Primitive Characters of Liangzhu: Paintings and Symbols (Liangzhu Civilization) 9811953104, 9789811953101

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Liangzhu Civilization

Yong Xia Xuefei Zhu

Primitive Characters of Liangzhu Paintings and Symbols

Liangzhu Civilization Series Editor Bin Liu, Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, Hangzhou, China

The Liangzhu Civilization series consists of 11 volumes, namely: Realm of King and God: Liangzhu City; Fanshan Royal Cemetery: Pyramid of the East; Liangzhu Jade Artifacts: Legal Instrument and Royalty; Liangzhu Pottery: Introversion and Resplendence; Engineering and Tools: The Stone Story of Liangzhu; Painting and Symbol: Primitive Characters of Liangzhu; The Paleoenvironment, Plants and Animals of Liangzhu; China and the World in the Liangzhu Era; Eighty Years of Archaeology at Liangzhu; What Liangzhu Was Like; and One Dig for Five Millennia: Liangzhu in the Eyes of an Archaeological Journalist. Representing the combined efforts of archaeologists from the Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology of Zhejiang Province who have been exploring Liangzhu for over 30 years, the series boasts a wealth of significant findings made at Liangzhu, shares the archaeologists’ valuable experience, and includes abundant pictures of the excavation site. Accordingly, it will help readers develop a deeper understanding of Liangzhu Civilization and reveal the evolutionary course of Chinese civilization, characterized by ‘unity in diversity.’ Both the publication of the Liangzhu Civilization Series and the ‘Liangzhu Civilization Towards the World’ exhibition are expected to serve as a bridge to the public, thereby further disseminating Liangzhu Civilization and promoting an interest in traditional Chinese culture.

Yong Xia · Xuefei Zhu

Primitive Characters of Liangzhu Paintings and Symbols

Yong Xia Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology Hangzhou, China

Xuefei Zhu Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology Hangzhou, China

Translated by Yafei Yang Freelancer Translator Beijing, China

ISSN 2730-6097 ISSN 2730-6100 (electronic) Liangzhu Civilization ISBN 978-981-19-5310-1 ISBN 978-981-19-5311-8 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5311-8 Jointly published with Zhejiang University Press The print edition is not for sale in China (Mainland). Customers from China (Mainland) please order the print book from: Zhejiang University Press. © Zhejiang University Press 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Series Editor’s Foreword

Liangzhu and Five Thousand Years of Chinese Civilization The combination of time and space is marvellous. When we look up at the starry sky and see the immense universe, the twinkling stars seem to be permanently embedded in the canopy of the heavens. However, we know from modern science that the light year is a unit of distance, and the light of stars in the depths of the universe was emitted in the distant past—the travel across time and space happens in the mere blink of an eye. Archaeology is also a discipline about the travel across time and space. Through the door of time opened by our own hands, we can go back to different moments in human history, and 5000 years ago was a special one. In the world history, 5000 years ago was a great era for a civilization to develop. Coincidentally, early civilizations all grew up in the world’s major river basins, such as the ancient Egyptian civilization in the Nile River Basin, the Sumerian civilization in the Tigris–Euphrates River Basin and the Harappan civilization in the Indus River Basin. How about the Chinese civilization 5000 years ago? This issue has baffled scholars for quite a long time. They have examined ancient China’s cities, characters, bronzeware, etc. according to the international standards of civilization and found that the ancient Chinese civilization could date back to no earlier than the Shang dynasty when oracle bone script appeared. The history before the emergence of characters was called “prehistory” in archaeology. During China’s prehistoric times, different geographical units in the vast territory have given birth to cultural sequences with various characteristics since 10,000 years ago, which is figuratively called “the sky dotted with stars” in archaeology. China’s prehistory, however, has long been underestimated. We always take the Xia and Shang dynasties as the origin of the Chinese civilization and take the Yellow River civilization as its core, which unconsciously downplays the historic significance of high-level ruins and high-grade relics in surrounding areas, such as those from the Hongshan culture in western Liaoning, the Shijiahe culture around the Yangtze River and the Han River, the Liangzhu Culture in the Taihu Basin, the Taosi

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Series Editor’s Foreword

Culture in southern Shanxi and the Shimao Site in northern Shaanxi. As we explore the origin of Chinese cultures, we come to realize that some “stars dotting the sky” had begun to sparkle, among which Liangzhu Culture is a particular one. The Liangzhu Culture, an archaeological culture of jade worship, suddenly came into existence in the lower reaches of the Yangtze River approximately 5300 years ago. Despite the fact that jade had already been widely admired, jade worship came to an unprecedented climax during that period. Different from ornamental jade ware many people love, Liangzhu people’s jade ware was made not only for aesthetic purposes. Represented by cong,1 which belonged to the ritual jade ware system besides yue,2 huang,3 bi,4 crown-shaped ornaments, three-pronged jade artefacts, awl-shaped jade artefacts, tablets and tubes, Liangzhu people’s jade ware symbolized their identity, power or wealth. Various jade ware buried in earth mounds alongside the people with supreme power showed the dignity of the deceased, and the divine emblem often engraved on the jade ware demonstrated Liangzhu people’s unified belief. The owners of the jade ware were Liangzhu’s ruling class who believed they could exercise the god’s will as the embodiment of the god. The types and quantities of the jade ware buried with them imply their social status and responsibility. It seems that the Liangzhu Culture was once divided into multiple centres and covered a great number of small states, because extremely high-level tomb groups were found at the sites of Fanshan and Yaoshan in Yuhang District, Hangzhou, the site of Sidun in Wujin District, Changzhou, the site of Gaochengdun in Jiangyin, and the site of Fuquanshan in Shanghai. Fortunately, history gave Yuhang an opportunity: more and more sites of the Liangzhu Culture were found around the site of Fanshan, and the good protection of these centrally distributed sites allowed archaeological work to be carried out smoothly in the area. In retrospect, it provided a foundation for the establishment of the Liangzhu Culture. Otherwise, no one would have realized that the scattered sites are different parts of the ancient capital city Liangzhu. We now can see that the Liangzhu City, composed of the imperial city, the inner city and the outer city, covers 6.3 km2 , around eight times the size of the Forbidden City. It boasts palaces, royal tombs, city walls, moats, a water transportation system inside the city and a water conservancy system outside the city. It was a proper capital city in terms of its scale and layout, and its carriers of culture, except for characters and bronzeware, had reached standards of a national civilization. Nevertheless, with our minds open, we may find that the general standards of civilization should not be applied rigidly when determining whether a culture has entered a civilized society or not. The significance of etiquette manifested by bronzeware in other civilized societies is reflected in jade ware in the Liangzhu Culture. Despite the lack of the character system through which languages can be recorded and thoughts and cultures can be passed down, the symbols incised on ritual jade ware could unify people’s

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Cong (琮): a straight tube with a circular bore and square outer section with convex sides. Yue (钺): axe. 3 Huang (璜): semi-circular jade artefact. 4 Bi (璧): flat jade disc with a circular hole in the centre. 2

Series Editor’s Foreword

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thoughts to a great extent, and the impressive organizational and managerial capabilities of Liangzhu society reflected in large construction projects also suggest that there must have been a certain method for information transmission similar to the character system. For these reasons, the discovery of the Liangzhu City established the existence of the Liangzhu civilization. The archaeological studies of Liangzhu have lasted for more than eight decades. In 1936, Shi Xingeng first discovered black-surfaced pottery and stone tools, and today, we have defined the Liangzhu Culture as the first regional culture in ancient China that formed an early kingdom; since 1959 when Xia Nai put forward the designation of “the Liangzhu Culture”, scholars came to know its characteristics, and today, we carry out multi-field and all-dimensional archaeological research on the Liangzhu civilization, unveiling the form of the state with more details. This book series, written by young and middle-aged scholars who are devoted to the archaeological work of Liangzhu, focuses on recent archaeological findings and studies of the ruins of the Liangzhu City in Pingyao Town, Yuhang District, Hangzhou, and contains a huge amount of information, including different aspects of the site that people hope to know, the history of the archaeological studies of Liangzhu, the palaeoenvironment, plants and animals of Liangzhu, Fanshan royal cemetery which is the highest level of cemetery in the Liangzhu Culture, high-grade jade ware of Liangzhu often discussed by people and a wide range of pottery used in Liangzhu people’s daily life. On top of that, Liangzhu is also compared with other ancient civilized states in the world, and an intriguing series of news reports on Liangzhu is commented on by media professionals. We hope this book series can arouse readers’ interest in the Liangzhu civilization, so more people can be inspired to explore our history. Perhaps, many people would ask about the relationship between the Liangzhu civilization and the Chinese civilization because Chinese people are called the descendants of Huaxia5 in modern history, but few people have heard of Liangzhu. This is understandable: we believe the Chinese civilization as a unified civilization of a nation with its political power developed in the Yellow River Basin, which originated from Xia and Shang dynasties, survived through Zhou, Qin, Han and Tang, and is still thriving today. However, the archaeologists have launched the “In Search of the Origins of Chinese Civilization” project to gain some insights into the initial cultural form of Chinese civilization, so we should not have too many presuppositions for the initial civilized society. Since we have found a 5000-year-old regional civilization, the Liangzhu civilization, we may also find the Hongshan civilization in northern Liaoning and the Shijiahe civilization in the middle reaches of the Yangtze River, though we are not able to confirm the existence of these civilizations at this stage due to limited archaeological findings. While the Liangzhu civilization started declining gradually 4300 years ago, the elements of the civilization have been well inherited because of Liangzhu’s jade, and its influence has spread all over the country—regional civilizations actually have influence on the whole area.

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Huaxia refers to a confederation of tribes—living along the Yellow River—who were the ancestors of what later became the Han ethnic group in China (Source https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Huaxia).

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Series Editor’s Foreword

Human migration and communication have never ceased since the Palaeolithic era. Population movement of different scales, degrees and forms has facilitated collisions, exchanges and integration between cultures, and the development of regional civilization is also a dynamic process. The one thousand years following the Liangzhu civilization—the earliest Chinese civilization we can confirm as of today—witnessed the successive prosperity of Taosi, Shimao and Erlitou, and the centre of regional civilization changed from time to time. In this process, the elements of civilization, such as etiquette, hierarchical society models and city structures, were inherited and integrated till the beginning of the Xia and Shang dynasties. In fact, the Xia and Shang cultures evolved in their respective regions, and the change of the dynasties was also the change of dominance of the two regional civilizations—the regions were much larger this time, and the civilizations fought against each other during that period for the control over the territory. It was not until the Qin dynasty that a state unified by centralized political power appeared in China. In this regard, the period from Liangzhu to the Shang and Zhou dynasties saw the Chinese civilization’s continued evolution from a regional civilization to a unified one, so this period can by no means be separated apart. Liangzhu, China May 2019

Liu Bin

Preface

The origin of Chinese characters always stays as a focus for historians, palaeographers and archaeologists because the emergence of Chinese characters symbolizes the beginning of civilization. If we trace the trajectory on which characters were developed, we may get closer to the source. It is a pity, however, that we lack a clear knowledge of Xia dynasty, let alone the earlier history, because the oracle bone inscriptions in the Shang dynasty are the earliest records of the Chinese civilization. Here comes a question about the legitimacy of Liangzhu Culture: can Liangzhu Culture be labelled as a civilization when there were no Chinese characters discovered in this culture? In ancient histories and legends of China, Chinese characters were created by Cang Jie, an immortal in the remote age. According to legend, this bipupillate sage not merely assisted the Yellow Emperor to govern the country, but also created the writing system by imitating animals and changes of astronomical phenomena, that is Chinese characters. As a success dispelling ignorance, it made a great splash. It rained millet so much that ghosts failing to hide themselves were scared and cried all through the night. After all, however, it is just a story, but more than what it is. A legend is always a projection of concept in reality. As a result, Cang Jie might not be a real man, but what is possibly true is that the creation and application of characters were at the mercy of rulers. In addition, there are some aspects that seem plausible. For one thing, the creation is a higher-skilled activity, and it is less likely to be a result from casual evolution of daily patterns and symbols, instead of which it must require some people to make a comprehensive summary and grant specific meanings. If not, the accessibility and standardization of characters were hardly embodied. For another, it is the very emergence of legendary “auspicious sign” that heightens greatly significant implications of characters. As the language could be recorded, wisdom would be so accumulated to the largest extent that undoubtedly civilization progress of the primitive society could be advanced largely.

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Preface

So, were there Chinese characters in Liangzhu Culture on earth? This book will answer this question.

Image of Cang Jie

Hangzhou, China

Yong Xia Xuefei Zhu

Contents

1 Literature Review on Symbols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Symbols and Characters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Review on the Discovery and Research of Engraved Symbols of Liangzhu Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 1 9 13

2 Engraved Ideographic Symbols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Symbolic Glyph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Painted Glyph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

15 15 63

3 Engraved Ornamental Symbols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Poked-Dot Symbols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Engraved Ornamental Symbols of Dragon and Bird Pattern Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

81 81 81 89

4 Appreciation and Analysis of Typical Glyph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 4.1 Hu-Flask with Lugs on Both Sides Unearthed in Chenghu Site of Suzhou . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 4.2 Inscribed Jade Bi-Disc from Baimushan, Anxi, Yuhang . . . . . . . . . . 120 4.3 Introduction on a Couple of Inscribed Stone Wares . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141

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Chapter 1

Literature Review on Symbols

1.1 Symbols and Characters In order to know more about ancients, we hope earnestly that a larger number of unrevealed historical literature and materials will be discovered. For instance, four significant historical materials—inscriptions on oracle bones from Yin Ruins, 1 bamboo and wooden slips of the Han and Jin dynasties, Buddhist scriptures in Dunhuang, and archives of the Ming and Qing dynasties—have contributed to the historical research as invaluable literature. In addition, the possibility of finding prehistorical characters can prolong the history that can be explained and unveil the mysteries surrounding the early civilization. There is no doubt that this significant task will be shouldered by archaeologists. After all, we would gain no access to the prehistoric Chinese characters without archaeological discoveries. Before the middle 1980s or so, however, discussions on the origin of characters and on the relation between prehistorical symbols and characters were started and headed by historians studying the ancient history as well as palaeographers. In the late 1960s and the early 1970s, Li Xiaoding (李孝定) referred to the contemporary data about five inscriptions on potteries and published the article A Hypothesis on the Origin of Chinese Characters Based on Prehistorical Inscriptions on Potteries and Those in an Early History 《从几种史前和有史早期陶文的观察蠡测中国文 ( 字的起源》 ).2 He pointed out that symbols inscribed on potteries that were unearthed in Banpo Relics (Fig. 1.1) were the earliest Chinese characters known to us, perhaps from 3500 to 4000 years ago, and he firstly proposed the singularism theory about the character origin, holding that the five inscriptions and inscriptions on oracle bones were from the same system. Similarly, the inscribed symbols in Banpo were believed by Guo Moruo (郭沫若) to involve “the origin of Chinese characters, or

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A site for the capital of the late Shang dynasty, now in Anyang city, Henan province. Li (2008). It was originally published in Journal of South Seas University, 3 (1969).

© Zhejiang University Press 2022 Y. Xia and X. Zhu, Primitive Characters of Liangzhu, Liangzhu Civilization , https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5311-8_1

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1 Literature Review on Symbols

Fig. 1.1 Symbols inscribed on potteries that were unearthed in Banpo Relics

relic of ancient characters”,3 who also put forward the family crest theory and two systems of self-explanatory and pictographic characters wherein the former kind appeared earlier than the latter one. Likewise, Yu Xingwu (于省吾) viewed some inscriptions in the Yangshao period (the Neolithic Age) as characters to some degree, which boast a history of over 6000 years.4 Published in 1974, Dawenkou: Report on Excavations of Tombs in the Neolithic Period 《大汶口: ( 新石器时代墓葬发掘报告》 ) unveiled inscribed symbols of Dawenkou Culture (Fig. 1.2) that were unearthed in Shandong province, specifically Lingyang River site in Juxian County, and Qianzhai Site in Zhucheng City. Those symbols are closely related to Chinese characters, representing the prelude to the origin of civilization, according to many scholars including Shao Wangping (劭 望平), Gao Guangren (高广仁), Peng Bangjiong (彭邦炯) and Chen Guoqiang (陈 国强).5 Differently, however, Tang Lan (唐兰) regards those as mature characters.6 3

Guo (1972). Yu (1973). 5 Shao Wangping. Characters on Earthenware Vessels—Sparkle of Ancient Civilization 《远古文 ( 明的火花——陶尊上的文字》 ); Gao Guangren, Social Nature and Time of Dawenkou Culture— A Discussion with Tang Lan 《大汶口文化的社会性质与年代——兼与唐兰先生商榷》 ( ); Peng Bangjiong, Being a Clan Society Not a Slave One—A Discussion with Tang Lan on Dawenkou Culture 《是氏族社会, ( 不是奴隶社会——就大汶口文化和唐兰先生商榷》 ); Chen Guoqiang, On the Social Nature of Dawenkou Tombs—A Discussion with Tang Lan 《略论大汶口墓葬 ( 的社会性质——与唐兰同志商榷》 ). [All the above-mentioned works are included in Collected Works of Discussions on Dawenkou Culture 《大汶口文化讨论文集》 ( ) by Office of Archaeology, Department of History, Shandong University. Jinan: Qilu Press, (1979)]. 6 For example, Tang Lan has highlighted for many times that the six symbols of Dawenkou have been standardized characters with a history of 5500 years, the earliest ones of our current characters that can be compared with inscriptions on ancient bronze objects and on oracle bones of Shang and Zhou dynasties, in works including To Judge the Time of Our Earliest Culture According to Pottery Characters of Dawenkou Culture《从大汶口文化的陶器文字看我国最早文化的年代》 ( ), Another Discussion on the Social Nature of Dawenkou Culture and Dawenkou Pottery Characters— An Answer to Peng Bangjiong《再论大汶口文化的社会性质和大汶口陶器文字——兼答彭邦 ( 炯同志), and Chinese Slave Society Can Date Back to Five or Six Thousands Years Ago—On 4

1.1 Symbols and Characters

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Fig. 1.2 Engraved earthenware jars and rubbings of some engraved symbols unearthed in Lingyang River site, Juxian County, Shandong province

Unlike those who uphold the “character theory”, Qiu Xigui (裘锡圭) thinks that conditions in the Neolithic period are not mature enough to form a complete writing system and divides prehistorical symbols into two types: geometrical and pictographic.7 Based on ethnological researches, Wang Ningsheng (汪宁生) who referred to documentary records and archaeological materials held that characters originated in three ways, which, instead of a single-path one, occurred and coexisted in parallel with each other. In his opinion, the popular view that “characters stemmed from glyph” fails to be grounded completely, and instead, the discovered evidences show that only those on potteries from Erlitou, Wucheng and Taixi village sites can be regarded as the earliest.8 In other words, no character was created in the Neolithic Age. Yan Ruxian (严汝娴), a female scholar who made a survey on the community of Pumi Nationality mainly distributing in Lijiang, Yunnan Province, agreed with Guo Moruo that the system of self-explanatory characters predated the pictographic characters, but she also thought that inscribed symbols 9 of the Yangshao Culture in

Newly-Discovered Dawenkou Culture and Pottery Characters Thereof, and Criticism on Confucius Reactionary View of History《中国奴隶制社会的上限远在五六千年前——论新发现的大汶口 ( 文化与其陶器文字, 批判孔丘的反动历史观》 ) [All the above-mentioned works are included in Collected Works of Discussions on Dawenkou Culture by Office of Archaeology, Department of History, Shandong University. Jinan: Qilu Press, (1979)]. 7 Qiu (1978). 8 Wang (1981). 9 In Chinese academia, “engraving” was expressed as “刻画” or “刻划” in Chinese, and they same basically. To make terms uniform, it was “engraving” in the book (excluding references cited) and also can correspond to the title Painting and Symbol.

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1 Literature Review on Symbols

Banpo and Jiangzhai sites were not characters, but the specific marks for recording, possibly similar to those created by Pumi nationality. 10 With the similar idea that many symbols in the late Neolithic Age were not Chinese characters, Gao Ming (高明) differently expressed that “in view that Chinese characters were created under the inspiration of primitive pictures, the earliest character should be pictographic, but not self-explanatory”.11 After the middle 1980s when the controversy between “symbol theory” and “character theory” was highly concerned in the palaeographic circle, an increasing number of archaeologists also joined the discussion and explained those symbols from the perspective of archaeology. For instance, Yan Wenming (严文明), who made an explanation by classifying the inscribed symbols on potteries from Banpo according to different structures, suggested that “several major symbols involving an internal logic were designed overall to refer to some common objects or events taking place often”12 ; Liu Mingang (刘民钢), reclassifying Yangshao symbols from Banpo, included part of those in a type of notation, which was different from traditional knowledge about numeric marks.13 With the publication of archaeological materials including inscriptions on potteries in Dinggong Site (Fig. 1.3) and Shuangdun engraved symbols, the discussion reaches its climax in the academia, where scholars tended to be more conventional. For instance, some scholars argued that the engraved symbols of Shuangdun Site (Fig. 1.4) referred to a primitive system existing in the middle reach of Huaihe River in the middle Neolithic Age—regional characters embodying the multiple origins and diversified development of Chinese characters.14 The continuous argument on the origin mostly lies in different definitions and research methods, according to Liu Yiman (刘一曼). It was not a right time for the creation of characters in and before the period of Yangshao Culture, she thinks. As a result, contemporary symbols or glyph were not characters at all, and instead, Taosi Culture in Longshan period appeared when primitive characters transitioned to mature characters.15 Having completely sorted out all the engraved symbols in Henan region, Yuan Guangkuo (袁广阔) made a new classification from the perspective of formation and abandoned expressions traditionally with meaning of representation as well as concepts. He defined and classified symbols in order to stop the academic value

10 Yan (1982). In the article, she described that she found a group of location markers similar to hieroglyphs when investigating in Jisu village, Yiji commune, Muli County of Sichuan province, holding that they were hieroglyphs rather than engraved symbols. It is different from Wang Ningsheng’s view that objects, symbols and painting for recording were developed in parallel, also inconsistent with current popular one. 11 Gao (1984). 12 Yan (1993). 13 Liu (1997). 14 Wang (2011). 15 Liu (2005).

1.1 Symbols and Characters

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Fig. 1.3 Pottery shard with inscriptions unearthed in Dinggong Site of Zouping City, Shandong province

Fig. 1.4 Engraved symbols at the bottom of potteries unearthed in Shuangdun site, Bengbu City, Anhui province

of early pottery symbols from being overestimated and investigate the relationship between the symbols and character origin in terms of semiological physical features.16

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Yuan (2012).

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In conclusion, scholars in different standpoints fail to reach a consensus on the concept of prehistorical characters, seeming to capture something that, however, is dubious, which is in that characters are recognized only when they can be explained. In the prehistorical period, however, so-called characters, if any, were likely to appear as single symbols, with few references or contexts for the explanation. Coloured drawing and engraving serve as two main techniques for those symbols to be preserved till now. Sometimes, the two could be employed together, as a case of which a symbol on an earthenware bowel of Jiangzhai was engraved on the black and colourful stripe (Fig. 1.5). In whatever forms, symbols cannot be defined purely. About 6000 or 7000 years ago when the painted pottery was prevalent, symbols possibly acted as decorations of some type, such as the glyph on the outer wall of a pointed-bottom earthen urn excavated in Beishouling Site (Fig. 1.6) and those on fragments of painted potteries of Longqiuzhuang Site (Fig. 1.7), which all embodied characteristics of symbols but should not be considered as simple symbols or decorations. In effect, symbols with specific significance were used for decoration, true of the engraving. Prehistorical engraving and coloured drawing exerted an influence that cannot be downplayed. At an early time of the mature engraving, a batch of Hunan white potteries (Fig. 1.8) from over 7000 years ago can unveil with complicated engraved glyph the exquisite technique and wonderful spiritual world of ancestors. Visually, we can know that the engraved glyph is for both decoration and special significance, of which the numerous counterparts in a shape of round also have a function of symbol. In fact, those engraved symbols, which exist only as symbols, often appear in some inconspicuous areas, such as the bottom of the pottery, or the lower part of the round foot, etc. So, in this regard, we should approach those symbols as follows: Firstly, as a symbol is an abstract image, the symbol and the pictographic glyph shall be read differently. Secondly, symbols are the representatives of various meanings. In the simplest sense, symbols are used to refer to certain objects, for example, a mountain or a sun, but may involve an event in a more complex way. Since symbols

Fig. 1.5 Engraved painted pottery bowl at Jiangzhai Site in Lintong, Shaanxi province

1.1 Symbols and Characters Fig. 1.6 Unearthed painted pottery Urn at Beishouling Site, Shaanxi province

Fig. 1.7 Unearthed painted pottery fragments at Longqiuzhuang Site in Gaoyou, Jiangsu province

Fig. 1.8 Engraved white pottery plate, Hunan province

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are not the same as pictographic glyph, then we might still go in the wrong direction when we intend to figure out the meanings of those symbols that are assumed to be associated with mountain or sun. In addition to the meanings, we should pay attention to their functions as well. Marking and decorating should be the types closest to the real situation. Marked contents may refer to the category of measurement and attribution, at best staying at the level of speculation according to domestic archaeological discoveries. Yet the decorative function is easy to judge, which, of course, is impossible for every symbol to have. Symbols with a decorative function are often characterized with a more regular image and integrated into a certain decorative context. And all of that has just laid a strong foundation for us to guess the meaning of those symbols. In effect, character is also a kind of symbols. Nowadays, characters act as a group of systematic symbols that not only express ideas, but also have recorded pronunciations. From the oracle bone inscriptions to current characters, the writing system of Liu Shu (six categories of Chinese characters) has been staying same, and instead, if the original characters before the oracle bone inscriptions did not follow this creation system, we must admit, it is almost impossible to recognize those primitive characters in the light of the experience of Chinese palaeography, unless the Chinese equivalent of “Rosetta Stone” (Fig. 1.9) is discovered. Nevertheless, the prehistorical China still had some symbols with images that surpassed the simple ones in form, such as the inscriptions on potteries unearthed in Dinggong Site of Zouping, Shandong province, counterparts from Longqiuzhuang Fig. 1.9 Rosetta Stone, inscribed in 196 BC, is a large basalt stele recording the accession of King Ptolemy V of ancient Egypt. The stele is inscribed with the same contents in three different languages and on its top is the ancient Egyptian pictographs, in the middle is the secular language used by the Egyptian common people, and at the bottom is the Greek translation required under Greek rule. This unique trilingual writing has become the key to the interpretation of Egyptian pictographs

1.2 Review on the Discovery and Research of Engraved …

9

Fig. 1.10 Inscribed pottery shards unearthed at Longqiuzhuang Site

Site, Gaoyou, Jiangsu province (Fig. 1.10) and engraving symbols on stone tomahawks in Zhuangqiaofen Site, Pinghu, Jiaxing, Zhejiang province, etc. Although they have reached no conclusion with regard to the interpretation of them, scholars are pretty sure that the symbols have taken the general form of characters, which can compose words, sentences and chapters. This is the formal recognition of symbols that are closer to words.

1.2 Review on the Discovery and Research of Engraved Symbols of Liangzhu Culture The discovery and research of the Liangzhu Culture engraved symbols started early, concentrated on the collection of materials before the 1990s. Before “Liangzhu

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Culture” was defined, Shi Xingeng (施昕更) and other scholars had noted the existence of engraved symbols on the ancient cultural relics in Liangzhu area. In Brief Record of Ancient Cultural Ruins 《远古文化遗址试掘简录》 ( ) published in 1937 and Liangzhu: Preliminary Report on Black Pottery Ruins in the Second District of Hangxian County 《良渚——杭县第二区黑陶文化遗址初步报告》 ( ) published the next year, he collected five symbols. In the same year, He Tianxing (何天行) published his book Stoneware and Black Potteries in Liangzhu Town, Hangxian County 《杭县良渚镇之石器与黑陶》 ( ), collecting four. Since 1970s, with the discovery of more and more Liangzhu cultural relics, an increasing number of engraved symbols have been unearthed in Liangzhu Culture areas. Around the 1990s, plenty of inscribed potteries were unearthed in many small and medium-sized cemeteries and residences of Liangzhu ancient cities, with Bianjiashan and Miaoqian sites as typical examples. In Liangzhu Culture sites densely distributed in Jiaxing area, inscriptions in a great number can be found on potteries and a few on stoneware, especially in the tomb of Zhuangqiaofen, Pinghu. During this period, several special archaeological discoveries directly promote academic understanding of engraved symbols of Liangzhu Culture. Firstly, a jar with lugs on both sides, having four engraved symbols, was excavated in the Chenghu Site, Suzhou in 1974. Secondly, a group of intact engraved potteries was found in the Nanhu Site, Yuhang from 1986 to 1987, including the one painted with a series of glyph on the round foot. Thirdly, in 1992, the Cultural Relic Bureau of Yuhang County collected a jade bi-disc with engraved symbols in Baimushan of Anxi village, which clearly assured that the “Gao Tai Li Niao” (bird standing on a high platform) symbol indeed was created as a part of Liangzhu Culture. Subsequently, the engraved jade wares of the same kind were unearthed at Fuquanshan Site of Shanghai, Yujiashan Site of Linping in Yuhang and Jiangzhuang Site of Xinghua in Jiangsu. With the confirmation on engraved symbols of Liangzhu jades, a large number of relevant materials lost abroad have been gradually introduced by some scholars to their research works. For instance, Deng Shuping (邓淑平) authored Study on 17 in 1986, in Strange Patterns of Ancient Jades 《古代玉器上奇异纹饰的研究)》 ( which she discussed the bird-standing-on-a-high-platform symbols on Liangzhu Culture jades; in On Mysterious Symbols on Liangzhu Jades 《论良渚玉器上的 ( 神秘符号》 ),18 she comprehensively introduced the symbols on 12 Liangzhu jades, including engraved ones on many jades collected in museums outside China. Wang Huajie (王华杰) and Zuo Jun (左骏) opened the new discovery about engraved Liangzhu Culture jades at Shaoqingshan Site in Kunshan and made a preliminary summary of the research on the jades lost at home and abroad.19 The Jade Age: Early Chinese Jades in the American Museum, edited by Jiang Yili (江伊莉) and Gu Fang

17

Deng (1986). Deng (1992). 19 Wang and Zuo (2009). 18

1.2 Review on the Discovery and Research of Engraved …

11

(古方), gave a comprehensive and systematic introduction to Liangzhu Culture jades collected in the USA.20 These documents of Liangzhu engraved symbols have aroused a heated discussion in the academic circle where the representative views are summarized as follows: In 1990, Zhang Minghua (张明华) and Wang Huiju (王慧菊) published a paper Neolithic Pottery Inscriptions in the Taihu Lake Area 《太湖地区新石器时代的陶 ( 文》 ),21 the earliest work taking the Taihu Lake Basin as a geographical unit, which discussed engraved symbols in the periods of Songze and Liangzhu. In their opinions, primitive characters had existed in the Liangzhu Culture, and the pottery inscriptions getting out of a representational stage were developed towards abstract characters. In addition to the pottery inscriptions, there was also a kind of emblem existing on jades in Liangzhu Culture, which was not considered as characters because of its concreteness. In other cultures, engraved symbols on potteries as those in Banpo and Dawenkou are regarded same to emblems engraved on jades, stones and potteries in the Liangzhu era, not serving as characters. Mou Yongkang (牟永抗) delivered primitive characters of the Liangzhu Culture ( 《良渚文化的原始文字》 )22 in 1996, making three conclusions by listing as proofs pottery symbols in such sites as Chenghu Lake of Suzhou, Nanhu Lake of Yuhang, Maqiao and Tinglin towns of Shanghai, as well as symbols on Liangzhu jade bi-disc and Cong: The engraved symbols of the Liangzhu Culture can be classified into pictographic and self-explanatory types; the symbols mentioned in the work can be seen in many samples, and the same ones appear in both Liangzhu and Dawenkou cultures, which shows a consensus that these symbols have been commonly accepted in areas and become communicative media; permutations of many symbols come into sight, of which some seem like radicals but it is hard to tell whether they can function as phonographies do. In 1997, Qian Yuzhi (钱玉趾) introduced and studied engraved potteries unearthed in Nanhu Lake, Chenghu Lake and Maqiao Sites, as well as those collected by The Arthur M. Sackler Gallery,23 who reckoned that four symbols engraved on the black pottery jar from Nanhu Lake and two ones on the cup with a wide handle from Maqiao, may be characters because of the expressive function of language. Definitely, however, symbols on the Sackler jar with lugs on both sides were accepted by him as real characters. “The black pottery had symbols on its surface engraved after the firing, sandinclusion potteries with symbols rarely found due to the vulnerability and the clay counterparts delicate and smooth. In effect, flints and quartz with general hardness

20

The Jade Age: Early Chinese Jades in the American Museum, edited by Jiang Yili & Gu Fang. Beijing: Science Press, (2009). 21 Zhang and Wang (1990). 22 Published in Liangzhu Culture—Twilight of Civilization 《文明的曙光——良渚文化》 ( ), edited by Committee of Cultural and Historical Data of Yuhang Political Consultative Conference and Yuhang Bureau of Cultural Relics. Hangzhou: Zhejiang People’s Publishing House, (1996). 23 Qian (1997).

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all can be inscribed. Symbols are mostly discovered on the dou-stemmed cup, widehandle cups and average cups, some of which are created in a style as sophisticated as that of ornamentation on jade wares, vivid and elegant. It is estimated that the style is created by one from the intellectual stratum”,24 summarized Fang Xiangming (方 向明) in 2002. An Overview of Prehistoric Engraved Symbols in Zhejiang Area 《浙江地区 ( 史前刻画符号概述》 ),25 authored by Cao Jinyan (曹锦炎) and Fang Xiangming in 2008, describes the relationship and differences of ornamentation and symbols on utensils in Zhejiang, as well as symbol carriers and engraving techniques, and expresses the difficulty to define the boundary between ornamentation and symbols. The work classifies collected symbols into four types: the self-explanatory symbol with simple strokes, the pictogram, the ideographic glyph and the multi-glyph (or the self-explanatory combination). Furthermore, a summary is made about two research thoughts of the symbols: first, scholars in palaeography prefer to trace the relationship between primitive characters and engraved symbols, especially the origin of characters; second, archaeological workers focus on meanings of symbols, with their priority to thoughts of “humankind”. All the conceptions are of great significance for nationwide studies on Neolithic symbols to refer to. In addition, there are monographic studies by many scholars on engraved symbols in Liangzhu Culture, including Li Xueqin (李学勤)’s On Engraved Symbols of the Black Pottery in Liangzhu Culture of Yuhang Nanhu《试论余杭南湖良渚文化黑陶 ( 罐的刻划符号》 ),26 An Analysis of Yuhang Anxi Jade Bi-disc and Relevant Symbols 《余杭安溪玉璧与有关符号的分析》 ( )27 and others. An explanation of some important symbols was made by Dong Chuping (董楚平) in Interpretation of the Alter in Liangzhu Culture—Also of Artificial Soil Abutment and Symbols on Anxi Jade Bi-disc 《良渚文化祭坛释义——兼释人工大土台和安溪玉璧刻符》 ( ).28 He told stories about Fuquanshan in Shanghai, Yaoshan and Huiguanshan in Yuhang and believed that layered high-platform symbols on engraved jade bi-disc, high-cylinder jade Cong and alter that were unearthed in Anxi were designed with similar ideological connotations. Then in 2001, Mr. Dong explained in another essay the four symbols on the black pottery in Suzhou Chenghu. He stated that “Fang Yue Hui Shi (方钺会矢)” refers to a meeting for the alliance held in the State of Yue, a record of military alliance in Liangzhu Culture or even the literature of founding a state.29 Moreover, Gao Menghe (高蒙河) studied the symbol “ge (个)” in the culture, accepting it as an embodiment of royal palace, house or even possibly the building

24

Fang (2002). Cao and Fang (2008). 26 Published in Liangzhu Culture—Twilight of Civilization, edited by Committee of Cultural and Historical Data of Yuhang Political Consultative Conference and Yuhang Bureau of Cultural Relics. Hangzhou: Zhejiang People’s Publishing House, (1996). 27 Li (1996). 28 Dong (1999). 29 Dong (2001). 25

References

13

on a high platform.30 Thus, this work is intended to study symbols to verify materials with materials from an archaeological perspective by taking the social background of symbols into consideration. To sum up, the study on engraved symbols in Liangzhu Culture is still around the discussion on the relationship between “symbols” and “characters”. In effect, whether Liangzhu characters exist or not is not a simple yes–no question. Liangzhu Culture appeared as a result of multiple factors, and the character was just one of them. According to the statement in the introduction that the creation and application of characters were at the mercy of the ruling class, even in the Shang dynasty (around 1600 BC-1046 BC), characters, as a matter of fact, served as tools for divination, the media for rulers to connect with immortals but for tribes not common to see. In this sense, Liangzhu jade wares and holy emblems were designed for the purpose of achieving mortal–immortal communications [see series including Earth-Structured Pyramid: Liangzhu Imperial Mausoleum in Fanshan Hill 《土筑金字塔: ( 良渚反 山王陵》 ) and Dharma Vessels and Royal Power: Jade Wares in Liangzhu Culture ( 《法器与王权: 良渚文化玉器》 )]. In the prehistorical period, they were created unprecedentedly by Liangzhu people who established a representation-uniform glyph system of belief that can be explained, and they might function like characters for the people. Beyond the system of uniform belief, engraved symbols seem comparatively fragmented, but we can depend on the previous conclusions in the academia to understand them as different types. This book distinguishes ideographic symbols from decorative ornamentation, unveiling the mystery of Liangzhu symbols by types with different functions.

References Cao, J., & Fang, X. (2008). An overview of prehistoric engraved symbols in Zhejiang Area《浙江地 ( 区史前刻画符号概述》 ). In Proceedings of the 11th Annual Meeting of Chinese Archaeological Society 《中国考古学会第十一次年会论文集》 ( ). Cultural Relics Press. Deng, S. (1986). Study on strange patterns of ancient jades. Taipei: National Palace Museum Research Quarterly, 4(1). Deng, S. (1992). On mysterious symbols on Liangzhu Jades. Taipei: National Palace Museum Monthly of Chinese Art, 117. Dong, C. (1999). Interpretation of the alter in Liangzhu culture—Also of artificial soil abutment and symbols on Anxi Jade Bi-disc (良渚文化祭坛释义——兼释人工大土台和安溪玉璧刻符). Zhejiang Social Sciences, 3. Dong, C. (2001). Explanations on “Fang Yue Hui Shi (方钺会矢)"of Liangzhu Characters. Southeast Culture, 3. Fang, X. (2002). On Liangzhu Miaoqian techniques of pottery manufacturing 《良渚庙前制陶 ( 工艺点滴谈》 ), published in Liangzhu Culture Forum 《良渚文化论坛》 ( ) by Liangzhu Culture Museum Zhejiang Ancient Books Publishing House. Gao, M. (1984). On pottery symbols and origin of Chinese characters 《论陶符兼谈汉字的起源 ( 》 ). Journal of Peking University (Philosophy and Social Sciences), 6. 30

Gao (1998).

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Gao, M. (1998). Explanations on the meaning of carved “个"-shaped symbol in Liangzhu Culture (良渚文化“个”形刻划符号释意). Journal of Shanghai University (Social Sciences Edition), 5 (2). Guo, M. (1972). Dialectical development of ancient Chinese characters. Acta Archaeologica Sinica, 1. Li, X. (1996). An analysis of Yuhang Anxi Jade bi-disc and relevant symbols 《余杭安溪玉璧 ( 与有关符号的分析》 ). In Liangzhu culture—Twilight of civilization. Zhejiang Ancient Books Publishing House. Li, X. (2008). A hypothesis on the origin of Chinese characters that is based on prehistorical inscriptions on potteries and those in an early history. In On the origin and evolution of chinese characters. Linking Publishing Co. Liu, M. (1997). On pottery symbols of Yangshao culture 《试论仰韶陶符》 ( ). Huaxia Archaeology, 4. Liu, Y. (2005). Thoughts on the origin of Chinese Characters《对中国文字起源的几点看法》 ( ). In Institute of Archaeology and Research Center of Ancient Civilizations (Ed.), Chinese academy of social sciences, studies on ancient civilizations I. Cultural Relics Press. Qian, Y. (1997). A preliminary study on Carved symbols and characters of Liangzhu Culture《良渚 ( 文化的刻划符号及文字初论》 ). Journal of Soochow University (Philosophy & Social Science Edition), 2. Qiu, X. (1978). A preliminary study on the formation of Chinese characters 《汉字形成问题的初 ( 步探索》 ). Studies of the Chinese Language, 3, (1978). Wang, N. (1981). From primitive recording to character creation《从原始记事到文字发明》 ( ). Acta Archaeologica Sinica, 1. Wang, H., & Zuo, J. (2009). New discovery about engraved Liangzhu culture jades at Shaoqingshan Site in Kunshan (昆山少卿山遗址新发现的良渚玉璧刻符). Southeast Culture, 5. Wang, Y. (2011). Cultural characteristics and natures of Shuangdun symbols 《双墩符号的文化 ( 特征及其性质》 ). Journal of Ocean University of China (Social Science), 5. Yan, R. (1982). Engraved symbols of Pumi nationality—Also on engraved symbols of Yangshao Culture 《普米族的刻划符号——兼谈对仰韶文化刻划符号的看法》 ( ). Acta Archaeologica Sinica, 3. Yan, W. (1993). Classification and explanation of engraved symbols on Banpo Potteries 《半坡类 ( 型陶器刻划符号的分类和解释》 ). Cultural Relics World, 6. Yu, X. (1973). Some questions about the study on ancient characters. Cultural Relics, 2, (1973) Yuan, G., Ma, B., & Song, G. (2012). Study on early engraved symbols of Hennan 《河南早期刻 ( 画符号研究》 ). Science Press. Zhang, M., & Wang, H. (1990). Neolithic pottery inscriptions in the Taihu Lake Area. Acta Archaeologica Sinica, 10.

Chapter 2

Engraved Ideographic Symbols

The engraved symbols of different shapes are found in the pottery, stone and jade objects, especially in the pottery objects. The ideographic symbol is used here to replace the engraved ornamentation described in the next chapter. Also, “glyph” is used in this chapter as a concept to refer to regular “symbols” in a broader sense, intended to similarly distinguish “symbolic glyph” from “painted glyph” and narrow down the concept of “symbol”. It is conducive to direct classification in form. In effect, as has been already argued by scholars, the boundary between the two types is not clear, but there does exist a good deal of symbols both into the two that cannot be easily confused and should be distinguished. At present, the form of symbols stands as a main focus of scholars in their study of the engraved symbols, but engraved parts of carriers and engraving steps before or after the firing just serve as auxiliary information providing a potential possibility for contexts where the symbols were applied but not work directly for understanding symbolic connotations.

2.1 Symbolic Glyph Symbolic glyph focuses on “marking”, whose ideographic meanings can be recognized but difficultly explored. Symbols, in a simple shape, are formed with few strokes, of which the same kind is always reapplied however in different forms but not corresponding to some utensil. Currently, the definition of the same kind symbol is largely dependent on conjectures.

All illustrations in this chapter are all from Carved Symbols in Liangzhu Culture 《良渚文化刻画 ( 符号》 ), chief-edited by Zhang Binghuo (张炳火) and compiled by Liangzhu Museum. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, (2015). © Zhejiang University Press 2022 Y. Xia and X. Zhu, Primitive Characters of Liangzhu, Liangzhu Civilization , https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5311-8_2

15

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Fig. 2.1 Jar (Zhuangqiaofen M112: 2, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

In essentials, we encounter difficulties in grasping the classification system of symbols that was established by Liangzhu people. Even, we fail to have the knowledge of how many meanings one symbol can refer to or whether different symbols are equal to expressing the same meaning. It is a process of trials to determine what standards should be employed for the classification when “symbolic glyph” is sorted. As a matter of preference, it has not been finally concluded. As a result, the classification in this section is not made well founded, just serving as a reference observed from different perspectives to provide some possibilities of thinking. (1) Glyph for Counting In view that they were able to be engaged in more advanced rice farming and major earthworks, Liangzhu ancestors must have mastered necessary scientific knowledge and also had their simple comprehensions on four seasons, phenology and engineering mechanics. When manufacturing jade Cong,1 a critical sacrificial vessel, they clearly gave odd and even numbers some connotation, for which a set of mathematical system should have existed at the time for needs. Thus, “counting” must be indispensable. However, the counting way by Liangzhu ancestors is still unknown to us, letting alone their “system of numeration” and the possibility of mixed systems. In addition, Liangzhu calendar being also a mystery, we do not know how they numbered years as well as calendar cycles. At this point, it is hardly feasible for us to analogize the system of numeration and calendar cycles from modern experience to ancient counterparts even there really were symbols referring to “numbers”. In consequence, the qualitative classification of “symbols for counting” has not been decided, and the following examples are just intuitively close to the counting method from our experience. (See Figs. 2.1, 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, 2.8, 2.9, 2.10, 2.11, 2.12, 2.13, 2.14, 2.15, 2.16, 2.17 and 2.18).

1

One kind of sacrificial vessels that was made of jade, square outside and circular inside.

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

17

Fig. 2.2 Hu-flask with lugs on both sides (Huacheng H6: 29, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.3 Double-lug hu-flask (Zhuangqiaofen M100: 2, carved at the bottom of round foot and before the firing)

It is easy to identify in these symbols a distinct feature that their strokes gradually increase in parallel. In particular, symbols with one, two or three strokes appear more frequent, and they have similar carriers as well as carved parts thereof, which implicates that at least the three symbols are comparatively equivalent in the same meaning. Seen from the counting in inscriptions on bones or tortoise shells, “one”, “two”, “three” and “four” were referred to by incremental line segments for accumulated counting rods. Herein, four- and five-stroke symbols obviously fail to be as regular as the above-mentioned, with which samples are infrequent. How can we understand such a difference? Whether had the counting way changed from “four” or “five” as they indeed were numerical symbols? Twenty-two parallel line segments

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Fig. 2.4 Fragmentary round foot (Tadi TS3E3: 49, carved at the bottom of round foot and before the firing)

Fig. 2.5 Leg of ding-cauldron (Zhuangqiaofen T201 ➃: 18, carved on the side of the leg and before the firing)

carved on the shoulder of Nanhu pottery zun-wine vessel, however, should not be accepted as continuous “number”, due to an evident fact that few symbols with five and more strokes appeared incremental with parallel strokes. There was a great possibility that the counting way after “five” had changed. “Five” in oracle bone inscriptions existed as “ ”, similar to a common Liangzhu symbol (see Figs. 2.19 and 2.20). Coupled with the “ ”, similar symbols like “×” and “+” (see Figs. 2.21, 2.22, 2.23, 2.24, 2.25 and 2.26) were also common. It is not easy to tell “×” from “+” while they were always carved at the bottom of utensils under the circumstance where there was no standard positive direction. In the view of Liangzhu people, two line segments that were crossed meant the same, which were distinguished unnecessarily. If such crossed symbols served as a cardinal number, larger numbers beyond the cardinality could continuously have strokes increased and shapes changed, just

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

19

Fig. 2.6 Leg of ding-cauldron (Zhuangqiaofen T201 ➁: 14, carved on the front of the leg and before the firing)

Fig. 2.7 Handle (Zhuangqiao Grave T201 ➄: 9, carved on the outside of the handle and before the firing)

Fig. 2.8 Jar (Zhuangqiaofen M162: 20, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

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Fig. 2.9 Gui-tureen with a cover (Jinshidun M3: 8, carved at the bottom of round foot and before the firing)

Fig. 2.10 Handle (Tadi TS3E4 ➇: 76, carved on the outside of the handle and before the firing)

like Roman numerals from “V” to “VI” and “VII”. A similar law is implicated in Liangzhu symbols, as is proved by “ ” with one increased stroke (see Figs. 2.27 and 2.28) and “ ” with two (see Figs. 2.29 and 2.30), but samples with more strokes are rarely found, taking as an example the symbol Zhaungqiaofen M246: 7 (see Fig. 2.31) whose application cannot be assured in connection with the law. In addition, how counting rods were arranged was changed to refer to some cardinal number among a series of incremental numbers, according to our experience. Such examples as “ ” (see Fig. 2.32), “ ” (see Figs. 2.33, 2.34, 2.35, 2.36 and 2.37) and “ ” (see Figs. 2.38, 2.39, 2.40 and 2.41) are frequently seen on ordinary utensil carriers, among which “ ” is two superimposed “×”, used as a multiple of the cardinality reasonably.

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

21

Fig. 2.11 Leg of ding-cauldron (Zhuangqiaofen T303 ➈: 19, carved on the front of the leg and before the firing)

Fig. 2.12 Leg of ding-cauldron (Zhuangqiaofen T201 ➁: 13, carved on the side of the leg and before the firing)

The point is, however, that we still fail to discern which of “ ”, “×”, “ ”, “ ” and “ ” were used as cardinal numbers or to analogize them with “five”, “ten” and “twenty” on a well-grounded stance even observing the symbols from the “counting” perspective. Besides, we need to think what those inconspicuous numerical symbols could be used for when they were real numbers. Otherwise, approaches and proofs to verify that utensils needed numbers to match with them will be helpful for us to deduct and explain specific numbers indicated by carved symbols. The two ways of deduction should be employed prudently for certain, avoiding the tendency to argue in circles, but at present, they are still unpractical.

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Fig. 2.13 Ding-cauldron with a cover (Gaodun M1: 19, carved at the top of the cover button and before the firing)

Fig. 2.14 Handle of a cover (Tadi TN8E6 ➉: 32, carved on the outside of the handle and before the firing)

Fig. 2.15 Rim of a jar (Bianjiashan T2: 13, carved on the inside wall and before the firing)

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

23

Fig. 2.16 Leg of a ding-cauldron (Zhuangqiaofen T203 ➅: 12, carved at the front of the leg and before the firing)

Fig. 2.17 Jar (Zhuangqiaofen M107: 2, carved on the inside wall and before the firing)

Even so, reasonable conjectures are available freely. Speaking of “counting”, the first thing jumping into our mind is about how potteries were counted. The symbols recording produced potteries, however, should not appear on each pottery and instead be calculated by another set of tools like counting rods. As a result, symbols for counting on potteries served not to count, but to mark what were related to production processes and distribution. (2) Transformations of Counting Patterns Continued from the above, it is uncertain to conclude that counting symbols transformed slightly should be still classified into the same type in terms of their forms, let alone what changes in their connotations. For instance, would be the carved curve and the above-mentioned “一” same? Might be the crossed three strokes equal to the parallel “三”? And the like. First, “一” changed from a straight line to a curved one. Proofs, if any, to view the curved line segment as the same to the straight one, can show that both basically expressed similar meanings. For example, a curved segment Zhuangqiaofen M110:

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2 Engraved Ideographic Symbols

Fig. 2.18 Zun-wine vessel (Nanhu 87CS-660, carved on the shoulder and after the firing)

Fig. 2.19 Double-lug hu-flask (Zhuangqiaofen M75: 12, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

1 (see Fig. 2.42) right carved at the bottom of hu-flask can formally be accepted as a symbol same to the straight “一”, whose stroke is just slightly curved, while it is hard to tell with carved parts changed. Differently, another symbol Zhuangqiaofen M133: 5 (see Fig. 2.43) was intentionally engraved at the edge of jar bottom, with its middle just pointing to the centre, which may be intended in relation to the symmetry of

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

25

Fig. 2.20 Fragmented dou-stemmed dish (Bianjiashan G2 ➁: 181, carved on the surface and after the firing)

Fig. 2.21 Fragmented double-lug hu-flask (Bianjiashan G1 ➀: 137, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.22 Jar (Zhuangqiaofen M6: 7, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

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2 Engraved Ideographic Symbols

Fig. 2.23 Pen-basin (Daimudun Collected Works 00113 in Pinghu Museum, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.24 Spinning wheel (Dazemiao M1: 5, carved at the front and before the firing)

Fig. 2.25 Leg of ding-cauldron (Zhaungqiaofen T303 ➂: 15, carved at the front and before the firing)

patterns by partitioning the periphery, like a spinning wheel Pishan Mountain M42: 3 (see Fig. 2.44). In this book, this type is sorted to be more ornamentation than a symbol, but it is untenable to view Zhuangqiaofen M133: 5, just with one stroke, as certain composition yet unfinished. Second, the two-stroke symbols had some similar problems. Will a two-stroke symbol be expressed the same as the above “二” when its two parallel segments

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

Fig. 2.26 Handle (Zhaungqiaofen T201 ➁: 12, carved on the outside and before the firing)

Fig. 2.27 Leg of ding-cauldron (Tadi TN4E5 ➄: 39, carved at the front and before the firing)

Fig. 2.28 Dou-stemmed cup (Tadi M54: 11, carved at the bottom)

27

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2 Engraved Ideographic Symbols

Fig. 2.29 Fragmented cup bottom (Miaoqian T0506 ➅: 61, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.30 Jar (Zhuangqiaofen M268: 1, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.31 Pen-basin (Zhuangqiaofen M246: 7, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

were more widely separated (see Fig. 2.45)? Seemingly, it is the pair of arcs like Bianjiashan G2 ➉: 180 (see Fig. 2.46) that needs more attention, to which Tadi TN4E4 ➂: 16 at the bottom of hu-flask (see Fig. 2.47) is similar in the application of arcs. The symbol with more strokes is composed of two pairs of arcs, which almost cover the whole bottom but are not strictly symmetrical. Also, there are pairs of arcs that are closed, such as Bianjiashan T2: 12 (see Fig. 2.48) and Zhuangqiaofen T303 ➁: 14 (see Fig. 2.49). They should be divided

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

29

Fig. 2.32 Jar (Zhuangqiaofen M71: 18, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.33 Jar (Zhuangqiaofen M94: 3, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.34 Pan-dish with a round foot (Zhuangqiaofen M143: 6, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

into one type and, despite undisclosed meaning, served as marks just like the abovementioned counting symbols. Differently, the two crossed curves Daimudun M3: 10 (see Fig. 2.50) may be included into another type. Just formally, the pair from Bianjiashan was engraved in a comparatively casual style, following no strict and uniform standard, unlike which the counterpart from Daimudun was composed well both in curvature and length. Daimudun M3: 10 curves were carved close to the

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Fig. 2.35 Leg of ding-cauldron (Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 109, carved on the side and before the firing)

Fig. 2.36 Double-lug hu-flask (Zhuangqiaofen M100: 10, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.37 Cup with a wide handle (Zhuangqiaofen M203: 14, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

31

Fig. 2.38 Dou-stemmed cup (Xiantanmiao M156: 8, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.39 Leg of ding-cauldron (Tadi TN4E3 ➇: 76, carved at the front and before the firing)

Fig. 2.40 Leg of ding-cauldron (Zhuangqiaofen T203 ➇: 19, carved on the side and before the firing)

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Fig. 2.41 Dou-stemmed cup (Yujiashan M337: 6, carved on the inside wall of the round foot and before the firing)

Fig. 2.42 Double-lug hu-flask (Zhuangqiaofen M110: 1, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.43 Jar (Zhuangqiaofen M133: 5, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

33

Fig. 2.44 Spinning wheel (Pishan M42: 3, carved before the firing)

Fig. 2.45 Dou-stemmed cup (Zhuangqiaofen H31: 1, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.46 Fragmented jar (Bianjiashan G2 ➉: 180, carved on the shoulder and possibly pressed)

centre of basin bottom, serving as more symbols than ornamentation, and on their own they are rotary structured and centrosymmetric. Comparably, the symbol carved on the outside wall of Bianjiashan G2 ➁ B: 41 (see Fig. 2.51) was created with straight line segments, and Bianjiashan T4: 64 (see Fig. 2.52) with double-hook segments, distinctly different from curved counterparts in rotation.

34

2 Engraved Ideographic Symbols

Fig. 2.47 Hu-flask (Tadi TN4E4 ➂: 16, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.48 Fragmented jar (Bianjiashan T2: 12, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.49 Leg of ding-cauldron (Zhuangqiao Grave T303 ➁: 14, carved on the side and before the firing)

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

35

Fig. 2.50 Pen-basin (Daimudun M3: 10, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.51 Dou-stemmed cup piece (Bianjiashan G2 ➁ B: 41, carved on the outside wall and after the firing)

Fig. 2.52 Dou-stemmed cup piece (Bianjiashan T4: 64, carved on the inside and after the firing)

The two Bianjiashan samples, apart from different curvature, were engraved after their firing and on their conspicuous parts, which means that the two were from a system different from which Daimudun M3: 10 was included in. Though similar in composition, they were not composed possibly for the same reason. Failing to find more contexts where Daimudun M3: 10 “ ” appeared, we cannot trace its origin,

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but we can make speculations about two samples of Bianjiashan Site. At the first, the known two were carved after their firing, with black potteries as their carriers. Carving after the firing being employed as a critical ornamentation method for black Liangzhu fine-clay potteries, we are guided to think about the original intention of the two Bianjiashan symbols being carved or whether they were related to ornamentation, but there was a small possibility for a single symbol like Bianjiashan G2 ➁ B: 41 to serve for ornamentation. In view of incompleteness in two ends of Bianjiashan T4: 64, however, it cannot be determined whether the symbol was designed to extend to both sides, but certainly it should not be a double-consecutive ornamental strip but a single pattern according to its position in the centre of dou-stemmed cup. As we know, engraved Liangzhu ornamentation was inherited from Songze period (about 6000–5300 years ago), a time well known for its engraved woven patterns, and the two symbols may be greatly truncated from some woven pattern when they were intended not for ornamentation but with regard to the function, additionally with their parts referring to the mains or other connotations. The symbol at the bottom of zun-wine vessel Tadi M54: 9 (Fig. 2.53) consists of three slightly curved line segments in a staggered pattern, which, distinctly, impossibly make it viewed as a similar to “三”. But such a way that was intended to make lines lie in an up-down or right-left staggered pattern might direct us to the function of orientation. Three parallel arc lines of Zhuangqiaofen T202 ➅: 11 (Fig. 2.54), close to the bottom edge of the jar, were carved comparatively uniform around the periphery of the bottom, which show a likeness to “三”. “ ”, if considered some cardinal number, should have some other matched symbols that were gradually increased with strokes based on it. At present, obvious is the increase of just one stroke in samples like Zhuangqiaofen T303 ➇: 17 (Fig. 2.55) or Jinshidun M8: 12 (Fig. 2.56). However, there are many transformations of symbols sharing a similar closed angle of “ ”. The type like Zhuangqiaofen T301 ➂: 10 (Fig. 2.57) has its ray on the side elongated, distinctly different from “ ” with two same rays; such a type as 017 collected in Daimudun (Figs. 2.57, 2.58, 2.59 and 2.60) is characterized with a crescent-shaped counterpart; Daimudun type represented by

Fig. 2.53 Zun-wine vessel (Tadi M54: 9, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

37

Fig. 2.54 Jar bottom piece (Zhuangqiaofen T202 ➅: 11, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

M3: 9 (Figs. 2.61 and 2.62) looks like a tree crotch. In view of the possible existence, if any, of a marking system for counting forms, these transformations are supposed to be included into a different system. “×” is distinguished with difficulty from “ ” in Liangzhu engraved symbol system. On the basis of “×”, line segments were sequently increased to form “ ” (Fig. 2.63), “ ”, “” (Fig. 2.64) and “ ” (Fig. 2.65), which, when, respectively, included in different systems, would work as five concepts, possibly pointing out directions “east, south, west, north, centre”. As a result, it would be paradoxical to view “×” and “ ” as counting symbols. Whether similar symbols were used to express different

Fig. 2.55 Jar bottom (Zhuangqiaofen T303 ➇: 17, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.56 Gui-tureen (Jinshidun M8: 12, of two same symbols, respectively, carved at the handle and bottom and after the firing)

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2 Engraved Ideographic Symbols

Fig. 2.57 Jar neck piece (Zhuangqiaofen T301 ➂: 10, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.58 Jar (Daimudun-collected 017, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.59 Jar neck (Zhuangqiaofen T302 ➆: 9, carved on the inside wall and before the firing)

meanings in Liangzhu period is still unknown, but if it was well founded, the same symbol might involve both counting and orientation. When it comes to orientation, Zhuangqiaofen T204 ➄: 16 (Fig. 2.66) and M243: 3 (Fig. 2.67) share one similar kind of symbols, only different in directions of middle short vertical lines. By coincidence, the former one is carved on the inside wall of the jar bottom, in an upward direction, and the latter one at the bottom, downward. Without more proofs, it can be concluded that the two symbols may be intended to indicate upward and downward directions. “ ”, a symbol formed with crossed ones overlapped, has more diversified transformations. The two crossed symbols of Zhuangqiaofen T103 ➆: 11 (Fig. 2.68) are

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

39

Fig. 2.60 Covered dou-stemmed cup (Zhuangqiaofen M61: 3, carved on the inside of the cover and after the firing)

Fig. 2.61 Jar (Daimudun M3: 9, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.62 Leg of ding-cauldron (Xindili T601 ➃, carved on the side and before the firing)

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Fig. 2.63 Leg of ding-cauldron (Bianjiashan G2 ➀: 174, carved on the side and before the firing)

Fig. 2.64 Urn piece (Guangfulin H93: 57, carved on the inside of neck edge and before the firing)

Fig. 2.65 Single-handle cup (Zhuangqiaofen M270: 3, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

41

Fig. 2.66 Fragmented jar bottom (Zhuangqiaofen T204 ➄: 16, carved on the inside wall of the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.67 Pen-basin (Zhuangqiaofen M243: 3, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

arranged at intervals, distinctly unlike a structure “#”. With “×” as a cardinal number, would two “×” or “#” for its double be easily accepted? What about its triple? Was there a standard for three “×” to be overlapped with some regularity? In effect, such regularity is hard to grasp. In addition, the crossed lines can be found on both legs of Xiantanmiao M133: 4 (Fig. 2.69). If there was a premise that similar symbols would be carved on legs of one single ding-cauldron, the two must be in accordance with composition logic. Hardly different as they are in the overall form, one is shaped clearly with three “×” overlapped, and the other one with scribbled strokes cannot be identified in the same way. To observe in thinking, the two are just what we generalize when accepted as two groups of crossed segment lines, each having three lines. As a result, symbols, though consisted of formally crossed lines, may be composed logically different, possibly by the single element “×” or by segment lines with non-uniform strokes. Another key transformation of the crossed segment line is a frame-shaped structure, including square (Fig. 2.70), rectangle and parallelogram (Fig. 2.71) that all have been discovered. However, such a type may also be composed with diverse logic, leading to difficult classification. Also common is a crossed-line symbol within a frame-shaped structure, such as “ ” with diagonals crossed and “田” with parallels (Figs. 2.72 and 2.73). The Chinese character “田” is pictographic in nature, analogous to a farm field that is divided by balks, which symbolizes earth and wealth. In

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2 Engraved Ideographic Symbols

Fig. 2.68 Leg of ding-cauldron (Zhuangqiaofen T103 ➆: 11, carved on the side and before the firing)

Fig. 2.69 Ding-cauldron (Xiantanmiao M133: 4, respectively, carved on sides of two legs and before the firing)

view of the discovery of paddy fields, it can be known that rice farming had been developed in Liangzhu period, but we fail to confirm whether people of the time created a pictographic character according to the paddy field. Instead, “田” should serve as a symbol for marking, just like the above-mentioned counterparts. (3) Centrosymmetric Glyph Symbols, whether shaped by straight or carved lines, can be found with some of centrosymmetric forms (Figs. 2.74, 2.75 and 2.76), some of which are just in the middle of utensil bottoms. Despite concealed locations they have in common with some others, the centrosymmetric quality expresses an aesthetic perception that is obviously not explicit. The symbols such as Miaoqian G ➀: 19 (Fig. 2.77) and

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

43

Fig. 2.70 Double-lug hu-flask (Zhuangqiao Grave M221: 5, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.71 Jar (Yujiashan M171: 5, carved at the bottom and after the firing)

Fig. 2.72 Jar piece (Xindili G1 ➁: 114, carved on the inside wall and after the firing)

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Fig. 2.73 Ding-cauldron (Jinshidun M9: 10, carved on the side and before the firing)

Fig. 2.74 Fragmented jar bottom (Miaoqian J1 ➀: 5, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Daimudun 01PD-collected-2 (Fig. 2.78) appear highly dynamic and always remind us of the “rotation” state though their implications still remain unknown. (4) Seemingly Describable Glyph “Symbolic glyph” is one the most difficult to be distinguished from the painted counterpart, which, intuitively, has a pictographic trait, but what it simulated is not clear in that it was created with few strokes. With simple strokes, it is under limitations to express concrete objects. Accordingly, it is accepted as “seemingly describable”. Reasonable evidences are required if we want to find out what analogues it was intended for. The most representative are “birds” engraved on such samples as Miaoqian T0607 ➁: 26 (Fig. 2.79) and Zhuangqiaofen M50: 10 (Fig. 2.80). In terms of lines, Miaoqian T0607 ➁: 26, Zhuangqiaofen M30: 4 (Fig. 2.81), Zhuangqiaofen M50: 10, Xindili G1 ➁: 118 (Fig. 2.82) and Daimudun M2: 1 (Fig. 2.83) are characterized by symbols similar to stick drawings of bird, which, however, are directly understood as birds unconvincingly. Besides, these types can be found clearly different according to their detailed classifications. However, it is hard to tell what type the image of birds on

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

45

Fig. 2.75 Jar (Daimudun 01PD-collected-3, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.76 Pen-basin (Zhuangqiaofen M249: 3, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.77 Fragmented round foot (Miaoqian G ➀: 19, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

the first two samples at the bottom is grouped in, and the other three in conspicuous positions, especially Xindili and Daimudun symbols, have some painted scribbled lines, possibly making them qualitatively distinct from Zhuangqiaofen M50: 10.

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Fig. 2.78 Double-lug hu-flask (Daimudun 01PD-collected -2, carved at the bottom and after the firing)

Also, the two specials are arranged to follow some rule, working as ornamentation to some degree. Taishidian-collected 010-10 (Fig. 2.84) and Bianjiashan G2 ➁: 179 (Fig. 2.85) have symbols carved on inside walls of their neck edges, upright as are shown above. Fish-or insect-shaped, they were created more concrete than counting glyph despite their unclear compositions. That is an overall impression of such a type. Plants were the most common as materials after which ancients engraved, like five symbols from Dongjiaqiao J8: 1 (Fig. 2.86), Xindili H36 ➁: 72 (Fig. 2.87), Xindili T305 ➃ (Fig. 2.88) and Zhuangqiaofen M155: 1 (Fig. 2.89), which all share similar upper parts in the form of upward twigs, but different in lower parts. By virtue of

Fig. 2.79 Jar bottom piece (Miaoqian T0607 ➁: 26, carved at the bottom and before the firing, two arcs of which are speculated to be printed with a tubular tool)

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

47

Fig. 2.80 Fragmented three-leg pan-dish (Zhuangqiaofen M50: 10, with the same symbol carved on the outside legs and before the firing)

Fig. 2.81 Double-lug hu-flask (Zhuangqiaofen M30: 4, carved at the bottom and after the firing)

Fig. 2.82 Leg piece of three-leg pan-dish (Xindili G1 ➁: 118, with three consecutive symbols carved on the outside legs and before the firing)

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Fig. 2.83 Utensil cover (Daimudun M2: 1, with four same symbols on the top opposite and before the firing)

Fig. 2.84 Jar (Taishidian-collected 010–10, carved on the inside wall of neck edge and before the firing)

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

49

Fig. 2.85 Jar neck edge (Bianjiashan G2 ➁: 179, carved on the inside wall of neck edge and after the firing)

simple analogy and speculation, the view holding that they were intended to refer to plants is accepted by most scholars, but it is hard to specify what kinds of plants are represented by them in view of a broad category. In conclusion, the above shown plants seem whole, unlike just a twig of Zhuangqiaofen T203 ➅: 67 (Fig. 2.90), Zhuangqiaofen M181: 1 (Fig. 2.91), Meirendi T3946 foundation 2B-9A (Fig. 2.92), Tadi TS5E1 ➄: 60 (Fig. 2.93) and Tadi TS2E4 ➂: 69 (Fig. 2.94). In effect, twigs might be some tool needed by people of the time, but with perfectly irregular forms, their symbolic meanings are difficultly determined despite the application of analogy. Another theme or the theme often used to interpret glyphs is the astronomical patterns related to the sun, the moon and stars. Still, the argument method is to analogize shapes due to the lack of abundant substantial proofs. To analyse in this way, such symbols as Zhuangqiaofen M79: 9 (Fig. 2.95) and Zhuangqiaofen T302

Fig. 2.86 Double-lug hu-flask (Dongjiaqiao J8: 1, with two symbols, respectively, carved on cover and neck parts and after the firing. Both look similar in shape, of which that on the neck should be viewed as upright one)

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Fig. 2.87 Jar piece (Xindili H36 ➁: 72, carved on the shoulder and before the firing)

Fig. 2.88 Fragmented leg of ding-cauldron (Xindili T305 ➃, carved on the front and before the firing)

Fig. 2.89 Pan-dish (Zhuangqiaofen M155: 1, carved at the bottom and after the firing)

➆: 11 (Fig. 2.96) are falcate, but a vertical line is added in the middle of similar semicircular structure of Miaoqian T0909 ➁ upper: 6 (Fig. 2.97), appearing like “an arrow on the bowstring”. Circular symbols of Tadi TS3E1 ➅: 65 (Fig. 2.98) and Miaoqian T103 ➁: 11 (Fig. 2.99) are so simple, and though they can be understood as analogies of the sun, there are many shapes except sun analogous to a circle.

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

51

Fig. 2.90 Fragmented dou-stemmed cup base (Zhuangqiaofen T203 ➅: 67, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.91 Fragmented double-lug hu-flask (Zhuangqiaofen M181: 1, carved at the neck and after the firing)

Fig. 2.92 Jar (Meirendi T3946 foundation 2B-9A, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.93 Leg of ding-cauldron (Tadi TS5E1 ➄: 60 carved on the front and before the firing)

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Fig. 2.94 Leg of ding-cauldron (Tadi TS2E4 ➂: 69 carved on the front and before the firing)

Fig. 2.95 Jar (Zhuangqiaofen M79: 9, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.96 Jar piece (Zhuangqiaofen T302 ➆: 11, carved on the inside wall of the neck and before the firing)

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

53

Fig. 2.97 Cup piece (Miaoqian T0909 ➁ upper: 6, carved at the bottom)

Fig. 2.98 Jar (Tadi TS3E1 ➅: 65, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.99 Gui-tureen (Miaoqian T103 ➁: 11, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Instead, symbols of Tadi TN4E5 ➄: 46 (Fig. 2.100), Miaoqian G3 ➁: 482 (Fig. 2.101), Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 116 (Fig. 2.102), Zhuangqiaofen M245: 4 (Fig. 2.103) and Tadi TN6E6 ➁: 7 (Fig. 2.104) are composed mainly of circles and additionally of lines, characteristic with more concrete expressions than a single

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Fig. 2.100 Jar piece (Tadi TN4E5 ➄: 46, carved on the inside wall of he neck and before the firing)

Fig. 2.101 Fragmented jar neck (Miaoqian G3 ➁: 482, carved on the inside wall of the neck and after the firing)

circle. Explained with the logic for astronomical patterns, these may be used with astronomical connotations, which still cannot be verified. Miaoqian H3 ➀: 121 (Fig. 2.105), Zhuangqiaofen M58: 11 (Fig. 2.106) and Majiafen G1: 48 (Fig. 2.107) might be related to tools with handles and blades or even arms, such as hoe, sickle, hook and halberd. Two symbols in a shape “个” of Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 56 (Fig. 2.108) and Xiantanmiao M156: 1 (Fig. 2.109) may refer to arrowheads and that of Bianjiashan G1 ➂: 338 (Fig. 2.110) seems more like a boomerang, which, observed as a cultural relic that can be verified, is commonly seen on a boot-shaped deer horn tool for ornamentation in tombs. Despite great efforts of analogies, a clear difference can still be found between such describable glyphs and painted ones, that is, imperfect concreteness caused by unfinished painting with limited strokes. (5) Composite Glyph Glyph in groups is comparatively easily understood in principle, because a simple context is provided and symbols in groups are of relevance, which works for grasping the creation logic and combination rule. The composition, however, is a little far away

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

55

Fig. 2.102 Jar piece (Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 116, carved on the inside wall and after the firing)

Fig. 2.103 Double-lug hu-flask (Zhuangqiaofen M245: 4, carved in the middle of the bottom and after the firing)

feasibility of actual study. Composite symbols carved on the following samples all appear in such as Daimudun-collected 02 (Fig. 2.111), Zhuangqiaofen T301 ➄: 9 (Fig. 2.112) and Tadi TN6E5 ➄: 25 (Fig. 2.113) were all used for counting, and thus, it is easy for us to classify those into the same type and associate them with mathematical digit and system, which still stay unanswered as a matter of pity. At present, it is still a long way to explain symbols by virtue of composite relationships, a stage in which what are available involve accumulation of such materials, study about how symbols were combined based on the relationships and further deduction of symbol classification (see Figs. 2.114, 2.115, 2.116, 2.117, 2.118, 2.119, 2.120, 2.121, 2.122, 2.123, 2.124, 2.125, 2.126 and 2.127). From an archaeological perspective, it serves as a typological method with symbols as subjects.

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Fig. 2.104 Urn piece (Tadi TN6E6 ➁: 7, carved on the inside wall and before the firing)

Fig. 2.105 Jar piece (Miaoqian H3 ➀: 121, carved on the inside wall of the neck and before the firing)

Fig. 2.106 Jar (Zhuangqiaofen M58: 11, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Miaoqian H16: 17 (Fig. 2.128) provides us with a combination of four symbols, but we are ignorant of whether “一” serves as a starting or ending for a reason that the reading order is still veiled for us. From a fragment, these symbols are discovered incomplete, which cannot make us know if there were other coexistent counterparts.

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

57

Fig. 2.107 Jar piece (Majiafen G1: 48, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.108 Jar bottom piece (Majiafen G1 ➁: 56, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.109 Round-foot jar piece (Xiantanmiao M156: 1, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Bianjiashan G1 ➅: 333 and G1 ➃: 335 (Fig. 2.129) pieced together, six symbols with incomplete four, can be seen, which seem to be arranged in up and down lines. Taking Miaoqian sample as an example that though cannot be explained, we can be sure that such combinations composed of more single symbols are more likely written transversely but not as longitudinally as palaeography was.

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Fig. 2.110 Jar neck piece (Bianjiashan G1 ➂: 338, carved on the inside wall of the neck and after the firing)

Fig. 2.111 Jar (Daimudun-collected 02, with two groups of symbols at the bottom carved before the firing)

Fig. 2.112 Leg of ding-cauldron (Zhuangqiaofen T301 ➄: 9, carved on the side and before the firing)

Also included in composite symbols are Beihu 89C3-723 (Fig. 2.130) and Zhuangqiaofen M256: 18 (Fig. 2.131). Different from the above combinations, this one carved in a conspicuous position on dou-stemmed cup surface was intended to be obviously seen. Herein, “ ” appearing as an opposite couple can be divided into the

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

59

Fig. 2.113 Leg of ding-cauldron (Tadi TN6E5 ➄: 25, carved on the front and before the firing)

Fig. 2.114 Ware belly piece (Bianjiashan G2 ➇: 178, carved on the outside wall and after the firing)

Fig. 2.115 Fragmented round foot of dou-stemmed cup (Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 334, carved on the outside wall and after the firing)

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Fig. 2.116 Fragmented cup (Miaoqian T203 ➂: 1, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.117 Spinning wheel (Daguanshan 74C3-28, carved on the side and after the firing)

Fig. 2.118 Spinning wheel (unearthed in Daguanshan and collected by Liangzhu Museum numbered 0255, carved on the side and after the firing)

same type with Xindili G1 ➁: 118 (see Fig. 2.82) and Daimudun M2: 1 (see Fig. 2.83). In effect, the symbol is commonly accepted as a bird image in the academia, surely a result from arguments of scholars. In consequence, the double-ring emblazoned pattern between bird images of Beihu 89C3-723 may be viewed as either sun or eye, which, combined with a two-bird image, can be understood from diverse perspectives. Similarly, some worm-shaped symbols that are curved and irregular between two-bird images of Zhuangqiaofen M256: 18 might be representative of a dragon, which makes symbolic meanings understandable.

2.1 Symbolic Glyph

61

Fig. 2.119 Double-lug hu-flask (Zhuangqiaofen M100: 9, carved at the bottom and after the firing)

Fig. 2.120 Hu-flask with lugs on both sides (Taishidian TJ4: 1, carved at the belly and before the firing)

(6) Graffiti Glyph Currently, differences in nature between glyph carved on green wares before firing and that on finished products after firing are difficultly concluded, but what can be sure is that the ware after firing is too hard to be carved. Accordingly, some carved after the procedure look like graffiti without lines well structured, caused by some unidentified reason. Possibly misarranged, modified or corrected lines make the subject of glyph unidentifiable (Figs. 2.132, 2.133, 2.134, 2.135 and 2.136).

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Fig. 2.121 Leg of ding-cauldron (Zhuangqiaofen T203 ➃: 9, carved on the front and before the firing)

Fig. 2.122 Jar (Daimudun, collected by Pinghu Museum, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

2.2 Painted Glyph

63

Fig. 2.123 Jar bottom piece (Xindili G1 ➁: 112, carved at the bottom and possibly after the firing)

Fig. 2.124 Jar bottom piece (Xindili G1 ➁: 111, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

Fig. 2.125 Double-lug hu-flask (Daimudun-collected 17 November 2001, carved at the bottom and before the firing)

2.2 Painted Glyph Painted glyph focusing on “painting” is easily identified with its expressions of images. In general, it describes concrete objects with more strokes, which by Liangzhu people may be known or not. With such a critical feature, it can be distinguished from “seemingly describable glyph” mentioned in the above context, and we are not allowed to include these in the category of “symbolic glyph” just because

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Fig. 2.126 Double-lug hu-flask (Zhuangqiaofen M284: 18, carved on the inside wall of the cover and before the firing)

Fig. 2.127 Jar neck edge (Miaoqian H9: 21, carved on the inside wall of the neck and before the firing)

Fig. 2.128 Jar neck edge (Miaoqian H16: 17, with incomplete four symbols carved on the fragmented shoulder and after the firing)

of our ignorance. If not, the symbolic type would be extended unreasonably, which is unhelpful for our discussions by classification. However, “concretization” of painted glyph should be distinguished: recognizable and understandable concretization; recognizable but incomprehensible

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Fig. 2.129 Ware belly piece (Bianjiashan G1 ➅: 333 and G1 ➃: 335, carved on the outside wall and after the firing)

Fig. 2.130 Dou-stemmed cup (Beihu 89C3-723, carved on the surface and after the firing)

Fig. 2.131 Dou-stemmed cup (Zhuangqiaofen M256: 18, carved on the surface and before the firing)

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Fig. 2.132 Bottom piece (Bianjiashan T41: 134, carved at the bottom and after the firing)

Fig. 2.133 Bottom piece (Bianjiashan G1: 75, carved at the bottom and after the firing)

Fig. 2.134 Jar (Daimudun-collected 02, carved at the belly and after the firing)

Fig. 2.135 Utensil cover (Meirendi T3946F3-B15A, carved at the bottom inside the cover and after the firing)

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Fig. 2.136 Spinning wheel (Zhuangqiaofen M59: 2, carved on one side and after the firing)

concretization; unrecognizable concretization; unrecognizable but understandable concretization; and recognizable but incomprehensible abstraction. (1) Recognizable and Understandable Concretization It is associated with self-explanatory patterns or those which can be understood by virtue of simple speculation. Most are frequents in our common sense, easily accepted in the academia. For instance, of three symbols from Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 87 (Fig. 2.137), just two are comparatively complete, one bird in the upper part and one tortoise in the lower part, which are placed in a way that reminds us of Xuanwu (Black Tortoise of the North) and Zhuque (Vermilion Bird of the South). The pattern of Xindili G1 ➁: 117 (Fig. 2.138) is apparently an animal, a deer with an extremely high possibility. In addition, concrete patterns are as clear as baby crocodile of Putaofan T0303 ➈: 9 (Fig. 2.139), flying bird of Meirendi T4046 foundation 2B-2A (Fig. 2.140), deer and yue-battle-axe of Guangfulin M24: 2 (Fig. 2.141), as well as house of Xiantanmiao M52: 22 (Fig. 2.142). The pattern of Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 349 (Fig. 2.143), despite incompleteness, can be speculated to be an image of some mammal; that of Bianjiashan G2 ➉: 176 (Fig. 2.144), uncommon as it is, should refer to certain fish; and the one of Maoanli T2 ➄B: 40 (Fig. 2.145), comparatively complete, has a special horn that causes no trouble in determining that it is some animal. (2) Recognizable but Incomprehensible Concretization Patterns relevant refer to painted glyph in a large quantity, which are similar to some objects in our common sense but not as concrete as those of “recognizable and understandable concretization”. In this type, many ambiguous objects are included, vulnerable to individual opinions. Bianjiashan G2 ➉: 191 (Fig. 2.146) and G2 ➉: 190 (Fig. 2.147) provide two patterns in close shapes, and the concrete former one is speculated to be a tool. The pattern from Zhuangqiaofen M93: 4 (Fig. 2.148) looks like an arrow, much more concrete than “个” in symbolic glyph. Two patterns on surfaces of Meirendi T3945 foundation 2B-4A (Fig. 2.149) and T3346 ➈ (Fig. 2.150) might be from the same type and seem an image of arrow

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Fig. 2.137 Fragmented double-lug hu-flask (Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 87, with three incomplete patterns carved at the neck and belly and after the firing)

Fig. 2.138 Jar piece (Xindili G1: 117, with patterns carved at the upper belly close to the shoulder and after the firing)

and quiver thereof, or of arrow and shield. In brief, both are related to the arrow and can be analogous to the counterpart of Zhuangqiaofen M93: 4. The waist-shaped framed structure, however, is not understood clearly but should be involved with the arrow-shaped pattern. Two of Tadi TN6E4H8: 11 (Fig. 2.151), simple as their lines are, are obviously more concrete than the symbolic framed structure, both with lines in upper middle parts protruded, which should be intended for some purpose. In whole, they are inverted trapezoidal, wide in the upper part and narrow lower, possibly involving

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Fig. 2.139 Cup with a wide handle (Putaofan T0303: 9, carved at the lower part of the stream part and after the firing)

Fig. 2.140 Dou-stemmed cup (Meirendi T4046 foundation 2B-2A, carved at the surface and after the firing)

Fig. 2.141 Zun-wine vessel (Guangfulin M24: 2, carved at the zun belly and before the firing)

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Fig. 2.142 Utensil cover (Xiantanmiao M52: 22, carved on the inside wall and after the firing)

Fig. 2.143 Fragmented neck edge of dou-stemmed cup (Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 349, carved at the surface and after the firing)

Fig. 2.144 Utensil piece (Bianjiashan G2 ➉: 176, carved after the firing)

connotations similar to “altar-shaped” symbols commonly seen on jade wares (see more details in Chap. 4). The pattern of Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 350 (Fig. 2.152) is similar to a house image, that of Daimudun M1: 10 (Fig. 2.153) to a Ganlan structure (building on stilts), and that of Nanhu cup with a single handle (Fig. 2.154) to a round-foot utensil or a high-platform architecture. Grid patterns of Tadi TS3E2 ➆: 131 (Fig. 2.155) and Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 170 (Fig. 2.156), not so concrete, may refer to net for either fishing or hunting, while

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Fig. 2.145 Fragmented dou-stemmed dish (Maoanli T2 ➄ B: 40, carved on the surface and before the firing)

Fig. 2.146 Fragmented dou-stemmed dish (Bianjiashan G2 ➉: 191, carved on the surface and after the firing)

they might be understood as hunting nets when in a reasonable context with another from Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 170 that seems an animal with legs. The one from fragmented handle unearthed in Miaoqian (Fig. 2.157) may be included in this type a little illogically. It looks like the upper part of Ivory zhang that for the time being has been found to appear after Liangzhu period. As a result, such recognition is of no value. (3) Unrecognizable Concretization This type is involved with patterns apparently as paintings, but it cannot be analogous because it is beyond our common sense, as is exemplified by the painting of Bianjiashan T2: 15 (Fig. 2.158). For certain, there is a great possibility that incompleteness leads to such a result.

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Fig. 2.147 Jar piece (Bianjiashan G2 ➉: 190, carved on the outside wall and after the firing)

Fig. 2.148 Fragmented double-lug hu-flask (Zhuangqiaofen M93: 4, carved at the bottom and after the firing)

(4) Unrecognizable but Understandable Concretization Symbols of “unrecognizable but understandable concretization” involve those intuitively beyond our common sense knowledge, whose real connotations, however, can be acquired by studies on pattern series. For example, an analysis for Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 391 (Fig. 2.159) proves what it shows is a bird image (see more details in Chap. 3).

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Fig. 2.149 Fragmented dou-stemmed dish (Meirendi T3945 foundation 2B-4A, carved on the surface and after the firing)

Fig. 2.150 Fragmented dou-stemmed dish (Meirendi T3346 ➈, carved on the surface and after the firing)

Fig. 2.151 Round-foot jar (Tadi TN6E4H8: 11, with two patterns distributed on one side up and down and carved after the firing)

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Fig. 2.152 Ware belly piece (Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 350, carved on the outside wall and after the firing)

Fig. 2.153 Round-foot basin (Daimudun M1: 10, carved at the bottom and after the firing) Fig. 2.154 Cup with a single handle (Nanhu, collected by Yuhang Museum, carved on the outside of the handle and before the firing)

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Fig. 2.155 Jar shoulder piece (Tadi TS3E2 ➆: 131, carved on and below the shoulder and after the firing)

Fig. 2.156 Jar (Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 170, with two incomplete patterns carved close to the shoulder and after the firing) Fig. 2.157 Fragmented handle (unearthed in Miaoqian, carved on the outside of the handle and after the firing)

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Fig. 2.158 Pan-dish piece (Bianjiashan T2: 15, carved on the inside wall and after the firing)

Fig. 2.159 Utensil piece (Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 391, an incomplete pattern carved after the firing)

(5) Recognizable but Incomprehensible Abstraction At last, “recognizable but incomprehensible abstraction” is relevant to some abstract patterns, but whether they, though similar to those familiar to us in daily life, were also used for the same reason as they are now cannot be verified. It is true of the abovementioned symbols such as “pentagram” of Zhuangqiaofen M249: 13 (Fig. 2.160) and Maqiao M204: 4 (Fig. 2.161), as well as “octagonal” pattern of Maqiao M204: 3 (Fig. 2.162), which surely reflect abstract thinking activities but are explained differently. Another notable difference distinguishing painted glyph from symbolic one lies in carving steps, according to above painted samples. Symbolic glyph is the one that was always carved before its firing. In contrast, the painted type was most after the firing, which may explain how painted type could be shaped. Due to the great hardness, fired wares were suitable for the expression of complicated and concrete patterns. For certain, it can be understood from a different perspective, that is, relevance with carriers. Many symbolic glyphs carved before the firing were corresponding to ware carriers that may just serve as media for painting glyph instead of necessities for carved symbols. As a result, the carriers tended to be more optional.

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Fig. 2.160 Jar (Zhuangqiao Grave M249: 13, carved at the belly and possibly after the firing)

Fig. 2.161 Round-foot pan-dish (Maqiao M204: 4, the circinate pattern carved at the bottom and before the firing while the pentagram after the firing)

Fig. 2.162 Cup with a wide handle (Maqiao M204: 3, carved on the outside of the handle and after the firing)

Most materials we got are fragmented potteries, as a result of which paintings thereof that might be created in combinations are also incomplete and worse they cannot be restored. Thus, intact potteries with carved symbols are valuable, just like Nanhu 87C3-658 (Fig. 2.163) owning 12 symbols (Fig. 2.164) in total that include both symbolic and painted types. Observed from carving steps after the firing and ways of glyph circling wares, the twelves were mainly intended for combinations, of which ➁, ➂, ➅, ➇ were frequently used as symbolic glyph before the firing but also possibly functioned to compose and express paintings with auxiliary support.

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Fig. 2.163 Jar [Nanhu 87C3-658, with the symbol encircling the utensil carved on the shoulder (some at the lower belly) and after the firing]

In the end, an introduction will be given to a special sample, which is Chenghu 74WCH-collected 231 jar (Fig. 2.165). Glyph was carved at its belly part a week before firing, apparently an intentional design with complicated lines and carving before the firing. Formally, it belongs to a type of composite paintings. Despite compact arrangement, it can be identified with four or five single symbols. Single patterns are designed in a style greatly different from that of aforesaid painted glyph, which, with strokes that are most hooked, seem concrete but are hardly possible to be directly analogous to daily items. In addition, attention should also be paid to the fact that this fragmented jar lacks remarkable Liangzhu features and that as a collected vessel, it cannot be verified by direct evidence to be a relic of Liangzhu Culture. Moreover, its artistic style embodied by carved lines is also dissimilar to that of patterns carved on Liangzhu pottery and jade wares. So, remaining as a mystery, its owner also cannot be determined.

2.2 Painted Glyph

Fig. 2.164 12 glyphs on Nanhu 87C3-658 jar

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Fig. 2.165 Jar (Chenghu 74WCH-collected 231, with five symbols encircling the belly and before the firing)

Chapter 3

Engraved Ornamental Symbols

3.1 Poked-Dot Symbols Different from typical ornamental glyphs, a pattern of poked dots can only be found at the edge of a red long-necked pottery jar, which once existed in the marked parts of particular utensils. It was aimed for ornamentation. What were formed from the dot, far less of simple lines, are actually in certain structure, possibly flowing from shapes of some other glyph in order to being ornamental. (See Figs. 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5, 3.6 and 3.7).

3.2 Engraved Ornamental Symbols of Dragon and Bird Pattern Systems These engraved ornamental symbols mainly appear on the surface of a black polished pottery, and they are typical in late Liangzhu period. They are introduced in the system of engraved symbols to make comparisons with the above-mentioned ones, between which the most distinct difference lies in their systematicness. Despite varieties, few types of glyph could be created systematized and systematic, and as a result, in-depth interpretations are less conditioned on analogy and reference. Such types, however, came into being according to fixed formulas, characteristic with topic prominence and clear classification apart from smooth lines and beautiful designs, thus providing reliable evidences to read its images. One is the dragon pattern, involving dou-stemmed cup pottery with patterns of curled-up dragon from Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 414 (Fig. 3.8) and hu-flask pottery with All illustrations in this chapter are from Carved Symbols in Liangzhu Culture, chief-edited by Zhang Binghuo and compiled by Liangzhu Museum [Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, (2015). © Zhejiang University Press 2022 Y. Xia and X. Zhu, Primitive Characters of Liangzhu, Liangzhu Civilization , https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5311-8_3

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Fig. 3.1 Fragmented jar (Miaoqian H3 ➀: 410) Fig. 3.2 Jar piece (Bianjiashan G2 ➅: 184)

Fig. 3.3 Jar piece (Bianjiashan G1 ➀: 374)

Fig. 3.4 Jar piece (Bianjiashan G1 ➀: 371)

Fig. 3.5 Jar piece (Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 320)

Fig. 3.6 Jar piece (Miaoqian H3 ➀: 407)

3 Engraved Ornamental Symbols

3.2 Engraved Ornamental Symbols of Dragon and Bird Pattern Systems

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Fig. 3.7 Jar piece (Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 359)

Fig. 3.8 Piece of dou-stemmed cup pottery with patterns of curled-up dragon (Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 414)

patterns of curled-up dragon from Putaofan T0304 ➆ (Figs. 3.9and 3.10), all the same. Interestingly, they, with the same image of dragon, are expressed in different ways. For instance, the pattern of Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 414 is composed of individual dragons in the same direction, repeated to form quadrilateral endless designs; that on one side of Putaofan T0304 ➆ of two dragons entwined with each other and one on the other side of two dragons opposite to each other. For certain, it is a bit abstract to view them as dragons. Instead, we should pay attention to keys, the curled posture as well as its tiny patterns that may be wing shaped or individually spiral. Defined as dragons, these smalls may refer to scales, bristles or the like (Fig. 3.11). Consequently, we will only regard as parts of dragon designs these smalls like the fragmented handle of Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 69 (Fig. 3.12) when they exist alone. It involves an artistic method using the part to refer to the whole. Largely used on the handle are fine-waved patterns as bottoms to hide the dragon. Deliberately, it was designed with a skilful artistic conception. The other is the system of bird patterns, represented by the cup with a wide handle in Chuodun Site of Kunshan City, Jiangsu province (Fig. 3.13), that is covered with birds and with birds on inside walls (Figs. 3.14 and 3.15) most specific.

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Fig. 3.9 Fragmented hu-flask pottery with patterns of curled-up dragon (Putaofan T0304 ➆)

Fig. 3.10 Expanded view of Putaofan T0304 ➆ Fig. 3.11 Small patterns of Putaofan T0304 ➆, seeming to be dragon bristles dragon bristles

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Fig. 3.12 Fragmented handle of dou-stemmed cup (Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 69) and dragon bristles thereon

Compared with symbol-type glyph that may be the “bird”, this kind of pattern is more concrete, but greatly abstract when in comparison with a “bird” of paint type. Thus, looking back to the aforesaid piece unearthed in Bianjiashan (Fig. 3.16), we will understand why it is included into the bird design. Bird patterns are created in more shapes than dragon ones, and for example, patterns from Bianjiashan G1 ➁:100 (Fig. 3.17) and Putaofan T0404 ➇ (Figs. 3.18

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Fig. 3.13 Cup with a wide handle (Kunshan Chuodun F11 ➁: 5) Fig. 3.14 Pattern on the inside wall of the spout part of Chuodun F11 ➁: 5

and 3.19) are all birds. In addition, various shapes can always be seen on the same utensil. Notably, the type shares a uniform shape with those on superior jade wares and beside divine insignias. Referring to an analysis on the bird pattern of Yaoshan M2: 1, a crown-shaped jade (Fig. 3.20), we can discover a circular design on the bird back, typical of the whole system, which looks same to an eye from a beast-face design on the lower part of an insignia, eye of the immortal.1 In this aspect, birds 1

Liu (2013).

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87

beak

tail

pileum

body

head

wing

Fig. 3.15 Illustration of bird pattern on the inside wall of Chuodun F11 ➁:5

tail

body

claw Fig. 3.16 Bird pattern of Bianjiashan G1 ➁: 391

served as carriers of the immortal, of divinity. It is sure that why fine lines were used to carve bird patterns on black potteries as ornamentation can be explained, lying in a fact that holy birds were worshipped and fascinated by Liangzhu people. As a matter of fact, the co-existence of dragon and bird systems is common on black potteries, both weighing averagely. Carved in an identical style, the two have their profiles filled with dense lines and spirals, an expression way that ideographic glyph lacks intended to highlight an ornamental effect.

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Fig. 3.17 Bird pattern of Bianjiashan G1 ➁:100

tail

body

Fig. 3.18 Dou-stemmed cup base with bird patterns from Putaofan T0404 ➇ and illustration thereof

Reference

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Fig. 3.19 Its expanded view

Fig. 3.20 Yaoshan M2: 1 Explanation for bird body and divine eye on the side corner of coronary ware

head immortal eye

body

wings

wing

Reference Liu, B. (2013). Hangzhou Pandect·Liangzhu series: The world of magic 《杭州全书·良渚丛书: ( 神 巫的世界》 ). Hangzhou Publishing House.

Chapter 4

Appreciation and Analysis of Typical Glyph

4.1 Hu-Flask with Lugs on Both Sides Unearthed in Chenghu Site of Suzhou (1) Excavation This hu-flask (Fig. 4.1) is excavated in Liangzhu Culture Site at the bottom of Chenghu Lake, Suzhou, Jiangsu province, which is a site formed in the southern Song dynasty as a result of geological subsidence and floods. In effect, the utensil was discovered in a Liangzhu well, accordingly numbered 74WchJ127: 1. Here, “74” refers to the year 1974 when it was found; “W” is an initial Chinese phonetic alphabet for Wuxian county, and “ch” is “Chenghu”; furthermore, “J” is also a Chinese alphabet used in archaeological records for “well”, “J127” means the 127th one among all that have been found and numbered, and “1” behind the sign of ratio indicates the first unveiled and numbered utensil in it. Hu-flask is normally excavated in a well as one kind of water container, of which two run-through lugs respectively on the left and right are where a rope can be tied to put the flask into a well. Remarkably, however, it appears with five sequentially arranged symbols as an ordinary daily supplier when civilization in the late Neolithic period swept through China. In the brief for Excavation of Ancient Well Groups in Chenghu, Wuxian County《 ( 江苏吴县澄湖古井群的发掘》 ), Jiangsu that was published in 1985, the discoverer described the flask as follows: A fishing-basket-shaped jar is carved with pottery inscriptions. It has an 8.8cm calibre and a 12cm height. Looking like a basket, it is characteristic with straight neck, flared belly, slipped shoulder and flat bottom lugs respectively on two sides.

All illustrations in this chapter are from Carved Symbols in Liangzhu Culture, chief-edited by Zhang Binghuo and compiled by Liangzhu Museum [Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, (2015)] © Zhejiang University Press 2022 Y. Xia and X. Zhu, Primitive Characters of Liangzhu, Liangzhu Civilization , https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5311-8_4

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Fig. 4.1 Symbol-carved hu-flask with lugs (Chenghu 74WchJ127: 1)

It is a pottery produced by virtue of a wheeled tool and polished smooth, black and shiny. Three inscriptions of “ ”, “ ” and “个” are carved at the belly.1 This piece of work is of a high firing quality due to an appropriate temperature, the grey body exquisite, which shows that the producer must elutriate the clay very carefully for a pragmatic purpose according to the picture. In fact, its quality is comparable with that of potteries especially for nobles in the site. Inconspicuous incrustation below the neck suggests its existence in a water environment. Apart from symbols on the surface, there is no other ornamentation. At first, three symbols were identified, and then in 1990, scholars added an octagonal one omitted in the brief of Excavation, considering them as “being basically identical with fish-shaped engravings in Songze Culture”.2 “There is a line on the left bottom of the new symbol”, pointed out by Mr. Qian Yuzhi in 1996, which indicates that the five symbols were finally found (the line was not recognized as a real symbol at that time). Over the compilation of Carved Symbols in Liangzhu Culture, the octagonal symbol was found unparallel with the line, arranged with an appropriate density.3 In consequence, we argue that this line is also intended, not an unintentional stroke (Fig. 4.2). In the end, symbols on the hu-flask were ensured total five in 2013. 1

Editorial Board of Cultural Relics: Historical Materials Series IX. Beijing: Cultural Relics Press, 8 (1985). 2 Zhang and Wang (1990). 3 Carved Symbols in Liangzhu Culture, chief-edited by Zhang Binghuo and compiled by Liangzhu Museum, Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Publishing House, (2015).

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Fig. 4.2 Symbol finally identified on the hu-flask with lugs

(2) Five Symbols on Hu-flask with Lugs Viewing that we are now used to writing from the left, the five symbols are numbered ➀–➄ (Fig. 4.3). For the record, whether Liangzhu people wrote firstly from the right or left cannot be ensured by now. The numbering does not refer to the real writing order, but just works for us to make studies now. Symbol ➀ First, symbol ➀ (Fig. 4.4). There is a picture on the left and a copy on the right. Graphically, two hourglasses are intersected vertically, which can be known as two “fives” actually, just oblate, if one has knowledge of the pre-Qin history. It is common to see similar symbols in archaeological findings related to Liangzhu and Neolithic cultures both in the same age. In shape, an angel is extended out respectively from the eight directions, which is a type generally named by archaeologists as octagonal symbol. We are not classifying these with similar shapes into the same group. At present, the type earliest discovered in the archaeologist circle is from about 8000 years ago in Gaomiao Site, Hunan province, and coming down in Hunan, it also can be found in Qujialing Culture, mainly on white potteries. White potteries, peculiar, contain such major components as silicon dioxide, aluminium oxide, as well as magnesium oxide, which is why it appears white after the firing. Taking the pottery in Gaomiao and Tangjiagang cultures as an example, octagonal symbols are created regularly, with dense bottom patterns. While passed down in the province, it was possibly spread to other regions, Fig. 4.3 Copies of the five symbols numbered from the left to the right

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Fig. 4.4 Picture and copy of symbol ➀ Fig. 4.5 Panjiatang spinning wheel

for example, as is seen in the very old Majiabang Culture (Fig. 4.5),4 Dawenkon Culture (Fig. 4.6) mainly covering Shandong, Lingjiatan Culture in Hanshan county, Anhui (Fig. 4.7), and later, Songze Culture. With the communication space expanded, these symbols also are found in Xiaoheyan Culture in the northeast and Majiayao Culture in the northwest. Known from archaeological samples listed above, the octagonal type was initiated in Hunan, spread gradually to coastal areas including Shandong, Jiangsu and Zhejiang and then to the inland. Here comes one problem, which must be questioned: why are the similar symbols in these areas believed as an outcome of diffusion, instead of separate development? Two evidences for it: chronologically, the type was found firstly at the middle reaches of Yangtze River and later (about the late and last Neolithic period) in the east areas, appearing both in the east and west of north China; ideologically, homoplasy is typical of archaeological cultures in a long time and large space, an outcome of thinking development and exchanges. It is embodied 4

Wujin Cultural Center & Changzhou Museum: Investigation and Trial Excavation of Panjiatang Neolithic Site at Wujin, Jiangsu 《江苏武进潘家塘新石器时代遗址调查与试掘》 ( ). Acta Archaeologica Sinica, (5), (1979).

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Fig. 4.6 Dadunzi colourful pottery basin

Fig. 4.7 Lingjiatan jade eagle and document

in similarities shared by pottery techniques and styles, and in the later Neolithic period for example, potteries in the middle Yangtze River regions and lower parts of Yellow River came into being with same shapes and ornamentation, just in a spirit of uniformity. There is a possibility for simple utensils, decorative patterns or symbols to be created individually, which interplayed through mutual exchanges, but it is far less true of complicated ones.

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Now, here comes another question: what does the type mean? Answers must be discussed respectively, because those in different times and regions were aimed differently, described as follows. At the first place, changes happen to the carriers. In Gaomiao and Tangjiagang cultures, carriers of octagonal symbols are all white potteries, most of which are found in sacrificial units. A special clay being needed for this kind of pottery, some samples, additionally, are designed with the red pigment, arranged regularly and decorated with technique-complicated patterns. Prehistoric white potteries in Hunan area, however, might be used as a series of sacrificial vessels, or at least a special type for a sacrificial purpose, socially functioning just like painted potteries and jade wares.5 Then, it was incorporated into other contemporary or later archaeological cultures, of which the carrier changed from precious white pottery to ordinary one in local culture, as is exemplified by the painted pottery in Dawenkou Culture, red and black clay ones in Majiabang-Songze-Liangzhu Cultures. Second, it gradually loses its significance. Observed in a long period ranging from 8000 to 5000 years ago, the position of carriers for octagonal symbols just weakened. In Majiabang Culture (Panjiatang Site, Wujin District, Changzhou City of Jiangsu province), for example, octagons are carved on a common pottery spinning wheel, seeming like a flat drum, “carved symbols can be found on both upper and bottom parts, the octagonal symbol on the upper one and the double-line chevron counterpart on the other part, with lines arranged regularly and inconspicuous sign of application”.6 Additionally in Songze Culture, the type has been found on six utensils, of which five are from Qingpu Songze Site of Shanghai, and Jiangsu province including Kunshan Chuodun Site, Changzhou Xingang Site and Jiangyin Nanlou Site,7 and one from Zhejiang Jiaxing Museum.8 Specifically, there are three pieces of pottery spinning wheels, and despite the limited number that provides insufficient evidence to associate octagons with spinning wheels in the period, meanings of the symbol would not be the same as those in Gaomiao time. Concrete connotations of the octagonal symbol are related to sun worship, according to some scholars, holding that “apart from a wide range in Yangtze River, Yellow River and Liaohe River regions, it also involves various archaeological cultures that were developed in different times and areas. The pattern was developed Yin Jianshun, Preliminary Discussion on Prehistoric White Pottery in Hunan 《湖南史前白陶初 ( 论》 ). From Collected Works on the 30th Anniversary of the Establishment of Hunan Institute of Archaeology 《湖南省文物考古研究所建所三十周年纪念文集》 ( ) chief-edited by Guo Weimin. Beijing: Science Press, (2016). 6 Wujin Cultural Center & Changzhou Museum: Investigation and Trial Excavation of Panjiatang Neolithic Site at Wujin, Jiangsu 《江苏武进潘家塘新石器时代遗址调查与试掘》 ( ). Acta Archaeologica Sinica, (5), (1979). 7 See data in the following reports on excavation. Shanghai Bureau of Cultural Relics: A Report on the Excavation of Songze Neolithic Site《崧泽——新石器时代遗址发掘报告》 ( ). Beijing: Cultural Relics Press, (1987); Suzhou Institute of Archaeology: Kunshan Chuodun Site 《昆山绰墩遗址》 ( ). Beijing: Cultural Relics Press, (2011); Nanjing Museum & Jiangyin Museum: Jiangyin Nanlou Site 《江阴南楼》 ( ). Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, (2018). 8 Lu (1991). 5

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Fig. 4.8 Bowl-shaped dou-stemmed cup (Dawenkou M2005: 49)

across time and space, beyond geographical and kindred limitations, which may be mainly attributed to a direct connection between the application of solar calendar and agricultural production as well as animal husbandry, and in particular the significance of calendar to ancients living on productive economy is self-evident”.9 Astronomers base on the supernova explosion their view that the type was used as a record for the astronomical phenomena, which is one kind of explanation.10 Since Gaomiao period, at least, the symbol worked well as an indication of directions, but changes to its meanings that happened after it was diffused and developed late have not yet found out. As a result, two pieces of jade wares (see Fig. 4.8) with octagonal symbols unearthed in the tomb of Lingjiatan Site are perfectly impressive. Firstly, the jade material makes it superior to those of potteries, and secondly, elements are more complicated. Third, how symbols are structured is totally changed. Same as they are in the octagonal shape, lines inside and outside are strikingly different. Such changes imply varied purposes of producers. On the contrary, however, the symbols tended to be created with same lines both in the same time frame and similar archaeological cultures—those in Lingjiatan and Dawenkou Cultures, for example, are basically identical, with periphery octagonal and circle or square in the middle (Figs. 4.8 and 4.9). With dou-stemmed cup of pottery as decorative subjects, such hollow triangles are arranged in pair as the dish-shaped dou-stemmed cup of Dongshan village M89: 20 (Fig. 4.10) that is coupled from top to bottom and M94: 5 (Fig. 4.11) from left 9

He (2013). Zhao et al. (2013).

10

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Fig. 4.9 Pen-basin of painted pottery (Yedian M35: 2)

Fig. 4.10 Dish-shaped dou-stemmed cup (Dongshan village M89: 20)

to right. In view that two hollow symbols were impossibly overlapped on a physical item, Liangzhu people made it possible on a flat surface, but whether it is associated with those prevalent in Songze period cannot be verified for now. In effect, octagonal symbols are not common in Liangzhu Culture, and just two have been found, one from Shanghai Maqiao Site11 and the other one being discussed in this chapter. In the site, “sample II M204: 3 is a black clay pottery, 8.2 cm in caliber and 12 cm in height. It is characterized with narrower neck, straight but a bit swelling belly, short round foot and wide handle, on which there are two holes. Carved on the 11

Shanghai Bureau of Cultural Relics: A Report on Maqiao Archaeological Excavations During 1993–1997 《马桥——1993—1997 ( 年发掘报告》 ). Shanghai: Shanghai Calligraphy and Painting Publishing House, p.49 (2002).

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Fig. 4.11 Dish-shaped dou-stemmed cup (Dongshan village M94: 5)

Fig. 4.12 Maqiao M204: 4 Octagonal pattern on the wide-handle cup

upper part of the outside handle is a simplified beast-face design, and in the middle a symbol” (Fig. 4.12). This octagon, for sure, just shares the name with that on Chenghu hu-flask with lugs, also unlike those appearing in other cultures. Possibly understood by taking directions into consideration, it also provides us with another perspective for perception, that is, different lines and stroke sequences, which is accepted as an external expression of changes in its connotations. It was carved on different utensils or parts against multiple cultural backgrounds, reflecting special views of producers. The two rare jade wares in Lingjiatan Culture, appearing the most famous, had their connotations inherited and evolved, but gradually losing the original nature. Symbol ➁ Next, it is about a simple line segment (Fig. 4.13). Indeed, it is discovered on a part, but its implication remains as a mystery to both archaeological and palaeographic researchers. It does not matter in reality whatever the specific meaning is, for being obsessed with a factor partially is a thinking way to make the real important overshadowed by the trivial that should not be preferred by archaeologists. Instead, when it comes to the study specifically related to symbols, we pay more attention to carriers, parts thereof on which symbols are inscribed, archaeological unit where they are unearthed, position of the unit in the whole site and relation of it with other units. A partial perspective failing to provide us with more information, we should seek answers from the whole site, or the culture, or even a broader region, to make parallel and vertical comparisons by standards of above-mentioned focuses and find

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Fig. 4.13 Picture and replica of symbol ➁

out similarities in virtue of statistical approaches. Sometimes, data collected in such a way stand more tenable than simple verification of symbolic meanings. Symbols of the same type, totally 26 in number, can be found in Liangzhu Culture, respectively, appearing on potteries of Yuhang Bianjiashan, Miaoqian and Huacheng, Huzhou of Zhejiang. Summarily, 15 ones are caved at bottoms, and 18 ones are ambiguous in direction, attributed to the location of symbols at the circle bottom of wares, which is a point at which the direction in which some are carved can be seen but that might not also serve as one indicating the direction of symbols. Certainly, however, only four are arranged horizontally, three of which are all on legs of red sandy pottery; five vertically, two of which from symbol groups of Bianjiashan G1 ➅: 333 and G1 ➃: 335 (Fig. 4.14), coupled with Miaoqian H16: 17 (Fig. 4.15). According to the two groups, wares excavated in Bianjiashan, whether how their symbols are composed or carved, look like inscribed jar of Nanhu, but they just have abstract symbols, while the later also has concrete ones. In addition, the other two symbols can be found on the inside wall of round foot and side part of leg, different in nature. In conclusion, we have not veiled what exactly the symbol ➁ refers to. “Unacceptable single evidence” means that an argument supported just by one evidence might fail to be convincing, and at the point, the best solution is to put it aside. In view of a lack of explanation for the line segment, it is true of the symbol ➁, and let us move to the next one.

Fig. 4.14 Symbols on ware belly pieces from Bianjiashan G1 ➅: 333 and G1 ➃: 335

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Fig. 4.15 Symbols on jar of Miaoqian H16: 17

Symbol ➂ To put it exactly, it is a deluxe yue-battle-axe (钺, axe-like weapon in ancient China) (Fig. 4.16). It is believed to be the yue rather than fu-axe because the latter has two arc-shaped blade angles, and a decorative stone axe at the end that has been found physically. “Deluxe” means this one is equipped with mao (瑁, the jade ware used by the emperor) and dui-sheath (镦, the metal sheath), coupled with top ornamentation of little cong and bi-handle twisted with silk threads that is lacquered with jade beads. For instance, the deluxe counterpart of Yuhang Yaoshan M7, Zhejiang (Fig. 4.17), is composed of jades including yue-battle-axe, mao and dui-sheath, and the organic bi-handle organic may be wooden, possibly rotten when excavated; that of Fanshan M14 (Fig. 4.18) is perfect with mao and dui-sheath, coupled with bi-handle embedded with uneven jade beads. Unfortunately, uncarved mao and dui-sheath provide us with no helpful clues. Jade yue-battle-axe of Yaoshan M7, though without jade beads, has inscribed mao and dui-sheath (Fig. 4.19) as well as two matched little cong, which serve like “ying-tassel” more or less. Such a deluxe yue type is hardly common in Liangzhu tombs. After all, nobles are still classed. Grades and social roles of tomb owners are embodied in different numbers of mao and dui-sheath, as well as existence of decorative patterns and lacquered jade beads. Males in more influential power were so dignitary that they could boast such yue. At present, only seven sets of yue-battle-axe have been found, and four are from Fanshan and Yaoshan tombs, ancient sites at the core of Liangzhu Culture, of which the other two apart from the above are respectively from Fanshan M12 and M20. Fanshan M12, as a grand top tomb with most exquisite burial objects, boasts the deluxe yue-battel-axe that is called “King Yue”. On parts close to blade Fig. 4.16 Picture and replica of symbol ➂

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Fig. 4.17 Deluxe yue-battle-axe of Yaoshan M7

angles are divine insignia and bird pattern (Figs. 4.20, 4.21), and there are three little cong possibly serving to match them. Combined yue-battle-axe composed of multiple objects was not initiated by Liangzhu people, which had already existed in Sanxing Village Site in Jintan District, Changzhou, kind of remains of Majiabang Culture. Stony as the yue body is, mao at the end (the position is sort different from that of Liangzhu mao) and dui-sheath at the bottom are made from bones12 (Figs. 4.22 and 4.23). At that time, jades were far from developed into bulky wares, and what prevailed were main decorative jades represented by huang-pendant. Accordingly, yue, with a stony body, had begun to serve as a ritual vessel. The two pieces of stony yue had been edged, the one on right having a bigger hole that is not made practically. Similarly, unearthed latest in a Songze Site is the set of stony yue-battle-axe with mao (Fig. 4.24), reflecting Songze Culture. In view of lower position of the tomb owner, the object is stony with bone dui-sheath.13 In late Songze period, jade yue 12

Nanjing Normal University&Jintan Museum: Unearthed Cultural Relics Treasures in Sanxing village, Jintan 《金坛三星村出土文物精华》 ( ). Nanjing: Nanjing Press, (2004). 13 Shanghai Bureau of Cultural Relics: 1994–1995 Excavations of Songze Site in Qingpu, Shanghai (1994—1995 年上海青浦崧泽遗址的发掘), from Collected Works of Shanghai Museum (8th issue). Shanghai: Shanghai Calligraphy and Painting Publishing House, (2000).

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Fig. 4.18 Deluxe yue-battle-axe and jade bead on bi-handle of Fanshan M14

Fig. 4.19 Mao (left) and dui-sheath (right) of Yaoshan M7 yue-battle-axe

had already appeared in Jiaxing Nanhebang and Haiyan Xiantanmiao Sites wherein the former has two pieces discovered in a single tomb, the only discovery by now. Having gotten the brief knowledge of the deluxe top yue-battle-axe, now it is time for us to pay attention to the specific genre of this symbol. Unlike counterparts before

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Matched mao and dui-sheath

Fig. 4.20 Excavation of Fanshan M12 jade yue-battle-axe

Fig. 4.21 Fanshan M12 jade yue-battle-axe

it, it has mao and dui-sheath both unparallel to yue, which, instead, are characterized with inclinations (particularly, dui-sheath has a larger inclination at about 35°), and form an included angle along the extended line of yue blade angle. Instead of a mistake by a maker for sure, it is just how mao and dui-sheath were arranged at the time, like Fanshan M12 and Yaoshan M7 that are same at the point. The jade beads on bi-handle and dui-sheath of aforesaid Fanshan M14 jade yue-battle-axe are drafted the way it was unearthed. The above three examples are in line with symbol ➂.

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Fig. 4.22 Stony yue-battle-axe (Sanxing village M38: 1) Fig. 4.23 Stony yue-battle-axe (Sanxing village M531: 3)

Unearthed in Xiaojiawuji Site of Shijiahe Culture later than Liangzhu counterpart is a pottery jar numbered H357: 5 (Fig. 4.25), which also has a yue-shaped symbol with an inclined bi-handle.14 14

Jingzhou Museum of Hubei province, Hubei Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology & School. of Archaeology and Museology, Peking University: Xiaojiawuji 《肖家屋脊》 ( ). Beijing: Cultural Relics Press, p.159 (1999).

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Fig. 4.24 Stony yue-battle-axe with mao in Songze period Fig. 4.25 Inscribed symbol on pottery jar (Xiaojiawuji H357: 5)

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Fig. 4.26 Urn with painted stork and fish as well as stony axe in Yancun village, Linru15

Having known how yue-battle-axe looks like, we will discuss why it was produced in that way. The shape of a ware is determined by its function. It definitely did not serve as a practical object, say, for wars, because jade yue is never sharp when its mao and dui-sheath of jade are lack of destruction, and there is no way to ensure that fragile riveting is not lost in a fierce war. In addition, the tomb owner seems from the upper class, and the jade ware cannot work for him to lead soldiers against enemies. Also, the thin jade (and stony yue of the same type) is not intended for rough work.16 In a small number and with non-edged blade, obviously, jade yue-axe has lost its original function and become a symbol of military power. Exhibited in National Museum of China is the well-known Yichuan urn (Fig. 4.26), on which a stony axe is inscribed. Despite various explanations, a consensus is reached that the stony axe with handle symbolizes military power. Furthermore, a grand Songze tomb was discovered in Dongshan Village Site of Zhangjiagang, Jiangsu. One of its marks is jade yue-axe, true of Nanhe Majiabang Site in Jiaxing, Zhejiang. As a direct evidence of Songze Culture, jade yue has an undoubted position in Liangzhu Culture. A saying goes, “political power grows out of weapons”, and it is a truth since the Neolithic Age.

15

The picture is from Chinese Civilization: “Exhibitions of Ancient China” Cultural Relics Treasuries《中华文明: ( 文物精粹》 ), compiled by National Museum of China. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, p.57 (2010). 16 In Xinglongwa Culture, yue-axe and adze of jade were utilized practically: people had not recognized the rareness of jade when it firstly entered into sight; the demand for identity was not obvious in the stage where productivity was not capable of social stratification.

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Fig. 4.27 Pictures and replica of symbol ➃ Fig. 4.28 Coin “Da Quan Wu Shi”17 at Wang Mang time18

Symbol ➃ When coming into sight firstly (Fig. 4.27), the symbol was explained as “five” by scholars based on “ ” the bone inscription, which can be found in the coins cast during the western and eastern Han dynasties (Fig. 4.28). Without evident similarity in shape between it and the number, this character might be an interchangeable one, according to Dong Chuping (董楚平). But in Liangzhu period, characters were just start-up, as a result of which perhaps all were more pictographic than being borrowed. In addition, differences, he noted, emerge from various shapes of “ ”, including the crossed middle part with a vertical line respectively on sides, coupled with a lateral one at the right lower bottom.19 While as a matter of subjectivity, there is another point that it is regarded as “会” finally. The combination of four symbols (without symbol ➁) refers to “Fang Yue Hui Shi (方钺 会矢)”, a possible record on military alliance in Liangzhu Culture. Furthermore, here should come a question: if it had been so important, it would have been valued as much 17

Da Quan Wu Shi (大泉五十): a kind of copper coin issued by Wang Mang. “泉” refers to “钱”. The picture is from Chinese Civilization: “Exhibitions of Ancient China” Cultural Relics Treasuries《中华文明: ( 文物精粹》 ), compiled by National Museum of China. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, p.294 (2010). 19 Dong Chuping, Explanations on “Fang Yue Hui Shi (方钺会矢)” of Liangzhu Characters. Southeast Culture, (3) (2001). 18

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as Jin Covenant in the eastern Zhou dynasty (770B.C.–256B.C.) that was discovered in Houma, Shanxi province, but neither examination of the brief on Liangzhu wellunearthed utensils finds high-quality potteries nor the combination can be matched by the ordinary cultural relic of Chenghu, Suzhou. Meanwhile, attention also should be paid to the variety of sites that are classed in accordance with utensil type and cultural connotations of relics, which involve Jiaxing-south Shanghai, south Jiangsuwest Shanghai and other regions apart from Liangzhu Site cluster. In such regions, there are high-level sites, and thus whether their groups once held political activities like the above one really should be taken into consideration. Explanation for “military alliance” is worth exploration. As ancient cities, hydraulic systems outside the city, coupled with multiple social strata reflected by orderly-arranged tombs with different amounts of objects have been discoveried significnatly in recent years, Liangzhu Culture is believed to develop with comparatively mature rites, a sign for a full-fledged civilization and an early stage of a state. Under the circumstance in which jade wares were well produced, it is necessary and practical to make ritual vessels for music emerge. At present, the earliest musical instrument is bone flute discovered in Jiahu Site, Wuyang county of Henan province, from about 8000 years ago.20 Moreover, prehistorical instruments totally in over 500 pieces have been found in China by now, including such wind instruments as flute and whistle, percussion like drum and chime stone and rattles of bell and ball. In terms of their materials, approximately 95% are made from bones and potteries, of which there are 48 pieces of pottery drums.21 Also, recent researches capture footprints of Neolithic stone drums in Liaohe River, Yellow River, Huaihe River and Yangtze River regions, and “despite differences in their discoveries, they share an obvious similarity that the stone drum had been employed specially and privately possessed by minorities”.22 Pottery drums in Yangtze River area are mainly found at the middle reaches, prevalent at the time of Qujialing Culture. Included in sites closest to distribution ranges of Liangzhu Culture are Lingjiatan, Hanshan county of Anhui province (Fig. 4.29), and Huating, Xinyi City of Jiangsu province (Fig. 4.30). Instead, there are no evidences implying the existence of the instrument in Liangzhu Culture, while its tomb structure for nobles is indeed inherited from Songze counterpart, characterized with bigmouthed jars. For instance, this type of jar is found in four tombs among early nine noble ones in Yuhang Fanshan Site and in nine tombs among the thirteen in Yuhang Yaoshan Site. As many scholars have pointed out, the pottery jars and urns formerly designated as worn-out jars and urns are actually the pottery drums, and they were included in ordinary utensils because decayed leathers for the drum surface cannot be identified. Excavation of Taosi Site in Shanxi province makes pottery drum unearthed Wuyang Jiahu I 《舞阳贾湖》 ( 上卷), compiled by Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology. Beijing: Science Press, (1999). 21 Huang houming & Chen Yunhai, Preliminary Study on Chinese Prehistorical Music and Culture 《中国史前音乐文化状况初探》 ( ). Cultural Relics of Central China, (3) (2009). 22 Huang Lingya, Preliminary Study on Pottery Drums of Neolithic Age 《新石器时代陶鼓的初 ( 步研究》 ). Acta Archaeologica Sinica, (3) (2009). 20

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Fig. 4.29 Pottery drum (Lingjiatan 87M15: 4)

Fig. 4.30 Huating M23: 37 and M50: 68

clearly (Fig. 4.31), filling in gaps. It is the drum numbered M3002 that originates from one of six large-scale tombs, unveiled in 1983, and so far, there have been over 405 excavated tombs in total,23 typical of apparent pyramid structure. As is stated above, the painted pottery urn from Yancun, Linfen, has a dent below the outside neck edge, conspicuous protrusions, as well as a non-hollow bottom, which was possibly produced as a drum. Thus, whether there is a possibility that Liangzhu potteries, like the big-mouthed urn as burial object for nobles, were actual drums? On basis of fundamental standards, the drum, firstly, should be featured with hollow hoop, bulge or flange or other modelling of deflection, so that a rope can be used to tie the protruded leather closely. Then, the instrument was made hollow, or holes were kept on the wall to transmit sounds. Among big-mouthed urns unearthed in Fanshan, only M15: 41 (Fig. 4.32) has an identifiable edge, showing deflection on its shoulder part or protruded leather. Utensils of M4 and M9 from Yaoshan tomb are easily identified as pottery urns (Figs. 4.33 and 4.34), which were made from red sandy pottery, both too coarse to echo sounds, and M9: 82 has a bottom but non-holed wall; on the other, Songze and Liangzhu urns are lack of both protruded nail that are common on pottery drums from other drainage basins and hollows or holes. 23

Shanxi Team, Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Linfen Cultural Affairs Bureau: 1978–1980 Excavation Briefs on Taosi Tomb, Xiangfen County of Shanxi Province ( 《1978—1980 年山西襄汾陶寺墓地发掘简报》 ). Acta Archaeologica Sinica, (1) (1983).

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Fig. 4.31 Pottery drum (Taosi M3002: 53)

Fig. 4.32 Urn piece (Fanshan M15: 41)

Symbol ➃ provides us with a clue to explorations on Liangzhu drum, pointed out Fang Xiangming. Shaped like the copper (Fig. 4.35) and porcelain (Fig. 4.36) drums of later periods, this drum has two lines in the middle to tighten the drum surface. Looking back to the symbol ➂, we have analysed that it, carved in a seemingly

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Fig. 4.33 Urn piece (Yaoshan M4: 42)

Fig. 4.34 Urn (Yaoshan M9: 82)

casual way for more strokes, actually reflects main features of the copied object. The symbol ➃, however, fails to describe protruded nails and protruded leather. Liangzhu Culture is renowned for its jade wares, and the most significant element for the wares is divine insignia (Fig. 4.37) that involves all kinds of ritual vessels of jades. The deep integration of divine right and kingship is typical of Liangzhu civilization. Belief homogeneous and devout, witches and wizards wore feathered hats and inverted trapezoidal masks, and in religious rites, they added the fun by virtue of music apart from hallucinogens. The drum, as an instrument of percussion, is characterized with a bright and clear rhythm, perfect in such an occasion. As is recorded in Book of Rites: Evolutions of Rites, “rites initially were related to diet etiquette. At the time, people offered cereals and dismembered pork to immortals, dug a hole as a water vessel and held the water for spirits to drink, and made a drum with clay (tu gu) to beat”. Here, “tu gu (土鼓)” refers to the pottery drum. That it is the drum or not depends on future breakthroughs in field archaeological activities.

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Fig. 4.35 Copper drum24

Fig. 4.36 Porcelain drum unearthed in Yaotianling, Yongfu county of Guangxi province25

Symbol ➄ Symbol ➄ (Fig. 4.38) is just as simple as the symbol ➁, but it is the very simpleness that makes it associated much with other symbols and concrete utensils. For example, it is possible to serve as a pictographic character of spear26 and symbolize a

24

The picture is from China Civilization: “Exhibitions of Ancient China” Cultural Relics Treasuries, compiled by National Museum of China. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, p.384, (2010). 25 The picture is from Collected Porcelains of China X 《中国出土瓷器全集·10), ( chief-edited by Zhang Bai. Beijing: Science Press, (2008). 26 Yu Xingwu, Questions about the Study on Ancient Chinese Characters 《关于古文字研究的若 ( 干问题》 ). Cultural Relics, 2 (1973).

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Fig. 4.37 Fanshan M12: 98 Divine insignia on the straight groove of cong king

Fig. 4.38 Picture and replica of symbol ➄

long-handled tool for wood-cutting27 or a direction of archery.28 Differently, Huang Shengzhang (黄盛璋) proved it should be an image of primitive house: “人” looks like the roof, and “丨” indicates the column.29 The same symbols appear more as individuals than as combinations, and thus, there is a lack of comparison objects. As is speculated, it might be an arrowhead or spear, a comparatively reasonable explanation when the symbol ➂ is undoubtedly verified as a battle-axe.

27

Tang Lan, Preliminary Exploration on Cultural Relics and Characters in Wucheng, Jiangxi Province 《关于江西吴城文化遗址与文字的初步探索》 ( ). Cultural Relics, (7) (1975). 28 Lu Sixian, Archaeology of Myths. Beijing: Cultural Relics, (1995). 29 Huang Shengzhang, Explanations of “个”-shaped Symbols 《 ( “个”形释意》 ), published in the third edition of China Cultural Relics News on 26th May, 1989.

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(3) Summary As efforts have been made as possible as I can to describe the five symbols by referring to relevant data, then, what do they mean as a whole? Unfortunately, even the sequence from left to right or conversely remains as a mystery for us, let alone implications of this combination. Even so, the hu-flask with lugs, despite its “humble origin”, still stands in a higher position as far as we are concerned. Had the flask been excavated in Kunshan Zhaolingshan Site that is less 10 kms away, or say more boldly it was one of burial objects in M77 tomb, it would be taken more highly because Zhaolingshan M77 is the highest-class tomb owned by a noble. As of 2014, inscribed symbols from Liangzhu Culture have amounted to over 750, classified into 340 plus types, but none of them are from top grand tombs. According to a brief on Shanghai Wujiachang tomb published on Acta Archaeologica Sinica on the 10th edition, 2015, inscribed symbols from two Liangzhu tombs of M207 and M211 were unveiled. M207: 98 yan-cooker (Fig. 4.39) is a red sandy pottery with its cover equipped with a circular handle on which “川”-shaped symbol is carved, 13.5 cm in calibre and 24.3 cm in height. M207: 95 dou-stemmed cup (Fig. 4.40), 17 cm in calibre, and 22.8 cm in height, is a black clay pottery with a 14.7 cm diameter round foot, featured with inclined straight neck, thin belly, basin that seems somewhat deformed and inclined, as well as trumpet-shaped handle, and carved inside the basin is a symbol. Similarly, M211: 3 pan-dish (Fig. 4.41) with a 17 cm diameter round foot, 23.4 cm in calibre and 8.1 cm in height, is also a black clay pottery with an opening and a flat belly, with its opening edge shrunk inward and trumpet-shaped foot stretched outside, and also carved inside the dish is a symbol. Another black pottery with a 16 cm diameter round foot, 22.4 cm in calibre and 15.7 cm in height, M211: 22 pan-dish (Fig. 4.42), has a cover with a largely trumpet-shaped button, and a symbol also can be found inside the dish. Fig. 4.39 Yan-cooker (Wujiachang M207: 98)

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4 Appreciation and Analysis of Typical Glyph

Fig. 4.40 Dou-stemmed cup (Wujiachang M207: 95) Fig. 4.41 Round-foot dish (Wujiachang M211: 3)

4.1 Hu-Flask with Lugs on Both Sides Unearthed in Chenghu Site …

117

Fig. 4.42 Round-foot dish (Wujiachang M211: 22)

In M211 Tomb, 46 pieces of burial objects were found, of which there are just three ritual vessels of jades, two bi-discs and one bracelet, and five tapered vessels wherein two are respectively placed beside the foot and hand and how the rest are arranged was not reported due to their overlapping. Clearly, however, the tapers, if arranged around the head without taking geographical features into consideration, are still accustomed to jade specification for Liangzhu lesser nobles. Symbols from M211: 3 and M211: 22 are identical, rhombic with inner arc, all carved on the surface not bottom of round-foot dish, which might serve to show or differentiate the ownership. M207 is the highest-classed among Wujiachang tombs, boasting totally 308 pieces of objects and six burial dogs. Of its jades, there are one cong and one bi-disc, coupled with six yue-battle-axes as it often is, but the former two kinds are less and lower-quality compared with those in Yuhang Fanshan and Yaoshan tombs. Notable, however, are two ivory maces including M207: 61 and M207: 95. Unearthed in the right of the owner, the former one, 90.5 cm high and 9.2 cm wide, has a body made from ivory and a sheet structure, its 4 cm long protruded Tenon at the lower end just inserted in the 10.3 cm long sheath part and its body carved with ten groups of complete beast-faced deities. It is the only one with divine insignia outside Liangzhu ancient cities in Yuhang, Zhejiang, and the social position of its owner is evident enough despite the fact that it is not jade. It is definitely worthy of the title “grand tomb of an influential” that is given by excavators. The two inscribed pottery dishes are all discovered close to leg parts of the owner, as ordinary as others. The symbol on M207: 95 pottery dou-stemmed cup, on one side of the surface, might share the same quality with M204. For example, a group of symbols on the surface of pottery doustemmed cup in Yuhang Beihu Site was apparently intended for exhibition. Instead, those on the cover handle of pottery yan-cooker might be largely related to processes for pottery making or used for classification when fired or for fabrication. Haining Jinshidun M12: 10 is a pottery ding-cauldron with a cover, structured similarly with Wujiachang M207: 98, which both stem from the later Liangzhu period. The two symbols are discovered respectively on the cover handle and side of T-shaped ding foot, both in the form of “×” that is accepted by us as a match when producing potteries. Another example is Jinshidun M8: 12, also with a cover, of which the same symbol is carved at the bottom and cover handle after firing. Similarly, those

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4 Appreciation and Analysis of Typical Glyph

two symbols that are found on two legs involve Haiyan Xiantanmiao M17: 33–2, M122: 9–2 and M133: 4. It can serve as an evidence for streamlined production of potteries at the time. Indicated by current proofs, the symbols on potteries just work to symbolize production and assembly, and in other words, they have nothing to do with tomb owners, especially nobles of grand tombs. We conduct an analysis on 656 ones that were published in details of over 750 symbols, finding that about 60% of them are at the bottom and 80% are carved before firing. Thus, most had been completed when carries were produced. As for materials, jades just accounting for 3%, most are potteries, followed by stones. A great possibility is reflected that Liangzhu symbols may be symbolic of hierarchy, but there are few showing an association with nobles of grand tombs, apart from one. Two symbols included in Wujiachang M207 indeed show, though slightly, a correlation between them and the owner. For sure, as a top member in a mature civilization, they definitely harnessed various symbols that yet still have been veiled. Fanshan M12 and Sidun M3, 500 km away from each other, are both outcomes of Liangzhu Culture, one from the early period and the other latterly within a range of about 500 years. They share the same burial rite, that is, great cong is put on the left of the head and structured basically similarly. Currently, included in great cong in Liangzhu Culture are Fanshan M12: 98 cong king as well as cong of number 2 and 3 from Sidun Site, and the number 2 is closely as large as the king. Supposing that higher-levelled jade cong was, more simplified it was decorated, so that they worked together with early ones to make an obvious evolution form, how could Liangzhu people in Sidun produce cong in the almost same size with cong king after 500 years and know where it was put? Undoubtedly, records must exist and be passed down, but its carries were possibly organic, thus failing to be preserved and known by us. Before the discovery of Wujiachang M207 ivory mace, a point held that jade cong was simplified because of worse materials and techniques, coupled with unrecognizable image of complete beast-faced deities for craftsmen, but the discovery implies the record. Though we can find other analogous examples about how jade cong was developed during the spreading, like comparisons or contrasts between objects from Yujiashan and Gaochengdun, we can distinctly conclude that it is less spatial distance than time that weighs heavily in cultural learning and inheritance. To the problem, a solution is worked out according to inscription of grouped symbols and primitive characters. The Liangzhu ancient city was equipped with a triple structure and outskirts, in whose system of elevated dam the earliest carbon-14 is determined, from about 5100 years ago. Near 300 dating data in total verify that the major structure was finished during the time ranging from 4850 to 5000 years ago, also a period when the construction peak was reached. It is a project wholly requiring an earthwork of more than 10 million cubic metres that had been completed scrupulously within far less long 150 years. As a starter, elevated and low dams were constructed for transportation of such materials as woods and stones, which, also, served to improve the wetland environment in intermountain plains so as to facilitate the follow-up heaping and building of clay fortress. Approximately 4900 years ago, Mojiaoshan

4.1 Hu-Flask with Lugs on Both Sides Unearthed in Chenghu Site …

119

fortress was started when the two kinds of dams began to come into being and function, with an earthwork of 2.2 million cubic metres, and it was at the time that Fanshan cemetery was constructed. When the elevated dam had not been placed on the agenda about 5100 years ago, leaders of this unprecedented masterpiece had finished their cemeteries in Yaoshan. Then, a time 4800 years ago witnessed alternation of powers between owners of two tombs (possibly representatives of two political parties), and finally, the power represented by Fanshan group made the completion of the whole ancient city as a winner. What is a pity is that when walls of the city were built still remains undetectable, and as a result, we just conjecture it might be put into force about 4500 years ago according to accumulations late overlapped on the walls. Designers of the system, from the perspective of either timeline or logic, started with the elevated dam to cope with the transportation of building materials and perfect hydrological environment in the building site and then continued the body—triple structure (the tertiary outer city might be not built initially in the scheme, possibly a higher counterpart naturally shaped around the inner city with the increasing population). What were relied on by planners, managers and performers to ensure every procedure of such a project was perfectly put into practice? An assumption viewing it as an excellent work passed down from the northwest China seems unconvincing so much. In view of an abundance of inscribed symbols on various carriers that carry connotations of richness, we have every reason to believe that a special symbol system was used by nobles or dignitaries in Liangzhu upper class. The stone yue-battle-axe from Zhuahgqiaofen Site together with carved jade bi-disc diffused nationwide makes it accessible for us to have knowledge of this system (or more) inside the aristocracy. Complexity of Zhuangqiaofen carved stone yue, most significantly, lies in the composition involving both photographic and abstract symbols and then in units where they were discovered. In seeming sacrificial pits, the carriers are pieces, like the fragmented jade bi-disc with symbols from a pit Shaoqingshan M9, providing us with a possible speculation. Notably, Zhuangqiaofen shares a similar style with west Shanghai-south Jiangsu region, as is mirrored by a combination of pottery ding-cauldron, dou-stemmed cup, as well as hu-flask and more than one piece of yue-battle-axe (of stone or jade) in a male tomb. In addition, the uniqueness of jade ritual vessels in the system implies that the application of symbols by Liangzhu nobles was just as same as they were in other regions, locally featured. In conclusion, none of the above-mentioned symbols is discovered in high-grade grand tombs, raising a question: Didn’t the owners, as leaders and administrators of the time, employ the symbol system or primitive characters to rule such a large-scale community under a circumstance where complicated socialization and stratification were developed and where symbols had been used commonly in the ceramics? Moreover, there should be samples for craftsmen to refer to when producing the 26 divine insignia and images of beast-faced deities created thereon both on jades, which is truer of more complex political and military activities. Many possibilities can be responsible for the failing inheritance of symbols. On one side, symbols and primitive characters were inscribed and written on organic materials such as silk products and lacquer ware, making it difficult to be kept.

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On the other side, such symbols or document system were written and preserved by professionals, thus failing to appear in grand tombs. However, many general symbols, having potteries as carriers, were passed down more easily than on organic materials.

4.2 Inscribed Jade Bi-Disc from Baimushan, Anxi, Yuhang Jade bi-disc (Fig. 4.43), 26.2 cm in diameter, 4.2 cm in aperture and 1.2 cm in thickness, is comparatively large sized, having its contour designed regularly and two sides smoothly polished, which completely conforms to counterparts in late Liangzhu period. It was unearthed in 1989 in Baimushan Site, Anxi Town (current Liangzhu Street), Yuhang City of Zhejiang province. To facilitate descriptions herein, the symbol on the left is numbered as A and the other one on the right B. It is special in its appearance, and what have been clear for us involve the time when it was created as well as the place where it was discovered, but it is a pity that we have no knowledge of its unit because it was not excavated in an archaeological way. As of now, only five pieces of inscribed jade bi-disc have been known by means of archaeological excavation, respectively, from Shanghai Fuquanshan (Fig. 4.44), Yuhang Yujiashan of Zhejiang (Fig. 4.45), Shaoqingshan grey pit, Kunshan of Jiangsu (referring to the sacrificial pit) (Figs. 4.46 and 4.47) and Xinghua Jiangzhuang of

Fig. 4.43 Jade bi-disc collected in Anxi and symbols A (left) and B (right) thereof

4.2 Inscribed Jade Bi-Disc from Baimushan, Anxi, Yuhang

121

Fig. 4.44 Inscribed jade bi-disc (Fuquanshan M40: 111)

Fig. 4.45 Inscribed jade bi-disc (Yujiashan M16: 22)

Fig. 4.46 Piece of inscribed jade bi-disc (Shaoqingshan M9: 8)

Jiangsu (Fig. 4.48), of which two from Shaoqingshan are broken pieces. The bidisc unearthed non-archaeologically but in specific places, apart from the one from Baimushan, also includes that from Suzhou Caoxieshan.30

30

Being collected on site, it has no clear pictures and detailed records. See p.180, Cultural Relics in Wuzhong 《吴中文物》 ( ). Shanghai: Shanghai Scientific and Technical Publishers, (2004).

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Fig. 4.47 Piece of inscribed jade bi-disc (Shaoqingshan M9: 9)

Fig. 4.48 Inscribed jade bi-disc from Jiangzhuang

With works that are passed down from generation to generation counted in, there are totally 16 pieces of carved jade bi-disc both domestically and internationally (see details in Table 4.131 ) wherein those collected in Taipei Palace Museum and Freer Gallery of Art are much earlier known and introduced. The body of such type, determined by archaeological discoveries and collections, is a high platform with a standing bird that is composed of five elements: bird, linked beads, upright stanchion, high platform and inscription inside the platform. It is only in the Freer Gallery that such symbols are comparatively complete, and others have changes in their linked beads, stanchions, as well as the inside inscriptions. 31

One of jade bi-discs collected in The Palace Museum, Beijing, with a 22 cm diameter and a 4.6 cm aperture, has “its two sides carved with symbols by incised carving, lines of which cannot be recognizable due to a long history”. Clear pictures are not accessible, thus involving no discussion in the moment. See records in Complete Chinese Jades Passed Down from Ancient Time I: Neolithic Age·Shang·Western Zhou·the Spring and Autumn·Warring States 《中国传世玉器全集 ( 1: 新石器 时代·商·西周·春秋·战国》 ). Beijing: Science Press, p.30, (2010).

M9:9, whose widest part that has been kept is 6.25 cm, has a restored 29.46 cm diameter as well as a restored 3.2–4.0 cm aperture, and it just includes one symbol

M16: 22, with a 24.7 cm diameter, has two symbols

M36: 1, just has one symbol

3

4

5

Jiangzhuang, Xinghua, Jiangsu

Yujiashan, Yuhang, Zhejiang

Yes

Liangzhu Cultural Remains in Yes Jiangzhuang Site, Dongtai City and Xinghua City, Jiangsu 《江苏兴化、东台 ( 市蒋庄遗址良渚文化遗存》 ). Acta Archaeologica Sinica: (7) (2004)

Carved Symbols in Liangzhu Culture. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Fine Arts Publishing House, (2015)

Wang Huajie & Zuo Jun, Yes Newly-Discovered Liangzhu Symbols Inscribed on Jade Wares in Shaoqingshan Site, Kunshan 《昆山少卿山遗址新发现 ( 的良渚玉璧刻符》 ). Southeast Culture, (5) (2009)

Shaoqingshan,Kunshan, Jiangsu

M9:9, whose widest part that has been kept is 19 cm, has a restored 25.4 cm diameter as well as a restored 2.9–3.4 cm aperture, and it just includes one symbol

Yes

2

(continued)

Unearthed or not

Archaeological Essences of Shanghai. Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Fine Arts Publishing House, (2006)

Source

M40: 111, with a 23 cm diameter and a Fuquanshan, Qingpu, Shanghai 5.6 cm aperture, just includes one symbol, 2.3 cm high and 1.6 cm wide

1

Site

Description

Number

Table 4.1 Domestic and foreign inscribed jade bi-disc

4.2 Inscribed Jade Bi-Disc from Baimushan, Anxi, Yuhang 123

Caoxieshan, Suzhou, Jiangsu

Biamushan, Yuhang, Zhejiang

Zhuhuangmiao, Yuhang of Zhejiang Liangzhu Museum Shanghai Museum Taipei Palace Museum

With a 25.9 cm diameter and a 5.3 cm aperture, it just includes one symbol, whose position is unknown

Having two symbols

With a 24.6 cm diameter and a 3.4 cm aperture, it just includes one symbol

Including one symbol

Including one symbol

With a 13.17–13.44 cm diameter and a 2.16 cm aperture, it just includes one symbol close to the edge but not right against the through hole

With a 17.6 cm diameter and a 4.65 cm aperture, it just includes one symbol

With a 24.5 cm diameter and a 3.77 cm aperture, it just includes one symbol

With a 31.45 cm diameter and a 3 cm aperture, it includes one symbol just above the through hole

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14 American Freer Gallery of Art

American Freer Gallery of Art

American Freer Gallery of Art

Site

Description

Number

Table 4.1 (continued)

The Jade Age: Early Chinese Jades in American Museums

The Jade Age: Early Chinese Jades in American Museums

The Jade Age: Early Chinese Jades in American Museums. Beijing: Science Press, (2009)

Catalogue of Neolithic Jade Wares Collected by Taipei Palace Museum. Taipei: Taipei Palace Museum, (2009)

Archaeological Essences of Shanghai

Carved Symbols in Liangzhu Culture

No

No

No

No

No

No

(continued)

No

Twilight of Civilization 《文明的曙光》 ( ). Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, (2004)

No

No

Cultural Relics in Wuzhong 《吴中文物 ( 》 ). Shanghai: Shanghai Scientific and Technical Publishers, (2004)

Carved Symbols in Liangzhu Culture

Unearthed or not

Source

124 4 Appreciation and Analysis of Typical Glyph

The Jade Age: Early Chinese Jades in American Museums Ancient Jade Treasuries of China in British Victoria and Albert Museum. Nanning: Guangxi Fine Arts Publishing House, (2006)

With a 32.5 cm diameter, it has four British Victoria and Albert Museum groups of fretwork and two flying birds by incised carving on the edge

16

Source

With a 23.6 cm diameter and a 4.2 cm American Freer Gallery of Art aperture, it has two symbols just above the through hole

15

Site

Description

Number

Table 4.1 (continued)

No

No

Unearthed or not

4.2 Inscribed Jade Bi-Disc from Baimushan, Anxi, Yuhang 125

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The symbol is carved right above the through hole, rather close to the outer edge. Additionally, there are two other kinds: one represented by jade bi-disc from Yujiashan has its symbol not at the above-mentioned position, and the other has its one at the notch of the outer edge; they both are looking same structurally. Another symbol from a passed-down work collected by Shanghai Museum in 1970s (Fig. 4.49) is a complete image of a bird standing high on a platform, which lacks the beads in a string as well. Given that inscribed jades of Freer Gallery were collected from China in the early 20th century, we have a reason to believe that those objects were unearthed and looted in the same place. From this perspective, inscribed jade bi-disc might be regional, which will be involved in the following. This is a smaller jade in Taipei Palace Museum (Fig. 4.50), whose bird-standingon-platform symbol is carved close to the outer edge in an inclined way. It, 13.44cm in diameter, was reproduced on the basis of the original broken object, and thus, the symbol does not appear right above the new through hole.

Fig. 4.49 Inscribed jade bi-disc collected in Shanghai Museum

Fig. 4.50 Inscribed jade bi-disc collected in Taipei Palace Museum

4.2 Inscribed Jade Bi-Disc from Baimushan, Anxi, Yuhang

127

Fig. 4.51 Inscribed pottery jar (Tadi 7N6E4H8: 11)

Fig. 4.52 Pottery dou-stemmed cup from Balabang

Baimushan jade bi-disc, the major object of this chapter, has its symbols right against the through hole but above, closely next to the outer edge and respectively on two sides. Symbol A is a common high-platform symbol, widely spread in Liangzhu Culture, which can be seen on pottery wares such as the jar from Huzhou Tadi Site (Fig. 4.51) and dou-stemmed cup from Balabang Site (Fig. 4.52). The high-platform structure, except that it appears on jade bi-disc as is described above, also has been found directly with jades as carriers in Haochuan and Laoshushan Sites,32 Suichang of Zhejiang province (the both are all included in Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology: Haochuan Cemetery《好川墓 ( 地》 ). Beijing: Cultural Relics Press, (2002). Wang Haiming & Sun Guoping et al., Cultural Cluster from Four Thousand Years ago Found in Laoshushan Site, Wenzhou 《温州老鼠山遗址发现四千 ( 年前文化聚落》 ), published in the 1st edition of China Cultural Relics News on 28th May, 2003.

32

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Fig. 4.53 Trapezoid jade slip from Haochuan and Laoshushan

Haochuan Culture, Fig. 4.53) and in Dawenkou Culture involving Lingyanghe cemetery of Juxian County, Shandong province. Jade slips from the above sites are characterized with a convex shape, a cambered high ladder-shaped platform, but neither pattern nor standing bird. Furthermore, we can find that symbols on jade bi-disc from sites including Caoxieshan, Fuquanshan, Yujiashan, Shaoqingshan and Jiangzhuang are all about an image of high platform, but without the standing bird. As a result, it is not the omission of symbol during the communication and diffusion, because we can see the lack of standing bird in Liangzhu Culture, which is true of the inscription inside a high platform. Another type with the most similar configuration is the coronary ware that is commonly seen in tombs of greater nobles and lordlings. When Fanshan Site was firstly discovered, the ware was found with a horizontal groove with pin holes on its lower part, but its organic carrier had been rotten, making its function impossibly known, as a result of which it is designated as “coronary ware” according to its similar appearance with the feathered crest of divine and represented by Fanshan M16: 4 (Fig. 4.54). Then in 1999, its function was finally determined when a complete coronary ware emerged from Haiyan Zhoujiabang Site, which has an ivory comb on the lower part. The coronary ware, though less representative of class, could serve as a burial object of any nobles, placed in a specific position, that is, beside the head, and there was only one in a tomb (by now, there is only one exception that two such objects were found in Fuquanshan, Sidun) imitating the feathered crest. However, the wide spreading implies its importance, and it is not the pattern but appearance that weighs more highly Cong, as a major ritual vessel, only served as burial object of dignitaries, carved on which a simplified image of beast-faced deity naturally symbolizes the uniform belief among nobles, while how were middle and small nobles satisfied? Here appeared coronary wares. Known from the overlapping relation in Yaoshan M9, the type might be just placed beside the head rather than worn by the owner, which is possibly true of the arrangement of groups of tapered wares beside the owner head of Yaoshan M7, appearing bunch. Another example is carved stone yue-battle-axe, made of, which

4.2 Inscribed Jade Bi-Disc from Baimushan, Anxi, Yuhang

129

Fig. 4.54 Comparison diagram between feathered crest of divine insignia on Fanshan M12: 98 cong king and Fanshan M16: 4 coronary ware

Fig. 4.55 Fanshan M12 combination of beast-faced deity and double birds at the nook of cong king

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Fig. 4.56 Coronary ware (Huating M42:1)

was not equipped with the handle but painted by cinnabar (determined from Fanshan M14 stone yue) around the through hole to simulate the binding way. Fanshan and Yaoshan tombs are higher classed because of the grouping of cong, yue-battle-axe and Y-shaped wares, tapered ware combinations, huang-pendant and others, meanwhile the number of divine emblems also count for a more important mark. A total of 26 emblems on jade wares has been discovered at present, all from the two cemeteries. Summarily, 18 ones of 23 in Fanshan are from M12. In recent years, ten groups of emblems were discovered on the ivory mace of Shanghai Wujiachang M207, the only seen outside of Liangzhu ancient city. The divine emblem, as a complete whole, includes more than the deity and beast, also involving a combination of double birds and beast-faced deity. In general, the cong, having simplified deity image at its transition coupled with bird designs on two sides, was designated as bird cong. According to thorough statistics, there are tens of thousands of jade pieces at home and abroad, of which the number of cong is less than 300, and cong with bird is only 4—from Fanshan M12 (Fig. 4.55) and M20. Additionally, Fuquanshan and Wujiachang cemeteries respectively own one piece. The combination of divine emblem with double birds also once appeared on other important ritual vessels in Fanshan and Yaoshan, including the coronary crest. Only if in distributed areas of Liangzhu Culture, coronary wares, as it were, can be discovered, for which Huating Site, Xinyi of Jiangsu province (Fig. 4.56), can serve as the most convincing example. There are two explanations for the quality of the site33 : collision and conquest; cultural fusion. In the northern cemeteries featured with Liangzhu Cultural elements, the coronary ware was discovered as it was in Xindili cemetery, Jiaxing of Zhejiang (Fig. 4.57), but largely different in appearance. Also observed from the simplification of divine emblem, the image of deity finally faded away, while the beast face was kept. The most importantly, however, the “介”shaped feathered crest of the deity was transformed to above the bridge of eyes as a steeple top, just as is shown by the ware from Fanshan M17 (Fig. 4.58) on which a Yan Wenming, Collision and Conquest—Thoughts on Burial Objects in Huating Cemetery 《 ( 碰撞与征服——花厅墓地埋葬情况的思考》 ). Cultural Relics Press: (6) (1991). Gao Guangren, Analysis on the “Cultural Fusion” in Huating Cemetery 《花厅墓地 ( “文化两合现象”的分析》 ). Southeast Culture: (9) (2000).

33

4.2 Inscribed Jade Bi-Disc from Baimushan, Anxi, Yuhang

131

Fig. 4.57 Coronary ware (Xindili M124:12)

Fig. 4.58 Fanshan M17 coronary ware

beast face with a steeple top above its eye bridge and double birds are carved. The shift from double-bird-deity to double-bird-beast face is related to ritual connotations of coronary carriers. The supposed Kingdom of Divinity, referring to the integration of theocracy and kingship, attracted attention mostly by virtue of the highest-class grand tombs of nobles. In effect, the class, standing stable at the top of power pyramid as the upper rulers, tended to pay attention to life of middle and lower-class nobles, and they inculcated the belief through allocation of coronary wares and easy accessibility to the high-platform symbol in the group. The inscription inside the high platform (Fig. 4.59) might be a holy bird, or the sun, or witch or wizard. In the opinion of Deng Shupin, this image, with the greatest possibility, is a holy bird flying with the sun on its back. When flying, the bird always flaps its wings in turn backward for it needs to fly with air currents. On the other side, that the two wings seem upward is also a rather original way of artistic expression.34 It is, held Rao Zongyi, a “winged sun”, traced back to ivory carving with two phoenixes towards the sun 6000 years ago in Hemudu Culture, which, staying as an embodiment of power centralization and of the unity of religious belief, is 34

Deng (1993).

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4 Appreciation and Analysis of Typical Glyph

Fig. 4.59 Symbol A

one commonly employed in Egyptian, Hittite and Assyrian civilizations to decorate monuments and signets.35 Liu Bin regarded it as an image of wizard dancing. In the middle is an oblate belly, coupled with a coroneted human head in the upper part, whose wide sleeves wave on sides like stretched wings. In view that inscribed jade bi-disc existed in the late Liangzhu period but great ladder-shaped sacrificial altars in Yaoshan, Huiguanshan and Fuquanshan were mostly built in the early or middle time, he pointed out that tapered symbols on the jades appeared as a reflection that sacrificial activities just gradually lost its significance and attention.36 Some inside inscriptions are circular, just like the high-platform symbol on the jade bi-disc of Jiangzhuang M36: 1, whose diagonal on the left, casual or intentional would correspond to the symbol of Yujiashan jade counterpart if intended purposely, while that from Baimushan has an oblate central part and a vertical long axis. It is true of inscribed jade bi-disc collected in Liangzhu Museum. If explained that as the holy bird carrying the sun on its back or “winged sun”, it might be a sun up or down, and the sun at the time seems oblate because of refraction caused when lights go through the atmosphere that is arc shaped and wraps the earth. All rays of light from sun, moon or stars will be refracted when passing through the atmosphere. Unearthed in Fanshan M15 and M17, jade birds are characterized with an oval back and long longitudinal axis. The symbol on jade counterpart in Shanghai Museum is carved inside the high platform, cocoon shaped, which includes two lines in its middle part that are parallel up and down and two arcs at ends. The sun stands unchanged, rising and falling in the same way as it was in the Neolithic Age. So, whether should the view taking that inscription as sun be modified?

35 36

Rao (2003). Liu (2013).

4.2 Inscribed Jade Bi-Disc from Baimushan, Anxi, Yuhang

133

Symbol B (Fig. 4.60) only is found in Liangzhu Culture, by now. As for its whole structure, there is a transverse line at the bottom dividing the symbol into two parts of which the lower part can be thought as a base and the upper part consists of two branches. It has a square in middle wholly looking like a part of ivory zhang and a seeming hexagon at the bottom with its left and right sides stretching out. As we can see, same symbols or wares are not created in Liangzhu Culture. Just in appearance, it is closest to the tapered cambered jade slip from Haochuan M60, Suichang (Fig. 4.61). Connotations of Inscribed Jade Bi-disc Among the five pieces of jade bi-discs from archaeological discoveries, except that two fragments of Shaoqingshan are from sacrificial units, the other three are complete as burial objects, respectively, from cemeteries including Fuquanshan M40, Qingpu

Fig. 4.60 Symbol B

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Fig. 4.61 Tapered cambered mosaic jade slip from Haochuan M60, Suichang

of Shanghai, Yujiashan M16, Yuhang of Zhejiang and Jiangzhuang M36, Xinghua of Jiangsu, which are three tombs not so high-classed. In Fuquanshan M40, there are 120 burial objects, of which 99 ones are jades mainly including 3 yue-battle-axes, 3 congs, 3 bi-discs, 3 tapered wares, 1 sleeve, 21 beads, 4 guan-tubes, 1 bird head, 1 cylindrical ware (fragmented), 59 small mosaic slips; 13 potteries of 2 ding-cauldrons, 2 dou-stemmed cups, 4 hu-flasks with wide handle, 1 three-legged he-wine-vessel, 1 gui-tureen, 1 jar and 2 ware covers; 7 stone wares covering 1 fu-axe and 5 yue-battle-axes; and 1 lacquer ware. With the brief on excavation of Yujiashan, Yuhang of Zhejiang unpublished, we have no knowledge of burial objects, but we can conjecture that they might be inferior to M200. Jiangzhuang M36 is a tomb buried twice, in which the jade bi-disc is put closely to lower jaw of the female owner and several potteries beside feet. Comparatively, Fuquanshan M40 is at the top, among whose jades there are more yue-battle-axes, possibly making it the only one outside Liangzhu Culture in Shanghai (including Suzhou and part of Jiaxing-Tongxiang region) and just 1 cong from serpentine. And, bi-disc, is only 3, from groups of tapered wares that mainly appear within the range of Liangzhu ancient cities, and the three jades in M40 do not exist in groups. Pottery combinations are mainly related to ding-cauldron, doustemmed cup and jar. The cemetery, wholly, is closely parallel to Fanshan M16 and M21. Jiangzhuang Site, believe excavators, is greatly different from other Liangzhu Cultural relics in burial customs, pits and burial objects. M36 is a narrow pit, only buried with one jade bi-disc and few potteries piled beside feet. Jade bi-disc, though less representative of class than cong and yue-battle-axe, also can serve to reflect the overall position of a tomb owner in combination with other ritual vessels of jade. Additionally, tapered and Y-shaped wares in groups are more regional, just limited in Liangzhu Site cluster but unknown in Jiaxing and west Shanghai as well as in Huzhou and Yixing, while other jades once were distributed in various regions so

4.3 Introduction on a Couple of Inscribed Stone Wares

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commonly. However, this cemetery, as it were, is so poor in burial objects, clearly distinct from others, thus providing a new perspective for us to explore connotations of jade bi-disc. Such jade objects, only at the late Liangzhu time, have been excavated in cemeteries and seeming sacrificial pits. The south of Shaoqingshan Site destroyed, to the sacrificial pit is the cemetery in the north and a destroyed fracture surface in the south, which should be closely related to the cemetery. The broken jade bi-disc shows a possibility that wares might be smashed, a case true of Sidun M3. Differently, however, organizers placed broken jade cong dispersedly in the Sidun tomb but intensively in Shaoqingshan, possibly lying in different classes that the owner of Sidun M3 was nobler than its contrast, as a result of which the broken wares for sacrifice should be shared here. Why did symbols come into being in the late period? What is its relation with the early and sustained image of beast-faced deity? Why did it mainly appear on jade bi-disc? Also, symbols, so various, have no fully fixed locations. Does it imply a collapsing belief? Was it a sign for the decline of Liangzhu Kingdom? Here comes such questions, but archaeologists cannot answer all, which remains as a pity but also a charm. Recently, Mr. Song Jian (宋建) from Department of Archaeology, Shanghai Museum, proposed a fresh point: it was a contest for power, reflecting that noble groups started their own forces, but losers finally came to Suichang in the hilly area of west Zhejiang and settled down. One of the remains left by them is designated by archaeologists as Haochuan Culture.37 Accordingly, it is why we can find surprisingly similar tapered jade mosaic slips in Haochuan cemeteries that record this political struggle.

4.3 Introduction on a Couple of Inscribed Stone Wares Inscribed stone wares are not only less common than pottery counterparts, but most have glyph as same as those on potteries. Here, we pick out no more than three special stones with symbols for appreciation. (1) Ploughing Implement in Xiaoliuwang Site, Tongxiang City This ploughing implement (Fig. 4.62) has glyph carved on its two sides, respectively, numbered as A and B for the moment, which can be easily found symmetrical. In contrast with side B, side A has a smaller circular symbol at the top right corner, 37

Song Jian, Paintings and Symbols on Jade Bi-disc from Baimushan Site, Yuhang of Zhejiang and Sun Worshipping in Liangzhu Culture.《浙江余杭百亩山玉璧的图形符号和良渚文化的太阳信 ( 仰》 ) http://kaogu.cssn.cn/zwb/xsdt/xsdt_3347/xsdt_3348/201901/t20190114_4810426.shtml.

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coupled with a double-line circle quartered by arcs. Lying beside the circle a glyph, created in the same way, is analogous to such counterparts on potteries as bird patterns from Xindili G1 ➁: 118 (see Fig. 2.82 in Chapter Two) and Daimudun M2: 1 (see Fig. 2.83 in Chapter Two). Additionally, the match of bird pattern and line-overlapped circle is able to remind us of glyph on dou-stemmed basin from Beihu 89C3-723 (see Fig. 2.130 in Chapter Two), and at the point, the circle also might be endowed with a similar implication—sun, eye or the like. Here are a couple of angular symbols below the “bird pattern”, of difficulty in getting likeness, which possibly serve as a part of the bird. As is stated above, images involving bird, eye and sun were granted with the deity in values of Liangzhu people, a point at which the ploughing tool might be employed specially or carry people’s special wishes. Symbols on two sides of the tool are close to its blade, differing from each other greatly in form. The one on side A seems a handled tool with blades on its two sides, and the other on side B a group of wood supports that bend in the same direction, also with a quality of painting. In conclusion, the two might be created as images indicating implement. In view that the specific function of the ploughing implement still stays as an academic argument at present, we cannot determine what kind of work it, as a stone tool, was utilized for. As a result, the two symbols close to the blade are of no avail to provide information for us to refer to. (2) Stone Yue-battle-axe from Zhuangqiaofen, Pinghu Found on both sides of stone yue-battle-axe from Zhuangqiaofen H41: 1 (Fig. 4.63), the surviving inscribed symbols among a number of Liangzhu symbols are the most similar to Chinese characters, whose carrier can be classified in the same type with another stone yue object of Zhuangqiaofen T101 ➁: 10 (Fig. 4.64). Although we have no knowledge of implications, the symbol after an anticlockwise 90-degree rotation, intuitively, seems more similar to a Chinese character, especially the ones on side A that rotate to the rear top and the other lines of symbols on side B rotating to the right. Those, unparallel to aforesaid symbolic and painted glyph, are featured with more and shorter strokes, less of obvious geometrical shape but logically composed with each single stroke seeming reasonable. If not accepted as primitive characters, then they cannot also be included in other types. What a coincidence. An analogical symbol used for a character appears on the upper right part of Zhuangqiaofen stone yue-battle-axe T101 ➁: 10, but the side B is carved disorderly to a large scale, showing a sign of painted glyph that is hard to identify specifically. Comparatively, inscribed symbols on side A are simpler, including six ones standing in the vertical line that are well arranged without other lines or symbols around. Correspondingly, this group can be accepted as a whole with a complete implication. More specifically, the six symbols can be divided into two types. Observed from top to bottom, the first, third and fifth ones are “甘” shaped, and the rest in a form of “丄” wherein the former type shows a slight difference in its special handwriting, while the other type is distinct in the transverse line. Interestingly, that the two types as a combination appear three times is not coincidental; secondly, “丄” is more likely to explain the same or opposite implications by virtue

4.3 Introduction on a Couple of Inscribed Stone Wares

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Fig. 4.62 Ploughing implement in Xiaoliuwang Site, Tongxiang

Side A

Side B

of different forms. The above analysis is conducted from the perspective of form, practically understandable, but no analogous data can be used for further studies. Looking back to carriers themselves, we can see that yue-battle-axe is indeed distinct from common stone wares because of its function as a production means or weapon. It was utilized as a burial object in high-class noble cemeteries to symbolize military power, kingship or even theocracy, and thus, its significance is self-evident. In consequence, the assumption that stone yue once served as carriers of characters can be considered sensible for the object and Chinese characters all were symbolic of upper class, while there are still some unanswered questions. For instance, when were primitive characters on stone yue inscribed? Just after the object was finished

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Fig. 4.63 Stone yue-battle-axe (Zhuangqiaofen H41: 1)

Side A

Side B

or discarded? Differences may lead to varied studies on connotations of these primitive characters. Inscriptions on bones in the Shang dynasty originally working for divination, rare primitive characters in the earlier Liangzhu period should be more of importance. Given that a saying goes “what matters to a country lie in sacrificial and military activities”, is there a possibility that Liangzhu characters can be researched from perspectives of “divination” and “oath of alliance”?

References

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Side A

Side B Fig. 4.64 Stone yue-battle-axe (Zhuangqiaofen T101 ➁: 10)

References Deng, S. (1993). Mysterious symbols on Jade Wares in Chinese Neolithic Age 《中国新石器时代 ( 玉器上的神秘符号》 ). Palace Museum Research Quarterly, (3), 10 Dong, C. (2001). Explanations on “Fang Yue Hui Shi (方钺会矢)” of Liangzhu Characters. Southeast Culture, (3). Gao, G. (2000). Analysis on the “Cultural Fusion” in Huating cemetery 《花厅墓地“文化两合现 ( 象”的分析》 ). Southeast Culture, (9) He, G. (2013). Prehistoric relics of west hunan and legends of ancient Chinese history 《湘西史前 ( 遗存与中国古史传说》 ) (p. 411 and 413). Yuelu Press. Huang, H., & Chen, Y. (2009). Preliminary study on Chinese prehistorical music and culture 《中 ( 国史前音乐文化状况初探》 ). Cultural Relics of Central China, (3). Huang, S. (1989). Explanations of “个”-shaped symbols 《“个”形释意》 ( ), published in the third edition of China Cultural Relics News on 26th May, 1989. Huang, L. (2009). Preliminary study on pottery drums of Neolithic Age 《新石器时代陶鼓的初 ( 步研究》 ). Acta Archaeologica Sinica, (3). Liu, B. (2013). The world of magic (p. 112). Hangzhou Publishing House. Lu, Y. (1991). Cleaning up of Dafen Site, Jianxinf, Zhejiang 《浙江嘉兴大坟遗址的清理》 ( ). Acta Archaeologica Sinica, (7). Lu, S. (1995). Archaeology of myths. Cultural Relics, (1995). National Museum of China. (2010). The picture is from China civilization: “Exhibitions of Ancient China” cultural relics treasuries (p. 384). China Social Sciences Press.

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Rao, Z. (2003). Academic Anthology of Rao Zongyi in the 20th Century (Volume I) 《饶宗颐二十 ( 世纪学术文集》 ), originally published in Ming Pao Monthly in 1991 (pp. 71–84). Shin Wen Feng Print Co., Ltd., Tang, L. (1975). Preliminary exploration on cultural relics and characters in Wucheng, Jiangxi Province 《关于江西吴城文化遗址与文字的初步探索》 ( ). Cultural Relics, (7). Wang, H., & Sun, G., et al. (2003) Cultural cluster from four thousand years ago found in Laoshushan Site, Wenzhou 《温州老鼠山遗址发现四千年前文化聚落》 ( ), published in the 1st edition of China Cultural Relics News on 28th May, 2003. Yan, W. (1991). Collision and conquest—Thoughts on burial objects in Huating Cemetery 《碰撞 ( 与征服——花厅墓地埋葬情况的思考》 ). Cultural Relics Press, (6). Yu, X. (1973). Questions about the study on ancient Chinese characters 《关于古文字研究的若 ( 干问题》 ). Cultural Relics, 2. Zhang, B. (2008). The picture is from Collected Porcelains of China X 《中国出土瓷器全集·10). ( Science Press. Zhang, M., & Wang, H. (1990) Pottery inscriptions of the Neolithic Age in Taihu Lake Area 《太 ( 湖地区的新 十七时代陶文》 ). Acta Archaeologica Sinica, (10). Zhao, F. Y., Xu, L., Zhang, C., & Strom, R. (2013). EPS patterns in the Neolithic Age of China and supernova explosion. Science & Technology Review, (23).

Conclusion

Despite all of these analyses, in fact, whether there are Chinese characters in Liangzhu period is not a yes-no question. To be specific, a writing system at Liangzhu time that was mature following bone inscriptions in the Shang dynasty is still to be known, yet, which does not mean that there were no other substitutes, possibly glyph capable of functioning like characters. Indeed, to make such glyph discovered is difficult for the reason that we fail to determine what those specifically referred to just on the basis of current records. Paintings, even though they seem clear and simple, were created with incomprehensible intentions. More than imagination and comparison, the analysis on glyph in form should be taken as a priority by archaeologists. Parallel to other archaeological materials, glyph is naturally limited for studies. At the first place, fragmented wares cause incompleteness of many paintings and symbols discovered by us. For example, symbols carved at the bottom of ware pieces could possibly be a combination, but just surviving as an individual or worse; those at the shoulder, belly and other parts were, more possibly, members from a group of profound significance. Furthermore, other counterparts at the bottom or those at the cover button were less uncommon within the periphery, leading to a difficulty in figuring out their accurate locations, and rather features in carving played a role in the transformation, intensely or loosely structured strokes. Comparisons and contrasts between ideographic and decorative patterns make it easily unveiled that the latter is more stylized, and it is true of symbols carved on jade wares compared with those on potteries. In effect, more stylized, symbols are more explainable for us, because the specific formula can reflect the law in thoughts of Liangzhu people, which, once perceived, will be a key to some of their conceptions. In addition, symbols carved on pottery wares, mostly ideographic, were also generated according to some fixed formulas that just remain as mysteries because we fail to achieve comprehensive researches and more reasonable analyses. A fixed formula can serve as a representative of a well-developed concept, which might be a single glyph or a combination. Importantly, “fixed” is not equal to the unchanged repeat, and instead, it is just the fixed mode that needs changes so as to make a concept deepened in a way of glyph, as is exemplified by the combination of “甘” and “丄” on the stone yue-battle-axe from Zhuangqiaofen T101 ➁: 10 (see Fig. 4.64 in Chap. 4). © Zhejiang University Press 2022 Y. Xia and X. Zhu, Primitive Characters of Liangzhu, Liangzhu Civilization , https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5311-8

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Additionally, we cannot rush to have the grasp of connotations of symbols, though such connotations are of great significance. One of reasons why palaeographic and ethnological materials are not so helpful for studies on primitive symbols lies in the preparations of archaeological data. Archaeologists are those who are the most familiar with the records, and they have the best knowledge of images of the glyph. How to prepare materials, that is how to develop the typology about glyph, is an archaeological question worthy of deliberation and expectation.