫اﻟﻤﺎﻧِﻌُﻮ اﻟ َﺠﺎ َر أَ ْن ﯾ‬ ‫َﻀ ِﻢ‬ َ ‫ﺟﺎ ٌر َدﻋَﺎ ﻓِﯿ ِﮭ ُﻢ ﺑِ ُﻤ ْﮭﺘ‬

10. Inheritors of the minbar of the caliphate, and keepers of the covenants with the dhimmī communities.

- ْ‫اﻟﺨﻼﻓَ ِﺔ وال‬ ِ ‫ارﺛُﻮ ِﻣ ْﻨﺒَ َﺮ‬ َ ِ ‫واﻟﻮ‬ ‫ُﻣﻮﻓﻮونَ ِﻋ ْﻨ َﺪ اﻟ ُﻌﮭُﻮ ِد ﺑِﺎﻟ ﱢﺬﻣﻢ‬

11. Restorers of breaks if they wish, and the breaks they cause cannot be healed.

- ْ‫واﻟﺠﺎﺑِﺮُو َﻛ ْﺴ َﺮ َﻣ ْﻦ أَرادُوا َو َﻣﺎ ال‬ ِ ‫َﻛ ْﺴ ُﺮ اﻟّﺬي ْأوْ ھَﻨﻮا ﺑِ ُﻤ ْﻠﺘَﺌِﻢ‬ Jād al-Rabb, al-Shuʿarā ghayr al-mustawṭinīn, 32 ff. Ghawṭa and alMizza were the Damascene strongholds of the Kalb. See J.W. Fück, “Kalb b. Wabara,” EI2; ʿAbd al-Malik was at Ghūṭa when he was brought the head of the leader of Banū Sulaym, ʿUmayr b. al-Ḥubhāb, who had pledged allegiance to the Umayyads at Marj Rāhiṭ, but later joined the Zubayrid cause. See Marsham, Rituals of Islamic Monarchy, 105. See also Stetkyvych, “Umayyad panegyric,” 92. 23

4. THE POETIC BATTLE FOR SUCCESSION 12. For if the dark tribulation sets in, they are the night stars lighting oppression.

ٌ‫ﻠﺖ ُﻣ َﺪ ﱢﺟﯿَﺔ‬ ْ ‫ﻓَﮭُ ْﻢ إذا َﺟﻠﱠ‬ ‫ﻧُﺠﻮ ُم ﻟَﯿ ٍْﻞ ﺗُﻨﯿ ُﺮ ﻓﻲ ﱡ‬ ‫اﻟﻈﻠَ ِﻢ‬

13. Lifters of hardship when the people are hit by one of the great calamities.

ْ َ‫اﻟﻜﺎﺷﻔُﻮ َﻏ ْﻤ َﺮةً إذا ﻧَ َﺰﻟ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ِ َ ِ ‫ﺎس إﺣﺪى اﻟ َﺠﻮاﺋِﺢ ِ اﻟ ُﻌﻈﻢ‬ ِ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﱠ‬

14. They do not give away their virtue, and their virtue is the greatest blessing for us.

‫ﻟَﯿْﺴﻮا ﯾَ ُﻤﻨّﻮنَ ﻓَﻀْ ﻠَﮭُﻢ َوﻟَﮭُﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻀ ٌﻞ ﻋﻠَﯿْﻨﺎ ﺑﺄَﺣْ َﺴ ِﻦ اﻟﻨﱢ َﻌ ِﻢ‬

15. Women seeking refuge love them, virgins flashing the place of their anklets in flight.

‫ﺗُ ِﺤﺒﱡﮭﻢ ُﻋ ﱠﻮذ ُ اﻟﻨﱢﺴﺎ ِء إذا‬ ِ ‫اﺿ َﻊ اﻟ َﺨﺪَم‬ ِ ‫أﺑْﺪى اﻟ َﻌ َﺬا َرى َﻣ َﻮ‬

16. The dog denied his master and there appeared, a constant war that blazed with flames.

ْ ‫َوأ ْﻧ َﻜ َﺮ اﻟ َﻜ ْﻠﺐ أ ْھﻠَﮫ َوﺑَﺪ‬ ‫َت‬ ٌ ‫َﺣﺮْ بٌ ﻋ‬ ‫َﻮان ﺗُ َﺸﺐّ ﺑﺎﻟ ﱠ‬ ‫ﻀ َﺮ ِم‬

17. Among them the imām of guidance, he is a blessing for me and a support that flows from lasting clouds.

‫ِﻣ ْﻨﮭﻢ إﻣﺎ ُم اﻟﮭُﺪَى ﻟَﮫ ﻧِ َﻌ ٌﻢ‬ ِ ‫ِﻋ ْﻨﺪي َوأ ْﯾ ٍﺪ ﺗَﺼُﻮبُ ﺑﺎﻟ ﱢﺪﯾَﻢ‬

18. A caliph whose sunna is followed, in the inheritance of the glory of wealth and nobility.

‫ﺧَ ﻠِﯿﻔَﺔٌ ﯾُ ْﻘﺘَﺪَى ﺑِ ُﺴﻨﱠﺘِ ِﮫ‬ ‫ث َﻣﺠْ ِﺪ اﻟﺜﱠﺮا ِء واﻟ َﻜ َﺮ ِم‬ ِ ْ‫ﻓﻲ إر‬

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PRINCELY AUTHORITY 19. He is the noblest of their people, when their days of wealth and progress are mentioned.

ْ ‫واﻟ ُﻐﺮﱡ ﻣﻦ ﻗَﻮْ ِﻣ ِﮭﻢ إذا ُذ ِﻛ َﺮ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫أَﯾّﺎ ُﻣﮭُﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐَﻨﺎء واﻟﻘُﺪ ُِم‬

20. You are at the center of the Umayyads, from the house that strengthened the people of the ḥaram.

Ghazal # 3

- ْ‫ﻄﺎﺣ ﱡﻲ ﻣﻦ أُ َﻣﯿﱠﺔ ﻓﻲ ال‬ ِ ِ‫أَ ْﻧﺖَ اﻟﺒ‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ِ ‫ﺖ اﻟﱠﺬي ﻋﺰ ﺳﺎ ِﻛﻦَ اﻟ َﺤ َﺮم‬ ِ ‫ﺑَ ْﯿ‬

The goal of this poem is to assert ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s right and worthiness to succeed as amīr al-muʾminīn and to challenge ʿAbd al-Malik’s desire to change the succession arrangement. In addition to praising the maternal lineage of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, imbedded in the poem are a number of veiled threats against ʿAbd al-Malik, similar to those seen in Qaṣīda # 2 above. Verse 9 looks forward to the end of ʿAbd al-Malik’s reign by ordering the bounties of Syria and Iraq upon ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, which could only occur upon the amīr almuʾminīn’s death. 9. Let Egypt and Iraq and that which is in Syria benefit him, from its linen and gold!

ُ ‫واﻟﻌﺮا‬ ‫ق َو َﻣﺎ‬ ِ ‫ﻟِﺘَ ْﮭﻨِ ِﮫ ِﻣﺼْ ُﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟ ّﺸﺎم ِ ِﻣﻦ ﱢ‬ ‫ﺑﺰ ِه َو ِﻣﻦ َذھَﺒِ ْﮫ‬

10. For in them is splendor if you came to them, and a flow that doesn’t let go of its milk.

‫ﻓِﯿ ِﮭﻢ ﺑَﮭَﺎ ٌء إذا أَﺗَ ْﯿﺘَﮭُ ُﻢ‬ ‫َوﻧَﺎﺋِ ٌﻞ ﻻ ﯾَ ِﻐﯿﺾُ ِﻣ ْﻦ َﺣﻠَﺒِ ْﮫ‬

There is a strong stream of duality in this poem, as is common for poems praising ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. Much of the praise focuses on his two lineages, and equal attention is paid to the Qurashī and Kalbī origins of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. The praise of his dual lineage begins in verse 14, which describes ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s mother as the “pure one of Quḍāʿa” who is “from a house whose tent ropes are sought for shade,” which is a reference to the political importance of Laylā’s family. In verse 15, Ibn Qays transitions to praising the paternal

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lineage of his patron, calling ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz the “polished gem of ʿAbd Manāf,” whose “hands are on the tent rope.” ʿAbd Manāf is the common ancestor of the Umayyads and the Hāshimites (i.e. the house of the prophet Muḥammad); the Umayyads were descendants of ʿAbd al-Shams b. ʿAbd Manāf, while the Hāshimites were descended from Hāshim b. ʿAbd Manāf. By calling ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz the polished gem of ʿAbd Manāf, the poet is declaring that ʿAbd alʿAzīz is the most fit to rule from among both the Umayyads and the Hāshimites. Ibn Qays also champions the right of ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s sons to rule, writing that he will be followed by the “pure one” from among his children. 11. Praise the pure one, Ibn Laylā; praise his religion and character!

‫اﺑﻦ ﻟَ ْﯿﻠَﻰ إذا‬ ِ ‫أَ ْﺛ ِﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻄﱠﯿﱢ‬ ِ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ْأﺛﻨَﯿْﺖَ ﻓﻲ ِدﯾﻨِ ِﮫ َوﻓﻲ َﺣ َﺴﺒِ ْﮫ‬

12. He is true in his promises and in battle, he fears God in his clemency and rage.

ُ ‫َﻣ ْﻦ ﯾَﺼْ ُﺪ‬ -‫َﺎل َوﯾَ ّْﺦ‬ َ ‫ق اﻟ َﻮ ْﻋ َﺪ واﻟﻘِﺘ‬ ْ ‫َﺷﻰ ﱠ‬ َ ‫ﻀﺒِ ْﮫ‬ ‫ﻏ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫و‬ ‫ﮫ‬ ‫ﻤ‬ ‫ﻠ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ َ َ ِ ِ ِ َ‫ﷲ‬

13. His hands overflow with generosity, and he gathers praise in what he possesses.

‫َو َﻣ ْﻦ ﺗُﻔﯿﺾُ اﻟﻨﱠﺪَى ﯾَﺪاهُ َو َﻣ ْﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺤ ْﻤ َﺪ ِﻋ ْﻨ َﺪ ُﻣ ْﻨﺘَﮭَﺒِ ْﮫ‬ َ ُ‫ﯾَ ْﻨﺘَ ِﮭﺐ‬

14. Your mother is the pure one of Quḍāʿa, of the house whose tent ropes are sought for shade.

- ْ‫ﻀﺎ َﻋﺔَ ﻓﻲ ال‬ َ ُ‫أُ ﱡﻣﻚَ ﺑَﯿْﻀﺎ ُء ِﻣﻦ ﻗ‬ ‫ﺖ اﻟّﺬي ﯾُﺴﺘَﻈَ ّﻞ ﻓﻲ طُﻨُﺒِ ْﮫ‬ ِ ‫ﺑ ْﯿ‬

15. You are of the polished gem of ʿAbd al-Manāf—your hands are on its tent ropes.

‫ب ِﻣ ْﻦ‬ ِ ‫وأَ ْﻧﺖَ ﻓﻲ اﻟ َﺠﻮْ ھ َِﺮ اﻟ ُﻤﮭَ ﱠﺬ‬ ‫ك ﻓﻲ َﺳﺒَﺒِ ْﮫ‬ َ ‫ﻨﺎف ﯾَﺪا‬ ٍ ‫َﻋ ْﺒ ِﺪ َﻣ‬

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PRINCELY AUTHORITY 16. The pure one from your sons will succeed you, as the wood of the Tamarisk tree is followed by its branches.

‫ﻚ َﻛ َﻤﺎ‬ َ ‫ﻚ اﻟﺒِﯿﺾُ ِﻣﻦ ﺑَﻨﯿ‬ َ ُ‫ﯾَ ْﺨﻠُﻔ‬ ‫ﯾَ ْﺨﻠُﻒُ ﻋُﻮ ُد اﻟﻨﱡ‬ ‫ﻀﺎر ﻓﻲ ُﺷ َﻌﺒِ ْﮫ‬ ِ

17. They are not of the weak khirwʿa wood, or anything like it; nor are they of the weak gharab wood.

‫ع اﻟ ﱠ‬ ‫ﯿﻒ َوﻻ‬ ِ ‫ﻀ ِﻌ‬ ِ َ‫ﻟَﯿْﺴﻮا ِﻣﻦ‬ ِ ‫اﻟﺨﺮْ َو‬ ‫أَ ْﺷﺒﺎ ِه ِﻋﯿﺪاﻧِ ِﮫ وﻻ َﻏ َﺮﺑِ ْﮫ‬

18. High nosed they gaze, just as the falcons of Sulayb gaze from its heights.

‫اﻧﯿﻦ ﯾَ ْﻨﻈُﺮونَ َﻛ َﻤﺎ‬ ِ ‫ُﺷ ﱡﻢ اﻟ َﻌ َﺮ‬ ْ ّ‫َﺟﻠ‬ َ ‫ﺐ ِﻣﻦ َﺣ َﺪﺑِ ْﮫ‬ ِ ‫ﺖ ﺻُﻘﻮر اﻟﺼﱡ ﻠ ْﯿ‬

Throughout this poem, we also find praise of the military prowess of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and his allies. In verse 12, Ibn Qays states that his patron “is true in his promises and in battle.” The martial theme returns in verse 21, which rhymes of how the army of ʿAbd alʿAzīz comes armored and ready when he calls. The poem further describes ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz leading a thunderous cavalry, the likes of which had never been heard in the Balqāʾ, a region in Jordan, suggesting that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s army could overrun greater Syria. Kurayb b. Abraha, who was a founding figure in Islamic Egypt, is mentioned as leading the Ḥimyarīs in the heir apparent’s army. The poem ends with a prediction that “the two sons of Nizār, when they are united, leave no fugitive to his flight. 24 The “two sons of Nizār” is a reference to the north Arabian tribes, and this last line is perhaps a call to the north Arabian tribes to respect the succession arrangement and not cause a division in the community by changing it. It is as if these last lines are warning ʿAbd al-Malik that the Yamānī tribes will rise up against him if he removes ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, while at the same time urging the Quraysh and other Nizār is the common ancestor for the northern Arabian tribes, specifically the Quraysh. The four sons of Nizār are: Rabīʿa, Muḍar, Ammār, ʿIyāḍ. See G. Levi Della Vida, “Nizār,” EI2. 24

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67

north Arabian tribes (i.e. sons of Nizār) to respect the succession arrangement of Marwān and not become divided over the succession. 19. We are bound to the oath of the Prophet, and the obedience given by the non-Arabs and Arabs.

‫ﺳﻮل َو َﻣﺎ‬ ِ ‫ﻧَﺤْ ﻦُ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑَ ْﯿ َﻌ ِﺔ اﻟﺮﱡ‬ ‫أ ْﻋ ِﻄ َﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻋُﺠْ ِﻤ ِﮫ َوﻣﻦ َﻋ َﺮﺑِ ْﮫ‬

20. By this oath, we overcame the enemy, and by it we guard against the unknown that is far and near.

- ْ‫ﺼﺮْ ﻧﺎ َﻋﻠَﻰ اﻟ َﻌﺪ ﱢو وﻧَﺮ‬ ِ ُ‫ﺑِﮭﺎ ﻧ‬ ‫ْﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻧَﺄْﯾِ ِﮫ َوﻓﻲ ﻗُ ُﺮﺑِ ْﮫ‬ ‫ﯿ‬ ‫ﻐ‬ َ َ ‫ﻋَﻰ اﻟ‬

21. We come if you call, in fitted armor, with chainmail and long garments.

-‫ﻖ ال‬ َ ‫ﻧَﺄﺗﻲ إ َذا َﻣﺎ َدﻋَﻮْ تَ ﻓﻲ‬ ِ َ‫اﻟﺤﻠ‬ ‫ي أﺑْﺪاﻧُﮫُ َوﻓﻲ ُﺟﺒَﺒِ ْﮫ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ِذ ﱢ‬

22. He leads the cavalry at the head of the army, the region of the Balqāʾ is unknown in its uproar.

‫ﯾَ ْﮭ ِﺪي ِرﻋَﺎﻻً أﻣﺎ َم أرْ ﻋَﻦَ ﻻ‬ ‫ﯾُ ْﻌ َﺮفُ َوﺟْ ﮫُ اﻟﺒَ ْﻠﻘﺎ ِء ﻓﻲ ﻟَ َﺠﺒِ ْﮫ‬

23. Among them Kurayb leading Ḥimyar, The people of judgement do not deviate from what he says.

‫ﻓﯿﮭﻢ ُﻛ َﺮﯾْﺐٌ ﯾَﻘﻮ ُد ِﺣ ْﻤﯿَ َﺮ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻀﺎ ِء ﻋ َْﻦ ُﺧﻄَﺒِ ْﮫ‬ َ َ‫ﯾَ ْﻌ ِﺪ ُل أ ْھﻞ اﻟﻘ‬

24. He is an obstacle like the red mountains of Muḍar, who heals those with shame of their afflictions. 25

- ْ‫ﻀ َﺮ ال‬ ٌ‫َﺎرض‬ َ ‫ﺒﺎل ِﻣ ْﻦ ُﻣ‬ ِ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﺠ‬ ِ ِ ‫َوﻋ‬ ‫َﺣ ْﻤﺮا ِء ﯾَ ْﺸﻔﻲ ذا اﻟ َﻌﺮﱢ ِﻣﻦ َﺟ َﺮﺑِ ْﮫ‬ 25

The literal translation is: “He heals those with mange of their itch.”

68

PRINCELY AUTHORITY 25. And the two sons of Nizār, when they are united, leave no fugitive to his flight.

‫ﺰار إذا ھُ َﻤﺎ اﺟْ ﺘَﻤ َﻌﺎ‬ ٍ ِ‫واﺑﻨﺎ ﻧ‬ ‫ھﺎرﺑﺎ ً ﻋَﻠﻰ ھَ َﺮﺑِ ْﮫ‬ ِ ‫ﻟ ْﻢ ﯾَ ْﺘﺮُﻛﺎ‬

When word of this treasonous poem reached ʿAbd al-Malik, he became infuriated and made threats against Ibn Qays’s life. 26 The amīr al-muʾminīn’s threats were met with a harsher and more direct poem by the poet (Qaṣīda # 38), which more openly disparages the amīr al-muʾminīn, calling into question both his piety and his fitness to rule.

Qaṣīda # 38

This poem is said to be a response to the threats ʿAbd al-Malik hurled at Ibn Qays after the above poem (Qaṣīda # 3) was recited to him. In this poetic response to the amīr al-muʾminīn, Ibn Qays, outright attacks ʿAbd al-Malik, calling him a “liar” who “tricks people by manipulating the book of God.” This verse perhaps relates to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s rejection of his brother’s edited muṣḥaf. 27 He even disparages the amīr al-muʾminīn’s hygiene, suggesting that he suffers from extremely bad breath. In the previous poems, Ibn Qays writes in defense of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, praising his merits and arguing for his worthiness to be amīr al-muʾminīn. In this poem, however, Ibn Qays goes on the offensive, lampooning ʿAbd alMalik and threatening military action against him in a more direct fashion. He calls the amīr al-muʾminīn a “slanderous liar” (wa-huwa mimʾas kadhdhābu) who cheated God by growing old; he also labels him a hypocrite and he maligns his maternal lineage. The opening lines of this poem are a bit fantastical, beginning with a frame in which a crow recounts a conversation he had with the amīr al-muʾminīn—a conversation relating to the feud between ʿAbd al-Malik and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. The voice of the crow gives way to that of the poet in verse 12, when he addresses a distant lover. In verse 13, the nasīb gives way to the main point of the poem, 26 27

Aghānī, V, 18. Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 117 f.

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69

which is a harsh rebuke of ʿAbd al-Malik. The rebuke begins by referencing the bad breath of the amīr al-muʾminīn, and proceeds to harsher criticisms until the end of the poem in verse 22. 13. I do not smell perfume except with my eyes, while the dogs smell flowers. 28

‫ﻻ أَ ُﺷ ﱡﻢ اﻟﺮﱠﯾ َﺤﺎنَ ّإﻻ ﺑِ َﻌﯿْﻨﻲ‬ ُ‫َﻛ َﺮﻣﺎ ً إﻧﱠﻤﺎ ﺗَ ُﺸ ﱡﻢ اﻟ ِﻜﻼب‬

14. Great is the one who rebukes me, but he saw not from me a false step, for he is a slanderous liar.

‫ﻲ ﻟَ ْﻢ ﯾَ َﺮ ِﻣﻨّﻲ‬ ‫َار َﻋﻠَ ﱠ‬ ٍ ‫رُبّ ز‬ ْ ْ ّ ً‫ﻋﺜ َﺮة‬ َ ‫ﺬ‬ ‫ﻛ‬ ٌ‫س‬ ‫ﺄ‬ ‫ﻤ‬ ‫ﻣ‬ ‫وھﻮ‬ ُ‫اب‬ ِْ

15. He cheated God when he turned grey, for youth faded and parted from him.

-‫َﺧﺎ َد َع ﷲَ ِﺣﯿﻦَ َﺣ ﱠﻞ ﺑِ ِﮫ اﻟ ﱠﺸ ْﻲ‬ ُ‫بُ ﻓَﺄَﺿْ َﺤﻰ َوﺑَﺎنَ ِﻣ ْﻨﮫُ اﻟ ﱠﺸﺒﺎب‬

16. He commands the people to be dutiful and he forgets, and upon him is a different garment.

ْ ‫ﺎس‬ ‫أن ﯾَﺒَﺮﱠوا َوﯾَ ْﻨ َﺴﻰ‬ َ ‫ﯾَﺄْ ُﻣ ُﺮ اﻟﻨﱠ‬ ُ‫َو َﻋﻠَ ْﯿ ِﮫ ِﻣ ْﻦ َﻛ ْﺒ َﺮ ٍة ِﺟ ْﻠﺒﺎب‬

17. Oh you who makes licit my flesh, eat it! For you and I both is a divine reckoning.

ُ‫أَﯾﱡﮭَﺎ اﻟ ُﻤ ْﺴﺘ َِﺤﻞﱡ ﻟَﺤْ ِﻤ َﻲ ُﻛ ْﻠﮫ‬ ُ‫اﻟﺤ َﺴﺎب‬ َ ‫ِﻣ ْﻦ َو َراﺋﻲ َو ِﻣﻦ َو َرا‬ ِ ‫ك‬

18. Get up! Come to! You have no knowledge, and do not sleep, oh you slanderer!

‫ك ِﻋ ْﻠ ٌﻢ‬ َ ‫ْﺲ ِﻋ ْﻨ َﺪ‬ َ ‫ا ْﺳﺘَﻔِﯿﻘَ ْﻦ ﻓَﻠَﯿ‬ ُ‫ﻻ ﺗﻨﺎ َﻣ ﱠﻦ أَﯾﱡﮭَﺎ اﻟ ُﻤ ْﻐﺘَﺎب‬ 28

Meaning he has bad breath.

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PRINCELY AUTHORITY 19. You cheat people with the Book, does the Book not forbid you as you slander me?

‫ب ﻓَﮭَ ّﻼ‬ َ ‫ﺗ َْﺨﺘِ ُﻞ اﻟﻨﱠ‬ ِ ‫ﺎس ﺑﺎﻟ ِﻜﺘﺎ‬ ‫َﮭﺎ‬ ‫ﻧ‬ ‫ُﻲ‬ ‫ِﺣﯿﻦَ ﺗَ ْﻐﺘﺎﺑ‬ ُ‫ك اﻟ ِﻜﺘَﺎب‬ َ

20. You are not humble and pious, nor are you of pure descent, with a lineage that cannot be criticized.

ْ َ‫ﻟَﺴْﺖ‬ - ْ‫ﻲ َوﻻ اﻟ َﻤﺢ‬ ‫ﺖ اﻟﺘﱠﻘِ ﱠ‬ ِ ِ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺨﺒ‬ َ ّ ُ ْ ُ‫ض اﻟﺬي ﻻ ﺗَﺬ ﱡﻣﮫُ اﻷﻧﺴﺎب‬ ِ

21. Indeed, I and the woman who discarded you in hatred as base, with dust upon her foot,

ً ‫ﻚ ُﻛﺮْ ھﺎ‬ ْ ‫إﻧﱠﻨﻲ واﻟّﺘﻲ َر َﻣ‬ َ ِ‫ﺖ ﺑ‬ ‫ﱡ‬ ُ‫َﺳﺎﻗِﻄﺎ ً ُﺧﻔﱡﮭَﺎ َﻋﻠَ ْﯿ ِﮫ اﻟﺘﺮاب‬

22. rebukes the result of your opinion about us, while these poetic injuries remain as your reputation.

‫ﻚ ﻓِﯿﻨَﺎ‬ َ ‫ﻟَﺘَﻠُﻮ َﻣ ﱠﻦ ِﻏﺐﱠ َرأ ِﯾ‬ َ ُ‫ﻚ اﻷ ْﻧﺪاب‬ َ ‫ﺿ‬ ِ ْ‫ِﺣﯿﻦَ ﺗَﺒْﻘﻰ ﺑِ ِﻌﺮ‬

Ibn Qays had years of experience writing poetry to insult ʿAbd alMalik, and his skills were quite honed. Despite the pardon he received from ʿAbd al-Malik, his enmity toward the amīr al-muʾminīn seems not to have faded, and thus he stood as the strongest voice in defense of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz.

Qaṣīda # 61

This qaṣīda begins by describing how a woman made her way to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, seeking refuge from an oppressive man (v. 1–4). This frame opens the door for depicting ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as a bringer of comfort and security in times of war and hardship. Ibn Qays begins by mentioning how he had once stood in opposition to the Umayyads after Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya’s assault on Medina, but that Ibn Laylā stood apart from the other Umayyads, thereby earning his devotion. In verse 12 the poem reaches an apocalyptic tone when Ibn Qays writes of how people will look towards ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s minbar when the pillars of the desert are destroyed.

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10. I was grief stricken by the sword edge of the Umayyads, except one, through whom we reveal oppressors.

ُ ‫ﻓُ ِﺠﻌ‬ -‫ْﺖ ﺑِﺎﻟ ُﻐ ﱢﺮ ﻣﻦ أُ َﻣﯿﱠﺔَ ﺣﺎ‬ ‫اﺣﺪاً ﻧَﺠْ ﺘَﻠﻲ ﺑِ ِﮫ ﱡ‬ ‫اﻟﻈﻠَﻤﺎ‬ ِ ‫َﺷﺎ َو‬

11. I mean Ibn Laylā, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in Babylon, Whose eyelids overflow with nobility. 29

-‫ﺰﯾﺰ ﺑِﺒﺎ‬ ِ ‫أ ْﻋﻨِﻲ اﺑﻦَ ﻟَ ْﯿﻠَﻰ َﻋ ْﺒ َﺪ اﻟ َﻌ‬ ‫ﺑِﻠﯿُﻮن ﺗَ ْﻐﺪُو أَﺟْ ﻔﺎﻧُﮫُ ُر ُذ َﻣﺎ‬

12. The people will look towards his minbar, when the pillars of the desert are destroyed.

ُ ِ‫ﯾَ ْﻠﺘَﻔ‬ ‫ﺖ اﻟﻨﱠﺎسُ َﺣﻮْ َل ِﻣ ْﻨﺒَ ِﺮ ِه‬ ْ ‫إذا َﻋ ُﻤﻮ ُد اﻟﺒَ ِﺮﯾﱠﺔ اﻧﮭَ َﺪ َﻣﺎ‬

13. Well seasoned in judiciousness in matters, and when forbearance dries up, he is gentle among his people.

ُ ْ ‫ﻮر َو‬ ‫إن‬ ِ ‫ُﻣ َﺠﺮﱠبُ اﻟ َﺤ ْﺰم ﻓﻲ اﻷ ُﻣ‬ ْ ‫َﺧﻔﱠ‬ ‫ﺖ ُﺣﻠُﻮ ٌم ﺑِﺄ ْھﻠِﮭﺎ َﺣﻠُ َﻤﺎ‬

14. He seizes praise in two hands, as a horseman grasps to a camel while in a foray.

‫ﯾَ ْﻨﺘَ ِﮭﺐُ اﻟ َﺤ ْﻤ َﺪ ﺑِﺎﻟﯿَ ِﺪﯾ ِْﻦ َﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫َﺐ ﻓُﺮْ َﺳﺎنُ ﻏَﺎر ٍة ﻧَ َﻌﻤﺎ‬ َ ‫ﻧَﺎھ‬

15. The most honorable of the shaykhs of the house of al-ʿĀṣ of Banū Umayya, the compellers of those who give orders.

‫أَﻏَﺮﱡ أَ ْﺷﯿَﺎ ُخ اﻟﻌُﺼﺎةُ ﺑَﻨﻮ‬ ‫أُ َﻣﯿﱠﺔ اﻟ ُﻤﺮْ ِﻏ ُﻤﻮنَ َﻣﻦ َر َﻏ َﻤﺎ‬

The maternal lineage of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz receives close attention in this poem, as it does in all of Ibn Qays’s court poetry. In addition to referring to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as Ibn Laylā, Ibn Qays calls his mother a “high-born” woman from the “upper noses” of Qudāʿa, whose 29

Related to putting on eye make up.

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PRINCELY AUTHORITY

house is a support (diʿamā) and whose children “safeguard the covenants.” 19. I desirously chose ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, By God, he is for man, the best of those ordained.

ً ‫ﺰﯾﺰ ُﻣﺮْ ﺗَ ِﻐﺒﺎ‬ ْ ُ ْ‫اﺧﺘَﺮ‬ ِ ‫ت َﻋ ْﺒ َﺪ اﻟ َﻌ‬ ّ ‫َو‬ ‫ﷲِ ﻟِ ْﻠ َﻤﺮ ِء َﺧ ْﯿ ُﺮ َﻣﻦ ﻗَ َﺴ َﻤﺎ‬

20. He is from the lords of the Umayya, who increases in nobility even if I didn’t praise him.

-‫ﯿﻞ ﻣﻦ أُ َﻣﯿﱠﺔَ ﯾَ ْﺰ‬ ِ ِ‫ِﻣﻦَ اﻟﺒَﮭَﺎﻟ‬ ‫دَا ُد إذا ﻣﺎ َﻣ َﺪﺣْ ﺘَﮫُ َﻛ َﺮ َﻣﺎ‬

21. He doesn’t entertain false praise, and his current wouldn’t be not known if reached.

‫اﻟﺨﺪا َع َوﻻ‬ ِ َ‫ﻻ ﯾَﺤْ َﺴﺐُ اﻟ ِﻤ ْﺪ َﺣﺔ‬ ُ ‫ﯾُ ْﺪ َر‬ ‫ك ﺗَﯿّﺎ ُرهُ إذا اﻟﺘَﻄَ َﻤﺎ‬

22. He was born to a free, high-born woman, of the tribe of Kalb, and her house is a support.

ْ ‫َﺟ‬ ‫ﺎءت ﺑِ ِﮫ ُﺣ ﱠﺮةٌ ُﻣﮭَ ﱠﺬﺑَﺔ‬ ُ ‫َﻛ ْﻠﺒِﯿﱠﺔٌ ﻛﺎنَ ﺑَ ْﯿﺘﮭﺎ ِد َﻋ َﻤﺎ‬

23. The measure of the women of al-Aṣbagh and the beautiful ones, is to not carry bundles on their backs.

‫عﻻ‬ ِ ‫ِﻣﻞْ أﺻْ ﺒَ ِﻐﯿّﺎ‬ ِ ‫ت واﻟﻔَ َﻮ‬ ِ ‫ار‬ ‫ﻮاھﻞ اﻟ ُﺤ ُﺰ َﻣﺎ‬ َ ْ‫ﯾَﺤْ ِﻤ ْﻠﻦَ ﻓَﻮ‬ ِ ‫ق اﻟ َﻜ‬

24. They are the upper noses of Quḍāʿa, the likes of their children safeguard the covenants.

-‫ھ ﱠُﻦ اﻟ َﻌ َﺮاﻧﯿﻦُ ﻣﻦ ﻗُﻀﺎ َﻋﺔَ أَ ْم‬ ‫ﺛﺎ ُل ﺑَﻨِﯿ ِﮭ ﱠﻦ ﯾَ ْﻤﻨَ ُﻊ اﻟ ﱢﺬ َﻣ َﻤﺎ‬

After describing the nobility of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s mother (v. 22–24), Ibn Qays moves to praising the military prowess of the heir apparent (v. 25–32) and the great army that he leads. Animal imagery plays heavily into this section, and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz is compared to a lion in the bush (v. 26) and he is called a leader to whom beasts

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bow (v. 27) and predators can’t fell (v. 32). His sons are described as lion cubs who regularly feast on the flesh of men and lap blood (v. 28–29). Describing ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and his sons in beastly terms is an allegorical description of their strength, masculinity and military might, and it serves as warning to those who would challenge their position. 25. He goes, his cavalry an escort, wearing the qabāʾ, proceeding in fitted armor. 30

26. A banner of silk hides him from the sun, like a lion parting the thickets.

ٌ‫ﯾَ ْﻐﺪُو َوﻓُﺮْ َﺳﺎﻧُﮫُ ُﻣﻮا ِﻛﺒَﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﺌﺎ ً َو ُﻣ ْﺴﺘَﻠِ َﻤﺎ‬ ِ ‫ﻖ‬ ٍ ‫ذا ﯾَ ْﻠ َﻤ‬

-‫ﺲ ِﻣﻦَ ال‬ ِ ‫ﺗُ ِﻜ ﱡﻨﮫُ ِﺧﺮْ ﻗَﺔُ اﻟﺪ َﱢر ْﻓ‬ ‫ﺚ ﯾُﻔَ ﱢﺮ ُج اﻷ َﺟ َﻤﺎ‬ ٍ ‫ﺲ َﻛﻠَ ْﯿ‬ ِ ‫َﺷ ْﻤ‬

27. The beasts and predators bow to him, as the Magians of Ubulla were subject to idols. 31

ْ ‫دَاﻧ‬ ‫َﺖ ﻟَﮫُ اﻟ َﻮﺣْ ﺶُ واﻟﺴﱢﺒﺎع ﻛ َﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ْ ‫دَاﻧ‬ ‫َﺖ َﻣﺠُﻮسُ اﻷﺑُﻠ ِﺔ اﻟ ﱠ‬ ‫ﺼﻨَﻤﺎ‬

28. He raises two young lions from a pious woman, And they have already been weaned. 32

ْ ‫ﻮت ِﺷ ْﺒﻠَﯿ ِْﻦ ِﻋ ْﻨ َﺪ ُﻣ‬ ُ ُ‫ﯾَﻘ‬ ‫ﻄ ِﺮﻗَ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻗَﺪة ﻧﺎھَﺰَا ﻟﻠﻔِﻄَ ِﺎم أو ﻓُ ِﻄ َﻤﺎ‬

See Kindī, 59. Ubulla is a town on the Arabian Gulf that is near Basra. 32 Literally, “a woman with a bowed head.” 30 31

74

PRINCELY AUTHORITY 29. A day doesn’t come except they have the meat of men or they lap blood.

‫ت ﯾَﻮْ م ّإﻻ َو ِﻋ ْﻨ َﺪھُﻤﺎ‬ ِ ْ‫ﻟَ ْﻢ ﯾَﺄ‬ ‫َﺎن َد َﻣﺎ‬ ٍ ‫ﻟَﺤْ ُﻢ ِر َﺟ‬ ِ ‫ﺎل أوْ ﯾﻮﻟَﻐ‬

30. A daring leader who takes hold of the great army, and and if his hands take hold of his opponent, they will regret it.

ْ ‫ﻤﯿﺲ َو‬ ‫إن‬ َ ‫ﻀﺒﱠ ٌﺮ ﯾَﺤْ ﺒِﺲُ اﻟ َﺨ‬ َ ‫ُﻣ‬ ْ ‫ﺑَﻠﱠ‬ ‫ﺖ ﯾَﺪاهُ ﺑِﻘِﺮْ ﻧِ ِﮫ ﻧَ ِﺪ َﻣﺎ‬

31. For when his opponent’s forearms are broken, it will not be healed or mended.

ْ ‫َﻛﺄَﻧﱠ َﻤﺎ ُﻛﺴ َﱢﺮ‬ ُ‫ت َﺳ َﻮا ِﻋ ُﺪه‬ ‫ﻓَﻤﺎ ا ْﺳﺘَ َﻮى َﺟ ْﺒﺮُھﺎ وﻻ اﻟﺘَﺄ َﻣﺎ‬

32. The predators have tried to fell him, and they didn’t find any weakness or decrepitude.

ْ َ‫ﻗَ ْﺪ َﺟ ﱠﺮﺑ‬ ُ ‫ﺖ َو ْﻗ َﻌﮫُ اﻟ ﱢﺴﺒَﺎ‬ ‫ع ﻓَ َﻤﺎ‬ ً ‫ﺿﻌْﻔﺎ َوﻻ ھَ َﺮ َﻣﺎ‬ َ ُ‫ﺗَ ْﻐ ِﻤ ُﺰ ِﻣ ْﻨﮫ‬

33. That is how I described Ibn Laylā, but Ibn Laylā exceeds this in good character.

-‫ﻓَﺬاكَ َﺷﺒﱠ ْﮭﺘُﮫُ ا ْﺑﻦَ ﻟَ ْﯿﻠَﻰ َول‬ ‫ِﻛ ﱠﻦ ا ْﺑﻦَ ﻟَﯿْﻠﻰ ﯾﻔﻮﻗُﮫ ِﺷﯿَ َﻤﺎ‬

Ibn Qays’s main concern when describing the Marwānids in this poem is portraying them as a comfort for the community in a time of civil war. Ibn Qays tries to establish the Marwānids as an ancient house whose glory is well known and time-honored. He writes that Marwān and al-Ḥakam received the inheritance of leadership from their forefathers, boasting that their glory goes as far back as the ancient pre-islamic people of ʿĀd (v. 37). 16. They are shaykhs of truth who arose in the midst of a commotion, across the open country, and they were a protection for their people.

-‫ﺞ ال‬ ِ ‫أَ ْﺷﯿَﺎ ُخ‬ ٍ ‫ﺻ ْﺪ‬ ِ ِ‫ق ﻧَ َﻤﻮْ ا ﺑِ ُﻤﻌﺘَﻠ‬ ْ َ‫ﺑ‬ ‫ﺼ َﻤﺎ‬ َ ‫ﻄ َﺤﺎ ِء ﻛﺎﻧُﻮا ﻟِﻘَﻮْ ِﻣ ِﮭ ْﻢ ِﻋ‬

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17. They received the inheritance from their forefathers, who passed it down to Marwān and al-Ḥakam.

َ ‫ار‬ ‫ﯾﺚ ِﻣ ْﻦ ﺟُﺪوﺑِ ِﮭ ُﻢ‬ ِ ‫ﻧَﺎﻟُﻮا َﻣ َﻮ‬ ‫ﻓَ َﻮ ﱠرﺛُﻮھَﺎ َﻣﺮ َُوانَ َواﻟ َﺤ َﻜ َﻤﺎ‬

18. They are a people of blood wits and great gifts, who give assistance in times of great strife.

-‫ت َواﻟ ﱠﺪ ِﺳﯿ َﻌ ِﺔ وال‬ ِ ‫أَ ْھ ُﻞ اﻟ َﺤ َﻤﺎﻻ‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ‫ُﻣ ْﻐﻨُﻮنَ ِﻋ ْﻨ َﺪ اﻟﺸﺪاﺋ ِﺪ اﻟﺒُﮭَ َﻤﺎ‬

The penultimate line of the poem once again emphasizes the ancientness of the Marwānid house, while the final line is a declaration of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s magnanimity. 37. An ancient glory built by his ancestors, as far back as ʿĀd, and Iram before that.

ُ‫َﻣﺠْ ﺪاً ﺗَﻠِﯿﺪاً ﺑَﻨَﺎهُ أَ ﱠوﻟُﮫ‬ ‫إر َﻣﺎ‬ َ ‫أَ ْد َر‬ َ ‫ك ﻋﺎداً َوﻗَ ْﺒﻠَﮭﺎ‬

38. He denies the word no, for no is denied by him, except if combined with a yes.

ٌ‫إن ﻻ ﻟَ ُﻤ ْﻨ َﻜ َﺮة‬ ‫ ﱠ‬،‫ﯾُ ْﻨ ِﻜ ُﺮ ﻻ‬ ً ‫ِﻣﻦ ﻓِﯿ ِﮫ ّإﻻ ُﻣ َﺤﺎﻟِﻔﺎ ﻧَ َﻌ َﻤﺎ‬ THE POETRY OF AL-AḤWAṢ AL-ANṢĀRĪ (D. 75/104) Qāfiyat al-ʿayn

In this poem, al-Aḥwaṣ is in the city of ʿAmmān, in a lofty tower, watching a storm roll in across the desert. 33 With the storm comes a stream of emotions as the poet longs for a lover in the Ḥijāz. This nasīb gives way to the poet’s praise of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, for it is presumably due to his service of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz that he is away from his love. There is a strong theme of duality in the poem, which is developed as a reference to the dual lineage of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. This theme is first developed in verse 2, with a description of lightning 33

Aḥwaṣ, 145–148.

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flashing in two canyons, and is further developed in verse 13, when the poet, missing his beloved, states that, “love has become firm in two fragrances, as fingers become firm in the two rests.” The intention of the dualism found in the poem becomes all the more clear when ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz is praised as “the perfection of Marwān and Laylā” and as “the pride and perfection of the two sons of ʿAbd Manāf in whom the traits of the two are perfected.” 34 He is the perfection of two noble lineages, and the perfection of the two houses of ʿAbd al-Manāf—the duality abounds. The poem ends where it began, with the storm and the theme of duality, and it closes by describing ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as “the death that sometimes is” and “the rain that brings life.” The wording of this final line is the strongest assessment of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in the poetry of alAḥwaṣ, as it attributes near salvific powers to the heir apparent. The association of the amīr al-muʾminīn with rain is common in Umayyad court poetry, and it places the amīr al-muʾminīn as the intermediary between the fortunes of the people and the blessings of God. 35 15. Indeed, we left a country that we love, called by an imām whose benefit is constant.

‫َوإِﻧﱠﺎ َﻋﺪَاﻧَﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺑِﻼ ٍد ﻧُ ِﺤﺒﱡﮭَﺎ‬ ‫إِ َﻣﺎ ٌم َدﻋَﺎﻧَﺎ ﻧَ ْﻔ ُﻌﮫُ اﻟ ُﻤﺘَﺘَﺎﺑِ ُﻊ‬

16. The purest one of Marwān and Laylā, as if he were a sharp sword edge glistening from a burnisher.

ُ‫وان وﻟَ ْﯿﻠَﻰ َﻛﺄَﻧﱠﮫ‬ ٍ ْ‫أَﻏَﺮﱡ ﻟِ َﻤﺮ‬ ْ َ‫ُﺣ َﺴﺎ ٌم َﺟﻠ‬ ‫ﻗﺎط ُﻊ‬ ِ ‫ﺖ ﻋﻨﮫ اﻟﺼﱠﯿﺎﻗِ ُﻞ‬ Jād al-Rabb interprets this line to mean that he “is the pinnacle of Arabness,” (fa-huwa khulāṣat al-aʿrūba). See Jād al-Rabb, al-Shuʿarā ghayr almustawṭinīn, 59. 35 Amīr al-muʾminīns were commonly described in terms of rain that revives the land, a metaphor for them reviving souls through their guidance. See Crone and Hinds, God’s Caliph, 35 n. 75. Akhṭal, one of ʿAbd alMalik’s court poets, describes him as “the Caliph of God through whom men pray for rain.” See Stetkevych, “Umayyad Panegyric,” 103 (v. 19). 34

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17. He is the pride of the two sons of ʿAbd Manāf, 36 both of them are perfected in him, their nobilities and outstanding traits.

ُ ْ‫ھﻮ اﻟﻔَﺮ‬ ‫َﺎف ﻛﻠﯿ ِﮭ َﻤﺎ‬ ٍ ‫ع ﻣﻦ َﻋ ْﺒ َﺪيْ َﻣﻨ‬ َ ْ ‫ﱠ‬ ‫إِﻟ ْﯿ ِﮫ ا ْﻧﺘَﮭَﺖ أﺣْ ﺴﺎﺑُﮭﺎ واﻟﺪ َﺳﺎﺋِ ُﻊ‬

18. All the wealth is secured through his actions, all his power is freely given.

‫َﻨﻲ ﻗَﺎﻧِ ٌﻊ ﺑﻔَ َﻌﺎﻟِ ِﮫ‬ ‫َو ُﻛﻞﱡ ﻏ ﱟ‬ ْ ‫َﻮاﺿ ُﻊ‬ ِ ‫َﺰﯾﺰ ِﻋﻨ َﺪهُ ُﻣﺘ‬ ٍ ‫و ُﻛﻞﱡ ﻋ‬

19. He is the death that sometimes exists, he is the abundant rain through which people live.

Qāfiyat al-dāl

ُ ْ‫ھﻮ اﻟ َﻤﻮ‬ ُ‫ َوإِﻧﱠﮫ‬، ُ‫ت أﺣْ ﯿَﺎﻧﺎ ً ﯾﻜﻮن‬ ُ ‫ﻟَ َﻐﯿ‬ ‫واﺳﻊ‬ ِ ‫ْﺚ َﺣﯿﺎ ً ﯾَﺤْ َﻲ ﺑِ ِﮫ اﻟﻨﱠﺎس‬

This qaṣīda of al-Aḥwaṣ begins with a nasīb, describing a desolate campsite in which the poet longs for a lost lover. 37 The forlorn opening is followed by a raḥīl (travel section), which traditionally describes a poet’s pursuit of his beloved’s traveling tribe. The raḥīl of this poem, however, instead of describing an impassioned pursuit of a lost love, depicts the poet’s anxious journey in which he willfully leaves his beloved in pursuit of the great amīr he is bound to serve, i.e. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz.

The two sons of ʿAbd Manāf were Hāshim b. ʿAbd Manāf and ʿAbd al-Shams b. ʿAbd Manāf. Hāshim is the direct ancestor of the prophet Muḥammad, while ʿAbd al-Shams is the direct ancestor of the Umayyads. The two are said to have been twins. See Edward D.A. Hulmes, “ʿAbd Manāf,” EI3. 37 Aḥwaṣ, 91–97. 36

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PRINCELY AUTHORITY 13. And I was shocked when she said to me at Dhū Salama, with her tears streaking far past her eyeliner.

ْ َ‫ْﺖ ﻟِ َﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻟ‬ ُ ‫َوﻗَ ْﺪ ﻋ َِﺠﺒ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺑِﺬي َﺳﻠَ ٍﻢ‬ ‫ﯿﻖ اﻟ ُﻜﺤْ ِﻞ ﯾَﻄﱠ ِﺮ ُد‬ ‫ﺤ‬ ‫ﺴ‬ ِ ِ َ ِ‫َو َد ْﻣﻌُﮭﺎ ﺑ‬

14. She said: “Stay! Do not leave from us!” and I replied: “Indeed I am grieved with heartache,

ْ َ‫ﻗﺎﻟ‬ ُ ‫ ﻓَﻘُ ْﻠ‬،‫ أَﻗِ ْﻢ ﻻﺗَﺒِ ْﻦ ِﻣﻨﱠﺎ‬:‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻟَﮭﺎ‬ ُ ‫وإن ُﻛ ْﻨ‬ ْ ‫إﻧﱢﻲ‬ ُ‫ﺖ َﻣ ْﻠﻌﻮﺟﺎ ً ﺑ َﻲ اﻟ َﻜ َﻤﺪ‬

15. of one leaving your country without enmity, seeking the distant people of Ḥulwān.

ٌ ‫َﺎر‬ ‫ﻏﯿﺮ َﻣ ْﻘﻠِﯿَ ٍﺔ‬ َ ْ‫ك أَر‬ ِ ‫ﺿ ُﻜ ْﻢ ِﻣﻦ‬ ِ ‫ﻟَﺘ‬ ْ َ ْ ‫ﻮان‬ ‫وإن ﺑَ ُﻌﺪُوا‬ ٍ ‫وزاﺋِ ٌﺮ أ ْھ َﻞ ﺣُﻠ‬

16. By your grandfather, I am summoned to their land, by close family bonds and the support they supply.

‫ﺿ ِﮭ ُﻢ‬ ِ ْ‫ﱢك ﯾَ ْﺪﻋُﻮﻧﻲ ﻷَر‬ ِ ‫إِﻧﱠﻰ َو َﺟﺪ‬ ّ ْ ‫اﻷواﺻ ِﺮ واﻟ ﱢﺮﻓ ُﺪ اﻟﺬي َرﻓَﺪُوا‬ ‫ﻗُﺮْ ب‬ ِ

17. For nothing would soften my desire to go to this generous folk, even if I came into a herd of plump, sacrificial camels.”

‫ك ﻻ ﯾَ ْﺰ َد ِھﯿﻨﻲ ﻋ َْﻦ ﺑَﻨِﻲ َﻛ َﺮ ٍم‬ َ ‫َﻛ َﺬا‬ ُ ‫ﺿﻨَ ْﻨ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺑِ ِﮭ ﱠﻦ اﻟﺒُﺪﱠنُ اﻟ ُﺨ ُﺮ ُد‬ َ ْ‫َوﻟَﻮ‬

The raḥīl builds tension, describing the earnest camel, whose desire to arrive at Ibn Laylā was so strong that it races forward, “as if racing towards an endangered foal ahead of the retinue,” and with such intensity that it was “oblivious to whether the rider is anxious or steadfast.” Line 30 marks the transition from the raḥīl to the madīḥ, where al-Aḥwaṣ praises the Banū Marwān collectively, emphasizing again and again the glory (majd) of their house and how they are the best of the clans of Quraysh. 30. A people whose birthright is glory, from a people mentioned in glory all they bear.

،‫ ﯾُﻨَﺎ ُل ﺑِﮭﺎ‬،‫ﻗَﻮْ ٌم ِو َﻻ َدﺗُﮭُ ْﻢ َﻣﺠْ ٌﺪ‬ ‫ْﺸﺮ ُذ ِﻛﺮوا ﻓﻲ َﻣﺠْ ِﺪ َﻣ ْﻦ َوﻟَﺪُوا‬ ٍ ‫ِﻣﻦ َﻣﻌ‬

4. THE POETIC BATTLE FOR SUCCESSION 31. The most generous throughout the ages, if their lineage is recounted, favors are sought of them when nobody else is asked.

‫ال اﻟ ﱠﺪ ْھ ِﺮ إِ ْن ﻧُ ِﺴﺒُﻮا‬ َ ‫اﻷَ ْﻛ َﺮ ُﻣﻮنَ طَ َﻮ‬ ُ‫واﻟ ُﻤﺠْ ﺘَﺪَوْ ن إِ َذا ﻻ ﯾُﺠْ ﺘَﺪَى أَ َﺣﺪ‬

32. They are protectors, and what they forbid cannot be done, and they fulfill that which they promise.

ُ ‫واﻟ َﻤﺎﻧِﻌُﻮنَ ﻓﻼ ﯾُﺴْﻄﺎ‬ ‫ع ﻣﺎ َﻣﻨَﻌُﻮا‬ َ ‫واﻟ ُﻤ ْﻨ ِﺠ ُﺰون ﻟِ َﻤﺎ ﻗَﺎﻟُﻮا إذا َو َﻋﺪُوا‬

33. They speak with authority in what they pronounce, by firm decisions. They give full measure if they make an agreement.

‫واﻟﻘَﺎﺋِﻠُﻮنَ ﺑِﻔَﺼْ ﻞ اﻟﻘَﻮْ ل ﻧَﻄَﻘُﻮا‬ ‫ِﻋ ْﻨ َﺪ اﻟ َﻌﺰَاﺋِ ِﻢ واﻟ ُﻤﻮﻓُﻮنَ إِ ْن َﻋ ِﮭﺪُوا‬

34. With one whose deeds are transgressing and destitute, for they are a people who, if their deeds are mentioned, they are praised.

‫ﻤﺲ أَ ْﻓﻌﺎﻟُﮫُ ﻋَﺎراً ﻓﺈِﻧﱠﮭُ ُﻢ‬ ِ ُ‫َﻣ ْﻦ ﺗ‬ ْ ‫ﻗَﻮْ ٌم إِ َذ ُذ ِﻛ َﺮ‬ ‫ت أَ ْﻓ َﻌﺎﻟُﮭُ ْﻢ ُﺣ ِﻤﺪُا‬

35. A people, who, if they recounted their lineage, you would find their glory from the beginning of time and the coming of the end.

‫ﻗَﻮْ ٌم إِ َذا ا ْﻧﺘَ َﺴﺒُﻮا أَﻟﻔَﯿْﺖَ َﻣﺠْ َﺪھُ ُﻢ‬ ‫ِﻣ ْﻦ أَ ﱠول اﻟ ﱠﺪ ْھ ِﺮ َﺣﺘﱠﻰ ﯾَ ْﻨﻔَ َﺪ اﻷَ َﻣ ُﺪ‬

36. If Quraysh is named, their house is among them, for glory and multitudes flow from them.

ْ ‫إ َذا ﻗُ َﺮﯾْﺶٌ ﺗَ َﺴﺎ َﻣ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻛﺎَنَ ﺑَ ْﯿﺘُﮭُ ُﻢ‬ ‫ﺼﯿ ُﺮ اﻟ َﻤﺠْ ُﺪ واﻟ َﻌ َﺪ ُد‬ ِ َ‫ِﻣ ْﻨﮭﺎ إِﻟَ ْﯿ ِﮫ ﯾ‬

79

80

PRINCELY AUTHORITY 37. Other people cannot match them, if they are mentioned or act, for surely they cannot attain their glory.

، ‫ إِذا ُذ ِﻛﺮُوا‬، ‫َﻻ ﯾَ ْﺒﻠُ ُﻎ اﻟﻨﱠﺎسُ ﻣﺎ ﻓﯿ ِﮭ ْﻢ‬ َ ‫ﺼﺪُوا‬ َ ‫ إِ ْن أَﺟْ َﺤﻔُﻮا ﻓﻲ اﻟ َﻤﺠْ ِﺪ أَوْ ﻗ‬، ‫ِﻣﻞْ َﻣﺠْ ِﺪ‬

38. They are the best of the people in this land who we know, if the country were to tell about its residents.

‫ض ﻧَ ْﻌﻠَ ُﻤﮭُ ْﻢ‬ ِ ‫ھُ ْﻢ َﺧ ْﯿ ُﺮ ُﺳ ّﻜ‬ ِ ْ‫ﺎن ھَ ِﺬي اﻷَر‬ َ‫ﻋﻦ ُﺳ ّﻜﺎﻧِ ِﮫ اﻟﺒَﻠ ُﺪ‬ ْ ‫ﻟَﻮْ َﻛﺎنَ ﯾ ُْﺨﺒِ ُﺮ‬

39. Piety and prosperity remain among the people who settle down and they are both lost, if they themselves are lost.

‫ﺎس ﻣﺎ َﻋ ِﻤﺮُوا‬ ِ ‫ﯾَ ْﺒﻘَﻰ اﻟﺘﱡ ْﻠﻘَﻰ‬ ِ ‫واﻟﻐﻨَﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﱠ‬ ‫َان َﺟ ِﻤﯿﻌﺎ ً إِ ْن ھُﻢ ﻓُﻘِﺪُوا‬ ِ ‫وﯾُ ْﻔﻘَﺪ‬

The poet then declares his devotion to praising only ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, whom he describes as building upon and safeguarding the glory of his father’s house in a time of turmoil. After praising the paternal ancestors of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, al-Aḥwaṣ continues by describing the majesty of his patron in terms of nature. Just as the draw of Ḥulwān controlled the camel, the poet similarly describes the Nile as being subordinate to the command of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. 38 The qaṣīda ends by describing ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as a falcon (ṣaqr) who brings awe to the eyes of those who see him, and whose majesty is as powerful and humbling as the sun. 40. I only praise ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, and I have no life, except by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s hand.

ُ ْ‫َوﻣﺎ َﻣ َﺪﺣ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺰﯾﺰ وﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺖ ِﺳ َﻮى ﻋﺒ ِﺪ‬ ِ ‫اﻟﻌﺰﯾﺰ ﯾَ ُﺪ‬ ‫ِﻋ ْﻨ ِﺪي ﻟِ َﺤ ﱟﻲ ِﺳﻮى ﻋﺒ ِﺪ‬ ِ ʿAbd al-Malik is similarly described with reference to the Euphrates. See Stetkevych, “Umayyad Panegyric,” 103. 38

4. THE POETIC BATTLE FOR SUCCESSION 41. If I struggled to match their glory with my praise, I wouldn’t reach a tenth of their glory if I tried.

ُ ‫إ َذا اﺟْ ﺘَﮭَ ْﺪ‬ ‫ﺼﻲ َﻣﺠْ َﺪھُ ْﻢ ِﻣﺪ َِﺣﻲ‬ ِ ْ‫ت ﻟﯿُﺤ‬ ‫ﻟَ ْﻢ أَ ْﻋ ُﺸ ِﺮ اﻟ َﻤﺠْ َﺪ ﻣﻨﮭﻢ ِﺣﯿﻦَ أﺟْ ﺘَ ِﮭ ُﺪ‬

42. For I have seen Ibn Laylā, and he is industrious, his mandate prospers where righteousness ends.

َ ْ‫ و ھﻮ ُﻣﺼ‬، ‫ْﺖ اﺑﻦَ ﻟَ ْﯿﻠَﻰ‬ ُ ‫إﻧﱢﻲ َرأَﯾ‬ ‫ﻄﻨَ ٌﻊ‬ ُ ‫ أَ ْﻣ ُﺮهُ َﺣﯿ‬، ً ‫ُﻣ َﻮﻓﱠﻘﺎ‬ ُ‫ْﺚ ا ْﻧﺘَ َﻮى َر َﺷﺪ‬

43. He stood among the people when addressing them, below his stand, the low and high parts of the land.

‫ﺎس ﻟَ ﱠﻤﺎ أَ ْن ﻧَﺒﺎ ﺑِ ِﮭ ُﻢ‬ ِ ّ‫أَﻗﺎ َم ﺑﺎﻟﻨ‬ ّ ‫ض واﻟﻨ ُﺠ ُﺪ‬ ِ َ‫ُدون‬ ِ ْ‫اﻹﻗﺎ َﻣ ِﺔ َﻏﻮْ ُر اﻷر‬

44. One seeking a request is assured that he won’t turn him away, the grace of Ibn Laylā who directs and sanctions.

ُ‫ْﺲ ُﻣ ْﺨﻠِﻔَﮫ‬ َ ‫واﻟ ُﻤﺠْ ﺘَ ِﺪي ُﻣﻮﻗِ ٌﻦ أَ ْن ﻟَﯿ‬ ‫َﺳﯿْﺐُ اﺑ ِْﻦ ﻟَ ْﯿﻠَﻰ اﻟّﺬي ﯾَ ْﻨ ِﻮي وﯾَ ْﻌﺘَ ِﻤ ُﺪ‬

45. If the waters of the Nile were to decrease, he would make it flow, if night fell and its abundance had been depleted.

‫ﻟَﻮْ َﻛﺎنَ ﯾَ ْﻨﻘُﺺُ ﻣﺎ َء‬ ُ‫اﻟﻨﯿﻞ ﻧَﺎﺋِﻠُﮫ‬ ِ ‫أَ ْﻣ َﺴﻰ َوﻗَﺪ َﺣﺎنَ ِﻣﻦ َﺟ ﱠﻤﺎﺗِ ِﮫ ﻧَﻔَ ُﺪ‬

46. He builds upon the glory of his fathers who came before, the cradle they fashioned flourishes for those whom they bore.

‫ﯾَ ْﺒﻨِﻲ ﻋﻠﻊ َﻣﺠْ ِﺪ آﺑﺎ ٍء ﻟَﮫُ َﺳﻠَﻔﻮا‬ ‫ﯾَ ْﻨ َﻤﻰ ﻟِ َﻤ ْﻦ َوﻟَﺪُوا اﻟ َﻤ ْﮭ ُﺪ اﻟﺬي َﻣﮭَﺪُوا‬

47. He protects their precious treasures in all turmoil, like a lion guards his pallet.

‫ﯾَﺤْ ِﻤﻲ ِذ َﻣﺎ َرھُ ُﻢ دي ُﻛ ﱢﻞ ُﻣ ْﻔ ِﻈ َﻌ ٍﺔ‬ ُ‫اﻟﺨﯿ َﺴﺔ اﻷَ َﺳﺪ‬ َ ‫َﻛ َﻤﺎ ﺗَ َﻌﺮ‬ ِ َ‫ﱠض ُدون‬

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PRINCELY AUTHORITY 48. A falcon who one day appeared to a group of people who are strong and majestic.

‫ﺻ ْﻘﺮ إ َذا َﻣ ْﻌ َﺸ ٌﺮ ﯾﻮﻣﺎ ً ﺑَﺪَا ﻟَﮭُ ُﻢ‬ َ َ ‫ﻧﺎم وإِ ْن َﻋ ّﺰوا وإِ ْن َﻣ َﺠﺪُوا‬ ‫اﻷ‬ َ‫ِﻣﻦ‬ ِ

49. And you saw them humbled in gaze for awe of him, as sore eyes look downward in the light of the sun.

ُ‫ﺎر ھَ ْﯿﺒَﺘَﮫ‬ َ ‫َرأَ ْﯾﺘَﮭُ ْﻢ ُﺧ ﱠﺸ َﻊ اﻷَ ْﺑ‬ ِ ‫ﺼ‬ ّ ُ‫ﺎرق اﻟ ﱠﺮ ِﻣﺪ‬ َ ِ‫َﻛ َﻤﺎ ا ْﺳﺘَﻜﺎنَ ﻟ‬ ِ ‫ﻀﻮْ ِء اﻟﺸ‬

What we see in the court poetry patroned by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz is an heir apparent struggling to maintain his future right to rule. Central to his resistance was praise of his maternal lineage, which served as his legitimizing trump card. His maternal lineage was the reason that he was appointed heir and amīr of Egypt, and it was key to his efforts of solidifying his support in Egypt, and beyond, in the face of the amīr al-muʾminīn’s desire to revise the succession plan. The above poems combine praise of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s Kalbī lineage with more direct rebuttals of the amīr al-muʾminīn, such as calling ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz caliph or threatening military action through strong descriptions of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s Yamānī army. Not only do these poems add color and give a greater sense of the severity of the feud between the sons of Marwān, they also give us further evidence of the political life of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and the centrality of his maternal lineage to the political image he promoted.

CHAPTER 5. THE INDEPENDENT POLITY OF ʿABD AL-ʿAZĪZ IBN MARWĀN The primary goal of this chapter is to define the scope of ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s authority in Egypt. We will begin by looking at the most prominent Arabic reports regarding ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, all of which consistently portray Egypt as an autonomous polity under his rule. These traditions are found in the earliest Arabic histories of Egypt—Futūḥ Miṣr by Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam (d. 257/870) and Wulāt Miṣr by Muḥammad b. Yūsuf al-Kindī (d. 350/961)—as well as in early works of Arabic history composed in the eastern regions of the Islamic empire, such as the histories of al-Yaʿqūbī (d. 284/897) and al-Ṭabarī (d. 310/923). In the latter half of this chapter, we will proceed to use material evidence to expand upon the literary memory of ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s autonomy and demonstrate the ways in which he exercised his administrative freedom. In particular, we will focus on ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s limited participation in the Arabization, Islamization and centralization reforms of the amīr al-muʾminīn. The core of this section will be an analysis of the Aphrodito papyri collection, which contain Greek and Coptic texts from the reigns of both ʿAbd alʿAzīz and his successor, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik (r. 86– 90/705–708–9). 1 These texts hail from Upper Egypt, from a town today known as Kum Ishqaw, which, during the 7th century, was H.I. Bell (ed.), Greek Papyri in the British Museum Catalogue, with Texts, vol. IV, The Aphrodito Papyri, with an Appendix of Coptic Papyri, ed. W.E. Crum (London, 1910). 1

83

84

PRINCELY AUTHORITY

the capital of an independent administrative unit. 2 By closely comparing the form and content of the documents from their respective reigns, we hope to contrast the independence of Egypt under ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz with the subsequent absorption of the province into the centralized caliphal administration during the tenure of his successor, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik. We will conclude this chapter by analyzing one of the two coins minted during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, the ABAZ coin, and through our analysis of this coin, we hope to further demonstrate the administrative independence of Egypt under ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. The majority of the literary reports relevant to our discussion hinge on a single issue, the feud between ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and ʿAbd al-Malik over the succession. These narrations are a fugue of variations on the theme of fraternal competition, and while they provide a limited view of the political relationship between the brothers, there is a crucial element common to all of these traditions—they all depict Egypt as falling outside the purview of the amīr almuʾminīn’s authority during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. What we see in these reports is that the issue of the succession drove a wedge between the brothers, and by extension the administrations of Syria and Egypt, and thus did dynastic cooperation turn to competition. After winning the Second Fitna, ʿAbd al-Malik sought to unify the empire in the wake of the long war, and thus he began overhauling the state by centralizing and standardizing control of the provinces through a barrage of Arabicization and Islamicization reforms. 3 At the same time, the amīr al-muʾminīn began working to wean his empire of its dependence on Quḍāʿī military support, a support upon which every Umayyad before him had heavily relied. 6.

2

Nabia Abbot, The Ḳurra Papyri in the Oriental Institute (Chicago, 1938),

Robinson, ʿAbd al-Malik, 66 ff; Luke Treadwell, “ʿAbd al-Malik’s Coinage Reforms: the Role of the Damascus Mint,” Revue Numismatique 65 (2009), 357–382; Chase Robinson, Empire and Elites after the Muslim Conquest: The Transformation of Northern Mesopotamia (Cambridge, 2000), 63 ff. For Muʿāwiya b. Abī Sufyān’s role in the centralization of the Islamic state, see Robert Hoyland, “New Documentary Texts and the Early Islamic State,” BSOAS 69 (3), 399 ff. 3

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Kennedy writes that for the first seven years of his reign, ʿAbd alMalik’s authority was “based on his own family and on the Syrian army,” and that Yamānī tribes led by Kalb were the “mainstay of the forces.” 4 After 71/691, however, ʿAbd al-Malik, attempting to gain a stronger hold over his government, struck up an alliance with the Qaysī leader Zufar b. al-Ḥārith at Qarqīsiyā, so to limit his dependence on the Yamānī coalition. Maslama b. ʿAbd al-Malik would further the amīr al-muʾminīn’s alliance with the Qays by marrying one of Zufar’s daughters. Zufar’s son, Hudhayl, would later appear as a general in Maslama’s army in the Umayyad north. 5 Gerald Hawting similarly writes that the Marwānid period “saw a gradual move away from the indirect system of rule of the Sufyānids to a more centralized and direct form of government.” In this new system, the tribal nobles (ashrāf), who had previously stood as conduits of the amīr al-muʾminīn’s power, “were replaced by officials more directly responsible to the caliph and his governors who ruled with the help of a professional army.” 6 Patricia Crone agrees with Hawting and Kennedy, writing that at some point there was a major shift in the ruling policy of ʿAbd al-Malik, when he began to rely less on relatives and the tribal allies of his father. 78 See Kennedy, Age of the Caliphate, 99; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 211; Kennedy, The Armies of the Caliphs, 27 ff; Dixon, Umayyad Caliphate, 94. 5 Crone, Slaves on Horses, Appendix 1, no. 15; Dixon, Umayyad Caliphate, 94. 6 See Hawting, First Arab Dynasty, 62. 7 “The net effect of the erosion of the tribal roots was thus to crack open the Sufyanid kinship state. In the metropolis the Quḍāʿī confederacy of the Sufyanids was replaced by the standing army of the Marwanids, while in the provinces the tribes under indirect rule were replaced by a civilian population under direct military control.” Crone, Slaves on Horses, 39 ff. See also Crone, “Qays and Yemen,” 50 n. 273; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 211. 8 Due to this move away from the alliance that brought the Umayyads to power, Kennedy writes that the Yamānīs, led by the Kalb, came to form “an opposition party led by Sulaymān in Ramla and ʿUmar b. ʿAbd 4

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Around the same time that ʿAbd al-Malik began looking for new allies, he started making overtures to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, seeking his abdication in favor of his own sons, al-Walīd (r. 86–96/705–715) and Sulaymān (96–99/715–717). The desire to remove ʿAbd alʿAzīz as heir apparent was part and parcel of ʿAbd al-Malik’s attempt to limit his administration’s dependence on Quḍāʿī/Yamānī tribal support. As argued earlier, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz represented the dynasty’s continued commitment to its alliance with the tribes of Quḍāʿa/Yamān, and his removal would have been a major step towards developing a broader support base for the dynasty. But despite his growing authority, ʿAbd al-Malik was unable to remove ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz from the heir apparency, for the amir al-muʾminin remained extremely dependent upon Kalbī martial power. The continued role of the Kalb in maintaining Marwānid power can be seen in the composition of ʿAbd al-Malik’s army in Iraq in the final battles against the Zubayrids. Ḥassān b. Mālik b. Baḥdal, the sayyid of Kalb, led the army of ʿUbayd Allāh b. Ziyād during a failed expedition to recapture Kufa from the Zubayrids in 67/686. 9 When ʿAbd al-Malik did finally take Iraq in 71/691, the left and right wings of the army were led by two Sufyānids: Khālid b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya and ʿAbd Allāh b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya. As direct descendants of Muʿāwiya and Maysūn and relatives of the sayyid of Kalb, the two sons of Yazīd were likely leading ʿAbd al-Malik’s army due to their elevated status among the tribes of Quḍāʿa, who likely filled the ranks of the conquering force. Upon his taking of Kufa in 71/691, ʿAbd al-Malik convened with the Quḍāʿī tribes of the city, and upon their gathering, he said: “With these men there, I think no one will accomplish anything in Kufa.” 10 Abdulhadi Alajmi argues that Umayyad heirs apparent like ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz enjoyed too much tribal support to be removed from their status as amīr al-muʾminīns in waiting. Alajmi conceives of the legitimacy of Umayyad heir apparents binarily, in terms of “acal-ʿAzīz in the Ḥijāz and they began to look for allies.” Kennedy, Age of the Caliphate, 105; 9 Ṭabarī (1), II, 708. 10 Ibid., II, 814.

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quired” and “aspired” legitimacy. What Alajami calls acquired legitimacy is the legitimacy bestowed as part of the consultative process surrounding an heir apparent’s approval by the tribal allies of the dynasty. In Alajmi’s paradigm, the Umayyad tribal elite served as an “unofficial council” which acted to qualify candidates, as well as to ensure that the tribally vetted successor maintained his position. 11 Thus, since Umayyad heirs carried the approval of the ruling elite, the reigning amīr al-muʾminīns were largely unable to change the succession pact, as it would upset the will of the elite. 12 While ʿAbd al-Malik never tried to forcefully remove ʿAbd alʿAzīz, he did, however, actively try to raise the prestige of his two sons in the hope that the political situation would one day change. For instance, inscriptional evidence of al-Walīd’s campaign for the succession can be seen at Qaṣr Burquʿ, where he had inscribed: “Oh God! In the name of God, the Beneficent, the Merciful. This is what the amīr al-Walīd, the son of the Commander of the Faithful, built these houses in the year eighty-one.” From this inscription, Marsham concludes that al-Walīd “was already using a title associated with asserting a claim to the succession while Marwān’s nominated second walī al-ʿahd was still alive.” 13 Robinson, on the other hand, takes this inscription to mean that al-Walīd had already been designated heir before the death of his uncle, but if that were the case, it would have meant the deposition of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. 14 Abdulhadi Alajmi, “Ascribed vs. Popular Legitimacy: The case of al-Walid II and Umayyad “ʿahd,” JNES 1 (2013), 29. 12 “…Umayyad caliphs achieved their legitimacy before ever reaching the caliphate through the political institution of succession; their appeal to either religious or secular means of support when exercising power was only secondary. Indeed, the appointment of a walī al-ʿahd would provide full legitimacy for the immediate exercise of political power, while the aforementioned claims of authority, whether secular or religious, would be sought only when conflicts arose.” Alajmi, “Ascribed vs. Popular Legitimacy,” 33. 13 Marsham, Rituals of Islamic Monarchy, 127; H. Gaube, “An examination of the ruins of Qasr Burqu,” Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 19 (1974), 93, 97. 14 Robinson, ʿAbd al-Malik, 27. 11

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The challenge al-Walīd posed to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz becomes all the more complicated in light of the fact that he was married to his uncle’s daughter, Umm Banīn bt. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. This marriage, however, likely took place before the end of the Second Civil War, when the relationship between ʿAbd al-Malik and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was still amicable. 15 The earliest depiction of the power struggle between the two sons of Marwān is found in the history of al-Yaʿqūbī (d. after 292/905). While considered an Iraqī historian, al-Yaʿqūbī worked for the Ṭulūnid administration in Egypt, and he studied with Egyptian scholars, and thus likely had access to local traditions not available to other eastern historians. In the political picture painted by this 9th century historian—translated at length below—ʿAbd alʿAzīz agrees to his brother’s demand to step down from the line of succession in exchange for hereditary authority over Egypt. 16 Such would give credence to Robinson’s conclusion that al-Walīd was designated heir before his uncle’s death. ʿAbd al-Malik b. Marwān decided to remove his brother ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and have the oath of allegiance sworn to his son alWalīd to succeed him. At this time ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was in Egypt. ʿAbd al-Malik wrote to al-Ḥajjāj to send al-Shaʿbī to him, and al-Ḥajjāj sent al-Shaʿbī and ʿAbd al-Malik spoke with him and honored him, staying with him for a number of days.

Then he [ʿAbd al-Malik] said to him [al-Shaʿbī]: “I entrust to you something I have never entrusted to anyone. I have decided to have the oath of allegiance sworn to al-Walīd as my successor. So when you go to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz propose to him to

While it is unclear exactly when this marriage took place, it was sometime before the end of the civil war, as demonstrated by Zubayrid poetry mentioning al-Walīd’s wife. See Ibn Qays, # 48 (v. 11); # 17 (v. 8); # 55 (v. 6); # 60 (v. 1,3). 16 Yaʿqūbī, II, 334 f. The language of this report is reminiscent of the narrations describing the alliance between Muʿāwiya and ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, which stated Egypt would be ṭaʿāmatun lahu, i.e. sustenance for ʿAmr. See Marsham, “The Pact (Amāna) Between Muʿāwiya ibn Abī Sufyān and ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ,” 69 ff. 15

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remove himself from the succession, then Egypt will be his (wa miṣr lahu ṭiʿma).

And al-Shaʿbī said: “I arrived unto ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and I never saw a king (malik) that was more magnanimous in character than he. One day I was speaking alone with him, and I said to him: “By God, may God preserve the amīr, I have never seen a more perfect kingdom (mulk); 17 a more bountiful of blessing or one that is stronger or more complete than that which you are in. And I have seen ʿAbd al-Malik, who is great in nobility and profuse in his efforts and little in his rest, constantly caring for the matters of the community (umma). And by God if you so wished it, they would grant your request and make Egypt yours (laka ṭiʿma), and they would then make as successor whom they desired.

And he (ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz) said: “And the same is for my descendants?” (Al-Shaʿbī continued) “And when I came to know his decision I went to ʿAbd al-Malik and informed him of the news. Then ʿAbd al-Malik removed his brother from the succession and elected his son al-Walīd to be followed by his other son Sulaymān.” 18

While it is possible that al-Yaʿqūbī’s report is an accurate depiction of a historical arrangement, it is also likely that it represents a literary attempt to explain a historical reality. In other words, alYaʿqūbī’s report may be using the feud over the succession as a means of explaining the independent nature of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s rule in Egypt. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz may have understood his authority in Egypt to be hereditary, as suggested by the fact that he was grooming his son, al-Aṣbagh, as his successor in the province. The History of the Patriarchs actually depicts al-Aṣbagh as being the ruler of Egypt at the end of his father’s life, although the Arabic sources only credit him with acting as his father’s deputy when he visited Al-Yaʿqūbī describes the Umayyad caliphs exclusively in terms of mulk. See Hawting, First Arab Dynasty, 43. 18 Yaʿqūbī, II, 334 f. 17

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Alexandria. 19 Al-Aṣbagh died a month before his father, and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz is alternatively said to have appointed his brother ʿUmar to succeed him as the amīr of Egypt. ʿUmar, however, was apparently forced out of office by ʿAbd al-Malik, who installed his own son ʿAbd Allāh. In Wulāt Miṣr of al-Kindī, we find an account similar to that presented by al-Yaʿqūbī, but instead of the brothers coming to a mutually beneficial political accord by dividing authority, al-Kindī reports that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz vehemently refused to renounce his right to become the next amīr al-muʾminīn. In al-Kindī’s version of events, after a bitter back and forth, the brothers mutually swear oaths in which they call upon God to separate them from the other, ostensibly through the other’s death. ʿAbd al-Malik wrote to him [ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz] to step down from the heir apparency so that Walīd and Sulaymān could be made heirs. He [ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz] rejected this and wrote to him [ʿAbd al-Mālik]. “There may be for you a child, but for us there are many, so let God judge as he wishes.”

ʿAbd al-Malik was angered with him, and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz sent to him ʿUlayy b. Rabāḥ al-Lakhmī in order to ease his anger. And when he [ʿUlayy] arrived to ʿAbd al-Mālik, he tried to ease his heart towards his brother, but ʿAbd al-Malik complained and said: “May God separate him from me! He will remain with me (i.e. stay alive) [only] as long as God wishes!”

So he approached ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and told him of ʿAbd al-Malik and his state of mind, and then he informed him of the statement [of his brother]. And he [ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz] said: “He did? By God I separate from him! (anā wa-llāhi mufāriquhu). None of his claims will go unanswered!” 20

A report found in al-Ṭabarī mirrors the exchange described in alKindī, but al-Ṭabarī concludes his narration by stating that ʿAbd alMalik ultimately decided against trying to depose his brother, fear19 20

HP I, 3: 305 ff. Kindī, 54 f.

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ing he would raise “a rebellious voice” against himself. 21 This rebellious voice that ʿAbd al-Malik feared was certainly that of the Quḍāʿī/Yamānī tribesmen who were highly invested in the future rule of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. Al-Yaʿqūbī makes a short comment that the dispute over the succession may also have been solved by the poisoning of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. 22 The back-to-back deaths of al-Aṣbagh and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz within a month of each other does raise the question of foul play, but to say any more than that would be speculation. The Arabic histories all agree that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, whether by agreement, paternal decree or as the result of a feud, ruled Egypt independently of his brother, the amīr al-muʾminīn in Syria. The same is largely true for the few modern commentators on ʿAbd alʿAzīz. Kennedy describes ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as a “virtual viceroy,” writing that he attempted to rule Egypt as a “hereditary appanage.” 23 In a similar vein, Kāshif likens the 22-year reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz to that of an independent king. 24 What, then, did the authority of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz look like? And what was the nature of his autonomy? Much of what we can say about the extent of his authority is informed by what we know he did not do. At the end of the Second Fitna in 73/692, ʿAbd alMalik emerged as the sole amīr al-muʾminīn of the Islamic empire, and he turned his attentions to stabilizing his rule in Syria and consolidating his control over the rest of the provinces. Egypt, however, was largely beyond the reach of his centralizing and reforming hand, and the legitimacy ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz enjoyed enabled him to reject and ignore many of ʿAbd al-Malik’s hallmark reforms. These reforms, however, were quickly imposed on Egypt after ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s death, when ʿAbd al-Malik sent his son, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik, to take control of Egypt. Ṭabarī (2), XXIII, 1164. Qubīṣa b. Dhuʿayb counseled ʿAbd alMalik against removing ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. See Ajami, “Ascribed vs. Popular Legitimacy,” 26. 22 Yaʿqūbī, I, 335. 23 Kennedy, “Egypt as a Province,” 71. 24 Kāshif, 51 ff. 21

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Perhaps the most telling and symbolic act of refusal committed by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was his rejection of ʿAbd al-Malik’s attempt to disseminate a single, standardized version of the Qurʾānic text (muṣḥaf). This muṣḥaf, which was revised under the direction of alḤajjāj b. Yūsuf, ʿAbd al-Malik’s viceroy in Iraq, included a voweling system meant to ensure proper reading of the text. 25 The amīr al-muʾminīn then sent the revised muṣḥaf out to all the major Muslim settlements, demanding it be placed in the main congregational mosques. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz unequivocally rejected his brother’s right to regulate the Qurʾānic text and actively promoted his own muṣḥaf. We read in Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam a report of this row. The muṣḥaf of al-Ḥajjāj b. Yūsuf was copied and sent to the garrison towns (amṣār). When he sent a copy to Egypt, ʿAbd alʿAzīz ibn Marwān became angered, saying: “How dare you send a muṣḥaf to the province where I am!” He reproached him [al-Ḥajjāj] and commanded that we write for him the muṣḥaf that is now in the great mosque of Egypt. When the muṣḥaf was completed, Abd al-ʿAzīz said: “Whoever finds a spelling error will receive a white slave and thirty dinars!” 26

ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s opposition to his brother’s editing of the Qurʾān is further seen in a comment made by one of his court poets, who writes that ʿAbd al-Malik “cheats people with the Book.” 27 ʿAbd alʿAzīz rejected the meddling of the amīr al-muʾminīn in both the religious and military affairs of his domain, which at that time included This voweling system, while innovative, was quite clumsy, as it included a series of dots which were easily confused with consonant markers. See Nicolai Sinai, “When Did the Consonantal Skeleton of the Quran Reach Closure?” BSOAS 77 (2014), 273–292. 26 This tradition continues: “Upon the death of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (d. 86/705), Abū Bakr b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz bought it [the muṣḥaf] for 1,000 dīnārs. When Abū Bakr died (d. 96/714–5), Asmāʾ bt. Abī Bakr b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz bought it for 700 dīnārs. She allowed people to examine it and made it public, since the codex bears his name. On the death of Asmāʾ, al-Ḥakam b. Abī Bakr purchased it and placed it in the mosque, and assigned a salary of three dīnārs per month to the reader.” Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 117 f. 27 Ibn Qays, # 38 (v. 19). 25

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both Egypt and North Africa. Such is clear when ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz denied the amīr al-muʾminīn the right to directly appoint a military commander to the fields of North Africa. 28 When ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s chosen amīr of Ifrīqiya, Zuhayr b. Qays al-Balawī, died in 76/695, ʿAbd al-Malik sent his own commander, Ḥassān b. Nuʿmān (d. 85/700), to Ifrīqiya. 29 In 78/697, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz forced Ḥassān out of the province, stripped him of all the booty that he was carrying to the amīr al-muʾminīn and appointed another Qudāʿī, Mūsā b. Nuṣayr, as the amīr of Ifrīqiya. Mūsā was said to have been appointed by Marwān as a counselor to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, but he later appears in Iraq as a tax official during the reign of al-Ḥajjāj b. Yūsuf, who accused him of embezzlement. Mūsā fled back to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as a fugitive, who gave him safe haven and paid part of the sum he was accused of pilfering. 30 The ouster of Ibn Nuʿmān and his replacement with Mūsā b. Nuṣayr, a man on the amīr al-muʾminīn’s most wanted list, was a clear sign of a power struggle involving the extent of the amīr almuʾminīn’s authority in Egypt. 31 The appointment of the amīr of North Africa had been the domain of the amīr of Egypt since the conquest of the province by ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ. The first amīr of North Africa was ʿAmr’s half brother, ʿUqba b. Nāfiʿ. See Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 171. 29 The dating of Zuhayr b. Qays’s death varies from 688/689 to 695, while Ḥassān ibn Nu‘mān’s arrival in Ifrīqiyya is variously dated to 687 or 695. See Kindī, 52; Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 203; Khoury, R.G., “Zuhayr b. Ḳays al-Balawī (b. ?, d. 76/695),” EI2; Ibn ʿIdhārī, al-Bayān al-mughrib fī akhbār al-maghrib, I, (Beirut: 1950), 31 ff. 30 See Kennedy, Age of the Caliphate, 71. Abdulwahid Dhanun Ṭaha, North Africa and Spain (London, 1989), 73. 31 Al-Kindī reports that Mūsā was appointed by Marwān to advise ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in ruling Egypt; the two grew extremely close, and Mūsā named two of his sons ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and Marwān after his patrons. See Kindī, 52 ff; E. Lévi-Provençal, “Mūsā b. Nuṣayr b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Zayd al-Lak̲h̲mī (or al-Bakrī) Abū ʿAbd al-Raḥmān,” EI2. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz gifted property to Musa’s relatives in Fusṭāṭ. See Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 133 f. 28

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ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz stood as the greatest barrier to the extension of the amīr al-muʾminīn’s control over the western provinces, and it was not until ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s death that ʿAbd al-Malik gained a foothold over Egypt. After the death of his eldest son and presumed heir, alAṣbagh, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, nearing his own death, appointed his brother ʿUmar as his successor. 32 ʿUmar, however, did not rule long, because ʿAbd al-Malik soon sent his own son, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik, to Egypt in 86/705 as its new amīr with explicit instructions to “wipe out every trace” of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz from the province. 33 This process of “wiping out every trace” of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz came in the form of a variety of initiatives, including: the Arabicization of the chancery; the promotion of Arab-Muslim pagarchs; the expelling of top level Christian administrators; the introduction of epigraphic Arabic coinage; the relocation of the administrative capital from Ḥulwān to Fusṭāṭ; the inclusion of the amīr al-muʾminīn’s name on protocols; and the forwarding of taxes, soldiers and supplies to the the central Islamic lands at the command of the amīr almuʾminīn in Syria. These changes were central to ʿAbd al-Malik’s post-fitna reforms, and they were only introduced into Egypt after the death of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. Once in Egypt, among the first acts of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd alMalik was to fire Athanasius bar Gumŏyě, the Christian head of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s chancery. While al-Kindī reports that when ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik came to Egypt he fired Athanasius and seized his wealth, al-Jahshiyārī writes that ʿAbd al-Malik sent alḌaḥḥāk b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān to Egypt to repossess part of Athanasius’ wealth. 34 Chronicle of AD 1234 reports that when ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz died, Athanasius returned to Syria with slaves and vast amounts of wealth, and upon seeing this, ʿAbd al-Malik’s secretary, Sergius son of Mansūr, persuaded the amīr al-muʾminīn to confiscate a large porUmar was made amīr al-jund (commander of the army) and Mālik b. Sharāḥbīl was made amīr al-ṣalāt (commander of prayers). See Kindī, 76 f.; Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 236. 33 Kindī, 55. 34 See al-Jahshiyārī, Kitāb al-wuzarāʾ wa-l-kuttāb (Cairo, 1980), 74. 32

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tion of Athanasius’ wealth. 35 This change in personnel went hand in hand with a change in the administrative headquarters, for ʿAbd Allāh abandoned Ḥulwān, the city built by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, and returned the provincial administration back to Fusṭāṭ. Once in the old capital, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik began administering the province from a newly founded government complex called the dār amīr al-muʾminīn (House of the Commander of the Faithful), which by its name clearly indicates a new level of centralized control in the province. This complex, which first appears in papyri during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, seems to have been one of a string of such complexes, as others are attested in both Jerusalem and Damascus. 36 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ruled from a palace, in a city he founded, which was named after his maternal ancestor, while his successor, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik, ruled from an administrative building named after the amīr al-muʾminīn—the contrast is stark. During his three-year tenure, ʿAbd Allāh dramatically reformed the provincial administration of Egypt, bringing it in line with the centralized standards promoted by his father in Syria. With ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz dead and out of the way, Egypt finally succumbed to the growing authority of the amīr al-muʾminīn in Syria, and its administration was swallowed up by the rising star of the house of ʿAbd al-Malik. It is thus our argument that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s death marks perfectly Egypt’s transition from an independent province ruled by an autonomous amīr, to one ruled by agents of the amīr almuʾminīn.

Palmer, The Seventh Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles, 204. P. Aphrodito 1433 (88/706–707), which dates to the reign of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr, is a requisition for money and supplies for sailors serving in Syria (l. 57, 60, 123, 125, 211, 260, 263, 348, 352, 354) and the Red Sea, as well as a requisition for building supplies for the dār amīr al-mūʾminīn in Jerusalem (102) and the mosque in Damascus (40, 111). 35 36

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PROTOCOLS, PAPYRI AND A PORTRAIT: MATERIAL EVIDENCE FROM THE REIGN OF ʿABD AL-ʿAZĪZ IBN MARWĀN

While the classical Arabic sources clearly describe the autonomy of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, modern historians have yet to fully grasp the extent of his independence. Knowing little of his standing in the dynasty, modern scholars, despite noting ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s autonomy, have tended to understand his reign as an extension of ʿAbd al-Malik’s. For instance, Kennedy, while describing ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as a “virtual viceroy,” at the same time emphasizes the loyalty with which ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ruled Egypt. 37 Kennedy, like many scholars, also assumes that after the Second Fitna, every province was fully controlled by ʿAbd al-Malik and was a full participant in his reforms. He writes: From now on all the administration in whatever part of the empire was to be conducted in Arabic…Nor was there any doubt that surplus taxation was to be forwarded to the treasury in Damascus. 38

Robinson elsewhere describes ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as an appointee of ʿAbd al-Malik, neglecting the many reports of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s participation in the reconquest of Egypt and his appointment by Marwān as amīr of the province. 39 Maged Mikhail writes ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz began the process of implementing “a distinctly Islamic identity” in Egypt for his brother ʿAbd al-Malik. 40 Mikhail continues by characterizing the administrative developments of Egypt during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in terms of the reforms of ʿAbd al-Malik. The papyrologist Petra Sijpesteijn also sees ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s reign as an extension of his brother’s, and writes the following: Kennedy, “Egypt as a Province,” 71. Kennedy, Age of the Caliphate, 99. 39 Robinson, ʿAbd al-Malik, 45, 80; Sidney Griffith, “Theodore Abū Qurrah’s Arabic Tract on the Christian Practice of Venerating Images,” JAOS 105 (1985), 63. 40 Mikhail, From Byzantine to Islamic Egypt, 113. 37 38

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In Egypt, the governors, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (in office 65–86/685– 705), brother of ʿAbd al-Malik, and the latter’s son, ʿAbd Allāh, implemented the administrative reforms that resulted in increased Muslim control over the province. Egypt’s wealth, its closeness to the caliphal seat in Damascus, its continued strategic importance—and the fact that it had briefly resided in the Zubayrid camp might have been extra motives to push through these changes. 41

The picture presented in the protocols, coins and papyri of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s reign, however, point in a different direction, and clearly lead to the conclusion that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ruled Egypt for himself and by himself, and not as a representative of the amīr al-muʾminīn ʿAbd al-Malik. That is not to say that he did not respect the authority of the amīr al-muʾminīn as the leader of the Muslim community, but he certainly did not share political power in Egypt with him, and he certainly did not wholly toe the line of the amīr al-muʾminīn’s centralizing administrative reforms. It is our contention that the reigns of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik should not been seen as part of the same administrative evolution. While both men increased Muslim centralization over Egypt, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz did it for his own benefit, while ʿAbd Allāh acted on behalf of the amīr al-muʾminīn in Syria. The misconception that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ruled as a reforming agent of the amīr al-muʾminīn is perhaps based on the fact that he introduced the first bilingual, Greek-Arabic protocols into Egypt. While it is inarguable that the introduction of bilingual protocols was an important development in the administrative history of Egypt, and a step towards Arabicization, as we look closely at these protocols, it will become clear that their introduction was by no means part of the amīr al-muʾminīn’s program to create a centralized, Arabicized chancery. 42 On a very basic level, ʿAbd al-Malik did not have a monopoly on the use of Arabic, therefore it would be hasty Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State, 94. More recently, Maged Mikhail, writes of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz implementing the centralizing decrees of ʿAbd al-Malik. See Mikhail, From Byzantine to Islamic Egypt, 113. 42 CPR III, protocol nos. 1–11. 41

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to assume that every appearance of Arabic at this time was part of his reform program, particularly since Arabic had been used for state purposes since the time of Muʿāwiya. 43 In fact, when one compares the protocols of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz with those of his immediate successors, it is abundantly clear that his bilingual protocols signal his independence from, rather than his subordination to, the amīr al-muʾminīn in Syria. 44 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s protocols bore only his name, written in Greek, while the protocols of his two immediate successors bore the caliph’s name, written in Arabic, placed above that of the governor, whose name was often absent. Greek remained the dominant language of the opening invocation of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s protocols, which mentions the unity of God and the prophethood of Muḥammad; the Arabic text of his protocols was an abbreviated translation of the Greek. The protocols of his successors, however, gave Arabic the place of primacy over Greek, and instead of displaying a simple affirmation of God’s unity and Muḥammad’s prophethood, they also began to include anti-trinitarian statements. Protocols serve to advertise the identity of the state, and the form and content differences between the protocols of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and his successors suggest a drastic change in authority, administrative policy and state identity in Egypt. During the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, Arabic was of little importance administratively speaking; in fact, there are only five known Arabic documents that can be associated with his reign, three of which are Arabic entagia (tax allotments) issued in ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s name. 45 The fourth and most intriguing of the Arabic papyri See Tony Goodwin, Arab-Byzantine Coinage (Studies in the Khalili Collection) (Dubai, 2007), 18 ff. 44 It was during this same period that the financial and military authority of the amīr of Egypt was greatly reduced. For instance, control of North Africa was removed from the command of the amīr of Egypt circa 96/714. See A.H. Morton, “A Glass Dīnār Weight in the Name of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Marwān,” BSOAS 1 (1986), 180. 45 See Nikolaos Gonis and Federico Morelli, “A Requisition Order for the ‘Commander of the Faithful’: SPP VIII 1082 Revised,” ZPE 132 43

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associated with ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, CPR VIII 82, comes from the region of Fayyūm and concerns a vineyard owned by the amīr al-muʾminīn. This document is a contract arranging for the transport of grapes from the amīr al-muʾminīn’s estate in Egypt, and we see in this text ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz helping administer a private estate of ʿAbd al-Malik in Egypt. 46 This text does not, however, demonstrate direct control over the administration of the province and its resources by the amīr al-muʾminīn in Syria. The fifth papyrus, SPP VIII 1082, dates from either 67/687 or 82/702. Gonis and Morelli have read this papyrus as a tax demand written upon the order of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz for the dapane (maintenance) of the amīr al-muʾminīn (Commander of the Faithful). This reading, however, is tentative, and it is very possible that instead of being a tax demand for the maintenance of the amīr al-muʾminīn, that this papyrus is a demand for either the provincial poll-tax (jizya/diagraphon) or land tax (kharāj), for which ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was the sole recipient. 47 While it could be argued that the lack of Arabic papyri from ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s tenure is more an issue of limited survival, rather than limited production, this, however, is doubtful for a number of reasons. Firstly, the fact that his protocols, even in the latter part of his reign, continue to give Greek the place of primacy over Arabic is indicative of an administration where Arabic was of limited practical use. Secondly, the administration of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was dominated at all levels by Christian officials, who likely couldn’t conduct state business in Arabic. His two main secretaries were Isaac, a Copt from the Natrun valley, and Athanasius, who was a Syrian Chrstian. The next level of government was run by Coptic duces and pagarchs chosen from the landowning elite, and below them were offices of scribes and tax collectors, which were pulled from the local population. There are just a handful of Arab officials that can (2000), 193–95; Werner Diem, “Der Gouverneur an den Pagarchen: ein verkannter Papyrus vom Jahr 65 der Hijra,” Der Islam 60 (1983), 104–142. 46 P. Lond. IV 1434.33 (ca. 714–716) mentions the orchard of the caliph dating from 714–716. See Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State, 110. 47 See Gonis and Morelli, “A Requisition Order for the ‘Commander of the Faithful,’” 193–195.

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be identified as working in ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s administration, while the number of Christian officials that can be identified is significantly higher. Greek and Coptic remained the main languages of government during the reign ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. The use of Arabic as the main administrative language in Egypt did not take hold until after his death, and we read in al-Kindī the following report that clearly credits ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s successor, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik, with being the first to Arabicize the chancery of Egypt. ʿAbd Allāh decreed about the dīwāns, that they be copied into Arabic, for they at that time were written in Coptic, and ʿAbd Allāh removed Athīnās from over the dīwān and placed Yarbūʿ al-Fazārī from the people of Ḥimṣ over it. 48

Let us recall that after the death of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, ʿAbd al-Malik sent his son ʿAbd Allāh to Egypt with explicit instructions to “wipe out every trace” of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. This wiping out process came in the form of a major overhaul of the provincial administration, which included the firing of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s Christian officials and mandating the Arabicization and Islamization of the Egyptian bureaucracy. 49 This is evident in the fact that it was during ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik’s tenure that the first bilingual Arabic-Greek tax receipts issued by Arab officials appear. 50 These bilingual receipts represent the rising primacy of Arabic as an administrative language in Egypt, as well as the increasing prominence of Muslims as tax officials. The administrative shifts of the post 86/705 period are clearly seen in the protocols of Egypt, which undergo three dramatic changes in the period immediately after the death of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. Firstly, during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, only his name appears on the protocols of Egypt, and both his name and title (symboulos), are written solely in Greek. After ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s death, Egyptian proKindī, 58 f. Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State, 20–22, 96. 50 This receipt (SB XVIII 13771) was written by one ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Abī ʿAwf and ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Shurayḥ and dates to in 88/707. See Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State, 96. 48 49

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tocols begin to bear the name of the amīr al-muʾminīn written in Arabic. 51 The Egyptian protocols produced during the reign of alWalīd b. ʿAbd al-Malik (r. 86–95/705–715) usually forgo mention of the governor and bear only the amīr al-muʾminīn’s name; if the governor’s name is at all mentioned, it is always below that of the amīr al-muʾminīn. 52 Secondly, during ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s reign, the Greek text of protocols always preceded the Arabic, which was itself only a partial translation of the Greek. After 86/705, Arabic begins to precede the Greek text on the protocols of Egypt, marking the development of a dual language chancery in which Arabic was given precedence. Thirdly, during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, protocols opened with a simple form of the shahāda, which declared the oneness of God and the prophethood of Muḥammad. After ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s death, anti-trinitarian phrases are added to the opening invocation of protocols. The inclusion of anti-trinitarian phrases not only represents a much stronger step towards Islamicization, it also marks the beginning of state antagonism of Christians. Crone and Hinds argue that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s inclusion of Muḥammad’s name on his protocols was part of ʿAbd al-Malik’s “anti-Christian campaign.” 53 While it is certainly true that the use of Muḥammad’s name on proThere is a short period when ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik’s name alone appears on the protocols of Egypt, but this situation changes within a year. The title prōtosymboulos (first counselor) is used to refer to the caliph Muʾawiya. See Hoyland, “New Documentary Texts and the Early Islamic State,” 401. In CPR VIII 82 (699–700 CE) ʿAbd al-Malik is referred to as prōtosymboulos. 52 See CPR III, 28–39; Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State, 110. Bell writes: “ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s protocols have an invariable style. He gives his own name and title only, without that of the caliph….under Walīd a great diversity of styles prevail. The commonest style has the name of the caliph only, or the name of the caliph in Arabic, with the governors name in Greek only…with the name of the caliph only.” See Aphrodito, xix n. 3. The first all-Arabic protocols appear in 113/732. See also Harold Bell, “An Official Circular Letter from the Arab Period,” JEA 31 (1945), 83. 53 Crone and Hinds, God’s Caliph, 25 f. 51

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tocols is a clear step towards promoting an Islamic state identity (i.e. Islamicization), it is quite a leap to say that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s use of Muḥammad’s name on protocols was part of the anti-Christian reforms of ʿAbd al-Malik. The use of Muḥammad’s name on coinage was initiated by the Zubayrids, a precedent followed by all Muslim rulers after them; Muḥammad’s name was not the sole domain of ʿAbd al-Malik, therefore there is no clear reason to assume that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s inclusion of Muḥammad’s name was an extension of ʿAbd al-Malik’s anti-Christian campaign. The inclusion of anti-trinitarian phrases on protocols after 86/705, however, was a clear and direct challenge to the Christians of Egypt and therefore was a part of ʿAbd al-Malik’s anti-Christian campaign. It makes much more sense to see the inclusion of Muḥammad’s name on ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s protocols as an attempt to legitimize himself among his Muslim subjects, as was the goal of the Zubayrids, who initiated the public use of of the name Muḥammad. As we shall see in later chapters, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz worked to build cooperative and amenable relations with the Christians of Egypt. His engaging stance toward the Copts is reflected in the positive characterization of him in Christian sources, which portray him as a protector and fond regarder of the Coptic patriarch; at times these sources even depict him as a spiritual follower of the patriarch. This contrasts starkly with the treatment of subsequent governors, who are harshly treated in the Christian sources due to their antagonism towards the Copts. It is also no small coincidence that it is during the period following ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz that Coptic apocalypses start to appear, criticizing and mourning the hardships faced by the Coptic Church at the hands of the Muslim government. 54

NEW ADMINISTRATIVE FEATURES (POST 86/705)

During his career, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz maintained the Byzantine status quo and allowed Christian notables to continue to run the government. At the head of his administration were two Christian secretaries For an account and summary of the Coptic apocalypses produced in the 8th century, see Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw it, 282 ff. 54

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and their sons: Isaac, a Copt from Wādī Natrūn, and Athanasius bar Gumŏyě, a Monophysite Christian from Syria. 55 The Chroncle of Dionysius of Tell Maḥrē narrates that ʿAbd al-Malik appointed Athanasius as: …guardian of his younger brother ʿAbd al-ʿAziz, whom he had made, still a child, the emir of Egypt. He commanded that Athanasius should be not only his scribe, but the manager of his affairs and that authority and administrative direction should be his, while ʿAbd al-ʿAziz should have nominal power.

This depiction of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as a minor at the time of his appoint to Egypt is, however, impossible. Not only had ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz acted as a military commander during his father’s caliphate, but he also had a number of children by the time of his appointment as well. 56 Under the two Christian secretarial families serving ʿAbd alʿAzīz stood a cadre of Coptic duces, that were drawn from local, land owning elites. The duces were in direct contact with Isaac and Athanasius, for their main responsibility was ensuring the Christian pagarchs fulfilled the tax demands of the Muslim government. 57 Until the turn of the 8th century, the Muslim governors of Egypt were relatively aloof figures that largely left the government in the hands of Christian secretaries and elites. 58 Clive Foss, describing the Egyptian administration of Fusṭāṭ during the time of Muʿāwiya, writes the following: The literary sources attribute extensive authority to these two secretaries. See HP I, 3:12, 48, 54; Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 98. Both secretaries are mentioned in P. Lond.IV.1412 and P. Lond.IV.1413. P. Aphrodito 1442 gives an account of part of the salaries of Isaac and Athanasius and their notaries. 56 Palmer, The Seventh Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles, 202. 57 Each pagarchy consisted of a town and its surrounding countryside and villages, which were headed by lashanes (local headmen). See Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State, 28 f. 58 See Luke Yarbrough, “Upholding God’s Rule: Early Muslim Juristic Opposition to the State Employment of non-Muslims,” Islamic Law and Society 19 (2012), 11–85. 55

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This trend continued during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, who himself is never seen communicating directly with the lower levels of administration. Such tasks were left in the hands of his Christian secretaries or the Coptic duces below them. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s successors, however, were sent to Egypt as agents of the amīr al-muʾminīn, and they, along with a growing cadre of Arab-Muslim pagarchs, messengers and scribes began directly overseeing the affairs of the province. As appointees of the amīr al-muʾminīn, these new activist governors can be seen communicating directly with pagarchs on a host of issues, big and small; they were beholden to Damascus, and thus they administered Egypt from a new administrative complex called the House of the Commander of the Faithful (dār amīr almūʾminīn / αυλη αμιραλμουμνιν). This new government building was introduced into Egypt early in the reign of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik, when he relocated the administration back to Fusṭāṭ. The introduction of this centrally controlled administrative complex is a clear sign of the expansion of the authority of the amīr al-muʾminīn in the province. Modern scholars all agree that it was during the beginning of the eighth century that Arab pagarchs became commonplace in Egypt. 60 The development of Arab run pagarchies, however, began after the death of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, who, throughout his reign, continued to rely upon his two Christian secretaries and Christian duces to run the country. After 86/705, we see an increasingly steady influx of Arab pagarchs, who take control of the reigns of government from the Christian elite. Rather than relying on Christian notables to assign and collect taxes in villages, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik See Clive Foss, “Egypt under Muʿāwiya: Part I: Flavius Papas and Upper Egypt,” BSOAS 72 (2009), 9. 60 See Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State, 81 ff. 59

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and Qurra b. Sharīk instead employed Muslim officials. Sijpesteijn writes that the rise of the Muslim pagarch and the disappearance of the Christian duces went hand in hand with the increased role of the Arab governor in managing the daily affairs of the pagarchies. Up to the beginning of the 8th century the governor or the dux seems to have been responsible for allocating tax-quotas to village communities in the Fayyum. With the disappearance of the dux around 715 the pagarch’s responsibility was extended to include those tasks that had previously fallen under the dux’s responsibility, especially in the realm of taxes. Moreover, it seems that this change took place after Christian pagarchs were replaced by Muslims. The disappearance of the office of the dux in early Islamic Egypt resulted in direct communication between the pagarch and the governor of Egypt, which had not always been the practice earlier in Egypt. 61

While Sijpesteijn is correct about the nature of these administrative changes, her dating of these events is too early, for she incorrectly associates ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz with the early introduction of Arab officials, writing that: “In 87/705, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz dismissed the Christian Athanasius as head of the administration (dawāwīn) replacing him with the Muslim, Yarbūʿ al-Fazarī from Ḥims.” 62 The section of al-Kindī that Sijpesteijn references falls under the entry describing the governorship of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik, and the text clearly credits ʿAbd Allāh with replacing Athanasius with Yarbūʿ. 63 The Chronicle of AD 1234 agrees with the narrative of al-Kindī, and writes of how ʿAbd al-Malik’s jealous secretary, Sarjūn b. Manṣūr, Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State, 29 n. 57. Ibid., 102. Maged Mikhail also quotes this section of Kindī, but he correctly attributes the removal of Athanasius to ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd alMalik. See Mikhail, From Byzantine to Islamic Egypt, 116; Kindī, 58 f. 63 “ʿAbd Allāh decreed about the diwāns, that they be copied into Arabic, for at that time they were written in Coptic, and ʿAbd Allāh removed Athanasius from over the dīwān and placed Yarbūʿ al-Fazārī from the people of Ḥimṣ over it. And ʿAbd Allāh banned the wearing of the barānis.” See Kindī 58 f. In the History of the Patriarchs, the dismissal of Athanasius is attributed to ʿAbd al-Malik. See HP I, 3:308. 61 62

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used his influence to have Athanasius stripped of his wealth upon his return to Syria after his patron’s death. 64 A similar report of Athanasius’s wealth being confiscated is found in the Chronicle Dionysius of Tell Maḥrē. 65 Prior to the arrival of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik in Egypt, there is no evidence that the amīr al-muʾminīn exercised direct control over the taxes or resources of the province. 66 After Muʿāwiya’s death in 64/681, the Muslim community soon fell into the Second Fitna, and it was not until coming of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in 65/685 that the administration of the province stabilized. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz would maintain the autonomy of Egypt, and throughout the entirety of his tenure there is no evidence that the resources of Egypt were ever forwarded to the amīr al-muʾminīn. Even after the end of the Second Fitna, once ʿAbd al-Malik began centralizing the empire, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, who by then was at odds with his brother over the succession, continued to use the resources of Egypt within the province for his own use. Immediately after ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s death, however, we see for the first time the workers, sailors, tax revenues, building supplies, tradesmen and foodstuffs of Egypt being sent to the central lands of the state. 67 Ruling Egypt on behalf of the amīr al-muʾminīn, ʿAbd Palmer, The Seventh Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles, 202 f. Ibid., 202. 66 “There is no unequivocal documentary evidence for any direct caliphal involvement in Egypt at this time. References to properties being built for and owned by the amīr al-muʾminīn do not refer to an actual presence of the caliph, but rather to his absentee (land) ownership.” Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State, 63. 67 P. Aphrodito 1366 (710 CE) is an order for laborers and a carpenter in Jerusalem; P. Aphrodito 1403 (709 CE) concerns the mosque and dār amīr al-mūʾminīn in Jerusalem; P. Aphrodito 1515 is a receipt for sums paid related to building operations in Palestine. Other post 86/705 requisitions from the Aphrodito collection concern building projects in Damascus. P. Aphrodito 1411 requests 4 solidi for wages for the upkeep of a sawyer working on the mosque of Damascus; P. Aphrodito 1513 is a receipt for four workmen in Syria. See also P. Aphrodito 1341; P. Aphrodito 1342; P. Aphrodito 1411; P. Aphrodito 1368. 64 65

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Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik and Qurra b. Sharīk worked to manage the resources of the Nile Valley for the benefit of the amīr al-muʾminīn. 68 Thus we see Egypt being called upon to help fund and build the great mosques and administrative complexes of Damascus and Jerusalem, as well as send grain and corn to the central Islamic lands. 69 As early as 86–87/706–707, we see ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd alMalik marshaling the resources of Egypt for the sake of the amīr almuʾminīn. For example, P. Aphrodito 1433 (86–87/706–707) is a requisition for money and supplies to be sent to sailors serving in Syria and the Red Sea. 70 This same document requests supplies to be sent for the construction of the dār amīr al-muʾminīn in Jerusalem (102) and the main mosque in Damascus (40, 111). P. Aphrodito 1414, which is also likely from the governorship of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik, similarly requests supplies for the construction of the dār amīr al-mūʾminīn in Jerusalem (304), in addition to supplies for an estate being built in Damascus (81, 151), the mosque Jerusalem (167) and a post station of Mounachte. No such papyri calling for Egyptian support for eastern soldiers or requisitions for building supplies appear during the tenure of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, and this disparity in papyrological evidence, combined with the brothers’ dispute over the succession, speaks to the independence of Egyptian resources during this period. 71 Another new development that appears in the post 86/705 period is the dogged pursuit of fugitive taxpayers by the new activist governors. While no documents related to the tracking down of Bell, Aphrodito, 126. P. Aphrodito 1335 is a register of corn shipments to Arabia from the reign of Qurra b. Sharīk. P. Aphrodito 1496 (708 CE) is also a military requisition from the reign of ʿAbd Allāh concerning money and supplies for sailors in Syria. 70 See Bell, Aphrodito, 282 ff. 71 Likewise, the lack of literary evidence for Egyptian participation in the Second Fitna similarly points to the military independence of the province. There is an isolated report found in al-Kindī describing an Egyptian force crossing the Red Sea for the final victory against the Zubayrids, crediting an Egyptian with killing ʿAbd Allāh b. al-Zubayr. See Kindī, 72. 68 69

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fugitives survive from the reign ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, in the years immediately following his death, we begin seeing a slew of fugitive texts. That is not to say that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s administration didn’t care about tax dodgers, but rather that in the period after him, there was a greater urgency to rectify this problem. The need to maximize tax revenues likely resulted from the fact that the resources of Egypt were being used more and more for the sake of the amīr almuʾminīn, rather than just staying in the province, therefore more revenue would have been needed. Two of the earliest fugitive texts, P. Aphrodito 1518 and P. Aphrodito 1519, which date to the year 87/706, concern 6 families that left the district of ʿAbd Allāh b. Shurayḥ b. Muslim, the Muslim administrator of Psoi. 72 In another early papyrus of this sort, P. Aphrodito 1521 (709 CE), ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik is directly addressed by the pagarch Epimachus regarding fugitive families. 73 During the reign of Qurra b. Sharīk, we see a further expansion of efforts to track down fugitives and a greater institutionalization of search parties. In P. Aphrodito 1382 and P. Aphrodito 1383 (circa 709 CE), Qurra gives instructions for retrieving fugitives and documenting expenses incurred in the process. In P. Aphrodito 1384 (710 CE), Qurra defines the manner in which fugitives should be brought home, commanding that they should be marched to prison with wooden stock over hands and neck, and be punished with 40 lashes and fines. 74 This increased dedication to tracking down fleeing tax payers is a result of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s successors being agents of the amīr al-muʾminīn, whose jobs were dependent upon their abilʿAbd Allāh b. Shurayḥ b. Muslim appears as a government official in P. Aphrodito 1332 (708 CE), P. Aphrodito 1518 (709 CE) and P. Aphrodito 1542 (710 CE). 73 In P. Aphrodito 1545 (post 705), Theodosius son of Philoxenus is fined 5 solidi for harboring fugitives. For more fugitive texts from the reign of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik, see: P. Aphrodito 1332; P. Aphrodito 1333 (708 CE). 74 In P. Aphrodito 1343 (709 CE), Qurra institutes an organized search for fugitives throughout Egypt, offering rewards to informants, and punishments for obstructors, (l. 36–40). See also P. Aphrodito 1361 (710 CE) and P. Aphrodito 1372 (710–711 CE). 72

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ity to extract as much tax income as they could from the province and forward it to the amīr al-muʾminīn.

COINAGE REFORMS

It has generally been accepted by modern scholars that Egypt participated in the numismatic reforms initated by ʿAbd al-Malik in Syria and Iraq. This trend began in 1958, when George C. Miles posited that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz introduced the first aniconic, Arabic coinage into Egypt, basing his conclusion on two very late and enigmatic reports. 75 The report that most influenced Miles, which is preserved by Ibn Taghrībirdī (d. 874/1470), narrates how ʿAbd alʿAzīz wrote to the amīr al-muʾminīn in Syria and urged him to follow his lead and begin producing “Islamic” coinage. This report is absent from our earliest Arabic sources for Egypt, and it is likely that Ibn Taghrībirdī, a native Egyptian, was seeking more to glorify Egypt, than record an accurate history. 76 The second report that influenced Miles, which is found in alKhiṭāṭ of al-Maqrīzī (d. 845/1442), provides a very generalized statement that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz began producing “manqūsha” coins in Egypt. Miles interpreted manqūsha, which in Arabic means “scratched” or “inscribed,” as referring to the epigraphic reform coinage of the amīr al-muʾminīn. 77 Miles’ chronology was adopted by Bacharach and Awad, who wrote that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz introduced his brother’s reform coinage into Egypt around 76/695 CE, even though there have yet to be any reform coins dated to the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. 78 See George C. Miles, “The Early Islamic Bronze Coinage of Egypt,” in Centennial Publication of the American Numismatic Society, ed. Harold Ingholt (New York, 1958), 475; Jere L. Bacharach, “Thoughts About Pennies and Other Monies,” MESAB 1 (2001), 2–14. 76 Ibn Taghrībirdī, al-Nujūm al-ẓāhira, I, 176–178. 77 See Miles, “The Early Islamic Bronze Coinage of Egypt,” 475, n. 2. See Maqrīzī, al-Khiṭaṭ, I, 210; Ibn Tagrhībirdī, I, 176–178; Clive Foss, ArabByzantine Coins: An Introduction, with a Catalogue of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection (Washington D.C., 2008), 103. 78 Bacharach and Awad, “Rare Early Egyptian Islamic Coins and Coin Weights,” 51; Jere L. Bacharach and Henry Amin Awad, “Rare Early 75

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While the power and authority that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz wielded as heir apparent certainly make him a likely candidate for introducing the reform coinage of the amīr al-muʾminīn, dating the appearance of the first epigraphic reform coins in Egypt to after 86/705 makes much more sense for a number of reasons. Firstly, our best sources for Umayyad Egypt—al-Yaʿqūbī, Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, al-Kindī and al-Ṭabarī—make no mention of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz being involved in the creation of epigraphic reform coinage. But they do mention that ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik was the first to Arabicize the chancery, a shift which likely involved the introduction of epigraphic reform coinage. Secondly, the earliest hoards of all-Arabic coins minted in Egypt remain undated until the reign of Qurra b. Sharīk (r. 90–96/709–714). 79 Thirdly, during his 22-year tenure, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz made no effort to Arabicize other aspects of his administration beyond the introduction of Greek-Arabic protocols, and there is no tradition of using Arabic on coins in Egypt until the arrival of the undated reform coins. 80 The period after the death of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz seems the most logical period for the introduction of these coins, for it is during the imāras of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd alMalik and Qurra b. Sharīk that Arabic becomes the leading administrative language of Egypt. 81 Lastly, before the introduction of epigraphic reform coins in 77/696–697, ʿAbd al-Malik spent some five years experimenting Egyptian Islamic Coins and Coin Weights: The Awad Collection,” JARC 18 (1981), 51; Henri Amin Awad, “Seventh Century Arab Imitations of Alexandrian Docecanammia,” ANSMN (1972), 112–117. 79 Bacharach and Awad, “Rare Early Egyptian Islamic Coins and Coin Weights,” 53; Miles, “The Early Islamic Bronze Coinage of Egypt,” 475. 80 For anti-trinitarian protocols dating from after 86/705, see: CPR 12–16; CPR 18–23; CPR 27–29; CPR 33–35; CPR 52–53; CPR 57. 81 See Jere L. Bacharach, “Thoughts About Pennies and Other Monies,” MESAB 35 (2001), 2–14; Michael Bates, “Islamic Numismatics,” MESAB 3 (1978), 2–18; J.M. Upton, “The Coins of Niishāpūr,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 10 (1937) 37–39; George C. Miles, “King of Kings to Counter Caliph,” Archaeology 3 (1948), 126–128.

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with iconic coinage types. 82 These experimental coins were largely minted in Greater Syria; Egypt did not participate in this experimental phase of coinage whatsoever. 83 For example, in 74/693–4, ʿAbd al-Malik introduced the iconic Standing Caliph image, which was minted on gold, silver and copper coins. 84 Gold and copper versions of the Standing Caliph coin were struck in 20 mints throughout Syria, Palestine and northern Mesopotamia—this coin, however, was never minted in Egypt. From the distribution of the Standing Caliph coin, it is evident that ʿAbd al-Malik’s control over Describing these numismatic developments, Heidemann writes: “The reform attempts of ʿAbd al-Malik and al-Ḥajjāj b. Yūsuf can be seen as a reply to these challenges, in an attempt to integrate the Zubayrid movement and to face the ideological Khārijite movement.” Stefan Heideman, “The Evolving Representation of the Early Islamic Empire and Its Religion on Coin Imagery,” in The Qur’an in Context: Historical and Literary Investigations into the Qur’anic Milieu (Texts and Studies on the Qur’an), ed. Angelika Neuwirth, et al. (Leiden, 2009), 180 ff. In 65/684–5 al-Ḥārith b. ʿAbd Allāh, the Zubayrid ruler of Basra, minted coins with “bismallah rabbina” (in the name of God, our lord), while Muṣʿab b. alZubayr minted coins with “muṣʿab ḥasbuhu allāh” (God is Muṣʿab’s consideration). See Stuart Sears, “The Legitimation of al-Ḥakam b. Al-ʿĀṣ: Umayyad Government in Seventh Century Kirman,” Iranian Studies (2003); Tony Goodwin, “Arab-Byzantine Coins—the Significance of Overstrikes,” The Numismatic Chronicle 161 (2001), 92. 83 Heideman writes that: “Actual imperial influence remained remarkably small and is restricted to northern Mesopotamia, Syria and Palestine, which shared common coinage types. For all other regions of the Islamic empire, the copper coinage followed different patterns reflecting in the local tradition.” Heidemann, “The Evolving Representation of the Early Islamic Empire,” 99. See also, Stefan Heidemann, “Merging of Two Currency Zones in Early Islam: The Byzantine and Sasanian Impact on the Circulation in Former Byzantine Syria and Northern Mesopotamia,” Iran 36 (1998), 95–112; Ingrid Schulze and Wolfgang Schulze, “The Standing Caliph Coins of al-Jazira: some problems and suggestions,” The Numismatic Chronicle 170 (2010), 331–353. 84 Heideman, “Merging of Two Currency Zones in Early Islam,” 105. 82

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coinage was limited to the central Islamic lands. 85 Based on these facts, it hard to attribute the introduction of ʿAbd al-Malik’s reform coinage to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz without any evidence pointing to a dramatic change in power relations between Egypt and Syria. The independent nature of Egyptian coinage during the imperial period led Clive Foss to speak of “2 distinct zones of circulation” in which Syrian coins are “virtually never found in Egypt, while Egyptian coins are rare in Syria.” 86 Foss writes that: A central imperial influence remained remarkably small and restricted only to northern Mesopotamia, Syria and Palestine, which shared coin types… For all other regions of the Islamic empire, the copper coinage followed different patterns based in local tradition. 87

The minting tradition of Egypt during the Byzantine and early Islamic periods had been limited to copper coins, while gold coinage was brought from mints outside of Egypt. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, like his Byzantine predecessors, also relied on gold coinage minted outside of Egypt. Bacharach and Awad point to the presence of a dīnār weight bearing ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s name in Arabic as evidence of his involvement in the minting of reform coinage. 88 Egypt, however, did not have the capabilities to mint gold pieces, neither in the Byzantine period, nor in the Umayyad. Egypt’s economy, however, certainly needed gold coinage, and when ʿAbd al-Malik began melting down Byzantine coins in order to introduce his new standardized gold coinage types, Egypt had little choice but to use the ʿAbd “A central imperial influence remained remarkably small and is restricted only to northern Mesopotamia, Syria and Palestine, which shared a common coin type… The central government tried to regulate the production centrally, but the organization lay in the hands of the provincial organization.” Heidemann, “Merging of Two Currency Zones,” 99. 86 Foss, Arab-Byzantine Coins, 114. 87 Ibid., 114. During the Byzantine period, the 12 nommia of Alexandria formed the bulk of small change in Caesaria and elsewhere. 88 Bacharach and Awad, “Rare Early Egyptian Islamic Coins and Coin Weights,” 51. 85

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al-Malik gold coinage, for it couldn’t mint its own. 89 Copper, however, was the most important coin for daily usage, and ʿAbd alʿAzīz took full advantage of the local minting tradition and minted copper coins with a distinct political agenda. 90 Returning to the report of Ibn Taghrībirdī, which states that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz spearheaded the minting of “Islamic” coinage, Foss writes that in this instance, the “Islamic” coinage mentioned in the report may refer to an iconographic scheme void of Christian symbols. 91 This interpretation fits a report found in Kitāb al-wuzarāʾ by al-Jahshiyārī (d. 331/943), which states that after ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s death, ʿAbd al-Malik’s newly appointed financial administrator in Egypt found a treasury full of Byzantine coppers. 92 What the report calls Byzantine coppers are likely Arab-Byzantine coinage types that were modified and minted during the Islamic period. In fact, the only two coins that can be dated to the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz with any certainty are two Arab-Byzantine coins, which we will call the ABAZ coin and the MACP coin. In the analysis that directly follows, we will focus on the ABAZ coin, saving our analysis of the MACP coin for Chapter 6, when we will discuss ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s religious agenda.

THE ABAZ COIN

The ABAZ coin is the first completely original coin minted in Islamic Egypt. The design of this copper coin is in line with previous Byzantine models, a fact that caused it to be mislabeled as a Heraclean coin during Quibell’s excavations at Saqqara (1905–1914). 93 Although specimens of this coin are limited (34 in total), the variaHeidemann, “The Merging of Two Currency Zones,” 96 f. Ibid., 95. 91 Ibid., 104. 92 Jahshiyārī, Kitāb al-wuzarāʾ, 74. 93 Nine ABAZ coins were found at Apa Jeremias. James Quibell, Excavations at Saqqara (1908–1909, 1909–1910): The Monastery of Apa Jeremias (Cairo, 1912), IV, 38 ff. Twenty-five ABAZ coins were found in Fusṭāṭ. Foss, Arab-Byzantine Coinage, 103 f. See also J.R. Phillips, “Byzantine Bronze Coins of Alexandria in the Seventh Century,” Nusmismatic Chronicle (1962), 235–237. 89 90

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tions of the design suggest that it was minted for a number of years. The obverse of this coin bears the bust of a coarse featured man with a helmet-crown, a short beard and two round locks of hair framing his face. The long hair represented by the side locks and the herringbone design of the robe suggests an Arab, rather than a Byzantine, ruler, and recalls the long hair and ribbed robe of the standing caliph coins of Palestine. 94 What is particularly interesting about the ABAZ coin is that it is void of any religious symbolism. The cross orb, which is typically associated with seventh century Byzantine busts, has been replaced by a palm branch atop an orb; while on the reverse, the cross that once appeared on the Alexandrian coinage types has been replaced by a large M representing 40 nomismata. 95 On the reverse side of this coin, below the denomination marker, where one would expect to find the mint name, there are written the initials ABAZ. Petiers first wrote that ABAZ may signify the name of a town in Upper Egypt, but there is no evidence that there ever existed a town of this name. 96 Bates suggested that ABAZ was merely a blundered form of the abbreviation for Alexandria (ALEX), but this also seems highly unlikely considering the care and detail that went into designing this coin. The most reasonable explanation for these letters was put forth by Schindel, who identified ABAZ as a Greek abbreviation of the name ʿAbd alʿAzīz (αβδαλαζιζ). 97 Foss, Arab-Byzantine Coins, 103. Ibid., 103. 96 Ibid., 103. 97 Bishr b. Marwān similarly placed his name on coinage. See Treadwell, “The “Orans” drachm of Bishr ibn Marwān and the figural coinage of the early Marwanid period,” in Bayt al-Maqdis: Jerusalem and early Islam, Pt. 2, ed. Jeremy Johns, 254; J. Walker, “Notes on Arab-Sassanian Coins,” Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Royal Numismatic Society 14 (1934), 284–299. As late as 77/696–97, al-Ḥajjāj b. Yūsuf was putting his name on imperial style coins. According to Oseni, al-Ḥajjāj advertised his overlordship of Iraq on his coins with “the tacit approval of the Caliph ʿAbd alMalik.” Z.I Oseni, “An Examination of al-Ḥajjāj,” Islamic Studies, 27:4 (1998), 321 n. 31. For more early Marwanid coins bearing the names of 94 95

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` Image 1: ABAZ (I) [ANS 1972.45.2]

Image 2: ABAZ (II) [ANS 1984.100.17]

governors, see J. Walker, A Catalogue of the Muhammadan Coins In the British Museum, I, 117–118 (plate XXI, no. 8). Eventually, all images and all governor names would be struck from the coins, a process that began in 77/696 in Damascus, and spread to Iraq in 78/697–8. See Heidemann, “The Evolving Representation,” 185.

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In the ABAZ coin, we have a unique reworking of Byzantine numismatic motifs; this coin stays within the boundaries of established Byzantine iconographic practice, while adding new, original elements to celebrate the imāra of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. The details of the portrait, combined with the initials, strongly suggest that the bust is meant to represent ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, though perhaps not accurately. 98 Rather than minting the standing caliph coin or Arab-Byzantine coins with Arabic margins, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz chose to create an original, Arab-Byzantine coin featuring Greek characters that would promote his own public image. What then, can we say about the identity politics behind the ABAZ coin? ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz could have put Arabic on his coins, but he chose not to. This decision likely involved a number of factors. First, it can be seen as a rejection of his brother’s attempts to create a standardized coinage system for the empire. Rather than minting a version of the standing caliph coin, or a putting a shahāda on his coins, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz chose simply to put his initials in Greek. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s administration was staffed at the lowest and highest levels with Copts and Christians, and he made great efforts to legitimize his rule in the eyes of his Christian subjects. The absence of any Islamic credal statements, as well as the continued use of Greek/Coptic characters, was likely designed to not offend the local population. The removal of the cross from Egyptian coppers was a radical change in and of itself, and would have likely been met with some resistance by local Christians, as it was during the reign of Mu‘āwiya. 99 The addition of Arabic and Islamic declarations of Bishr b. Marwān (d. 74–75/694), who was appointed governor of Kufa by ʿAbd al-Malik in 71/691, introduced an innovative coin featuring a khaṭīb (religious orator), with two raised hands and two attendants at his side. The first minting of this coin in 73/692 included Bishr’s name under the image of the khaṭīb, however on subsequent issues his name is absent. See Heidemann, “The Evolving Representation of the Early Islamic Empire,” 182; Treadwell, “The ‘Orans’ Drachms,” 263. 99 A new coinage type introduced by the caliph Muʿāwiya in Syria was rejected by Near Eastern Christians because it didn’t have a cross on it. The Maronite Chronicle, completed after 664 CE, discusses the minting of 98

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faith would have further inflamed the Copts, and would have worked against ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s strategy of building cooperative relations with them. A similar strategy can be identified on ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s protocols; while he included a version of the shahāda, he exlcuded anti-trinitarian phrases that were common to the protocols of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik and later governors. What is most telling about the ABAZ coin is what it does not include. This coin has no Christian symbols or Islamic symbols, and it bears only the name and the portrait of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. This coin was designed to promote ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s overlordship in Egypt in a manner that was acceptable to Muslims and Christians alike—it is a compromise coin of an amīr trying to ruler over a diverse population. Such an aim stands in great contrast to the platform of ʿAbd al-Malik, whose coinage reforms aimed at answering the threats of the Muslim civil war and creating a universal, Islamic state identity. ʿAbd al-Malik openly proclaimed Arabic and belief in the Qur’ān and the Prophet Muḥammad as the standards of his state, while simultaneously challenging Christian doctrine. 100 Egypt, however, was far removed from the religious challenges of the Zubayrids and Khārijites, therefore the guiding causations for ʿAbd al-Malik’s reforms were not particularly suitable for Egypt. The Muslim population was small, and their numbers were diffused throughout the great expanse of the Nile Valley, and promoting a strong Islamic/ anti-Christian state identity offered little benefit to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s circumstances. Due to his strained and combative relationship with his brother, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz had to rule Egypt from gold and silver coinage by Muʿāwiya, and states that Muʿawiya “minted gold and silver, but it was not accepted, because it has no cross on it.” Palmer, The Seventh Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles, 32. 100 See ʿAbd al-Malik’s inscriptions of the Dome of the Rock for a clear picture of his anti-trinitarian policy. Christel Kessler, “ʿAbd al-Malik’s Inscription in the Dome of the Rock: A Reconsideration,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1 (1970), 2–14; S. Nuseibah & O. Grabar, The Dome of the Rock (London, 1996); Jere Bacharach, “Signs of Sovereignty: the shahāda, Quranic verses, and the Coinage of ʿAbd al-Malik,” Muqarnas 27 (2010), 7 ff.

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within. He had limited resources in terms of money and military power, therefore greater compromise was necessary to maintain the support of the Coptic population. With the ABAZ coin, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz continued established Byzantine motifs while promoting his cult of personality in a manner that he hoped would be palatable to both Muslim and nonMuslims alike. Such a coin could have appealed to a diverse population, as it maintained the credibility of the Byzantine style, while striking a pluralistic balance with the absence of any religious symbols. The distribution of these coins stands as proof that the coin was successfully designed for both Muslim and Copt consumption, as it is found at both Fusṭāṭ and at the monastery of Apa Jeremias at Saqqara, which sat across the Nile from ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s capital, Ḥulwān. 101

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CHAPTER 6. INTO THE EGYPTIAN HOLY LAND: THE AMĪR , THE PATRIARCH AND THE CITY OF ḤULWĀN In this chapter, we will explore the administrative city ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz constructed seventeen kilometers south of Fusṭāṭ, across the Nile from the ruins of ancient Memphis, the first capital city of Egypt. It is our argument that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz built Ḥulwān in order to establish a Muslim presence among the sacred sites of Egypt, and thereby imbue his administration with religious legitimacy among Muslims and Copts alike. ʿAbd al-ʿAziz ruled over an expansive territory with a small contingent of Muslim soldiers and limited Muslim settlement. The overwhelming majority of the population of Egypt in his time was Coptic Christian, not Muslim, and much of his rule was spent trying to strike a balance between the two religious groups. After presenting the religious foundations of Ḥulwān, we will move to analyzing ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s relationship with the Coptic religious establishment as presented in the great Egyptian Christian works of history. Of particular importance is the History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, which is a composite work written at various periods, sections of which likely date back to the early 8th century. 1 While Coptic fragments of this source survive, the complete text of the History of the Patriarchs survives only in Arabic. Arranged as a While Coptic fragments of this source survive, the complete text of the History of the Patriarchs survives only in Arabic. The purported author, Severus ibn Muqaffaʿ (d. 377/987) was more the compiler and editor of the work, rather than its actual author. 1

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biographical work of the Coptic patriarchs, the work is attributed to Severus b. Muqaffʾ (d. ca. 1000 CE), who was the Bishop of Ashmunayn, however it is generally agreed, both by modern and medieval scholars, that he was neither the author nor the editor of the work. The History of the Patriarchs is a composite work that was written and collected over centuries, and the bulk of the editing and translating into Arabic was done by Mawhūb ibn Manṣūr (d. ca 1025–1100). 2 We will also look closely at an 8th century Coptic liturgical biography, known as the Life of Isaac of Alexandria, which is dedicated to the life of the Coptic patriarch Isaac (r. 686–689). The Life of Isaac was written Mena of Nikiou, a contemporary of Isaac who was from the same monastery, and who wrote Isaac’s liturgical vita not long after his death. These two works, along with two unpublished Christian Arabic manuscripts found in the Bibliothèque nationale de France—ARABE 215 and ARABE 4881—give us a fascinating look at the relationship that existed between ʿAbd alʿAzīz and the patriarchs of his time. Many of the reports found in these narratives take place in Ḥulwān and serve as evidence of the religious importance of this new city. By the end of this chapter, we hope to demonstrate that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz sought to legitimize his rule by cooperating with and absorbing some of the traditions and institutions of Late Antique Egypt. In 70/690, around the time ʿAbd al-Malik began construction of the first monumental structure of Islamic history, the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz completed construction of his new capital, Ḥulwān. Built on the east bank of the Nile, some 17 kilometers south of Fusṭāṭ, this new settlement sat across the river from the first capital of pharaonic Egypt, Memphis. Ḥulwān was the first new Muslim city to be constructed in the Nile Valley since the founding of Fusṭāṭ in the 640’s, and it served as ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s capital for 14 years, and after his death, it was abandoned. 3 Maged Mikhail, “An Orientation to the Sources and Study of Early Islamic Egypt (641–868 CE),” History Compass 8/8 (2010), 933 f. 3 The central mosque of Fusṭāṭ was built approximately a third of a mile from the Byzantine fortress of Babylon. See Wladyslaw Kubiak, AlFustat: Its Foundation and Early Urban Development (Cairo, 1987), 53 ff. See 2

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 121 Al-Kindī and Ibn Tagrībirdī report that the plague struck Fusṭāṭ, and while retreating to the desert, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz camped at Ḥulwān and found it to be an auspicious site for a new capital. The plague (ṭāʿūn) appeared in Fusṭāṭ in the year 70, so ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz left the city and went to the desert in the East, and he camped at Ḥulwān, and it amazed him, so he took to it and lived there and installed the ḥars, the aʿwān and the shurṭas there. 4

Al-Maqrīzī and Abū Sāliḥ credit a different disease for ʿAbd alʿAzīz leaving Fusṭāṭ, and rather than the plague, they write that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was attracted to the area’s hot springs, which he used to treat an illness called dāʾ asad (lion sickness) which was either leontiasis or elephantiasis. 5 Abū Sāliḥ glosses dāʾ asad (lion sickness) as meaning juḍām (leprosy), adding a fourth potential illness into the mix. 6 Abū Sāliḥ’s gloss could also indicate that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz suffered from Hansen’s Disease, an infectious disease that causes lesions and skin eruptions, which is alternatively known as elephantiasis grecorum, eastern leprosy, or leontiasis. 7 Abū Sāliḥ, while attributing the founding of Ḥulwān to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s battle with “lion’s sickness,” writes that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz wanted to “to remove the seat of commerce by land and water to [Ḥulwān] and to depopulate Fusṭāṭ,” thereby speaking to the political motivations behind the building of Ḥulwān. 8 While an outbreak of disease may have influenced the building of a new capital, that doesn’t explain the positive vision ʿAbd alʿAzīz had for this new capital, whose construction seems to have been a great undertaking. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz reportedly spent 1 million Butler, Babylon of Egypt: A Study in the History of Old Cairo (Oxford, 1914), 53 ff. 4 Kindī, 49. 5 Kindī, 49; Ibn Taghrībirdī, al-nujūm al-ẓāhira, I, 173; Maqrīzī, Khiṭaṭ, III, 48 f; Abū Sāliḥ, Churches of Egypt and Monasteries of Egypt and some neighboring countries, ed. B.T.A. Evetts and Alfred J. Butler (Oxford, 1895), 155. 6 Abū Sāliḥ, Churches of Egypt, 155. 7 Mena of Nikiou, Life of Isaac, 36 n. 73 8 Abū Sāliḥ, Churches of Egypt, 155.

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dīnārs constructing Ḥulwān, relocating his treasury, chancery, and his personal military force to this new settlement. 9 This massive investment went to the building of residences and administrative buildings, as well as the development of agricultural lands through the building of a reservoir and an elevated canal. 10 The scale of the urban development at this new settlement led Jād al-Rabb to the conclusion that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz intended to make Ḥulwān the capital after his ascension as amīr al-muʾminīn. 11 Such a possibility is likely, when one considers how Sulaymān b. ʿAbd al-Malik, upon his ascension to leadership in 96/715, continued to rule from al-Ramla, the city he founded in Palestine during his tenure as the amīr of the province. 12 In this chapter, we will explore the nature of Ḥulwān and situate it within the greater political and religious plan of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. Far from being a mere palatial city or convalescent retreat, we will demonstrate that Ḥulwān, a city ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz named after a maternal ancestor, was built as a new political and religious center for Muslims and Christians alike. 13 As an heir apparent under fire and an amīr out of favor, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz sought to expand his prestige and better establish his regional hold on power through developing a religious aura for his administration. Ḥulwān stood at the center Abū Sāliḥ, Churches of Egypt, 155; George C. Miles, “The Early Islamic Bronze Coinage of Egypt,” 475; Maqrīzī, al-Khiṭaṭ, II, 568. 10 See Jād al-Rabb, al-Shuʿarā ghayr al-mustawṭinīn, 5. The scale of the agricultural project at Ḥulwān is suggested in an exaggerated report that states one thousand vines were planted every day around the palace of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. See Kindī 7 f. 11 Jād al-Rabb, al-Shuʿarā ghayr al-mustawṭinīn, 17. 12 See Nimrod Luz, “The Construction of an Islamic City in Palestine. The Case of Umayyad al-Ramla,” JRAS 1 (1997), 27–54. 13 Her full name, which includes those of her ancestors, was: Laylā bt. Zabān b. al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr b. Thaʿlaba b. Ḥiṣn bn Ḍamḍam b. ʿAdī b. Janāb b. Ḥulwān b. ʿImrān b. al-Ḥāfī b. Quḍāʿa. See Balādhurī (4), Ansāb, I, 378, 530; Ṭabarī (2), VIII, 1556; Jād al-Rabb, al-Shuʿarā ghayr almustawṭinīn, 49. Abū Sāliḥ writes that Ḥulwān was the name of ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s eldest son, however the Arabic sources don’t mention a son of his by this name. Abū Sāliḥ, Churches of Egypt, 154. 9

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 123 of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s religious initiatives, for he hoped that by moving his capital south to the outskirts of Memphis, he could sacralize his administration by associating it with the sacred Egyptian landscape. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz built Ḥulwān in the midst of a sprawling necropolis of some 10,000 tombs, and the area surrounding this new settlement would have been peppered with massive stone mastabas, mud brick superstructures, and the limestone facades of underground tombs. While not as impressive as the pyramids of Saqqara or Giza, Ḥulwān sat in the oldest and most expansive pharaonic necropolis in all of Egypt. 14 But what drew ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz to such a site? Why did he build a new city in the midst of an ancient graveyard near the ruins of Memphis? Central to our characterization of Ḥulwān is our contention that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz drew directly upon the settlement patterns of Coptic monks when he built his capital in an ancient Egyptian necropolis. Pharaonic remains continued to hold cultural significance in 7th century Egypt, and the buildings of the pharaohs “conferred authority and status upon its Christian residents.” 15 As such, we see monasteries flourishing in all the great monumental necropoleis of Egypt during the 7th century. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz consciously tapped into this monastic tradition by following suit and associating his administration with the cultural and religious authority of Egypt’s ancient past. 16 The founding of Ḥulwān, served multiple purposes; not only In his fourth season of excavations at Ḥulwān, Saad uncovered a late second or early third dynasty mastaba, which he describes as “one of the largest of this period.” The dimensions of the mastaba are 56 m x 27 m. See Zaaki Saad, Excavations at Saqqara and Helwan (Cairo, 1947), 5. 15 Jennifer Westerfeld, “Landscapes and Memory: Pharaonic Sacred Space in the Coptic Imagination,” Ph.D. Diss. (University of Chicago, 2010), 346. 16 See David Brakke, Demons and the Making of the Monk: Spiritual Combat in Early Christianity (Cambridge, 2006); Elisabeth O’Connell, “Tombs for the Living: Monastic Reuse of Monumental Funerary Architecture in Late Antique Egypt,” Ph.D. Diss. (University of California, Berkeley, 2007); idem, “Transforming Monumental Landscapes in Late Antique Egypt: Monastic Dwellings in Legal Documents from Western Thebes,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 15 (2007), 239–73. 14

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did it stand as an architectural testament to the success and prosperity of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s administration, it also served to build his religious credentials among Christians and Muslims alike. Jennifer Westerfeld, in her 2010 dissertation, details the manner in which Coptic monks during the Late Antique/early Islamic period reused pharaonic temples and necropoleis and transformed them into sacred Christian spaces. Westerfeld concludes that: In the post-Conquest period, as pressure from Muslim rulers may have led Christian churches and communities to try and legitimate their existence (and financial holdings) by claiming for themselves the greatest possible antiquity. 17

Westerfeld argues that by the late 6th century, the pagan cult of Egypt was no longer a threat to the Christian community, and Christian antagonism towards the sacred sites of pharaonic Egypt was lifted, and pagan holy sites became places of wonder and great mystery, whose spiritual and otherworldly significance were ripe for “Christian transformation.” Such transformation took the shape of re-inhabitation, toponymic changes, inscriptions, graffiti and reassociating sites with prophets and saints. This process of monastic transformation can be seen throughout Egypt, and is seen at places like the Monastery Apa Jeremias of Memphis, which was built among the pyramids of Saqqara; or at the Monastery of Epiphanius, which was built among tombs near Luxor; or at the monastery of Deir al-Bahri, which was built in Hatshepsut’s temple. 18 Tomb inhabitation by monks was particularly widespread in Western Thebes at the end of the 6th century CE, and by building Ḥulwān, in the midst of a massive necropolis, across the river from the royal necropolis of Memphis, ʿAbd al-Azīz was mimicking the settlement

See Westerfeld, “Landscapes and Memory,” 46. See Winlock and Crum, The Monastery of Epiphanius at Thebes, Vol. I (New York, 1926); W.E. Crum and H.G. Evelyn White, The Monastery of Epiphanius at Thebes: Part II Coptic Ostraca and Papyri; Greek Ostraca and Papyri, Vol. II (New York, 1926). 17 18

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 125 patterns of the Copts. By doing so, he sought to carve out a space for the Muslim community within the sacred landscape of Egypt. 19 By building Ḥulwān, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was trying to construct a new political and spiritual power base—not only would such a city have raised his esteem in the eyes of Muslims and Copts alike, it also helped insulate his administration from the machinations of his brother in Damascus, whose influence would have been limited in the new capital. The city of Memphis stood not only as a grand symbol of Egypt’s pharaonic past, it was part of its prophetic past as well. Uri Rubin writes that the Umayyads sought to legitimize their authority in the Near East by presenting themselves as part of the biblical prophetic history, in order to gain domination over their nonMuslim subjects. 20 Ḥulwān was built in the oldest necropolis of Memphis, the city which once housed the prophets Moses and Joseph, and thus moving to its environs was a symbolic act, one aimed at laying claim to the prophetic past of Egypt. 21 While the political glory of the Memphis had long faded, its prophetic associations were carried into the Late Antique period, and monks and pilgrims were drawn to its ruins, founding churches and monasteries amongst its tombs and temples.

THE MONASTERIES, CHURCHES AND HOLY SITES OF O’Connell, “Transforming monumental landscapes in Late Antique Egypt,” 249; T. G. Wilfong, “Western Thebes in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries: A Bibliographic Survey of Jeme and Its Surroundings,” BSAP 26 (1989), 89–145. 20 Uri Rubin, “Prophets and Caliphs: the Biblical Foundations of Umayyad Authority,” in Method and Theology in the Study of Islamic Origins, ed. Herbert Berg (Leiden, 2003), 88–93. See also Abdulhadi Alajmi and Khaled Keshk, “Umayyad Ideology and the Recurrence of the Past,” Anaquel de Estudios Árabes 24 (2013), 15. 7–21; Wadād al-Qāḍī, “The religious foundation of late Umayyad ideology and practice,” in Saber religioso y poder político en el islam: actas del Simposio Internacional (Granada, 15– 18 Octubre 1991) (Madrid, 1994), 231–73. 21 See Oleg Grabar, “Symbolic Appropriation of the Land,” Formation of Islamic Art (New Haven, 1973), 43 ff. 19

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ḤULWĀN

The continued sacredness of the environs of Memphis can be seen in the many monasteries and prophetic sites that abounded among its ruins in the 7th century. Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam reports that ʿAbd alʿAzīz built Ḥulwān near the monastery of Abū Qarqar (St. Gregorios), which was restored in the early part of his reign. 22 A second monastery, which housed Nestorian monks, is described by Abū Ṣāliḥ as a “…great castle, with an enclosing wall of hewn stone…” 23 A third monastery near Ḥulwān, known as al-Martūtī, was said to have been built upon “a place of worship of the Israelites when they were in bondage in Egypt.” 24 This same monastic complex is also said to commemorate a spot visited by Jesus and Mary. Near the monastery of al-Martūtī was a small church called Kanīsat al-Sūdān (Church of the Blacks). 25 A fifth and unnamed monastery is described as lying between the Nile and the Muslim settlement of Ḥulwān, and it is said to have been surrounded by vineyards, orchards and cultivated lands. Abū Ṣāliḥ mentions a sixth monastery in Ḥulwān, which marked the birthplace of Moses, known as the monastery of Shaḥrān. During his excavation of Ḥulwān (1941–1945), Zaaki Saad uncovered the remains of a Byzantine monastery that sat beside a large mortuary structure, which local custom identified as the monastery of Shaḥrān. 26 Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 236. This church is said to have been converted into a mosque during the caliphate of al-Ḥākim (d. 411/1021). See Abū Ṣāliḥ, Churches of Egypt, 139. 24 The church is said to have fallen into decay until its restoration in the 11th century. The name of this monastery, al-Martūtī, is a derivation of the Greek for “mother of God.” Ibid., 139. 25 The name of this church, Kanīsat al-Sūdān (Church of the Sudanese), perhaps suggests it was connected to one of the Christian kingdoms of Nubia. 26 In the middle of this monastery was a circular pit that was walled around the sides with mud brick. Saad was unable to identify this feature of the monastery. See Saad, Excavations at Saqqara and Helwan, 2, 7; Abū Ṣāliḥ, Churches of Egypt, 59 f, 141 f. 22 23

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 127 Across the river from Ḥulwān, on the outskirts of Memphis in the town of Dammūh, there was a synagogue known as Kanīsat Mūsā, which al-Maqrīzī reports was built some 500 years before the coming of Islam, a date to which Norman Golb gives credence. 27 By the 11th century, the synagogue of Dammūh was the most important pilgrimage site for the Jews of Egypt due to its Mosaic associations. 28 This synagogue is mentioned in the Genīza documents of the 11th century, which record donations made to it by private individuals and charitable endowments. Next to Kanīsat Mūsā remnants of lodgings were found, suggesting that a Jewish religious order resided there on a permanent basis. 29 Near the synagogue complex was a Christian monastery, which was the site of a triannual pilgrimage in honor of the saints Maximus and Domitius. 30 These local Monophysite saints, who were of Roman origin, are said to have journeyed to Egypt to study with one St. Macarius. 31 On the east bank of the Nile, to the north of Ḥulwān, was the town of Ṭūra, which was home to another monastery associated with Moses, known as the Monastery of the Potter. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz reportedly took an interest in this town, likely because of its prophetic associations, and he is said to have built monuments there. 32 This monastery maintained its religious mystique into the Fāṭimid Norman Golb, “The Topography of Medieval Jews in Egypt,” JNES 3 (1965), 258 f. See Maqrīzī, Khiṭaṭ, II, 465; Abū Ṣāliḥ, Churches of Egypt, 197. 28 The synagogue in Dammūh was reportedly built “forty years after the second destruction of the temple by Titus, some 500 years before Islam.” See Maqrīzī, Khiṭaṭ, II, 465. 29 See Golb, “The Topography of Medieval Jews in Egypt,” 255. 30 See Abū Ṣāliḥ, Churches of Egypt, 141. 31 See Tim Vivian, Saint Macarius, the Spiritbearer: Coptic Texts Relating to Saint Macarius (Crestwood, 2004), 42 ff. The lives of Maximus and Domitius are preserved in Sahidic and a Bohairic manuscripts, as well as in the Synaxarium Alexandrinum. 32 Abū Ṣāliḥ, Churches of Egypt, 142 f. The Fāṭimid caliph al-Ḥākim (385–411/996–1021) is said to have vanished into the desert near this monastery. 27

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period, when in 411/1021, the amīr al-muʾminīn al-Ḥākim (r. 385– 411/996–1021) is said to have vanished into the desert near it. 33 The most significant monastic community in the Memphitic region lay across the river from Ḥulwān, in the necropolis of Saqqara, which is home to the world’s oldest surviving stone building, the step pyramid of Djoser. Approximately 500 meters south of this pyramid sat the monastery of Apa Jeremias. 34 Founded in the late 5th century, Apa Jeremias was a magnificent monastic settlement that spanned approximately ten acres. This walled complex was composed of a number of great stone buildings, which were surrounded by a maze of baked brick cells, magazines and courtyards. 35 There were four churches, a hospital, four open courtyards, workshops, stables, water tanks, an oil press and a refectory for communal meals. Apa Jeremias was an industrious settlement, and its residents worked as scribes, carpenters, cameleers, dung collectors, farmers, tradesmen, masons, deacons, clerks, cattlemen, porters, cup sellers, watchmen, doctors, lectors, singers, teachers and cooks. One of the most intriguing aspects of this site was its openair courtyard, within which sat one of the fewknown pre-Islamic precursors to the minbar. 36 Although named after its purported founder, the monk and abbot Jeremias, the inhabitants of this monastery were particularly devoted to the “great scribe of righteousness,” the Prophet Enoch, whose tomb the monks located within the necropolis. 37 Enoch is Mattia Guidetti, looking at the Islamicization of Aleppo, Edessa and al-Rusafa, writes: “…generally Umayyad politics meant the application of a model which implied the coexistence, often side by side in the same urban centre, of numerous places of worship connected to different communities. It was common for new Umayyad settlements to be built near to or in association with pre-existing settlements. Guidetti, “Sacred Topography in Medieval Syria and its Roots between the Umayyads and Late Antiquity,” in Umayyad Legacies: Medieval Memories From Syria to Spain, ed. Antoine Borrut (Leiden, 2010), 337–64. 34 Quibell, Excavations at Saqqara, IV, i. 35 Ibid., i. 36 See Quibell, Excavations at Saqqara, IV, (Plate XIV). 37 Ibid., IV, 48 n. 1. 33

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 129 celebrated in both inscriptions and paintings throughout the monastery; a local prophetess named Sybill, who may have been considered the sister of Enoch, was also held in high honor, and her name is mentioned along with Enoch’s throughout the site. 38

MEMPHIS, MIṢR AND THE SACRED NAME OF EGYPT

From the above review of the religious sites in the environs of Memphis, it is clear that the ancient city was part of the sacred landscape of 7th century Egypt. Its ruins were still very much a part of the religious life of the Christians and Jews of Egypt for both its prophetic and pharaonic associations. Memphis was the city of Enoch, Joseph and Moses and the first Muslims to settle in Egypt, if not already aware of Memphis’s sacred past, quickly learned of it. The monastery of Apa Jeremias was like a small city, one with a good amount of economic power in the area, and after 50 years of Muslim rule in Egypt, it seems unlikely that the Muslim population wouldn’t have learned of this settlement and its sacred association with Enoch. There is a report preserved in Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam of how the great-grandson of the Prophet Noah, Miṣr b. Bayṣar b. Ḥām b. Nūḥ, founded the city of Memphis and buried his father in the necropolis of Saqqara. 39 This tradition identifies the tomb of Bayṣar b. Ḥām as the place of Abū Ḥirmīs, which is the name used in early Arabic papyri for the monastery of Apa Jeremias. 40 This tradition Ibid., IV, 233, 290, 295, 304, 329, 340. Giving new cities sacred narratives was common practice for the Umayyads. For instance, there is a tradition that Noah set out on his ark from ʿAnjar. See Hafez K. Chehab, “On the Identification of ʿAnjar (ʿAyn al-Jarr) as an Umayyad Foundation,” Muqarnas 10 (1993), 19. For the sacred associations of al-Ramla, see Priscilla P. Soucek, “Solomon’s Throne/Solomon’s Bath: Model or Metaphor?” Ars Orientalis 23 (1993), 109–134; Jere Bacharach, “Marwanid Building Activities: Speculations on Patronage,” Muqarnas 13 (1996), 28; Luz, “The Construction of an Islamic City in Palestine,” 27–54; Nuha N. N. Khoury, “The Dome of the Rock, the Kaʿba and Ghumdan: Arab Myths and Umayyad Monuments,” Muqarnas 10 (1993), 57–65. 40 Quibbel, Excavations at Saqqara, IV, 7. 38 39

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may very well stem from the monastery of Apa Jeremias; Enoch was the great grandfather of Noah, and thus the change in the site’s prophetic association from Enoch to a descendant of Noah is understandable (Gen. 5:21–29). More importantly, the fact that the Monastery of Apa Jeremias made its way into the Muslim tradition as the burial place of the son of Noah is a fascinating occurrence, and the Coptic tradition must have influenced this Arabic tradition in some way. At the very least, we can say that the Arabic tradition came to recognize the monastery of Apa Jeremias as a holy site; and while we can’t say for sure when this occurred, the tenure of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz would make the most sense, since Ḥulwan was built in such proximity to the Apa Jeremias. The first one to settle in Egypt after God sent the flood upon the people of Noah was Bayṣar b. Ḥām b. Nūḥ and he settled in Memphis, the first city to be populated after the flood, with his children, and they were 30 individuals. They reached maturity and married, and because of that they were called Māfe, and Māfe in the Coptic language means thirty. 41

He said that Bayṣar b. Ḥām had grown old and weak and Miṣr was his oldest child and he was the one who led his father and all of his siblings into Egypt, and they settled there, and it is after Miṣr b. Bayṣar that Miṣr is called Miṣr. And he took for himself and his sons all that was between the two trees, from ʿArīsh to Aswān in length, and from Barqa to Ayla in breadth. Then it is said that Bayṣar b. Ḥām died and was buried in the place of Abū Ḥirmīs, and other than ʿUthmān said that it was the first tomb in Egypt. 42

The city of Memphis occupied a subtle, yet important place in minds of the early Muslim community of Egypt, and there is one set of Arabic traditions concerning this ancient pharaonic city that are clearly based upon sacred Christian narratives that were current during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. The most evident Coptic influ41 42

Maab does mean thirty in Coptic. See Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, 7–9.

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 131 ence on the Muslim traditions of Memphis was the Cambyses Romance, an anonymous Coptic text written between the 6th and 7th centuries. This fragmented work contains a uniquely Egyptian narrative that intentionally creates parallels between Memphis and Jerusalem, so to increase the religious prestige of the Nile Valley. Echoes of this narrative can be found in reports preserved in Futūḥ Miṣr, and by analyzing these two traditions, we can better see the place of Memphis in the early Muslim conception of the Egyptian holy land. The Cambyses Romance is a fictional, epistolary history that narrates the invasion of Egypt by the Persian ruler Cambyses in 525 BCE. On the surface, this anonymous text would appear to be a romanticized account of a classical invasion, but it also serves as a religious commentary on the seventh century invasions of Egypt. 43 The narrative of the Cambyses Romance is symbolic, rather than historical, and its goal is to equate Cambyses’s invasion of Egypt with the conquest of Israel by Nebuchadnezzar, as a way of giving religious significance to the political and military defeats of the Copts during both the classical and Late Antique periods. The exact dating of the Cambyses Romance has yet to be pinned down with exact certainty, however, the most common interpretations are that it was written sometime in the 7th century, in response to either the Persian invasion of Egypt in 619, or that of the Arabs in the early 640’s. 44 While the date of the text remains a subject of debate, scholars agree that the outstanding feature of this work is its purposeful conflation of the Persian king Cambyses, who invaded Egypt in 525 BCE, with the biblical figure of Nebuchadnezzar, the Babylonian king who conquered Israel and destroyed the Temple of Solomon in 586 BCE. The identification of See E. Cruz-Uribe, “Notes on the Coptic Cambyses Romance,” Enchoria 14 (1986) 51–56; L. Jansen, The Coptic Story of Cambyses’ Invasion of Egypt: A Critical Analysis of its Literary Form and its Historical Purpose (Oslo 1950). 44 W. Spiegelberg, “Arabische Einflüsse in dem koptischen Kambysesroman,” ZÄS 45 (1908–1909) 83f; L.S.B. MacCoull, “The Coptic Cambyses Narrative Reconsidered,” Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 23 (1982), 185–188. 43

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Cambyses as Nebuchadnezzar has no parallel in the Greek tradition, and it is a narrative construct that originated within Egypt. On three occasions, the anonymous author of the text calls Cambyses by the name of Nebuchadnezzar, as if Cambyses were an avatar of the biblical destroyer. The text also refers to Cambyses’ army as Assyrian, rather than Persian, in an attempt to further the conflation of the two figures. While the Bible does mention that Nebuchadnezzar invaded both Israel and Egypt, its description of Nebuchadnezzar in the Nile Valley occupies just a few short lines. 45 The Cambyses Romance, however, expands upon the biblical narrative by collapsing the two personages of Cambyses and Nebuchadnezzar into a single figure, thereby piggy backing the story of Nebuchadnezzar onto the historical invasion of Cambyses. The result of this conflation is the conference onto Memphis and Egypt the holy status of Jerusalem and Israel, through their shared destruction at the hands of Nebuchadnezzar. Phillip Ventecinque writes that the calling of Cambyses Nebuchadnezzar created a rhetorical link between Egypt and Jerusalem, and as such “not only can Cambyses be seen as the second Nebuchadnezzar, but more importantly, Egypt becomes the New Jerusalem, and a link is forged between the two cities.” 46 While Ventecinque speaks of the link between Egypt and Jerusalem, it is perhaps better to speak of the link built between Jerusalem and Memphis in the text, for the geographic focus of the Cambyses Romance is the city of Memphis. While the correspondence of the text is between Cambyses and people of Egypt, and the climactic scene of the Cambyses Romance takes place in Memphis, when Cambyses/Nebuchadnezzar tries to lure the Egyptians to a feast in honor of the God Apis, the sacred Bull, whose temple was in Memphis. 47 In Herodotus’s telling of Cambyses’s invasion of Egypt—a version 45

The King of Egypt did not march out from his own country again, because the king of Babylon had taken all his territory, from the Wadi of Egypt to the Euphrates River (2 Kings: 24: 7). 46 Philip F. Venticinque, “What is in a Name? Greek, Egyptian and Biblical Traditions in the Cambyses Romance,” BASP 43 (2006), 158. 47 Jansen, The Coptic Story of Cambyses, 9 (l. 9–17).

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 133 which is void of the Cambyses/Nebuchadnezzar conflation—the Persian king culminates his conquest of Egypt with the slaughtering of the priests of Memphis and killing of the sacred Bull Apis. 48 The Chronicle of John of Nikiu also identifies Cambyses as Nebuchadnezzar, writing that “in the pride of (his) heart he changed his name and named himself Nebuchadnezzar.” 49 The destruction of Memphis is a central theme in the John of Nikiu, and the text describes how Cambyses/Nebuchadnezzar decimated the city, demolished its royal palaces and killed the children of the city’s king. John of Nikiu also writes of how after Cambyses/ Nebuchadnezzar conquered Egypt and destroyed Memphis, he forced the Copts into a 40-year exile, just as he had done the Jews. In this way, John of Nikiu goes even further than the Cambyses Romance by extending the holy status beyond the physical landscape of Egypt and onto its people, through their equation with the Israelites through a shared exile at the hands of Nebuchadnezzar. 50 Narrative elements from Cambyses Romance and the John of Nikiu are echoed in two traditions preserved in Futūḥ Miṣr. While these Arabic traditions do not conflate the personages of Cambyses and Nebuchadnezzar, they do, however, pick up on the trend of expanding the narrative of Nebuchadnezzar’s invasion and destruction of Egypt as a means of increasing the sacred importance of the province. The goal of this narrative expansion is the same as that of the Coptic narratives—the sacralization of Egypt through an invasion of biblical proportions. Not only does the Nebuchadnezzar narrative add to the religious history of Egypt for the Muslim community, it also added to the back narrative for an apocalyptic Ioannis Konstantakos, “Cambyses and the Sacred Bull (Herodotus 3.27–29 and 3.64): History and Legend,” in The Art of History: Literary Perspectives on Greek and Roman Historiography, ed. V. Liotsakis and S. Farrington (Berlin-Boston, 2016), 37–72. 49 John of Nikiu, 138. 50 “And the number of the Egyptians whom Cambyses led away with him were 50,000, besides women and children. And they lived in captivity in Persia for forty years, and Egypt became a desert.” Ibid., 138. The 40year exile of the Copts may have originally been a part of the Cambyses Romance, but didn’t survive within the fragmented manuscript. 48

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prophecy involving Memphis, pharaonic treasure and a battle with the Ethiopians. The Arabic ḥadīth work together to create a combined picture of Memphis/Egypt as a land of epic religious battles, beginning with the invasion of Nebuchadnezzar, and ending with the apocalyptic defeat of the Ethiopians at the hands of the Muslims. The first of these ḥadīth, of which we translate a portion below, is a lengthy report which tells the story of the Prophet Jeremiah and Nebuchadnezzar. Although this Arabic tradition is largely based upon the Biblical telling, it differs in that it is told from an Egyptian centric point of view, and its main narrative goal is to expand upon the destruction of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar. This ḥadīth, like the Cambyses Romance and the John of Nikiu, tries to expand the narrative of Nebuchadnezzar in Egypt as a means of sacralizing the province. We can also identify in this report a more direct borrowing from John of Nikiu in this ḥadīth, when it describes how after Nebuchadnezzar laid waste to Egypt, he exiled the Copts for 40 years. Then he (Nebuchadnezzar) killed them and destroyed the cities of Egypt and its villages, and scattered all of its people. He did not leave one person in Egypt, until Egypt remained 40 years in ruin, without people traveling along the Nile, or benefiting from it…. And Jeremiah left Egypt and went to Jerusalem. Then Nebuchadnezzar returned the people of Egypt after 40 years. And they populated it, and Egypt has not ceased to be subjugated since that time.

The theme of Egypt’s destruction by Nebuchadnezzar is seen in a second tradition found in Futūḥ Miṣr. This report, which is attributed to ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, the father-in-law of ʿAbd alʿAzīz, is framed within the context of a conversation between Ibn ʿAmr and ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ghanm al-Ashʿarī upon a visit of the latter to Egypt. Like the above report, this tradition goes beyond the Biblical narrative and zones in on Nebuchadnezzar’s devastation of Egypt. Abū ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Ḥakam and Abū al-Aswad said that Ibn Lahīʿa reported on the authority of Abū Qabīl, on ʿAbd alRaḥmān b. Ghanm al-Ashʿarī, that he came from Syria to ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr, who said to him: “What brings you to our

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 135 land?” He said, “You.” Ibn ʿAmr asked why, and ʿAbd alRaḥmān said: “You used to talk about how Miṣr was the quickest to fall into ruins, then I see homes have been built and palaces erected, being in peace.” And he (Ibn ʿAmr) said: “Indeed Miṣr transcended its destruction and demolition. Nebuchadnezzar only brought lions and hyenas, and its destruction has gone past, and today it is the best of lands in terms of soil, and its blessings do not cease as long as there is something in the land which is a blessing.

These first two ḥadith, while demonstrating influence from the Coptic tradition, don’t, however, mention the name Memphis (Manf) specifically. Rather, these narratives speak of the destruction of Miṣr. The name Miṣr, which we will discuss in detail below, while referring to Egypt in general, was also a name used to refer to the cities of Memphis and Fusṭāṭ specifically, and therefore speaking of the destruction of Miṣr by Nebuchadnezzar would have invoked images of both the country and the Muslim and pharaonic capitals to a medieval audience. While these ḥadīth may not mention Memphis, that doesn’t preclude its association with Memphis, particularly since the Coptic versions of this narrative prominently feature Memphis, and thus it is likely that this association wasn’t totally lost in the Arabic version. The main theme the Muslim transmitters of this Coptic narrative tradition honed in on was the destruction wrought upon Egypt, and we can see in this next ḥadīth that the Coptic perception of Memphis being a place of epic religious battles was adopted into Muslim apocalyptic prophecy. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr, the same narrator who seems to have often spoke about the destruction of Miṣr, narrates an apocalyptic ḥadīth describing a future war between the Muslims and the Christian Ethiopian army, in which Memphis plays a key role. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr was very familiar with the destruction of Memphis at the hands of Nebuchadnezzar from Coptic traditions, and therefore in light of what he knew about Memphis, he saw it fitting to give this city a prominent role in his prophecy. Abū al-Aswad al-Naḍr b. ʿAbd al-Jabbār narrated on the authority of Ibn Lahīʿa that Abū Qabīl said: “Wardān went out one day from Maslama b. Mukhallad, the amīr of Egypt, and he went past ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr in a hurry. And ʿAmr called out to him, “Where are you going, oh Abū ʿUbayd?”

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As we see in the above report, Memphis was the focus of an apocalyptic tradition current among the Muslim community of seventh century Egypt. The placement of Ethiopia at the center of the apocalyptic battle between Christian and Muslim forces is a narrative trend first seen in the Syriac work of Pseudo-Methodius, which predicts how the King of Rūm and the King of Ethiopia would join forces and deliver a lasting defeat to the Muslim conquerors. The 7th century work of Pseudo-Methodius was translated into Coptic early on, and the theme of the King of Ethiopia was used in a number of Coptic works, including the Apocalypse of Samuel of Kalamun, as well as the Letter of Pisentius. 51 From the above reports, we see that the city of Memphis was part of two different, yet thematically related, narrative trends that were prevalent among both the Muslim and Christian communities in 7th century Egypt. The first set of traditions involve the destruction of Egypt/Memphis and exile of the Copts at the hands of Cambyses/Nebuchadnezzar, while the second foretells a coming apocalyptic war between the Muslims and the Christian King of Ethiopia, in which Memphis would play a significant role. F. J. Martinez, “The King of Rum and the King of Ethiopia in Medieval Apocalyptic Texts from Egypt,” in Coptic Studies: Acts of the Third International Congress of Coptic Studies, ed. W.G. Odlewski (Warsaw, 1984), 247–259. 51

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 137 These narratives of Memphis were likely known to ʿAbd alʿAzīz, particularly since ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr, the purveyor of two of these ḥadīth, was his father-in-law. These traditions of epic religious battles taking place at Memphis would have certainly appealed to the militaristic religious culture that was such a large part of the early Muslim identity; and moving to the environs of a city that held a prominent role in apocalyptic and biblical battles would have certainly increased ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s prestige within the Muslim community.

THE MACP COIN

The importance of the Qurʾānic name Miṣr in the early Muslim consciousness is further seen in the first coin minted during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, the MACP coin. This copper coin features a standing, imperial figure holding a staff and an orb with a star below, a pose characteristic of the 6th and 7th century Alexandrian docecanammia. The earliest phases of this coin were an exact continuation of their Byzantine forerunners and they continued to bear the mint name ALEX (i.e. Alexandria). 52 The second phase of this coin, minted under the auspices of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in the 690’s, initiated one significant change—the inclusion of a new mint name MACP (Maṣr/Miṣr). 53 The MACP coin is the earliest documentary use of the name Miṣr in Egypt, but what exactly the name refers to is unclear. 54 The name Miṣr on this coin is generally thought to signify the Muslim capital of Fusṭāṭ, but the use of the name Miṣr for Fusṭāṭ did not gain popularity until the late 8th century. 55 So why would ʿAbd alʿAzīz use the name Miṣr when the Muslim capital was exclusively referred to as either Babylon or Fusṭāṭ? It is our argument that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz initiated the public use of this name as part of a much larger project aimed at developing a religious identity for his 51.

52

See Bacharach and Awad, “Rare Islamic Coins and Coin Weights,”

Ibid., 51 f; Foss, Arab-Byzantine Coins, 100. A.J. Wensinck, “Miṣr,” EI2. 55 Foss, Arab-Byzantine Coins, 100. 53 54

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government. The name Miṣr is first seen in the Qurʾān as the Arabic variant of the Hebrew/Syriac name for Egypt, Miṣraʾim. It is used four times in the Qurʾān in reference to Egypt—twice in the narratives of Moses, and twice in the narratives of Joseph. 56 I. For it was revealed to Moses: “Build for your people in Miṣr houses and make your houses towards the qibla, and establish prayer and give glad tidings to the Believers.” (Q. 10:87)

II. And the one from Miṣr who bought him said to his wife, “Make his residence comfortable. Perhaps he will benefit us, or we will adopt him as a son.” And thus, We established Joseph in the land that We might teach him the interpretation of events. And Allāh is predominant over His affair, but most of the people do not know. (Q. 12:21)

III. And when they entered upon Joseph, he took his parents to himself and said, “Enter Miṣr, God willing, safe [and secure].” (Q. 12:99)

IV. And Pharaoh called out among his people; he said, “Oh my people, does not the kingdom of Miṣr belong to me, and these rivers flowing beneath me; then do you not see?” (Q. 43:51)

56

In Q. 2:61, Miṣr is used in the general sense of a “settlement.”

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 139 Each of these verses could be interpreted as bestowing religious significance upon the name Miṣr. We see in Q. 10:87 (Sūrat Yūnus), a divine command for Moses to build houses of worship for his people in Miṣr, rather than make an exodus from it. In Q. 12:21 (Sūrat Yūsuf), Miṣr is presented as a land of divine wisdom and generosity, where God taught Joseph “the interpretation of events.” In Q. 12:99, Miṣr is named a place of refuge when Joseph welcomes his father and brother into safety and security. The fourth use of the name is by Pharaoh, who asks the question whether or not Miṣr belonged to him—the implied answer of the Qurʾān is that God holds the real power in Miṣr. 57 The name Miṣr in the 7th century, then, likely did not refer to Fusṭāṭ specifically, but it was rather a reference to the Miṣr of the Qurʾān, which was Memphis and its environs, which would have included Ḥulwān. The use of the name Miṣr for Memphis is attested in the Chronicle of John of Nikiu, who refers to the “gates of Miṣr” when writing about Memphis. 58 The use of the name Miṣr on coinage, then, was intended as an intertextual reference to the Qurʾānic and extra-Qurʾānic narratives of the prophets, and by employing this uniquely Qurʾānic name, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was attempting to equate his political territory with that of the prophets of the past.

There are also a number of indirect references to Memphis in the Qurʾān, which is called “al-madīna” (the city) in the narratives of Moses and Joseph. 58 The Chronicle of John of Nikiu is preserved only in an Ethiopic transmission, and it is possible that the name used in the Ethiopic reflects the linguistic customs of later centuries. See John of Nikiu, 25, 112. 57

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Image 3: MACP Coin (I) [ANS 1954.126.1]

Image 4: MACP Coin (II) [ANS 1984.100.147]

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Image 5: MACP Coin (IV) [ANS 1984.100.160]

THE AMĪR AND THE PATRIARCH

In addition to increasing his religious credentials through coinage and a new settlement, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz also worked to expand his religious authority by increasing his influence over the indigenous Coptic Church. There were two main factions of Christians in Egypt: the Chalcedonians (also known as Melkites), who espoused the official creed of the Byzantine emperor, and then there was the locally led religious hierarchy of the Copts, who are sometimes referred to as Monophysites or anti-Chalcedonians. 59 In the decades before the rise of Islam, the sectarian tensions between the two Christian factions of Egypt had risen to an all time high, and a flood of turmoil and persecution at the hands of the Melkite au-

The Melkites were Diophysites, while the local Copts were Monophysites. These distinctions are a mix of credal differences as well as ethno-cultural ones. The credal differences revolved around the vocabulary by which Christ was to be described, and whether that description emphasized the singularity of Christ’s divine-human nature, or the duality of his divinity and humanity. See Mikhail, From Byzantine to Islamic Egypt, 40 ff; Phil Booth, Crisis of Empire: Doctrine and Dissent at the End of Late Antiquity (Berkeley, 2014). 59

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thorities shook the foundations of the Coptic Church, forcing the patriarch and notable bishops into hiding. 60 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was the first Muslim ruler to actively favor one Christian faction over another, and for his purposes, he chose the indigenous, Monophysite Coptic Church as the object of his patronage. The earliest Arab rulers of Egypt remained neutral in the sectarian issues of the Christian factions, and were happy to keep the Melkite elite of the Byzantine era in important government posts. The fortunes of the local Coptic Church, however, would greatly improve during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. 61 Mikhail describes ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s policy towards the Coptic Church as an act of courtship, and the bride price of their loyal cooperation was the return of churches confiscated during the Melkite persecution. 62 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz also began replacing the Melikite Christians that had filled administrative posts during the Byzantine and early Islamic period with Monophysite officials, who would serve under his two Monophysite Christian secretaries, Isaac and Athanasius. 63 Christian and Muslim narrative sources speak of how Ḥulwān was home to a number of churches, monasteries and ecclesiastical residences. In the Life of Isaac, we read that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz commanded the holy archbishop to build a church in Ḥulwān; 64 the text also states that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz himself “built churches and monasThe Patriarch Benjamin was driven underground and forced into hiding during the Melkite persecution. See John of Nikiu, 566; Butler, Arab Invasion of Egypt, 175 ff; Mikhail, From Byzantine to Islamic Egypt, 18 f. The Life of Samuel of Kalamun describes the persecution of Monophysite clergy and their flight underground. See Isaac the Presbyter, The Life of Samuel of Kalamun, ed. Anthony Alcock (Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1984). 61 “Realizing that the vast majority of Egyptians recognized the Coptic hierarchy, ʿAbd al-ʿAziz attempted to consolidate his rule and bolster his popularity by favoring that constituency…” Mikhail, From Byzantine to Islamic Egypt, 41. 62 Ibid., 40 f. 63 Ibid., 42–44. 64 Mena of Nikiou, The Life of Isaac, 75. 60

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 143 teries for monks around his city.” 65 We read in the Life of Isaac that after ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz saw two angels walking with the Patriarch, he: …commanded the holy archbishop to build a church in the town of Halban which he had built, and when he had completed the church in all beauty, the archbishop fell ill and was in great pain. 66

We read a similar tradition in the History of the Patriarchs, which says the Patriarch Isaac: …built a church at Ḥulwān, because at that place he used to go to visit the amīr ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, who had commanded the magistrates of Upper Egypt and all the provinces to build, each one of them for himself, a residence at the town of Ḥulwān. 67

While the Coptic patriarch had been visiting Fusṭāṭ since the seventh century, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz set a new precedent by requiring the patriarch to reside in the seat of Muslim power, which at that time was Ḥulwān. 68 The literary evidence is corroborated by the fact that the only remains from this period uncovered from Ḥulwān are that of two ecclesiastical palaces. In his 2002 work, Christliche Architektur in Ägypten, Peter Grossmann identifies the first of the two palaces, Palace A, as the patriarchal palace of the patriarch Simon (r. 686– 689). 69 This complex is divided into two major parts: the eastern side contains a large church, two large courtyards and latrines, while the western side appears to be dedicated to ecclesiastical quarters, offices and the patriarch’s private apartment. Palace A seems to have had both a private and public function, suggesting that Ḥulwān had a sizeable Christian presence for whom the patriarch’s palace was a focal point. Mena of Nikiou, Life of Isaac, 69. Halban is a textual misspelling of the name Ḥulwān. See Ibid., 75. 67 HP I, 3:278, 291, 296; Mena of Nikiou, Life of Isaac, 70, 87. 68 Mikhail, From Byzantine to Islamic Egypt, 206. 69 See Abū Sāliḥ, Churches of Egypt, 155 f; Mena of Nikiou, Life of Isaac, 64; HP I, 3:296; Peter Grossmann, Christliche Architektur in Ägypten (Lieden, 2002), 90. 65 66

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The second complex, Palace B, contains a large central courtyard, while the entire perimeter is variously divided into smaller sections of connecting rooms. 70 What stands out about Palace B is the presence of a throne room in the southwest corner of the complex. This throne room is extremely reminiscent of those found at Quṣayr ʿAmra in Jordan, Qaṣr Ḥammām al-Ṣarḥ and Mshatta. 71 Beside the throne room is a series of rooms reminiscent of the patriarch’s apartment in Palace A, though on a smaller scale. It is possible to tentatively speculate that this throne room was used by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as an audience hall in which he received his Christian subjects. Having a throne room in an ecclesiastical palace would have given legitimacy to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in the eyes of the Coptic population; from such a place his orders and words would have rung with greater authority, by the implicit sanctioning of the patriarch and high-ranking clergy.

Grossmann argues that these palaces represent a new trend in Church architecture, Ibid., 78. Peter Grossmann and Zaki Yusef Saad have a forthcoming monograph on these two palaces entitled: Zwei kirchliche Palastanlagen in Ḥulwān aus umayyadischer Zeit (Ludwig Reichert Verlag: Wiesbaden, 2017). 71 See K.A.C. Cresswell, Early Muslim Architecture. Umayyads A.D. 662–750, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1969); Hafez K. Chehab, “On the Identification of ʿAnjar (ʿAyn al-Jarr) as an Umayyad Foundation,” Muqarnas 10 (1963), 17–25; K.A.C. Cresswell and James Allan, A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture (Cairo, 1989); Fowden, Qusayr ʿAmra; Oleg Grabar, “Umayyad Palaces Reconsidered,” Ars Orientalis 23 (1993), 93. 70

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 145 Image 6: Ḥulwān Palace A

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The reigning patriarch of Egypt when ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ascended to power was John of Sammanud (r. 677–686). John would only rule for less than a year of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s reign, but during this short period, the HP depicts ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as a protector and fond regarder of John. The relationship between the patriarch and amīr began when ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz travelled to Alexandria for the first time soon after his appointment. When the patriarch unknowingly failed to come out and greet him, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was offended and imposed a 100,000 dīnār fine on the patriarch.

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 147 According to the narrative of the History of the Patriarchs, God intervened on behalf of John by causing the wife of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz to fall ill. In light of his wife’s sickness, which ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz immediately attributed to his harsh treatment of the patriarch, the amīr lessened his demand and allowed John to pay whatever he could afford. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s two secretaries, Isaac and Athanasius, are also said to have intervened on behalf of the patriarch in this matter, offering to divide the patriarch’s fine among the bishops and secretaries of Egypt to ease his burden. The HP also reports that Isaac and Athanasius were responsible for the return to the Coptic Church of property the Chalcedonian government had seized from them during the Byzantine era. 72 The close relationship between ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and the patriarchs of his time is a common theme in 7th Egyptian Christian writings, and the Christian sources regularly use ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as an external validator of the spiritual power of the patriarchs by portraying him as a spiritual follower of them. For instance, after his rapprochement with the patriarch John, it is said that when ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz “raised his eyes to him (i.e. the patriarch), he saw him as if he were in the similitude of an angel of God. Then he commanded at once that an ample cushion should be brought to Abba John.” 73 An unpublished Christian Arabic manuscript (ARABE 215), which is perhaps a translation of a Coptic original, depicts the patriarch John as a frequent visitor to the court of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in Ḥulwān and describes a debate that took place at the behest of the amīr between the patriarch John, a Jew and a Melikite. 74 At the conclusion of the debate, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz declares John the winner and says to him: “Truly there is not a religion upon the earth other than Christianity, for it is the true religion.” While this debate is far from historical, it is one of the many narrative uses of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in Christian sources that depict him as a friend, and at times follower, of the patriarch. HP I, 3: 278, 296. HP I, 3: 278. 74 MS Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, ARABE 215, fol. 203 a. bi-ḥaqq laysa ʿalā al-dunyā dīn ghayr dīn al-naṣrāniyya fa-huwa al-dīn al-ṣaḥīḥ. It is unlikely John ever lived in Ḥulwān, as he likely died before its completion. 72 73

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Another unpublished Christian Arabic manuscript (ARABE 4881), also employs ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as an external validator of the patriarch’s wisdom and mental acumen. 75 The narrative begins with ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz inheriting a piece of the holy cross from the estate of a Jew who had no heirs. The patriarch offers to buy the relic from the amīr, but ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz refuses, despite having previously declared the relic no more than a piece of wood. In the end, the patriarch prevails mentally over ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, arguing why it should be returned to him, and the narrative ends with the piece of the holy cross going to the Coptic Church. The next patriarch of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s reign was Isaac of Alexandria (r. 686–689), whose election story is an intriguing affair, for in it we see for the first time a Muslim ruler getting directly involved in a church election. 76 According to the HP, after the death of the patriarch John of Sammanud, the leading bishops tried to consecrate George of Sakha as patriarch. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, however, was said to have become angry at their attempts to surreptitiously select a new leader without consulting him, thus he proceeded to cancel George’s nomination and ordered the election of Isaac. The HP describes ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s intervention for Isaac as coming from God. 77 The HP continues its positive characterization of ʿAbd alʿAzīz in its biography of Isaac. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz is said to have returned the Church of St. Mark to Isaac, as well as its episcopal residence, which had previously been confiscated by the Chalcedonian clergy during the Byzantine period. Isaac is also said to have “built a church at Ḥulwān, because at that place he used to go to visit the amir ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz….” 78 We do read of tensions between the patriarch and the amīr in the HP, but, according to Mikhail, they are “shrugged off” by the text as minor affairs. Upon close examination, it is clear that these tensions are a common trope devised to employ ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as an external validator of the wisdom and holiness of the patriarch. MS Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, ARABE 4118. Mikhail, From Byzantine to Islamic Egypt, 153. 77 HP I, 3: 278 78 HP I, 3:278, 291, 296. 75 76

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 149 Throughout the HP, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz is depicted as getting angry at the patriarch for some offense, often due to misinformation, followed by a rapprochement in which the amīr bears witness to the holiness and uprightness of the patriarch and then honors and protects him. For instance, when the patriarch Isaac is falsely accused of ordaining priests for the Kingdom of Nubia without the permission of the amīr, he faces fines and imprisonment. But when ʿAbd alʿAzīz finally learns of Isaac’s innocence, “his anger is pacified,” and the patriarch is exonerated of all blame and punishment. 79 The trope of the patriarch ordaining priests for another Christian kingdom without the permission of the amīr is repeated in the biography of Simon (r. 689–701), Isaac’s successor. This time, however, the patriarch is accused of ordaining bishops for the Indians, which is likely a reference to Abyssinia, an accusation which is brought to the attention of the amīr al-muʾminīn, who writes to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, admonishing him for not keeping his province in line. ʿAbd alMalik orders his brother to punish the patriarch with 500 lashes and a fine of 100,000 dīnārs. When ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz learns of Simon’s innocence, he orders the crucifixion of Theodore, the true culprit of the illicit ordinations, and writes to the amīr al-muʾminīn, praising Simon and recounting his “goodness and uprightness and chastity.” 80 Our most important source for the patriarchate of Isaac is a liturgical biography written by his younger contemporary, Mena of Nikiou, called The Life of Isaac of Alexandria. 81 This biography is one of the few literary sources written in the early years of Islamic Egypt, and it contains a great many intriguing anecdotes about the relationship between Isaac and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. This liturgical biography repeats much of what is found in the HP about the patriarch residing in Ḥulwān and his amicable relationship with ʿAbd alʿAzīz and his two secretaries. What stands out about the Life of Isaac is the copious narrative use of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as proof of the patriMena of Nikiou, Life of Isaac, 81 ff; HP I, 3:293 f. HP I, 3: 283. 81 Mena was the successor of the famed chronicler, John of Nikiu, as the bishop of Coptos. 79 80

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arch’s saintliness; the text gives the impression that the amīr was a religious follower of the patriarch. In one of the most dramatic representations of the spiritual bond between the two leaders, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz has a vision of a host of angels surrounding the patriarch as he prayed at the altar in the church of Ḥulwān after his consecration. 82 After the vision, the text tells us: Then the king (ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz) was amazed and said to the archbishop, ‘You have great faith, you Christians! Until today I thought that Abba John, who was before you, was great before God, but now I know that you are his father and higher than he before God.’ And from that day, he [Isaac] was a prophet in the eyes of the king; who would always call him ‘Patriarch’ and take him everywhere he went. But the saint was grieved that he would not let him settle in his episcopal palace, for he always loved solitude.

The statement that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz saw Isaac as a prophet at first glance appears ridiculous, but throughout the text Isaac is characterized as a prophet, which is a common narrative device for describing a saint’s holiness in Coptic literature. 83 The Life of Isaac is clearly hagiographical, and it strategically employs a non-Christian authority, i.e. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, to validate the spiritual credentials of the Patriarch, much in the way the sīra literature employs Christians to validate the prophethood of Muḥammad. Thus, by having ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz call Isaac a prophet, the text is using ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as external proof of Isaac’s holiness—for if such praise comes from an Isaac likely died before Ḥulwān was fully constructed. Mena of Nikiou, Life of Isaac, 68 f. 83 The Coptic notion of prophethood is often characterized as something that can be obtained, and Late Antique saints are often depicted as the spiritual pairs of the biblical prophets. Westerfeld writes that, “the practice of associating monastic heroes with the Biblical prophets was extremely common…” Westerfeld, “Landscapes and Memory,” 65. Romans 8:17 is often echoed in such texts: “Now if we are children, then we are heirs—heirs of God and co-heirs with Christ, if indeed we share in his sufferings in order that we may also share in his glory.” 82

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 151 outsider, it must be true. 84 Such a literary device would be most effective if there actually were a close relationship between the patriarch and the amīr, which could then be depicted as spiritual in nature. Upon the death of Isaac, the leading Coptic bishops wanted to appoint one Abba John as patriarch, and after meeting John, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz is said to have approved his appointment. But when it came time to consecrate him, the HP states that “God raised up one of the bishops like Daniel at that time,” who spoke against the candidacy of John and called for the election of Simon. Upon interviewing Simon and being exceedingly impressed, the HP states that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz once again became the conduit for God’s plan for the church and ordered Simon be made patriarch. 85 The monks of Egypt reportedly despised Simon, likely due to the nature of his appointment, and there are reports that they ostracized him and even tried to kill him with poison. 86 One of the few details we know about Simon’s patriarchate from the HP is that he wrote to the Monophysite patriarch of Syria, reminding him of the unity of the churches of Egypt and Syria. 87 From this report, one wonders whether the appointing of Simon was a forwardlooking plan of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, aimed at extending his relationship with the Coptic Church to include the Monophysite church of Syria. When Simon died in 701 CE, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, at the request of his secretary Athanasius, appointed Gregory the bishop of Kays to oversee the church’s property during a patriarchal interregnum. At the very end of his reign, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz approved Alexander II (705–730 CE) as the new Coptic patriarch, for the amīr, “saw the grace in his face.” 88 It is in the life of Alexander II that the HP takes a swift turn in its tone towards the Muslim rulers of Egypt. The praise of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as a conduit for God’s plan for the Coptic Church gives Mena of Nikiou, Life of Isaac, 68. HP I, 3:283 f. 86 HP I, 3: 283 f; Mikhail, From Byzantine to Islamic Egypt, 185 f. 87 HP I, 3: 284. 88 Ibid., 285. 84 85

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way to disdainful descriptions of his son, al-Aṣbagh, and his nephew, ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik. The HP describes how al-Aṣbagh, who was slated to succeed his father, ruled the entirety of Egypt and oversaw the collection of taxes towards the end of his father’s reign. The Arabic sources assign only a limited role to al-Aṣbagh in his father’s administration, and the HP is likely inflating al-Aṣbagh’s power to facilitate the negative depiction of him. While the HP describes ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz as a “lover of Christians,” it calls his son alAṣbagh, “a hater of Christians, a shedder of blood, a wicked man,” who “did not shrink from any cruelty that he could inflict upon the Christians like a fierce lion.” 89 The HP then goes on to describe how al-Aṣbagh befriended a Christian deacon named Benjamin, whom he is said to have loved above all his companions. Benjamin supposedly taught al-Aṣbagh the secrets of the Christians, which the young prince sought to use against the Copts. He is also described as being highly critical of the monks, and that he sent one Yazīd to mutilate the monks in all the provinces; al-Aṣbagh is also credited with imposing the poll-tax on the monks and banning the induction of any new monks. 90 In addition to imposing the poll-tax on monks, al-Aṣbagh is accused of forcing laymen, priests and a number of Christian elites to convert to Islam. The HP describes how al-Aṣbagh was struck down dead by God following a visit to the “Monastery of Ḥulwān,” where he spat on a picture of the Virgin Mary and swore an oath that he would rid Egypt of Christians. 91 Why al-Aṣbagh is demonized and his father is praised is unclear. It is possible that it reflects a tension between father and son over the place of Christians in the empire; it may also represent a later addition to the HP, intended to soften the enigmatic praise of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in the text by demonizing his son. The change in the HP’s tone toward Muslim rulers continues into the reign of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik, who is described as a man of “evil deeds” who is tempted by Satan and who “made inHP I, 3: 305. “Now this tax of the infidel al-Aṣbagh was the first poll-tax paid by the monks.” Ibid., 3: 305. 91 Ibid., 3: 305 f. 89 90

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 153 struments with which to torture people.” 92 The HP writes how “great sadness and misery and sighing” filled the province because of ʿAbd Allāh, who went so far as to deny burial to all those who had taxes in arrears. Qurra b. Sharīk, who ruled after ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik, is said to have “caused great trials among the churches and the monks” and the HP describes how he boarded up the patriarchal residence and seized the books and riches that lay within. The HP also describes how Qurrah tortured the companions of the patriarch “till their blood flowed on the ground.” What is clear from the above reports is that the treatment of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz in the Christian sources varies greatly from his successors. This stark contrast certainly speaks to his intimate relationship with the patriarchs of his day, and the legitimacy he gained in the eyes of the Copts through his support of the church.

THE MONASTIC POLL-TAX

During the period of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s rule in Egypt, we see for the first time the Muslim government and the Coptic Church exercising more direct control over the monasteries of Egypt. Legally speaking, monasteries during this period were privately owned by their spiritual heads, 93 and thus most monasteries were largely independent from the church, although there was overlap in membership between monks and clergymen. During the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, however, the authority of the patriarch and of the Coptic Church greatly increases, largely due to its increased proximity to the Muslim government. Prior to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, there were no metropolitan bishops of any sort in Egypt, and it is only during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, when bishops and patriarchs begin residing at Ḥulwān, that we see the emergence of metropolitan bishops. In the Life of Isaac, bishops Gregory of Kays and John of Nikiou are described as the apotritês of Lower and Upper Egypt. This term, previously unknown in Coptic, may be derived from the Greek word epiterêtês, meaning “guardian” or “observer,” which likely refers to an archiepiscopal 92 93

Ibid., 3: 309. See A. Arthur Schiller, Ten Coptic Legal Texts (New York, 1931).

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delegation. 94 Whatever the exact origin of the term, it seems to indicate that Gregory and John were given quasi-metropolitan status. Similarly, prior to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, the Church exerted little control over monastic communities. Clergy rarely interfered in the affairs of monks, and monasteries were largely autonomous institutions. 95 In fact, the farms, workshops, churches and residences were, legally speaking, the private property of the monastic head. 96 That said, during the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, John of Nikiu, the apotritês of Upper Egypt, was appointed administrator of the monasteries, a position that was unprecedented in Egypt. 97 It was also during the patriarchate of Isaac that the Council of One Hundred, a Monophysite synod that disbanded under Chalcedonian oppression, reconvened in Alexandria for the first time in decades. The growing authority of the Coptic Church went hand in hand with the cooperative relationship it had with ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. With two Monophysite Christians heading his chancery and other major posts being filled by Monophysite families, the fortunes of the indigenous Coptic Church improved. 98 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz certainly had a goal in mind when he began appointing patriarchs and showing the Coptic Church favor. In return for the increased privilege shown to the Coptic Church, not only did he expect their support in controlling the local population, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz must have also sought their support in his greatest initiative vis-à-vis the Coptic population—the imposition of the poll-tax on monks. 99 This new See Mena of Nikiou, Life of Isaac, 89 n. 96. The only time we see bishops involving themselves in monastic affairs is during times of conflict or gross misconduct, and the only punitive measure available to them was to deny monks the Eucharist. 96 See John Thomas et al. (eds) Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents: Complete Translation of the Surviving Founders’ Typika and Testaments (Washington, D.C., 2000). 97 John was eventually removed from office for beating a monk to death after the monk had raped a village girl. See Mena of Nikiou, Life of Isaac, 26 f. 98 Mikhail, From Byzantine to Islamic Egypt, 43 f. 99 Sijpesteijn describes the imposition of the poll-tax on monks as lasting “for a short period.” See Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State, 99. Dan94 95

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 155 tax was certainly controversial, as monks had previously been exempt from the head tax imposed upon non-Muslims, largely due to their spiritual status, but during his reign the new tax saw little resistance, likely due to the legitimizing support of the Coptic Church and the patriarch. The account of the introduction of the poll-tax in the History of the Patriarchs negatively credits al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz with introducing the poll tax. The text writes of how al-Aṣbagh was made ruler of Egypt while his father was still alive, perhaps in preparation for his future succession. While History of the Patriarchs is kind and positive in its depiction of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, the text defames al-Aṣbagh and paints him as a cruel and Christian hating ruler who harsly oppressed monks with the new poll-tax. And he did not shrink from any cruelly that he could inflict upon the Christians.…he sent one of his trusted friends, named Yazīd, accompanied by another, and mutilated all the monks in all the provinces and in Wādī Ḥabīb and on Mount Jarād and in other places. And he laid a poll-tax upon them of one dinar from each individual, and commanded that they should make no more monks after those whom he mutilated. Now this tax of the infidel Al-Asbagh was the first poll-tax paid by the monks. 100

We read in al-Kindī how al-Aṣbagh acted as his father’s deputy when he went to Alexandria, but there is no evidence in the Arabic sources that he ruled the province. 101 In fact, al-Aṣbagh died a month before his father, and thus when ʿAbd al-ʿAziz died, he appointed his brother, ʿUmar b. Marwān, as the new amīr of Egypt. 102 While al-Aṣbagh was certainly involved in his father’s administration, the initiative of the poll-tax must have down from ʿAbd aliel C. Dennet, Conversion and the Poll Tax in Early Islam (Edinburgh, 1950), 80 f; Kōsei Morimoto, The Fiscal Administration of Egypt in the Early Islamic Period (Dohosha, 1981), 115. 100 HP I, 3: 306. 101 al-Kindī, 41. 102 Al-Aṣbagh died in Rabīʿa al-thānī 86/ April, 705, while ʿAbd alʿAziz died a month later in Jumāda al-awwal 86/ April, 705. See al-Kindī, 43.

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ʿAzīz, but for some reason the text of the History of Patriarchs actively avoids besmirching the memory of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, and thus alAṣbagh is made the whipping boy of the text. The information about al-Aṣbagh seems to come after the consecration of Patriarch Alexander II in 86/705, which took place at the end of ʿAbd alʿAzīz’s reign. In fact, after the consecreation of Alexander II, HP mentions nothing else about ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz other than his death. Interestingly, al-Aṣbagh died a few months before his father, and since the consecration of Alexander II took place in the very last days of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s life, the description of al-Aṣbagh seems chronologically out of place, and may represent a polemical addition from a later period, when the Coptic-Muslim relations had deteriorated. The Arabic texts have much less to say about the monastic poll-tax; for instance, in al-Kindī, the most detail we get about ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s tax policy is that he was the first to institute a census in Egypt. 103 While the literary evidence for the monastic polltax is limited, we have dozens of undated poll-tax receipts, some written for tax paying monks, that can be closely dated to the tenure of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. While most of these receipts come in the form of undated ostraca, their provenance, script and form all suggest they are from the late 7th century. 104 In addition to the imposition of the poll-tax, we also have strong evidence that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s administration was closely monitoring the finances and populations of monasteries. Proof of this is seen in the use of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s official protocols on monastic documents as far south as Thebes for mundane matters, such payments and donations. This suggests that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s administration had imposed new administrative rules on monasteries according to which their records had to be kept for inspection by government authorities. Such transparency would have allowed ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s government to know exactly how many monks a al-Kindī, 40. Elizabeth Stefanski and Miriam Lichtheim (eds.), Coptic Ostraca from Medinet Habu (Chicago, 1952); Crum and White, The Monastery of Epiphanius at Thebes: Part II; W.E. Crum and G. Steindorff, Koptische Rechtsurkunden des achten Jahrhunderts aus Djéme (Theben), (Leipzig, 1971). 103 104

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 157 monastery housed, and how much money it was bringing in from its land and labor. In the 1939 publication of Walter Crum, Varia Coptica, there are a number of texts that we can, with great certainty, dated to the reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. The most prominent of these texts, BMOr 9536, is from southern Egypt, from the city of Jeme, which sat on the outskirts of Thebes. 105 There are a number unique features about this papyrus that give a strong glimpse at the extent of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s control over the monasteries of his province, even those in the farthest southern reaches of the Nile. This papyrus comes from a monastery in Jeme, and is written on behalf of two men as an application for admission into a monastic congregation. 106 The papyrus contains two separate texts, and the document appears to have been part of the official dossier of these monks. On the verso is the application for admission, in which the two men swear to remain and submit to the rules of the monastic community. On the recto there is a second document, which reads like an incident report, in which the monk John, who was one of the applicants of the first text, admits to having allowed an outsider into his dwelling without permission. The monk John is allowed to stay in the community, despite his transgression, and he swears to abide by the rules, or otherwise be cast out. The text contains a number of features that are a clear demonstration that this particular monastery was under the close eye of the Muslim government, and that its records, finances and rosters were subject to official inspection. Firstly, this papyrus bears the protocol of the Muslim government, including the bismillāh and the name of the amīr, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. Secondly, this text contains an oath in which the signatories swear “by God Almighty and the weal of our Lords and the prayers of our holy fathers.” This oath, which first appears at the end of the 7th century, perhaps as a result of the policies of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, is a clear reference to the Muslim government. Whether this oath, along with the protocol, was an administrative mandate for monastic records, is unclear. What is clear, however, is that this particular monastery had a rec105 106

Crum, Varia Coptica (Aberdeen, 1939), 9 f. Ibid., 9.

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ord keeping system that strongly suggests that their files were to be inspected by agents of the Muslim government. This appears to be a top down record keeping system, which was likely related to the census and the new monastic poll-tax that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz initiated; why else would the monasteries use official state protocols for their records? Another monastic papyrus bearing the protocol of ʿAbd alʿAzīz was published in 1932 by Arthur Schiller in Ten Coptic Legal Texts and similarly demonstrates Muslim oversight of monastic finances. 107 The papyrus was written on behalf of a monk named Moses, who lived in the monastery of Apa Paulos in Jeme, and is dated to the year 698 CE. 108 When Moses joined the monastic community, he put 20 holokottinos (Roman solidi) in the care of the superiors of the monastery, and when his son Theodoros joined the monastery at a later date, seven holokottinos were returned to Moses. The remaining 13 holokottinos, Moses gave to the monastery as a charitable donation, and the document that survives is a covenant releasing the monastery of any obligation of having to repay the money. This document, called an amerimneia (freedom from care), bears an official state protocol with the name of ʿAbd alʿAzīz, as well as an oath formula that references the Muslim government: “I swear by God Almighty and the weal of our lords and the angelic life which is now mine and the fearful tribunal of Christ.” 109 Later in the document, a second oath appears, which also makes mention of the Muslim government: I swear unto every holy magistrate, whether God-fearing bishop or God-fearing judge, who shall examine this document and who shall read what is written within it, by the holy con-

Schiller, Ten Coptic Legal Texts, 19 ff. Ibid., 9 f. 109 Ibid., 23. In 703 CE, five years after the release, another document was written on behalf of Moses in which the three holokottinos of the previous document are being returned to him and bestowed upon his son Theodoros, who by that point had left the monastic life. Ibid., 30 ff. 107 108

6. THE AMĪR, THE PATRIARCH AND CITY OF ḤULWĀN 159 substantial Trinity and the health of our lords and the fearful tribunal of Christ where all creation shall be arraigned. 110

We see a similar oath in two protective promises written in Jeme and dated close to reign of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. These two papyri, BMOr 9526 and BMOr 9529, are written by agents of the Muslim government to particular monasteries after they paid their taxes. In these documents, the government agents promise that the monks will be allowed to remain unmolested in their “holy place,” and that no more taxes would be levied on them for that tax cycle. The government signatories then swear “by God Almighty and the weal of our Lords and the prayers of the holy fathers” that it is incumbent upon them to observe the authority of the document. These documents demonstrate a widespread pattern of monasteries keeping their records on papyrus bearing the official letter head of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, in addition to containing an oath of allegiance to the Muslim government. This initiative was a major undertaking, and demonstrates the growing power of the Muslim government over the inner workings of the most important Coptic institution at the time. Fascinatingly, there appears to have been no backlash at this level of minute control, suggesting that the amīr’s relationship with the patriarch and the Coptic religious establishment was strong enough for him to be able to pursue such a policy. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s reasons for carving out a space for himself within the sacred landscape of Egypt were twofold. First, he sought to expand the religious credentials of his reign in the eyes of the Muslim population. His second goal was to expand his authority over the Coptic religious establishment so to aid in his attempts at administrative and fiscal expansion. In this pursuit, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz persuaded the patriarch and a number of bishops to relocate to Ḥulwān, and their presence in the new capital served to legitimize ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s reign and policies. By centralizing ecclesiastical and monastic authority in the hands of his appointees, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was able to draw the Coptic Church into his direct sphere of influence, and use it as partner for expanding state control over the people and resources of Egypt. 110

Ibid., 4.

CHAPTER 7. CONCLUSION: THE LEGACY OF ʿABD AL-ʿAZĪZ IBN MARWĀN Through appointments, patronage, property investments and marriage alliances, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was able to expand upon the legitimacy of his mother’s lineage and integrate himself into the Arabian tribal milieu of Egypt, and thereby build a formidable power base that was independent of the amīr al-muʾminīn. In addition to tribal legitimacy, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz sought to give his administration a religious mandate by associating his rule with Egypt’s prophetic past. In this pursuit, he established a new settlement in the midst of the Egyptian holy land and sought to co-opt the indigenous Coptic Church by favoring them over the Melkites and by appointing patriarchs, whom he persuaded to reside in Ḥulwān. With the religious legitimacy that he acquired through his patronage of the Coptic Church, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was able to rule Egypt peacefully, while at the same time expanding his control over the monasteries of Egypt and gaining further access to their wealth through the imposition of the poll-tax. As for his position vis-à-vis his brother, the amīr al-muʾminīn ʿAbd al-Malik, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz is best described as a confederate of the amīr al-muʾminīn. ʿAbd al-Malik stood as primus inter pares, enjoying prestige over his brother, but not direct authority. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz recognized the status of ʿAbd al-Malik as amīr al-muʾminīn, but he suffered little interference by his brother into the affairs of his province. Appointed as heir apparent and amīr of Egypt due to the legitimacy of his mother’s royal Kalbī lineage, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz came to represent the political hopes of the Yamānī coalition. With the tribal support that his maternal lineage brought him, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was able to forestall his brother’s attempts to remove him from the heir apparencey. Additionally, his status and standing among the 161

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Yamānī tribes of Egypt enabled him to rule the province independent of the amīr al-muʾminīn. Such is evident in the fact that only his name appeared on the protocols of Egypt, and only his muṣḥaf, and not that of his brother, was read in the mosques of Egypt. After ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s death, however, ʿAbd al-Malik seized control of Egypt and sent his son, ʿAbd Allāh, to “wipe out every trace of his uncle” and institute the Arabicizing, centralizing and Islamicizing reforms that had already been introduced elsewhere in the empire. The feud between ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and ʿAbd al-Malik was the first great intra-Umayyad competition for leadership, one whose events would resonate into successive generations. The story of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and ʿAbd al-Malik is repeated in the next generation of Marwānid rulers, when the amīr al-muʾminīn al-Walīd b. ʿAbd alMalik (86–96/705–715) wanted to modify his father’s succession arrangement and remove his brother, Sulaymān b. ʿAbd al-Malik (r. 96–99/715–717), from the heir apparency in favor of his own son, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Walīd (d. 110/728–9). It is likely that al-Walīd thought he could get away with replacing Sulaymān without angering the Yamānī tribal block, due to the fact that ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Walīd’s mother, Umm Banīn, was the daughter of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Marwān. As the grandson of both ʿAbd al-Malik and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, al-Walīd likely thought his son could garner enough support from both Yamānī and Qaysī elites to back him over Sulaymān. Sulaymān, however, in a manner similar to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, was able to resist his brother’s desire to remove him as heir apparent with the deterring support of an independent, provincial power base of Yamānī supporters. 1 Sulaymān had constructed al-Ramla, his new capital, as a base for his Yamānī allies, and it came to replace Caesarea as the provincial capital of Palestine. This new capiKennedy, Age of the Caliphates, 105; Luz, “The Construction of an Islamic City in Palestine,” 33. For similarities between al-Ramla and ʿAnjar in Baqāʾ of Lebanon and Ayla at the head of the Red Sea, see D. Whitcomb, “Evidence of the Umayyad period from the ʿAqaba excavation,” in The Fourth International Conference on the History of Bilad al-Sham During the Umayyad Period, II, eds. M.A. Bakhit and Robert Schick (Amman, 1989), 175. For the Arabic tradition concerning the founding of al-Ramla, see alJahshiyārī, Kitāb al-wuzarāʾ, 91 ff. 1

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tal was centered around a new grand mosque, which was built with marble columns taken from the church of St. George of Lydda, so to “compete with the Jerusalem and Damascus mosques by adorning the Muslim house of worship in al-Ramla with rich and decorated columns.” 2 Al-Ramla was founded as a new political and religious center, and attempts to sacralize this city were likely first made soon after its founding. 3 For instance, there is a tradition preserved in al-Jahshiyārī, which identifies al-Ramla as the high plain (rabwa) mentioned in the Qur’ān (Q. 23:50). 4 In many ways, the founding of al-Ramla mirrors that of Ḥulwān in Egypt, for both capitals served as symbols of the power and authority of two heir apparents under fire. 5 Sulaymān spent a decade as the amīr of Palestine and heir apparent, and when he became amīr al-muʾminīn in 96/715, he continued to reside at al-Ramla amongst his Yamānī allies. 6 Sulaymān would only rule as amīr al-muʾminīn for two years, and upon his deathbed he appointed the son of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, Umar II, as amīr al-muʾminīn. The appointment of ʿUmar II is the most intriguing aspect of Sulaymān’s reign, for the passing off of the ruling torch to a collateral branch of the Marwānids stood against the dynastic tradition envisioned by ʿAbd al-Malik. 7 The ascension of ʿUmar II has puzzled modern scholars, who have had difficulty explaining why Sulaymān would break the dynastic line of his father and appoint his cousin over his brother, particularly since his brother Hishām b. ʿAbd al-Malik would sucGuidetti, “Sacred Topography in Medieval Syria,” 356. See Luz, “The Construction of an Islamic City in Palestine,” 33. AlJahshiyārī writes that Sulaymān was competing with his relatives who were building their prestige by building great mosques and settlements. See Jahshiyārī, Kitāb al-wuzarāʾ, 92. 4 Bacharach, “Marwanid Building Activities,” 28. 5 See Luz, “The Construction of an Islamic City in Palestine,” 48; Jahshiyārī, Kitāb al-wuzarāʾ, 91 f. 6 See Luz, “The Construction of an Islamic City in Palestine,” 33. 7 See Ibn Saʿd, V, 246–9; Ṭabarī (1), II, 1341–5; C.E. Bosworth, “Rajāʾ ibn Ḥaywa al-Kindy and the Ummayd Caliphs,” Islamic Quarterly XVI (1972), 36–80; Bosworth, “Radjāʾ b. Ḥaywa,” EI2. 2 3

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ceed ʿUmar II as amīr al-muʾminīn. The image painted of ʿUmar II in the Arabic sources is that of a pious reformer, and it is easy to understand his appointment in light of this narrative. Gerald Hawting describes the reign of ʿUmar II as “unusual” and “somewhat puzzling” and credits the “shadowy religious figure,” Rajāʾ b. Ḥaywa, with convincing Sulaymān to appoint ʿUmar II. 8 Rajāʾ was a mawlā of the tribe of Kinda, who was of either Nabatean or Aramaean origins. Likely raised in or near Palestine, he was a spiritual figure in the court of ʿAbd al-Malik, who later became a leading figure in Sulaymān’s administration. Rajāʾ had worked alongside ʿUmar II in Sulaymān’s court, and while he was certainly involved in the selection of ʿUmar II, the succession could not have been solely the result of Rajāʾ’s personal preference. Sulaymān, perhaps more than any other Marwānid to date, was closely allied with the Yamānī tribal block, particularly in light of his brother’s desire to remove him as heir. These tribes were major backers of his short reign, and when he was dying, they likely championed him to appoint ʿUmar II, whose father, ʿAbd alʿAzīz, had carried the political hopes of the Yamānī tribes for over 20 years. With his brother and father dead, ʿUmar II inherited his father’s place as the head of his branch of the Marwānids—the branch that was originally slated to pass on the title of amīr almuʾminīn. It is because of the legitimacy and support that ʿUmar inherited that ʿAbd al-Malik tried to placate him by appointing him the amīr of Medina. In that same vein, ʿAbd al-Malik likely offered ʿUmar his daughter’s hand in marriage in the hope of pacifying his nephew so he would not challenge the successorship of al-Walīd and Sulaymān. The election of ʿUmar, then, may be a simple matter, for he was likely appointed by his first cousin Sulaymān at the behest of his Yamānī supporters. Rather than seeing ʿUmar’s reign as the result of the plotting of a “shadowy figure” like Rajāʾ b. Ḥaywa— or as a result of his extraordinary piety—it is more profitable to look to him as the successor of the political and religious charisma of his father. The legacy of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz certainly extended be8

Hawting, First Arab Dynasty, 72.

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yond his lifetime; and the legitimacy of his mother’s royal Kalbī lineage and the political capital he earned among the Yamānī tribal block reached down to his son. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Marwān never became amīr al-muʾminīn, but the seeds he sowed in Egypt bore their fruit in the reign of his son, ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz.

EXCURSUS: BEYOND EGYPT: THE LEGITIMATION OF BISHR IBN MARWĀN (D. 75/694) The career of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz forces us to reconsider the nature of both caliphal and provincial authority in the early Marwānid period. What we have learned from our analysis of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz is that even after the Second Civil War, if a provincial amīr enjoyed enough prestige, charisma and tribal support, said amīr could rule in great independence from the amīr al-muʾminīn. In the case of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, we saw how he was able to reject aspects of the administrative and numismatic reforms of ʿAbd al-Malik, all the while pursuing policies aimed at publicly legitimizing his administration and promoting his cult of personality. While it took some years for western scholarship to recognize that ʿAbd al-Malik enjoyed little widespread recognition as caliph during the first half of his reign, scholars continue to aggrandize his post civil war career, particularly in terms of his control over the provinces. It is too often assumed that after the defeat of the Zubayrids, ʿAbd al-Malik’s status as the sole amīr al-muʾminīn suddenly afforded him absolute control over the provinces, many of which were controlled by his agnates. 1 But as we saw in Egypt, just as ʿAbd al-Malik’s authority as amīr al-muʾminīn took time to develop over the Muslim population as a whole, so too did his authority over his relatives and the provincial administrations they controlled. In the immediate aftermath of the Second Civil War, the majority of the Muslim empire was ruled by three of ʿAbd al-Malik’s 1

Robinson, ʿAbd al-Malik, 45–47.

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brothers and one of his uncles. Egypt and North Africa were controlled by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Marwān from 65–86/685–705. Muḥammad b. Marwān (d. 101/719–720) invaded Armenia in 65/685 at the behest of their father Marwān, and he would later rule the northern provinces of Armenia, Jazīra and Azarbaijan from 73–91/692–709. 2 Bishr b. Marwān was appointed amīr of Kufa and Basra in 73/692, and he would rule Iraq until his death in 75/694. Medina was controlled by ʿAbd al-Malik’s uncle, Yaḥyā b. alḤakam b. Abī al-ʿĀṣ, from 73–75/692–694, until he was replaced by Abān b. ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān, ʿAbd al-Malik’s cousin, who ruled Medina from 75–82/694–701. Two other brothers of ʿAbd alMalik, ʿUmar and Abān, also had roles in the empire, although very little is known about them. ʿUmar b. Marwān resided in Egypt with ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, where he was likely involved in his brother’s administration, as evidenced by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s appointment of ʿUmar as the amīr of Egypt before his death. 3 ʿUmar, however, was almost immediately forced out of office by ʿAbd al-Malik and replaced by ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik in 86/705, who would rule Egypt until 91/709. Abān b. Marwān, who was Marwān’s son with the daughter of his half brother, ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān, and he is reported to have been the amīr of Palestine for a time. 4 If ʿAbd al-Malik had difficulty exercising authority in Egypt due to the fact that it was ruled by his brother and heir, what was the power dynamic like between the caliph and his other agnate 46F

Most scholars date Muḥammad’s career in Armenia from 73 AH, when he was appointed amīr of the super province of the north. But he was originally sent to Armenia in 65 by Marwān. “In year 65 Marwān sent Muḥammad to Mesopotamia, that being before he himself set out for Egypt.” Ṭabarī (2), XX, 175; Stuart D. Sears, “Before Caliphal Coins: Transitional Drahms of the Umayyad North,”American Journal of Numismatics 15 (2003), 79. 3 Kindī, 55–58. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz bestowed property onto ʿUmar b. Marwān. See Ibid., 98, 113. ʿUmar’s name appears in an administrative papyrus. See P. Aphrodito 1447. 4 Robinson, ʿAbd al-Malik, 45. Abān was the son of Marwān and Umm Abān bt. ‘Uthmān b. ‘Affān, who was Marwān’s his half-niece (ʿUthmān was Marwān’s half brother). 2

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amīrs, men who likely saw themselves as future contenders for the caliphate? As we saw in the earlier discussion of Egypt, too often are the careers of early provincial governors seen as extensions of ʿAbd al-Malik’s, and the complexity of their policies and authority is given little attention. But if we begin to consider the careers of these other princely amīrs in light of what we have learned about ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and his feud with ʿAbd al-Malik over the succession, we will begin to see that competition between ʿAbd al-Malik and his agnates was a salient feature of the post civil war period. Not only was ʿAbd al-Malik competing with the memory of the Zubayrids and the threat of Byzantium in the second half of his reign, but he was also competing with his brothers, who were enlisting propaganda to increase their own legitimacy and prestige as provincial rulers and potential successors. While it is beyond the scope of this work to detail all the careers of the many agnates of ʿAbd al-Malik, we will attempt to expand upon what we have learned from the career of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz and turn our attentions to the career of Bishr b. Marwān, whose ambition for the caliphate left a lasting mark on Islamic history.

THE ORANS DRACHM OF BISHR IBN MARWĀN

Bishr b. Marwān was appointed by ʿAbd al-Malik the amīr of Kufa and Basra 73/691–92, after the Marwānid defeat of the Zubayrids. 5 Bishr had previously held an administrative position in Egypt in the late 60’s, and it is likely that at some point he held a post in Syria, as suggested by a coin weight bearing his name. 6 Bishr’s tenure as amīr of Iraq was brief, and in 75/694, he died of an unknown illness after only a few years in office; but during his short career, Bishr made his mark on history by becoming the first Muslim ruler to display his own image on a precious metal coin. Bishr was either appointed in 72 or 73 over Kufa, and over Basra he was either appointed in 73 or 74. See Ṭabarī (2), XXI, 212, 234; Treadwell, “The Orans Drachm,” 225, n. 6. 6 See Miles, “A Byzantine Bronze Weight in the Name of Bishr b. Marwān,” 113–118. 5

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This new coinage type, known as the Orans drachm, represented one of the most unique stages of the Arab-Sassanian coinage tradition, for rather than simply adding to the obverse margins as did previous Muslim rulers, Bishr completely redesigned the reverse of the coin and introduced an entirely new image. This image, which replaced the Sassanian iconography of a Zoroastrian fire altar, depicted a man standing with his arms raised above his shoulders (i.e. in the orans fashion), flanked on either side by an attendant. 7 The central figure of Bishr’s coinage represents a Muslim prayer leader (imām) in the midst of giving a Friday sermon (khuṭba), and the two attendants symbolize his audience. The obverse of the coin continued to bear the bust of the Sassanian shāhanshāh (king of kings), though in the margins were added an Arabic version of the shahāda, a custom began by the Zubayrids and expanded by the Marwānids. In the initial year of its production, some issues of the Orans drachm included the name Bishr b. Marwān written below the reverse image in Arabic. The close association of Bishr’s name with the iconography of the reverse is a clear indication that the central figure of the triad was meant to represent Bishr himself. 8 Bishr’s name, written in Pahlavi, also appeared on the obverse of the coin. In addition to the close association of Bishr’s name with the orans image, there are a number of ḥadīth that further his connection to the image, as they credit Bishr with purveying the custom of the khaṭīb raising his hands during the Friday khuṭba.

ʿAqūlā is the Aramaic name for the pre-Islamic town of near to Kufa. Treadwell, “The ‘Orans’ Drachms,” 226. 8 Treadwell, “The ‘Orans’ Drachms,” 254. Hoyland and Foss both argue that whenever a name accompanies an image, the name can be taken as identifying the image. See Robert Hoyland, “Writing the Biography of the Prophet Muhammad: Problems and Solutions,” History Compass 5/2 (2007), 593–6; Foss, “Anomalous Arab-Byzantine coins—some problems and suggestions,” Oriental Society Numismatic Newsletter 166 (2001), 9; Clive Foss, Arab-Byzantine Coins, 67–69; Schulze and Schulze, “The Standing Caliph Coins of al-Jazira,” 343 f. 7

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Bishr ibn Marwān was delivering the Friday khuṭba and was raising both his hands as a lecturer would do. Umarah was present for the khuṭba and objected to the action of Bishr. Umarah stated that he witnessed the Prophet of God delivering the khuṭba and he did not raise both his hands, rather, at most, he would indicate by lifting his index finger. 9

Bishr’s connection with adopting the orans pose during the Friday sermon is another indication that the Orans image was meant to represent Bishr himself. Bishr seems to have taken a great interest in the ritual life of Iraq, and there is a ḥadīth that credits him with introducing the calling of the two adhāns during the two eids. 10 The rituals of congregational prayers were still being formulated at this time, and Bishr’s interest in innovating and standardizing public praxis is a clear sign that he saw himself as a religious authority in Kufa. Bishr’s attempts to develop close relations with the ʿulamā of Kufa by conferring upon them monetary gifts was another way in which he sought to increase his influence in religious matters. 11 Bishr was attempting to become an active religious leader in Iraq, and as such, the design of the Orans image would have been quite a fitting inauguration.

For a complete list of all versions of this tradition, see Treadwell, “The ‘Orans’ Drachm,” 250. 10 Balādhurī, Ansāb, VI, 316; for a complete list of all versions of this tradition, see Treadwell, “The ‘Orans’ Drachms,” 250. 11 Ibid., 316. 9

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Image 8: Bishr Orans (1) ANS [1975.270.1]

Building religious legitimacy was crucial to Bishr’s success in Iraq, particularly since it had become the most sectarian of all the provinces and was prone to apocalyptic, religious discord. It behooved Bishr to follow in the footsteps of the Zubayrids before him, who tried to increase their standing in Iraq by adding the shahāda and other religious supplications to Arab-Sassanian coinage. 12 Even Bishr’s adoption of the Orans pose may have been part of his attempt to mimic the Zubayrids, for the raising of the two hands during the khuṭba was practiced by a Zubayrid official in Iraq, ʿUbayd Allāh b. ʿUbayd Allāh b. Maʿmar al-Taymī, in addition to Marwān and ʿAbd al-Malik. 13 In the wake of the civil war, Marwānid amīrs similarly began to actively develop their public piety, so to stabilize and increase their hold on power. This is evident in ʿAbd al-Malik’s building of the Dome of the Rock, as well as in ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s efforts to develop close relations with the Coptic Church. We see the same trend during the imāra of Bishr b. Marwān, and upon his appointment to Iraq, he promptly began his campaign to increase his religious legitimacy, and at the center of this pursuit was the Orans drachm. See Sears, “The Legitimation of al-Ḥakam b. Al-ʿĀṣ: Umayyad Government in Seventh Century Kirman,” 5–25. 13 Treadwell, “The Orans Drachm,” 249–252. 12

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In 1952, Walker posited that the central figure of the Orans image represented either Bishr or ʿAbd al-Malik. 14 Others have interpreted Bishr’s image in light of the numismatic tradition of Late Antiquity, in which the imperial figures of coinage were intended as generalized representations, rather than depictions of specific historical personages. Within this view, it has been suggested that the Orans image was derived from the Heraclean imperial triad coinage, which ʿAbd al-Malik had previously reworked, and thus Bishr’s coin has been understood as a part of his brother’s efforts to repurpose Byzantine iconography to legitimize his reign. 15 Treadwell, who has thus far laid out the most detailed study of Bishr’s coinage, argued that the Orans drachm was designed to compete with the memory of the Zubayrids, and thus served as a declaration that the Marwānids were now in control of the religious affairs of the Muslim community. In his model, the shahāda of the obverse was the focus of the coin’s iconography, and the reverse image was a secondary feature that likely represented the office of the Marwānid khaṭīb. 16 While the connections Treadwell builds between the Orans and the memory of the Zubayrids are insightful, I question his inclination that the Orans figure represented the office of the Marwānid khaṭīb, rather than Bishr himself. Such an interpretation is based upon the notion that Bishr was following the Late Antique model of coinage depicting generalized figures, something Bishr’s name below the reverse image would argue against. This generalized interpretation of the Orans image also assumes that Bishr minted coinage as an agent of the caliph, and that he designed the coin in conjunction with ʿAbd al-Malik, rather than independently. But if Bishr did mint the Orans coin in cooperation with his brother as part of a larger Marwānid numismatic campaign, why don’t we see the Orans image being used in Syria, or in other parts of the empire? Or conversely, why don’t we see images created by ʿAbd al-Malik, such as the Standing Caliph, being used in Iraq by Bishr? This lack of numismatic overlap between the two John Walker, “Some New Arab-Sassanian coins,” Numismatic Chronicle 12 (1952), 107. 15 Ibid., 107. 16 Treadwell, “The ‘Orans’ Drachms,” 246. 14

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brothers would suggest that ʿAbd al-Malik had no control over the coinage of Iraq until after the death of Bishr, and that the Orans drachm was designed to garner legitimacy for Bishr, and not the dynasty as a whole. A major crux in interpreting whether the Orans image was meant to represent Bishr, ʿAbd al-Malik or the office of the Marwānid khaṭīb lies in how one deals with the issue of Bishr’s name appearing in the legend below the Orans triad in the first year of the coin’s production. Treadwell writes that the close association of Bishr’s name with the Orans image was, “a presumptuous action, even for a brother of the caliph,” and that it was likely due to its perceived impudence in the eyes of ʿAbd al-Malik that Bishr removed his name from the reverse in subsequent years. The discontinuation of Bishr’s name below the Orans image coincided with a major change to the robe of the central figure of the triad. In the second year of production, Bishr borrowed the design pattern found on the long shoulder band worn by the Standing Caliph of ʿAbd al-Malik’s coinage, and incorporated it into the robes of the Orans figure. 17 This shoulder band was likely based upon the Byzantine loros, which was a metal and jeweled side band that hung from the shoulder, and down to the ankles, and was part of the Byzantine imperial costume. The loros was worn only by members of the imperial family, and ʿAbd al-Malik likely adopted it as a sign of his authority in former Byzantine lands. The transference of the pattern of the Standing Caliph’s loros to the robe of the Orans image was interpreted by Treadwell as being part of a process by which the Orans figure was disassociated from Bishr and reconfigured to represent the caliph. 18 This interpretation implies that the first minting of the coin offended ʿAbd al-Malik, and that he forced Bishr to change the image and its identification. But if this were the case, why wasn’t the title amīr almuʾminīn or khalīfat allāh added to the image, as it was to the Standing Caliph dinars and drachms? If the Orans image needed to be reconfigured to represent the caliph, adding one of these titles, 17 18

Treadwell, “The ‘Orans’ Drachms,” 238–240. Ibid., 237 f, 254.

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which were being used on the coinage of Syria, would have been the easiest and clearest way to re-identify the image. The removal of Bishr’s name from the reverse doesn’t preclude the possibility that the central figure of the Orans drachm continued to represent Bishr himself. Bishr was the first Muslim ruler to create an entirely new image for a coin, and the audacity of the Orans drachm and the controversy it caused made it likely that the public didn’t soon forget whom the image originally represented. The continued association of the Orans image with Bishr was also ensured by the continued circulation of coins minted with Bishr’s name below the image, in addition to the fact that his name remained on the obverse of the coin for all three years of production. Rather than seeing the addition of the loros pattern to the robe of the Orans image as marking its reconfiguration into a representation of the caliph or the caliphal office, it is possible that this new feature was added to mark Bishr’s membership in the ruling dynasty, and to serve as a visual representation of his caliphal potential. 19 The removal of Bishr’s name could thus have been a strategic choice, one in which he decided the loros pattern was a more effective piece of propaganda than the addition of his name below the Orans image, particularly since the latter was likely quite controversial. 20 The Orans coin represented a massive public image campaign, and it is evident from the large number of dies that have been identified that this coin was minted in very high volumes for all three years of its production. 21 One might expect a decrease in producIbid., 254. When discussing ʿAbd al-Malik’s short-term use of the title khalīfat allāh on the Standing Caliph coin, Crone and Hinds write: “The fact that it disappeared from the coinage does not mean that ʿAbd al-Malik repented of having called himself khalīfat allāh, but that he changed his mind regarding the kind of propaganda he wished the coinage to make.” Crone and Hinds, God’s Caliph, 11 n. 11. 21 Of 22 specimens, Treadwell was able to identify 19 obverse dies and 20 reverse dies. Treadwell, “The ‘Orans’ Drachms,” 228. Of the transitional Marwānid drachms, the Orans coin is the most common. See Ste19 20

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tion in favor of another coinage type if Bishr had been forced to change the identification of the image, but the consistency of production points to the stability of coin’s central iconographic message—that Bishr b. Marwān was the leading religious authority in Iraq. When Bishr minted the Orans coin, he, along with most of the Umayyad family, likely saw himself as a potential contender for the caliphate after ʿAbd al-Malik and ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz; and while history took a different path and Bishr died before he had a chance to stake his claim to the caliphate, a future succession was a likely possibility when Bishr minted the Orans drachm, and therefore we shouldn’t overlook the ambition inherent in the coin’s design. Let us recall that primogeniture was not an established tradition in the Islamic caliphate, and the succession of an agnate was by far the most common dynastic pathway in both the Umayyad and ʿAbbasid periods. Of the 12 successions that took place in the Umayyad caliphate, only three of them (25%) were from father to son, while the other nine successions (75%) saw the caliphate pass between brothers; brother and cousin; or uncle and nephew. The same trend is seen in the ʿAbbasid period, in which of the 25 total successions prior to the Buyid period, only eight of them (32%) were between father and son, while the remaining 17 (68%) were between agnates. Although ʿAbd al-Malik would eventually be directly succeeded by two of his sons, for the great majority of his career, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz was his successor, and for much of that time, it was likely that their other brothers, such as Bishr, actively aspired to the caliphate. 22

COURT POETRY AND THE AMBITIONS OF BISHR IBN MARWĀN

Some of the best evidence supporting our characterization of Bishr’s ambitions towards the succession comes in the form of ven Album and Tony Goodwin, Sylloge of Islamic coins in the Ashmolean, vol. 1 (London, 2002), 28. 22 ʿAbd al-Malik was the last Umayyad Caliph to be succeeded by a son.

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court poetry, for within the praise of poets we can catch a glimpse of the desires and aspirations of their patrons. The first poem we will look at was actually recited by Bishr to ʿAbd al-Malik soon after the latter’s succession to the caliphate. While this poem doesn’t directly mention Bishr’s caliphal hopes, it is one of the earliest insights we have into Bishr’s personality. In this poem, we learn that Bishr was piqued that he was being kept in Egypt with ʿAbd alʿAzīz; he felt his fortunes were being stifled in the distant province, and thus he said sarcastically to ʿAbd al-Malik: Do you give the benefit of spoils, except to me? And my saddle is among the most distant from you. The one who relieves you of me, will relieve my distress and increase my wealth. So if you took me there and carried my saddle to ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, I wouldn’t mind.

‫أﺗَﺠْ َﻌﻞ ﺻﺎﻟِﺢ اﻟ َﻐﻨ َِﻮي دُوﻧﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺣﺎل‬ َ ‫َو َرﺣْ ﻠﻲ ِﻣ ْﻨﻚَ أ ْﻗ‬ ِ ‫ﺼﻰ‬ ‫َﺳﯿُ ْﻐﻨِﻲ اﻟّﺬي أ ْﻏﻨﺎكَ ﻋﻨﻲ‬ ‫َوﯾَ ْﻔ َﺮ ُح ُﻛﺮْ ﺑَﺘﻲ َوﯾَﺮُبﱡ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫إذا أ ْﺑﻠَ ْﻐﺘَﻨﻲ َو َﺣ َﻤ ْﻠﺖَ َرﺣْ ﻠﻲ‬ ‫إﻟﻰ ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻌﺰﯾﺰ ﻓَ َﻤﺎ أﺑﺎﻟِﻲ‬

What we see in this anecdote is that Bishr was a forward character who felt he deserved a greater share of the spoils of the dynasty, and that he was not bashful about expressing himself. This poem may relate to the statement by Wāqidī that Bishr was appointed amīr of Kufa in 72 while the city was still under Zubayrid control. 23 Bishr’s premature appointment would suggest that he was promised control of Kufa by ʿAbd al-Malik before the end of the civil war, perhaps in part due to Bishr’s petitioning of his brother with the likes of the above poetry. But this is just one incident, and we must look deeper to get a better picture of Bishr. Perhaps the strongest line of poetry associated with Bishr’s desire for the caliphate comes in a poem by al-Aʿṣhā ibn Shaybān, 23

Ṭabarī (2), XXI, 212.

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in which the poet clearly and emphatically declares that Bishr should be the successor of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, calling him the third legatee (al-thālithu al-mūṣā ilayhi) of the dynasty to whom belongs the right to leadership (waṣiyya). 24 When your brother leaves to his brother his caliphate vacant, in good fortune, and not in bad, for you are the third one designated for it, the waṣiyya made by one who is resolute and not uncertain.

‫ك إﻟﻰ أﺧﯿﮫ‬ َ ‫إذا ﺧ َّﻼ أﺧﻮ‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ِ ْ‫ِﺧﻼﻓَﺘَﮫُ ﻟِ َﺴ ْﻌ ٍﺪ ﻏﯿﺮ ﻧَﺤ‬ ُ ِ‫ﻓﺄ ْﻧﺖَ اﻟﺜﺎﻟ‬ ‫ﺻﻰ إﻟﯿﮫ‬ َ ‫ﺚ اﻟ ُﻤﻮ‬ َ ‫ْﺲ‬ ِ ‫ﻏﯿﺮ ﻟﺒ‬ ِ ‫ﺣﺎز ٍم ﻓﻲ‬ ِ ‫َوﺻﯿّﺔ‬

This poem is unequivocal in its statement that Bishr is the rightful successor of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, and the wording of the verse makes the succession of Bishr seem almost inevitable. The prospect of Bishr’s future caliphate is mentioned in another poem by al-Aʿṣhā b. Shaybān, and in this second instance, Bishr’s succession is presented as being desired by Maʿdd, who was the ancestral father of the northern Arabs. By my life, night has set on Maʿdd, and when morning comes all of it loves you, oh Bishr ibn Marwān. It favors and hopes that you become the caliph, and all of it hopes for you in the world and religion. 25

ْ ‫ﺖ َﻣ َﻌ ّﺪاً وأﺻْ ﺒَ َﺤ‬ ْ ‫ﻟِ ُﻌ ْﻤﺮي ﻟِﻘَﺪ أ ْﻣ َﺴ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻚ ﯾﺎ ﺑِﺸﺮ اﺑﻦ ﻣﺮوان ﻛﻠّﮭﺎ‬ َ ‫ﺗُ ِﺤﺒﱡ‬ ً‫أن ﺗَﻜﻮنَ ﺧَﻠﯿﻔَﺔ‬ ْ ‫ﺗَﻤﻨﻲ وﺗﺮﺟﻮ‬ ‫ك ﻟﻠﺪُﻧﯿﺎ َوﻟﻠ ِﺪﯾﻦ ﺟُﻠّﮭﺎ‬ َ ‫وﺗَﺮﺟﻮ‬ Balādhurī, Ansāb, VI, 314; Treadwell, “The ‘Orans’ Drachms,” 246, n. 68. Treadwell mentions this poem by al-Aʿṣhā banī Shaybān, but he writes that Bishr “certainly did not create the Orans drachm” to make a claim to the caliphate. Ibid., 253 f. 25 Balādhurī, Ansāb, VI, 315. 24

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Ibn Qays al-Ruqayyāt, a former Zubayrid poet who would later become prominent in the court of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, also composed verse in support and praise of Bishr. While Ibn Qays does not directly mention the future succession of Bishr, he addresses him with the title of king (malik). 26 By calling Bishr malik, the poet is perhaps reflecting the reality that the authority of a Marwānid prince was greater than that of an ordinary amīr, and thus by calling Bishr the title of king, the poet is recognizing his status as part of the ruling house. The calling of Bishr malik is analogous to poets calling Muṣʿab b. al-Zubayr or ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz imām al-hudā (imām of guidance), for both are an acknowledgement of the special status of members of the ruling house, and a recognition of their elevated political and religious authority. 27 Take me to the land of Bishr, blame leaves you when your path ends with him, A king whose face is open to us, when we come to him the compensation is generous.

‫ﺑﺸﺮ‬ ٍ ‫أَ ْﻟ َﺤﻘﯿﻨﻲ ﺑِﻼد‬ ‫ﺧﻼك اﻟ َﺬ ﱡم إذ ُﺧﻠﱢﯿَﺖ إﻟﯿﮫ اﻟﺴﺒﯿﻞ‬ ِ ‫َﻣﻠِﻚ َوﺟﮭُﮫ طَﻠﯿﻖ إﻟﯿﻨﺎ‬ ‫ِﺣﯿﻦَ ﻧَﺄﺗِﻲ َواﻟﻌﻄﺎ ُء َﺟﺰﯾﻞ‬

The Christian poet al-Akhṭal (d. 710), who was a court poet for ʿAbd al-Malik and a number of other Umayyads, also recited praise for Bishr. In the following excerpt, al-Akhṭal describes how “the crown is noble upon” the head of Bishr; a similar reference to the crown of ʿAbd al-Malik is found in a poem recited by Ibn Qays. 28 The wearing of crowns or diadems was common among members of the Byzantine imperial family, and the description of how the crown was noble on Bishr’s head is another way of mentioning Bishr’s membership in the ruling family, as well as his caliphal potential. Ibn Qays, # 57 (v. 7), 145. Crone and Hinds, God’s Caliph, 34 n. 64. 28 Balādhurī, Ansāb, VI, 313; Ibn Qays, # 1 (v. 18), 5. 26 27

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PRINCELY AUTHORITY If the tribes are weighed, nobody among them reaches Bishr, for comparison with Bishr isn’t fair. The crown is noble upon him, and he is not scowling. No delight of the world can turn him from the truth.

‫ﻖ ﻓﯿﮭﻢ‬ َ ‫إذا ُو ِزنَ اﻷ ْﻗﻮام ﻟﻢ ﺗﻠ‬ ُ‫ﺸﺮ وﻻ ِﻣﯿﺰان ﯾُﻌﺎ ِدﻟُﮫ‬ ٍ ِ‫َﻛﺒ‬ ٌ‫أ َﻏ ﱠﺮ ﻋﻠﯿﮫ اﻟﺘﺎج ﻻ ُﻣﺘَ َﻌﺒﱢﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮج اﻟﺪُﻧﯿﺎ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺤ ﱢ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻏﻠُﮫ‬ ِ ‫ﻖ‬ ِ ‫َوﻻ ِز‬

In the above poem of al-Akhṭal, Bishr is described as surpassing all others in the tribes, which can be seen as a very generalized argument in favor of Bishr’s future leadership. A section of verse attributed to the poet Ibn al-Zubayr al-Asadī goes even further than al-Akhṭal, and employs the Qurʾānic imagery of the Prophet Joseph’s vision of celestial bodies bowing to him to describe Bishr’s exceptionalism. 29 The meaning of this verse is that Bishr, like Joseph, is destined to inherit the leadership of the Umayyads, for he is the “leading branch of Quraysh.” It is as if the sons of Umayya are surrounding Bishr, like stars around a shining moon. He is the leading branch of Quraysh, when matters take hold in place.

‫ﺸﺮ‬ ٍ ِ‫ﻛﺄ َ ّن ﺑَﻨﻲ أُﻣﯿّﺔَ َﺣﻮْ َل ﺑ‬ ‫ﺳﻄﮭﺎ ﻗَ َﻤ ٌﺮ ُﻣﻨِﯿﺮ‬ ِ ‫ﻧُﺠﻮم َو‬ ُ ْ‫ھﻮ اﻟﻔَﺮ‬ ‫ع اﻟ ُﻤﻘَ ﱢﺪ ُم ﻓﻲ ﻗُﺮﯾﺶ‬ ْ ‫إذا أ َﺧ َﺬ‬ َ ‫ﻣﺂﺧﺬھﺎ اﻷ ُﻣﻮر‬ ِ ‫ت‬

In this brief survey of court poetry, Bishr is called the rightful successor to the caliphate twice; he is called a king; the crown is said to be noble upon his head; and his future leadership within his family is analogized to that of the Prophet Joseph. While there is nothing overtly rebellious or oppositional in the praise poets recited for Balādhurī, Ansāb, VI, 323. In Q. 12:4, we read: Joseph said to his father, ‘Father, I dreamed of eleven stars and the sun and he moon: I saw them all bow down before me…’. 29

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Bishr, it is clear from the above verses that he was an ambitious amīr who relished his royal status and was hopeful that one day he would succeed his brothers. The aspirations of Bishr to become heir apparent, however, conflicted with ʿAbd al-Malik’s desire to be succeeded by his two sons, and thus we have a situation in which Bishr, like ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, may have fallen at odds with ʿAbd alMalik. Ibn Qays, the former Zubayrid court poet who composed some of the boldest and most vitriolic verse against ʿAbd al-Malik in defense of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz’s right to the succession, reportedly composed a poem that points to a deteriorating relationship between Bishr and the caliph. This poem of Ibn Qays’ comes in the form of a cheeky and flirtatious ghazal (love poem), which describes a vision like encounter between Ibn Qays and Umm Banīn bt. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, who was the wife of Walīd b. ʿAbd al-Malik and daughter of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. This poem, which aims to annoy and vex the close male relatives of Umm Banīn through its overly familiar tone and sexual innuendos, is attributed to the courts of both Bishr b. Marwān and Muṣʿab b. al-Zubayr. 30 Muḥammad Yūsuf Najm, who edited Ibn Qays’ dīwān in 1958, favored the attribution of the poem to the court of Bishr, presumably based on his comparison of the manuscript tradition, although it is possible that the poem was recycled and used in the courts of both men. 31 If Najm is right in his attribution, then this ghazal would be a clear indication that at some point in his short career, Bishr was at odds with ʿAbd al-Malik and Walīd, and perhaps even ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. The choice of Umm Banīn, who is specifically named as the object of the insult, points to the succession as the source of tension, since Walīd’s marriage to Umm Banīn may have been part of ʿAbd al-Malik’s promotion of him as heir, for such a marriage would have increased Walīd’s status within the dynasty by uniting its two leading lines within his house. The Ibn Qays, # 48 (v. 22), 121–124. In line 22 where the name Musaʿb is mentioned, Najm writes that the name Bishr is the better reading, though he gives no reason for this preference. It is possible that Ibn Qays recycled the poem and recited it for both amīrs. Ibid., 124 (v. 22). 30 31

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ghazal of Ibn Qays, then, would represent Bishr’s opposition to ʿAbd al-Malik’s machinations on behalf of Walīd. And I happily stayed as her bedfellow She amazed me, and I amazed her. I made her laugh, and I made her cry. I came close to her, and then pulled away. I heal her and she throws me down, I please her and I make her angry. It was a night of sleep, and we stayed up talking and playing in it. 32

ّ ِ‫َوﺑ‬ ‫ﺿﺠﯿ َﻌﮭﺎ َﺟ َﺬﻻن‬ َ ُ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ْﺠﺒُﻨﻲ وأ ْﻋ ِﺠﺒﮭﺎ‬ ِ ‫ﺗُﻌ‬ ‫َوأﺿْ ِﺤ ُﻜﮭﺎ وأ ْﺑ ِﻜﯿﮭﺎ‬ ‫َو ْأﻟﺒِﺴُﮭﺎ وأ ْﺳﻠُﺒُﮭﺎ‬ ‫أﻋﺎﻟِﺠُﮭﺎ ﻓَﺘَﺼْ َﺮﻋُﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻀﺒُﮭﺎ‬ ِ ‫ﺿﯿﮭﺎ وأ ْﻏ‬ ِ ْ‫ﻓﺄر‬ ْ ‫ﻓَﻜﺎﻧ‬ ‫َﺖ ﻟَﯿْﻠﺔٌ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﻮم‬ ْ ‫ﻧَ ْﺴ ُﻤﺮُھﺎ َوﻧَﻠ َﻌﺒُﮭﺎ‬

The insult of this poem speaks for itself, and the larger issue is whether this poem came from Bishr’s court, or Muṣʿab’s. It is unclear from Najm’s commentary of the poem why he favors the reading of Bishr, however one can only assume that Bishr’s name is found in one of the other manuscripts. Ibn Qays composed four other ghazals about Umm Banīn, one of which is attributed to the Zubayrids, while the patrons of the other three are not named. While further work is needed on all five of Ibn Qays’ ghazals about Umm Banīn, the prospect that one or more of them was composed in the court of Bishr is compelling, and fits into our narrative that tensions were high between Bishr and ʿAbd al-Malik over the succession.

CONCLUSION

From the survey of the above poetry, it seems safe to conclude that Bishr’s aspirations for the caliphate were quite real, and in light of 32

Ibn Qays, # 48 (v. 22), 121–124.

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the poetic record, it is hard not to see the Orans drachm as being part of Bishr’s campaign of self promotion. While I agree that the Orans drachm was designed in part to combat the memory of the Zubayrids and the threat of the Khārijites, the placement of Bishr’s name under the triad image, combined with his aspirations towards the caliphate, strongly suggest that the coin was designed specifically for the sake of building his own public legitimacy and promoting his imāra; and while this coin doesn’t represent a direct claim to the caliphate, the self-promotion inherent in this coin was certainly part of Bishr’s long term campaign for the succession. The abandonment of the Orans drachm in the wake of Bishr’s death is another indication that this coin was designed to promote Bishr’s cult of personality. If the Orans image were part of a larger Marwānid program and represented either a generalized figure or the caliph himself, one would expect its production to have continued after Bishr’s death; but the Orans coin died with Bishr, as it was a coin specifically designed for his purposes. Even the main mint used by Bishr, that of ʿAqūlā/Kufa, was abandoned after his death and sat unused for four years, demonstrating the wholesale abandonment of his numismatic efforts. The pursuit of legitimacy and authority through coinage was a prominent trend in the early Marwānid period, and in the immediate aftermath of the Second Civil War, three Marwānid amīrs placed their names and images on coins: ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, the amīr of Egypt; Bishr, the amīr of Iraq; and ʿAbd al-Malik, the amīr al-muʾminīn. All three brothers sought to increase their public image by introducing original coinage types that promoted their own cults of personality. The competition involved in minting coinage during this period is evident in the fact that none of ʿAbd al-Malik’s brothers minted any of the iconographic coinage designed in Damascus; their support of and deference to the amīr al-muʾminīn’s authority only went so far, and minting coinage with ʿAbd al-Malik’s image and title was beyond the bounds of his station. Even Muḥammad b. Marwān, the amīr of the Umayyad North, shied away from circulating ʿAbd al-Malik’s iconographic coinage, and instead minted regionally unique Arab-Sassanian types, some

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of which bore his name. 33 Rather than adding the caliph’s title or image to their coinage—something they could have easily done— ʿAbd al-Malik’s brothers preferred to develop their own public legitimacy. ʿAbd al-Malik’s experimental coinage developed within this context, one of regionalized family rule, in which two of his brothers were pursuing large scale, public image campaigns at the same time he was, and as such, agnate competition must have been a major factor in the iconographic developments of the early Marwānid period. The nature of succession in the early Islamic caliphate followed the pre-Islamic Arabian model, in which leadership was not passed down through primogeniture, but rather to the brother, uncle, nephew or offspring of the previous ruler who could garner the most support. This system promoted competition within ruling houses, and there was a constant battle for prominence and prestige among potential candidates for the throne. Marsham describes hereditary kingships without a standard of primogeniture as following a “pattern of managed conflict between agnates” in which “succession tended to become the focus of competition within the dynasty and with the dynasty’s supporters.” 34 In such a political model, if ʿAbd al-Malik wanted to prevent his brothers from growing powerful enough to impede his centralization and succession plans, he needed to either use force, or increase his legitimacy and better establish his authority above theirs. The transitional coinage of ʿAbd al-Malik may have been part of this process, as it was minted during a crucial time, when the amīr al-muʾminīn had to distinguish himself from both external rivals and agnate amīrs. ʿAbd al-Malik could not be out shined by any of them, otherwise his authority would be stunted and his sons would never succeed him. The Orans coin presented a very public, intra-dynastic challenge to ʿAbd al-Malik, and it was partially in response to Bishr that he introduced the Standing Caliph coin. See Lutz Ilisch, “Muhammad Drachms and their Relation to Umayyad Syria and Northern Mesopotamia,” Journal of the Oriental Numismatic Society, 193 (2003), 17–24. 34 Marsham, Rituals of Islamic Succession, 119 f. 33

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The Standing Caliph coppers and gold dinars of ʿAbd alMalik, which were introduced in 74 AH, one year after the Orans coin, featured on the obverse a long haired man, wearing a long robe and at his left side a sword, upon whose hilt and scabbard his hands rested. The iconography of the Standing Caliph has been a much discussed subject amongst modern scholars, and the subtleties of its design have been interpreted in numerous ways. Some have viewed the Standing Caliph coin as part of ʿAbd al-Malik’s attempt to create Byzantine-like iconography for his administration; others see it as an imperial representation of ʿAbd al-Malik as a military leader; while others have suggested the Standing Caliph figure was at times meant to depict the Prophet Muḥammad. 35 In 1956, Walker suggested that the Standing caliph figure, with his “hand resting on his sword-hilt” was posing “in the attitude of the Imām delivering the khuṭba or Friday prayer.” 36 More recently, Treadwell has similarly argued that the Standing Caliph image is meant to represent a khaṭīb or imām. 37 Thus, while the raised hands of Bishr’s image indicated his role as prayer leader, ʿAbd al-Malik’s pose with his hand on the hilt of his sword similarly marked his status as khaṭīb. Weapons such as swords or bows were worn by amīrs during their khuṭbas as a reminder of their martial power, and it was a tradition that was observed by the likes of Muʿāwiya, Ziyād b. Abīhi, and al-Ḥajjāj. 38

Hoyland, “Writing the biography of the prophet Muhammad,” 593–6; Foss, “Anomalous Arab-Byzantine coins,” 9. 36 John Walker, A Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and Post-Reform Umaiyad Coins (London, 1956), xxix; Walker, “Some New Arab-Sassanian coins,” 110. 37 Treadwell, “The ‘Orans’ Drachms,” 259. 38 Al-Ḥajjāj wore a sword during his inaugural speech in Kufa. See Treadwell, “The ‘Orans’ Drachms,” 258; Henri Lammens, Etudes sur le siècles des Omayyades (Beirut, 1930), 59–60. 35

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Image 9: Standing Caliph and Bishr Orans ANS [1970.63.1] & ANS [1975.270.1]

The Standing Caliph coin was minted as part of a public image campaign of a ruler trying to increase his public standing. During ʿAbd al-Malik’s experimentation with iconographic coinage, the power of provincial amīrs was at its highest, due to both the status of the men holding office, as well as the volatile position of ʿAbd al-Malik. Competition between the center and the periphery was a constant problem during ʿAbd al-Malik’s reign, and the relationship between the Orans drachm and the Standing Caliph coin may exemplify that competition. The Orans drachm was designed to boost Bishr’s religious legitimacy, and the coin certainly piqued the ire of ʿAbd al-Malik, who likely saw his brother’s new drachm as an affront to his station and status. The Standing Caliph image may have been designed in part as a response to the Orans coin, for what kind of caliph would ʿAbd al-Malik have been if his brother’s image was known in parts of the empire, while his went unpublicized? Even after removing his name from the reverse of the Orans drachm, Bishr continued to mint this coin as his main form of currency, and for the entirety of his tenure, the central figure of the Orans coin likely continued to represent Bishr himself. During his time as the amīr of Kufa and Basra, Bishr, like ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, chose to mint his own coinage, rather than coinage designed in Damascus for the sake of increasing the prestige of the amīr al-muʾminīn. Bishr’s successor, al-Ḥajjāj, however, had no hesitation with minting caliphal coinage and he was integral in introducing ʿAbd al-

EXCURSUS

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Malik’s currency throughout Iraq and Iran, both Arab-Sassanian coins bearing the caliph’s name, as well as epigraphic reform coinage. 39 The death of Bishr removed a major obstacle to the expansion of ʿAbd al-Malik’s authority in Iraq, and by appointing alḤajjāj, ʿAbd al-Malik gained greater control over Iraq, including its coinage. 40 During the first half of ʿAbd al-Malik’s reign he was committed to family rule; in fact, he had little choice but to follow this inherited model, as his claim to the caliphate was tenuous, and stability was essential to winning the Second Civil War. The appointment of al-Ḥajjāj after Bishr’s death was a major departure from Umayyad precedent, and marks the end of family rule in Iraq. Since the time of Muʿāwiya b. Abī Sufyān, Iraq was ruled by a relative of the amīr al-muʾmin, a tradition that continued into the Zubayrid period. The appointment of al-Ḥajjāj reflects ʿAbd al-Malik’s growing dissatisfaction with his brothers and the challenges they posed to his vision of a centralized caliphate controlled by his progeny. Instead of running the risk of again installing a relative over Iraq with whom he would have to compete, ʿAbd al-Malik broke with tradition and deputized a man who had no claim to the caliphate, and whose loyalty to the him was extreme at the least.

Although al-Ḥajjāj minted coinage with his name on it, he did it not in Iraq, but mainly in Fars, perhaps purposefully keeping his self promotion out of major centers of power like Kufa and Basra. After 81 AH, two years after the introduction of the all epigraphic reform coinage, Ḥajjāj ceased minting coins with his name on it, as did every other governor. Album and Goodwin, Sylloge of Islamic Coins, 29. 40 Coins bearing the name of ʿAbd al-Malik begin appearing in Fars and Marw in 75/694. Ibid., 30. 39

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INDEX ABAZ coin, v, ix, 84, 113–118 Abbot, Nabia, 84, 189 ʿAbd al-ʿAlā, 54 ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Malik, 3, 51, 73, 83–84, 92, 94–95, 97, 100–101, 104–108, 110, 117, 152–153, 162, 168 ʿAbd Allāh b. al-Ḥārith b. Juzʾ al-Zubaydī, 52 ʿAbd Allāh b. Jaʿfar b. Abī Ṭālib, 56 ʿAbd Allāh b. Kulayb, 41 ʿAbd Allāh b. Saʿd b. Abī Sarḥ, 1–3 ʿAbd Allāh b. Shurayḥ b. Muslim, 108 ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿUmar b. alKhaṭṭāb, 50 ʿAbd Allāh b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya, 17–18, 30, 86 ʿAbd Allāh b. al-Zubayr, 7–9, 16–17, 21–22, 27, 37, 44, 46, 107 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Walīd, 162 ʿAbd al-Malik b. Marwān, 10– 11, 15–17, 19–21, 29, 32, 34, 37, 47–48, 51–53, 55–62, 64, 66, 68–70, 73, 76, 80, 83–97, 99–114, 116–117, 120, 122, 149, 152–153, 161–164, 167–169, 172–177, 179, 181–187, 193, 198, 200–201 ʿAbd Manāf, 65, 76–77

ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Abī ʿAwf, 100 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf, 2, 24– 25, 27, 31, 100 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ghanm alAshʿarī, 134–135 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. al-Ḥakam, 22 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ḥasān b. ʿAtāhiyya al-Tujībī, 45, 48 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Ḥujayra alKhawlānī, 44, 48 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Muʿāwiya b. Ḥudayj al-Tujībī, 44–45, 48 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Shurayḥ, 100 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿUdays alBalawī, 50 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿUtba b. Jahdam, 8–9 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Yuḥannas, 48 ʿAbd al-Shams b. ʿAbd Manāf, 32, 65, 77 ʿĀbis b. Saʿīd al-Murādī alGhuṭayfī, 41–42, 45, 48 Abraha b. al-Ṣabbāḥ, 46 Abū al-ʿĀṣ b. Umayya, 32 Abū Bakr b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, 41, 52, 92 Abū al-Faraj al-Iṣbahānī, xi, 58, 189 Abū Ghunaym, 41, 48

203

204

PRINCELY AUTHORITY

Abū Ḥirmīs, 130 Abū Mikhnaf, 37 Abū Qarqar (St. Gregorios), 126 Abū Rāfiʿ, 51 Abū Salama b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAwf, 25–26, 31–32 Abū Sāliḥ, 121–122, 126–128, 143, 189 Abū Sufyān b. Umayya, 5, 32 Abū Zumʿa al-Balawī, 36 Abyssinia, 5, 149 ʿAdī b. Janāb, 11, 23, 25, 27, 30, 122 Adummatu, 23 ʿAffān b. al-ʿĀṣ, 32 Ahmed, Asad, 25, 27, 192 al-Aḥwaṣ al-Anṣārī, ʿAbd Allāh b. Muḥammad, v, xi, 55–59, 75–78, 80, 191 al-Aḥwaṣ b. ʿAmr, 31 ʿĀʾisha bt. Abī Bakr, 4, 7 al-Akhṭal, Ghiyāth b. Ghawth, 59, 76, 179–180, 201 Alajmi, Abdulhadi, 86–87, 125, 192 Album, Steven, 176, 187 Aleppo, 128 Alexander II, patriarch, 151, 156 Alexandria, xi, 36, 41, 47, 53– 54, 90, 110, 113–114, 119– 120, 137, 146, 149, 154–155, 191, 200 Alfaḥ b. Yaʿbūb, 38 ʿAlī b. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbbās, 55 ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, 3–4, 6–7, 26 Allan, James W., 144 amerimneia, 158 Āmina bt. ʿAlqama b. Ṣafwān, 28 amīr al-muʾminīn, 1–4, 6–11, 15– 18, 20–21, 26–28, 30, 33–35, 42, 47, 50, 52–58, 64, 68–70,

76, 82–87, 90–99, 101, 104, 106–110, 122, 128, 149, 161–165 ʿAmmān, 47, 75 ʿAmmār b. Yāsir, 5 ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ b. Wāʾil, 1–5, 9, 18–19, 25, 27, 35, 40–43, 49–53, 88, 93, 134, 198–199 ʿAmr b. Kurayb b. Ṣāliḥ b. Thumāma al-Ruʿaynī, 46, 48 ʿAmr b. Murra al-Juhanī, 38–39 ʿAmr b. Qaḥzām al-Khawlānī, 44 ʿAmr b. Saʿīd al-Ashdaq, 16–21, 23, 27, 30–31, 36, 41, 46, 48 ʿAmr b. Thaʿlaba, 23, 25, 30–31, 122 ʿAnjar, 129, 144, 162, 194 Anthony, Sean, 1, 3, 48, 154, 192 anti-Chalcedonian, 141 anti-trinitarian, 98, 101–102, 110, 117 Apis, 133 apotritês, 153–154 ʿAqūlā, 171, 183 ARABE 215- 120, 147, 189 ARABE 4881- 120, 148, 189 Arabicization, 84, 97, 100 Armenia, 168 ʿArwa bt. Rāshid al-Khawlānī, 40 al-ʿĀṣ b. Wāʾil, 5 al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, 11, 23, 30, 44, 52–53, 61, 89–91, 152, 155–156 al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr, 24–25, 27, 31, 72 al-Aʿṣhā b. Shaybān, 177–178 Asmāʾ bt. Abī Bakr b. ʿAbd alʿAzīz, 92 Athanasius bar Gumŏyĕ, 94–95,

INDEX 99, 103, 105–106, 142, 147, 151 Awad, Henry Amin, 109–110, 112, 137, 193 al-aʿwān, 46, 121 Azarbaijan, 168

Babylon, 71, 120–121, 138 Bacharach, Jere L., 109–110, 112, 117, 129, 137, 163, 193 al-Balādhurī, Aḥmad b. Yaḥya, 1–2, 8, 11, 15–16, 18–19, 25, 27–30, 38, 56, 122, 171, 178–180, 189 Balī, 2, 35–36, 47 Balqāʾ, 47, 66–67 Banū ʿAbbās, 51 Banū Abī al-ʿĀṣ, 8, 22 Banū Marwān, 78 Banū Sahm, 1 Banū al-Shaykh al-Ḥajān, 38 Banū Sulaym, 62 Basra, 26, 73, 111, 168–169, 186–187 Bates, Michael, 110, 193 Battle of Ṣiffīn, 5 Battle of Umm Dunayn, 36 Bayṣar b. Ḥām b. Nūḥ, 129–130 Beeston, A.F.L., 43 Bell, H.I., xi, 49, 83, 101, 107, 121, 190 Benjamin, deacon, 152 Benjamin, patriarch, 142 Birḥ b. Huskul, 6–7 Bishr b. Marwān, vi, ix, 26, 32, 34, 56, 60, 114, 116, 167– 187, 199, 201 Bligh-Abramski, Irit, 44, 194 Booth, Phil, 2, 141, 194 Borrut, Antoine, 19, 128, 194, 196, 198 Bosworth, C.E., 8, 13, 16–17,

205 28, 163, 194 Bowersock, G.W., 14, 194 Brakke, David, 123, 194 Bray, Julia, 28 al-Burrī, Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr, 25, 109 Butler, Alfred J., 1, 121, 142, 189, 194

Caesarea, 162 Cambyses, 131–134, 137, 194, 197, 199, 202 Canard, Marius, 28, 194 Caskel, Werner, xi, 23, 35, 37– 39, 194, 198 Chalcedonians, 141, 147–148, 154 Chehab, Hafez K., 129, 144, 194 Chronicle 1234 AD, 18, 94–95, 105 Chronicle of Dionysius of Tell Maḥrē, 103 Church of St. Mark, 148 Cobb, Paul M., 19, 196, 198 Cook, Michael, 39, 194 Council of One Hundred, 154 Cresswell, K.A.C., 144 Crone, Patricia, 8–9, 13, 15, 37– 39, 48, 58–59, 61, 76, 85, 101, 175, 179, 194 Crum, W.E., xi, 83, 124, 156157, 190, 195, 202 Cruz-Uribe, E., 131, 194

al-Ḍaḥḥāk b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān, 94 Dahlak Islands, 57 Damascus, 6–7, 18–19, 21, 26, 28–29, 38, 56, 84, 95–97, 104, 106–107, 115, 163, 183, 186, 190, 196

206

PRINCELY AUTHORITY

Dammūh, 127 dār amīr al-muʾminīn (House of the Commander of the Faithful), 95, 104, 106–107 dār al-bayḍāʾ (the White House), 105 dār al-mudhahhaba (the Gilded House), 49 dār al-nakhla (House of the Date Palm), 53 dār al-naṣr (House of Victory), 53 dār al-raml (House of Sand), 51 Deir al-Bahri, 124 Dennet, Daniel C., 155, 195 Dhū Salama, 78 Dhū Shāma b. Muḥammad b. ʿAmr, 61 diagraphon, 99 Diem, Werner, 99, 195 Diḥya b. Khalīfa al-Kalbī, 25 dīnār, 51–52, 92, 98, 112, 122, 146, 149 dīwān, xii, 51, 57, 60, 100, 105 Dixon, A.A., 20, 85, 195 Dome of the Rock, 117, 120, 129, 172, 196, 198, 200 Donner, Fred, vii, 8, 24, 28–29, 195 drachm, vi, 114, 116, 169–176, 178, 183–186, 201 Dujāja b. Qunāfa b. ʿAdī b. Zuhayr b. Janāb al-Kalbī, 24 Dūmat al-Jandal, ix, 6, 11, 14, 23–29, 31, 198 dux (duces), 49, 99, 103–105 Edessa, 128 elephantiasis, 121 Elisséeff, N., 8 Enoch, prophet, 129, 130 entagia, 98

epiterêtês, 153 Ethiopia, 136–137, 199 Evelyn-White, H.G. 124, 156, 190 Evetts, B.T.A., xi, 121, 189, 191

Fākhita, 20–21 Fars, 187 Fayyum, 99, 105 First Fitna, 4, 6–7, 10, 26, 29, 46 Fisher, Greg, 114 Foss, Clive, 103–104, 109, 112– 114, 137–138, 170, 185, 195 Fowden, Garth, 29, 144, 195 Fück, Johann, 7, 24, 62 Fusṭāṭ, 6, 9, 26, 33, 36, 41, 43– 44, 49–50, 52–54, 94–95, 103–104, 113, 118–121, 136, 138–139, 143, 193, 198

Gaube, Heinz, 87, 195 Genīza documents, 127 George of Sakha, 148 Ghāfiq, 35 Ghassān, 8, 14, 24, 28 ghazal, v, 57, 64, 181–182 Ghūṭa / Ghawṭa, 61–62 Giza, 123 Golb, Norman, 127, 195 Gonis, Nikolaos, 98–99, 102, 195 Goodwin, Tony, 98, 111, 176, 187, 195 Grabar, Oleg, 117, 125, 144, 196, 200 Gregory, bishop of Kays, 144, 151, 153–154 Griffith, Sidney, 96, 196 Grohmann, Adolphus, xi, 196 Grossmann, Peter, 143–144, 196 Guidetti, Mattia, 128, 163, 196

INDEX ḥājib, 41 al-Ḥajjāj b. Yūsuf, 88, 92–93, 111, 114, 185–187, 200 al-Ḥakam b. al-ʿĀṣ, 32 al-Ḥākim, Fāṭimid caliph, 126, 128 Ḥammām Sahl (Bath of Sahl), 51 Ḥanẓala b. Ṣafwān al-Kalbī, 53 Ḥarb b. Umayya, 32 al-Ḥārith b. ʿAbd Allāh, 111 al-Ḥārith b. Janāb, 28

ḥasham, v, 33–34, 42, 46, 54 Hāshim b. ʿAbd Manāf, 65, 77 Hāshimites, 59, 65 Ḥassān b. Malik b. Baḥdal, 9, 15–20, 30, 86 Ḥassān b. Nuʿmān al-Ghassānī, 47, 93 Hasson, I., 6, 10, 196 Hawting, G.R., 7, 13, 17–18, 35, 85, 89, 164, 196 Heidemann, Stefan, 111–113, 115–116, 196 Herodotus, 133 Ḥijāz, 6, 7, 25, 29, 75, 86, 192, 196 Ḥimṣ, 18, 42, 100, 105, 198 Ḥimyar, 14, 35–36, 38–39, 43, 45–47, 66–67 Hind bt. al-Farāfaṣa, 27, 31 Hishām b. ʿAbd al-Malik, 29, 47, 52–53, 59, 164 Hishām b. Ismāʾīl al-Makhzūmī, 29 History of the Patriarchs, xi, 89–90, 103, 105, 119–120, 143, 146–149, 151–153, 155–156, 191 Hodgson, Marshall, 13

207 holokottinos, 158 House of the Pond, 50 Hoyland, Robert, 9, 23–24, 33, 84, 101–102, 170, 185, 197 Hudhayl b. Zufar, 85 Hulmes, Edward D.A., 77 Ḥulwān, vi, ix, 11, 30, 52, 78, 94–95, 118–131, 133, 135, 137, 139, 141–143, 145–150, 153, 159, 161, 163 Ḥulwān Palace A, ix, 145 Ḥulwān Palace B, ix, 146 al-Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī, 7 Ḥusayn, Taha, 55, 190 Ḥuwwārīn, 28

Ibn ʿAbbās, ʿAbd Allāh, 44 Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr, Yūsuf b. ʿAbd Allāh, 37–40, 190

Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam, ʿAbd alRaḥmān b. ʿAbd Allāh, xii, 2, 7, 10, 35–36, 41, 43–46, 49–54, 68, 83, 92–94, 103, 110, 126, 129, 130, 190 Ibn Firās al-Kinānī, 53 Ibn Ḥajar, Abū al-Faḍl Aḥmad b. Muḥammad, 38, 190 Ibn Ḥazm, Abū Bakr b. Muḥammad b. ʿĀmir, 11, 190 Ibn ʿIdhārī, Abū al-ʿAbbās Aḥmad b. Muḥammad, 47, 93, 190

Ibn Laylā, 11, 23, 29, 31–32, 58, 65, 70–71, 74, 78, 81 Ibn Qays al-Ruqayyāt, ʿUbayd Allāh, v, xii, 47, 55–62, 64– 66, 68, 70–72, 74, 88, 92, 179, 181–182, 192

208

PRINCELY AUTHORITY

Ibn Saʿd, Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad, 26, 39, 42, 163, 191

Ibn Taghrībirdī, Abū al-Maḥāsin Yūsuf 109, 113, 121, 191 Ibn al-Zubayr al-Asadī, 180 Ilisch, Lutz, 184 imām al-hudāʾ (imām of guidance), 59, 62–63, 179 imāra, 110, 116, 172, 183 Imruʾ l-Qays b. al-Aṣbagh, 25 Iraq, 3, 5, 7–8, 14, 22, 55, 64, 86, 88, 92–93, 109, 114–115, 168–169, 171–172, 174, 176, 183, 187 Isaac, patriarch, 148, 151 Isaac, secretary of ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, 99, 103 Islamicization, 84, 101–102, 128 Israel, 131–132 istilḥāq, 5 ʿIyāḍ b. Jurayba b. Saʿd b. alAṣbagh, 47–48, 53

Jabala b. al-Ayham, 28 Jābiya, 8, 20–21 Jād al-Rabb, Ibrāhīm al-Dasūqī, 46, 58, 62, 76, 118, 122, 191 al-Jahshiyārī, Muḥammad b. ʿAbdūs, 94, 113, 162–163, 191 Jamāl, ʿĀdil Sulaymān, xi, 57, 189 Janāb b. Marthad b. Hānī alRuʿaynī al-Ḥimyarī, 46, 48 Jansen, H. Ludin, 131, 133, 197 Jazīra, 111, 168, 170 Jeme, 125, 156–159, 190, 202 Jeremiah, prophet, 134 Jerusalem, 95, 106–107, 120, 132, 163, 196

jizya, 25, 99 John of Nikiu, xii, 133–134, 139, 142, 149, 154, 191 John of Sammanud, patriarch, 146–151 Joseph, prophet, 129, 138–139, 180 Juju, muezzin, 53

Kaʿb b. Ḍinnāh, 53 Kaʿb b. Ṣafwān, 42 Kaʿba, 50, 130 Kaegi, Walter E., 28, 197 Kalb, v, ix, 6–9, 11, 13–19, 21, 23–32, 37, 39, 62, 72, 85–86 Kanīsat Mūsā, 127 Kanīsat al-Sūdān, 126 Kāshif, Sayyida Ismāʾīl, xii, 9, 41, 46, 91, 191 Kathīra, 55 Kennedy, Hugh, 4, 7, 17, 34–35, 37, 43, 45, 47, 55, 85–86, 91, 93, 96, 162, 197 Keshk, Khaled, 125, 192 Kessler, C., 117, 198 Khālid b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya, 8, 16–21, 23, 30, 39, 86 khalīfa / khalīfat allāh, 45, 60–61, 174–175 kharāj, 10, 34, 51, 99 Khārija b. Ḥudhāfa, 52 Khārijites, 117, 183 khaṭīb, 116, 170, 173–174, 185 Khawlān, 36, 40, 43–45, 48 al-khayl, 46 khiṭṭat ahl al-raʾya, 49 Khoury, Nuha N. N., 129, 198 Khoury, R.G, 93 khuṭba, 170–172, 185 Kilpatrick, Hilary, 19, 22, 198 Kināna b. Bishr b. Ḥudayj, 45 Kinda, 8, 43, 164

INDEX al-Kindī, Muḥammad b. Yūsuf, xii, 1, 3, 6, 8–10, 15, 21, 30, 34, 40–41, 43–47, 49, 51, 59, 61, 73, 83, 90, 93–94, 100, 105, 107, 110, 121–122, 155–156, 168, 191 King, G.R.D., 23, 26, 198 Kirman, 111, 172, 200 Kister, M. J., 35, 37, 39, 198 Konstantakos, Ioannis, 134 Kubiak, Wladyslaw, 49, 120, 198 Kum Ishqaw, 83 Kurayb b. Abraha, 46–48, 67 Kuthayyir ʿAzza, 26

Lammens, Henri, 185 Landau-Tasseron, Ella, 6 Lane of Nobles (zuqāq al-ashrāf), 53 lashane, 103 Laylā bt. Zabān b. al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr, 11, 23, 29–32, 58–59, 64, 76, 122 al-Layth b. Saʿd, 50, 53 Lecker, Michael, 2, 50, 198 Leontiasis, 121 Leprosy, 121 Levi Della Vida, G., 29, 66 Lévi-Provençal, C., 2, 11, 93, 192 Lichtheim, Miriam, 156, 201 Life of Isaac, 120–121, 142–143, 149–151, 153–154, 191 loros, 173, 175 Luxor, 124 Luz, Nimrod, 122, 129, 162– 163, 198 Lydda, 63 Macarius, saint, 127, 202 MACP coin, vi, ix, 113, 137– 138, 140–141

209 Madʾaj, Abd al-Muhsin Madʾaj M., 46, 198 Maʿdd b. Nizār, 39, 178 madīḥ, 58, 78 Magians, 73 mahdī, 42 Mahra, 7, 9, 35 malik (king), 89, 179 Mālik b. Shurāḥbīl al-Khawlānī, 44, 48 Manf, 135 manqūsha, 19 al-Maqrīzī, Aḥmad b. ʿAlī, xii, 33, 41, 45, 54, 109, 121–122, 127, 191 Marín, Manuela, 41 Marj Rāhiṭ, 8–10, 62 Market of the Bath, 49, 53 Marsham, Andrew, 5, 13, 15, 29, 62, 87–88, 184, 199 Martinez, F. J., 136, 199 al-Martūtī, church, 126 Marw, 187 Marwān b. al-Ḥakam b. al-ʿĀṣ, 8–11, 13, 16–17, 18–23, 26, 28–32, 34–35, 37, 40, 50, 59, 67 Marwān (II) b. Muḥammad b. Marwān, 47, 53 Maslama b. Mukhallad alAnṣārī, 40–44, 46, 51–52, 85, 136 Maysūn bt. Baḥdal, 13, 15, 28, 30, 32, 86 Mecca, 7–8, 16, 26, 43–44 Melkites, 141, 161 Memphis, vi, 119–120, 123–127, 129–137, 139 Mena of Nikiou, 120–121, 142– 143, 149–151, 154, 191 Mesopotamia, 84, 111–112, 168, 184, 197

210

PRINCELY AUTHORITY

Mikhail, Maged, 41, 96–97, 105, 141–143, 148, 151, 154, 199 Miles, George C., 109–110, 122, 169, 199 Millar, Fergus, 14, 99 minbar, 38, 62, 70–71, 128 Miṣr, vi, 89, 129–130, 135, 137– 139 Miṣr b. Bayṣar b. Ḥām b. Nūḥ, 130 al-Mizza, 62 Monastery of Apa Jeremias, 113, 118, 124, 128–130, 200 Monastery of Epiphanius, 124, 156, 190, 202 Monastery of Shaḥrān, 126 Monastery of the Potter, 127 Monophysite, 103, 127, 141– 142, 151, 154 Morelli, Federico, 98–99, 195 Morimoto, Kōsei, 155, 200 Morton, A.H., 98, 200 Moses, 125–127, 129, 138–139, 158 Mounachte, 107 Mount Jarād, 155 Mshatta, 144 Muʿāwiya b. Ḥudhayj al-Tujībī, 44 Muʿāwiya (II) b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya, 7, 15–16, 28 Muḍar, 66–67 Muḥammad b. Abī Bakr, 6 Muḥammad b. Abī Ḥudhayfa, 3–4 Muḥammad b. Ḥabīb, 29 Muḥammad b. Marwān b. alḤakam, 168, 183 Muḥammad b. Yūsuf al-Kindī, xii, 1, 3, 6, 8–10, 15, 21, 30, 34, 40–41, 43–47, 49, 51, 59, 61, 73, 83, 90, 93–94, 100,

105, 107, 110, 121–122, 155156, 168, 191 al-Mukhtār b. Abī ʿUbaydah alThaqafī, 8 Munyat al-Aṣbagh, 53 Munyat Umm Sahl, 52 Mūsā b. Nuṣayr al-Balawī/ alLakhmī, 34, 36, 47, 54, 93 Muṣʿab b. al-Zubayr, 19, 55–56, 59–60, 111, 179, 181–182 muṣḥaf, 68, 92, 162 Musil, A., 23, 200 Nabateans, 23 al-Nābigha, 5 Naghiḍa al-Kalbī, 19 Nāʾila bt. al-Farāfaṣa b. alAwḥaṣ b. ʿAmr, 27, 29 Najm, Muḥammad Yūsuf, xii, 60, 181–182, 192 nasīb, 61, 68, 75, 77 Naṣr b. Mazrūʿ al-Kalbī, 37, 53 Nebuchadnezzar, 131–135, 137 necropolis, 123–125, 128–129 Nielsen, J.S., 41 Nile, v, 4, 6, 9, 11, 33, 80–81, 107, 117–120, 126–127, 131–132, 134, 157 Nīshāpūr, 110, 202 Nizār, 66–68 Noah, prophet, 129-130 Nubia, 126, 149 al-Nuʿmān b. al-Mundhir, 27 Nuseibah, S., 117, 200

O’Connell, Elisabeth, 123, 125, 200 Orans drachm, vi, ix, 114, 116, 169–176, 178, 183–186, 201 Oseni, Z.I., 114, 200

INDEX pagarch, 49, 94, 99, 103–105, 108, 195 Palmer, Andrew, 18, 95, 103, 106, 117, 200 Palmyra, 6, 28 Papaconstantinou, Arietta, 28 Pellat, Ch., 3 pharaoh, 123, 136, 138–139 Phillips, J.R., 113, 200 Pisentius, 136 plague, 121 Plessner, M., 35, 37, 39, 198 poll-tax, vi, 99, 152–156, 158, 161 primogeniture, 176, 184 primus inter pares, 161 prōtosymboulos, 101 Pseudo-Methodius, 136 Psoi, 108 Pyramid of Djoser, 128

qāḍī, 26, 41–42, 44–45, 52–53, 194 al-Qāḍī, Wadād, 125 Qāfiyat al-ʿayn, v, 75, 77 Qaḥṭān, 35 Qaḥṭānī, 42 Qaṣr Burquʿ, 87, 195 Qaṣr Ḥammām al-Ṣarḥ, 144 Qays, 7, 9, 15, 25, 37–38, 41, 85, 194 Qays b. Abī al-ʿĀṣ, 52 Qays b. Kulayb, 41, 45, 48 Qedar, 23 Qinassarīn, 15 Qubāʾ, 56 Qubīṣa b. Dhuʿayb, 91 Quḍāʿa, 2, 4, 6, 8–9, 11, 13–16, 18, 23, 27, 30, 35, 37–39, 51, 58, 64–65, 71–72, 86, 122 Quḍāʿa b. Malik b. Ḥimyar, 38–

211 39 Quibell, James, 113, 128, 130, 200 Qurʾān, 117, 163 Quraysh, 1, 5, 27, 42, 59, 66, 78–79, 180 Qurra b. Sharīk, 105, 107–108, 110, 153 Quṣayr ʿAmra, 29, 144, 195

Rabīʿa b. Khārija, 52 rabwa, 163 raḥīl, 77–78 Rajāʾ b. Ḥaywa, 163–164, 194 al-Ramla, 85, 122, 129, 162–163, 198 Rāshid, tribe, 35 Rawḍa, 41 Rawḥ b. Zinbaʾ, 9, 10, 196 Red Sea, 46, 95, 107, 162 Robinson, Chase, 16–17, 34, 59, 84, 87–88, 96, 167–168, 200 Rubin, Uri, 125, 200 al-Rusafa, 128

Saad, Zaaki, 123, 126–127, 212 ṣāḥib al-kharāj, 51 ṣāḥib al-shurṭa, 26, 41–42, 45, 47, 52 Saʿīd b. al-ʿĀṣ, 27 Saʿīd b. Malik b. Baḥdal, 15 Saʿīd b. Yaʿqūb al-Maʿāfirī alShaʿbānī, 46, 48 ṣalāt, 10, 34, 44, 94 Ṣāliḥ b. Ibrāhīm b. ʿAbd alRaḥmān b. ʿAwf, 25 Samuel of Kalamun, 136, 142, 191 Sandar, 53–54 Saqqara, 113, 118, 123–124, 127–130, 200 Sarjūn b. Manṣūr / Sergius son

212

PRINCELY AUTHORITY

of Mansūr, 94, 105 Schiller, A. Arthur, 153, 158, 192 Schulze, Ingrid, 111, 170, 201 Schulze, Wolfgang, 111, 170, 201 Sears, Stuart D., 111, 168, 172, 200 Second Civil War / Second Fitna, 20, 88, 167, 183, 187 Severus ibn Muqaffaʿ, xi, 119– 120, 191 shahāda, 101, 116–117, 170, 172–173, 193 shāhanshāh, 170 Shahid, Irfan, 14, 27–28, 201 shūrā, 8, 20, 194 Shurayḥ b. Maymūn, 9 Sijpesteijn, Petra, 2, 6, 52, 96– 97, 99–101, 103–106, 154, 201 Simon, patriarch, 143–144, 149, 151 Sinai, Nicolai, 92, 197, 201 Sirḥān valley, 14, 23 Soucek, Priscilla P., 129, 201 Speidel, M.P., 14, 201 Spiegelberg, W., 131, 201 Standing Caliph coin, 111, 114, 116, 173–175, 184–186, 200 Stefanski, Elizabeth, 156, 201 Steindorff, G., 156, 190 Stetkevych, Suzanne Pinckney, 59, 61, 76, 80, 201 Sufyān b. Wahb al-Khawlānī, 45, 48 Sulaymān b. ʿAbd al-Malik, 32, 57, 85–86, 89–90, 122, 162– 164 Sybill, prophetess, 129 symboulos, 100, 104 Syria, 1–4, 7–10, 14–20, 23, 27–

30, 35–36, 39, 45–46, 61, 64, 66, 84–85, 91, 94–95, 97–99, 103, 106–107, 109, 111–112, 116–117, 128, 135, 151, 163, 169, 173, 175, 184, 193 al-Ṭabarī, Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad b. Jarīr, xii–xiii, 1–2, 4–6, 8, 15, 17–22, 24– 28, 30, 37–38, 46, 52, 56, 83, 86, 90–91, 110, 122, 163, 168–169, 177, 192 Ṭaha, Abdulwahid Dhanun, 93, 201 Ṭāʾif, 33 Ṭalḥa b. ʿUbayd Allāh, 4, 7, 22 Tanūkh, 8 Ṭayy, 8 Thawbān, 52 Thebes, 123–125, 156–157, 190, 200, 202 Thomas, John, 154 Ṭihāma, 46 Treadwell, Luke, 84, 116, 170– 175, 178, 185, 201 Tujīb, 36, 43–45, 48 Tumāḍir bt. al-Aṣbagh b. ʿAmr, 25, 27, 31–32 Ṭūra, 127 ʿUbāda b. al-Ṣāmit, 52–53 ʿUbayd Allāh b. ʿUbayd Allāh b. Maʿmar al-Taymī, 172 ʿUbayd Allāh b. Ziyād, 86 Ubulla, 73 ʿUlayy b. Rabāḥ al-Lakhmī, 90 Ullmann, M., 16 ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, 53, 57, 163–165, 168, 190, 193, 198 ʿUmar b. Marwān, 51, 54, 90, 94, 155, 168 ʿUmayr b. al-Ḥubāb al-Sulamī, 37, 62

INDEX ʿUmayr b. Mudrik, 52 Umayya b. ʿAbd al-Shams, 32 Umm Abān bt. ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān, 29, 31–32 Umm ʿAbd Allāh bt. ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAmr b. al-ʿĀṣ, 42, 50–51 Umm ʿĀṣim Jamīla bt. Thābit b. Abī al-Aqlah, 57 Umm Banīn bt. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, 32, 56, 88, 162, 181–182 Umm Banīn bt. al-Ḥakam, 18 Umm Ḥasan bt. Saʿd b. alAṣbagh b. ʿAmr, 26 Umm Kulthūm al-Kubra bt. Abī Salama b. ʿAbd alRaḥmān, 26 Umm Kulthūm al-Saʿdiyya, 40 Umm Ramla, 28 Umm Sahl bt. Maslama b. Mukhallad, 41, 52 umm walad, 54 Upper Egypt, 83, 104, 114, 143, 153–154, 195 Upton, J.M., 110, 202 ʿUqba b. ʿAmr al-Juhanī, 38–39, 51 ʿUqba b. Nāfiʿ, 2, 53, 93 ʿUtba b. Abī Sufyān, 3, 6 ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān, 1–4, 6, 8, 17, 22, 27–29, 31–32, 36, 43–45, 50, 168 ʿUthmāniyya, 43–45 Vaglieri, L. Veccia, 4, 23 Varia Coptica, 157, 190 Venticinque, Philip F., 132, 202 Vivian, Tim, 128, 202 Wādī Ḥabīb, 155 Wādī Natrūn, 103 al-Walīd b. ʿAbd al-Malik, 32, 56–57, 59, 86–90, 101, 162,

213 164, 181–182 Walker, J., 114–115, 173, 185, 202 Wallin, G.A., 26, 202 al-Wāqidī, Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad b. ʿUmar, 25, 30, 177, 192

Wardān, 51, 136 Wellhausen, Julius, 8–9, 13–16, 21, 27, 37, 85, 202 Wensinck, A.J., 139 Westerfeld, Jennifer, 123–124, 150, 202 Whitcomb, D., vii, 162, 202 Wilfong, T. G., 125, 202 Winlock, H.E., 124, 202 Wormhoudt, Arthur, 60, 202 Wulāt Miṣr, xii, 83, 90, 191

Yaḥyā b. al-Ḥakam b. Abī alʿĀṣ, 168 Yaḥya b. Yaʿmar al-Ruʿaynī alʿAblī, 44 Yamān, 9, 37, 39, 51, 86 al-Yaʿqūbī, Aḥmad b. Abī Yaʿqūb, 5, 8, 24, 83, 88–91, 110, 192 Yarbrough, Luke, 103, 202 Yarbūʿ al-Fazarī, 100, 105 Yathrib, 18 Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya, 7–8, 10–11, 15–16, 20, 23, 28–29, 32, 41–42, 70, 86 Yazīd b. Rumāna, 52 Yazīd (III) b. Walīd b. Muʿāwiya, 55 Yūnis b. ʿAṭiyah b. Aws alḤaḍramī, 45 Zabān b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, 30, 51 Zabān b. al-Aṣbagh, 31

214

PRINCELY AUTHORITY

al-Zamakhsharī, Abū al-Qāsim, 5, 192 Ziyād b. Abī Sufyān / Ziyād b. Abīhi, 5–6, 22, 185 Ziyād b. Ḥunāṭa al-Tujībī, 45, 48 Zubayr b. al-ʿAwwām, 4, 7

al-Zubayrī, ʿAbd Allāh b. alMusʿab, 2, 11, 26–27, 192 Zufar b. al-Ḥārith, 85 Zuhayr b. Qays al-Balawī, 36, 47, 93

PAPYROLOGICAL INDEX (Page numbers in parenthesis)

BMOr. 9526 (159) BMOr. 9529 (159) CPR VIII 82 (99, 101) P. Aphrodito 1332 (108) P. Aphrodito 1333 (108) P. Aphrodito 1341 (106) P. Aphrodito 1342 (106) P. Aphrodito 1343 (108) P. Aphrodito 1361 (108) P. Aphrodito 1366 (106) P. Aphrodito 1368 (106) P. Aphrodito 1372 (108) P. Aphrodito 1382 (108) P. Aphrodito 1383 (108) P. Aphrodito 1384 (108) P. Aphrodito 1403 (106)

P. Aphrodito 1411 (106) P. Aphrodito 1433 (95, 107) P. Aphrodito 1442 (103) P. Aphrodito 1447 (35, 51, 168) P. Aphrodito 1496 (107) P. Aphrodito 1513 (106) P. Aphrodito 1515 (106) P. Aphrodito 1518 (108) P. Aphrodito 1519 (108) P. Aphrodito 1521 (108) P. Aphrodito 1542 (108) P. Aphrodito 1545 (108) P. Lond. IV. 1412 (103) P. Lond. IV. 1413 (103) P. Lond. IV. 1434.33 (99)