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Preface
This volume derives from a conference, ‘Prehistoric Mongoloid Dispersals’, held at the University of Tokyo from November 16 to 2], 1992. The conference
brought together thirty-seven leading international scholars in a wide range of
disciplines including archaeology, physical anthropology, human genetics, pal-
contology, geomorphology, and linguistics. We were fortunate to have participants and the United States. from Argentina, Australia, Canada, Chile, New Zealand, The conference had three objectives. The first objective was to present the
results of a four-year (1989-92) project, also entitled ‘Prehistoric Mongoloid
Dispersals', sponsored by the Japanese Ministry of Education, Science and and dispersals of modern The project undertook to study the evolution Culture.
humans within the East Asian region, and the continuation of these processes onto the American continents and into the Pacific region. This interdisciplinary research project involved the cooperation of over 40 institutions—universities, in a a total ndof 100 participating specialists museums, research institutes—a
wide range of disciplines: archaeology, physical anthropology, human genetics,
ethnology, geomorphology, isotope science, and computer science. A second objective was to make Japanese research results available to the international anthropological community. While the project involved only scholars on and institutions within Japan, the organizers were keenly aware that research
prehistoric evolution and dispersals of the Mongoloid peoples was very advanced
in the various regions covered by the project: East Asia, Siberia, the Americas,
and the Pacific. It was for this reason that scholars from these areas were invited to Japan to address project members and share with them their most recent research findings.
A third objective of the conference was to contribute to the ongoing discussion Homo sapiens and the subsequent formand evolution of modern on the origins ation of the different varieties of the human family. The existence of many dif-
ferent cultures in the world today is witness to the history of human migration.
Of the many dispersal patterns taken by our early ancestors, those taken by prehistoric East Asians, or Mongoloids, represent the largest in scale, The study of prehistoric movements of Mongoloids has been the subject of only isolated
studies in the past, and it was the aim of the conference to bring together as many
disciplines as possible to be able to draw a comprehensive picture of human migration to the Americas and the Pacific. With the participation of our col-
leagues from abroad and project teams, further research directions have been delineated,
areas are addressed. The first of these conIn this volume five different topical
siders the origins of the Mongoloid peoples with particular reference to the
vi Preface
theories, and debate between the ‘Out of Africa’ versus multiregional evolution
incorporates genetic, linguistic, and modeling perspectives. The second area d peoples focuses on the debate on the evolution and dispersals of Mongoloi evidence within East Asia. Detailed consideration of morphological and genetic for the relationship between different Mongoloid groups is central to the discus-
sion in this area. The third focuses on human dispersal into the far north: Siberia and Alaska. This portion addresses the adaptive processes of the first humans
to settle successfully in the Arctic Zone. The fourth discusses the first Americans and their subsequent dispersals and migrations in the New World, with groups finally reaching the southern tip of South America.The fifth part concentrates on the group that migrated to the islands of the Pacific Ocean. This is of particular interest to us in that, starting their journey from East Asia, the Mongoloids were the first humans to adapt successfully to both the maritime environment and the Arctic Zone. How did the ancestral Mongoloid population break up into composite groups? What adaptation strategies were employed by the various groups in their migrations and dispersals as they came to live in different environments? When did ns io place, and over which routes? The answers take dispersals andat these migr to all these questions will help to clarify the historical relations between the various populations that now constitute different ethnic groups, and permit the drawing of a Mongoloid family tree. Unfortunately, the facts unearthed and the conclusions presented at the conference do not help us answer these questions satisfactorily. We are still unable to provide any significant illumination on how and where the Mongoloids originated. Nevertheless we hope that the present volume will provide readers with a more sophisticated understanding of the evolution and dispersals of modern humans from Asia, and thus the much more general problem of the origins and evolution of modern humans in specific parts of the world. On behalf of all the participants we are pleased to acknowledge the Japanese
Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, the Japan Society for the Promotion
of Science, the Commemorative Association for the Japan World Exposition,
and the University of Tokyo for their financial support and their interest in our
Hamilton June 1995
E.S.
•
.
viii
6.
Contents
Population genetic studies on national minorities in China
137
Keiichi Omoto et al.
PART Ill: Conquest of Siberia and Alaska Ancient migrations from Asia to North America
149
Dispersal of the ALDH2 mutant in Mongoloid populations
165
Emdke J.E. Szathmary 10.
Shoji Harada
11,
The Mammoth Steppe and the origin of
Mongoloids and their dispersal
172
R. Dale Guthrie
12,
On the origin and dispersal of east Asian
populations as viewed from HLA haplotypes
187
Katsushi Tokunaga, Tadashi Imanishi, Koki Takahashi, and Takeo Juji
PART IV: Peopling of the Americas 13.
What can be learned from hair? A hair record from the Mammoth Meadow locus, southwestern Montana
201
Robson Bonnichsen, Marvin T. Beatty, Mort D. Turner,
and Mark Stoneking
14,
Quaternary geology of the ice-free corridor:
glacial controls on the peopling of the New World
214
Lionel E. Jackson Jr. and Alejandra Duk-Hodkin 15.
Ethnographic analogy and migration to the
western hemisphere
Robert L. Kelly 16.
Environmental context for early human
occupation in western North America
Judith A. Willig
241
bitters
-
z
Contents
ix
New assessments of early human occupations in the southern cone
17.
Hugo Gabriel Nami
The first Americans: different waves of migration to the New World inferred from
18.
mitochondrial DNA sequence polymorphisms
Satoshi Horai, Rumi Kondo, Shunro Sonoda, and Kazuo Tajima
Pacific of theion PART V: Colonizat 19.
Early agriculture and the dispersal of the southern Mongoloids Peter Bellwood
20.
Paleolithic colonization in Sahul land
303
J. Peter White
21.
The genetic prehistory of Australia and
Oceania: new insights from DNA analyses
Susan W. Serjeantson and X. Gao 22,
What is southeast Asian about Lapita?
324
Matthew J. T. Spriggs
23.
Formation of the Japanese language in
connection with Austronesian languages
349
Osamu Sakiyama
24,
Adaptive voyaging and subsistence strategies in the early settlement of East Polynesia
359
Atholl J. Anderson
Author index
375
Subject index
382
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xiv
Contributors
Tokunaga, Katsushi
Hiroo, Shibuya-ku, Toky, Japanese Red Cross Central Blood Center, 4-1-3! 150, Japan Turner. Mort D.
lder, CO 80309-0450, USA INSTARR, University of Colorado, Bou
White,
I. Pater
W 2006, Australia School of Archacology, University of Sydney, NS
Willig, Judith A.
INFOTEC Research Inc, 78 Centennial Loop, Suite H, Eugene, OR 97401, USA
4. Introduction: human evolution, dispersals, and adaptive strategies Takeru Akazawa _
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Introduction Where did humans originate? In ord to answer erthis questi a closer on look at
the relationship between humankind and the living non-human primates is
necessary. Of particular importance is the question of which primates are more closely related to humans—the living Asian pongid represented by the orangutan, or the living African apes represented by the chimpanzee and the gorilla. Recent research in the fie of genetics ld , however, has supplied a definitive answer: humans are closer genetically to the African apes. Only in relatively recent times
did they branch off and form a new lineage, This means that Africa rather than Asia is the cradle of humankind, When, then, did humans embark on a separate path from the non-human
primates on the plains of Africa? Results of genetic studies, calibrated by the paleontological records, have provided an ans to wer this as well: the divergence
of the human and ape lines may have taken place some 5 million years ago (c.g. Pilbeam 1984; Sibley and Ahlquist 1984), during the Late Miocene, Furthermore, research in the field of paleoanthropology does not contradict this estimate.
These studies illustrate the tremendous progress made in the research regarding
the evolutionary course taken by humankind, including the emergence of ana-
tomically modern Homo sapiens—the direct ancestor of modern humans.
According to one hypothesis concerning the process of evolution from Homo
erectus to anatomically modern H. sapiens, separate lines of H. erectus that
had dispersed within Africa and across the wide Eurasian continent developed independently into modern H, sapiens in each respective area. A few years ago, however, another startling hypothesis was introduced—the so-called ‘Eve hy-
pothesis’, based on genetic studies of mitochondrial DNA (e.g. Cann ef al. 1987). According to this theory, the genetic makeup of modern H. sapiens is not derived from A, erecfus once occupying the various areas throughout the world. Instead, the modern human species can be traced to perhaps a single population of an African H, erectus, Descendants of this common ancestral population of all living humans later migrated to the Eurasian continent and displaced populations of H. erectus or their descendants living there.
In this way, human genetics and molecular biology have increasingly elabo-
rated on themes involving the birth of the human species and its subsequent
2 Takeru Akorowa
evolution, although we are still unable to form a clear picture of our early
ancestors. This is largely because genetics can tell us nothing about the physica] characteristics—or even the lifestyle of “Eve'—our common ancestor as deduced
from research on mitochondrial DNA in living humans. The only way to clarify
such things is through the study of paleontological and paleolithic evidence, Given the theoretical and methodological maturity of genetic research, raising the standards of fossil research has become an increasingly important issue jp the study of human evolution. One area of research that would be greatly enhanced by the sharpening of such
research tools is the unsolved puzzle regarding the evolution of H. sapiens, and the development of the various groups of which modern humans are composed, A fertile subject for this research theme is the segment of our species generically known as the Mongoloids.
Why should the Mongololds be studied now? After the emergence of the human species, human beings have repeated the process of migration and developing a myriad however, the one that during the last Glacial
dispersal, gradually settling in all lands of the earth and of cultures. Of all human migrations and dispersals, occurred on the grandest scale was that of the Mongoloids period, Out of its Asian homeland, ancestral Mongoloids
splintered into several groups. Some advanced into Siberia for the first time in human history and traveled from there into the Americas; others crossed the
Pacific Ocean traversing various archipelagos. In this manner, the Mongoloids came to occupy a vast geographical area comprising two-thirds of the earth's surface. None the less, this dramatic movement remains largely obscured in mystery. But the attempt to disclose the concrete dynamics of the Mongoloid dispersals
is also an altempt to solve one of the greatest puzzles confronting evolutionary anthropology: the evolution of H. sapiens, and the subsequent formation of the
different races and ethnic groups of the human family. How and where did the Mongoloids originate? How and for what reason did they break up into their composite groups? What adaptive strategies were employed by the various groups in their migrations and dispersals as they came to live in different environments? What kind of natural environments did the Mongoloids have to adapt to? When did these migrations and dispersals take place, and over what routes? The answers to all these questions will help to clarify the historical relations between the various ethnic groups within the Mongoloid group, and permit the drawing of a Mongoloid family tree. In a broader sense, an inquiry into the origin and development of the Mongoloids can aid in the con-
crete reconstruction of the formation of the varieties of the human species living in various parts of the world today. Genetics provides us with the most efficient tool to construct such a family
tree, since the investigation into the genetic makeup of living humans will help determine the shape of that tree. However, hidden within ihe various branches of the human family tree are historical questions rel he formation of the
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Introduction: human evolution, dispersals, and adoptive strategies
5
there is a marked tendency to consider the geological formation of Japan from a global viewpoint, focusing on the development of eastern Asia; likewise, the
examination of the origins of Japanese flora and fauna now tends to take a
similarly broad viewpoint. In contrast, when the subject of Japanese people and
culture arises, there is a tendency to ignore this broader perspective and to restrict
the examination to the Japanese archipelago—a tendency that seems only to
intensify the further back in time the study sets its aim.
By studying the historical formation of the Japanese people and Japanese culture in the context of the migrations and dispersals of the Mongoloids across more than two-thirds of the globe, a more original scenario of the Japanese and Japanese culture emerges. This new perspective might serve to shift the Japanese
cultural reference point from an innerto an outer one.
oids ng the Mongol Defini The Mongoloids, to which the Japanese people belong, comprise nearly 2 billion
of the more than 5.5 billion people on earth. They differ from other human
groups by virtue of common physical characteristics, including skin color. The specific physical characteristics selected to classify human beings are called ‘racial traits’. Furthermore, a group of people with the same racial traits is usually assigned to a specific ‘race’. The Mongoloids form one of the main human racial groupings; two others are the Caucasoids and the Negroids.
Morphological features , thick broad Some of the traits common to many Mongoloids are: short heiaght
to the trunk, small feet and hands, and chest, short and fat limbs in comparison
a relatively extensive distribution of subcutaneous fat. The combination of these
traits yields a stocky, thickset figure. In addition, Mongoloids are characterized
by dense, straight hair on the head but with relatively little facial and body hair.
small with a deep nasal cavity while their cheekbones are promiarees Their nos in a nent. This feature tends to lessen the prominence of the nose, resulting generally flat face. to many, but not all, Mongoloid The traits described above are common
groups, including the Japanese, and are thought to have been developed during their adaptation to frigid climatic conditions in the past. Several of the traits mentioned above have been considered advantageous for survival in cold areas, although well designed experiments (¢.g. Steegmann 1975, 1972) have yielded results that dispute old claims. A deep nasal cavity, however, may allow the reaches the lungs. Having sparse facial and it ore inhaled air to be warmed bef
body hair is claimed to help prevent frostbite caused by the hair freezing. For this reason, the physical traits mentioned above are not applicable to all Mongoloid ethnic groups, but are more common among some northern Mongoloids (Milan 1979), Though the various Mongoloid groups may derive froma common ancestor, the fact that they spread over a vast area and adapted to many different natural environments has resulted in a great diversity of
physical forms. To illustrate this point it is useful to compare the characteristics
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10 Takeru Akozowa
of thar began at such a late point in time. The conclusions of the basic parts g off from the living African One reason is physiological, for after branchin
s of con. apes in the African Rift Valley, early humans spent several million year ropicay tinuous evolution mostly in an environment where a genial tropical or subt
y hominids succeeded jp climate prevailed. This situation continued until earl clj. emigrating from Africa. However, they were genetically program med to the icaj tion and phys matic conditions of Africa in terms of both physiological func the early humans characteristics (Eaton and Konner 1985). The areas in which le were environ. (i.e. H. erectus) who migrated from Africa first attempted to sett
Valley from ments which lay at the same latitudes as the eastern African Rift thus be seen as makinga ). They can which they had originated (Dennell 1985 conscious
choice to migrate
and disperse
into environments which
were
more physiologically congenial. This means that there was also much to dissuade recent humans from moving to such physiologically
hostile areas
as the frigid
regions of Siberia.
waited to move into Siberia humans le that kab On the other hand, it is unthin
adapt to frigid climates. Such reprotommed until they were genetically reprogra
cold areas and succeeded gramming could only take place once they had movtoed in adapting to the frigid climate. In other words, humans attempted their move into and succeeded in inhabiting cold areas before they had physiologically adapted to them. Adaptation was accomplished, instead, through technological means. The basic technology used by the first humans moving into cold regions was that which would enable them to secure a constant supply of the necessary
energy to live in those areas and technology to provide protection from cold. However, it is extremely difficult for human beings to secure such a supply of energy and, therefore, its acquisition was gradual. As in the case of physiological
adaptation, human beings developed a technological system that derived energy from food resources, mainly plant stuff, in their several million years of constant
evolution in tropical and subtropical areas. To survive in frigid areas such as
Siberia, however, the main energy source had to derive from animal resources
since the productivity of plants is limited and extremely seasonal. Humans equip-
ped with the technological system acquired in Africa would have had much to
deter their decision to move into a climate differing from the one to which they
had adapted over aeons, Human survival strategies in the form of technologically
securing plant resources took several million years to develop. That process meant that the human body was physiologically programmed to secure energy
from plant proteins (Eaton and Konner 1985). Human bodies were indeed doubly
ly y, to adapt to the concal ogicall and technol and triply programmed, both geneti ditions of temperate climates, and were thus unfit for living in colder climates.
The human attempt to venture into the ocean world took even more time to
develop. The migration of Mongoloids into the island region of the Pacific Ocean took place extremely late. Although their first venture into the broad ocean expanses occurred about 50000 years ago, the second wave happened much later
than the Mongoloid migration into Siberia. Hawaii was settled around 2000 years
jhe ay
.
s
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8
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OF mafor the fine 3 de eats what were the he { behavioral ad na a8S gained i by humane sotion? Di any ne w survival strategy rene
nfo
re they acquired
xsi)nBeyo allodowsubONE the10 CTY ONS Own food (ewes St AY, pet freercinedg tof liv early humandns whot, were fo thei nt in wo e ra hifro ghly mi ! rked ¢, ay Lovejoy
ae tena nenated for its conmumgretnnion en advantage e They were . for storing it for future use, Being bipedal also 10 Secure a safe ce jer view of their savanna surr oundings
of 1 On
it is doubtful, however, that the advantages cited specially useful surviv al strategies. Spe
cifically, bipedal locomotion is inferior to quadrupedal plainly locomotion in terms of spe ed and agility, tet be basic and necessary capacitie ta
s for catching prey withou t tools, Moreover, th physical characteristics requir ed for such an endeavor. ili
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Introduction: human evolution, disper sals, and adaptive strategies
19
Acheulean culture that corresponded to the final Stage of Hf. erectus, to the Middle and Upper
Paleolithic cultures. If the descendants of the modern H, sapiens in the “Eve hypothesis’ did replace the anatomically aboriginal early humans of Eura sia, the phenomenon of cultural discontinuit
y should be observed during the time periods mentioned above. The phenomenon of discontinuity will
be investigated from the perspective of the contents of the tool kit in each of these periods (Fig . 1.3),
Early humans did not roam about with their tool kits in hand. The tools made
of stone, bone, and antlers discovered at various sites were tools that
the inhabitant of thos se sites used daily, especially combinations of tool s for capturing and exploiting sources of energy, and to prepare and proc ess them. In addition, the forms assume
d by these tools, and the combination of tools of vari ous shapes developed in a coordinated way that maintained the traditional, everyday behavior
of those inhabitants. The shape and combinations of tools need
ed by hunters and vegetarians are fundamentally different. In other words, they each carried and lived with tool kits containing different cont ents. When
the tool kits from the Upper Acheulean of the end of the Lower
Paleolithic period are compared to those of the Midd le and Upper Paleolithic, the contents and composition of the tool kits diff er between those of the Lower, Middle and Upper Paleolithic periods. The most characterist ic tool in the tool
kit of the early period was the core tool known as the Acheulean-tyhan ped axe, while the
most characteristic tool in that of the Midd le Paleolithic period was the Mousterian-type flake tool. Since core and
flake tools differ fundamentally in terms of shape, it is natural to assume that they also involved different processes of
production. They were, however, made in ba sica thell sam ye way. Flake tools can be defined as tools made from the flakes prod in uc the proc ess of ed
chipping off pieces from a raw material with a hammer stone. Core tools such as hand axes can be
defined as tools made from the standardized part of the stone once the flakes have come off. Only an assortment of variously-shaped flake tools can be found in the tool kit of
Middle Paleolithic humans who fabricated Mousterian-type flak
e tools. Meanwhile, in the tool kit of Lower Paleolit hic humans who used Acheulean-
type stone tool one can s, find many flak that es arose as by-products in the process of man ufacturing core tools, typified by the hand axe,
Why did the hand axe disappear from the tool kit? Either the behavior that required
hand axes disappeared, or that behavior continue d with a new tool devised to replace the hand axe. The behavioral ba ckgr to this ouques tion will nd be disc
ussed later; but for the moment an inquiry into the evol ution of tools may prove useful, While the tool kit of H, erectus also contained flake tools , they differed from
those in the Mousterian-type tool kit. The former were mere recy cled pieces of the
many fragments resulting from the process of making hand -axe core tools, while the latter were made from flakes that had been intentio nally struck for the purpose of tools, Neither case, however, could be expe cted to result in tools that
AN
near
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Introduction: human evolution, dispersals, and adaptive strat egies 23 The standardized form and characteristics of the blade tool, however, signify
that it was not intended to be used as a tool in its original form. As a matter
of fact, the stone tools fouin nd the Upper Paleol tool kitith were origina iclly
standardized tool types processed in a variofety ways. Most have been processed
in a way that does not retain the original form of the blade blank. Moreover,
the form and characteristics of the processed goods suggest that they were each
processed for separate and specific purposes, such as scraping, cutting, poking, engraving, chiseling, and scratching. In addition to these specific characteristics,
their small size indicates that they were made to be attached to other materials
and serve as parts of tools used for such purp as throwi ng ores flinging. os The contents of the new tool kit, as well as the characteristics of its tools, differed fundamentally from the Mousterian-t toolype kit, The tooinls the
Mousterian tool kit can be classified into two basic types: (1) a hammer used to
strike the raw material to knock off flakes; and (2) various kiofnd flakessthat had been detached, Flakes do come in a variety of shapes and some have been
recognized as having secondary retouch, Bordes (1961) once classified and
defined more than 60 different types of flake tools. Nevertheless, these distinc-
tions were not disparities directly relating to use and function. Mo of st the secondary characteristics designated by Bordes as criteria for their classification were just repairs: for example, adjusting the shape of the flake (lining up the contour),
reinforcing the blade, or repairing a broken blade. These were not operations
undertaken for the tools to serve any special purp or functio os n (Dibble 1988; e
Jelinek 1988; Klein 1992), That is to say, while there may have been many tools
in the Mousterian-type tool kit, its contents were extremely limited: multi-use flake tools, and the hammer used to make them.
In contrast, the tool kit replacing the Mousterian type, and emerging in the
Upper Paleolithic era, was extremely sophisticated. It contained a variety of tool
types that can be classified and defined by their specific roles, corresponding to
usage and function. It contai an assort ned ment of stone tools, each of which functionally differed from the other in terms of the special action they allowed. Furthermore, small stone tools appeared that functioned as parts for tools used for throwing and flinging when attached to other materials. As pointed out by Klein (1992), this period witnessed the first emergence of tools in a tool kit having characteristic variations conforming to usage and function, The most prominent
of these are tools made for such purposes as engraving, chiseling, and piercing.
It is obvious, however, that these were not tools meant to make stone tools: instead, they were meant to make the bone/antler tools seen for the first time in the new tool kit. As in the case of stone tools, bone/antler tools were developed to function as tool parts: attached to other materials, for new types of tools used for throwing and flinging.
These tools signify another important point: they also served as carving blades
use to sculpt the art works that were made by humans for the first time in the d
Upper Paleolithic period. Along with cave drawings, this period marks the first
appearan ofce art works made of bone, horn, and tusk. There are examples of
ivory carvings of animals, Venus images, and accessories (beads, pendants, etc.)
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anatomically modern H. sapiens, underwent acculturation that resulted j, the hybrid tool kits.
The Movius line separates different survival strategies The differences in the tool kits between the eastern and western Parts of the Bur,
sian continent as pointed out by Movius correspond almost exactly to the gir ferences in the natural conditions to which early humans were forced (0 adap,
That border, the Movius line, separates areas having different natural VeRetation
that engendered differences in the characteristics of primary and secondary consumers. In the Great Rift Valley, plant resources are produced stably and according
to season. While using plants as their main energy source, early humans gradually came to eat more meat by making secondary use of the prey left by carnivores, As
a result, H. erectus developed strong, robust bodies, and their tool kits were syiy. able for the maintenance of such behavior. When these early humans crossed the
Movius line, however, they encountered a very different kind of natural environ. ment. Nevertheless, those physical conditions were more than sufficient to main. tain the kind of subsistence patterns that they were accustomed to—the use of
plants as a primary source. However, it would have been difficult for those early
humans who were not hunters, to depend on leftover prey from carnivores as
an energy source in the way that they once had in Africa. A different kind of t made it difficult for early humans Asia that operant in southeas wasin food cha to secure meat in the way they had been programmed to do. Upon further reflection, the chopper and chopping tools were the most important tools found in tool kits east of the Movius line. Morphologically these resemble one of the tools present in tool kits found at the Ubeidiya site (Bar-Yosef
and Goren-Inbar 1993) in the Dead Sea Rift Valley, which represents the traces of the first human venture out of Africa; it is a simple stone tool, made simply by chipping off one side of a round stone with a dull edge. It differs from the hand axe with its refined, sharp working edge, that appeared later when meat came to occupy a larger portion of the diet, The more primitive tool was not ng cutting mea adapted to such uses as dismemberi prey, or t, slicing through ten-
dons. It seems rather to have been a tool more adapted to the exploiting, cooking, = il paula, ahaamenaac 08 from the Oldwan-type
stone
tol,
In other words, the natural conditions that confronted H. erectus on the other
side of the Movius line had the effect of perpetuating his use of plant resources
as a main energy source. This, in turn, facili ed tat the further ment of a develop
tool kit that was geared to that kind of behavior. In this context, the hand axe, which probably developed west of the Movius line as a result of the increase in
the percentage of meat in the diet, would not have been a necessary tool in the
natural setting of Asia to which the early humans who migrated there had
This same interpretation is applicable to the tool kit of H. erectus that had
migrated to Europe. As already stated, the advance of humans into Europe
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24) 2324 [aqTEIEM N Op 247 JO YuOU auoz ayezodwiay e ur Arysoun sox adoung SV ‘punoj uzoq aney soperq pauyas Ajowannxo pue dieys
adoung OM! Aumof punogyuon aq wo suave “Fy £q 1y8n0Iq Wyyunoo)saxeay)purey uy “saxsaTesIIPS Soe
carne
a? 20 1 Keep aq se jem Be ‘sono
EUR
AIRE
‘Suonmpucd FeIMIeU Jo YNSa1 ay) sem Sy “eISY OVI suEUINY Jo Tey) PAIEP 1€ seidoy0ns eandopo pun ‘syosedstp ‘uonnjoas woumy :uononpozyu]
|
92 Tokeru Akozowa
by the Hf. erectus east of the ved cei con kit l too new The bit. inha to t difficul chopper, and flake (pois Movius line was composed of a core tool that acted as a ofaEurtope ier date and in a way totally separate from th
it developed at an earl
thehone kit suasc East of the Movius line, however, no evolution of the tool
tools did not evolve from found in Europe can be observed. In other words, stone ally to the Upper Paleolithic the Acheulean type to the Mousterian type and fin nd in southeast Asia (including the southery, ad fou, ekit tool thet blade type. Ins flake tools and chopper-type stone part of China)—composed of roughly-made rs BP to 10 009 tools—hardly changed over a period stretching from 250000 yea
ear evidence in southeas no cle years BP (Pope 1988, 1992). In addition, thiser started to be observable Asia of the other examples of behavioral innovation that s ds of
variou kin e in Europe around 40000 years BP, such as the appearanc of ks. tools, tools made of bone and horn, and artistic wor
tomically modern H, From these facts, no evidence demonstrates that ana des. their s or tu inal H. erec sapiens moving in from Africa replaced the aborig enon of discontinuity in cendants who lived in southeast Asia. Thus the phenom
assume the validity the tool kit is not borne out. For that reason, it is easier lo , since the only evidence in Asia, at least, of the multiregional evolution theory
available supports continuity.
, forit ‘A measure of caution in drawing conclusions seems appropriatoteanahere tomically
twice is conceivable that the same thing could have happened ’. That is, when modern H. sapiens who made the second journey ‘out of Africa g ius line, H. sapiens originating in Africa might have the Mov at of in east migr essarily useful of found that their tool kit, with its bone/horn tools, was not nec ural conditions. functionally efficient during the process of adapting to new nat
influence of the They might have changed the contents of the tool kit under the n passed down in distinctive tool kit already existing in the area, which had bee
evidently an unbroken line from the time of H. erectus. The local tool kit had s southeast developed since the time of H. erectus under the natural condition of
mary Asia, This means thal it maintained the characteristic of obtaining pri
pointed energy from optimum use of plant resources. Accordingly, as Pope has e out, circumstances under which the same type of tool kit continued to exi sl wer the same with no fundamental changes until about 10000 years BP. At any rate, this hypothesis is impeded by a severe lack of archaeological data from southeast Asia. Few sites have been excavated in a well-organized manner and hence few materials are available for dates—ihe most important kind of data for resolving this kind of problem. It is thus impossible to discuss the problem
of the single- versus the multi-regional evolution theory fot modern humans on the basis of archacological evidence.
Seasonal migration as a human adaptive strategy
Around 40000 years ago the carly buman tool kit began (0 change in terms ©!
speed and the ability to kill instantaneously. Thus the functional role of thi human tool kit, once it started to contain very simple stone tools some two anc
la
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Introduction: human evolution, dispersals, and adaptive strategies
35
kit that preceded it. The Neanderthals or the ancestors of anatomically modern H. sapiens must have made repeated seasonal migrations in a north-south direction (Dibble 1992). In the end, since they did not become extinct they evidently managed to engage in so-called hunting behavior. The aggressive pursuit of animals had been the result of the acquisition of speed and skilfulness in killing, either resulting from or put into practice by that process. Stated differently, once it becomes possible to secure energy from animal resources on a constant and daily basis, the necessity to conduct north-south migration disappears. Carrying the new type of tool kit as they advanced into and settled the higher latitudes,
early humans were thus able to proceed with their vast migrations and dispersals.
References
Angel, J. L. (1973). Paleoecology, paleodemography and health. In Population, ecology and social evolution, (ed. 5. Polgar), pp. 167-90. Mouton, The Hague. Bar-Yosef, O. and Goren-Inbar, N. (1993). The lithic assemblages of Ubeidiya: a Lower Paleolithic site in the Jordan valley. Qedem:
Monographs
of the Institute of Archeo-
logy, No. 34. The Hebrew University of Jerusalem. ap bosre
L.R. (1984). Fawnal remains from Alasies river mouth. Academic Press, On. Blumenschine, KR. J. and Cavallo, J. A. (1992). Scavenging and human evolution. Scien-
tific American, 267, TO-6. Bordes, F. (1961). Typolopie du Paleolithique ancien et moyen, Institut de Prehistoire et Bordeaux.
introduction
to Ajrican
cave
Bunn, H. T. and Kroll, E. M. (1986). Systematic butchery by Plio/Pleistocene hominids at Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania. Current Anthropology,
5, 431-52.
Campbell, J. (1988). Historica! atlas of world mythology, Vol. 1: The way of fhe animal powers.
Harper, New York.
Cann, R. L., Stoneking, M., and Wilson, A. C. (1987). National DNA and human evolution, Mature, 325, 31-6. Darwin, C. (1871). Landon.
The descent of man and selection in relation to sex. John
Murray,
Dennell, R. (1985). European economic prehistory: a new approach. Academic Press, London.
Derev'yanko, A. P. (1989). New archaeological discoveries in north and central Asia and
the problem of carly man’s migration. The Quafernary Research, 28, 219-34. Dibble, H. L. (1988). Typological aspects of reduction and intensity of utilization of lithic resources in the French Mousterian. In Upper Pleistocene prehistory of western Ewrasia
(ed. H. L, Dibble and A. Monte-White), pp. 181-94. The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania.
Dibble, H. L. (1992). Transhumance during the late Levantine Mousterian. In The Middle
Pateolithic: adaptation, behavior, and variability, (ed. H.L. Dibble and P. Mellars),
pp. 143-62. The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania.
Eaton, 5. B. and Konner, M. (1985). Paleolithic nutrition: a consideration of its nature and current implications. The New England Journal of Medicine, 311, 283-89. Egami, N. (1964). The formation of the people and the origin of the state in Japan. Memoirs of the Toyd Bunko, 73, 23-70.
jo, Be
"Universite de Bordeaux,
Brain, C.K. (1981). The Aunters or the hunted? An taphonomy. The University of Chicago Press.
Pl
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9, Hybrids, mothers, and clades: who is right? Rebecca L. Cann —
—
Introduction [have been asked to pro an overview vid of e human population subdivision that will help set the stage for later discussions of migration, geography, and local adaptation. My biases are known to some of you already. 1 advocate a model of recent human ancestry which places the root of our species’ shared genetic
pool among Africans, with the subsequent spread out of Africa and replacement of resident maternal genetic lineages on other continents by these African dispera silver spike through the heart of that model in the last year, but I believe that the rumors of its death have been greatly exaggerated. In fact, the recent description of a set of Chinese fossils, hailed by the popular and scientific press as the primary reason to dismiss the African origin hypothes provides some is, of the strongest evidence for this model as a tool to organize our thoughts about genes, populations,
and
geography.
Categori in history es One historical approach to the problem of studying morphological variability in fossil and modern humans has been the rather uneasy adopti of infraspecific on |
taxonomic categories. Ernst Mayr's discussion of subspecies and races (Mayr 1950) in human evolution reflected his struggle with communicating the reality
of dynamic processes in a non-typologicway. al ‘Lumpers’ gained ground under
his influence. Later, Simpson's (1961) discussion of subspecies allowed many
evolutionary biologists to describe intraspecific classes of individuals that differ in some measurable characteristic. Simpson advocated an arbitrary boundary of
75% for the number of individuals sharing these mean differences in characters (Fig. 2.1). This rule helped insure that the difference between identified groups would be statistically as well as evolutionarily significant. When mean character
differences fail to strictly correlate with each other and geography, subspecies
and race become useless terms for discussing trends in human morpholgical variation.
Accordingly, I have found this system to be difficult to apply to humans,
precisely because the mean differences between populations depend on how that population has been initially defined. Fine-grained studies on large samples led
42
Rebecca L. Cann
to the observation that morphological differences are not always coincident with
geography (Howells 1989). The concep of racetin humans as. a tool to understand
and partition mcnphologieal variation with ks genetic correiates ecntinocs to be a problem today, exactly as it was when anthropologists, mammologists, paleontologists, and geneticists discussed it 42 years ago at a Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory meeting (XV) on the origin and evelution of man. Some population geneticists remained optimistic that these issues could be solv by Sewalled Wright's hierarchic F statistics al (1965). Wright's contribution ofa powerful model to analyse the genetic ceionce using subdivisions that can be equated with genetic drift, such as F., is a cor-
previa
of modern genetics. Some reasoned tthat Wf thie enetles were taken orc
of, the morphology might prove understandable. With human populations haw-
ever, F,, is also very sensitive to the initial categories used (Long 1986). How-
¢
ever, this statistic confirmed that modern human population tended to be s fluid and unstructured relative to other mammalian species (Wright |1978).
|
A
-ị→
R-
1B
OH? (AHe) (Ch. He
In. He EV 9002 Dah Pet/BH Data fromm Thay
|
7
i 1
6 1
7 1
9 0
10 0
12 0
13 I
0
\
1
l
1
j
I
I
j
j
1
0 0
l l 0 7
I | 0 0
1 0 l 0
1 0 i 0
I I 0 0
l 0 0 0
J 0 0 0
i i 0 0
ited Elser (1792).
se H. erectus Chine EV 2 Hill Petrdana/Broken Dali
an H. erectus OH} Afric inderwa H. den erecta
Fig. 2.3 Strict consensus tree using the cherscters published by Tianyuan and Elter (1992)
fo construct a matrix suitable for analysis using parsimony. EV 9002, the newly described
Chinese fossil cranium, fails to group exclusively with either Asian HH. rani
aria ila
listed as + and ++ were qualitative grouped together ly(1, present), as were characters listed — and (—).as (0, absent). For the six taxa assessed, there should be 236 bifucating trees. Upon randomizing order of entry for the matrix and contrees were ducting exhaustive searches for the best tree, , [wo most parsimonious
found of 12 steps in length, and a third tree was 13 steps. A strict consensus tree as Fig. 2.3. is shown here
Altention is drawn to the typology of this tree. It is drawn unrooted, but EV 9002 is shown at a member of a cluster containing OH9, Dali, and Petralona/
Broken Hill. This tree topology fails to support the assertion that EV 9002
occupies a special relationship to either Asian AY, erectus or Asian Hf. sapiens as suggested by the multiregional hypothesis. fossils,
Hybrid models It is possible that cladistic analysis would help reveal the hybrid nature of EV
9002, and Lucinda McDade's recent discussion of hybridization and phylogenetic
|
ee
ee
ee
-_
a
Hybrids, mothers, and clades: who is right?
47
Table 2.2 ‘Hybrid’ characters and hybrid matrix Characters Taxa
9
10
12
14
afte
0
0
0
0
AsHe
1
]
l
I
0
0
I
0 0
l
o* 0
1
0
0 0
l 0
Hybrid 1
Hybrid 2 Hybrid 3
/
1 oO
1 1
Hybrid 5
, J
!
Hybrid 4
} 0
Hybrid 6 Hybrid 7
|
Hybrid 8
oO I 0
1
0 0
0
l I
0
a’
, Dali for these charscor. EV 9002 for these characters.
analysis (McDade 1992) provided much of the impetus to continue this analysis. Table 2.1 shows that in relation to African and Asian AY. erectus, characters 9,
10, 12, and 14 may be potentially informative. They represent characters that are
present in one group and absent in another. The original matrix was modified for these characters, and cight potential hybrids as shown in Table 2.2 were substituted for EV 9002 in the PAUP analysis,
Figure 2.4 shows how these modifications altered the original topology of the
tree. While some topologies are of the same total length, the consistency index (CI) in one case is lower (where Indonesian A. erectus is brought inside the modern cluster by the addition of hybrid set 1) and in other cases, a shorter tree by one step is found (hybrid sets 2, 3, and 7) which now cluster the hybrid with
the moderns and show Indonesian H. erectus as the base of the clade. A final set (3, 5, 6, and 8) shows a three-way split between the Indonesian fossil, the
hybrid, and the moderns. Recall that it should be possible to substitute Chimese for Indonesian H. erectus in these diagrams, because the character matrix is the same
for both.
By this analysis, no hybrid mix of characters between the ancient African, Chinese, and Indonesian fossils will result in a tree topology exactly like the one
produced for EV 9002, A shorter tree by one step places an Afro-Asian hybrid closer to the moderns than any other ancient human scored, but it is difficult to know how significant this one event change is. Additional work to evaluate 12 and 14, common to hybrid sets 2, 3, and 7, should of characters the absenc e be
a place
to start.
The wrong hybrid? t an Asian If the hybridization even is between H. erec and antus Asian H. sapiens, then the model to be tested must change. A new matrix, based on those listed in Table 2.3 (characters 2, 6, 7, 12, 13, 14, and 17) must be constructed.
-
aes
Cie
Cie
ong
OnD
Dali
Dali
P/Ba EV OZ
P/BE hy
ie
[ne
consensus —
|
tre ,
|
wybrid sets 5,30
an
bength 12 (2), Cl-0.6
ong
CHe
cHe
ong
Ihe
=
by
Lt rae
—— oa
Dali IlHe
hybrid sets 3, 12,24,25 bength
11 C1), Cl=0.818
bybrid cots 4, 10,11,15,206,
21.25,26.19
fength 12 (1), Cl=0.750 Cie
Che
Ine by
Ihe ong
ona
By
Dal
PRE bybrid sets 67,27
leogts 12 (2), Cl-0.700
rp
all
L.
F/R
bytrid pet 15
length 11(1), Cl-0.018
hybrid set 14
length 12(1), C1-0.750
hybrid sets 9,17, 15,22 length 1 M2), Cl-0.700 bybrid
wet
16
length 133), Cl-0.700
Fig. 2.5 The matrix used in Fig. 2.3, with EV 9002 removed; in its place are added hybrid
taxa constructed as hypothetical crosses between interspecific Asian taxa. Thirty hybrids were tested with modifications to the matrix as shown in Table 2.3. A few hybrid sets
give the same topology as shown in Fig. 2.3. Others give even shorter trees of slightly different topology. Again, no special relationship between EV 9002 and Asian fossils can be
inferred, although if is clear that EV 9002 may be some type of hybrid taxa. Cl: con-
Acknowledgements I wish to thank the J.D. and C.T. MacArthur Foundation for financial sup-
port in preparation of this manuscript, as well as NSF. Help with figures and discussion came from L. Freed, J. Hunt, J. Koji Lum, C. Reeb, and B. Feldman,
(
Hybrids, mothers, and clades: who is right? 51
geferences parinaga, M. (1992). ‘Afincan Eve’ backers beat a retreat. Science. 255, 686-7,
Cann, R. L. ef al. (1987). Mitochondrial DNA and human evolution, Nature, 325, 1-7.
tific American, 2166, 76-83
Tianyuan, L. and Eler, D. (1992), New Middle Pleistocene bominid crania from Yenxian ;
in China, Mefture, 357, 44-7.
L. et el. (19 ).
sn
innce,
|
). Af
1303-7,
Wilson, A.C. and Cann, R. (1992) The recent African genesis of humans. Scienuijfic 166, 63-13. American, Wright, 5. (1965). The interpretation of population structure by F-statistics with special regard to systems of mating. Evolution, 19,
0-420
Wright, S. (1978). Mariability within and among natural populations, V4. University of Chicago Press.
g
5
.
fi
pat(a)-
kenu
Foot
Knee
YOk.7
eku-7
Water
dy
tre
erek
mukn
cunr hin nor
mi
gju
ti
im du erku
otn
Albanian
Armenian
aśva-
műş-
sánas návas
pedgenū senex novus mūs aqua
asa-
ne(w)os mûs
gonu hénos
trēs
pod-
tũ duo
mẽ
Italic
treis
duo
su
eme
mẫm
tuvám duvấ tráyas pấdjánu
Greek
Indo-Iranian
nue
sen
glún naūjas
sẽnas
pèda 2
trỹs
manè tù dù
mé! tú dó trí
Baltic
Celtic
novŭ myši
pěsy3
trľje
ty
důva
mẹ
Slavic
ahva 8
niujis mūg6
sineigs
kniu
twai Orija fötus
Ou
mik
Germanic
i, 2foottrack, "onfoot, "lastyear's',"oldman', OldHighGerman,?'drink., "river'.
Unlessspeci ed otherwise, Anatolian is represented by Hitite, Tocharian by Tocharian B, Indo-iranian by Sanskrit, Italic by Latin, Celtie by Old Irish, Baltic by Lithuanian, Slavicby Old Church Slavonic, and Germanic by Gothic. Blank spaces mean that the root in question has not been preserved in that branch.
ñuwe
newas
paiyye keni
New Mouse
Old
trị-
Three
wi trey
twe
ammuk tuk twi-
I/me
Thou Two
Tocharian
Anatolian
Word
Table 3.1 Indo-European cognates
a half, the original d an y ur nt ce a st lea at for ily fam bated den rdao by all linguists as a validt tlya u hoe ap E y t en o es pr d e th n to s I in ma re o o homeland of Pr n) and the Ukraine the leading co topic, with Anatolia (modern-day Turkey
is Terrence Kaufman (1990, p. 23), ‘a temporal ceiling of 7000 to 8000 years
tic reconstruction. We can recover ive linguis inherent in the methods of comparat than that". genetic relationships that are that old, but probably no earlier between Numerous similar claims could be cited where the limiting date is placed
6000 and 10.000 years. As a consequence of this alleged temporal limit, the Indo-
European family continues to be viewed even today by most linguists as
ges. enreisted—or rather not known to be related—to any other family of langua Recently it has been shown that these beliefs are little more than Eurocentric myths, without any basis in fact. Does it not seem implausible that Jones should have discovered not only the comparative method, but its temporal limits as well? lt is as if Galileo's first telescope saw as far into the universe as it was in fact possible to see. And is it mot also implausible that the Indo-European family,
which is defined by over 2000 cognates, should share none of them with any other
can only be decided on empirical grounds, that is, by actually comparing IndoEuropean and the world’s other language families. Such a comparison, which las been carried out by Russian scholars since the 1960s (in particular, Vladislav
ky 1984] and by Joseph [1964, {lich-Svirych [1965, 1971-84] and Aron Dolgopols
Greenberg (im press) more recently, shows beyond a shadow of a doubt that
Indo-European is related to numerous other families and languages of Eurasia.
Greenberg calls this larger, more ancient, family Eurasiatic; its constituents (Indo-European, Uralic, Altaic, Korean-Japanese-Ainu, Gilyak, Chukchi-
Kamcharkss and Eskimco-Aleut) are shown im Fig. 3.2. Russian scholars call this family Nostratic, which for them includes the Dravidian family of southern
india the Kartvelian family of Georgia, and (for some) the Afro-Asiatic family
of North Africa and the Middle East (Kaiser and Shevoroshkin 1988). [llich-
Switych and Dolgopolsky proposed over 700 Nostratic cognates in the 1960s, and
Dolgopolsky’s current (but unpublished) number is between one and two thousand. Greenberg proposes over 500 Eurasiatic cognates in his forthcoming book.
{
IndoEuropean
IIUralic
Ainu
Fig. 3.2 The Eurasiatic family.
Altaic
Korean-
HHH Japanese-
Gilyak
Kamchatkan
Chukchi-
Eskimo-
Aleut
"tu-te
*ak Wa-
*horV met 24
2
nur22
"āka
-t12 tülüg !3
ikj9
men
Turkic
*mede.25
*nõr(u)
aqa kečj20
ikirę lo *-t
"ti
mini
Mongolian
mede 26
"hāru.23
akā
-te
mini3 -ti
Tungus 5
mit27
*kot
thalak 13
-ma
Korean
aka 30
nure
kisí21
aka
mi
Japanese
wakka
kese
aki l8
-ki -ti trax
Ainu
ŋur
kim
-gi -t
mitəlhən 28
ičelčly 14
misiyaa 29
t'uluk 1s
-t
-k
-t?
-t
-kl1 -ti
-ma
-m
Aleut
Eskimo-
ti
ChukchiKamchatkan me.6
Gilyak
28 'expert',
'end', Dagur,
shore', Chuvash, 2 'swamp',
'he perceives it', 0 bilge water'. Reconstructed forms are preceded by an asterisk.
of a feather, Yukaghir, !" Ryukyuan, 8 "youngerbrother",
Yukaghir 'inform', 25 'know', 26 'knowledge', 27 'believe',
Adapted from Indo-European and its clasest relatives: the Eurasiatic family, (J. H. Greenberg). (In press.) 'me', 2 Uzbek, 3 'my', expresses an emphatic wish on the part of the speaker, $ Old Japanese, 6 "we', 7 thy', Armenian plural in nouns, pronouns, and verbs, 'two', 10 'twins', " plural, 12 Old Turkish, 13 hair', 4 Kamchadal, 15 auill
Think Water
Wet
"käćä 19
Edge
16
aka'
*med-
-k
*-t *tulka
Older brother
Feather
-ke8
*-m
*mē.
I
Thou Dual Plural
*ti-te
Uralic
Word
IndoEuropean
Table 3.2 Eurasiatic cognates
H
KIBl
i!
fi
Niger-
Khoisan
HHKOrdofanian
Afro-
HHH Australian
ZAAsiatic
E Austric
Eurasiatic
Fig. 3.3 The world's major language families.
Paci c
Indo-
Saharan
Nilo-
Dene-
Amerind
Wcaucasian
fi
fi
fi
fi
fi
k"a 60
/kan29
but;53 kwe6!
Sum 48
tok 22 -kànj 30 boko 38
butų S4
*bóngó 43
*ak•W.
put
bunke 44 "somm-49
'p"oto $s "ak Wa.4
*bhāghu *bük(ay4s
-ganA 32
*kónò 31
*bókò 39
*-tik 65 *kony 33
*tak 24
*20y Wa62
shäm 30 "put'; 56
"bog 0
*kan 34
*tok 25
"ma l!
*pälä l8
*-bwV, 17
*mi)
bala l6 dike 23
ball 1s
*k W;5
*k W;4
DeneCaucasian
*mi l0
*k(w)
*kí
kukne2
ma9
!kū !
Eurasiatic
Asiatic
Saharan
Khoisan
Nostratic/
Afro-
NigerKordofanian
*betik 57
*Sjām S1
*-baya41
*xeen
35
"nto2 26
*2(m)bar 19
o-ko-e6 *m-anu 12
Austric
okho 63
bukų 46
akan 36
"dik 27
boula 20
mina 13
IndoPaci c
*gugu
puda 58
*dik; 28
summe 52 butie 59 *akwā 64
kano 37 boko 42 buka 47
*p'ā21
mana 14
kune 8
Amerind
Lezghian'drink',
s2Woccon, $ Gao, S4 Malinke, $$ Old Japanese, 56 Proto-Caucasian, $7 Proto-Austronesian 'vagina', 58 Luridya, $9 Move 'vagina', 60 Masarwa 'drink", 6 Awyu, Proto-Central Algonquian "from water", 65 Proto-Eskimo "index nger".
Nyimang,
Proto-
Burman,35 proto-Tai, 36Gapun, 37Piro, 38 Bagirmi,59Proto-Bantu, 40Proto-Yeniseian "hand', 4 Proto-Austronesian 'shoulder', 42 shiriana, 3 Proto-Bantu, 4 Oyde. SProto-Turkic "to bend, 46 Tobelo, 97Guamacaknee, elbow', 48 Nandi, 49Proto-Omotic 'pubic hair", 50 Proto-Sino-Tibetan, S Proto-Miao- Yao 'beard, moustache',
20Tasmanian, 21Proto-Nambikwara,22 Dinka 'one', 23 Gur 'one, 24 Proto-Afro-Asiatic 'one',25 Proto-Yeniseian " nger', 26 Proto-Miao-Yao ' nger', 27 Proto-Karonan 'one', 28 Proto-Hokan nger', 29 /Nu-/en "branch'",30 Teso 'hand', 3i Proto-Bantu '(fore-)arm", 32 Proto-West Chadic 'arm, shoulder', 33 Proto-Uralic 'armpit", 34 Proto-Tibeto-
Kung. 2Shabo, Proto-Bantu "which', Proto-indo-European, SProto-Caucasian,6Munda, 7 Tiwi, 8Chumash, 9 Kxoe 'who, which', 1o Proto-Uralig, " Proto-Caucasian interrogative particle, 12Proto-Austronesian,13 Matap, 14NezPerce, 15 lit, Ió Nimbari, 7 Proto-Central Chadic, 18 Proto-Uratic "half, side'. 19Proto-Austroasiatic.
forms from modern
*bugku
kuwa *minha *bula
Australian
Forms preceded by an asterisk are reconstructions, either of the entire family, or of a major subbranch of it. Forms without an asterisk are representative languagesin that family. For complete information, see Bengtson and Ruhlen (1994).
Hair Vulva Water
Knee
Armj Arm,
Finger
Who What Two
Word
Nilo-
Table 3.3 Global etymologies
8
fi
ma
Who What
Vulva Water
Hair
Knee
Arm
Finger
Two
Khoisan
Word
boko
Saharan
Nilo-
*bókò "bóngó
NigerKordofanian
Table 3.4 A subset of global etymologies
*ak "ā-
*k Wi
"ak".
*kWi *ma
Eurasiatic
Asiatic
*tok
DeneCaucasian
Nostratic/
Afro-
*nto2
Austric mina
IndoPaci c
*bugku
*minha
Australian
akwā
boko
Amerind
64 Merritt Ruhlen
Conclusions
The linguistic evidence indicates a recent origin for all extant human languages
probably within the past 50000 years. It does not, however, indicate an Africay homeland. Certainly an African homeland would be compatible with the linguistic evidence, bul since the structure of the linguistic tree, as it is presently understood, consists of ten coordinate branches, there is no hard linguistic evidence to root this family in Africa, The linguistic evidence favors a single recent origin for extant languages, but the original homeland of this population remains a goal for future research. Even if there is no firm linguistic evidence for an African homeland, there is nonetheless some circumstantial evidence. It is perhaps significant that four of these ten ancient families are found primarily in Africa, which parallels the high degree of genetic diversity (mitochondrial and nuclear) found in Africa. Further. more, the Khoisan family of southern Africa is the only family to use clicks as ordinary consonants and some linguists have interpreted this fact as indicating
that Khoisan represents the first branching in the human family. Other linguists,
however, see the clicks as a later development within Khoisan. It is unfortunate
that the languages of the African pygmies were replaced, before the historical epoch, by languages of either Nilo-Saharan or Niger-Kordofanian peoples with whom the pygmies lived in symbiosis so that nothing is known
of their original
language(s). Finally, one should note that Gregersen (1972) presented evidence
that Kiser Kordofanian and Nilo-Saharan form an even higher-level family that
Perhaps the most impressive piece of circumstantial evidence is the high degree
the later branchings, it seems likely that they will correspond equally well the earlier branchings. When all a of mankind
is said and done, it may yet turn out as Darwin
(l
genealogical arrangement of the races of man would af
rd
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iaialea.
is linked to colonization events in our model. Second, the means of the distribu-
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is related to the average over time of the total population (comprising a maximum of four demes) size, and this is smaller for the colonization model. Figures 4.3 and 4.4 give the distributions of the coalescence times within deme | for the cases (4 = AN + 1, f.4 = KN, and f,, = KN — 1, where k = I, 2, 4, or
§. Hence, the interval between colonizations is just one generation, and greater
values of & indicate older colonization times. The distributions for demes 2, 3,
and 4 are similar (not shown). We wish to emphasize two results. First, for each choice of &, note the high frequency of the class between AN and (& + 1). This is more pronounced in Fig. 4.3 where the migration rate is high (m = 0.5) than in Fig. 4.4 where it is low (m = 0.0125). Second, the mean increases with &. In
fact, as & becomes very large the distribution becomes indistinguishable from that
obtaining under the steady state model (by the G-test for goodness of fit).
Lack of space precludes a detailed treatment of coalescence times between
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Modern human origins and the dynamics of regional continuity
states that living
87
Australo-Melanesians represent the descendants of the
Pleistocene inhabitants of the Indonesian archipelago (Weidenreich 1943, 1951;
Habgood 1985; Wolpoff 1989; Kramer 1991; Thorne and Wolpoff 1992). Unfor-
between the tunately, there are no Late Pleistocene specimens to test for linkage earlier and more recent inhabitants of the area. In northeastern Asia, there are at least two Late Pleistocene specimens between
the Homo erectus samples of the Middle Pleistocene and the ‘modern’ popula-
tion. The most complete of these, Jinniu Shan, was found in 1984 in Liaoning
some 400 km north of Zhoukoudian through field work done under the direction
of Professor Li Zun’er (Pope 1988a,b; called “Yinnu’ Shan in Wolpoff 1989 and
‘Jingiushan’ in Thorne and Wolpoff 1992).
No formal description is available, but a uranium date of between 100000 and 200000 years has been assigned. Cursory examination shows that it has the long, ically morphologd che and large -ar brow ridges, low cranial shape, heavy double complex maxillary incisors that are commonly associated with Neanderthal. On
the other hand, the details of the shaping of the occiput, the lateral margins of the orbits and the juncture of the nasal bones with the adjacent maxilla show similarities to the respective anatomical configurations regularly found in the living inhabitants of China and adjacent regions. Another as-yet-undescribed specimen was found in 1988 in Lai Shui County,
Hebei, dated more recently than Jinniu Shan, and displaying facial features that are between a candidate for a Chinese Neanderthal and the living Chinese. Withoul measurements we cannot test against the configuration found in living
humans, but these could be made on the casts of individual Late Pleistocene specimens from Liujiang in Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region in southern
China, and the male (101) from the Upper Cave at Zhoukoudian. The battery of craniofacial measurements previously used to compare living and fossil populations (Brace and Hunt 1990) was applied to the Upper Cave and Liujiang casts (Brace and Tracer 1992). The discriminant function probabilities of exclusion from a series of named groups are listed in Table 5.2.
The results indicate that the Upper Cave is excluded from configurations
represented by the living inhabitants of east Asia. However, neither the Upper Cave nor the Liujiang skull could be excluded from one or another of the prehistoric
(Jamon)
or living (Ainu,
Polynesian)
derivatives of the ancient
and inhabitants of the northeast Asian coast and its adjacent islands (Brace ern northeast the Tracer 1992). This agrees with Wu's conclusions (Wu 1992), In
as well as in the northwestern parts of the Old World, the most parsimonious explanation for the appearance of ‘modern’ human form is that it developed
displayed in sifu as the result of a reduction in robustness from the condition e. by its local predecessors in the latter part of the Middle Pleistocen Africa
kind of The single Narmada specimen from south Asia docs not allow a similar
ef af. 1991). assessment for the Indian sub-continent (Sonakia 19850,6; Kennedy
lity values that the specimen in the column can be
uk the group named in the row heading
eS
M
kites
Qafzeh 6°
Cro-Magnon
1°
118 0,986
0.000 487 0.009 = 0.002
inesiad
Australo-Melanes
ia 237 0,007 European Continen t 142 0,000 Europe
0,000
Eskimo
NW edge
South Asia
Komon-Pacific
0.000
0.955
155
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0.000
% 0.000
a tbe Masts de THommne it Pattee
rag
individual complete enough and probably male to
Previously used variables
“On
0.034
0.004
0.038
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0.003
0.005
0.039
0.074
0.002
0.002
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0.004
0.002
0.002
448 0.00
Upper Cave 101" Livan:
0.008
0.041
98
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0.000
0.839 art
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0.568 -
)
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Saharan African origin, why should we object to Qafzeh as representative of
in the movement of African people into the Middle East at a time when others
from area did not look ‘modern’? If Qafzeh could migrate into the Middle East
Africa, what was to stop them from continuing into Europe to initiate the
appearance of ‘modern’ morphology in the northwesternmost extent of human
habitation? And in corollary fashion, why could they not also go east and bring their ‘modernity’ to the Far East as well? Qafzeh illustrates an African incursion into the Middle East approximately 100000 years ago. Given that, two issues shape the answers to the questions,
lacks the robust features that still adorn the it use First, Qafzeh is ‘modern’ beca
skeletons of non-African people. Simultaneously the configuration of traits by es d remained stable from the end of the last interare calculate which its affiniti glacial right up to the present. It is a peculiarly African configuration and does not prefigure what emerges as ‘modern’ human form elsewhere, which is why
the term “Proto-Cro-Magnon’ is inappropriate. Meanwhile, populations at the
northwest, northeast, and southeast ends of the extent of human
habitation
on’ earlier regionally characati g the same niz retainin while underwent ‘moder
the pattern d and shape, toi ns the massize features: atio of trivial teristic configur of neck muscle attachments, the distance in the sagittal plane of the lateral parts
of the orbits relative to the root of the nose, and the nuances of how the nasal
bones attach to the maxilla. Those reductions in robustness in the non-African arrival of the African immigrants after theed the Old World occurr of ts par of Oafzeh, but they occurred without the adoption of any of the patterns of craniofacial form that identify the Qafzeh specimens as being of African origin. Second, the archaeological record provides no evidence for a movement of in people out of Africa and into the areas occupied by Qafzeh’s contemporaries Europe, the Far East or Australasia. Whal archaeology tells us in part is that the Mousterian technology of the Qafzeh immigrants was essentially the same
as that of their Neanderthal contemporaries and successors to the north and west
(Shea 1989). This is not the whole story, however. Qafzeh, sends different
mestages about craniofacial form on the one hand, and the dentition on the other,
The cultural ecological niche Thirty years ago, | noted that the most important human adaptations were in the behaviours that people learn as part of the traditions of the groups to which they belong (Brace 1962). The key factor in human survival is culture, which
some call the principal human ‘extrasomatic adaptation’ (White 1959, p. 8). To achievmnt anthropologists culture includes language when that is present, The of ‘modern’ levels of brain size was a prerequisite for the development of language. The archacological record provides clues demonstrating the presence of a linguistic dimension in the period that follows the cessation of further cerebral expansion.
Indeed, culturally learned aspects of adaptive behavior were so crucial for
human survival that one could regard humans as inhabiting a cu/fural ecological
ir i
Modern human origins and the dynamics of regional continuity
91
niche (Brace 1964; 19676; 1991d). Culture gave hum ans an enormous competitive
edge, but it also imposed selective constraints on those who were unable to absorb
the benefits of the learning of previous generations, It is in this rega rd that the select
ive forces operating on the inhabitants of the cultural ecologic al niche yranscend local selective forces that may be associated with survival in separate "TL ahieleek of cultural means of adaptation and the broadly similar selec. live pressures impinging on people in the cultural ecol ogical niche suggests that
those who entered and exploited that niche were members of one species. They
would remain so as long as cultural adaptation continue d to be the key element io their survival,
The reductions by which ‘modern’ form emerged clear ly occurred through changes in previous selective forces. The latter should be discernible as modificatio ns in the prehistoric cultural record. The key to understa nding past processes
and events can be gained from archaeological data. The latte r constitutes our
primary source of information concerning prehistoric survival strategies. It is only by an assessment of these that we can glimpse the nature of the selective
forces that impinged upon the people themselves. We need, then, to evaluate the archaeological record. Ironically, we cannot
rely on the analyses of archaeologists to tell us what we need to know (Brace 1992). We need their help, but archaeologists do not regard their material
from the perspective of biological requirements for survival, The biological anthropologists then must know the archaeological evidence enoug h to assess its meaning with regard to those biological requirements,
From Africa throughout the Old World tropics
The distribution of typologically similar tools in the Lower Pleistocene indicates
the geographic extent of the cultural ecological niche at that time, The distribution also
suggests that the tool makers and descendants maintained specific unity
al any given time. Figure $.4 depicts the spread of Homo from Plio-Pleistocene
Africa throughout the tropics of the Old World. There are few typological distinctions between the lithic industries of the Old World before the penultimate glaciation. The logical interpretation is that their makers maintained their biological relationship through gene flow and that they also pursued an essentially similar subsistence strategy. Consequently, no appreciabl e difference arose in the nature and intensity of the selective forces from one end of the human range to the other. After the initial spread of Homo erectus, the tropics remained the locus of continual occupation (Fig. 5,5), During periods of interglacial climat ic amelioration, human populations moved northwards and came to inhabit the area
schematically indicated in Figure 5.6. However, humans are tropical mamma ls. With every glacial chill they disappeared from the northerly parts of their range (Fig. 3.6) and were restricted to the tropical areas into which they had spread after their first departure from Africa.
If the periodic invasions of the ‘temperate’ zone were movements into new ter-
ritory, the subsequent ‘retreats’ back to the tropics were nol. It is almost certain
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96
Modern human origins and the dynamics of regional continuity o7
those possessing the least amount of skin melanin. This suggests that those manifesting such depigmentation are the descendants of the Neanderthals who made those Mousterian tools.
By the end of the Middle Pleistocene, the cultural means of handling frozen
foods and surviving glacial cold had diffused to those parts of eastern Asia that
are equal in latitude to the Mousterian area in the west. The in sitw consequences
for the inhabitants of eastern Asia were the same as those for the inhabitants of the west except that they have had less time to accumulate. Dental reduction followed the use of cooking,
but not to the same extent, Depigmentation
followed the permanent occupation of the northeast aided by the necessary use
|
of protective clothing, but, again, it has not had time to proceed as far as in
the west. In the east too, there is a north-south gradient of pigmentation but,
reflecting the shorter period of time the PME has operated, it is less dramatic than in the west.
Projectiles and post-cranial gracilization My last concern focuses on reduction in robustness and evidences for reinforcement in the post-cranial skeleton and parts of the skull. Qafzeh shows that post-
cranial gracilization or ‘modernization’ had already taken place by 100.000 years
ago in some parts of the world. Qafzeh has a probable origin in Africa not too many years before its appearance in Israel. Clearly there should be archaeological evidence from the African Middle Sto Age ne showing a major difference in sub-
sistence activities between Africa and elsewhere. This indeed is the case. Recently Bar-Yosef (1992) suggested that regional differences within the ‘Mousterian culture area’ (Brace 19676, 1991d) might reflect Mousterian ‘cultural zones’ indicating ranges of common communication, mobility and mating. At the same time, Brooks and Yellen (personal communications) recorded that a focus on local resource utilization, accompanied by minor local typological variation in the Middle Stone Age of Africa, was of sufficient importance thal similar kinds of ‘cultural zones’ might be identified there. The Levallois flaking technique was distributed from the Mousterian of Europe throughout the Middle Stone Age of Africa, and via the Cawcasus through central Asia to Siberia (Bar-Yosef 1990-1991). Therefore, there is no reason to
apply different designations to the contemporary archaeological complexes in Africa and Europe. The Middle Stome Age of Africa is as much ‘Mousterian’ as is the Mousterian
Eurasian material (Bar-Yosef, personal communication),
This is presented in schematic fashion in Fig. 5.8. The lack of ‘cultural zones’ in south Asia and cast Asia is almost certainly the result of little knowledge,
One important technological innovation occurs in Middle Stone Age Africa long before it appears elsewhere, Points that evidently had been hafted suggest that hunters were throwing spears. Darwin had observed that effective throwing was a unique human activity (Darwin 1871, p. 134), and all living humans are proficient in throwing (Brace 19676, 1991a). Certainly, the selective forces that impinged upon the human physique were altered as soon as human beings could dispatch prey from a distance. That Mousterian points could have been hafted has long been understood, but,
frp
.
Modern human origins and the dynamics of regional continuity
99
Fig. 5.8 A bone harpoon point from the African Middle Stome Age. Drawn after Shreeve
(1992).
points were present (Shreeve 1992) (see Fig. 5.9). If the presence of projectile points documents the thrown hunting spear in the African Middle Stone Age, then the selective forces that had maintained human post-cranial robustness throughout the Middle Pleistocene may have been reduced in Africa before
anywhere else.
Churchill and Trinkaws (1990, p. 158) have suggested that ‘human throwing
behaviour and projectile use’ might be associated with the emergence of ‘carly
modern" human form
in regard to the details of scapular morphology, The
muscular reinforcements of the Neanderthal shoulder are well documented. That particular joint is more resistant to the forces that might produce dislocation than is true for the ‘modern’ condition (Trinkauws 1977).
The change from Neanderthalto ‘modern’ shoulder morphology coincides with the evidence that projectiles had become part of the subsistence technology.
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Mayr, E. (1968). Biological aspects (ed. M. Mead, T. Dobzhansky, University Press, New York. Mercier, N., Valladas, H., Joron, B. (1991). Thermoluminescence Césaire, Nature, 351, 737-9.
of race in man. In Science and the concept of race, E. Tobach, and R. E. Light), pp. 103-5. Columbia J-L., Reyss, J-L., Lévéque, F., and Vandermeersch, dating of the late Neanderthal remains from Saint-
ver, N., Valladas, H., Valladas, G., and Jelinek, A. (1992).
New
Tabun
cave
ology: TL dating of burnt flints from the Jelinek excavation. Journal of the Israel
Prehistoric Society, Suppl. 1.
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TREBLE
ve, J. H. (1971). How dextrous was Neanderthal man? Nature, 233, 538-4], . and Cowan, F. (1986), Experiments with spears and arrows on animal of Field Archaeology, 13, 195-212.
J.A., Anderson, R.R., Urbach, F., and Pitts, D, (1978), U'F-A: biological
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Fig. 6.1° Location of 26 Siberian and east Asian populations. and Chinese populations were examined for evidence bearing on their differentia-
tion and population affinities. The four prehistoric skeletal series included Troitskoe of the Mo-ho culture from the Amur River Basin, Neolithic Baikalian
collections from the east and west coasts of Lake Baikal, Iron Age Ekven from an ancient Eskimo cemetery in the Chukotka Peninsula, and Iron Age Tagar
from western Siberia. The Tagar culture thrived from the 7th to the 3rd century
BC. Tagar crania show many characteristics in common with modern Caucasians. Cranial traits of 18 modern populations were also examined. Using the pooled covariance matrix obtained from 22 cranial measuremen
of Siberians, Mahalanobis’ distances (D*) between the 22 populations were computed. Clustering (group average method) and principal coordinate analyses were applied to the matrix of Mahalanobis’ distances to establish two dimen-
sional relationships, as drawn in Figs 6.2 and 6.3, respectively.
The cluster analysis showed that the Russian and Tagar samples, stemming
from Europeans, are isolated from the others, and that the northern Chinese and
Troitskoe samples are also isolated from Siberians. The latter are in a large
cluster within which four subclusters are identifiable. The first consisted of the
Nivkh, Negidal, Ulch, and Nanay samples, all of which are from the Amur and
Sakhalin regions. Asian Eskimos, Chukchis, and Yakuts are joined to make the
second subcluster, with Mongolian, Buryat and Kazach (= Kazakh) samples in
the third cluster. The fourth subcluster contains Yukagir, Evenki, and Neolithic —_
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—
Cranial morphology of the Siberians and east Asians
117
, TET Fig. 6.4 Three-dimensional representation of 17 population samples by
coor:
dinate analysis applied to the biological distance matrix obtained from 22 non-metric
cranial traits.
metric cranial traits that are different from orbitalia into account. Turner (1987), on mentioned that Neolithic Baikalians and Mongolia are lumped to make a cluster.
those we used, which took even cribra the basis of his dental morphology, the peoples of northern China and The sheer physical complexity of the
Neolithic Baikalians seems to have brought out contradictions between the results . Further scientific research of studies based on cranial and dental morphology is surely necessary to refine our understanding. Although the Hokkaido and Sakhalin Ainu are joined to makea cluster in both to Siberians, metric and non-metric analyses, the Sakhalin Ainu are more similar
especially the peoples in the Amur Basin. The Nivkh occupy an intermediate position between the Amur peoples and the Ainu in many traits including non-metric ones (Levin 1963; Ishida 1990). The similarity between the Sakhalin Ainu and Nivkh suggests that the Sakhalin Ainu had intermarried considerably with the
peoples in the Amur and Sakhalin regions, as mentioned by Kodama (1970). Facial flatness of Siberians Facial flatness is one of the major identifying characteristics of Asian populations collectively called ‘Mongoloid’. This feature has been of particular interest to Russian anthropologists who collected a wealth of data on facial flatness in the former Soviet Union. They concluded that facial flatness measurements not only distinguish between European and Mongoloid crania in Siberia, but also reveal local variations within Siberian Mongoloids (Debets 1951; Alekseev 1979). In Japan, Yamaguchi (1973) used his own method to measure facial flatness in
human crania from Japan.
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We employed Yamaguchi's method to measure the Siberian and neighboring
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122 Hojime Ishido and Yukio Dodo
related to the populations who lived in northern Asia, though the detailed resy of the metric and non-metric cranial studies seem to contradict this notion,
Affinities between Siberians and American populations The ‘Arctic type’ peoples in Siberia are close to Arctic Americans, as both «
them have the following physical characteristics: high value of the mandibul; ramus index, high occurrences of the mandibular canons
three-rooted fir
lower molar, lower incidence of the transverse zygomatic suture vestige, and pre
nounced nasal bones (Laughlin ef al, 1979; Turner 1986, iae7; Dodo and Ishid 1987; Ishida 1992). Those features demarcate considerably the Arctic people
from other Siberian Mongoloids.
A few craniometric studies have indicated an affinity of American Indian to Europeans (Howells 1989), or with the JOmon-Pacific cluster (Li ef af. 1991) Many anthropological studies, however, have reached the conclusion tha American Indians are generally closer to northeast Asians than to southeast Asian: or to Europeans. These agree with the results of our non-metric studies (Dodc and Ishida 1987; Ishida 1993). Om the other hand, cranial and dental analyse: have linked American Indians with the Arctic peoples, by non-metric crania variant analyses (Ossenberg 1992; Ishida 1993) and craniometry (Trubnikove 1980); with east Asians, by craniometry (Alekseev and Trubnikova 1984): with
Buryat by craniometry (Howells 1989); and with the people in the Upper Lena
by dental morphology (Turner 1986). In conse we conclude quenc that American e
Indians are derived from north Asian populations including the Arctic peoples, though their exact origins remain unclear.
Alekseev, V.P. (1979). Anthropometry of Siberian Peoples. In The firss Americans:
ois,
nes and aeons.
W. Laughlin and A. Harp pp. er), 57-90. Gustav
Fischer, hye ieYork. Alekseev, V.P. and Gokhman,| DS dues Ie fone Rassengechichie der Menschheit, . Asien [T: Sowjet-Asien
Minchen.
-166,R. Oldenbourg vee
ae (ed. 1, Schw
ao
Ate P, Ta I. (1987). Remain of child s skeletonsfrom the eed tle burials a { the Mal'ta site. /rvestivya sibirskoavo oideleniva akademil nowka SSSR (In
Russian.)
eat V.P. and Trubnikov of the Asia
B.
(1984), So
Mongcods rnionty
en,
axonomy an peneaiogy
Nauka, Novosibirsk. (In Russian.)
Alekseev,V.P., Gokhman, |. 1., and Tumen D, (1987). , A brief report on the palcoanana
abe
igh ail
the Centrali hae pee
nae
ee
he awe
Iron Age). In archaeoloand gy
Nauka, Novosibirsk(im . Russian.)
Brace,C.L. and Hunt, K.D. (1990).A mon-racial craniofacial perspective on human
variation: A(ustraia)
to Z(un ni). American Journal af Physical Anthropology, 81,
Debets, G. F. (1951) ce ere studies in the Kamchatka regio Trudi Jastiruse n. Etmografil (new series), 1 1-263. (In Russian.)
—
I
=
ee
ee
in
4
—
aE
anal
124 Hojime Ishida and Yukio Dodo N.S. (1992). rin cesar hiro sierlanagciary Ossenderg,
population history
Soe Bo semen of skull morphology. In The evolution and dispersal of modern humans in Asio, (ed. T. Akarawa, K. Aoki, and T. Kimura), pp. 493-530. Hokusep. sha, Tokyo aychitov, Yu. G. and Mveecyan A A. (1972),A genetical-ant hropological analysis on
the distri bation of cranial aeocalies ia the Mongoloids of Siberia in connection with rep ungptnap oe evaglar age Transactions of the Moscow Society of Naturalists, 43, ee ee
earn
(1968). The Mal'ta Man. In The origin of the Jopanese, (ed.B. Yamaguchi,
="
Tozawa, and M. Anbiru), pp. 34-9. Yomiuru Shinbunsha, Tokyo, (In
Trubnikova,©. B. (1980). On the classification of the Neolithic Series from the northern
tut Aad on fh neti save statistical method). In Paleoanthropology of Siberia, (ed. A. P. Okladnikoy and V.P. Alekseev), oo, bale, tesa gna Russian.) Turner, C a ee ee Se National Geographic Turner, C
TA
Lm
a
f East Asia
Sestd 6a deca sandal: AGG Hd he 73, 305-21, Turner, C. G. 1 (1990). Major features of Sundadonty and Sinodonty, including sugges-
7. Dental characteristics of the Japanese population Hirofumi Matsumura, Nobuo Shigehara, and Eisaku Kanazawa
Introduction There can be no doubt that immigrants from the Asian continent entered Japan during the Aeneolithic Yayoi period (300 BC to AD 300) and the protohis toric Kofun period (AD 300 to 700). In particular, the Yayoi people of the northern Kyushu and Yamaguchi districts of western Japan are considered to be immi-
grants from the Asian continent. Regarding the origin of modern Japanese, a problem arises when considering the scale of the influx of immigrants into Japan. According to the transformation theory, the genetic influence of the immigrants was negligible, and
thus present-day Japanese are direct descendants of the
Neolithic Jémon natives (Suzuki 1969, 1981), On the other hand, the immigration theory (Kanaseki 1976) emphasizes that modern Japane are descend seed from hybrids formed between the natives and immigrants, or from the immigrants
themselves. Numerous recent studies of cranial measurements have supported the immigration theory (Howells 1966; Yamaguchi 1982; Hanihara 1985: Mizoguchi 1988). In the last few years, non-metric cranial studies (Dodo and Ishida 1990; Kozinisev 1990) have produced evidence which supports the immigration theory more strongly than have the previous cranial metric studies, The obvious differences in dental morphology between the Neolithic Jémon natives and the present-day Japanese have been pointed out by several authors
(Turner 1976; Brace and Nagai 1982; Matsumura 1989, 1990). To determine the
biological history and ancestry of the Japanese populations, however, dental data
are not sufficient, What see to be poorly understood is the diachronic change ms in dental characteristics throughout the historic periods,
The first purpose of the present study was to reveal microevolutionary trends in the dental characteristics of the Japanese population from prehistoricto modern
limes: the second was to clarify its biological affinities with the east Asians.
Comparative population samples and characteristics The data for the present study were obtained from the permanent dentition of
17 skeletal series (2616 specimens) dating from prehistoric to modern times. The
list of population samples studied is given in Table 7.1. Figure 7.1 displays their geographical provenance.
| saa
a
-
Thiel
=
ee
_—
his
:
—.
——
—
5
—
—
Dental characof te theri Japane st se ic populas tion
_
127
Mesiodistal and buccolingual crown diameters were measured fr theom central
ioco to thers second molars of the maxilla and mandible to elucidate metrical
characteristics. We used Fujita's (1949) system of measurement. In addition, 11
soa-metric traits enumerated below were also examined.
For statistical analyses, data from the male samples were used in the comparison of metrical characteristics. In compof ar non-me is tricalon characs teristics, the data from both sexes were combined. Four population samples were not incl in the ud non-m ed etric trait study beca of insuff usicient e sample sizes.
Diachronic change of the Japanese dentition Metrical characteristics To simplify the comparison of tooth size, the measurements were summar ized
into small categories of values with consideration of intermeasure ment correla-
tions. For this purpose, factor analysis was applied to the mesiodistal and buc-
|
|
colingual diameters. As a result, six primary factors whose eigenv alues were greater than 1.0 were elucidated. The cumulative proportion of their variance was - 71%. The six factors were overall sizes as follows:
(1) (buccolingual) incisor (2) (mesiodistal) premolar
(3) canine (4) first molar
(5) (mesiodistal) incisor (6) (mesiodistal) second molar. Based on the characteristics of these six main factors, scores were calculated for each popula andtio compare nd. Figure 7.2 is a diagramatic representation based on the standardized factor scores, On the horizontal axis, the six factors were arranged in the anatomical order of teeth in the jaw. This simple diagram
simultaneously shows both the overall tooth size and its proportion.
The first noticeable point is that overall tooth size is the largest in Yayoi
immigrants in northern KyusThe hu. tooth size of Kofun people is comparable,
Conversely, those of the Jémon natives, the Tanegashima Yayoi people, and the
Hokkaido Ainu are quite small. The next remarkable feature is tooth size proportion. The deviation patterns in the northern Kyushu Yayoi immigran and Kofun ts people clearly contrast with
those of the JGmon natives, the Tanegashima Yayoi people, and the Hokkaido
Ainu. The former people are characterized by larger canines, premolars, and
second molars both in proportion and absolute size than the latter. A diachronic change in historic Japanese is also evident in this deviation
diagram, Overall tooth size decreases gradually from the Kofun period to the modern, although there is a sudden dip in the Kamakura period, The proportion |
in tooth size, however, docs not change throughout the historic horizon. This
diagram suggests that the metric tooth characteristics of the post-Yayoi Japanese
| (\
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...oo*e. ---
nr
eS
Ss —l—=E
ee
eae
ieoeeeieell
Dental charocte of therist Japanese ics population
129
| rhe post-Yayoi Japanese of the Kofun, Kamakura, Edo and modern periods are related to each other. The
northern
Kyushu
Yayoi
immigrants are loosely
grouped with them. In the other main cluster, the JOmon natives, Tanegashima yayol people and Hokkaido Ainu are lumped together.
Nonmetric characteristics The non-metric characteristics examined in this study include the following: (1) shoveling of the upper central incisor (2) spine of the upper central incisor (3) interruption groove of the upper lateral incisor
(4) De Terra’s tuberculum of the upper first premolar (5) Carabelli’s cusp of the upper first molar (6) 6th cusp of the lower first molar
(7) 7th cusp of the lower first molar (8) protostylid of the lower first molar (9) deflecting wrinkle of the lower first molar (10) four cusps of the lower second molar
(11) groove pattern ‘X' of the lower second molar, The frequencies of these 11 traits in eight Japanese populations are represented
in Fig. 7.4. Interpopulation variations are very small in the 6th cusp, the 7th cusp,
and the protostylid, The frequency of the spine also has minimal variation, except in the Tanegashima Yayoi people. The frequent presence of the spine is unique
|
tothem. The frequencies of both the shoveling and the deflecting wrinkle classify the eight populations into two major groups. The JOmon natives, Tanegashima and Hokkaido Ainu show a lesser occurrence of these trait freYayoi people,
quencies than the remaining peoples.
The frequency data on the 11 traits was used to calculate Smith's distances among Japanese populations. Figure 7.5 shows the result of cluster analysis
applied to the Smith's distances. The dendrogram exhibits two main clusters. are clustered The Hokkaido Ainu, Jémon natives, and Tanegashima Yayoi people together. The other main cluster includes the Northern Kyushu Yayoi immigrants and post-Yayoi Japanese.
populations Asianon is other east with ar Comp Metric and non-metric tooth characteristics of Japanese populations were compared with those of nine other east Asian populations, including three from southeast Asia. The methods used were the same as employed in our study within
Japanese. For the comparisons of metric characteristics, we adopted the previous
result of factor analysis of Japanese population data. Figure 7.6 shows the dendrogram
obtained from cluster analysis of the correlation coefficients derived
from the six standardized factor scores. The populations form two major divisions. The post-Yayoi Japanese are clustered with Korean and Chinese, including
their ancestors. The northern Kyushu Yayoi immigrants are uniquely tied to the
fy
10x
20%-
30%-
40%4
50%4
60x-
70%
80%-
90%
100%-
Freq-
int.
(UI2)
CẢR.
(UN1)
e
PrRt
er. 4Cps.
\ Jomon
Fig. 7.4 Distribution diagram of 11 non-metric trait frequencies of eight Japanese populations.
shov. (UI1)
***.....
S ern Japanese , Tanegashima Yayoi N-Kyushu Yayoi Hokkaido Aimu
Edo Kamakura
a
2,
ie
i
Dental characteristics of the Japanese popu lation Kamsakura
Modern Japanese Edo oa
:
Kofun M-Kyushu Yayoi
Le
Alou Jomon
Tanogashima Yayo!
ara |
Te
Fig.7.5 Dendrogram obtained from the
8
results of cluster analysis based on 11 non-metric tooth traits of eigh t Japanese populations.
f Smith's distances,
131
!
Fig. 7.7 Dendrogram obtained from the results of cluster analysis of Smith's distances, based on 1] non-metric tooth traits of 13 east Asian populations.
Thai people and Thai Chinese. Among the Asian continental peoples, Neolithic Thai are uniquely clustered with Jémon natives, the Tanegashima Yayoi people, and Hokkaido Ainu. The Sakhalin Ainu and Amami-Okinawan people are also clustered with them.
Figure 7.7 depicts a dendrogram derived from Smith's distances based on the
I] non-metric trait frequencies. Population affinities mostly coincide with those
based on the metrical traits (Fig. 7.6), except for the Sakhalin Ainu and AmamiOkinawan people. These two peoples are included in the Chinese-Japanese
cluster.
Figure 7.8 shows the population affinities with east Asia from the viewpoint
of the most remarkable characteristics discriminating between JSmon natives and Yayoi immigrants: the size of canines, the premolars, and the second molars relative to the first molars, and frequency of shoveling of the upper central incisor. The different data sets and attendant methods produce similar results: except
fora few populations, most fall into [wo major groups.
The biological history and ancestry of the Japanese populations Present findings indicate that modern-day Japanese populations are descended from two major groups. One is the small population of indigenous prehistoric
Jomon natives, who are ancestorsof the modern Hokkaido Ainu. The other is formed by post-Yayoi stock people, who include the aeneolithic Yayo”
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2.50
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Thal Chinese
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eee
Fi
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Kamakura Korean
1 30
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molars (left), and frequencies of shoveling of the upper central incisor (rig of cast htAce ) populations. The most remarkable tooth trait comp lex that distinguishes these two transitions is summarized in Fig. 7.9,
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(O81
F
F
ltialnit!
162 Embke |. E Szothmary
Krauss, M.E. (19738). Na-Dene. In Current frends in linguistics, Vol. 10: Linguistics jy,
North America, (ed. T. A. Sebeok), pp. 903-78. Mouton, The Hague.
Krauss, M. E. (1979). Na-Dene and Eskimo-Aleut. In The Janguages of North America
(ed. L. Campbell and M. Mithun), pp. 803-901. University of Texas Press, Austin, Meriwether, D.A., Rothhammer, F., and Ferrell, R. E. (1992). Mitochondrial DNA variation in ancient and contemporary Amerindians using the TRNA“*5-COII dele.
tion and diagnostic restriction sites. American Journal of Human Genetics, $1, Al}, Nei, M. (1972). Genetic distance between populations. American Naturalist, 106, 283-9). Nei, M. (1985). Human evolution at the molecular level. In Population genetics ang
molecular evolution, (ed. T, Ohta and K. Aoki), pp. 41-64. Japan Science Society Press/Springer Verlag, Tokyo/Berlin.
Nei, M. and Roychoudhury, A. (1982). Genetic relationship and evolution of human
races. Evolutionary Biology, 14, 1-99. Nei, M., Tajima, F., and Tateno, Y. (1983). Accuracy of estimated phylogenetic trees
from molecular data. I]. Gene frequency data. Journal of Molecular Evolution, 19. 153-70.
Nichols, J, (1990), Linguistic diversity and the first settlement of the New World.
Language, 66, 475-521. O'Rourke, D.H., Suarez, B.K., and Crouse, J. D. (1985). Genetic variation in North Amerindian populations: covariance with climate. American Journal of Physical
Anthropology, 67, 241-40.
O'Rourke, D.H., Mobarry, A., and Suarez, B. Y. (1992). Patterns of genetic variation in Native America, Human Biology, 64, 417-34, Ouenberg, N. 5. (1992), Native people of the American Northwest: population history from the perspect ofive skull morphology. In The evolution and dispersal of modern hurmen in Asia s (ed, T. Akarawa, K. Aoki, and T. Kimura), pp. 493-530. Hokusen-Sha
Publishing, Tokyo.
Pamilo,
P. and
Nei, M.
(1988),
i
between
trees and
ies
trees.
Powers, W. R. and Hoffecker, J. F, (1989). Late Pleistocene settlement in the Nenana
«New World. spejaa Bities , 64, 381-402,
. L. and Bho B.S. (1988). Alloalbuminemia and the migrations of Native Americans. Year of Physic al Anthro bo pology, 31, 1-13, ok Schurr, T.G., Ballinger, 5. W., Gan, ¥-¥. Hodge, J. A., Merriw ether, D, A. Lawrence,
DN. et af. (1990). Amerindian mitochondrial DNAs have rare Asian mutations at high frequencies. American Journa of Human l Genetics, 46, 613-23. partic F., eee « K., Voewoda, M. I. and Reed, J. K. (1992). Absen ce of Asianregion VW mitochondrial marker in Native Beringians. American fourna l Human Genetics, 40, 758-65. o Spubler, J.N. (1972). Genetic , linguistic and geographical distances in iative
North America. In The attersment of population affinity in man, (ed. J. 5. Weiner and J Huizinga), pp. 72-95,
Oxford University Press.
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i
\
lili
BL, ape Ward, R.H.,
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and Santos, M
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Pleistoce
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Quaternary
173-86 24,ch, Resear
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10. Dispersal of the ALDH2 mutant in Mongoloid populations Shoji Harada
Introduction A number of recent studies have indicated that individual and ethnic differences are seen in the manifestation of acute symptoms after alcoh ol intake (Ewing ef ai.
1974; Goedde and Agarwal 1986; Reed er al. 1976: Mizoi ef al. 1979; Zeiner et al. 1979). Individual and ethnic differences are also associated with multiple forms
of alcohol metabolizing enzymes (Von Wartburg efal. 1965, Smith ef af. 1971,
Harada ef al. 1980a,b, 1981; Goedde ef al 1983). The first metabolite of ethanol
by alcohol dehydrogenase (ADH) is acetaldehyde, which is oxidi zed by aldehyde dehydrogenase (ALDH) into acetic acid. Among human ALDH isozymes, which consist of at least four different components, mitochondr ial enzyme (ALDH2)
contributes most to the oxidation of acetaldehyde because it has higher affinity
to the substrate than the other isozymes. Our previous studies revea led that the catalytic deficiency of ALDH2 isozyme is responsible for facial Mushing and other symptoms, such as tachycardia and headache. The enzym e deficiency per-
mits accumulation of a higher acetaldehyde level after alcohol intake and it is
these high levels of acetaldehyde that are responsible for the unpleasant symp-
toms following alcohol ingestion (Harada ef al, 1982). The defic iency of ALDH?
occurs primarily among peoples of Mongoloid origin (Harada er al. 1980g, 198!
Goedde er af. 1986, 1990; Harada 1989), Individuals deficient in ALDHz2 refrain from excessive drinking of alcohol due to their averse reaction, thus ALDH? defi-
ciency affords protection against alcoholism (Harada ef al, 1981). The latter may explain why alcoholism in Japanese and many other Mongoloid population is less common than among Caucasians, Recent molecular biological research has shown that the cause of the isozyme deficiency is a structural mutat ion leading
to the synthesis of an enzymatically inactive protein (Impraim er al. 1982; Hsu
ef al. 1987). The ALDH2 isozyme is a tetram of er four identical subunits of about 500 amino acid residues, The inactive isozyme subunit is produced by a structural
point mutation at amino acid position 487 of the polypeptide. At this position lysine is substituted for glutamic acid, resulting in a transi tion of G(C) to A(T) in the DNA sequence (Hempel e al, 1985; Hsu ef af. 1985), The full-l ength cDNA structure of ALDH2 has now been reported (Hsu etal, 1988). Two alleles,
designated ALDH2"1 and ALDH2*2 are known at the ALDH? locus. The mutant allele, ALDH2"2, is responsible for the deficiency of the enzyme. This single-base mutation was identified by the hybridization techn ique using
/
UIpuErsuapun no Ul
“SPEUIGSIP ProjoFuoyy yu2oue jo
BVEP 218q Fe Sass WED Joy FEW sty) -suoMEMdod propoPuayy M9] NP Ut 9u98 JEP ZC TY BM} Jo oNquIsIpay) Wtasaud | ‘saded siyiay
fi
No MbolI recognition site
MbolI recognition site
5'
5'... ACTAAAGAGAAA ...3'
TTCTCTTT...
3'
5' ... ACTGAAGAGAAA ... 3
5'
3'
TTCŤCTTT...
s'...ACTĂAAGTGAAA... 3'
#
Mutant allele
S'...ACTGAAGTGAAA... 3'
Position of the mismatched nucleotide of the antisense primer. # Substituted necleotide in the ALDH2 mutant.
Antisense primer Polymerization chain reaction product
Template DNA
Wild-type allele
Table 10.1 Principle behind the making of an ampli cation created restriction site
168 Shoji Horeda
123486
Fig. 10.1 ALDH2 genotypes analyzed by amplification created restriction site using Mboll restriction enzyme. 1 and 4: ALDH2"1/ALDH2°2; 3: ALDH2°2/ALDH2"2; 2
and 5: ALDH2"1/ALDH2"!; 6: untreated polymerization chain reaction product; M: 123 b.p. DMA ladder. The arrow indicates the direction of migration.
(10%
polyacrylamide
gel,
Tris-borate-EDTA
buffer).
After
electrophoresis
(10 V/cm, 5 hours), the gel was stained with ethidium bromide and the oligonucleotide band patterns were visualized under UV
light.
The photograph of the restriction enzyme cleavage pattern of wild-type and
mutant alleles after the addition of Mboll is shown in Fig. 10.1. On the basis of the existence or the absence of the fragment (125b.p.) after treatment with Mboll, wild-type and mutant genotypes of ALDH? were detected rapidly and reliably in population genetic study.
Dispersal of ALDH2 mutants in Mongoloids and their significance The allele frequencies of genetic markers obtained from published data have been used for estimating genetic distances and genetic relationships among different
populations (Cavalli-Sforza ef a/. 1992). Some genetic markers are restricted to specific populations. The ALDH2 mutant has been detected only in Mongoloids. Distribution of genotypes and gene frequencies of alleles at the ALDH?
locus
in different Mongoloid populations have been reported by many authors (Harada
etal. 19800; Goedde and Agarwal 1986; Goedde ef a/. 1983; 1984a,b, logs joR6,
1990, 1992; Harada 1989, 1990, 1992; Singh eral. 1989; O'Dowd ey af, 1990:
Thomasson ef al. 1992), There are no reports of the ALDH2 mutant in Caucasoid
or in Negroid populations.
H
5
2
F
spersa
Steppe heartland, where I suggest all Mongoloids arose, Fig. 11.1: Map of the Mammoth Arrows indicate how storm tracks moderated Mongoloids. northern and most recently, face of the on the margins of Eurasia at the glacial maximum. The south the climate Himalayas blocked monsoonal moisture to the interior, resulting in a cold dry grassland
environment in the high uplands even at moderately low latitudes. The horizontal line 40 degrees north latitude. represents
margins, it had an overall integrity. Past models using pollen profiles of simple Pleistocene vegetational communities moving north and south are not consistent with the no-modern-analog reconstructions using macropaleontological samples of whole communities (Guthrie 1990a). Most Pleistocene communities indeed Steppe. have no good modern analogs. Certainly among these is the Mammoth
The stable high pressure system, diverse land forms, reduced tree cover, dramatic
insolation variations, proximity to glaciers, and other factors produced consider-
able wind in all seasons on the Mammoth Steppe (Guthrie 1982). Wind, incom-
pletely vegetated surfaces, and newly generated glacial silt produced a dusty landscape, of which the thick loess deposits bear witness. In addition to the woolly mammoth,
other large mammals included: woolly
rhino (Coelodonta antiquitatis), steppe bison (Bison priscus), caballine horses (Equus ferus), hemionids (Equus hemionus), reindeer (Rangifer tarandus), muskoxen (Ovibos moschatus), saiga antelope (Saiga fafarica), and other bess numerous species (Guthrie 1982). These species developed unique adaptations to life on the was apparwindswept, tree-barren steppes. Natural selection in this environment
ently very intense (from mammoths to collared lemmings, these northern
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jo cold and wind exposure. The fatty insulati on in the upper lid even reduces heat
loss when the eye is closed. Eyelid folds also reduce glare in open country, The
low profile of the Mongoloid nose also significan tly reduces the potential for heat loss and frostbite. The more general
blanket of facial subcutaneous
padding around the eyes and on the cheeks, jaw, and chin act as important insulating tissue. The more round, brachycephalic, Mongoloid head form is an efficient heat-retaining design (Roberts 1978). All of these Mong oloid facial traits combine in a smoothed facial profile against wind and cold, One has to be able to function all winter long in a life based on hunting terr estrial mammals. Unlike fishing or whaling, long-term food stores are difficult to amass for terrestrial
hunters (red meat is nutrient rich but calorie poor). Work ing, walking, stalking for long episodes of —40°C or -60°C femperat ures is more than difficult.
Exposed skin freezes in one minute at these temperatures with a breeze of 7 km/h (Folk 1974). It is in such extreme sorts of situations that subtle differences in
performance can make all the difference. I can speak from personal experiences |
Alaska. As with other large northern mammals, frost bite avoidance is a critical factor for humans; however, this can be accomplished with Lewis wave warming. Probably equally important in the long run is the overall effect of these
anatomical structures of Mongoloids on the heat budget. But the interactin g forces are complex: for example, while Eskimo anatomy is extrem heat el consey rv-
ion and keeping extremities warm and operational (Robe rts 1978).
In relation to that equation of heat budget, one can obser ve that cold, windy, arid climates are places where overall body proportions can be important in heat retention just as heat dissipation requirements in Austr alian 40°C and 10°C temperatures has influenced Aboriginal Australian body build. It is not by chance that Austraand lia Afric nsan Nilotics are at Opposite poles to northern Mongo -
loids in body proportion
(Fig. 11.2a), the relative length of appendages in relat
ion t6 torso length (that is, sitting height to standing height), and span arm reach
compared to height (Houghton 1980; Hanihara 1986: Harrison ef af. 1988). As
a general figure, northern Mongoloids have a sitting height-sta ture index of 55: Cauca sians, 50; and Black Africans and Aboriginal Australians, 45, Northern Mongoloids have a higher proportion of supernumerary verteb rae and a smaller
proportion with subnumerary vertebrae than other groups (Kauf man 1974). Hip
width is normally greater among Mongoloids in proportion to shoulder width
(Overfield
1985).
Mongoloids
also tend to have
reduced
waist constriction
(Hanihara 1986), Long torsoed, with large chests, Mongoloids have reduc ed lumbar curvature producing a straight profile, Mongoloid body shapes are further accented by disproportionately shorter and comparatively thicker distal limbs,
shortened digit length and the well developed appendage musculatur e and fat
ae
(a)
S
iitilii
>
=
The Mammoth Steppe and the origin of Mongoloids and their dispersal 181 of grist of which natural selection is made. Selection is only about relative performance.
The great wear seen among prehistoric and historic teeth of northern Mongo-
loids indicates they had stepped into a lifestyle in which evolution had not yet
produced a tooth form commensurate with its uses. Mongoloids, despite other
enhanced technological capacities, had not found a substitute for over-exploiting a critical biological organ. As such, they were laid bare to selection pressure. | suspec the tooth t character of northern Mongoloids was, until this century, probably not in an evolutionary equilibrium—it was still evolving rapidly. The fact
that the incid of ence three-rooted first lower molars is higher in Eskimo-Aleuts than Amerindians or Asiatics (Turner 1990) suggests that their teeth have continue to evolve d unidir in theect Holocene, ion as a result all of Pleistocene-l yike dental demands of the far-north. In the same manner, but ina different direction, the teeth of most Holocene agriculturalists have been reduced in size and com-
plexity along with those of their domestic mammals (Scott 1991) in a rather short of time. perio d
Australian Aboriginals also experience tremendous dental attrition, but their diet has been basically different from that of northern Mongoloids. The Australian diet of many coarse raw carbohydrates is at the opposite end of the spectrum from the northern Mongoloid diet of coarse raw animal tissue. Coarse carbohydrates require mainly posterior buccal processing using the whole molar and premolar battery, Australian Aboriginals have huge cheek teeth, includin well g developed third molars and even frequent supernumerary fourth molars (Allegro 1982), consistent with a posterior emphasis opposite that of the Mongoloid
Ecological context required for rapid adaptations to cold ‘On the basis of other mammals, ] would argue that a certain level of intensely cold, Arctic-type conditions are required to initiate this Mongoloid complex of
traits. Furthermore, this complex could not have occurred in cold conditions even in northern temperate climates. Among temperate mammals there are anatomical responses to selection for cold tolerances, say, in the form of thicker pelages and
well furred ears dnd tail, but ears and tails remain quite long. This is different from that seen in Subarctic and Arctic mammals that have not only well-furred ears, but also have greatly reduced the size of the car and tail. Cold, wet conditions experienced in severe, but short, winters of temperate climates are not sufficient to create extreme anatomical adaptations, like those seen among Mongoloids.
The reason for this is that most mammals havea comparatively broad thermal neutral zone, that plateau on the graph in which capillary bed symphonics can regulate body temperature without actually increasing metabolic rate (Fig. 11:3).
Al more extreme temperatures, one must increase metabolic rate, In this part of the curve, individual variations in ability to conserve heat, especially on greatly influences exposed surfaces, are magnified (Fig. 11.3). This magnification selection intensity and hence evolutionary rate, especially when these conditions
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fomiy
T. Beatty, Mort D. Turner, and Mark Stoneking Marvinsen, 210 Robson Bonnich
compare known and unknown images on the monitor screen at the same time. Furthermore, this software allows us to label images, and print files to disk, which then can be made into 35mm slides or black and white prints.
Mammoth Meadow hair record At this time, we have a significant amount of mammalian hair from the lower
of the Mammoth Meadow locus. Mammalian hair from levels 9C and JOC levels of the Mammoth Meadow excavation unit (160 x 360cm) is presented here (Fig. 13.3). The hair record to date indicates the presence ofa complex late Pleistocene fauna, The hair reported here was collected from level 9C, which occurs at considerable depth below the surface in the phreatic zone just above the water table, where conditions are cool and moist to wet. These conditions would retard oxidation. Taphonomic questions of whether humans, animals or other agents are
responsible for the hair assemblage have yet to be considered. In total, 18 taxa have been tentatively identified from one or more surviving hair or hair fragments. The number of identified hairs per taxa (NIHPT) are enclosed in square brackets. Lagomorphs are represented by a single rabbit [5] (Syvilfagus sp.) Rodent hairs are from chipmunk [23] (Ewfamias sp.), deer mouse [> 5] (Peromyscus maniculatus), golden-mantled ground squirrel [> 20] (Spermmophilus faterlis), Richardson's grownd squirrel [> 25) (S. nicherdsonii), the northern pocket gopher [15] (Thomonys talpoides). Carnivores are well represented and include black bear [1] (Ursus americanus), wolverine [1] (Guio fuscus), badger [1] (Tax-
idea faxus), ermine (6) (Mustela erminea muricus), long-tailed weasel [2] (M. frenata), and back-footed ferret [34] (MM. nigripes).. Artiodactyls include mule deer [2] (Odocileus hemionus), bison (1) (Bison sp.), and caribou [1] (Rangifer sp.). The only extinct genera are horse [1] (Equus sp.) and mammoth
[1] (Afem-
muthus sp.). The most interesting specimen is a 32m
[1] (Homo
long human
sapiens sapiens) hair. A scanning electron microscope photo (x $50) illustrates that the outer surface of the human hair has undergone degradation and this has resulted in alteration of the scale pattern (Fig. 13.5). The profile and cross-section analysis of the hair (Fig. 13.6) compare favorably
with Mongoloid hair (Steggerda 1941) and do not match favorably with hair collected from crew members. Human DNA has been recovered from the follicle
end of this hair, but it is still undergoing analysis to verify that it is authentic, ancient hair DNA, and not contemporary human DNA that has contaminated the specimen. If it is verified that DNA can be obtained from ancient hairs, then
it becomes possible to determine directly the genetic affinities of archaeologically defined populations. Furthermore, analysis of appropriate DNA segments can aid in the species identification of unknown hairs. Although the lower component of Mammoth Meadow II has yet to be dated
by “C, hair from extinct horse, mammoth, and caribou, which are no longer in the area, suggest the lower cultural component is of late Pleistocene age.
a a
8
X
212 Robson Bonnichsen, Marvin T. Beatty, Mort D. Turner, and Mark Stoneking
Conclusions
can play an important new role in reconstruc. that hair studies We have proposed ting the past. Hair studies have not generally been included as a line of investiga. tion in multidisciplinary research, because the presence of hair is usually not
recognized in archaeological and paleoecological deposits due to its small size. We propose that hair may occur in many different types of archaeological
deposits. Not only does hair occur in open-air sites as outlined in the Mammoth Meadow case study, it is also known to occur in permafrost, dry cave, and wet cave deposits. Additional research is needed to understand fully what types of depositional contexts preserve hair.
We think that hair studies can be readily integrated into multidisciplinary research projects that seek to reconstruct cultural and environmental relationships.
In the past, lack of a methodology for quickly processing large volumes of sediments from archaeological and paleontological sites limited the development of hair studies. We suggest pretreatment of sediments with sodium-based dispersants that break the bonds between clay particles and hair. Flotation and screen washing methods can then be used to extract hair from the supersaturated sediments. Hair studies require reference collections of hair from known species for con-
trol. The extraction of hair from existing mammalian study skins together with preserved specimens of extinct species will allow us to develop a reference collection of mounted hair slides. For documentation purpose, the use of video-digital imagery allows detailed morphological comparisons between control and unknown hair, Hair studies can be rapidly integrated into cultural and environ-
mental reconstructions. A benefit ofa digital-imagery database of stored hair images is that control reference images can serve as electronic keys for identification purposes. Once a hair database is established, others need not duplicate this
aspect of hair research. Investigators with 386 and 486 computers can readily
import reference key images into their own systems.
Our limited case study indicates how hair research is contributing new information about past environments, paleobiology, and age of the Mammoth Meadow
locus. Hair samples show that 18 taxa are present in level 9C, including extinct
mammoth, horse, and caribou, together with human hair. When fully studied, this hair assemblage will allow inferences about local paleoecology. The preservation of human hair in old archaeological deposits is a very signifi-
cant finding. Human hair in old deposits is better than finding an artifact, since
identification of human hair is not ambiguous, and hair can be dated providing
an age for a specific human being. The discovery of old DNA in hair opens the possibility of linking specific archaeological complexes with DNA models.
Acknowledgements We wish to acknothe wledg support ofethe Butte and Dillon Bureau of Land
Management offices for their conti support nued of our First Americans project.
Without the unwavand ering continued support of the projects loyal volunteers,
14. Quaternary geology of the ice-free corridor: glacial controls on the peopling of the New World Lionel E. Jackson Jr. and Alejandra Duk-Rodkin
Introduction
between the Cordilleran and The notion that an ice-free zone may have existed (late Wisconsinan) glaciation Laurentide ice sheets at the height of the last son and Clague 1991) withoriginated in the last century (Chamberlin 1895; Jack The discovery of artifacts with out reference to the peopling of the New World. on at Folsom, New Mexico, in 1927 led to the suggesti extinct Ice Age megafauna via a passage between ice sheets that people may have entered the New World (Johnston 1933; Antevs 1937). stigations and the advent of Regional surficial geology and archaeology inve timing and extent of the Wisconradiocarbon dating subsequently clarified the 1980), but the existence and sinan Glaciation and the Clovis Culture (Haynes lematic (Reeves 1973). Rutter geography of an ice-free corridor remained prob hronological data bearing on the (1980) summarized available geological and geoc of the Canadian Cordillera and late Pleistocene history of the eastern margin the Cordilleran and Laurentide ice adjacent Interior Plains. He concluded that a 14-1), (Fig. eastern margin of the Cordiller the h of c sheets had coalesced along mu years BP), 00070 nan (ca. 50 000although this may have been in the early Wisconsi
at about 68° N. It is about 900 km Linited States border at 49° N to the Arctic Ocean Rocky, Mackenzie, and The ). (Fig. 14.1 south h tort west and 2500 km no to st ea in us barrier along the eastern marg Richardson mountains form a nearly continuo nnet ched only by the Peace, Liard, Peele/Bo
of the Cordillera. They are brea ran interior and an abandoned river Plume ivers which drain pasts of the Cordille on
a \
sting «t
VIGNNN09HSIHg
n
NY3OOOLOYA
YUKON
B
5'
Quaternary geology of the ice-free corridor: glacial controls
217
Columbia (Clague ef al. 1980; Table 14.1; Fig. 14.2). The ice sheet rapidly grew in size after about 20000 BP and reached its maximum extent along its southern margin approximately 15000 BP (Clague 1980, 1981; Clague ef af. 1980) and its
maximum along its northern margin prior to 13600 years BP (Rampton 1971).
The Cordilleran Ice Sheet began to recede before |
BP and had disappeared
by 10000 BP (Clague 1981; Jackson ef a/. 1991).
Late Wisconsinan glacial chronology of the western Interior Plains and Rocky Mountains 49-60°N
The extent of ice at the height of the late Wisconsinan glaciation in the southwestern Interior Plains and the Foothills of the Rocky Mountains has been a source of continuing controversy (¢.g. Stalker 1977; Clayton and Moran 1982: ef al. Jackson 1983; Moran and Clayton 1983; Fullerton and Colton 1986; Young 1994). Studies carried out in the late 1970s and early 1980s have reported radiocarbon ages from lakes and bogs in the Rocky Mountain Foothills that indicated continuous ice-free conditions from the mid-Wisconsinan until the present (White ef a/. 1979; Jackson 1980; Mott and Jackson 1982; Schweger 1989). It was this evidence that caused Rutter (1980) to be uncertain about assigning
a late Wisconsinan age to the last coalescence of Cordilleran and Laurentide ice. However, these radiocarbon ages are probably anomalously old due to contamination by radiogenically ‘dead’ carbon derived from coals, organic-rich shales and carbonate rocks (Clayton and Moran 1982; White efa/. 1985; Mac-
Donald ef a/. 1987). Reliable radiocarbon ages from this region are presently only those determined on wood or bone (Clayton and Moran 1982; Jackson 1983).
(Reliable sub-till radiocarbon ages indicate that the Laurentide Ice Sheet reached 50° N on the southeastern Interior Plains 24000 years BP (Dyck ef al. 1965; Fig. 14.2) and reached the late Wisconsinan maximum position of Fullerton and Colton (1986) in northern Montana sometime between 20000 BP (Clayton and
Moran
1982) and
17000 BP (Christiansen
1979). During this advance, the
Laurentide Ice Sheet advanced into the Rocky Mountain Foothills’ valleys up to with valley 50° N and locally coalesced elevations of 1450m between 49° N and
glaciers from the Rocky Mountains and outlet glaciers from the Cordilleran Ice Sheet (Jackson ef a/. 1989). This created an almost continuous glacial cover over the ‘ice-free corridor’
(The timing of deglaciation in this region is known with assurance only after
12.000 years BP (Jackson and Pawson 1984). The position of the margin of the Laurentide Ice Sheet around 12000 BP has been mapped by Dyke and Prest
(1987) using radiocarbon ages to provide minimum and maximum age control for ice marginal features. Their 12.000 BP ice marginal position is independently
corroborated through archaeological evidence as the eastern and northern limit of known occurrences of fluted points (circa 11500 BP; Haynes 1980) occurs tightly within it (Wilson 1983). The well-defined position of the Laurentide Ice Sheet at around 12000 BP and
its advance to its southwestern limit about 18000 BP indicate that closure of the
fi
TO-393
S
13
6
GSC-1802-2 GSC-1802-4
WAT-199
GSC-205 GSC-1803 BGS-303
DAL-254
GSC-S73 GSC-2859
3
28
26
AECV-352C AEVC-379C GX-2032
GSC-2422 TO-124 GSC-2739 GSC-9$2 AEVC-349C TO-292
Lab, no.
27
2
1
19
18
17
16
Site (Pg. 14.2)
139°s4' 125°15 135°S6 125°17* 125°27 115°17
67°28*
S7°18' 63°36
25 000 + 270
25 320 +t 400 25 200 +t 260
- 1000 26350 t 280 25 940 t 380 25 800 t 320 24 800 t 1070 24490 t 200 25 800 t 310 25620 t 300
26 800 + 1200
28280 t 1230 26 800 t 1450
29 600t 300
31 400 t 660 32 400 t 770 29 880 t 1680
S2°07*
$2°07 S2°07 S2°07 S2°07*
S2°07
S0°06
110°38 118°24 118°24. 118°24 118°24' 118°24
Pt
W
W W
W
W Pt W
TC
B
132°9.5 124°21 122°07 118°24
W
W
61°44.5 S6°01
W FP
P
Plains"
Material b
P Sh
S6°18
S7°11 S7°18 49°21
137 °03 139 °34. 1
13S°30
65°34.5 67°14.7 67°50
36 900 t 300
34 220 + 120
Lat "N
(years BP)
Long W
Location
Age
Interior
Mathews 1978 Lowdon and Blake 1979 Dyck and Fyles 1965 Fulton and Smith 1978 Lowdon and Blake 1979 Lowdon and Blake 1979 Lowdon and Blake 1979 Lowdon and Blake 1979
Rutter I977
Jackson et al. 1991I
Clague 1973
Matthews et al. 1990 Bobrowsky 1989 Bobrowsky 1989
Hughes et al. 1981 Schweger and Matthews 1992 Lowdon and Blake 1979 Lowdon and Blake 1979 Bobrowsky 1989
Reference
Table 14.1 Signi cant radiocarbon dates limiting ice-free conditions and timing of glaciations prior to 9600 years before
present (BP) in the northern, central, and eastern Cordillera and adjacent
I-10021 GSC-1784-2 GSC-1995 I-3734 GSC-1573 GSC-2379 GSC-1049 GSC-2038 GSC-3402 GSC-913
TO-709 -10021
GSC-1258 GSC-477 GSC-173 GSC-194 GX-2033
AECV-3S1C I-773
GSC-2811
19 100 t 240
9910 + 90
24 980 t 950 24 900 t 350 24 800 t 280 23900 t l140 23 280 t 750 22 900 t 1500 21 700 t 240 21 630 t 870 21 500 t 300 20230 t 270 19 100 t 850 18 750 t 120 17240 t 330 17440 t 330 12900 t 150 13000 t 130 11 $30 t 170 11 200 t 200 9600 t 80 11 400 t 190 11 300 t 110 111°25" 118°S1
58°15 S0°17.9
McNeely Lowdon Lowdon Jackson Lowdon
1989 et al. 1971 et al. 1977 and Pawson 1984 and Blake 1970
Lowdon and Blake 1979 Dyck et al. 1965 Lowdon et al. 1971 Lowdon et al. 1967 Dyck et al. 1965 Dyck et al. 1965 Clague 1973 Bobrowsky 1989 Clague et al. 1980 Clague et al. 1980 Blake 1986 Blake 1986 McKay and Matthews 1973 Lowdon and Blake 1979
Klassen 1987
Lowdon and Bake 1979 Lowdon and Blake 1979 Lowdon and Blake 1979
bW: wood; P: peat; Pt: plant material; TC: tusk collagen; B: bone; S: seeds; Sh: shell; G: grass; Ga: gyttja; L: organic lake sediments; FP: faccal pellet.
Pt
W
Ga
Ga
P
126°20 112°29 112°01
65°00 65°49 65°34 54°44' S5°S7*
W
W
P W
W
W W
W
W
W
W W
W
W
W W
132°00 132°00
118°23 119°24 115°18 125°34' 117°30* 117°30
119°11'
I18°24" 118°24' 118°27
128°00
118°24 118°24'
I18°24
129°0S 129°00
69°25"
69°29
49°23 S7°22 49°02* 49°02*
S0°S6
52°12'
S2°12* S0°38
S2°07 S2°07 60°14* S2°07 52°07
S2°07°
• Listed agesare thought to be free of contamination by young or radiogenically 'dead'C.
32
31
30
25 29
21 23 24
20
15
14
1
10
11
12
9
8
7
QU-153 GSC-1802-5 GSC-1802-3
fl
fi
37-25 ka
4,10
13
60
49
CIS 1.
13
25-20 ka
14,
1L1232
58.9
CIS
CIS Cis
LIS
12-11 ka
29.
30 -
31.
1992). The numbers refer to locations of signi cant radiocarbon ages listed in Table 14.1. LIS: Laurentide lce Sheet; CIS: Cordilran
Fig. 14.2 Generalized representation of regions that were ice free (stipple pattern) prior to and immediately lowing the cimax of the late Wisconsinan glaciation, based on compilations of radiocarbon ages by Clague (1980, 1981I), Jackson and Pawson (1984), and Bobrowsky and Rutter (1992), and lce Sheet reconstructions by Dyke and Prest (1987), Hughes (1987), and Duk-Rodkin and Hughes(1991,
3
ARCTIC OCEAN
Mountains via the Bonnet Plumedepression; A: an alternate route south to the 'ice-free corridor' via the Arctic Coastal Plain north of Richardson Mountains; T: an alternate intitial dry land connection following Tintina Trench and the Liard River.
TUSIceDJpossblL IHII dy-1a1dconnection betweenBeringiaandtheInterior Plainsthrough an "ice-free corridor' east of Mackenzie
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15. Ethnographic analogy and migration
to the western hemisphere
Robert L. Kelly
Introduction by Asians who crossed Beringia into The western hemisphere was first occupied Alaska. Linguistic, dental, and genetic data suggest three to four migrations (Turner 1992), possibly more. People were in North America by at least 11 500 years ago (Goebel er a/. 1991); perhaps earlier if dates from Bluefish Cave,
Meadowcroft, Monte Verde, and other South American sites prove accurate.!
a heavy reliance The lives of these first inhabitants have been reconstructed with
on ethnographic analogies to Arctic or Subarctic large game hunting cultures. Given the bias towards hunting in these models, a ‘generalized foraging model’,
y foragers, and which emphasizes small game and South African ongel based lar
plant utilization, has been used more recently. Let me say immediately that ethnographic analogies are useful, and Paleoindians were undoubtedly similar to
ethnographically known foragers in some ways. But models of past lifeways are linked to explanations of that past. A model of Paleoindian society must account ns foragers, but also for and modern not only for similarities between Paleoindia
differences. Archacological data suggest that the early occupants of the western
hemisphere differed from modern foragers in ways that limit the usefulness of
the broad brush of ethnographic analogy. Reconstructions of the Paleoindian lifeway must proceed hand-in-hand with a theoretical framework focusing on how unpopulated continents would be occupied by Homo sapiens sapiens.
the New World of zation Coloni Recognizing that Paleoindian society was fundamentally different from societies of modern foragers rests on acknowledging the speed with which Paleoindian colonization took place. Regardless of the date of arrival, data suggest that movement through the Americas was rapid, compared to movement across Beringia.
At the height of the last glacial maximum in northeastern Asia, Upper Paleolithic people had apparently penetrated eastern Siberia only as far east as the ' Arguments that postulate humans were in the western hemisphere 20000 or more years ago are are based on linguin methods thal may not have much credibility for dating linguistic breaks date to 1992) Torroni and (Wallace miDNA use to efforts Likewise, older than 4000 of 6000 years.
the appearance of humans is thwarted by a lack of agreement over the mutation rate. [n the end the question of when humans arrived in the New World musi rest upon archaeological data.
f
Cs
8
.
change. Paleoindians entered a continent where game was more abundant and more homogeneously distributed than today, but rapidly diminished in abun-
dance and became more localized as the climate changed from non-seasonal to
seasonal. Consequently, hunting would have been unsuccessful periodically. In
suc a case, h the colo would ni either ze havers turned to new resour orces moved to. anew location. It is diffic to ult predict which option they would have selected.
However, since experimenting with new resources is costly in the short term,
Paleoindians may have chosen to move, following famgame resourc ili es, rather ar than stay in place and shift to new foods (Kelly and Todd 1988), Modern foragers
frequently move in pref to er using second enary ce or less familiar resources. We
did not argue that Paleoindians hunted their food resources to depletion throug h
greed or that , population growth was the primary reason for movement, as some
have interpre ourted work (Anderson 1990; Shott 1990; Dillehay ef al, 19972). We thought that Paleoindians faced a unique difficul in moving ty into a new hunting area in response to local resource failure, When modern foragers move,
they move to be with relative or friends s who know their home region well, But
the first occupants of North America had few or no neighbors—they moved into unknown terrain. Under these circumstances Paleoindians would have continu ed
to rely upon game as (heir primar food source, y because knowledge of game is
more easily transferred from one region to another, than knowledg of plants. e This strategy would have been possible in the late Pleistocene given that game
|
was more homogeneously distributed than during the Holocene. This strateg y, however, also put Paleoindians in a bind: to survive in a new place using familiar
skills, they had to rely on animals that were rapidly disappearing. This required
strategies. Paleoindians had no recourse to ‘resource geography’ to fall back upon, that is, knowing where to find food im a particular region, during a par-
ticular season, under particular conditions. Resource areas used initially could
have been used repetitively because they were locations that, although they may
not have been the best places to use, could nonetheless be counted on to meet minimal needs. This is not a place-oriented system as we described it (contra
free-wanderers (comfra Smith 1990; Storck and Tomenchuk 1990),
Early Paleoindians were ‘high technology foragers’, relying more on technique
and a knowledge of animal behavior than on a knowledge of particular land-
scapes. We predicted that high quality raw material sources—critical to the
technology—would be used repeatedly. However, a lack of geographic know-
ledge, perhaps a lack of emphasis on obtaining such knowledge, means that
unique or hard-to-find features of the landscape, such as rockshekers, would
have gone unused.
8
i
a
fl
fl
fl
fl
fi
Gramly 1988b MacDonald 1968 Mehringer 1988
Frison 1991b
Ontario
Ontario
Ontario
Maine
Maine
Nova Scotia
Washington
sw Wyoming?
Thedford II
Udora
Crow eld
Vail
Adkins
Debert
Richey-Roberts
Fenn
Gramly 1982
Deller and Ellis 1984
Storck and Tomenchuk 1990
Deller and Ellis 1984
Gramly 1988a
New York
Lamb
Reference
Location
Site
Table 15.2 Description of Clovis cache and storage locations uted points and 9 knives; plowed
endscraper;
2
end/side
scrapers
ocher on artifacts; exact location unknown
S6 tools, including 1 blade tool, crescent, 7 uted points (including 1 obsidian, 3 quartz crystal); red
At least 20 Clovis points, 13 bifaces, scrapers, bevelled bone tool; red ocher on artifacts
Pit 9B: two points, biface, and 'numerous end scrapers'; too small for burial
Boulder structure: meat cache? associated with habitation structure?
Feature 2, shallow pit, single sidescraper
Pit containing 177 burned artifacts, including 29 uted bifaces; 26 unburned pieces; calcine bone present, none human; cremation? or trash pit?
akes; 3 unifaces; 1
24 unretouched, 27 retouched, and 21 worked
Fluted points: may have accompanied burial (2)
10
Description
fl
fl
fl
fi
fl
fl
as
At Clovis locality in Gray Sand; 17 blade or bladelike akes found by heavy machinery Three polyhedral blade cores
Fourteen prismatic blades
Green 1963
Goode and Mallouf 1991
Young and Collins 1989
Texas
Texas
Evant
Keven Davis
13 uted points, hammerstone, bits of ivory; found in plowed eld; 11 points of Alibates
New Mexico
Green
interpreted
Discovered by heavy equipment; red ocher on tools; over 100 stone and-bone artifacts including 5 bone foreshafts, 7 uted points; human bone fragments of 2 subadults; probable burial
frozen meat storage
Two mammoth bone piles, 1 opened;
17 uted points and point fragments, no debitage; discovered by heavy equipment
Iowa
Rummells-Maske
Stanford and Jodry 1988
Lahren and Bonnichsen 1974
Frison and Todd 1986
tools
Discovered by heavy equipment; 29 tools including uted points, 4 quartz crystal bifaces; red ocher on
Anderson and Tiffany 1972
Colorado
Montana
Wyoming
Idaho
Drake
Anzick
Colby
Simon
Butler 1963
236
Kelly L rt Robe
d.re at the Adkins site rock structu The ar a single scraper which might be a disc an ice-rafted cluster of boulders. The Crowfield could be many things, including could be a an) cache contains burnt bone (none definitely identified as humand
cremation or trash pit. The Anzick and Richey-Roberts sites, occasionally cri are Clearly burials. Thus, there are few definite carly Paleo. caches,bed desas
indian caches. Indeed, it is possible to find more in some Archaic sites than for ti e America. Rela periods, then, tool timeve fo later North all of late Pleistocen sbe on is to mmthe carly Paleoindian period. Thi during caching was unco expected in a system of high range mobility.
Meat storage generally results in intensive processing of fauna, including marrow extraction and bone grease rendering (Kelly and Todd 1988). These leave
ve remains in kill sites, and result in the complete procti on skeletal traces distin
cessing of nearly all carcasses. Such evidence is fairly common in Late Prehistoric kill sites, but uncommon for early Paleoindian kill sites, where many carcasses
went untouched. Exceptions include Stewart's Cattle Guard site, a Folsom locality in Colorado, where some bones from eight bison were broken for marrow extrac-
tion. However, there is no evidence of bone grease processing at any Clovis or Folsom sites. This suggests a lack of emphasis on stored food (Jodry and Stanford t, no Folsom 1992). In fac
esone Clovis locality, the Colby mammoth and only sit
n 1986), contain direct evidence for food storage. Again, and Todd site (Friso relative fo jater time periods, meal storage was apparently unimportant to early Paleoindians. Todd and | argued that Paleoindians used a kill as a foraging resi-
dential base, but moved when a kill elsewhere insured a longer supply of food. ans tropical foragers than Arctic more like werendi In this regard, early Paleoi hunters.
Fluted points and stone tool assemblages While there are some functional and stylistic differences in fluted points in early Paleoindian stone tool assemblages and stylistic differences in fluted points relative to later time periods, these assemblages, obtained from widely separated areas of North America, are more similar to each other than are later Archaic assemblages from the same regions. Todd and | suggested that as Paleoindians moved rapidly across the continent, depending primarily on large game (but not
necestarily megafauna), they inhabited essentially the same niche and thus used the same basic tool kit of bifaces, Muted points, steep-edged end scrapers, spurred scrapers, and engraving tools.
The emphasis on a bifacial technology and the wie of high quality stone also makes sense in a highly mobile society. Acting a5 a core and a tool, bifaces are like Swiss Army knives: they maximize the number of tools carried while minimizing weight—the ideal tool for a mobile people. Lothrop (1989) disagreed with this atsumption because a majority of flakes and tools at the Potis site in New York derived from block, not biface reduction.
However, Muted points at the
Pots site were clearly not ‘finished" at the quarry, but continued to be reduced. Flakes removed from these points were used as tools. At many other localities, biface: were used as cores (see Boldurian 1990; Ingbar 1997; Hofman 1992).
ff i
i
Ethnographic analogy and migration to the western hemisphere 237
|
it is in Paleoindian sites (and the few caches) that we find large, pyrthermore, even enormous bifaces, 25 or more centimeters in length (Frison 19915).
|
Nonetheless, it is admittedly overly simplistic to say thal Paleoindians used a pifacial technology. There is geographic variability in the extent to which it was
ysed and the extent to which other stone tool manufacturing methods were
used.’ However, Ingbar (1992) and Hofman (1992) have shown that Folsom wechnology is remarkably complex, with points designed for reduction in stages.
of a be related to the positioning Such careful technological organization may group relative to raw material localities and the number of tool-depleting events (e.g. bison kills) between quarry visits. The many formal scrapers and engraving
a comof bone, antler, and wood tools, indicating tools point to the importance
hike arctic hunters than plex technology. In this regard, Paleoindians were more tropical foragers.
Fluted points themselves also argue for strong cultural continuity across North and into Central and South America. While these points take on difAmerica ferent characteristics in South America, becoming stemmed or fishtailed, many still retain the distinctive flute. Removing the channel flakes to create flutes is not an easy skill, and it argues for strong cultural and perhaps physical continuity across North America. The question is: did Clovis technology enter with the first explorers, or did it diffuse later across a populated landscape? Tankersley (1991) contends that the
areas argues distribution of Clovis points in the eastern US relative to their source silicified Hixton and flint River Knife of points that against diffusion. The fact sandstone were transported eastward some 800 to 2000 km while eastern material
remained only in the east suggests to him that the points were brought in by a colonizing population. Given the similarity of Paleoindian tool kits across North
tool complex America, if it was the idea of fluting that diffused, then an entire diffused along with it—an event that Storck (1991) finds unlikely. Fluted points and the accompanying tool kit probably came in with a wave of arctic colonists. in functional terms, since Muting enhances Many have tried to explain fluting
tool durability and reliability by helping to hold it tightly in its haft. However,
in less than 1000 years, perhaps the technique disappeared rapidly in prehistory,
because fluting was difficult to master and resulted in point breakage. Yet in human terms, the technique lasted for many generations. Why? we could to the Americas, then First, if small groups of people first migrated expect that only a small amount of cultural variability came with them. Like
thal founder effect in genctics, one ‘model" of stone tool manufacture—one
the originator was an included fluting—could have caught hold, perhaps because
in cases especially good hunter. Models of cultural transmission suggest that costly, is where an individual confronts circumstances where experimentation Loshrop (1989), for example, notes that bipolar reduction is more common on sites in the Canadian
maritimes region and New England than for sites in western New York and the Greai Lakes region.
ve, blade production may have been a significant part of siome tool technology in the southern
ollins 100). These probably indicate some differences in the organization of techaology related to the nature of group mobility relative to the distribution of raw material sources.
i
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Mehringer, P. J. Jr. (198%). Weapons of ancient Americans. National Geographic, 14,
Meltzer
, D, J. (1988). Late Pleistocene human adaptations in eastern North America af World Prehisto 2,ry, 1-52.
Nelson, R. K. (1986). Hunters of the northern forest, 2nd edn. University of Chicago Press
Schurr, , T.G.,
Ballinger, $.W.,
Gan,
Y.-Y., Hodge,
J.A.,
Merriwether,
D, A.,
Lawrence, D. N. ef ai. (1990), Amerindian mitochondrial DNAs have rare Asian muts.
Hons at high frequencies, suggesting they derived from four primary maternal lineages, American Journal of Human Genetics, 4, 613-23,
Shott, M. J. (1990). Stone tools and economics: Great Lakes Paleoindian examples. Ip
Early Paleoindian economies of eastern North America. Research in Economic Anthro. pology, Suppl. 5, (ed. K.B. Tankersley and B.L.
Isaac), pp. 3-44,
JAI Press,
Turner, C. G. (1992). New World origins: new research from the Americas and the Soviet Union.
In for Age hunters of the Rockies, (ed. D.J. Stanford and J. 5. Day), pp. 7-50. University of Colorado Press, Boulder. Wallace, D. c. T » A. (1992),
mitoDNA: cha on review.dr Humania Biolol gy, 64, 403-16.
Vi, 5. and Clark, G. (1985). The Anthropology, 24,
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1-20.
Young, 8. and CollinM. s,B. (1 A eastern Texas. Current Research in
16. Environmental context for early human occupation in western North America Judith A. Willig
_
Intreduction In North America, the Clovis fluted point tradition represents the earliest widespread culture accepted without controversy. Originally formulated as the Llano-Clovis big-game hunting tradition (Sellards 1952), the complex was archaeologically indexed by the association of Clovis-type fluted points with extinct Pleistocene megafauna in buried, Stratigraphic contexts from kill sites in the
Great Plains and southwest dating 11840-10620 BP (Haynes eral 1984). The
Clovis complex was later expanded into a pan-continental pattern based on broad
similarities in fluted point forms, tool kits, and site types, and a site distribution ranging from Alaska to South Americ anda, from the west-to-east coasts of North Amer The presen ic cea. of small, widely scattered, low density sites and isolated finds, with few large base camps suggested a low population density, The
inferred adaptational pattern was one of small groups of highly mobile, wideranging foragers and big-game hunters focusing on now-extinct Pleistocene fauna for food, shelter, and clothing (Haynes 1964, 1980). Pre-Clovis assemblages in the west have been asserted but either dates or human workmanship are questioned (Dincauze 1984). Sites like Fort Rock Cave in Oregon (Bedwell 1970), Smith Creek Cave in Nevada (Bryan 1979, 1989), and Wilson Butte Cave in Idaho (Gruhn 1965) have prod dates uc on ed cultural assemblages as early as 12000-15000 BP that have engendered much debate. Interest in the possibility of an earlier presence has increased in recent years. Earlier dates supported by reliable evidence may be forthcoming. Research in recent years has shown that many questions still remain regarding
Clovis origins, dating, environmental context, and economy. Besides ‘fluting’,
pan-continental assemblages share broadly similar tool kits and site types, with striking variations in regional point morphology, environmental settings, inferred
economic patterns, and dating in a cultural horizon once noted for its homogene-
ity (Fig. 16.1). It may be that so much new
data have outgrown the scop of e the
“Llano-Clovis’ pattern as originally defined, or it may be that the time has come to formulate
a series of new, more regional definitions for Clovis in North
America (Willig 1989¢, 1991).
Oregon, Clovis fluted points from the Dietz site (35KL1329), Sample 35: (cy size and morphology. Nos: (a) 553-417; (b) 553-4 i hepiore o Nacaton 58; (i) $53-262; (j)
§53-14; (d) 553-260; (e) 593-241; (f) 553-232; (g) 553-319; (h) §53=2
S$3-19; (k) 553-199. (Drawings by Wyndeth V. Moisan.)
Western Clovis occupation
In far western North America, fluted point assemblages similar to Clovis~Llano are well documented from many sites in a wide range of environmental settings
throughout Washington, Oregon, Idaho, California, Nevada, and Utah (Fig. 16.2). The current range of distribution includes the Columbia Plateau and the Basin and Range geographic provinces of the Intermontane West (Dohrenwend 1987; Dohrenwend ef af. 1991), as well as the Pacific Coastal Province (Willig 19892). Geographically, several major southwestern Clovis sites, like Lehner and
Murray Springs in Arizona (Haynes efal. 1984), are actually included in this
distribution because portions of southern Arizona and New Mexico fall within
the Basin and Range Province.
_ The pan-western Clovis expression compares closely with Llano-Clovis in tool
kits and typology, and includes a wide variety of point morphology and ‘fluting’ themes. There are many small scattered sites and isolated finds, and onlya few large campsites. However, in the west, there is a distinct lack of acceptable evi-
dence for kill sites. Associations with megafa unabut not confirmed. are reported
Furthermore, six sites producing major point concentrations occur in western
lake basins along the margins of former shallow lake-marsh habitats and their
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Judith A. Willig
AUÉHBiruHnsin
17. New assessments of early human occupations in the southern cone Hugo Gabriel Nami
Introduction Archaeological research has shown much
progress in recent decades. The
advances have paved the way for new methodological appraisals of old problems
such as the peopling of the American continents and the nature of their earliest inhabitants, and they have provided theories, methods,
and data on ancient
human occupations (e.g. Politis 1988; Nami 1994; Nami, in press), presumably by Paleoindians (Bray 1988: Dillehay 1991).
The southern cone of the American continent comprises Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, and the south of Brazil. In this paper | discuss sites located in the
Argentine provinces of Jujuy, Buenos Aires, Mendoza, Neuquén, and Santa Cruz, and also sites in the Chilean regions of Ultima Esperanza and Tierra del Fuego. Tagua Tagua and Monte Verde will be discussed by Nufiez and Dillehay,
respectively. Since the 1980s the archaeological research on early occupations in the south-
ern cone area has been interdisciplinary, producing a great quantity of informalion, especially for the sites located in the regions of Patagonia and the pampas.
I offer a broad picture of the archaeological findings south of the 22nd parallel made during the last |2 years.
My focus is on recent factual findings as opposed to theoretical and methodological developments. | providea description of the archaeological sites that show
signs of human occupation during the end of the Pleistocene and the PleistoceneHolocene transition (i.e. 10000 BP), focusing on their location (Fig. 17.1), cultural and ecofactual findings, and their context and chronology. Recent archacological discoveries allow for a better understanding of the lifestyles, environments,
chronologies, and adaptive strategies of hunter-gatherer societies at the time under consideration. | also take into account those sites which show evidence of
the survival and exploitation of late Pleistocene fauna. During this time, the environment of the southern tip of the Americas was very different from what it is now (Oschenius 1985).
Stratigraphic findings south of the 22nd parallel in Argentina Jujuy province Inca Cueva 4
Archaeological excavations were started in Inca Cueva
4 in
1979. The site is located in the Humahuaca district of the province of Jujuy, in
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fi
AS2
LC3 AS2 AS2
1
Fell
Fell 1 Lower Lower Lower
1
Fell
Lower Lower Lower Lower Lower Lower Lower
IC4 IC4 IC4 IC4 AC
AC AC LCI LCI
Archaeological component
Site*
Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Bone Bone Bone
Material dated
8980 + 100
8890 ± 90
7000 ± 80
10 790 + 120 10 610 + 180
10350 t 220 10730 t 150
8800 ± 70 9840 + 90
10620 t 140
9230 + 70 9650 + 110 9900 + 200
Age (BP)
A-1328 TO-1503 TO-1504 TO-1505
Beta-29886 Beta-26781 Beta-26250 I-12741 A-1327
CSIC-498 LP-102 AC-S64 LP-137
Table 17.1 Radiocarbon dates obtained in the archaeological sites mentioned in the text Laboratory identi cation
Poitis 1988 Politis 1988
Flegenheimer 1987 Flegenheimer 1987 Flegenheimer 1987 Politis 1988
Garcia and Sachero 1989
Aschero 1988 Aschero 1988 Aschero 1988 Aschero 1988 Garcia and Sachero 1989 Garcia and Sachero 1989
Reference
fi
1
Fell Fell Fell Fell
1
1
1
1
Fell 1
1
1
1
Fell
Fell Fell Fell Fell Fell
Charcoal Charcoal Charred bone Charcoal Charred bone Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal
Bone
Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal
50
+ + + +
600 115 70 70
AG: Agua de la Cueva; CEG:
Beta-20219
11880 t 250
10420 + 100
10 280 + 110
11 570 + 60
12 290 + 180
12990 t 241
Beta-40281 Gr-N 14913 Beta-52522 Gr-N 14911 Beta-39081
PITT-0343 PITT-0684 PITT-0939 DIC-2732 DIC-2333
10430 t 80 10550 t 120 10930 t 230
12 600 9595 9770 10 310
10 400 ± 80
9970 ± 100
PITT-0344
TO-1507 Beta-7824 LP-213 AA-8428 FRA-98
12 330 + 370
6550 + 160**
Beta-11251
TO-1506 LP-S3 LP-$S
5250 + 110
6450 + 60
8390 ± 240 8560 + 320
7320
* Sites. IC4: Inca Cueva 4; LCI: La China 1; LC3: La China 3; AS2: Arroyo Seco 2; LM: La Moderna; Museo; EC: EI Ceibo; CM: Cueva del Medio; CLS: Cuevo Lago So a; TA: Tres Arroyos. t Taken from the same quadrant and very close to the rib bone dated at the Toronto Laboratory. ** Questioned by Politis and Beukens (1991). Taken from the same hearth.
TA TA TA
CLS
Fell
CM CM CM CM CM CM CM CLS
1
Lower Lower Lower
Lower Lower Lower Lower Lower Lower
Lower
CEG PM EC
LM LM
AS2 AS2 AS2 AS2 AS2
Bone Bone Bone Bone Bone Bone Bone
1988 1988 1988 1988 1988 and Beukens 1991 and Beukens 1991
1 987
Cueva
Epullan
Grande;
Prieto 1991 Prieto 1991 Massone 1987 Massone 1987 Massone 1987
Nami
PM:
Piedra
Cardich 1987 Nami 1987 Nami 1987 Nami and Menegaz 1991 Nami l992 Nami l987 Nami and Menegaz 1991
Miotti 1991
S. de Bórmida 1992
Politis Politis Politis Politis Politis Politis Politis
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New assessments of early human occupations in the southern cone 265 Prieto and Cardenas recently discovered this site, located Queva del Lago Sofia
simost 8km north of Cueva del Medio. Cueva del Lago Sofia is situated on a terrace 100m above the level of the Rivas River, directly across the valley from
wide the Medio and Mylodon caves. The Lago Sofia Cave is 25 m long by 5 m
(Prieto 1991). The site has been excavated in four expeditions to date. The
characteristics of the findings are similar to those of Cueva del Medio. Large
wones have fallen from the ceiling of the cave and a layer of sand is found be-
rween these stones and the rock floor of the cave. In this layer of sand a level of human occupation was identified which included the remains of the same
species identified in the Cueva del Medio. Many of these remains show signs of
having been eaten by humans (Prieto 1991). A hearth surrounded by a great quantity of broken bones of extinct fauna was
structure has been dated with two radiocarbon dates, placing the Thisnd. fou
occupation during the Pleistocene-Holocene transition (see Table 17.1). Bifacial and unifacial flakes, other lithic debitage, and a bird bone awl were also found
Tierra del Fuego province
Tres Arroyos rockshelter ‘This site is located in ‘De Los Onas’ hill, approxfrom imately 10 km southeast of the Chilean locality of San Sebastian and 20 km
the Atlantic coast (Massone 1987). Tres Arroyos is one of a series of rockshelters ary sediment outcrops, on the lower skirts of the Camen Sylva Tertid on te loca
range. The excavations of the site were initiated in 198], followed by two other expeditions in 1983 and 1986.
in two foundon was ti The earliest evidence of the rockshelter’s human occupa a layers located at depths of 60-80cm and 125cm. Both layers are a part of Level VI stratigraphic unit of sand (probably of fluvial origin) called Level V. No cultural lies under this level, reaching 1.66m in depth over the base rock.
been remains have been found at this level, although some faunal remains have
levels have reported. Level V has been subdivided into Levels Va and Vb. These lithic artifacts yielded a number of extinct faunal remains as well as debitage and with retouched (mn = 213). The artifacts include end- and lateral-scrapers, knives tile points. These edges, a core with rififting flakes, and two fragments of projec fragments
(a tip and
a stem) resemble
the shapes which characterize Fell |
debitniofng one piece ntio projectile points (Massone 1987). It is also worth me whose edges show traces of age seemingly related to bifacial thinning and others
usage (Jackson 1987).
camelid bones are among Canis (Dusicyon) avus, Hippidion saldiasi and large in this site (Mengoni Gofalons the identified species of extinct fauna found
Medio and in Cueva de Lago Sofia.
266 Hugo Gabriel Nami
Conclusion
a general view of the archaeologicg in this paper offer The findings reviewed landscape of the southern cone of the Americas during the Pleistocene-Holacen transition, This view would have been difficult to imagine just a few years ago, | believe thal some findings need further analysis and assessment, especially cop.
cerning the process of site formation, given the unclear associations betwee,
faunal and cultural findings. Nevertheless, this overview calls attention to the great environmental diversity in which hunter-gatherer groups lived, as did Pleistocene fauna, in climates varying greatly from those known today, This fac
implies the development of diverse adaptation strategies, some of which included as a resource for survival. Although the archaeo. the exploitation of extinct fauna
logical evidence in some cases docs not show exploitation of extinct fauna, as
in Inca Cueva 4, the paleontological record for northwestern Argentina during the Pleistocene-Holocene transition document that species such as Hippidion deville! were present. To date, we are unable to infer the attitudes of ancieni hunter-gatherers regarding this resource.
The region of the pampas was inhabited by a different species of horse, thus another set of strategies could have included their exploitation and consumption,
Still, certain techniques were shared regarding the manufacturing of projectile points, The presence of Hippidion saldiasi has been reported in almost all of the Argentine-Chilean archaeological sites of Patagonia (Alberdi eral. 1988; Menegaz ef a/, 1989). The human-Mylodon coexistence has been also noted in some of the more norihern provinces, but the faunal exploitation remains uncertain. Borrero ef a/, (1988) have put forth a scavenging hypothesis. At least (wo camelid species have also been identified during thia time. One of them, Lama gracilis, now extinct, inhabited both the pampas and Patagonia regions during the late Pleistocene (Menegaz ef a/. 1989). The other one, Lama sp., inhabited
the southern tip of the continent, Recent findings show that the hunter-gatherers who lived during the PleistoceneHolocene
transition had developed
sophisticated
flint-knapping
techniques.
Bifacial reduction sequences were widespread and, at least south of the 30th parallel, similar patterns were shared for manufacturing projectile poinis and
olher polished stone artifacts, such as diseoidals, From the point of view of the
artifacts’ development, some regions such as those south of the 30th parallel, show technical homogeneity regarding the production of projectile points. This
is evident both in the design and the manufacturing of the Fell | or ‘fishtail’ projectile points. The designs of the lithic artifacts also seem to show similarities,
especially in Patagonia. This is very different from what has been observed in the rest of South America (Bonnichsen and Nami, in preparation).
Much more research is needed to clarify the mew scenario which is appearing
before our eyes, Undoubtedly, changes in theory and method will expand our understanding of the adaplive strategies used by Paleoindians during the Pheistocene-Holocene transition in the southern cone of South America.
pred
pipe
1369 and Prado, J. L. (1992). El registrode Mippidion owen, de}
ee
1950 (Mammalia, persissodactyla) en América
ar
rela
T., Menegaz, A., and Prado, J. L. (1988). Formas terminales Parmar .peryssodactyla) de los yacimientos del Pleistoceno Tardio-H
en ta FI sitio ICC-4: Un asentamiento-preceriimico
juy. Argentina). Estudios Atacamedos, 7, 62-72,
=
ro
i eaehit A \
albert
ae
ii Quebrada
joke). De punta a punta: produccién, mantenimientoy disetioLx en s def micas de la Punia Argentina. In Precireulado
Puntas
i
Argentina, University of Buenos Abres. Nami, H.G. (in preparation). Clovis and the emerpe of nce the new
fi,
3% 5# p i
er
‘ile points patterns: a search for the cause,
Lanata, J. L. and Borella, F. (1988). Reestudiando bwesou: nuevas con-
sobre sitios de Ultima Esperanza. Ametes del Instinuto de la Patagonia, 1,
coe).
The
Paleoindian debate. Nature, 332, 107.
Crur, nca ia de Sant de Los ToldyosEl Celbo (Provi A. (1987). Arqueologiatos, 8, 98-117. ‘ina), Estudios Atacamen Cuevaa de iaafi Silveira, M. (1993). La estratigr and B., Montero, E., Curtio, D.
| (Provincia del oe s, 1, 9-160. rico isid pren "Estudio Cinco ae dela Cues
vader T
q, 12-13
de estudios Neuquén). Prachistoria Publicacién del Programa CONICET, Buenas Aires, y del Coen de los desechos de talla de las ocupaciones iniciales of Buenos Tragul 1, Unpublished Master's thesis. University
Americans. Anthropology Tock (1991). The great debate on the First
Garci C. and Sachero, a, P. (1989). Investigaciones arqueoldgicas en Agua de la Cueva Secto Sur (1987-1989), r Revista Ceider, 4, 27-51, Hadjuck, A. (1986). Report io CONICET. Manuscript, Jackson, D. (1987). Componente litico del sitios arqueolégico Tres Arroyos. Anates dei Instituto de fa Patagonia, 17, 67-72.
Jackson, D. (1991). Componentes culturales de la ocupacién Paleo-India de Tagua Tagua, Manuscript.
Lagiglia, H. A. (1975). Primer diagrama polinico de la estratigrafia arqueolégica Argen. tina. In Actas¥ Trabajos del Primer Congreso de Arqueologla Argentina, pp. 163-74. Rotario, Argentina.
Madrazo, G. (1972). Arqueologia de Loberia y Salliqueld (Pcia, de Bs. As.). Etnia, 15, 1-18. Massone, M. (1987). Los cazadores paleoindios de Tres Arroyos (Tierra del Fuego),
Anales dei Instituto de la Patagonia, 11, 47-60,
Menegaz, A.N., Goin, F.J., and Ortiz Jaureguizar, E. (1989), Analisis morfoldgico y morfométrico multivariado de los representantes fésiles y viventes del género Loma
J
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The first Americans: different waves of migration ip the New Work
271
gol in attempts to quantify evolutionary relationships among human cthaic Srodi of mtDNA es polymorphism of Native Americans (Wallace etal
os saute’. 1980), have shown that North, Catal, nd South Aner
pstios exhibited high frequencies ofthe same set of rare Ain variants
roey suggested that all Amerinds are founded by an Asiatic Mongoloid popula-
goa wnat experienced a severe bottleneck before or during inhabitation of the agericas. From recent restriction enzyme analysis, however, the same group
cqqonted that (WO migrations gave rise to distinct populations of Na-Dene and
goerinds (Torroni ef al. 1992).
auhough restriction enzyme analyses represent polymorphisms over the whole
piochondrial
genome, some ambiguities remain with respect to the actual
ganber of nucleotide differences and the esti of mati genetic distances (Kocher on
gal. 1989). In recent mtDNA analyses, it has become popular to employ direct
quencing by means of polymerase chain reaction (PCR) (Saiki et ol. 1988). The
rarget in such studies is a major non-coding region of mtDNA that has apparently polved several times faster than other parts (Vigilant ef af. 1989, 1991; Horai
sod Hayasaka 1990; Horai 1991; Horai etal. 1991; Di Rienzo and Wilson 1991).
Squenct analysis of this region therefore offers a high resolution that discrimi-
aaies among even closely related individuals. Utilizing this advantage, Ward etal, (1991) analysed the major non-coding region of Native American mtDNAs from
4 angle tribe. Their observation suggested that a considerable amount of mito-
chondrial diversity was introduced into the New World at the time of initial
sae
To further investigate the peopling of the Americas, we have examined the
miDNA sequence variations in the major non-coding region from 16 different
locations (Laitec, Yaldad and Quellon
from Chiloe Inland: La Mision, Los
Galpones, Guinimo, Paraquina, Cocauque, and Icalma from inland) in Chile. Four major lineages of mtDNA in Native Americans
We determined the mecleotide sequence of a 482-b.p. fragment of the major aoncoding region (positions 16129-16569, 1-41 in the reference sequence of Anderson eval. (1981)) for 72 Native Americans from 16 local popalations. There are 43
types of sequences defined by 47 variable positions. The most frequent type is
scored in & individuals, whereas 29 types are observed only once. Differences between the sequences are mostly attributed to tranditional substitutions (98%), except for insertions of Cs and deletions of As in a hypervariable domain of the region (Horai and Hayasaka 1990).
|
Based on the pairwise number of nucieotide substitutions, a phylogenetic tree
was comstructed (Fig. 18.1). This tree indicates that all lineages except two fall
Genetic distance (D x 1000) Fig. 18.1 Phylogenetic tree showing the 72 Native American miDNA
lineages from
16
populations. The phylogenetic tree was constructed based on the pairwise number of nuckootide substituiions by the neighbor-joining (NJ) method (Saitou and Nei 1987), The four distinct clusters in the the tree are indicated by brackets with cluster numbers |, I,
IN and 1V. The name of the location where sampled is indicated by the characters at the
tip of cach branch: APA for Apache, MAY
Brazil, and CHI for Chile.
for Maya, COL
for Colombia,
BRA for
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Nucleotide diversity in human populations We analyzed nucleotide diversities within and between local populations of
Native Americans andthe four human racial groups onthe bass of estimate
oe
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nucleotide
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Tid Gaates of sei Hc Serinton es fs 0s Acuericues Gomuaatses Average Mi Let dened bed na tO This is exactly the same magnitude as the mean value (1.21%) for within population diversity, indicating that a considerable degree o feicaie acre
tween populations after the senlement in each locality. Purthermore, the overall sucleotide diversity among the Native Americans is estimated to be 1.29%, w
pe
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The first Americans: different waves of migration to the New World 279 appearance of Native Americans in the New World occurred 1400 to 210000 years ago. Paleogeographic data indicate that during the last glacial maximum, which occurred 18000 years ago, the whole Bering platform was less than 110
meters below modern sea level. The lower sea level exposed the Beringian plain over a distance of more than 1000km at its southern margin (Hopkins 1967). Our estimate for the migration time (the median being 17 500 years ago) is consistent with the time suggested by the paleogeographi data. c
Different waves of migration The phylogenetic tree also suggests that the four distinct clusters containing Native Americans may represent different waves of migration to the New World. The coalescence time within each cluster is less than one-fourth of the way from the tips to the root of the tree (shown by arrowheads in Fig. 18.4). However, the coalescence time among the four cluster goes s back to over one-h of alf the same pathway. When we assume that mitochondrial lineage divergence took place
about 200 000 years ago, this coalescenc time (shown e by solid circle in Fig. 18.4) amo to unt 3000 generation s s if the generation time of humans is 20 years. To mainsuch tain distinct lineages in a single panmictic population during such a
long time, it is required that the number of breeding females is at least 1000
(Takahata (991). It seems that this estimated number of breeding females is too
large compared with the effective size of the entire human population (10%)
estimated by Nei and Graur (1984). [t appears more likely that individuals in the four clusters are descendants of four different ancient populations, which were
well isolated from each other for a relatively long period of time. We therefore postulate that four ancestral populations gave rise to different waves of migration to the New World. Although it is difficult to detthe order ofine erm each migration, the timing may be somewhere between 14000 to 21000 years ago, if the initial coalescence time inferred from the phylogenetic tree is valid.
Pairwise nucleotide differences among Native Americans Episodes of demographic processes in human populations can be inferred from
the distribution of nucleotide differences between all pairs of individuals in a population (Di Rienzo and Wilson 1991). Previous observation for non-African
populations including Caucasians, Japanese, and American Indians, exhibited distributions with a single peak for pairwise differences (Di Rienzo and Wilson 1991). They noted that only African populations show distributions with two or more modes, which is significantly different from the Poisson, for which the mean is expected from the observed distribution. Based on the distributions of pairwise differences, they proposed that there are two likely scenarios of demographic growth and geographic expansion of non-African populations as opposed to the ostensibly constant size of African populations. To check this point in the present Native American populations, we looked at the distribution of sequence differences between all possible pairs of individuals among the Native Americans. A clear bimodal distribution in all pairwise
i
260 Sotoshi Horai, Rumi Kondo, Shunro Sonoda, and Kazuo Tajima
comparison of Native Americans was observed (data not shown). Moreover, wh we en reanalyzed the sequence data presente by Ward d ef al. (1991), an exactly
similar bimodal distribution was observed in a single tribe of American Indians.
Our observation is therefore contradictory to the previous observation for non-
African populations including Caucasians, Japanese, and American Indians, which exhibited distributions with single peaks (Di Rienzo and Wilson 1991), The
disagreement in the observation of Japanese population is probably due to an
inadequate interpretation of our previous sequence data (Horai and Hayasak a 1990). Since 61 Japanese individuals, all of whose restriction types were different
from one another among 116 subjects (Horai and Matsunaga
1986), were chosen
for sequence analysis, they are not random samples of the Japanese population,
In fact, when we also reanalysed the Japanese population, taking into consideration the frequency of each restriction type, we observed a trimodal distribu tion
of pairwise differences. The approximately Poisson distribution of pairwise dif-
ferences, therefore, may hold true only for Caucasian populations. The previous studies have suggested that the original colonists to the America s
passed through a narrow bottleneck before or during the colonized time (Wallace efaf. 1985; Schurr erai, 1990). Because the severe bottleneck should have generated a unimodal distribution of pairwise differences, the bimodal distribu.
tion in the present Native American populations suggests that there was neither a severe bottleneck, albeit there might have existed a milder one, nor rapid expan-
sion in popula size during tio n g of the New World. This agrees with the peoplin dispersed
and distinct locations of the four Native American lineages in the phylogenetic tree, which is in contrast to the star-like phylogeny as seen in Cauca-
sians (Figure | in Di Rieand nzo Wilson 1991), wh er most e ng points are branchi
clustered into a harrow range of sequence divergence.
Conclusions The nucleotide sequences of mtDNA from 72 Native Americans sampled in a wide range of North, Central, and South America were determined. Through an extensive analysis of sequence dat we tried a, to deduce the genetic background of the Native Americans, and when and how the first Americans people d the New World. Owing to the large amount of sequence data from other geographical or
racial populations, we were able to gain insights into the structure and the history
of the first Americ As ans Mongoloids, . contemporary Native Americans possess
characters similar to Asians with respect to nucleotide diversity and shared poly. morphic sites. We identified four distinct clusters in the Native Americans, Phylogenetic analysis indicates that these four clusters are not only distinct but are dispersed in the entire human population. Although no Native American was identical im sequence to an Asian, some Asian lineages always intermingled in every cluster. Thus, we postulate that these four cluster s represent respective
ancesiral populations in northeast Asia, which were well isolated from one another. These populations migrated separately and gradua lly towards the Bering land bridge
. While they migrated, part of the ancestral Asian s and ancestral
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y ISEIYINOS WIL AYES BIS ) id 9POINE] AO] WO
2oya ©Tan heeninadedl guvitciani many
ae nos 9)
PUB WAY LWOU a4) Ul paysixa aAeY yyw WaIsaM
ADUIE
yy ‘S905 Ne ae Yu suoneyndod peanynase-sid apy aq) paidnsce Aprouye oy suoneyndod UBISSUEPAW SsAaieltbes Glia’ siemaeoas Ruccuom Gaal epceernd 2700 SWOs UI Ajpeso] BuINUIIUODs1 pur >yq WnTUusT
UOIEZTUOPOD sy, “auNyN2UFe uo souapuadap jo seseyd
quoU 24) wory wore! ay) 2zTU0]O9 0} URS2q splojoduoy A~P yey) MIIA 34] UIxe] Sney | (OZEG1 “P1661 ‘S86l suonemdod Aw Ul IFEIYINGS UO aarjsadssad onsiNFuI] pu pErsoposeysE moTInposT]
—
poomyeg 18)4d
Splojosuoy] UleyyNOS ay} JO SIp oy} pue ammymose Ajreg ‘6
c
!
—_—_— 200
—_——
Peter Dollwood
live in deserts, full-time agriculture can be countered by stating thattruemany of all groups: some
not equatorial rain forest or boreal regions. But this is
native Australians were certainly occupying regions of great agricultural fertility
as recently as 150 years ago, and so were some native Californians. | am unaware of any successful attempts by these societies, some semi-sedentary, to adops
they have been agriculture of any kind during the two centuries through which it at first hand. I accept that there might have been some complex able to observe foraging groups in the fertile agricultural regions of the world, for instance in North America, who long ago adopted agriculture pe eastern ro northern Euand diffuand fully-Medged Neolithic/Formative lifestyles mainly through cultural Agia, sion. But | do not see evidence for such situations anywhere in southeast
where evidence for complex foraging (in the sense of Keeley 1988) is so far absent . from the archaeological record, I suggest that it is not the adoption of some form of cultivatory activity that is of greatest significance in the origins of agriculture debate, but the shift to agri-
cultural dependence and the consequent release given to processes of coloniza-
tion. Perhaps the linguistic record reveals this most clearly.”
4. World linguistic diversity is categorized into a series of language families
or phyla, with occasional interstitial isolates. The patterning of cognate (i.c.
genetically inherited, not borrowed) forms in lexicon, phonology, and grammar within and between these language aggregates allows us, after distinguishing shared innovations from retentions, to postulate homeland regions for them, to
reconstruct aspects of their proto-vocabularies, and to approximate their relative
time depths. Such language groupings, when well studied, normally turn out to
be sufficiently discrete that languages can usually be allocated to one or another
\ _ ff
:
without dispute. Thus, language families are not merely gradualistic erystallizations out of an even mesh of worldwide linguistic diversity, but carry in their
cognate sets evidence of differential dispersal from homeland regions, followed
| by consequent intrafamily boundary formation, Deep-seated cognacy cannot be attributed purely to chance, borrowing or areal convergence. Also, language families cannot be attributed to historical conquests or imposed shifts: in most
cases their present geographical distributions had been attained long before the
period of historical nation states. They are essentially the products of small-scale prehistoric societies.
Language families, therefore, reflect linguistic expansion from homelands rather than borrowing or convergence alone. But how did such expansion occur? ft is here that archacologists tend to bring in diffusionary mechanisms—lingua francas, bilingualism, élite dominance and so forth, However,
if languages
spread on the scale of whole families by such means, replacing hundreds of diverse vernaculars, we would surely see strong and very widespread indicators
of interference through shift,” Such indicators are not evident on a widespread
and consistent scale throughout the major agriculturalist language families of the Old World, although language shift historically has obviously been very important in some regions on a local scale (Cooper 1982; Thomason and Kaufmann
ET
"URIAq LOWS AYE : Sy MeL -oneny Apes 3p ya Soreonmy Aum :yyq
‘UMIPIARIC] ApS 2) a wNey oy WEEMS 2G Sere) Ayred tq !uexdomy-opuy Ayres
“BI
EIS -Ouyy Apes oy-Wa [61 “BLY OT OMoys spoRy Ray pENyn a oUiE qs AsOp
dias CepaA0 FHOIE SF | “FoNUney aPenToy po PIO 40) SpUEPOY pareTIng ggT “Ay
}MIINOS 3] “PLO PIO 2g) JO SpueyuRag pemyRoUsy. Ter By
Early ogriculture and the dispersal of the southern Mongoloids
293
mountains and outflowing sediments in and around regions of early agriculture,
and low homogencous outwash plains between,’ Sucha pattern would not exist if the major mechanism of cultural spread since agricultural beginnings was purely cultural or linguistic diffusion without colonization. In short, agriculture has caused a massive restructuring of the world’s language map, equal to that
caused by the first spread of sapient humans and more significant even than that of the spread of colonialist languages since the Middle Ages.
The early agricultural colonization hypothesis and southeast Asia Clearly, | am hypothesizing strong links between language and colonizing populations in prehistory. Both languages and cultures are extrasomalic systems which
follow similar patterns of transmission. But genes are another matter. People of
can intermarry; but in such entirely unrelated cultural and linguistic backgrounds we would expect the cultural background of one or other of the parents cases
to predominate in transmission to offspring (dependent in part on postmarital with the genes. mix of both as happens residence location), rather than an equal
While there is surely a generalized geographical and historical correlation beis tween languages and racial variation on a broad world scale, the correlation aot absolute. Colonizing agriculturalists must have met and intermarnied with existing native peoples in innumerable situations, often to the extent that the biological populations at the end of a line of linguistic expansion were quite dif-
ferent biologically from those at the start—witness northern Europeans versus west Asian peoples, and even more markedly, Taiwanese Austronesian-speakers versus their linguistic relatives in island Melanesia.
in mind, I now turn to a brief overview, with the above theoretical perspectives of the linguistic and archaeological correlates of prehistoric Mongoloid dispersal.
in southeast Asia. Because the archaeological record is of uneven quality and
because of my stress on linguistic evidence, [ will structure the information in the around the prehistory of the major language families: Austronesian on the mainland. | have no very useful s, and Tai-Kadai and Austroasiatic island observations to make on Tibeto-Burman because of an almost complete lack of
archaeological data. in the Austronesian prehistory has been heavily influenced by the two regions western part of the Pacific basin that are known from the archaeological record to have been early and independent centres of agricultural development. These are the central and southeastern parts of China, the ultimate Austronesian source, and western Melanesia, an area where Austronesian colonists interacted with existing Papuan populations. Taiwan, an island appendage of the southern Chinese region, occupied a very important geographical and structural position
as the presumed location of Protowithin Austronesian prehistory. It served Austronesian, perhaps by 3000 BC. It therefore played a crucial role in the initial dispersal of the Austronesian languages and their speakers, who ultimately
spread more than half-way round the world from Madagascar to Easter Island.
over a period of about 4000 years, culminating in the sal took place This disper
settlements of Madagascar and New Zealand around 1000 years ago."
i
7000 BC
6000 BC
S000 BC
4000 BC
3000 BC
2000 BC
1000 BC
(FORAGERS, POSSIBLE ACTORS IN AGRICULTURAL ORIGINS IN YANGZI RGGION)
IOADINHAN PEDDL.STOOL. INDUSTRIBS
AUSTROASIATIC AND AUSTRO-TAI
|LANGUAGES ANCESTRALTO
RICG
LANGUACIES
SE ASIA
MAINLAND
SOUTHERN
AUSTROASIATIC LANGUAGE DISPERSAL
UsE OF BRONZE
TAI-KADAI ANI) HMONG-MIEN
?
-
SE ASIA
MAINLAND
NORTHERN
USE OF IRON
SOUTH CHINA
MAINLAND
|
USE OF IRON
AND
EAST INDONESIA
(APITA INDISMARCKS)
DRONZE APPEAR TOGETHER
PHILIPPINES
WEST
INDONESIA
(NOT IIOADINIIAN)
FLAKE AND DLADE INDUSTRIES
•Bellwood et al. 1992
(AGRICUITURAL (ORIGINS IN WLST MLANESIA)
NO ROLEN AGRICULTURAL ORIGINS
PROTO-AUSTRONESLAN
AGRICULTURE - RICE, WITH IN AUSTRONESAN LANGUAGEDISPERSAL.
TURE- RICE, WITH NCREASINGEMPILASISON FRUITSANDTUDERS TOWARDS EQUATORAND INTOMELANESIARICE*
TAIWAN
ISLANDS
developments in southeast Asia.
linguistic and archaeological
of the major
Fig. 19.4 A chronological chart
colonization of Oceama. > The Austronesian homeland
region
(linguistically
speaking,
a
pre-
tching from the Austronesian concept) was located within the same zone, streh to the Austrohwards to northern Vietnam, which also gave birt
Yangzi sout uages (Chamberlain 1977; asiatic, Tai-Kadai and Hmong-Mien (Miao-Yao) lang 1984-5). This zone is marked Benedict 1975, 1976; Norman and Mei 1976; Reid lay, by very high linguistic diversity expressed
today, beneath the Han Chinese over families. Each of not solely in numbers of languages, but in numbers of language in this region rather these has postulated origins, in terms of subgroup ranking, t Asia. The linguistic than in the more southerly regions of mainland southeas here it le inythe homeland region reflects the fact that populations rs visib still dive ards first, and remained grew first, “filled in’ their landscapes first, expanded outw
until the historical subsequently unreplaced, despite complex interdigitation, s Thai, and Vietnamese expansion (mainly since AD 1). Chinese, of od peri would pnmarily 3. Hunter-gatherers in the path of agricultural colonization
als, although peoples land have been assimilated or forced to retreat to margin higher chance of adoptwith fairly sedentary lifestyles might have stooda much
Philippine Negritos ing agriculture successfully. For instance, a few groups of a (Headland and have probably practised casual agriculture for several millenni past intermarriage Reid 1989), although most of these groups also show traces of
with a small with Mongoloid populations so the adoption could have occurred ale adoption of amount of demic intrusion. However, had there been large-sc
in island southeast Asia, we would agriculture by pre-existing forager populations ronesian family. expect some survival there of other languages outside the Aust
ges in No such survival has ever been clearly recorded. The Papuan langua
centre Halmahera and Timor represent quite separate oul-movements from the of early agriculture in New Guinea.
colved from recent episodes of agricultural ap lshi deric §. Using demogrmode
nizing onization (e.g. Australia), we would expect the early Austronesian colo
populations to: grow fast, through high rates of live births combined with relatively good health and little stress on food sources; move fast, through constant budding off of new families into mewly-cleared land; and eschew conservationist measures, i.¢., promote high rates of deforestation, soil erosion, and faunal extinction.
6. Other inferences about early Austronesian colonization can finally be
OU] aeouUINg pue Mig I) :s9UNT PEDUOISIY Uy speasds syisiNFuy sofew aymb
MOS Used OFF IARY aly) EISy IseayINOS JO Wed Ws)sam ay) UTYLIAA “SOY
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2E SJNOWE JIN) PUR EG] “Fy Ul Vaal ame s[rejap 2uOg “worEIOgET? 40)
YP]
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3UO OU! paypos svan[yu meadoung pur “UETS] ‘SmpUy JO spouted juanbasqns ay) [je EY? 1weWOduN sOW
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pessadsip snusmduy
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40 “HORAIE}S ‘ssouys “Asusp vorepndod ysiy jo ssuspias sainbai you op 344
“RUBIO OF] SIAOW UEISIUOUISNY [ETO ay) wl juWeAafas aNd
Weg sary WES YM UONEdeEpe Ue yUssoude1 Ady] “(6961 POOMTIG) JE OOO! Trea] ye Ag Weqes wi yussod uI0q aaey PynoD “sJayeads peureS Ayres jo WO) 9) Or sdeyzad “saq7e] 24) TEU) SUNY FEMBOPOOEYIIE SIE 2J9y,] “spewoOU eas STUUR se Apoo Inq 0) feucyenbs mi Apsom pedopasp ‘suoneidepe sour Pur
‘paloqied pus payng 24 0] UTEMISy ssomMOseI ay
SARM[E SE ‘AWOUODS UE
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PIMOm “Snes IUNINY PU WIsd IDEN
0} ‘spuIWI]IIIs MoU Puno 07 VOI TOF
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2878] Jo Suu! J97e] AO YM “TeyseO AypeInTUT idm syusWa]TIaS “PPPS puryst
5
-8
ce nl
=
ieee
=
a
—_
300 Pater Bellwood reflects that itred Australia and California, and again the possibility has to be conside California and Australia northern Both time. over net stability or outflow of population had high density forager populations vis-d-vis neighboring regions.
® That the Austronesians developed navigational methods and voyaged much further in
search of new land than the Papuans is self-evident, and | suspect there are cultura) reasons for these differences, Papuans, as the inhabitants of the interior of a large lang. mass when agriculture was first developed, did not need to colonize new regions and could, when necessary, intensify their agriculture and population densities in sifu, Early
presumably already marine-oriented whenthe cree weresians Austrone
ene
agriculture took place somewhere along the island-fringed east coast 0of southern China,
the prestigegiven ip Subsequently, many aspects oHence bog alam for colonization desire a peat as 1995), (Bellwood sadigtinin aad soilaiabal founders
the which we can see most clearly expressed in the prehistoryof Lapita and subsequently
r parts of Oceania. remote
References
Ammerman, A.J. and Cavalli-Sforza, L. L. (1984). The Neolithic transition and genetics of population in Europe. Princeton University Press.
Anthony, D. W. (1991). The archaeology of Indo-European origins, Journal of JIndo-
European Studies, 19, 193-222.
Bellwood, P. (1978). Man's comguwest af the Pacific. Collins, Auckland, Bellwood, P. (1984-5). A hypothesis for Austronesian origins. Asian Perspectives, 16, 107-17. Bellwood, P..(1985). Prehistory of the Indo-Malaysian archipelago. Academic, Sydney.
Bellwood,P. (1989). Archaeological investigations at Bukit Tengkorak and Segarong, of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association, 9, 122-62. southeastern Sabah: Bulletin a decisive transition or a millennial blur? —s Bellwood,P. (1990). ig 1 Archaeology, of Review
Bellwood, P 95), Hach, oud
ely a
Austronesian expansion. In Origin,
ancestry and alliance, (ed.J. Fox and C. Sather). Department of Anthropology, Research School of Pacific “gad “Asian: Soodies. Australian National University, Canberra. Bellwood,P. (1991). The Austronesian dispersal and the origins of languages. Scientific American, 145, $8-93.
Bellwood, families.
e (in press). Prehistoric cultural explanations for widespread language Understanding Ancien! Atsiralig:
Perspectives from archaeology and
and N. Evans). Oxford University Press, Melbourne. ingui,. P. McConvell Bellwood, P _ (19922). Southeast Asa before history. In The Cambridge history of sowtheast Asia, Vol. 1, pp. 55-134. Cambridge University Press.
Bellwood, P. (19925). New discoveries in southeast. Asia relevant for Melanesian (especially Lapita) prehistory. In Poterie Lapita ef peuplement, (ed. J.C. Galipaud), ee
eehligee desrpaey
st 1000 yen
Posen, 3
goes
ee Gillespie,R., Thompson,G. B., Vogel,J.5., Ardika,I ws , and Datan, oe sit date: bat seikeoks falar vie ite Paraective, 3 161-70, Benedict,P. (1975). Ausiro-That longuage and culture. HRAF
Press, New Haven.
Benedict,F. (1976).Austro-Thai and Austro-Asiatic, In Ausroasigticstudies, (ed. P
erfrtitiliseeeiijiu
302 Peter Ballwood
nic language Commint Pawicy, A. K. and Green, R. C. (1984), The Proto-Ocea
Journey
Pacific History, 19, 123-46.
Asian Perspec, reid L. A. (1984-5). Benedict's Austro-Tai hypothesis: an evaluation. fives, 16, 19-34. on language. Jonathan Cape, Londlingui Renfrew, C. (1987). Archaeology and specu stic diversity of s origin the on ns latio Renfrew, C. (1991). Beyond Babel:
Cambridge Archaelogical Journal, 1, 3-23.
Press, Orlando FL Rindos, D. (1984). The origins of agriculture. Academic n pigmentation. Cambridge Robbins, A.H. (1991). Biological perspectives on Auma University Press.
of language Ross, M. (1991). Refining Guy's sociolinguistic types #, 119-29.
iniroduction Ruhlen, M. (1987). Press. Stanford University
he world’s language
Academ Sauder, G. (1990). Europe between the languages. Australian
change. Digchronigg classification
the
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T. (1988). Longuage contact credlization and genes Thomason, $.G. and Kaufman, of California Press, Berkeley. linguistics. University the Sino-Tibetan af cs Thurgood, G., Matisoff, J., and Bradley, D. (eds) (1985). Linguisti alian National area: the state of the art. Pacific Linguistics Series C, Number 87. Austr
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ansina, J, (1979-80). Bantu in the crystal ball.
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y, Aikens and (eds C.M. northeast Asia in prehistor n , to ng University Press Pullman State ashi
D
304 |. Peter White
chronological e a major in there was if rm r,ed to dete is requir research, howeve and temperate regionsal t men of tropic division between the first settle
to the important point that by 30000 Cl4 Allen's paper also drew attention in two coryears ago regional variation in cultural traditions was already visible Archiners of the continent—the future islands of Tasmania and the Bismarck pelago. Previous general discussions of the Sahul evidence (¢.g. White and only O'Connell 1982: Lourandos 1987) have treated the continent as containing ation one cultural system until Holocene times, with the further general implic that, despite adaptations to local environments, the “Aboriginality’ of the continent’s inhabitants was established by 30000 years ago and has remained essen-
tially unchanged. This has been more specifically argued by Jones (1990). It is in relation to this question that the American settlement evidence is of
interest. Other papers in this volume discuss the date of American settlement and here I simply draw attention to one implication. If settlement of the Americas
adapoccurredat 14.000 C14 years BP or less then the rates of human spread and
tation there were quite unlike those of Sahul. There, by 10000 BP at least, humanity had reached Tierra del Fuego, 17000 km from its presumed starting point in western North America, Not long after this, within at most three millenwith plant cultivation were beginning. If, on the other hand, nia, experiments occurredtby 30000 years ago, then the archaeological had men American settle records of the two continents appear much more similar. Resolution of this question is likely to bear on such general questions as human adaptive mechanisms,
rates of population growth in newly settled environments and other broad questions of human cultural evolution.
on of Sahul Colonizati I turn now to the cultural evidence from early Sahul, evidence which, | suggest, tends to support the idea that this did not derive from a long-established Homo
erectus cultural base in southeast Asia, but from a relatively newly-arrived Homo
The most obvious candidate for consideration, both negatively and positively,
occupation of 00 00 is sea travel, First, we may note that despite at least 50years of Sunda by Homo erectus, there is no evidence of its presence on any of the islands of Wallacea or in Sahul
(Jones
1989). The
change
in the
period
50 000-35 000 years ago is stunning: not merely the invasion of the mainland of
s to sustain human existence enough and also of,all those isllarge butelf Sahul its
without intensive agriculture, notably New Britain, New Ireland and the Solomons. Some of the voyages to these places certainly took people out of sight of land. Most previous discussions of this, including my own (e.g. White and O'Connell
1982: Jones 1989), have taken the parsimonious view, requiring the simplest possible technology such as rafts, the smallest number of possible migrants and the high probability of accidental transits. The first Australians, in this view, acquired their country as the result of a series of mistakes some 50000 years ago. That was all very well when attention was focused only on Sahul, i.e. Australia and New Guinea.
.
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This is not the Paleolith; it. to se clo y ver or ul, Sah of ization
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st colonize Australi J. (1990). When did humans fir
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Hes 2, New
evolution in East Asia and hea grown, P. (1992). Recent humanoc on, series B, ndy Lot i of e
Philosophical
at-81,or ofctsto 93)ia.n UsPeerspe H. and White, GuJ.inP.ea. (19As 32, 169 ivesne, and w Ne a pu Pa Ireland.
S Transactions af the Royal
;
n region is onization of the AustratiaBi 994). Why the first .colArc tes in Davidson, I. and Noble, W. de(1rn gy olo hae vior ha be n ma hu 135 mo » of ce e en the earliest evid (1988). Cation-ratio ee at
Cahill, T. A. Dorn, R. I. Nobbs, M. and
, 62, 681-9. — d South Australia. Amfiguity origins the reas ing ’: from the Olary province of ari ca ri yond ‘out of Af Be . 92) (19 M. MM. , ee Foley, R. and Lahr n, 22, 523-9. io ut ol Ev n ma Hu of l na ur Jo cult s. Homo sapien me ecological and Aboriginal food plants: so Golson, J. (1971).
Australian
of
d environment in Australia, (ed. D. J. an n al ma in ig or . Ab ns In io at ic pl l im ica histor
a taming of the rai Groube, L. (1989). The lma Fiyman: London. in Unw -304, Harris and G. C. Hil n), pp. 292and Price, D. (508. S po year old occupation J., Groube, L., Chappell, J., Muke, 2% 0° New Guinea. Nofure, Arc haeology in Oceania, 27, site at Huon Peninsula, Papr’sua eye . ion lut evo of view
Groves, C.P. (1992). A tige 153-60,
fi
i riii:!siint
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21. The genetic prehistory of Australia and Oceania: new insights from DNA analyses Susan W. Serjeantson and X. Gao
Introduction The origins of the Polynesians remain a matter for debate. Some conclude
Polynesians evolved out of Melanesia (e.g. Allen and White 1989; Houghton
1991), mainly because the Bismarck Archipelago region near Rabaul (Fig. 21.1) has been suggested as a source of Lapita or Polynesian culture (Spriggs 1985).
Others suggest a substantial Melanesian contribution on the basis of the high fre-
quency (15%) of a Melanesian-specific alphdeletion a-gl in eastern obin Polynesia (Hill et af. 1985). HLA class I genetic analyses have shown that the Polynesian
repertoire can be derived from the east Asian gene pool, except that Polynesians
and Amerindians share uniquely high frequencies of HLA-B48 (Serjeantson 1989) that may reflect common Mong ancestry oloi rather thand direct contact.
Linguistic reconstructions of Austronesian languages suggest that protoAustronesian expansion from Taiwan and southern China some 6000 years ago led to coastal settlements in the Philippines, northern Borneo, and Sulawesi, with
later dispersal to Java and Oceania (Blust 1988). By 3000 years ago, prePolynesians had carried Lapita-style pottery as far east as Samoa, via island
Melanesia (Spriggs 1989). For Micronesia, linguistic and archaeological evidence suggest two separate waves of migrat about ion 3500 years ago, one from island southeast Asia (represented by the western Malayo-Pol speakers of ynesi Palauan and Chamorro an
langua andges) another from island Melanesia, giving rise to nuclear Micronesian
languages that include those spoken in Nauru and Kiribati (Bellwood 1989). For Australia, the history of occupa spans tion at least 50000 years (Roberts ef ai, 1900). The earliest arrivals in Sahul land, the single continent of Australia-
New Guinea, were Australoids migrating from the west (White and O'Connell 1982). The archaic languages of the Australoids evolved into languages now spoken by Australian Aborigines, but in New Guinea they were overlaid with at
least three waves of Papuan immigrants (Wurm 1983). The first of these may have occurred 15.000 years ago, but most Papuan migration is thought to have occurred 5000-10000 years ago, increasing the linguistic and genetic diversity of New Guin and Australia ea when they were already separ by the rising seas ated at the end of the Pleistocene.
222.
A
ee
The genetic prehistory of Australia and Oceania: new insights
311
whether identical alleles arose independently on different haplotypes, as indicated
by examination of flanking DNA sequences, so that independent mutation and convergent evolution can be detected; and (4) identification of single ancestral mutational events, the converse of point (3), that confirm certain ancestral
population links. Additional new insights provided by DNA analyses arise from
the more pedestrian, but nevertheless important, aspect, that larger numbers of individuals from many more, often previously inaccessible populations, are available for study. This paper focuses on findings that are of relevance to reconstruction of the genetic prehistory of Australia and Oceania. The analyses focus
largely on the HLA class II loci, HLA-DRBI, DQAI and DQBI. These are closely linked and highly polymorphic, and encode 82 different DRBI, DOAI,
(Gao and in the populations of Australia and Asia-Oceania DOB! haplotypes are represented Serjeantson 1992) although by no means all of the &2 haplotypes
in any given population. Diversity among phenotypically identical alleles HLA class [1 serological studies in Australia, Oceania, and island southeast Asia have been limited in number due to logistic difficulties in obtaining viable B lym-
phocytes in field situations. Similarly, limited numbers of donors have been
examined for mixed lymphocyte culture (MLC) determinants (Crane et a/, 1985;
Honeyman efal. 1986), with donors recruited mainly in major population centres, such as Sydney. The MLC studies in Australians (Honeyman ef a/, 1986) and in Melanesians (Crane ef a/. 1985) have been characterized by high frequencies of undefinable MLC determinants, of the order of 30%, due to an unavoidable reliance on ML-C-typing cells of mainly Caucasoid origin. The high frequencies
in MLC of ‘blank’ alleles
and Melanesians of Australian Aborigines studies
foreshadowed the likelihood of new or unusual HLA-DR alleles among them.
The HLA-DR serological studies in Australia and Oceania, although hindered by logistic problems that meant study of only the most accessible populations, were seemingly able to detect most HLA-DR alleles, by 1986 (Serjeantson 1989). The repertoire A fairly simple picture of population HLA-DR profiles emerged. to HLA-DR2, -DR4, -DR6and neity, essentially confined showed limited heteroge ef af. 1985) and in Australian -DR& in Papua New Guinean highlanders (Crane
Aborigines (Hay ef al. 1986). Aborigines had a high frequency of HLA-DR& n, and markedly different (about 30%), the highest reported for any populatio from the frequences of 13% in Japanese, 5% in Chinese, 4% in Africans, and 3% in Caucasoids (Aizawa etal. 1986). Coastal and island Melanesians and Micronesians had only one additional antigen, HLA-DR, albeit at high fred by yet another quency (about 30%), while Polynesians were characterize antigen, HLA-DR9, and a low frequency of HLA-DR2 (Serjeantson 1989),
The apparently limited heterogeneity at the HLA-DRBI locus in Australia and
Oceania has now been shown, by DNA analyses, to reflect limitations of early
typing reagents rather than any severe restriction in HLA-DR allelic diversity.
all of the of MLC studies to detect This was first suggested by the failure HLA-DR alleles present in the populations tested. The second piece of evidence
312
3S. W. Serjeantson and X. Gao
suggesting there was additional HLA-DR diversity undetected by serology, came from restriction fragment length polymorphisms (RFLPs). The early DNA pro-
tocols for HLA-DR typing by RFLPs (Kohonen-Corish and Serjeantson 1986q) relied to some extent on the linkage disequilibrium relationships between the
HLA-DR, HLA-DQAI, and HLA-DQBI
loci. When these protocols were
applied in Australian (Davies ef a/. 1990) and Oceanic (e.g. Kohonen-Corish and Serjeantson 1986b; Serjeantson ef al. 1987) populations, some novel DR, DO
linkage arrangements emerged. For instance, unusual DR, DQ linkage disequilibwith DR6 in Australian Aborigines (Davies ef al. 1990) and rium was associated in Polynesians (Serjeantson ef a/. 1987). Similarly, DR8 could be associated with three different HLA-DQ haplotypes (Serjeantson efa/. 1987). For DR? and DRS5, not only were there heterogeneous DQ linkage arrangements, but the Tag
L/DRB RFLPs were also heterogeneous (Jazwinska and Serjeantson | 9&8). could not indicate whether novel DR, DQ haplotypes The early RFLP studies
simply reflected ancestral recombination events between HLA-DR and HLADQ loci, or whether the new haplotypes were markers for new HLA-DR or HLA-DQ alleles. More sensitive DNA-based HLA-DR typing protocols, such
as the hybridization of sequence-specific oligonucleotides (SSOs) with polymerase chain reaction (PCR) products of exon 2 of the HLA-DR and DQ genes, allowed examination of this question. Gao efail. (1992a) found that in some but not all instances, the unusual DR, DQ linkage arrangements correlated with
novel PCR-SSO patterns that subsequently, following DNA sequencing, proved indicative of new HLA-DRBI alleles.
| _
Nucleotide diversity in HLA-DR¢ alleles The limitationsof the early serological studies, compared with PCR-SSO typing, are demonstrate in Table d 21.1, using as an example the report of HLA-DR4
related haplotypes in Australia and Asia~Oceania by Gao and Serjeantson (1991). The allele frequencies of the serologically-defined HLA-DR4
antigens in eight
populations are comparatively homogeneous, with the exception of the Javanese, where the occurrenceof HLA-D is only R4 sporadic. In Melanesians, Micronesians and Chinese, HLA-DR4 has an allele frequency of 13-18%, with a slightly
higher frequency (25-26%) in Australian Aborigines and Polynesians. However, the WHO Commit for HLA tee class II nomenclature (Bodmer ef a/. 1991) now recognizes |2 allelic HLA-DR4 subtypes, as well as additional allele, DRB1*1410, whoch reacts serologically as HLA-DR4 (Serjeantson ef a/., unpublished). RFLPs at HLA-DR could not discriminate thes HLA-DR4 subtypes, since the various alleles represent subtle differences at the nucleotide level of exon 2 of the HLADR4 gene, rather than any major rearrangements or substitutions in DNA flank-
ing the HLA-DR genes. The apparent similarities in HLA-DR4 frequencies between populations are
shown in Table 21.1 to reflect the inadeq uacies of early HLA-typing procedures.
HLA-DRt4-subtype alleles present at a frequency of greater than 5% are given in Table 21.1 in bold lettering. Two DR4-related alleles, DRB*0412 and 1410, that are unique to Australian Aborigines have substantial frequencies. Additionally,
0.0 0.7 0.7 6.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.8 0.9
0402 0403 0404 0405 0406 0407 0408 0409 0410
8.0
0.0
0.0 0.0 0.0 7.0 0.0 0.0
0.0 0.0 0.0 7.9 0.0
0.0
14.9
(N = 114)
PNGH
0.0 0.0 0.0
1.8
0.0 6.3 0.2 4.3 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.0
17.8 1.9
25.0
13.6 0.8
0.0 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
0.3
0.0
15.5
19.1
4.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.0
0.0
0.3
1.3
(N = 258)
MICR
(N = 398)
POLY
(N = 494)
MEL
1.2
0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
0.7 0.0 0.0 0.0
0.0
0.0 2.9
6.3 3.7
0.0
1.8
2.2 0.9
18.5
11.0 0.0 0.0 4.4 0.7 4.7 1.8
0.0 0.0 0.0 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
(N = 342) (N = 270)
(N= 154)
NCHI
SCHI
JAVA
N: number of chromosomes. ABOR: Australian Aborigines; PNGH: Papua New Guinean Highlanders; MEL: coastal and island Melanesians; POLY: Polynesians; MICR: Micronesians; JAVA: Javanese: SCHI: southern Chinese; NCHI: northern Chinese.
0411 0412 1410
S.4
25.8 0.5
DR4
0401
allele
ABOR* (N= 424)
HLA-DR4
Table 21.1 Frequency (o) of HLA-DR4 alleles in Australia and Asia-Oceania
Among Chinese, only DRB1*0405 exceeds 5% in frequency, but eigh t of the allelic subtypes are represented, compar ed with only two in Papua New Gui nean highlanders and with a different two in Micronesians.
the basis of frequencies of phenotypic similarities and diss imilarities ¢ potentially as accurate as clustering on the basi s of nucleo
tide similarities. This is because the current algorithms for phylog enetic analysis of populations according to s
0412 and 1410, apparently derived fro m DRB1*041(or 0 0405) (Gao ef al. 1992g), DRBI*0412 and its flanking DNA, inc luding HLA-DQBI and DRB4 gen es, is apparently identical to DRBI 041 F
0 except for the insertion of a short stretch of
tor allele, DRB1*0410, is located in the Papua New Guinea highlands, Whe n this na Phvlogeny is not incorporated int o the estimates of genetic distanees be (WEEN groups, some important inform
ation is lost. In contrast, when pop ulation
i
2
ee
The genetic prehistory of Avstratia any
of #% in Australian
a {rea
66 in Polynesiansb (ne
Aboro:
eS: 18% in
pua New Guinean highlanders while the ai rary PS
pRB!
140
{, ' DRB3*0301 : appears absent fjrom =Oceanic_
o ROW insights 347
evident in contempo Progenitor haplotype
Populations
i
Another marker of interest in southeast Asia and New Guinea is that
itary ovalocytosis, which occurs in the aboriginal hill tribes of Malaysis nay
and sea Dyaks in Borneo and in about , 10% of coastal and lowland Melanesians
so-called hereditary elliptocytosis of southe Asia and the hereditary ovaloast cytosis in coastal and lowland Melanesians were identical. Recent description of
a molecular defect in the Band 3 protein gene, which removes 27 base pairs (b.p.)
of coding DNA (Jarolim ef al, 1991), has permitted analyses of hereditary ovalo-
cyt at osi the molecuslar level. Segregat of ion the 27 b.p. deleti in a Melanes onian
family from the north coast of Papua New Guinea shows the Melanesian deletion to be identical to that described by Jarolim efa!, (1991) in southeast Asian
ovalocytics (Fig. 21.3).
DNA analyses in Australian Aborigines We have examined HLA-DRB1 nucleotide sequence polymorphisms in Aborigines from northern Australia, from the Kimberley region and from Cape York
X, Gao andtson 318 S. W. Serjean Maree (FD
a
goood
in the Band 3 protein gene of a of a 27 base-pair (bp) deletion Fig. 21.3 Segregation Melanesian family, showing identity between the Melanesian mutation in hereditary ovalpcytosis and that in southeast Asian ovalocytics described by Jarolim eral. 1991. Peninsula (Fig. 21.1). The subpopulations share some features (Table 21.3), such
as the high frequencies of DRBI"0803 and 1502. For some alleles, however, there is no overlap, as for DRBI"0412 and 1409 in the Kimberley and as for DRBI"0410 and 1402 in Cape York. The main feature of the Aboriginal HLA-
DRBI allele profile is the high frequency of alleles that are unique to Australians, namely DRBI"O412, 1409, and 1410. These have candidate progenitors in the
Aboriginal gene pool, but the new alleles have tended to replace the progenitors
within regional subgroups. DRB1*0412 has replaced 0410 in the Kimberley region and DRB1*1402 has replaced 1409 in Cape York Peninsula. Thus although the
two contemporary populations now have quite distinctive HLA-DRBI allele profiles, allelic phylogeny clearly identifies them as derived from the same ancestors. Population subdivision and genetic drift can account for differential loss of alleles from the two groups.
The finding of new and unique alleles in Aboriginal Australians has been detailed here for the HLA-DRBI locus, but when loci such as HLA-DP, HLAA, HLA-B have been examined at the nucleotide level, additional novel alleles have been found (Gao ef af. 1992c). HLA-DPB1"2201,
for example,
is wide-
spread in Australia, present in about one-third of donors tested, but has not been found in the Papua New Guinea highlands (5. Easteal, personal communication) or elsewhere. Phylogenetic analyses based on frequencies of HLA-DR, DQ haplotypes
showed Australian populations clustering first with each other and then with the Papua New Guinean highlanders. The finding resembles that based on HLA
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Stone Fully-polished axe/adzes Oval/lenticular cross-section axe/adzes Quadrangular cross-section axe/adzes Obsidian or chert stemmed tools Polished stone chisels Grindstones Nutcracking anvils
Lip notching, scalloping Dentate-stamp decoration
'Lime'-in lling
Simple vessel forms Complex vessel forms Red slip
Pottery
Element
Bismarcks
Melanesian
Pre-Lapita distribution New Guinea
X
Pre-Neolithic
SE Asian
Table 22.1 Lapita elements present in island southeast Asia and Melanesia prior to Lapita
Neolithic
fi
fi
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X
?
(x)
X
?
X
X
X
X
X
?
X X
X
Sources. Southeast Asia: Spriggs (1989). Melanesia: Allen and Gosden (1991): Bellwood (199); Gorecki et al. (1991): White (1972); White and O'Connell (1902). Also text.
Pigs Dogs Chickens
Movement of wild animals/plants Shell shing/reef- shing Evidence for betel-chewing
Bone points, awls Earth ovens Rectangular house plan Stilt houses Large, open village sites Long-distance exchange Vegetation clearance by re
Other
Conus shell beads, rings, disks One-piece shhooks
Trochus armbands Tridacna rings Conus shell rectangular units
Shell beads
Marine shell Hinge-region Tridacna adze Dorsal-region Tridacna adze Pierced shell pendants
1
Conventional
6040 2650 S770 s950
+ + + +
+ + + +
130 90 130 90
3280 + 200 6360 + 90 Beta-19075 S690 + 170 Beta-19076 5810 + 80 Beta-19077 5830 + 90 (Swadling et al. 1991)
1630 + 120 6320 + 90
5980 6170 5580 6400
Charcoal Marine shell Charcoal Marine shell Charcoal Marine shell Charcoal Marine shell Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal
ANU-6087 ANU-6085
ANU-7079 ANU-7080 ANU-7083 ANU-7084 ANU-7081 ANU-7082 ANU-7085 ANU-7086
shell shell shell shell shell
Marine shell Marine shell
Marine Marine Marine Marine Marine
Material
6130 ± 80 3S10 ± 80 (Swadling et al. 1989)
East Sepik
80 70 90 70
5810 + 90
age BP
(Gorecki et al. 1991)
ANU-7612 ANU-7701 ANU-7702 ANU-7604
ANU-761
West Sepik
Lab. no.
7179-6528 6819-6409 6721-6103 7119-6679 1830-1300 6999-6599 4073-2989 7059-6639 6889-6115 6847-6439 6885-6439
6739-6389 3579-3209
6409-5989 6689-6269 2489-2149 6369-59s9 6519-6249
date BP (2 s.d.)
Calibrated
30 cm, 50 cm, 15 cm, 40 cm, 50 cm,
Taora Taora Taora Taora Taora
(pottery association) (aceramic) (pottery association) (pottery association) (aceramic)
lens, lens, Akari Akari Akari Akari
Akari A (aceramic) Akari A (aceramic) A (aceramic?) A (aceramic?) A (pottery association) A (pottery association) Basal level, Akari B (aceramic) Basal level, Akari B (aceramic) Spit 4, Dongan (aceramic) Spit 11, Dongan (aceramic) Spit 27, Dongan (aceramic)
Midden Midden Spit 6, Spit 6, Spit 5, Spit 5,
Beri site (pottery association) No site name given (pottery association)
F4, F4, X2, X2, X2,
Site and context
Table 22.2 Radiocarbon dates calibration of putative pre-Lapita pottery associations in New Guinea and island Melanesia
fi
fi
fi
fi
5860 4760 5830 4830 8190
+ + + ± +
240 140 190 230 250
230 180 210 90 90
Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Celtis sp. nut Charcoal
Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal 6459-5957 4827-3731 4149-3278 4080-2859 3889-2979 3899-2849 3322-2779 3250-2769
Charcoal Charcoal
S728-4896 7669-7370
I, level 2, DJA, Kilu Cave (pottery association) I, level 4, DJA, Kilu Cave (aceramic)
4NW, Spit 4A, Pamwak (aceramic)
3SE, Spit 5B, Pamwak (aceramic) 4SW, Spit 2A, Pamwak (pottery association)
1, Spit 4, Pamwak (pottery association) 1, Spit 5, Pamwak (aceramic)
17-18B(II), pit, top of layer 6, Unit D, Wanelek (pottery association) TRI, pit, deepest ll, Unit D, Wanelek (pottery association) TRI, replace in Layer 4, Unit D, Wanelek (pottery association)
10A, Layer 10. Unit E, Wanelek (pottery association?) 11B, Layer 9. Unit D, Wanelek (pottery association) 17-18B(1), replace in Layer 7, Unit D, Wanelek (pottery association) 17-18B(1), Layer S, Unit D, Wanelek (pottery association) 16B, replace in Layer 6, Unit D, Wanelek (pottery association)
s.d.: standard deviation. Calibration after Stuiver and Reimer (1986). For charcoal dates the 20 year values have been used, for marine shell Delta-R - 0.
4680 ± 140 Beta-25617 6670 + 80 (Wickler 1990)
ANU-6757
Buka Island, North Solomons
ANU-6973 ANU-6974 ANU-8248 ANU-7761 ANU-8246
7263-6189 5880-5049 7169-6289 6168-4876 No calibration available (Author's data; general ref. Fredericksen et al. 1993)
Manus
+ + ± ± ±
5455 ± 105 3840 + 175 3430 ± 175
3230 3225 3170 2865 2840 (Bulmer 1991)
I-6860 GX-3333B GX-3326 GX-3227B GX-3330 GX-3332 I-6859 I-6861
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© surema Bid endey-2ig s ‘poresrp you are ponjoaus ur sopnuenb 241 “(1661
79 2 DRA daIN) SES9-EZHL 1 G>TYM 30j aTEp ySoHIFeD ay “BLORL Te USOdaP 24 moySnonp panos s 2009 8.4 “nds yeyp wi sms Iss00 OSTE YOTYAme Kia 293n520P Se suyqosd sures ogi sosyes Bunep 241 “(1661 70 12 Bupems)AydesBrre1s SP So eos nit mela gs ‘preadn 9 nds 20 0220 2009 900 P tid ous y URR 2 IVY “(81 “d ‘2961 [EUOD.C puE any AK) EMOTY PUT MAMA “VURAEYey 1sapodep mac} ove eopennnay su028er hyreets i desBrrens ays “(von “fMENOD FEUOSod ‘“SLUREY piAkq) sin200 11 YT Uti enjeodlan ogi tangs mene (paw 81 2u0q aq) poss) Sosed [ye ut yey? SuNENSUOULP ‘sous puelysry 2UI0s WO jo
Wild NG X
NG
?
Wild
. 1
NG?
SEANG?
NG NG
Wild Wild
SEANG SEANG
?
Putative domestication
X
X
PMP reconstruction
Cordia subcordata
NG
2
Pre-Neolithic
Wild Wild
X ?
New Guinea
Diospyros sp.
x
Bismarcks
SE Asian
Burckella obovata
Calophyllum sp. Pangiumn edule Bruguiera sp. Terminalia sp.
Canarium indicum Aleurites moluccana Corynocarpus cribbeanus Dracontomelon dao Spondias dulcis Pometia pinnata
Inocarpus sp.
Casuarina equisetifolia
Nipa fruticans
Mussau Lapita Cycas circinalis Pandanus spp. Cocos nucifera
Plant
Melanesian
Pre-Lapita occurrence
Table 22.3 Pre-Lapita occurrences of plants known or inferred from Lapita sites in the Bismarck Archipelago
fi
Colocasia sp.
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian;
SEA: southeast Asia; NG: New Guinea and island Melanesia.
(x)
X
?
X
SEA NG NG SEA NG NG
Wild SEA
SEA
SEA/NG
NG
communication.
Reconstructable only back to Proto-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian.
reconstructions: Pawley and Green (1984); J. Marck, personal
Putative
domestication:
Yen (1982, 1985, 1990, 199).
Sources. Mussau Lapita reference: Kirch (1989). Other Lapita sites: Gosden et al. (1989); J. Hather, personal communication: T. Loy, personal communiation, Melanesia: Allen and Gosden (1991); Loy et al. (1992); Swadling et al. (1991); D. Yen, personal communication. Pre-Neolithic SE Asia: Giover (1979). Proto-alayo-
PMP:
Dioscorea alata Saccharum of cinarum Cordyline fruticosa
Artocarpus altilis
Other probable Lapita crops Musa banana Australimusa banana
Celtis sp. Areca catechu
Pre-Lapita Melanesia
X
X
Sterculia sp.
Dioscorea esculenta
?
Other Lapita sites Metroxylon sp.
Preapita Pobneian
338
Motthew |. T. Spriggs
into in New Guinea and subsequent pre-Austronesian spread to the west of these plants into an intrusive Neolithic culture southeast Asia, The integration
sia, could therefore have occurred in southeast Asia rather than in Melane
or
occurred more than once in both areas. If we postulate a Melanesian/New
Guinea centre of plant domestication we need also to delimit its estern boundary;
Maluku? Sulawesi? Archacologists who have stressed the local development model for Lapita seem
to have engaged in a too literal reading of Yen's treatments of these issues. Both
the undoubted pre-Lapita southeast Asian occurrence of many of the key puta-
tive Melanesian domesticates and the undeveloped state of research on these
crops undermine simplistic statements about their supposed
integration
from
local sources into the Bismarcks Lapita sites. Further genetic and distributional
studies of wild and cultivated varieties, such as that carried out on taro (Coates
etal, 1988: Matthews 1990, 1991) will be informative, as will sustained apptica*
tion of current recovery and analytical techniques for the examination of archaeo-
logical plant remains (Hather 1991; Loy eva/.
1992). Even if we assume an
ultimately Melanesian domesticalion of many of the plants, the timing and
geography of their ‘integration’ into the cultural complex that is best represented in the Bismarcks as Lapita are open questions.
Agricultural technology is another area where the last word is not in. The highland New Guinea swamp management systems of Kuk phases I to II have
no modern parallels, Evidence for the rectangular-gridded swamp gardens which are common in New Guinea and the rest of the island Pacific (Golson
1977;
Bayliss-Smith and Golson 1992) exists only within the last 2000 years. The Yeni
Swamp gardens in the northern New Guinea lowlands with a minimum age of 3400 + 120 BP (ANU-3824) are of the earlier Kuk type (Gillieson eral. 1985). Currently it is unwise to designate an area of origin for the more regular patterns
of swamp drainage given their general Oceanic distribution.
in 1982 | suggested that the distribution of pondfield irrigation technology in southeast Asia and the island Pacific but largely excluding New Guinea was associated with the movement of Austronesian speakers into the Pacific (Spriggs
1982). Yen on the other hand (1992) suggests independent development on either
side of New Guinea. Further archaeological evidence and finding cognate terms
in the lexicon of irrigation farmers in southeast Asia and island Melanesia might
resolve the issue. Historical linguistics can suggest likely places of ‘origin’ of a language group,
and the geography of its spread from there. Earlier stages of the language can be deduced with associated vocabularies and likely cultural associations. What
historical linguistics cannot achieve on its own isa chronology for the spread of a language group or for the dating of a particular language stage or proto-
language. When a connection is made between the distribution of a language and of an archaeological horizon or cultural complex we can postulate the chronology
of spread of the language. The complementary distributions of the island southa west east Asian Neolithic and the Lapua cultural complex on the one hand with
1o cast time cline, and that of the Austronesian languages of the region witha
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new to Japan (Table 23.4). A semantic change affecting ‘millet (Setaria italicay’ also in Miyako dialects suggests that the word yuni had existed before the incoming of rice. This word appears as the dependent form yona- (yuna-) in place names like Yuna-haru, Yuna-kuni, Yuna-ha, Yuna-mine, etc. in the Rytkyi
Istands. The semantic association between rice and sand in Ryfikylan dialects
can be found in Konk6-Kenshit (Old RytikyDan lexicon 1711): Yone is rice, but
sand is also called yone, Yone is spread in the palace yard on New Year's Day. The Austronesian
people who came from the Ryfkyian Islands to settle in
western Japan named the newly brought rice after sand by utilizin their g Austronesian original vocabulary. It goes without saying that one word alone
does not prove that rice was brought to Japan by Austronesian people. But this
Jomon type
Kamegaoka type Eastern Japan
Totsuta imonty
apa,
n
este
?
=
_—— —
——"
Eom
i
a
—
356 Oeamu Sakiyama
uru-man, ‘tice doughboy’, an offering to (he gods and Buddha, is used On Kikai Island, Kagoshima, Common to both cases is the point that ‘rice’ was considergy
a taboo word. Actually, the word mai is normal for denoting rice in RyOkyfay
dialects. In Okinawa-Hont® dialects particularly, mai was replaced by kumy
which came directly from Aome in Japanese, Mai is a borrowing from [he southern dialects of China and derives from the Chinese archaic form “pig, *miei, as B. Karlgren reconstructed it, That it is borrowed is supported by (ph,
|
fact that in Japanese mai appears only in the last clement of the compound of
a Chinese borrowing, like Aaku-mai, ‘polished rice’, gen-mai, ‘unpolished rigg
and so forth,
‘Hayato’ period (Austronesian third stage and Kofun ‘Tumulus') Assuming that Aai (hae) was an Austronesian term meaning ‘south, south-wind’,
what is the etymological interpretation of Hayafo, the name given to a well. \
J
known alien people of southern Kyfishil?
The Aumaso and MHayeto in southern KyOshO are believed to be the las Austronesian populations to immigrate to the Japanese islands since the Kofuy
period in the 4th century. It is generally bebieved that the Aurnaso and Hayaya belonged to different races. If it is correct to attribute -so of Auwmaso to PAN *rawu ("Cau), ‘person’, and -kaya to PAN “kaya, ‘property, rich’, both terms
came from Austronesian people, even though their places of origin and languages were not the same. -Aaya denotes a part of a personal name—of Aumaso individuals—written down in the Nihon-Shoki (The chronicles of Japan: Tennp
Aetkd 720). In addition to Hayate or more commonly Hayahito, Hawito and Afaito are also found. Etymologically Haifo used to be explained as a secondary form derived from Haya-hito.
However, | claim that Aai is older than Aaya- and Agi-fo is a compound with hito, ‘person’ (-to is an independent form). The reason why a phonological change like Aaya-hifo appeared is explained by the reinterpretation of the usual rules govering adjacent vowels. Vowels that appear between independent and
dependent forms undergo a shift. For example, the ‘é’ in saké, ‘sake’ becomes ‘a’ in soke-duki, ‘sake-cup’; amé, ‘rain' ~ ama-dare,
‘rain-drops', ine, ‘rice
plant" ~ ina-ta, ‘rice field’ in Old Japanese, This alternation can be observed, for example, yuni ~ yuna- in RyOkyQan dialects.
The Hayato settled mainly in Osumi and Satsuma. It is clear that Yamato's
government considered them to be people from the south, who brought with them an alien culture, because Hayao is not a term for self, but an address term.
A folk etymology explains that ‘Hayato' comes
from Aayai-hito,
meaning
“speedy man’, owing to their braveness. But from the viewpoint of semantic
association, this is unnatural. Why should braveness relate to speediness? Possibly the Austronesian original haya became synonymous with ‘speedy’, i.e.
haye-, and the different terms were confounded. At any rate, etymologically Hayato has no relation to Agyai-hi ship fo, though the etymon of Aayai, ‘speedy’ i moet yet decided.
ef ne Ee inet
| al
Haye
gat Ne
fo, n Japan ane played
an im in spite of their Austronesian’ Oformigg ie
hele
pmunicate
“M1. 0 it erne
on
ee
ted
suggested ed
how
OW
the Austronesian languages
were involved
re of | ae Japanese language. However, the whole structu be a g plained by Austronesian alone. In particular, ran ihe suffix, reflect @ trait that is of northern language origin, [1 is
lands, before Austronesian arrived. Before the late Jomon period, the popula. ‘ion of Japan was dense in the east and sparse in the west (Koyama 1984), The oothern peoples preceded the Austronesian peoples in the east-west boundary.
Considering this linguistic situation, arguments regarding which side is the
wbstratum and which the superstratum are fruitless. The fact is that the prototype of the Japanese language was steadily established through the process of
iii
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9470
Atholl J, Anderson
ne faunal populg sequence Is said to show that abundant, pristi The Tikoplan decades of this behen were st by the Initial settlers and that a few resulted in ‘extirpation of the megapode, a great reduction in turtle, q ectiny
numbers of bird ang fis in the quantity and sizes of shellfish and a reduction in en sites’ (Kirch 1984, p. 147). Similar evidence cay 5,
represented in later midd
1984, p. 146; Swadling \g9¢ discerned in the Reef Islands, Fiji, Tonga (Kirch
», 146; Spennemann 1987, p. 81), and, arguably, Samoa (Kirch ef al, 1990, p, 12),
ons on silusi and conc Discus
subsistence economic There was adapative change in more than voyaging and ges jp ple, various chan when East Polynesia was settled. There were, for exam
ed possibilities of the material culture. Adze forms were adapted to the restrict manuscript), oceanic basalts (Green, to be published; Anderson ef a/. unpu blished
in part a scarcity of Pottery disappeared from the inventory, reflecting at least by suitable clays in tropical East Polynesia—pottery
functions were replaced
s. There was an wooden bowls and increasing emphasis on cooking in earth oven
icted reef efflorescence in hook types and abundance as adaptation to the restr development of East Polynesia and the greater demand
for fishing in small,
lure hooks for use isolated islands, induced development of a range of bait and r particular on the reef front and at sea (Kirch 1984, p. 89). Behind these and othe ng voyaging and changes, however, were the basic adaptive responses concerni subsistence.
was to discover new If the initial objective of Polynesian explorers sailing east d risk and result land by prudent means, then a voyaging strategy which optimize accommodate the probably entailed a reassortment of tactical constituents to a. I have suggested greater distances and different wind patterns in East Polynesi ng, and this, in turn, (hat amongst these may have been a shift to windward saili ry of the Polynesian could have had consequences for the morphological trajecto phenotype. Houghton (199la, p. 177; 19915,c) argues that large
body
mass,
relatively
ct adaptation short limbs and other features, of the Polynesian phenotype refle
no effective proto unusually cold conditions at sea: constant wind and wet with
Oceanic tection from exerted selective pressure on body heat balance in the
was parphenotype as early as the Pleistocene settlement of Near Oceania, and
ods at ticularly important from the Lapita era onward. Substantially longer peri sailing prosea than usually envisaged, which is the implication of the windward
position, could only have assisted that process. It might be expected that there
on of e would be further modification of the phenotype in the cool temperat regi
East Polynesia, but there is no evidence of this, One reason might be that Polyneerson sian vessel design was reaching its seakeeping limits at these latitudes (And 1986), and most travel there, and perhaps generally in New Zealand,
was over-
er of land, Houghton's hypothesis, however, may only describe one of a numb
potentially important factors. The roles of aesthetics, status, and dietary prefed
alsoeto be consider needyp n the Polynesian phenot erence in the selectioof
(
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a
a
5
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en
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strategies 371 Adaptive voyaging and subsistence
|
van Dijk 1991), and possibly the value of size and strength for lineage survival during feuding on small islands, an endemic condition judging by traditions. if the objective of successful East Polynesian explorers was to quickly establish
viable colonies, then it can be argued that an optimally adaptive subsistence grategy would seek to maintain economic Mexibility by retaining transplanted constituents, and also take full advantage of untapped and easily gathered reserves of faunal resources. The best chance of survival lay in rapid initial population
than consermore by liberal growth and it can be assumed that this was assured vative harvesting of high-quality foods, and more by cost-efficient energy extraction than its comparatively laborious production by non-intensive horticulture.
As faunal resources declined the relative efficiency of agriculture increased
everywhere in tropical East Polynesia. In the temperate zone horticulture was only locally productive and subsistence economies, which can be regarded analogicallyas neotonous, remained in something like their colonization states, exploiting the much larger faunal reserves of New Zealand.
In this general model of economic optimization (Anderson, to be published), one of the obvious choices for colonists of islands where faunal reserves were manifestly failing was to seek another where they were yet unexploited, thus maintaining
efficient
energetic
relationships,
rapid population growth,
and
evolutionary fitness. Relatively safe voyaging practices would have to be, of course, an integral part of such an adaptive strategy, since there would be no for short-term gain if by intensive exploitation of resources advantage obtained
many people were lost in moving from one rich patch to another. It can be argued that several aspects of the archaeology of colonization in the eastern Pacific conform with this hypothesis. Within each of three phases, the
Lapita expansion, the settlement of tropical East Polynesia and the later settlement of temperate East Polynesia, there now appears to be common characteristics of rapid expansion and early intensive exploitation of pristine faunal
resources.
Acknowledgements I thank Helen Leach, Richard Walter ul on this paper ghtf comments For thou
(both at University of Otago), and Geoffrey Irwin (University of Auckland), none of whom bears responsibility for the views I have expressed.
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| it; l a ifasst i
A. 316 a BA: 216 , J. M.
155, 229, 244, 245, 270
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im a :
Ammerman
. 16)
» 309, 324, 325, 327, 330, 337,
A.J.
28
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