Pre-Columbian Central America, Colombia, and Ecuador: Toward an Integrated Approach 0884024709, 9780884024705

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PRE-COLUMBIAN CENTRAL AMERICA, COLOMBIA, AND ECUADOR Toward an Integrated Approach

PRE-COLUMBIAN CENTRAL AMERICA, COLOMBIA, AND ECUADOR Toward an Integrated Approach

Colin McEwan and John W. Hoopes, editors

With additional contributions by

ANTONIO JARAMILLO ARANCO • BRYAN R. COCKRELL. RICHARD C. COOKE L. ANTONIO CURET .CARRIE L. DENNETT • ]AMES DOYLE • CLARK L. ERICKSON MONICA FENTON * ALFREDO FERNANDEZ-VALMAYOR CRESPO • R. ]EFFREY FROST A L E X A N D E R C E U R D S .M E R C E D E S G U I N E A B U E N O • J E S U S H E R R E R I N L O P E Z MIGUEL ANGEL HERVAS HERRERA • ROSEMARY A. JOYCE

MATTHEW LOOPER

M A R C O S M A R T I N O N - T O R R E S • C A R L O S M A Y O T O R N E .J U L I A M A Y O T O R N E GEOFFREY MCCAFFERTY

MARY ELLEN MILLER

DAVID MORA-MARIN

KAREN O'DAY • JOSE R. OLIVER • EDITH ORTIZ DIAZ . JUAN PABLO QUINTERO GUZMAN RENIEL RODRIGUEZ RAMOS .JOSE LUIS RUVALCABA .SILVIA SALGADO GONZALEZ MARIA ALICIA URIBE VILLECAS • JAMES A. ZEIDLER

DUMBARTON OAKS

RESEARCH LIBRARY

AND COLLECTION

j

WASHINGTON, D.C.

© 2021

Dumbarton Oaks

Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America by Sheridan Books, Inc.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

NAMES: McEwan, Colin, editor. | HoopesJohnW., editor. TITLE: Pre-Columbian Central America, Colombia, and Ecuador: toward an integrated approach / Colin McEwan and John W. Hoopes, editors. DESCRIPTION: Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection,

[2021]

| Includes bibliographical

references and index.| SUMMARY: "Pre-Columbian Central America, Colombia, and Ecuador: Toward an Integrated Approach explores a wide range of topical interests in the archaeology of the Isthmo-Colombian Area and its neighboring territories. It draws fresh attention to the significance of a formerly marginalized region or culture area (as Lower Central America or the Intermediate Area) and repositions it in the context of the wider Pre-Columbian world"—Provided by publisher. IDENTIFIERS: LCCN

20200474311 ISBN 9780884024705

(hardcover)

SUBJECTS: LCSH: Excavations (Archaeology)—Central America. | Excavations (Archaeology)—Colombia.| Excavations (Archaeology)—Ecuador.| Indians of Central America—Antiquities.| Indians of South America Colombia—Antiquities. | Indians of South America—Ecuador—Antiquities. | Central America

Antiquities.|

Colombia—Antiquities. | Ecuador—Antiquities. CLASSIFICATION: LCC

F1434 .P69 20211

DDC 972.8/01—dc23

LC RECORD AVAILABLE AT HTTPS://lccn.l0C.g0v/2020047431

GENERAL EDITOR: Colin McEwan MANAGING EDITOR: Sara Taylor ART DIRECTOR: Kathleen Sparkes DESIGN AND COMPOSITION: Melissa Tandysh

JACKET ILLUSTRATION: Ciudad Perdida, Colombia. Photograph by Raphael Chay / Wikimedia Commons.

www.doaks.org/publications

We dedicate this volume to the memory of

Colin McEwan (19S1-2020) and to our spouses,

Norma Rosso and Lauren Mattleman Hoopes, without whose constant love and support this project could never have been completed.

CONTENTS

Preface and Acknowledgments

xi

COLIN McEWAN

CONTEXT, THEORIES, AND ORIGINS

MAP OF CENTRAL AMERICA, COLOMBIA, AND ECUADOR 1

xiv

Introduction Addressing the Isthmo-Colombian Area and Beyond

1

JOHN W. HOOPES • COLIN McEWAN . BRYAN R. COCKRELL

2

One Hundred Fifty Years of Isthmo-Colombian Archaeology Paradigms and Prospects

17

JOHN W. HOOPES . SILVIA SALCADO GONZALEZ

3

Central America Time for a Paradigm Shift

35

ROSEMARY A. JOYCE

4

Origins, Dispersal, and Survival of Indigenous Societies in the Central American Landbridge Zone of the Isthmo-Colombian Area

49

RICHARD G. COOKE

MESOAMERICA

MAP OF MESOAMERICA

86

CHRONOLOGICAL CHART OF MESOAMERICA

87

5

Shining Stones and Brilliant Regalia Connections between Classic Mesoamerica and Central America and Colombia

89

JAMES DOYLE • JOHN W. HOOPES • DAVID MORA-MARIN

6

Central American Gold, Central American Teachers Maya Gold Disk Offerings at the Cenote of Sacrifice, Chichen Itza

101

MARY ELLEN MILLER

7

Extracted Objects Metals from the Sacred Cenote at Chichen Itza EDITH ORTIZ D I A Z • JOSE LUIS RUVALCABA • BRYAN R. COCKRELL

109

NICARAGUA MAP OF NICARAGUA

128

CHRONOLOGICAL CHART OF GREATER NICOYA

129

8

The Ceramics of Pacific Nicaragua Recent Investigations in Style, Manufacture, and Distribution

131

GEOFFREY McCAFFERTY. CARRIE L. DENNETT

9

Monumental Stone Sculpture in Central Nicaragua

149

ALEXANDER GEURDS

COSTA RICA MAP OF COSTA RICA

166

CHRONOLOGICAL CHART OF COSTA RICA

167

10

169

Patterning in Chiriqui Villages and Cemeteries of the Terraba-Coto Brus Valley R. JEFFREY FROST

PANAMA MAP OF PANAMA CHRONOLOGICAL CHART OF PANAMA

11

A View from Grave 5, Sitio Conte, Panama

180 l8l

183

KAREN O'DAY

12

Who Is the Chief? The Central People of Burial 11, Sitio Conte

197

CLARK L. ERICKSON . MONICA FENTON

13

The Construction of Gender in Graves at Sitio Conte

235

MONICA FENTON

14

Social Complexity at El Cano

247

JULIA MAYO TORNE • CARLOS MAYO TORNE • MERCEDES GUINEA BUENO MICUELANGEL HERVAS HERRERA . JESUS HERRERIN LOPEZ ALFREDO FERNANDEZ-VALMAYOR CRESPO

COLOMBIA MAP OF COLOMBIA

272

CHRONOLOGICAL CHART OF COLOMBIA

273

15

The Muisca Raft Context, Materiality, and Technology

275

M A R I A A L I C I A U R I B E V I L L E C A S • M A R C O S MA R T I N O N - T O R R E S JUAN PABLO QUINTERO GUZMAN

THE CARIBBEAN MAP OF THE CARIBBEAN

306

CHRONOLOGICAL CHART OF THE CARIBBEAN

307

16

309

The View from the Caribbean REN I EL RODRIGUEZ RAMOS • JOHN W . HOOPES

17

Caribbean-Central American Long-Distance Interaction A Cautionary Note L. ANTONIO CURET . JOSE R. OLIVER

viii

CONTENTS

321

ECUADOR

MAP OF ECUADOR

328

CHRONOLOGICAL CHART OF ECUADOR

329

18

Networks of Interaction along the Pacific Corridor The Role of Metal and Shell

33!

A N T O N I O ]A R A M I LLO A R A N C O

19

Squaring the Circle in Ancient Ecuador Dualism, Quadripartition, and Spatial Hierarchy as Elements of Emergent Social Complexity

343

JAMES A. ZEIDLER • COLIN MCEWAN

20

Seats, Seating, and Social Roles Cross-Cultural Comparisons

377

COLIN McEWAN .MATTHEW LOOPER

Glossary

409

Notes on Contributors

413

References Cited

417

Index

481

CONTENTS

ix

PREFACE A N D A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

PRE-COLUMBIAN CENTRAL AMERICA,COLOMBIA, AND ECUADOR:

the outlines of more culturally relevant, meaningful, and

Toward an Integrated Approach serves as a companion to

insightful endeavors will be emerging.

the catalogue Pre-Columbian Art from Central America

The scope of this project began to take shape in my

and Colombia at Dumbarton Oaks. That volume fully

mind's eye in fall 2012. In an early conversation with

describes, illustrates, analyzes, and, where possible,

Rosemaryjoyce, I mooted the idea that we might venture

contextualizes the objects in the Robert Woods Bliss

as far north as the Cenote of Sacrifice at Chichen Itza,

Collection; however, for an area that boasts such extraor­

where Central American artifacts and influences have

dinary geographical diversity and range of cultural tradi­

been found among the offerings, and as far south as Lake

tions and reciprocal influences—and that is rarely treated

Guatavita, in highland Colombia, where gold offerings

in its interrelated totality—we saw an obvious need to

were being made at virtually the same time. Both sites are

"cast the net wide." Consequently, as the present volume's

the renowned foci of ritual pilgrimage and offerings made

title indicates, our intention is to avoid a narrow, restric­

into bodies of water within the landscape. They invite

tive gaze in favor of a bold, wide-ranging exploration that

comparison within a framework of inquiry that encom­

transcends the strictures of conventional geographical

passes new theoretical directions embracing communi­

and cultural boundaries and labels.

ties and constellations of practice; their inclusion here

Archaeological inquiry in Central America was long

invites such comparison as a future task. There is also an

driven largely by external interests; they were gradu­

evident need to discard once and for all the vapid "default"

ally complemented by the curiosity of national scholars

label Intermediate Area, with all its pejorative connota­

motivated by a nascent sense of nationhood (Hoopesand

tions, and to replace it here with the more appropriate

Salgado Gonzalez, this volume). As the identification of

Isthmo-Colombian Area (Hoopes and Fonseca Zamora

regional styles advanced and far-flung outlierswere found

2003) to refer specifically to the core geographical area

to cut across modern political frontiers, the demand for

from which the works at Dumbarton Oaks originate. It is

more encompassing rubrics was soon clear, and it gave

in this adventurous spirit that the volume aspires to help

rise to terms such as Greater Nicoya, Greater Chiriqui, and

chart the course ahead, toward an archaeology of Greater

Greater Code (see Hoopes, McEwan, and Cockrell, this

Central America and emphatically away from such colo­

volume). Students of Central American prehistory wres­

nial political constructs as Gran Colombia,for example.

tled with the problem of creating a nomenclature born

In the preface to Pre-Columbian Art from Central Amer­

of the culture-area approach, which was itself inherited

ica and Colombia at Dumbarton Oaks, I acknowledged the

from a European intellectual tradition (see Joyce, this

talents of many individuals whose goodwill and skills were

volume). Although this historical tradition still weighs

indispensable in helping to see both volumes through to

heavily on many of the contributions, this volume never­

fruition. I will not gratuitously repeat the whole fist here;

theless captures a "snapshot" of a signal moment in the

we are equally indebted to the fruits of their labors that

intellectual history of scholarly research, as a long over­

are evident everywhere in the present book. I would, how­

due paradigm shift is underway. Much of the terminolog­

ever, like to make special mention of two people: first, my

ical architecture that has governed the field for so long is

colleague and coeditorJohn Hoopes, whose consummate

still in place; however, if we could reflect from the vantage

knowledge and steadfast devotion to the myriad tasks

of, say, one hundred years from now, it is highly likely that

involved in assembling and editing this work have contrib­

much of these strictures will have been loosened and that

uted so much to seeing it to successful completion, and, XI

second, our Pre-Columbian Studies editor Sara Taylor,

in the field to date and an incentive for a new generation of

for whose unwavering support under the most trying cir­

researchers to find the courage to pursue new directions,

cumstances I will always be indebted. Despite testing the

as Central America and its nearby regions have much to

patience of both colleagues to the limits, I count myself

offer for those who are interested in the rich history of the

fortunate to have had them as partners through such

ancient Americas.

demanding times. I am also profoundly grateful for the

xii

backing of the senior fellows for Pre-Columbian Studies,

Colin McEwan

who have recognized from the outset what this project

Director of Pre-Columbian Studies, 2012-2019

can offer: a distillation of all that has been accomplished

Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

National border Archaeological regions

JAMAICA ENEZUELA

GULF OF Lake Maracaibo

MEXICO

C

A

R

I

B

URABA

VILONDL'R

£

. .... NICARAGUA GREATER

NTRO

^CHlRIQUf

EL SALVADOR

PERU

100

I 100

'

200 Miles

1

1

200 Kilometers

Map of Central America, Colombia, and Ecuador, showingthe archaeological regions mentioned in the text. Map by Gene Thorp.

7 Introduction Addressing the Isthmo-Colombian Area and Beyond

JOHN W. HOOPES • COLIN MCEWAN . BRYAN R. COCKRELL

In this volume, we seek to emphasize autochthonous

Who Were They?

creativity and diversity and to discard once and for all

DO WE RECOGNIZE AND LABEL GEOGRAPHICAL AFFIL-

regressive notions of so-called intermediateness. This vol­

iation and cultural identity in the archaeological

ume represents an evolving inquiry in which the authors

record? Scholars have long wrestled with the challenge

interweave lineages of investigation with new approaches.

of what to call not only the mainland territory in Cen­

Traditionally, scholars have framed discussions within

tral America and Colombia that is located between

archaeological subareas: Greater Nicoya, Greater Chiriqui,

How

Mesoamerica, the Central Andes, and Amazonia but

Greater Cocle,and Greater Darien, so named because their

also the cultural and ethnic identities of the Indigenous

territorial spheres of influence are demonstrably "greater"

peoples who lived there. Archaeologists have framed

than the geographic spaces designated by the toponyms

successive intellectual paradigms with an evolving ter­

from which they are derived.Joyce (this volume) empha­

minology (Hoopes and Salgado Gonzalez, this volume;

sizes the advantages of an alternative paradigm, one that

cf. Joyce, this volume). Historically, much of this terri­

eschews the notion of territories and bounded areas in

tory was subsumed within the colonial designation of

favor of a fresh approach addressing shared communities

Gran Colombia, deployed by the Spanish prior to the

of practice and constellations of practice, thus shifting the

declarations of independence by Latin American repub­

focus onto the formation and dissemination of shared

lics. Hoopes and Fonseca Zamora (2003) proposed an

technologies and stylistic elements. We recognize that

Isthmo-Colombian Area1 that ranged from Honduras to

communities and constellations of practice entail activ­

Colombia and included portions of Nicaragua and all

ities that overlap, transcend, and defy categorization

of Costa Rica and Panama; this grouping reflects the

within conventional geographic or cultural boundaries.

inferred territorial extent of those speakers of Chibchan

The phenomena we address are the legacies of people

languages for whom genetic evidence suggests a shared

whose descendants are still living, who include more

ancestry from at least the beginning of the Holocene

than half a million speakers of Indigenous languages, and

at 11700 BP. The term partly replaces the problematic

the legacies of people whose Indigenous identity may not

Intermediate Area (cf. Sheets 1992.); which included

be explicit but whose genetic heritage carries evidence of

Ecuador and Venezuela. Hoopes and Fonseca's refrain­

Indigenous ancestry.

ing emphasizes the continuities as well as the differences

Identity is an exceedingly complex issue. Indigenous

between peoples of the Central American Isthmus and

identities are further complicated by shifting nomencla­

northern Colombia, following the lead of Bray (1984)

ture and the application of varied names—often with

in identifying characteristics of Lower Central America

alternative spellings—for Indigenous groups whose

in northern South America (cf. Hoopes 2004, 2011b) at

identities are not strictly tied to language. Although

the nexus of two continents. Another alternative, used

many Indigenous languages are extinct or endangered,

by Joyce (this volume), is Greater Central

and ethnic identities are constantly redefined, genetic

America.2

studies indicate that a substantial proportion of living

to the east and north by the Caribbean Sea and to the west

Costa Ricans carry some DNA from Indigenous ances­

and south by the Pacific Ocean. In general, the landscape

tors (Barrantes and Morera Brenes 1999; Barrantes et al.

is one of volcanic highlands or rolling hills flanked by

1990). Genetic evidence attests that descendants of Indig­

broad coastal plains. The Isthmo-Colombian Area's high­

enous communities are far more widely present in all

est points are Cerro Chirripo (3,820 m) in the Talamanca

modern nation-states than is generally acknowledged—

Range of Costa Rica; Volcan Baru (3,475 m) in the Western

and this presence is not restricted to only those people

Panama region; and especially the massif of the Sierra

who speak Indigenous languages, or even to those who

Nevada de Santa Marta (5,700 m) in northern Colombia,

consciously assert Indigenous identity. The Isthmo-

just 42 km from the coast. Its low-lying territories are

Colombian Area saw substantial Indigenous population

found along the coasts and in the Central Panama region.

movement not only in the wake of Spanish depredations

This combination of tropical latitudes and significant

but also in the form of ancient migrations. It is also a place

topography results in wide climatic variation ranging from

where national identity is inextricably tied to archaeolog­

hot, humid lowlands to temperate highlands. Altitude,

ical heritage. "Who were they?" is not an easy question to

sunlight, and prevailing air currents are the principal fac­

answer, especially for peoples whose written history did

tors influencing temperature, and there is greater diurnal

not begin until the sixteenth century.

than annual temperature fluctuation. Mountain valleys

Linguists (cf. Constenla Umana 1991) have classified

are cooler than the coasts, and frosts are rare except at the

Indigenous languages of the Isthmo-Colombian Area into

highest altitudes in Costa Rica and Colombia, where the

eight different families: Chibchan, Misumalpan, Oto-

peaks of Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (5,700 m) receive

manguean, Uto-Aztecan, Chocoan, Cariban, Arawakan,

seasonal snow. The year is divided into a rainy and a dry

and Paez-Barbacoan. Their boundaries are not strictly

season, with the former characterized by heavy rains that

defined, and debate persists regarding both their histories

fall primarily in the afternoon. The most humid regions are

and their classification. The Chibchan languages had the

in the Caribbean Lowlands and along the Pacific Coast in

widest distribution, from eastern Honduras in the north

Costa Rica, Colombia, and northern Ecuador. The Pacific

to the highlands of the Eastern Cordillera of Colombia

Coast, which tends to be drier in Nicaragua, Costa Rica,

in the south, but they intersect with many others. Many

and Panama, receives more sunshine and, therefore, has

Indigenous peoples were and still are multilingual, mak­

higher average temperatures than the Caribbean Coast.

ing a neat convergence of language, genetics, and culture even more problematic. This volumes map offers a snapshot of approximate

Volcanic activity played a major role in shaping the Isthmus, and volcanoes continue to dominate parts of all Central American countries. Seismic, volcanic, and tec­

current Indigenous territories, and the authors acknowl­

tonic activity have been significant factors in the geolog­

edge that these areas are much diminished. In the not-

ical history of the Isthmo-Colombian Area. Earthquakes

so-distant Pre-Columbian period, all of this territory was

are common and have destroyed parts of the capital cit­

Indigenous. Accurate precontact population estimates are

ies of Guatemala, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Costa Rica,

elusive, but the largest ethnic confederations met by the

and undoubtedly affected Pre-Columbian settlements by

Spanish appear to have been the Tairona, a multiethnic

triggering landslides, changing river courses, and forcing

designation with a maximum precontact population size

geomorphological alterations both large and small. And

projected at approximately 468,000 (Langebaek 2003),

although volcanoes cause damage, there are manypositive

and the Muisca, at around 500,000 (Hoopes and Fonseca

effects of volcanism. Volcanoes are a source of mineral-

Zamora 2003). The total population of the Isthmo-

rich soils, and eruptions of tephra naturally replenish

Colombian Area was likely on the order of several million

affected land. Past eruptions have buried archaeological

(Hall and Perez Brignoli 2003).

sites, but in so doing they have occasionally preserved them. Major volcanic eruptions, such as those of Arenal

Geography and Climate To introduce our research, we offer a brief synopsis of the

2

in Costa Rica and Baru in Panama, have covered ancient settlements and their associated agricultural fields

in

El Salvador, Nicaragua, Colombia, and Ecuador.

geographic and cultural settings and also refer readers to

Caribbean Plains extend from eastern Honduras

excellent discussions by Lange (1984a), Coates (1997), and

through southern Central America to northern Colom­

Geurds (2018).The Central American Isthmus is bounded

bia; they are characterized by rich estuaries, brackish

HOOPES • MCEWAN • COCKRELL

canals, lagoons, and meandering rivers. In Colombia,

Plains of Costa Rica. Several major rivers and delta sys­

the imposing Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta massif rep­

tems abound on the Pacific Coast. In northwestern Costa

resents a mountainous outlier. Colombia's complex geog­

Rica, the Tempisque River drains into the head of the Gulf

raphy embraces three fingers of the Andes: the Western,

of Nicoya; in southern Costa Rica, the Terraba-Coto

Central, and Eastern Cordilleras, which are separated

Brus-General-Sierpe systems form a large valley and the

from each other by the long valleys of the Cauca River

Diquis Delta, which is covered by Central America's most

in the west and the Magdalena River in the east. The

extensive mangrove forests. Deltaic regions of major river

coastlines of both the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean

systems offered shelter as well as access to inland terri­

Sea have facilitated travel, both local and long-distance,

tories; lowlands were especially rich habitats for human

from Late Pleistocene times to the present. The Pacific

populations. The mouths of the Satinga and Tapaje Rivers

Coast boasts several large natural ports and harbors.

empty into the region between Tumaco and La Tolita,

The largest, from northwest to southeast, are the Gulf of

near the border between Colombia and Ecuador.

Fonseca, Gulf of Nicoya, Golfo Dulce (Sweet Gulf), Gulf

The topography of Colombia is characterized by

of Chiriqui, Parita Bay, and Gulf of Panama. Farther to

long, mostly south-to-north drainage systems that orig­

the south, the Gulf of Guayaquil, in Ecuador, offers sim­

inate in the high Andes and flow between Cordilleras into

ilar natural advantages. The Caribbean Coast has fewer

the Caribbean Sea to the north or into the Atlantic Ocean

major harbors. The mouth of the San Juan River, known

to the east via tributaries of the Amazon River. The larg­

in colonial times as the Desaguadero, was a gateway to

est systems in northern Colombia include those of the

the interior that crossed almost the entire Isthmus. The

Atrato River—which flows into the Gulf of Uraba—the

Caribbean Coast offered other water routes; its princi­

Sinu River, the Cauca River, and the Magdalena River.

pal major harbors on the mainland were the Bluefields

The principal northward-flowing rivers, the Cauca

region of Nicaragua, Almirante Bay and Bocas del Toro

and the Magdalena, were significant routes of popula­

in Panama, and the Gulf of Uraba and embayments at

tion expansion and communication. The Cauca River,

Cano La Balsa, near Cartagena and east of Barranquilla,

descending from the southern highlands, flows through

on the Caribbean Coast of Colombia. Together with the

a broad valley where fertile landscapes supported large

north coast of Venezuela, these features provided nat­

Indigenous populations. The Magdalena River, also

ural refuges for a variety of estuarine and oceangoing

originating in the southern highlands, joined the lower

craft. There are offshore islands on the Caribbean and

San Jorge River to form a broad expanse of wetlands,

Pacific Coasts, and seagoing craft reached Cano Island

the Mompos Depression, an extensive lowland region

(Costa Rica) and La Plata Island (Ecuador); however,

of lakes and canals that had been modified over centu­

archaeologists have found no evidence for pre-European

ries by Indigenous farmers into one of the world's larg­

travel to the more distant Cocos Island (Costa Rica) and

est expanses of Pre-Columbian raised-field agriculture.

Galapagos (Ecuador). Off Panama's Caribbean Coast,

Between these two rivers in the north lies the Sinu drain­

the San Bias Islands form an archipelago that is now

age, another major locus of Indigenous activity in a

home to the Guna.

region known as the Zenu.

Fresh water is abundant in all interior regions. Lake

The Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and its nearby

Cocibolca, also known as Lake Nicaragua, is the larg­

coastal embayments form one of the most unique com­

est freshwater lake in Central America. It has several

binations of habitats in the region. This area stretches

islands, including Ometepe, Solentiname, and Zapatera.

from small bays, such as Nahuange, up into paramo

Together with Lake Managua and connecting with the

and snowcapped peaks; valleys that were once home to

Caribbean Coast via the San Juan River, it represents a

substantial Tairona populations—and are now the ter­

significant inland context forsettlement and communica­

ritory of their descendants—dot this region. The high­

tion. The largest river systems of the Isthmo-Colombian

land expanse around Bogota—characterized by cooler

Area are found on the Caribbean watershed. In the north,

temperatures, substantial rainfall, and fertile soils—

they include the Sula-Ulua River; its system drains much

supported extensive Indigenous populations, of whom

of central Honduras. The Coco River forms the bound­

the Muisca were the most numerous. It was into this

ary between Honduras and Nicaragua, and the San Juan

region that sixteenth-century Spanish and German

River divides Nicaragua and Costa Rica. The Reventazon

explorers ventured in search ofEl Dorado, a place that has

and Estrella Rivers are major features in the Caribbean

come to represent wishful thinking and futile expeditions, INTRODUCTION

3

while at the same time fueling ongoing interest in Pre-

Peru. La Plata Island, an island sanctuary off the coast of

Columbian goldwork.

Manabi, reveals the emergence of regional networks of

Nicaragua is the largest country in southern Central

maritime seafarers that also involved long-distance voy­

America. The principal zones are defined in part by the

aging by mariners who would carry copper-based tech­

volcanic spine that runs parallel to the Pacific Coast, sep­

nologies as far north as West Mexico.

arated from the large central zone by Lakes Managua and Cocibolca. Central Nicaragua has rolling hills punctuated by eastern-flowing rivers. The Caribbean Coast represents an extension of Mosquitia in the north, while the central

Home to a wealth of natural habitats ranging from coastal

and southern coasts are characterized by lagoons—most

estuaries to savannas to multistory rain forests, the

notably, the Perlas Lagoon, north of Bluefields—small

Isthmo-Colombian Area is one of the most biologically

offshore islands, and river deltas such as that of the San

diverse regions of the world and shares species with both

Juan River. The western zone shares cultural affinities with

North and South America. The earliest peoples hunted

Mesoamerica, due in part to migrations of Otomanguean

Pleistocene-era fauna such as mastodons, glyptodons,

and Uto-Aztecan speakers into a landscape populated by

camelids, equids, and other species that are now extinct;

speakers of Misumalpan and Chibchan languages. The

Holocene-era hunters concentrated on an enormous vari­

broad Caribbean littoral of Nicaragua is now home to

ety of mammals, birds, reptiles, and otheranimals. Fishing

the Misumalpan-speaking Miskito and the Chibchan-

in rivers, estuaries, and marine habitats was a significant

speaking Rama; both groups descend from much larger

source of food. Riverine and inshore techniques included

and more varied Pre-Columbian populations.

4

Geology, Flora, and Fauna

the use of fish traps, poisons, and gill nets. Archaeological

The Caribbean Sea has been described as the Amer­

data confirms both offshore fishing and accounts of sea­

ican Mediterranean (Hoopes 2008b, 2013) for its relative

faring at the time ofSpanish contact. Shellfish wasa major

size, cultural diversity, and role in intercultural dynamics.

source of protein, and the shell, as raw material, became

Similar to the Mediterranean—which was ringed by the

tools and artifacts. In Pre-Columbian art and oral tradi­

ancient cultures of southern Europe, Turkey, the Levant,

tions, many animals that were not utilized for food feature

Egypt, and North Africa—the Caribbean was a water­

prominently: birds (vultures and eagles), felids (jaguars,

scape bordered by Mesoamerica, the Greater and Lesser

ocelots, margays, and others), crocodilians (crocodiles

Antilles, northern Colombia, and Central America. It

and caymans), saurians (iguanas and basilisks), anurans

was home to seafaring peoples who plied its shores, con­

(frogs and toads), rodents (agoutis and rabbits), snakes

necting diverse peoples in networks of communication

(pit vipers and rattlesnakes), and simians (spider, howler,

and trade. The principal islands of the Greater Antilles

capuchin, and squirrel monkeys).

are Cuba, Hispaniola, Jamaica, and Puerto Rico, while

The Early Holocene period saw the first documented

the Lesser Antilles arc east and south toward the coast

use of wild food plants, such as squash (Cucurbitaceae);

of Venezuela and the islands of Trinidad and Tobago.

avocado (Persea americana)-, arrowroot (Maranta arun-

Archaeological research is yielding intriguing insights

dinacea); yam (Dioscorea spp.); leren (Calathea allouia)-,

into potential interactions between the Antilles and the

manioc (Manihot esculenta)-, and nance (Byrsonima cras-

mainland (Rodriguez Ramos and Hoopes, this volume).

sifolia). With domestication, the most important agricul­

Ecuador's extraordinary geographical diversity in­

tural staples were squash, manioc, yam, beans (Phaseolus

cludes the central Andean Sierra, the Amazonian Oriente,

vulgaris), maize (Zea mays), and peach palm (Bactris gasi-

and the Pacific Coast. The northern border of Ecuador,

paes). These mainstays were supplemented by many fruits,

shared with Colombia, held a rich collection of coastal

including papaya (Caricapapaya), soursop (Annona muri-

estuarine habitats that was home to a long tradition of

cata), mamey sapote (Pouteria sapota), and pineapple

Indigenous populations, of which the best known is the

(Ananas comosus). People used cacao (Theobroma cacao)

Tumaco-La Tolita culture (the double name representing

to produce ritual beverages in southeast Ecuador as early

terms used on either side of the border). They occupied

as the Early Formative period (ca.3300 BCE) (Zarrillo et al.

both the mainland and the small coastal islands, wet habi­

2018), supplementing fermented chichas made with peach

tats rich with waterfowl and crocodiles. Ecuador's central

palm, manioc,maize, and other foodplants. Significant use­

coast featured verdant, fertile river valleys that had much

ful plants included the bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria),

higher rainfall than that of the Andean valleys of northern

cotton (Gosyipium spp.), and tobacco (Nicotiana spp.).

H O O P E S . M C E W A N . COCKRELL

As geographer Carl Sauer (1952) noted, populations in

languages. People spoke Chibchan languages throughout

Mexico and northern Central America relied primar­

the Isthmo-Colombian Area, from eastern Honduras to

ily on maize and other seed crops; populations in south­

northern Colombia. The principal surviving Chibchan

ern Central America and lowland South America placed

languages include Pech (Honduras, 900), Bribri (Costa

greater emphasis on root crops. The Isthmo-Colombian

Rica, 7,000), Cabecar (Costa Rica, 11,100), Ngabere

Area is distinguished from Mesoamerica and the Andes by

(Panama, 169,000), Buglere (Panama, < 18,000), Guna

a greater reliance on high-carbohydrate and high-fat tree

(Panama, 57,100), Tunebo (Colombia, 2,500), and Kogi

crops, among them the peach palm, or pejibaye, and the

(Colombia, 9,9io).4 The most widely spoken Chibchan

American oil palm (Elaeis oleifera).

languages were Giietar (Costa Rica) and Muisca (Colom­ bia), but both are now extinct. The Pech are the northern­ most Chibchan speakers, and the timing of the separation

Indigenous Languages and Cultures

of Pech from other Chibchan languages has been sug­

In a 1996 essay, archaeologist Robert Drennan exhorted

gested by Constenla Umana (2008) to have resulted from

colleagues to more fully explore the great diversity rep­

the increased sedentism that accompanied the emergence

resented by communities and cultures "betwixt and

of horticulture. This predominance of Chibchan speak­

between" North and South America and the Pacific

ers in northwestern South America has been the principal

Ocean and Caribbean Sea. Significant and persistent

reason why so many authors have proposed theories for

cultural diversity is a salient characteristic of the Inter­

South American migrations into Costa Rica and Panama;

mediate Area, one that Drennan highlighted as a prin­

however, current genetic, linguistic, and archaeologi­

cipal focus for ongoing and future research. Genetic

cal evidence supports an autochthonous evolution of

diversity may have begun in the Late Pleistocene as pop­

Chibchan-speaking populations throughout the territory

ulations crossing the Isthmus encountered the diverse

in which people spoke these languages (Barrantes 1993),

habitats of northern South America and dispersed both

with the greatest linguistic diversity—and, therefore, a

eastward and south. According to the linguistic and

presumed priority—in Costa Rica and Panama. There

genetic evidence, the Chibchan-speaking populations

is no more reason to characterize Chibchan languages

separated into distinct groups in the Early Holocene and

as "South American" than there is to label them "Central

maintained a significant level of identity and cohesion

American." Furthermore, what some authors (especially

throughout the archaeological record. Linguists have

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1965) called "Mesoamerican influ­

identified more than twenty-five distinct languages for

ence" in Colombia may have come from southern Central

the Indigenous populations of southern Central America,

America instead.

many of which survive today (Table 1.1). Languages of

Archaeology confirms that large polities once existed

the area between eastern Honduras and Ecuador have

in several parts of Costa Rica, including the upper

been classified into eleven major language families.

Reventazbn River, the Central Valley near the modern

Four are most prevalent in southern Central America:

city of Cartago, the northern Caribbean Lowlands, and

Lencan, Jicaquean, Misumalpan, and Chibchan.3 The

the Terraba-Coto Brus Valley (including the Diquis

Chocoan peoples of the Eastern Panama region have ori­

Delta). However, it has been challenging to estab­

gins in Pacific Colombia. Indigenous peoples of northern

lish continuity between these archaeologically docu­

Colombia spoke languages of the Chibchan, Chocoan,

mented communities and living Indigenous peoples.

Cariban, and Arawakan language families. In southern

No archaeological site in Costa Rica has been positively

Colombia and Ecuador, Quechuan languages intro­

identified as an Indigenous village known to have been

duced by Inca imperial expansion in the fifteenth

cen­

visited by the Spanish. The European occupation of the

tury joined those of the Paez-Barbacoan family. Migrants

Central Highlands and its principal valleys displaced the

brought Uto-Aztecan and Otomanguean languages of

Chibchan-speaking Giietar, named for a cacique who

Mesoamerican origin into southern Central America;

lived on the northeastern shore of the Gulfof Nicoya (and

however, the chronology of their introduction remains a

whose people, identified as guetares, Gonzalo Fernandez

topic of continued investigation.

de Oviedo y Valdes identified on a map). The now extinct

Approximately 350,000 people have Indigenous

Giietar language appears to have been the lingua franca,

Chibchan identities based on affiliation with language

if not the Indigenous tongue, of the vast majority of

groups, but fewer than 300,000 still speak Chibchan

the population of Costa Rica on the eve of the Spanish

INTRODUCTION

5

Table 1.1 Principal Indigenous languages of southern Central America and northern South America.

FAMILY

NAME

SUBGROUP

Misumalpan

Cacaopera

ccr

Chibchan

Pech

pay

Bayano, Paya, Pesh, Seco, Taya

Misumalpan

Matagalpa

mtn

Pantasmas

Misumalpan

Mayangna

yan

Sumu, Panamaca, Panamaqa, Panamahka (Panamaca), Tawakha, Tuahka (Taguasca)

Misumalpan

Miskito

miq

Rama

rma

Misumalpan

Ulwa

ulw

Uto-Aztecan

Nahuat

ppl

Otomanguean

Mangue

mom

Malekujaika

gut

Chibchan

Chibchan

Votic

Votic

Miskitu

Marquito, Miskuto, Mosquito, Misquito

Cucra, Kukra, Sumu, Ulua, Woolwa Nahuat

Nawat, Nicarao Chorotega, Monimbo Guatuso, Malecu, Maleku, Malecu lhaica Huetar, Hiietar

Giietar

Chibchan Chibchan

Isthmic

Bribri

bzd

Bribri

Talamanca (Dialects: Salitre-Cabagra, Amubre-Katsi, Coroma)

Chibchan

Isthmic

Cabecar

C)P

Cabecar

Chirripo (Dialects: Chirripo, Estrella, San Jose Cabecar, Telire, Ujarras)

Chibchan

Isthmic

Changuena

Chibchan

Isthmic

Boruca

brn

Boruca

Boruka, Borunca, Bronca, Brunca, Brunka, Burunca

Chibchan

Guaymiic

Buglere

sab

Buglere

Bokota, Bokota, Bogota, Bofota, Bobota, Bocota, Bugle, Buglere, Bukueta, Muoy, Murire, Nortenyo (Dialect: Sabanero)

Chibchan

Changuena

Cueva

Cueva Dorasque

Dialects: Gualaca, Chumulu/Dorace Cuna, Caiman Nuevo, Kuna, Tule Kuna (Dialects: Chuana, Cueva, Bayano, Border Kuna, San Bias Kuna)

Chibchan

Isthmic

Dorasque

Chibchan

Isthmic

Guna

cuk

Duleigaiya

Chibchan

Isthmic

Ngabere

gym

Ngabere

Chibchan

Isthmic

Teribe

tfr

Naso

Chocoan

Embera, Northern

emp

Embera

Chocoan

Woun Meu

noa

Woun Meu

Kogi

kog

Kaugian

Cagaba, Coghui, Cogui, Kagaba, Kaggaba, Kawgian, Kogui

Arhuaco

arh

Iku

Arauco, Arhuac, Aruac, Aruaco, Auroguac, Bintucua, Bintuk, Bintukwa, Bintuka, Bintukua, Bituncua, lea, Ijca, Ijka, Ika, Ikan, Ike

Chibchan

Magdalenic

Chibchan

6

ALTERNATIVE NAMES

ISO-639-3 AUTONYM

HOOPES • MCEWAN • COCKRELL

Chiriqui, Guaymi, Movere, Ngobe, Ngawbere, Ngobere, Ngabe, Tole, Valiente Naso, Naso Tjerdi, Naso Djerdi, Nortenyo, Quequexque, Terraba, Tiribi, Tirribi Atrato, Choco, Cholo, Darien, Darien Embera, Ebera Bedea, Empera, Panama Embera Choco, Noanama, Waumeo, Waun Meo, Waunana, Waunaan, Waunmeu, Waunan, Woun Meo, Wounaan, Wounaan Meu

EXTINCT?

DISTRIBUTION

yes

El Salvador Honduras

yes

SPEAKERS

ETHNIC

REFERENCE(S)

Ethnologue 300

Nicaragua

6,020

Ethnologue

15,000

Ethnologue

9,760

Ethnologue

Nicaragua

8,700

Nicaragua

143,000

Nicaragua

740

4,190

Ethnologue

Nicaragua

350

700

Ethnologue

Ethnologue

yes

Nicaragua

Constenla Umana 1991

yes

Costa Rica

Ethnologue

Costa Rica yes

yes

300

1,070

Costa Rica

Ethnologue Constenla Umana 1991

Costa Rica

7,000

12,800

Ethnologue

Costa Rica

11,100

12,700

Ethnologue; Margery Peha 1989

Panama

Constenla Umana 1991

Costa Rica

2,590

Ethnologue

Panama

18,000

Ethnologue

yes

Panama

Constenla Umana 1991

yes

Panama

Romoli 1987

Panama

57,100

80,500

Ethnologue

Panama

169,000

171,840

Ethnologue

Panama

3,300

Panama

22,500

72,200

Ethnologue

Panama

10,800

14,800

Ethnologue

Panama

9,910

9,910

Ethnologue

Colombia

8,000

34,700

Ethnologue

Ethnologue

INTRODUCTION

7

Table! continued

FAMILY

NAME

SUBCROUP

ALTERNATIVE NAMES

ISO-639'3 AUTONYM

Awa, Awa Pit, Coaiquer, Cuaiquer, Inkal Awa, Kwaiker, Quaiquer

Barbacoan

AwaCuaiquer

kwi

Chibchan

Chimila

cbg

Chocoan

EmberaCatio

cto

E'bera Katio

Chibchan

Bari

mot

Bari

Bari, Barira, Cunausaya, Dobocubi, Motilon, Motilone

mbp

Dumuna

Arosario, Arsario, Atanque, Damana, Guamaca, Guamaka, Marocasero, Sanja, Sanka, Sanca, Wiwa

Awapit

Caca Weranos, Chimile, Ette Ennaka, Ette Taara, San Jorge, Shimizya, Simiza Catio, Catio Embera, Embena, Embera, Embera-Katio, Epena, Epera, Eyabida, Katio, ebera bed'ea-Katio

Chibchan

Magdalenic

Malayo

Chibchan

Magdalenic

Atanques

Chibchan

Magdalenic

Duit

Chibchan

Magdalenic

Muisca

Chibcha, Mosca

Chibchan

Nutabe

Old Catio

(Unclassified)

Andaqui

ana

Anserma

ans

Chachi

cbi

(Isolate)

Coconuco

Barbacoan

Atanque, Atanquez, Kankui, Kakatukua, Kankuama

Aguanunga, Andaki, Andaqui, Churuba

Cha'Palaa

Barbacoan

Coconuco

Guambiano

gum

Barbacoan

Coconuco

Totoro

ttk

Chibchan

Cundicocuyese

Tunebo, Barro Negro

tbn

Chibchan

Cundicocuyese

Tunebo, Central

tuf

Chibchan

Cundicocuyese

Tunebo, Western

tnb

Paezan

Paezan

Paez

pbb

Nasa Yuwe

Cofan

con

A'ingae

(Isolate)

Cayapa, Cha' Palaachi, Cha'palaachi, Kayapa

Guambiano Coconuco, Guambia, Guanaca Totoro Eastern Tunebo Uw Cuwa

Cobaria Tunebo, Lache, U'wa, Uwa-Tunebo Aguas Blancas, U'wa Nasa, Nasayuwe, Paes A'i, Kofane, Kofan

TOTALS

8

conquest. It has been preserved almost exclusively in top-

holdings of the United Fruit Company in the late nine­

onyms, anthroponyms, and a variety of words for plants

teenth and early twentieth centuries resulted in the disap­

and animals. Today, several hundred Costa Ricans assert

pearance of the Suerre of the lower Reventazon River and

their Giietar identity despite significant acculturation to

displaced the Bribri and Cabecar into the valley and trib­

contemporary Western, non-Indigenous culture. Large

utaries of the Estrella River and up into the Talamanca

areas of Caribbean Costa Rica, where substantial popula­

Range. The Corobicis of the eastern Gulf of Nicoya and

tions of Indigenous people lived, are no longer formally

the Votos, concentrated along the San Juan River and its

recognized as Indigenous territory. The expansion of the

delta, were Chibchan speakers who occupied northern

HOOPES • MCEWAN . COCKRELL

EXTINCT?

DISTRIBUTION

SPEAKERS

Colombia

ETHNIC

REFERENCE(S)

1,200

Ethnologue

Colombia

350

1,700

Ethnologue

Colombia

15,040

48,100

Ethnologue

Colombia

3,500

5,020

Ethnologue

Colombia

1,850

18,200

Ethnologue Adelaar and Muysken 2004:67

yes

Colombia

Constenla Umana 1991

yes

Colombia

Constenla Umana 1991

yes

Colombia

Adelaar and Muysken 2004:49

yes

Colombia

Ethnologue; Pache 2018:447

yes

Colombia

Ethnologue; Rendon 2011

yes

Colombia

5,870

9,390

Ethnologue; Adelaar and Muysken 2004:51

Colombia

21,000

39,800

Ethnologue

8,920

Ethnologue

Colombia Colombia

300

7,010

Ethnologue

Colombia

2,500

10,600

Ethnologue

Colombia

700

Colombia

60,000

243,000

Ethnologue

Ecuador

1,020

1,080

Ethnologue

564,230

860,800

Costa Rica at the time of Spanish contact. The latter may

Ethnologue

Cueva (Cooke, thisvolume; Romoli 1987). Unfortunately,

have been the ancestors of the Rama, whose associated

the Spanish collected only short lists of Cueva words,

territories were more extensive (Baldi Salas 2013).

and linguists have been unable to determine whether this

As the first part of the Central American Isthmus to

language is Chibchan or Chocoan. After Spanish coloni­

be colonized, Panama suffered from the earliest cata­

zation decimated the Cueva through the effects of infec­

strophic population collapse from introduced epidemic

tious diseases, deportation, and genocide, Cueva territory

diseases, disruption of lifeways, and warfare. One of the

was reoccupied by other Indigenous people as well as

principal Indigenous groups of Panama was known as the

by Spanish settlers. Ngabere, Movere, and Naso are the INTRODUCTION

9

principal Indigenous languages in the Western Panama region; Bocota is the main language of its central region.

the Departments of Matagalpa,Jinotega, and Esteli; and

Guna speakers inhabit the Caribbean Coast of Darien,

in the southwestern part of the Department of Nueva

with small communities in northwest Colombia, includ­

Segovia and adjoining eastern Honduras. Cacaopera

ing the Gulf of Uraba. All are in the Chibchan language

was spoken in eastern El Salvador, in the Departments

family. The Guaymi of southeastern Costa Rica, related

of Morazan and La Union. Sumo is spoken in the low­

to the Teribe of Panama, have been a partly transnational

land and coastal zones farther to the east. Characteristics

population, moving between southern Puntarenas prov­

of Misumalpan languages, especially extinct Matagalpa

ince in Costa Rica and the western Chiriqui province of

and Cacaopera, suggest a historical relationship with

Panama in response to economic and political incentives

the Chibchan languages; however, substantial differ­

and opportunities.

ences exist between the two families (Constenla Umana

In Panama east of the canal, the main Indigenous

1991:29). Constenla Umana (2005, 2008, 2012) has pro­

groups are the Guna, primarily those of the San Bias

posed the existence of a hypothetical protolanguage he

Islands on the Caribbean Coast, and the Chocoan-

named Lenmichi, from which Lencan, Misumalpan, and

speaking Embera and Waunaan. All three groups rep­

Chibchan languages emerged.

resent the results of colonial-period migrations into

Pacific Colombia is home to the Chocoan language

Panama from northern Colombia; the traditional Guna

family, with its main languages Embera and Waunaan

homeland was along the lower Atrato River and south of

spoken in Darien province, Panama, as well as across

the Gulf of Uraba, in the northern Antioquia and Choco

a broader area of Choco province in northwestern

provinces as well as in southern Cordoba province.

Colombia. Migrations from Colombia that began in the

The major Chibchan-speaking populations of Colom­

eighteenth century brought Embera and Waunaan into

bia were those of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and the

Darien, populating areas that had been decimated by

highland region around Bogota, though Chibchan speak­

warfare and disease. We do not know whether signifi­

ers may have also populated the Zenu. The Muisca (also

cant numbers of Chocoan speakers were present on the

referred to as the Chibcha) were the largest Chibchan

Isthmus prior to European contact; their original terri­

group. Although their precontact population has been

tory extended south toward the Calima region, but the

estimated at about half a million people, the language is

linguistic frontier between Chocoan and Paez-Barbacoan

now extinct except for toponyms, and the degree to which

remains poorly understood.

genetic markers survive in ethnically non-Indigenous

10

portions of the Departments of Chontales and Boaco; in

Languages in the Paez-Barbacoan family (Constenla

Colombians has yet to be assessed. The Kogi, Malayo,

Umana

and Arhuaco (not to be confused with the Arawaks) are

Barbacoan—are spoken by numerous groups located

1991)—alternatively

two families, Paezan and

the most likely descendants of the historical Tairona, the

between the coasts and the highlands of southern

group that occupied the region of Santa Marta at the time

Colombia and northern Ecuador, and classification

of Spanish contact. There also may have been Chibchan,

remains controversial. Paez, for example, is considered

referred to as Old Catio, speakers in the middle Cauca

to be either the sole surviving language of a now extinct

River valley, and some scholars have noted a close rela­

family or a linguistic isolate. Barbacoan languages include

tionship between Cofan and Chibchan languages.

Cuaiquer, Pasto, Muellama, Guambiano, Totoro, Coco-

Misumalpan languages, the second-largest language

nuco, Caranqui, Cayapa, and Tsafiki. The distribution

family in southern Central America, are spoken pri­

of Barbacoan languages on the Pacific Coast between

marily by the peoples of eastern El Salvador, northern

Colombia and Ecuador suggests they may have been spo­

Honduras, and most of eastern Nicaragua. Of the prin­

ken in the Tumaco-La Tolita region.

cipal languages—Miskito, Sumo, Matagalpa, and Caca-

Cariban languages, the second-largest language fam­

opera—only Miskito and Sumo survive, though also

ily of Amazonia after Arawakan, were mainly distrib­

included in this family are Panamaca, Tawakha, Ulua,

uted east of the Isthmo-Colombian Area in Venezuela,

and Cucra.5 With its largely Miskito population, Puerto

Guyana, Suriname, French Guiana, and northern Brazil.

Cabezas, Nicaragua, is the largest-known urban, pre­

In Colombia, Cariban speakers occupied regions to the

dominantly Indigenous settlement in southern Central

south of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and to the

America. Matagalpa was the principal language of east­

west of the Serrania de Bogota, extending in some cases

ern Nicaragua, where it was spoken in the western

all the way to the Atrato River. Now, only small pockets

HOOPES • MCEWAN . COCKRELL

of Cariban speakers exist in eastern Colombia near the

Departments of Chinandega and Leon, Nicaragua, where

border with Venezuela.

they appear to have been a minority among the Choro­

Records from the time of early colonization highlight

tega populations. Small enclaves of Nicarao inhabited the

the ethnic diversity of the Gulf of Nicoya and western

Department of Chontales, east of Lake Cocibolca, and in

Nicaragua, where resident caciques became the namesakes

Bagaces, in the province of Guanacaste, Costa Rica. The

of large Indigenous populations. Chorotegan, an Oto-

Sigua, an enclave ofso-called Mexicans on the Caribbean

manguean language, was reportedly the most widely spo­

Coast near the mouth of the Sixaola River, the border

ken language in Greater Nicoya in the sixteenth century.

between Costa Rica and Panama (Lothrop 1941), may

Otomanguean speakers lived in southern Honduras

also have been Nicarao, but clear archaeological foot­

(Department of Choluteca), in Pacific Nicaragua (Depart­

prints of the Nicarao have yet to be detected. Evidence

ments of Chinandega, Leon, Managua, Masaya, Carazo,

for this migration has also been elusive. The arrival of

and Granada), and in northwestern Costa Rica.6 In Costa

Nahuat speakers—likely related to historical events of

Rica, Chorotegan speakers appear to have occupied most

the Late Classic (600-900 CE) and Early Postclassic peri­

of the Nicoya Peninsula, but the degree to which they were

ods (900-1200 CE) in Central Mexico—remains difficult

separate from Chibchan-speaking people is unclear (there

to identify in the archaeological record.

may well have been multilingual communities). Chorotega communities also lived on the eastern shore of the Gulf of Nicoya between the Abangares and Chomes Rivers and in

H u m a n Genetics

enclaves near the Tarcoles River. The Chorotega's origins

Specialists in human genetics have made significant

are poorly understood, though the group has been ten­

advances in research on the population history of Chib-

tatively traced to either Oaxaca or the Soconusco region

chan populations since the pioneering work of Barrantes

of southern Chiapas. The Chorotega are thought to have

et al. (1990), which used geography, linguistics, and

migrated southward from southern Mexico into Greater

human genetics to demonstrate the autochthonous nature

Nicoya (western Nicaragua and northwestern Costa Rica)

of Chibchan-speaking peoples. Studies of the mitochon­

sometime prior to the beginning of the ninth century CE,

drial DNA of groups including the Bribri, Cabecar, and

at which time there is a shift in ceramic styles that may rep­

Maleku Jaika of Costa Rica and the Teribe and Guna of

resent the incursion of migrating people. Ethnohistoric

Panama have demonstrated that similarities among popu­

accounts of migrations have not been corroborated by

lations are distributed lineally along the Isthmus and have

archaeological evidence, and Chorotega ethnogenesis

significant time depth, extending back to the initial peo­

appears to have been complex (McCafferty and Dennett,

pling of the area. DNA studies have also affirmed genetic

this volume). Indigenous people in northwestern Costa Rica and

relationships among these groups and other Chibchan speakers, such as the Rama of coastal Nicaragua (Baldi

southwestern Nicaragua at the time of the Spanish con­

Salas 2013) and the Kogi, Malayo, and Arhuaco of the

quest spoke Nahuat, a Uto-Aztecan language related to

Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (Melton et al. 2007).

Nahuatl, and explorers who first encountered the Nica-

These investigations are being expanded by research that

rao communicated using Nahuatl-speaking Mexican

includes the evaluation of Y-chromosome data as well as

interpreters. However, the specific relationships between

entire human genomes (Cooke, this volume; Moreno-

Nahuat and related Uto-Aztecan languages remain

Mayar, Vinner, et al. 2018; Posth et al. 2018). A growing

unclear. Some authors (Fowler 1989:41-49) suggest

body of research in human genetics has made it clear that,

that the Nicarao branched off from the Pipil, who had

although some Indigenous people migrated into south­

migrated into eastern El Salvador from Central Mexico;

ern Central America and northern Colombia from both

others identify Nahuat as more closely related to Nahuatl

the north and the south at various times in the past, there

than to Pipil, which suggests a discrete process of sep­

has also been significant continuity in occupation of the

aration (Constenla Umaha 1994:204). The principal

Isthmo-Colombian Area from the initial peopling of the

territory of Nahuat-speaking Nicarao territory in the

Americas before17000 BP (15000 BCE) up to the present.

sixteenth century was between Lake Cocibolca and the

The earliest human inhabitants arrived in pre-Clovis

Pacific Ocean, in the Departments of Carazo, Granada,

times. This interpretation is based on data from pre-

and Rivas, Nicaragua. Nahuat-speaking Nicarao lived in

Clovis sites on the other side of the Isthmus, such as

enclaves on the Gulf of Fonseca in Honduras and in the

Taima-Taima, Venezuela, and Monte Verde, Chile, in

INTRODUCTION

11

South America as well as on fragments of an El Jobo

the lives of nonelites, although both valuable greenstone

point—presumably a pre-Clovis type—in the Central

objects and metallurgy did play a role in their everyday

Panama region. As noted by Cooke (this volume), there

activities (Ibarra Rojas 2003). Hearths, post-molds, pot­

are hints of pre-Clovisoccupations in Panama, Colombia,

sherds, discarded grinding stones, and middens tell the

and the Isthmo-Colombian Area. In fact, migrating Late

stories of daily life and subsistence, and they provide a

Pleistocene peoples who reached Panama could have

backdrop against which to interpret the rare materials

stayed in place as well as expanded: 1) east along the

and finer objects that were generally the prerogative of

Caribbean Sea to the Atlantic Coast (with various paths

the elite. Craft items of jadeite and gold may have been

into the continental interior); 2) south along Andean val­

valued as magical objects and imbued with vital qualities

leys and mountain ranges into Colombia and Ecuador;

and attributes that were integral to their meaning and use

and 3) west and south along the Pacific Coast. These

(Hoopes 2017).

choices may have contributed to the genetic, linguistic,

Hoopes and Salgado Gonzalez undertake a compre­

and cultural diversity of South America. Some diversity

hensive history of archaeological approaches to the area,

in technology and other cultural adaptations may have

describing the evolution of concepts, terminology, and

had its origins in the Isthmo-Colombian Area, making it

theoretical models and tracing a genealogy of myriad

a vital zone for future research; however, the Paleoindian

lineages of concerns and models. The generalizing and

data is complex. At least three major projectile-point tra­

essentializing tendencies of past paradigms of cultural

ditions—El Jobo, Clovis, and Fishtail—are present in

and geographic classification have often limited their

Panama, but it seems that none of them originated there

utility—even while providing the field with a corevocab­

and their places of origin remain unknown. From the beginning of the Early Holocene,

ulary with which to manage complex ideas. Although pre­ vious approaches served scholars of the day well enough,

horticulture-practicing populations became more sed­

they also masked significant complexity. Our focus on

entary, but they also expanded, contracted, mixed, and

southern Central America, northern South America, and

migrated. It is problematic to extend the concept of

their external relations has helped catalyze a commu­

Chibchan populations too far back in time, even though

nity of scholars who contributed to conferences, work­

genetic-linguistic correlations and their historic distribu­

shops, and books such as this one, making meaningful

tion suggest territories and patterns that may extend back

comparisons among a range of data while at the same

to the Early Holocene. A genetic characterization inde­

time acknowledging variety, difference, and noteworthy

pendent of language, based in part on ancient DNA, may

exceptions. One of the chief accomplishments has been

yet emerge as complementary data sets from linguistics,

to affirm and validate the relevance of cultural phenom­

genetics, and archaeology are further refined.

ena in Colombia to the Central American Isthmus and vice versa. The extension of models to Mesoamerica, the

Essays in This Volume

12

Antilles, and Ecuador make the value of broader perspec­ tives evident as part of a long-term strategy to understand

The nineteen thematic essays here explore a wide range

how Indigenous peoples experienced the Americas as a

of topical interests in the archaeology of the Isthmo-

seamless whole.

Colombian Area and its neighboring territories. They

It is also time to consider the alternative paradigm

draw fresh attention to the significance of a formerly

that Joyce first articulated in a paper prepared for the 2015

marginalized region or culture area and reposition it in

Dumbarton Oaks workshop cosponsored by Wenner-

the context of the wider Pre-Columbian world. Earlier

Gren in Panama City, at which the contributing authors

Dumbarton Oaks publications tended to focus on issues

initially presented their papers.Joyce calls for identifying

of rank and status, as reflected by titles such as Wealth

phenomena that occur across and between what have been

and Hierarchy in the Intermediate Area (Lange, ed. 1992)

previously identified as culture areas, framing the question

and Gold and Power in Ancient Costa Rica, Panama, and

within a new theoretical paradigm that addresses constel­

Colombia (Quilter and Hoopes 2003). Many essays in

lations of practice and communities of practice in the man­

this volume also focus on elite activities such as lavish

ufacture and use of various items and in the use of suites

mortuary contexts, exotic trade goods, high-status mon­

of symbols and iconographic representations. She urges

uments, and sophisticated ornaments. Utilitarian materi­

the analysis of phenomena shared across small and broad

als, such as stone implements and pottery, shed light on

geographical spaces, identifying cultural practices with

HOOPES . MCEWAN • COCKRELL

the potential to reveal common aspects of material pro­

Indigenous communities across Greater Central

duction. This fresh approach is designed to supersede the

America and beyond valued greenstone and jadeite,

problematic paradigm of culture historyby discussing how

and lapidary work represents a broader community of

communities of practice in diverse settings transcend tra­

practice in which people shared information about the

ditional conceptual boundaries. The paradigm shift is one

physical properties, aesthetics, and technical strategies

in which supposedly bounded culture areas melt away as

for creating objects—even as specific symbolic mean­

communities of human actors across a multicultural land­

ings varied. The same held true for the use of tumbaga,

scape become the focus of study. Relevant communities

though it is not clear that the Maya did not make much

of practice emphasized in these essays include gold met­

use of this material except in specific contexts such as

allurgy (including hammered gold disks), bichrome and

caches at Altun Ha and Copan and at the Sacred Cenote

polychrome ceramics, and the production of elaborate

at Chichen Itza (Miller, this volume).

stone seats and stelae. For example, a community of prac­

Doyle and colleagues, Miller, and Ortiz Diaz and

tice wouldbe represented bythe working of greenstone and

colleagues evaluate the relationships among the cultures

jadeite, the utilization of objects of tumbaga (gold-copper

of the Isthmo-Colombian Area and their neighbors

alloy, also known as guamn) in the International Group

to the north. McCafferty and Dennett discuss ceram­

identified by Cooke and Bray (1985) and Bray, Cooke, and

ics of northern Greater Nicoya, a subarea long identi­

Redwood (2021), or the elaboration and employment of

fied as one occupied by Mesoamerican (i.e., Chorotega

stone seats (McEwan and Looper, this volume). Gold disk

and Nicarao) populations at the time of Spanish con­

manufacture, a practice that Miller suggests was brought

tact (though the temporal depth of their presence

to the northern Yucatan by non-Maya artisans from the

remains unclear). Geurds also addresses the material

Central American Isthmus, would represent another such

culture of Nicaragua, but in the region of Chontales,

community of practice, albeit short-lived. A shift from territories based in terra firma should also consider waterscapes such as the Caribbean Sea,

with cultural affinities quite distinct from those of both Mesoamerica and the better-known regions of the Isthmo-Colombian Area.

the maritime corridor ranging down the Pacific littoral

The prevalence of high-quality ceramics through­

from Mesoamerica to South America, and the networks

out the Isthmo-Colombian Area is discussed in an essay

of rivers systems that connected with them. While the

by McCafferty and Dennett. The authors summarize

direct archaeological evidence remains elusive, it is rea­

the sequence of ceramic evolution in Pacific Nicaragua,

sonable to imagine that there were water-based multicul­

emphasizing later periods (800-1500 CE). Likewise, the

tural communities of people whose livelihood depended

significant corpus of stonework is selectively addressed

on watercraft similar to other maritime, riverine, lacus­

in essays by Geurds and McEwan. Carvings in stone

trine, and insular settings in many other parts of the

were an extension en grande of the techniques, such as

world. These groups often elude analyses derived from

sawing and drilling, perfected in the working of smaller

terrestrial models of settlement planning and growth.

materials such as shell and greenstone. The production

Cooke's overviewhere of the prehistory ofwhat hehas

of monumental stone objects, from the carved columns

designated as the Central American Landbridge Zone of

of Chontales to the stone spheres and peg-based stat­

the Isthmo-Colombian Area complements and updates

ues of the Diquis Delta and large stone seats of Manteno

his earlier syntheses (Cooke 1992, 2005). His main focus

caciques, also represents diverse communities of practice

is on the origins of the initial pre-Clovis, Paleoindian, and

overtly manifesting rank and status hierarchies.

Preceramic groups. He also addresses pottery use as well

Frost identifies particular characteristics of settle­

as horticultural village societies in which we can trace

ment organization in the middle of Costa Rica's Terraba-

the emergence of the rituals, symbol systems, and status

Coto Brus Valley during the Chiriqui period (800-

hierarchies that would later appear in the Code and other

1500 CE). He presents an update on the archaeology of

cultures described by Spanish explorers and conquista­

Greater Chiriqui, first outlined by Haberland (1984).7

dors of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Cooke

Frost's specific emphasis is on the settlements and associ­

discusses the experience of historical and contemporary

ated mortuary features that provide valuable insight into

Indigenous peoples, including some of the descendant

the nature of social organization, including elements of

communities of those who created and used the objects

duality and possible moieties that echo patterns found in

in the Bliss Collection at Dumbarton Oaks.

coastal Ecuador (Zeidler and McEwan, this volume). INTRODUCTION

13

Four essays focus on the interpretation of complex mortuary contexts at Sitio Conte and El Caho, the two

many in between them. Focusing on long-distance mar­ itime travel that originated in coastal Ecuador, Jaramillo

main excavated sites of the Code culture. In each essay,

Arango summarizes the evidence for the exchange of val­

the authors underscore the importance of meticulously

ued materials and technologies among peoples along the

excavated, rich mortuary assemblages to answer ques­

Pacific littoral stretching from West Mexico to the Gulf

tions about who was buried, why they received special

of Guayaquil.

treatment, and what their possessions in death can tell

The close relationships between the populations of

us about their status and their society. Essays by O'Day,

the Antilles and continental northern South America

Erickson and Fenton, and Mayo Torne and colleagues,

have long been a topic of serious archaeological inquiry.

together with another elsewhere by Mayo Torne, Mayo

The essays by Rodriguez Ramos and Hoopes and by

Tome, and Guinea Bueno (2021), deepen and extend

Curet and Oliver examine cultural contact and interac­

scholarship on Sitio Conte and El Caho. Both Code sites

tions among the islands and with the adjacent mainland

had necropolises with elite burials and elaborate mortu­

of the Caribbean, framing questions that have emerged

ary offerings, but their noteworthy differences provide

from ongoing scholarship and that merit additional anal­

new evidence for variation in social organization, espe­

ysis. Previous paradigms based on the work of Rouse

cially the occurrence of ascribed status and the likelihood

(1986) and others emphasized population migrations

of ranked, elite lineages. O'Day as well as Erickson and

and the links among cultures ofSouth America, and espe­

Fenton focus on issues of chiefly and high-status identity,

cially the lower Orinoco River in Venezuela, and those

while Fenton pays particular attention to interpretations

of the Antilles. There is now compelling evidence for the

of gender and sex. Mayo Torne et al. argue for a distinct

movement of cultigens (notably maize) from southern

pattern at El Caho, one in which the presence of war­

Mesoamerica via Central America along the Caribbean

riors and the treatment of women and children reveals a

littoral of northwest South America and from Colombia

society where status acquired by achievements could be

and Ecuador into the insular Caribbean beginning in the

transferred to offspring. This is the clearest evidence for

Early Holocene. Rodriguez Ramos and Hoopes review

ascribed status reported to date for the Central Panama

the evidence for continued interaction, including the

region and indicates that Code society may have had a

emergence of a community of practice in the working of

more multifaceted organization than previously recog­

greenstone and jadeite (including jadeite of Antillean ori­

nized. Together with the essay on the mortuary context

gin), wooden and stone seats, anthropomorphic and zoo-

of a Code warrior-chief at El Caho (Mayo Torne, Mayo

morphic ritual items (zemis), and gold-alloy metallurgy.

Torne, and Guinea Bueno 2021), these contributions not

Curet and Oliver, in turn, critique possible overinter-

only shed light on the broader contexts of Code orna­

pretations of the data, pointing out the dearth of con-

ments but also offer novel insights into the nature of

textualized finds and the virtues of alternative models of

Code society.

independent trajectories of culture change.

Although they address radically different locales—

In an evaluation of cultural practices during the

that is, highland Colombia and coastal Ecuador—the

longue duree of five millennia of sedentary village life in

essays by Uribe Villegas and colleagues and by Jaramillo

coastal Ecuador, Zeidler and McEwan use specific fea­

Arango consider rafts. In the first case, the authors seek

tures of Valdivia and Manteno site planning—principally

to decouple a singular artifact from the popular myth of

the arrangements of key structures and their orientations

El Dorado. Using the iconic Muisca Raft as a focus, Uribe

to celestial events—to explore how dualism, quadriparti-

Villegas and colleagues explore the nature of Muisca art

tion, and spatial hierarchy manifest evolving social com­

and society in the vicinity of Bogota; the essay comple­

plexity in "deep time." Through careful analysis of the

ments the discussion of Muisca goldwork from archae­

orientations and possible functions of architectural fea­

ological contexts at the site of Nueva Esperanza by

tures, the authors provide a spatial context for the inter­

Calderon and Rivas (2021). In his essay,Jaramillo Arango

section of social organization and cosmology. Their work

outlines a model for long-distance interaction based on

is informed by data from ethnography by Turner (1996)

the transfer of arsenical bronze technology and the wide­

and Hornborg (1988) among lowland societies such as

spread exploitation of the thorny oyster (Spondylus spp.).

the Ge/Bororo of Brazil, a rich source of models that may

This striking shell was invested with extraordinary pres­

all prove applicable to the analysis of Isthmo-Colombian

tige among Mesoamerican and Andean cultures as well as

Area site plans.

HOOPES . MCEWAN • COCKRELL

The material correlates of evolving social rank and

the context of local territories and communities of ori­

hierarchy range from elaborate Taino wooden stools

gin. Three contributions present the results of recent and

(duhos) of the Antilles to the flying-panel

ongoing excavations (Calderon and Rivas Estrada 2021;

metates of

Costa Rica and the distinctive corpus of sculpted stone

Frost, this volume; Mayo Torne et al., this volume). The

seats of the Manteno culture from the central coast of

authors also consider the broader implications of both

Ecuador. McEwan and Looper explore persistent pat­

regional and long-distance networks of interaction and

terns in their elaboration and significance in different

transport. These concerns are critical for understanding

settings. They discuss the origins and significance of

the range of theoretical issuessurrounding the emergence

the weaving or mat motif that often appears on stools

of social inequality, including the "Isthmian alternative"

and seats in diverse contexts, including the architectural

(Hoopes 1991), heterarchy (Crumley 1995, 2005), dual

structures that were important loci of authority and gov­

processual evolution (Blanton et al. 1996; Feinman 2001;

ernance. Complementingand sometimes combined with

Hoopes 2005), as well as the role of communities and

this iconography is how a seated individual is embed­

constellations of practice (Joyce, this volume). A prin­

ded within notions of horizontal and vertical axiality

cipal theme is the centrality of the Isthmo-Colombian

and thus positioned in time and space with reference to

Area to wider networks linking Mesoamerica and South

solar rhythms. In the tropical lowlands of the Americas,

America—even as the communities of practice within

seats and related seating rituals form part of a shared,

and overlapping the area sustained their distinctive char­

cross-cultural tradition of great antiquity—one that both

acters. We hope that collectively these essays will mark a

invites and demands a comparative approach.

decisive step forward in Pre-Columbian scholarship for an area that has been consigned too often to the margins of innovative, theoretically informed scholarship. We

Conclusion

hope that this contribution of contextualized analysis of

A chief objective of this volume is to open up new in­

objects will motivate new threads of inquiry along with

sights into the production and use of material culture in

acknowledgment of cultural creativity.

NOTES 1 Hoopes and Fonseca first proposed this terminology at the 1999 Dumbarton Oaks symposium on Pre-Columbian

4 Numbers are population estimates of current speakers from Ethnologue (http://www.ethnologue.com).

Studies, which was titled "Gold and Power in Ancient Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia" (Quilter and Hoopes 2003).

5 Constenla Umana (1991:23) estimated that there are around

2 The term Greater Central America corresponds roughly with

guages, of whom the vast majority are Miskito along the

one hundred thousand living speakers of Misumalpan lan­

what Stone (1972) referred to as Upper Central America (the

Caribbean Coast in easternmost Honduras and neighbor­

territory of ancient Mayas in Belize, Guatemala, western

ing Nicaragua.

El Salvador, and both western and central Honduras) and

Lower Central America (non-Maya eastern El Salvador, east­ ern Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama), as well as adjacent territories in northern Colombia.

6 Lothrop (1926:22) suggests that there may also have been Chorotega in far eastern El Salvador. 7 Drolet (1992) referred to the Diquis Delta as a subregion of Greater Chiriqui. In the terminology of Willey and Phillips

3 Groups of more than one language are denominated with a

(1958), it should have been identified as a district of the

final n, as in the Chibchan family; single languages are not

Terraba-Coto Brus Valley in the Greater Chiriqui subarea

designated this way (e.g., Honduran Lenca).

(cf. Hoopes, McEwan, and Cockrell 2021).

INTRODUCTION

15

2 One Hundred Fifty Years of Isthmo-Colombian Archaeology Paradigms and Prospects

JOHN W. HOOPES . SILVIA SALCADO GONZALEZ

"WHO MADE THESE THINCS?" ANTICIPATES AN ANSWER

and Hoopes 2021), derives from the appeal and aesthetic

that will reveal identities associated with archaeological

of this artwork as well the fruits of over a century and a

remains, whether for supporting a hypothesis, organiz­

half of scholarly inquiry. Public education is sorely lack­

ing an exhibition, fostering national pride, or identify­

ing, and even among specialists there tends to be a vast

ing Indigenous territory. New data make it clear just how

underestimation of what is actually known about the

complex these identities can be. As much as 30 percent of

archaeology of this part of the Americas. Assertions of

the genome of modern, "non-Indigenous" populations in

"lesser civilizations" and the "pervasive pejoratives"

Costa Rica have Indigenous ancestry (Campos-Sanchez,

such as "intermediate" and "lower" have been replaced

Raventos, and Barrantes 2013), and the percentage is at

by a more mature appreciation for the accomplishments

least this high in neighboring countries. This ancestry of

of indigenous peoples whose descendants still struggle

varying degrees of indigeneity and mestizaje character­

within global and national movements to assert their

izes the majority of the populations of Latin American

survival, persistence, identity, and value in the face of

nations as well as a growing worldwide diaspora; there­

injustice and poverty. The narratives we construct about

fore, the descendant populations are not only millions

humans who live in neotropical ecosystems are relevant

of people who assert Indigenous ancestry but also many

to issues of climate change as well as identity, interac­

who do not. In terms of intellectual and world heritage,

tion, and ancient "communities of practice" that echo

the number of stakeholders is even larger. Efforts to char­

still today in the dynamics of modern nation-states.

acterize an Indigenous past in the Isthmo-Colombian

Concepts such as Abya Yala, a Guna term meaning"saved

Area (cf. Hoopes and Fonseca Zamora 2003) are part of

land," is being used by indigenous leaders throughout the

an ongoing response to questions of "who" and "why."

Western Hemisphere to refer to the Americas as a whole

As an intellectual genealogy of terms and concepts, this

as territory to be saved from colonialist depredations.

essay outlines the history of past endeavors to charac­

Until the 1990s, the predominant models used to

terize and interpret the archaeology of southern Central

describe the movements of Pre-Columbian peoples

America and northern South America as a contribution

focused on migrations of"Mesoamericans" and Chibchan

to efforts of the present and the future. Documenting and

speakers from South America into the Isthmus. Since

critiquing this history is especially important as we seek

then, there has been a greater appreciation of the long,

a consilience of approaches—linguistic, genetic, histori­

in situ growth of local populations and a complex "dif­

cal, art historical, archaeological, political—in exploring

fuse unity" of Chibchan-speaking cultures (Hoopes and

Indigenous identities, the archaeological record, and new

Fonseca Zamora 2003). New evidence confirms an autho-

theoretical paradigms.

chthonous expansion beginning in the Late Pleistocene

Renewed attention to the Dumbarton Oaks Col­

of populations, technologies, sociopolitical strategies,

lection from Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia, initially

interregional interactions, and ideological systems. The

published seventy years ago (Bliss 1947, 1957; McEwan

last twenty years have seen a resurgence of interest in the

archaeology of this "Center of the Americas" (Hoopes

and comparisons of protolanguages. This process must

2008a), indicated in part by a plethora of doctoral dis­

engage surviving speakers, especially those of endan­

sertations. Their principal themes have been: 1) the

gered languages. All of this forms a backdrop to ongoing

growth, diffusion, and dispersion of cultures; 2) sociocul-

research in archaeology, anthropology, and art history.

tural evolution; and 3) neotropical human ecology. The Isthmo-Colombian Area is often identified as ideal for the study of cacicazgos and "chiefdoms" (Hoopes 2005) because of the long-term continuity relatively uninter­

The 1850s through 1920 Scientific approaches to the Pre-Columbian cultures of

rupted by Pre-Columbian state-level invasion. There are

the Isthmo-Colombian Area began in the nineteenth

renewed critiques of boundaries that divided scholarship

century in the midst of depredations. In the 1850s, ocean­

of Mesoamerica, the Antilles, southern Central America,

going steamers, the California gold rush, and accounts in

and northern South America and created silos of nation­

Harper's Weekly (Squier 1859) brought fortune hunters to

alized approaches. Those scholars interested in iconogra­

the Western Panama region to mine thousands of ancient

phy now address cross-media imagery. The general public

burials for gold (Holmberg 2010) as the Bank of England

has shifted interest, in part, to new constructions of indi-

melted £10,000—in the currency of the time—in Chiriquf

geneity and indigenous knowledge, including both aca­

jewelry annually (Bliss 1957:32). Looting brought large

demic and general interest in "shamanism," a fertile yet

collections of Chiriqui pottery to U.S. museums, prompt­

controversial topic (cf. Boekhoven 2011).

ing studies by Holmes (1888) and MacCurdy (1910,1911)-

New technologies and approaches are key. In genetic

In 1892, on the four hundredth anniversary of Columbus's

research, ancient DNA (aDNA) studies are supplement­

landfall, Colombia presented the queen of Spain with the

ing those for living populations (Morales-Arce et al.

Treasure of the Quimbayas (Perea, Verde Casanova, and

2017). Population sampling can be expanded to include a

Guitierrez Usillos 2016), and Alfaro Gonzalez (1892)

wider range of self-identified Indigenous and descendant

exhibited more than six thousand Costa Rican objects

populations of Chibchan speakers in Central America

in Madrid. Pre-Columbian gold came to be valued more

and Colombia, while at the same time addressing with

for its aesthetic value than for its use as raw metal at the

high ethical standards the specific interests and concerns

Chicago World's Columbian Exposition of 1893, where

of those populations. Historical linguistics contribute to

the imperialistic eagerness of Manifest Destiny (Evans

a consilience of models of culture continuity that draw

2004) was whetted by Alfaro Gonzalez's pavilion of Costa

upon evidence from archaeology and human genetics.

Rican antiquities. By the turn of the nineteenth century,

For example, Constenla Umana (2002, 2005) argued

there was also a sense of little left to find. Hartman (1901)

on the basis of lexicostatistical and glottochronological

asserted that most sites had been partially or wholly

data that Proto-Lencan-Misumalpan-Chibchan (Proto-

looted. With theMexican Revolution, the interests of U.S.

Lenmichi) peoples began to diversify 9,726±i,io5 years

archaeologists shifted to an emphasis on Maya archaeol­

ago, with Chibchan diverging less than 6,700 years ago.

ogy, and excavations were carried out at Maya sites by

These divisions and the subsequent separation of indi­

the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology

vidual languages and dialects, including phenomena

at Harvard University, Smithsonian Institution, Carn­

such as the adoption of loanwords, undoubtedly corre­

egie Institution of Washington, and Middle American

spond to shifts in settlement and subsistence patterns,

Research Institute at Tulane University.

sociopolitical trends, beliefs, practices, and material cul­

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,

ture such as those evidenced in the archaeological record.

archaeologists used the term Isthmian to characterize

Most significantly, these shifts tie specific living peo­

the larger region. For example, Holmes (1888) referred

ples to their ancient past. Further testing of hypotheses

to "Isthmian" jungles, races, tribes, and even states.

about historical Chibchan-Chocoan as well Chibchan-

The term Chiriquian extended beyond the eponymous

Lencan-Misumalpan relationships (Constenla Umana

province in Panama to southern Costa Rica, Veraguas,

2005) requires a compilation of comparative electronic

and Code (Holmes 1887, 1888; Joyce 1916; MacCurdy

databases, the careful determination of the internal dif­

1911; Spinden 1917). Lothrop and colleagues noted that

ferentiation on the basis of shared innovations, the

"until twenty-five years ago [i.e., 1922], all Panamanian

careful sorting of lexical comparanda (e.g., loanwords,

gold which reached museums was automatically labeled

sound symbolism, chance similarity, semantic leeway),

Chiriqui" (Bliss 1957:32). For example, Code vessels

HOOPES • SALCADO GONZALEZ

Figure 2.1

Detail of a map with archaeological subdivisions designated by Holmes (1914) in red

"N

with Roman numerals,

\

and ethnographic culture areas designated

\

by Wissler(i9i6:pl.i)

V \

in black with Arabic numerals. Reproduced

/

\

from Wissleri9i6.

K-\\

\

collected by de Zeltner (1866) in 1859 were identified as

"Archaic" substrate, was a "lesser civilization," and since

portraying a Chiriquian "crocodile-god," one of several

World War I, Maya archaeology has had the lion's share of

deities identified first by Holmes and then by MacCurdy,

scholarly as well as popular attention. Spinden used the

who remarked on parallels with the Hindu pantheon.

term Nuclear America for the region throughout which

Hartman (1901,1907) did not venture a cultural term for

he thought maize-based, agricultural societies had dif­

the sites in Costa Rica that he explored in 1896 and 1897;

fused from Mexico to South America. U.S. intelligence

however, he compared stone cist tombs of eastern Costa

operations sponsored research in Panama and Colombia.

Rica with examples in Tennessee, the Valley of Mexico,

Espionage to protect American steamers and the Panama

highland Guatemala, Panama, and Colombia, raising

Canal, opened in 1915, underwrote fieldwork in southern

questions about local authorship. His work became the

Central America and northern Colombia by Spinden,

basis for Joyce's (1916) comparisons of Central America

Morley, Lothrop, Mason, and others through the 1940s (Harris and Sadler 2003; Price 2000); however, archae­

and the Antilles. The emergence of a regional focus began just before World War I. Lehmann (19x3) published the first general

ological fieldwork

before the 1920s was rare. During a

1916-17 field season, Skinner undertook excavations at

work on the archaeology of Costa Rica. The following

Las Mercedes that generated a collection of more than

year, banana mogul Minor C. Keith lent his collection

1,200 objects, but only a tiny fraction of them have been

of more than sixteen thousand objects—many from his

studied. His untimely death in 1925 resulted in much of

estate at Las Mercedes, Costa Rica—to the American

his data fading into obscurity.1

Museum of Natural History. It was studied and exhib­

It was during the decades before and after the turn

ited for several years until it was divided as bequests, with

of the nineteenth century that formal culture areas

one-third each going to the Heye Foundation Museum of

emerged within museology. Holmes

the American Indian (now the National Museum of the

sixteen North American areas when he organized the

American Indian), American Museum of Natural History,

Smithsonian archaeology collections. This arrange­

(1914)

designated

included this

ment included the first definition of a southern Central

material in his synthesis of Mexico and Central America,

American cultural unit, one whose northern border

and Brooklyn Museum. Spinden

(1917)

which also shifted attention from the "lesser civilizations"

bisected Honduras and El Salvador and whose south­

to the "higher" ones, especially the Maya. For Spinden,

ern border was drawn between Panama and Colombia.

even Teotihuacan, where Gamio had first identified an

Wissler (1916) reproduced Holmes's archaeological

ONE

H U N D R E D F I F T Y Y E A R S O F I ST H M O- CO L O M B I A N A R C H A E O L O G Y

19

subdivisions together with ethnological ones. In desig­

after an expedition to the Mosquitia region of northeast­

nating an ethnological area (no. 12 in Figure 2.1) that over­

ern Honduras, Spinden (1925) proposed a Chorotegan

lapped Holmes's area labeled as XVI as well as his South

Culture Area, extending from the Bay Islands to Costa

American areas (labeled as I and II), Wissler was the

Rica, that followed his model of a southward "Archaic

first to unite an Isthmian area with Colombia on a map.

diffusion (Spinden 1917). His concept was based on simi­

Its eastern boundary ran from Quito, Ecuador, north­

larities among metates (also identified asseats) and mono­

east to Lake Maracaibo, Venezuela, enclosing a "greater"

chrome ceramics with applique. He also noted similarities

Chibchan-speaking territory. Its southern boundary ran

among polychrome ceramics, designating his proposed

from Quito westward to the Tumaco-Tolita subregion at

culture area "Chorotegan" after the Otomanguean speakers

the Colombia-Ecuador border. He subsequently desig­

in the Gulf of Nicoya. Spinden conflated Lothrop's Pacific

nated it the Chibcha Area (Wissler 1917:229-231).

Region (with presumed Mexican influences) and High­

Initial models for Indigenous societies and their iden­

land Region (defined in part by lowland sites) with

tities were based primarily on early Spanish reports. The

South American affinities, suggesting that a line separat­

names of specific caciques recorded by Spanish accoun­

ing North American (i.e., Mexican and Maya related) and

tant Antonio de Cereceda in 1522 became the names of

South American (i.e., Chibchan related) cultures be drawn

Indigenous languages and cultures, such as Chorotega

through central Costa Rica (Lothrop 1926). Hinting at a

and Giietar (Lothrop 1926:21). Uhle (1890) identified

widespread ideological complex, Spinden compared a free

the Chibchan language family by establishing sound

with "a mouth with four tusks" in artwork over a broad

correspondences. Lehmann (1910) conducted field-

region, writing that "this type of face appears on the mas­

work from 1907 to 1909 that resulted in Zentral-Amerika

sive statues at San Augustfn in Colombia, on gold pecto­

(1920), a linguistic magnum opus, and he was the first to

rals from Ecuador and Peru, and on the famous stelae of

note a linguistic relationship between Paya (i.e., Pech)

Chavin in Peru" (Spinden 1925:535) and observing:

and Chibcha. He also introduced the term Mittelamerika (Middle America).

It now appears that a chain of wet land cultures reach from the Gulf of Mexico to Ecuador, not to mention

The 1920s: The Chorotegan Culture Area The dominant models of the 1920s emphasized diffu­

the Amazonian lowlands, and that along this chain there were important intercommunications in all the matters of life. It is [a] thrilling adventure to follow

sion and migration. Lothrop (1921^318) postulated three

the faint proofs of contact along the line of wet-land

waves of migration into Central America: 1) the Chorotega

civilizations with the Totonac, Zapotec, and Mayan

(implying a southern ancestry for "Chiapanecan," an Oto-

cities in the north and after this the Chorotegan ruins

manguean language), 2) the Lenca, Xicaque, and Ulva

in lower Central America, the Zenu and Quimbaya

(who reportedly drove the Chorotega out of Honduras

remains in northern Colombia and ultimately the

and central Nicaragua), and 3) "such Chibchan tribes as

strange monuments at San Augustfn on the upper

the Corobici, Guetar, and Talamanca," who had arrived in

Magdalena, at Manabi in Ecuador or even at Chavin

the centuries prior to Spanish contact.

de Huantar in Peru (Spinden 1925:529).

Masons fieldwork in Santa Marta, Colombia, during

20

a field season from 1922 to 1923, was conducted after the

In 1924, Mason had proposed successive studies of

completion of Lothrop's (1921a) dissertation research on

the stone sculpture, ceramics, and metallurgy in the Keith

collections; however, it predated Lothrop's publication

collections, but the first—and

of his 1926 magnum opus on the pottery of Costa Rica

study took more than two decades to publish (Mason

the only completed—

and Nicaragua. Although the two men were acquainted

1945). There was great interest in Costa Rican stone

with each other (both had been working undercover

sculpture for its three-dimensionality, a feature it shared

for U.S. military intelligence during World War I), their

with Olmec stone carving. The stone sculptures from

research on the archaeology of different regions that we

Las Mercedes (Spinden i9i7:pl. 33b) attracted attention

now acknowledge to be related appears to have been con­

for their realism, but their dates were unknown. Mason

ducted completely independently. Mason undertook a

worked utterly without chronology, noting: "There is no

detailed survey of sites on the Caribbean Coast, excavating

sound scientific basis ... for any opinions as to the rela­

tombs and structures at Nahuange and Pueblito. In 1924,

tive ages of the objects in the Keith Collection and their

HOOPES . SALCADO CONZALEZ

position in the historical sequence" (Mason 1945:200).

made few comparisons outside of Costa Rica, includ­

His study omitted jade, in part because of his mistaken

ing with neighboring Panama,3 and scholarly attention

interpretation that the jade objects from other parts of

to Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia unfolded inde­

Costa Rica had been imported from the Nicoya region.

pendently. Hernandez de Alba (1938) published the first

Lothrop (1921a, 1926) studied Keiths pottery collection

synthesis of Colombian archaeology and the Museo del

for his 1921 dissertation, including part of it in his two-

Oro opened Bogota in 1939, thanks in part to the encour­

volume monograph (Lothrop 1926), but the bulk of this

agement of French anthropologist Rivet; however, this

material remains unpublished.

scholarly progress was often tense because of competing

In 1927, working with Nordenskiold, Linne (1929) undertook some of the first scientific excavations—with fieldwork—on

interests in artifact commodification and archaeological study (Gaitan Ammann 2006).

both the Caribbean and Pacific coasts in

The 27th International Congress of Americanists

Darien, Panama, and adjacent regions of northwestern

(ICA) in Mexico City in 1939 represented a significant

Colombia. He found ceramics from two components on

turning point, especially as the genesis of the concept of

the Pearl Islands, one with presumed ties to Peru and the

Mesoamerica and the concurrent relegation of the cul­

other to Costa Rica and Nicaragua, and thought Ecuador

tures of southern Central America and Colombia to sec­

was "with all certainty" connected via maritime travel

ondary status. These conceptual divisions occurred as a

with Central America.

consequence of the Zeitgeist of the 1930s, during which time the outlining of ethnic territories became popular. Paul Kirchhoff, a German anthropologist who was one

The 1930S: Between Mesoamerica and South America

of the founders of the National School of Anthropology and History (now part of INAH) in Mexico City, was

In 1938, Mason published a two-part review of issues in

designated secretary of an International Committee for

Middle American archaeology, addressing southern

the Study of Cultural Distributions in the Americas.

Central America in the second. He saw considerable

He published the results of this committees deliber­

"Chorotegan" influence underpinning the Maya, writing:

ation as "Mesoamerica, sus limites geograficos, com-

"In Costa Rica we find Mexican, Mayan, and South

posicion etnica y caracteres culturales" (1943). In this

American elements, the South American traits including

article, Kirchhoff outlined four major culture areas:

both those from the highland region and Carib-Arawak

Mesoamerica, Chibcha, Amazonia, and the Andes. He

elements from the eastern lowland area. The meeting

included Pacific Nicaragua and the Nicoya Peninsula of

place of the continents is, therefore, in the highland region

Costa Rica in Mesoamerica, attributing Otomanguean

of Costa Rica, but there is no clear line of division, many

and Nahuat cultures to southward migration. For

of the pottery types of this region showing a fusion of ele­

Kirchhoff, "Chibcha" referred to Central American cul­

ments from both north and south" (Mason 1938:311).

tures who had a "South American" character but ironi­

Mason noted gold objects from the Sacred Cenote

cally excluded the Muisca (Chibcha) themselves, who

at Chichen Itza that were "obviously Isthmian if not of

were grouped with the Andes. His "Chibcha" designation

Colombian origin" and cited "Maya trade objects" found

drew a distinction between extinct and living cultures,

"in the Chiriqui region" without specifying what they

identifying ancient "superior cultivators" (also referred

were (Mason 1938:312). At the time, Code was "a new cul­

to as "High Cultures") as opposed to the "inferior culti­

ture phase, including polychrome pottery of which only

vators" (the living Paya, Sumo, and Jicaque). Kirchhoff

a few pieces had until then been known as exotic or trade

(1943:93) "recognized as basic" the division between

pieces in collections from Chiriqui"' (Mason 1938:312).

North and South America, and he identified the Miskito,

However, the Code phase as defined at Sitio Conte, in

Sumo, Paya, and Jicaque of eastern Honduras and

the Central Panama region, had also been dated almost

Nicaragua as being "as 'South American' as the Central

a thousand years too late by Lothrop, and Mason did not

American Chibchas" (Kirchhoff 1943:92). He drew the

correct this error. Ironically, Mason and Lothrop, though

eastern line of his Chibcha area at the Panama-Colombia

working together, seem not to have exchanged ideas until

border, grouping southern Central American and north­

after publishing their respective monographs on Tairona

ern South American tropical forest groups with those

(Mason 1931,1936,1939) and Code (Lothrop 1937,194a)-2

of Amazonia. This organization was consonant with

Masons Costa Rican Stonework (1945); begun in the 1920s,

Lothrop's (1939:42) assertion, citing a 1911linguistic study

O N E H U N D R E D FIFTY YEARS O F ISTH MO-CO LOM BI A N ARCHAEOLOGY

21

by Thomas and Swanton, that "practically the entire east­

Among the prevailing notions were that Chibchan groups

ern coast" of Central America was occupied by "South

from Panama to Honduras were "fundamentally South

American tribes." Non-Chibcha traits of Mesoamerica

American" with traits such as round houses, wooden

included calpulli-ayllu social organization (a conflation

seats, and "excessive intoxication" (Kidder

of Aztec and Inca practices), heart sacrifice, and blood

444). Lothrop (1940)

smeared on sanctuaries. Non-Mesoamerican Chibcha

fused southward into South America.

1940:443-

noted that many traits had also dif­

traits were matrilineal clans, the cultivation of palms,

As World War II unfolded across the globe, it had

coca use, endocannibalism (drinking powdered bones

effects on the practice of archaeology. Lothrop was reas­

of ancestors), and ornaments on the borders of ears. In

signed from his espionage missions in Panama to Peru, so

the end, Kirchhoff's "Chibcha" area never garnered the

1940 saw

research agenda that Mesoamerica did; in stark contrast,

by Mason (Hearne and Sharer 1992) as the results of ear­

hastily organized new excavations at Sitio Conte

it became barely a footnote—although this intellectual

lier excavations were further detailed in print (Lothrop

division of Indigenous culture areas had a lasting impact

1942).

as Mesoamerica garnered the lion's share of interest.

Art history played a key role in the emergence

of terminology. Having been initiated by Spinden, the

ICA was also significant for being the

field of Pre-Columbian art history emerged further with

occasion of Doris Stones first scholarly presentation. It

Kelemen's two-volume Medieval American Art (1943)-

The

27th

addressed delimitations of zones corresponding to the

He included a brief section on art of the Interlying Area,

"high cultures" of South America and their "irradiations."

a precursor to the Intermediate Area designation. A major

In a model consonant with that of Kirchhoff's commit­

exhibition at the National Gallery of Art (Bliss 1947)

tee, she proposed that the Paya were "clearly as of south­

highlighted Pre-Columbian art and featured several items

ern origin" and "the northernmost representatives of a

from Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia.

people who migrated from the northern part of South

The Handbook of South American Indians (Steward was a major benchmark in Isthmian and

America to Honduras" (Stone1942.)- Stone made specific

1946-1959)

reference to Spinden's observations that stone artifacts

Colombian archaeology. It provided detailed syntheses

on the Platano River in Honduras were similar to those

of archaeology but was particularly strong on ethnogra­

at Las Mercedes, Costa Rica, and asserted that specimens

phy, with essays covering Indigenous peoples across the

"almost identical with Paya pieces" had been found in

entire region, including (in volume two) the Chibcha

Costa Rica (Stone 1942:229). She identified a "Paya coun­

(i.e., Muisca) and Colombian groups of the Choco,

try" along the Caribbean Coast, from the Bay Islands of

Santa Marta, southwestern and southern highlands, and

Honduras to Costa Rica, that included not only the Pech

Amazonia, and (in volume four) the Bribri and the Guna.

(Paya) but also the Tawakha, Miskito, Rama, and Bribri,

The state of knowledge of ancient Costa Rica, Panama,

among others. Documenting this phenomenon became

and Colombia were addressed in detail in volumes two

a goal of her synthesis of the archaeology of northeastern

and four; the former framed Colombian archaeology as an

Honduras (Stone 1941); however, the term Paya fell out

extension of Andean studies, with syntheses by Bennett

of favor because it is rejected as derogatory by the Pech

(1946)

themselves and the Caribbean Lowland connections she

known about Costa Rica and lamented an almost complete

observed remained unnamed.

lack of fieldwork since Hartman (Skinner's unpublished

and others. Strong (1948) summarized what was

work being an exception). In fact, the state of knowledge

T h e 1940S: Handbook of South American Indians

was such that Strong andjohnson (1948) openly deplored the "sad state of affairs" in Central American archaeology. They cited neglect of older literature and archival materi­

The Maya and Their Neighbors (Hay et al.1940), afestschrift

als and complained that so much of the available data con­

in honor of Alfred Tozzer, represented a summary assess­

sisted of "speculations based on selected art objects dug

ment of Middle American archaeology by the leading

up by looters and collectors." Lothrop (1948) wrote about

experts of the day. It had contributions addressing south­

Panama, addressing Darien, Chiriqui, and Veraguas as well

ern Central America by Strong, Stone, Mason, Lothrop,

as new data from Sitio Conte. Stone (1948:85) addressed

Richardson, and Kidder. Mason (i94od:76) asserted

a broad region from Guatemala to Costa Rica, continuing

that the Chibchan groups in Central America to have

to postulate a single"Paya'-related zone from Honduras to

been "presumably rather late migrants from Colombia."

Colombia and noting: "We do not believe that there yet

HOOPES • SALCADO CONZALEZ

exists sufficient proof for a migration in either direction,

methodologies were applied, especially with respect

from Central America southward or from South America

to chronology, as cross-dating comparisons were aug­

toward Central America." This assertion was contradicted

mented by radiocarbon dates. For example, McGimsey

by Stirling (1949:517); who, accepting Lothrops erroneous

(1959) reported on stratigraphic excavations and radio­

late dates for Sitio Conte of approximately1200 to1500 CE,

carbon dates from Archaic and Early Formative sites on

wrote that "the cultural flow was almost completely south

Parita Bay. And, in anticipation of the congress, Aguilar

to north" and "demonstrates conclusively that as far as the

Piedra (1958) published a brief monograph on Retes, a

later periods of Panama are concerned, these connections

site with well-preserved wooden artifacts.

belong almost exclusivelywith South America." He cited as

At the 33rd ICA, Willey (1959) employed the term

"Pan-Peruvian items" the "crocodile-god" and gold head­

Intermediate Area to identify a region—"in effect, lower

bands, hollow gold beads, gold disks with cat faces and

Central America and the North Andes"—that was, in his

N-shaped incisors, V-shaped nose ornaments, metal cuffs,

estimation, devoid of the cultural horizons and "Great

and crab designs. Noting litters for chiefs, he asserted, "the

Styles" that characterized Mesoamerica and the Andes.

closest parallels are with Early Chimu" (Stirling1949:517).

He hypothesized that "if, in the Formative period certain religious and mythological ideas were gradually transmit­ ted from Middle America to Peru... they did not have

The 1950S: The 33rd International Congress of Americanists

the same reception or the same dynamic effect in the

By 1950, the intellectual divisions of Mesoamerican ver­

American high cultures" (Willey 1959:190). Willey s char­

sus South American cultures resulted in further margin-

acterization was to persist until the early 2000s. The phrase

alization of the cultures of non-Mesoamerican Central

Lower Central America had been first used by Spinden

Intermediate Area as they did in the two areas of the native

America and northern Colombia. The latter were con­

(1917:53) in the same way that Lower Forty-Eight was used

sidered by many to be "South American," and assump­

for the United States south of Canada. Spinden thought

tions of a lowland identity contributed to their neglect by

that more sophisticated cultures had the oldest roots

Mesoamericanists as well as by Andeanists—with only

and felt that "old nations" could be distinguished from

a few exceptions. With respect to general terminology,

"new nations" by features such as calendars and "an aris­

Haberland (1957a) had been intrigued by the possibility of

tocratic social system" (Spinden 1925:545). Chorotegans

connections between Central America and Colombia; he

were "far behind" and "more primitive peoples" than

remarked on traits that had caught the attention ofSpinden

the Aztecs, Zapotecs, and Tarascans. The phrase Lower

and Lothrop, such as the similarity of a fanged gold pecto­

Central America as a formal designation also came into use

ral at Sitio Conte to fanged faces at San Agustin. He also

as a result of Willey s paper; however, this terminology is

noted that a Darien-style pendant had been recovered from

problematic because: 1) the word lower implies inferior

the Sacred Cenote at Chichen Itza. Haberland (1957a) had

status for cultures of the region according to the paradigm

modified Kelemen's term Interlying Area to Intermediate

of cultural evolution, and 2) Central America reified lower

Area (with its different connotations), introducing the

Central America as a unit while disregarding adjacent

concept in a study of ceramics and associated traits. Using

South America. Willey noted that "these interlying lands

a trait-list methodology, he compiled a checklist of eight

were a vital part of the affairs of all of Nuclear America,

features that he applied to sites and cultures along the

and it is evident that we will not understand properly

Isthmus and Pacific Coast between Chiriquf, Panama,

what went on in any part of the heartland of agricultural

and Esmeraldas, Ecuador, including most of northwest­

native America until we can view this part with relation to

ern Colombia (Quimbaya, San Agustin, Nariho, etc.).

the whole" (Willey 1959:185). That said, the designation

He ventured an interpretation of black-on-red negative

Lower Central America has since fallen out of favor.

painting as "something like a horizontal style" (Haberland 19573:156), while admitting poor chronological control. The 33rd ICA held in SanJose, Costa Rica, in1958 was a watershed event. It was organized by Stone in a period

The 1960s: Handbook of Middle American Indians

during which major collections of artifacts, including

The 1960s were characterized by several key works of

jade objects purchased by Robert Woods Bliss from

synthesis, not the least of which was Reichel-Dolmatoff's

Charles A. Balser, were acquired (Murro 2021). New

Colombia (1965), the first comprehensive overview of

O N E H U N D R E D F I F T Y Y E A R S O F I ST H M O - C O L O M B I AN A R C H A E O L O G Y

Colombian archaeology published in English. It repre­

and, together with ethnographer Maria Eugenia Bozzoli

sented the culmination of more than a decade of care­

de Wille, a licentiate program in anthropology, both at the

ful culture history based on stratigraphic excavations as

Universidad de Costa Rica. However, the decade was also

well as detailed ethnography from an erudite and influ­

characterized by unprecedented sacking of archaeologi­

ential scholar. Reichel-Dolmatoff postulated possible

cal sites across the region, especially in Costa Rica, where

Mesoamerican origins for features from Early Formative

shortsighted policies at the Museo Nacional contributed

ceramics to Kogi calendrics but did not suggest con­

to the problem. A period of intense, uncontrolled looting

nections with non-Mesoamerican peoples of south­

resulted in an ultimately invaluable study of poorly prove-

ern Central America. Aguilar Piedra (1965), identifying

nienced Costa Rican jade artifacts (Easby1968).

most of the Indigenous groups of Costa Rica as having a "southern origin," evaluated them in the context of com­ parative material from Colombia and Amazonia. The marginal status o f Lower Central America was rei­

The 1970s: Finding Central America The1970s, characterized bythe advent ofprocessual archae­

fied in the context of the Handbook of Middle American

ology, was a critical period for the emergence of scientific

Indians (Wauchope 1964-1976), which—despite ear­

archaeology in Central America and Colombia. In the sec­

lier implications of "Middle America"—emphasized

ond volume of his Introduction to American Archaeology,

Mesoamerica. Volume four, Archaeological Frontiers and

devoted to South America, Willey (1971) provided a for­

External Connections (Ekholm and Willey 1966), featured

mal definition of the Intermediate Area and offered a syn­

a single chapter by Lothrop (1966) on "Archaeology of

thesis of the archaeology of Costa Rica, Panama, and

Lower Central America" and another by Stone (1966) on

Colombia within the context of it. The volume became a

"Synthesis of Lower Central American Ethnohistory." A

foundation for scholarly approaches, including those of a

chapter by Rouse (1966) discussed relationships between

new generation of students taught by experienced archae­

Mesoamerica and the Antilles, two others by Evans and

ologists in the universities of Costa Rica and Colombia.

Meggers (1966, focusing on Ecuador) addressed relation­

The decade saw the advancement of more sophisticated

ships between Mesoamerica and South America, and one

fieldwork

by Lathrap (1966) dealt with the Central Andes.

archaeology programs. Aguilar Piedra (1972) published a

During the 1960s, several graduate students intro­

methods as well as well-developed national

monograph on his research at Guayabo, while Lange and

duced new methods and concepts. Michael Coe and

Snarskis began training a new generation of Costa Rican

Claude Baudez had attended the 33rd ICA in San Jose

archaeologists in methods of excavation and analysis,

just as they were beginning fieldwork

in Guanacaste,

initiating a process that shifted much of local prehistory

Costa Rica, that employed ceramic typology to create

into the hands of Costa Rican scientists and institutions.

local ceramic sequences based on absolute dates. The

Survey and excavation projects directed by Lange in

two men reported on their results two years later at the

coastal Guanacaste sought to test models for the use of

34th ICA in Vienna (Baudez and Coe i960). Norweb

inland and coastal ecological zones, and Snarskis sought to

(1961), a student of Willey, formally defined the Greater

establish a cultural sequence for the Caribbean Lowlands

Nicoya subarea. Baudez (1967) subsequently presented

of Costa Rica. In Panama, Cooke, Linares, and Ranere

the first radiocarbon-dated ceramic sequence based on

initiated research with a strong ecological orientation

stratigraphic excavations for Costa Rica and introduced

(Cooke 1972; Linares and Ranere 1980) and one focused

chronological nomenclature that remained standard

on hunting and gathering societies that has endured to the

until 1994. Kennedy (1968) offered a preliminary cul­

present. Linares and Ranere's coast-to-coast evaluation of

tural sequence for eastern Costa Rica, while Lange (1969,

the Western Panama region outlined long-term "adaptive

1970) undertook systematic surveys in Guanacaste. In

radiations" ofvillage agriculturalists from the fertile volca­

Panama, Cooke had begun fieldwork that culminated in

nic slopes of the Chiriqui highlands to both the Caribbean

his dissertation (1972).

and the Pacific Coasts as an autochthonous process. By the

In the late 1960s, Aguilar Piedra initiated systematic

late 1970s, two major, peer-reviewed journals—Vinculos

excavations at the site of Guayabo de Turrialba, a large

(1976-), published by the Museo Nacional de Costa Rica,

Pre-Columbian village in central Costa Rica that became

and the Boletin (1978-), of the Museo del Oro, Banco de la

the focus of ongoing fieldwork

for more than three

decades. In 1967, he founded a laboratory of archaeology HOOPES . SALCADO GONZALEZ

Republica, in Colombia—set a new standard for the pub­ lication of archaeological research.

Two books by Stone (1972., 1977) and one by Ferrero

axes in Costa Rica, offering a model in which the people

(1977) framed issues in southern Central America and

of Caribbean Costa Rica were influenced first during the

the neighboring territories. In the first, Stone (1972:1)

Formative period by people from Mesoamerica and then

asserted that "Lower Central America" stood in contrast

later by people from Colombia, with the "northern" jade

to "Upper Central America," characterizing the region

being replaced by "southern" gold. However, he identi­

from Honduras to Panama as "a marginal area between

fied exotic goods used by elites as representing a cul­

the highlydeveloped civilizations of the north and south."

tural veneer that was introduced and adopted on top of

She remained a strong advocate for South American con­

local patterns, rather than something of autochthonous

tact with Central America, citing similarities between

origin (cf. Snarskis 2003:160). Among his principal con­

Barriles statuary and Muisca goldwork (Stone 1972:102)

tributions were documentations of a Paleoindian occu­

and identifying winged pendants, shell beads, "clay nasal

pation and of Early Formative ceramics. Snarskis also

snuffers, jadeite frogs carved in a flat stylized manner,

introduced horizontal excavations and mapped extensive

beak birds, anthropomorphic jadeite figurines,

architectural remains.

and flat

buttons of the same material" as evidence for Tairona

In Panama, Helms (1979) attempted to reconcile

trade or influence (Stone 1972:155). Stone (1972:202)

archaeology and ethnohistory, suggesting that the emer­

cited Diquis and Chiriqui goldwork as indicating "the

gent chiefs of ancient Panama had been engaged in active

western advance of the cult of gold" from Colombia.

interaction with peers in northern Colombia, who pro­

She emphasized connections between Guanacaste and

vided them with esoteric knowledge represented in gold

"merchant mariners from Ecuador who stopped at sites

ornaments. Helmss work led to subsequent, more sophis­

in the coastal Nicoya region as ports of call" (Stone

ticated models of long-distance interaction in which con­

1977:2) as well as both religious and agricultural influ­

tact with geographically or socially distant parties—even

ences from "the Amazon and Orinoco" (Stone 1977:4),

through marriage alliances—was parlayed into local

from whence were introduced the peach palm and cacao

power and prestige (Helms 1988,1993,1998), but subse­

(Stone 1977:7). Stone suggested that Nicarao traders

quent research in Panama revealed that her initial claims

brought coca and other cultigens to Greater Nicoya from

may have overstated the significance of Colombian gold

Venezuela (Stone 1977:82). She saw "a definitely South

(Cooke, Isaza, et al. 2003).

American religious complex" in the stone statuary and monumental stone balls of the Diquis: "We can consider a group who arrived by sea and left a colony in this iso­

The 1980s: The School of American Research Advanced Seminar

lated spot... Like the ports of call in the Nicoya area, the

In 1980, Lange and Stone organized a School of American

it highly possible that this peculiar culture is the work of

delta was probably visited by those seaborne travelers

Research (SAR) Advanced Seminar on the archaeology

from the South American continent" (Stone 1977:4-5)-

of Lower Central America (Lange and Stone 1984). First

She traced designs on Buenos Aires Polychrome to

and foremost, it attempted to establish a broad regional

Peru (Stone 1977:110) and suggested that ceramics from

chronological nomenclature: a series of periods des­

Ecuador may have inspired styles in Costa Rica (Stone

ignated I through V. It undertook a region-by-region

1977:212). However, in the second book, she mentioned

treatment of recent research from Honduras to Panama,

Colombia only once (Stone 1977:129). Ferrero (1977);

reifying Lower Central America. By not including spe­

in his own comprehensive synthesis of the archaeology,

cialists from Colombia, the seminar itself had a decid­

ethnohistory, and ethnology of Costa Rica, represented

edly northern orientation; that said, in addition to its

Costa Rica as both a source and a recipient of traits.

valuable syntheses, the book helped establish some new

By the end of the 1970s, Snarskis (1978) had become

paradigms. Haberland (1984), having first coined the

a principal advocate of a model favoring a strong role

term Gran Chiriqui (Haberland 1976), elaborated further

for external sources of culture change in Costa Rica. He

upon Greater Chiriqui, and Bray (1984) identified signifi­

cited "Mesoamerican" patterns in rectangular houses that

cant correlations and continuities with Colombia, laying

shifted to "South American" circular forms and noted spe­

the foundations for a consideration of southern Central

cific elements of South American culture in Costa Rica

America and northern Colombia as a single culture area.

(Snarskis 1975,1976,1978). He suggested Olmecs as the

Along with its successes, the seminar had its drawbacks:

source for an association of maize agriculture with jade

period designations were formulated around Western

ONE

HUNDRED FIFTY YEARS OF ISTH MO-COLOMB I A N ARCHAEOLOCY

500, 1000,

Lange and Bishop 1988). The Colombia Before Columbus

and 1500 CE), reflecting mnemonic convenience and a

exhibition at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art fea­

decimal dates (5000, 1000, and

500

BCE, and

consensus at the time on a lack of "horizon" phenomena.

tured ceramics (Labbe 1986), while a comprehensive syn­

It did, however, include appendices presenting a com­

thesis of Colombian archaeology (Botiva Contreras et al.

prehensive database of radiocarbon dates as a basis for

1989)

absolute chronology, augmenting an earlier database by

put new data in the hands of scholars.

In 1987, at a pathbreaking symposium at Dumbarton Oaks that focused on issues of inequality (Lange, ed.

Haberland (1978). On the heels of the seminar, the exhibition Between

1992),

Sheets

(1992)

delivered a sharp critique of both

Continents/Between Seas (Benson 1981) showcased sev­

the Intermediate Area and Lower Central America para­

eral different media—ceramics, stone sculpture, jade-

digms, characterizing them as the "pervasive pejorative,"

ite, and metallurgy—and brought Costa Rican objects

while other authors provided valuable regional and the­

to the attention of a wide audience, albeit via a strongly

matic syntheses on the archaeology of the Intermediate

nationalistic focus. It made little reference to Nicaragua

Area. In his summary, Lange (ed.1992:423) noted that the

or Panama, much less to Colombia or the Antilles. The

consensus of the conference was a new definition of the

exhibition and its catalogue only briefly mentioned liv­

Intermediate Area—one based on adaptive success, cul­

ing Indigenous peoples and completely omitted dis­

tural achievement, and stability. Another area of consen­

cussion of languages or the Chibchan category. The Art

sus was that cultural evolution "was in situ, rather than

of Precolumbian Gold (Jones

being imported." The conference reinforced the concept

1985),

the catalogue for an

exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, included

of the Intermediate Area while carefully evaluating and

an influential article by Cooke and Bray (1985) describing

critiquing Willey s characterization point by point.

ties between the Isthmus and Colombia. In the mid-1980s, the Arenal Prehistory Project, directed by Sheets in Costa Rica (Sheets and McKee 1994); documented a ten-thousand-year occupation

The 1990S: Wealth and Hierarchy and Gold and Power

along with the effects of episodic volcanism, highlight­

In the early 1990s, there was a significant watershed in

ing resilience and recovery in the wake of large-scale

theoretical perspectives. These combined many differ­

disasters. Discoveries of a Clovis-style Paleoindian point,

ent views from interdisciplinary research that resulted

Early Formative ceramics in association with habitation

in a plethora of distinct yet complementary schol­

remains dating to 1800 BCE, cemeteries dating to roughly

arly approaches. River of Gold, an exhibition of objects

600

to 1300 CE, and correlations of continuous occupa­

from Sitio Conte, renewed interest in the site, and the

tion across volcanic stratigraphy produced a detailed

catalogue (Hearne and Sharer

cultural sequence. Using innovative remote-sensing

regional models for these works (Bray 1992). Cardale

1992)

included refined

methods, Sheets's work also documented footpaths.

de Schrimpff (1991) published the chronologies of cul­

Drennan

tural sequences in Calima in detail.4 Most significandy, a

(1985)

pursued a detailed reconstruction of

local production, exchange, and socioeconomic net­

multidisciplinary cluster analysis of linguistic and genetic

works in the contexts of sites including San Agustin on

variables (Barrantes et al. 1990) renewed discussions of

the upper Magdalena River in Colombia, which boasted

continuities, especially among Chibchan-speaking pop­

monumental stone sculpture and mortuary features. In

ulations, with continued emphasis on authochthonous

the Central Panama region, Cooke (Cooke, Isaza, et al.

change. This analysis revealed correspondences in inde­

undertook detailed studies at Sitio Sierra and

pendent data sets that lined up geographically along the

Cerro Juan Diaz, from which he formulated the con­

Isthmus, indicating long-term, autochthonous conti­

2003)

cept of Greater Cocle, based on the in situ emergence of

nuities in local populations. It was the interpretation of

what he termed the Gran Cocle Semiotic Tradition (Cooke

linguistic and genetic data—an emphasis on data from

2004a).

In the late 1980s, Frederick and Jan Mayer, col­

living populations—that most characterized the new

lectors and patrons of the Denver Art Museum, spon­

paradigm. It became apparent at the

sored key conferences on ceramics (Lange 1988) and

Oaks symposium "that models for social construction

jadeite (Lange 1993); these events were accompanied by

on the Isthmus that pass lightly over the complexity of

1987

Dumbarton

pioneering work on sourcing by Instrumental Neutron

the relationship between geography, social organiza­

Activation Analysis (Bishop, Lange, and Lange

tion, language, and material culture do so at their own

HOOPES . SALCADO CONZALEZ

1988;

peril" (Cooke and Ranere 199213:295). Citing Barrantes

Initial cluster analysis of genetic and linguistic vari­

and colleagues (1990), Cooke and Ranere (199213:245)

ables and geographic distribution indicated affinities

emphasized a multidisciplinary paradigm that called for

ordered lineally along the Isthmus—the pattern one

"cognitive projects that incorporate archaeologists, bio-

would expect from long-term, autochthonous evolu­

geographers, geneticists, and linguists" to address issues

tion (Barrantes 1993:144-145; Barrantes et al. 1990:80).

of inequality and the conditions that promote change,

Drawing a contrast to the models of the 1970s, Barrantes

and affirmed "that a sensible framework for evaluations

and colleagues wrote: "Our results do not support the

of social change can be built around the linguistic and

old view of the Intermediate Area (and lower Central

genetic affinities of contemporary native polities whose

America) as a well-traveled 'frontier' between 'mother

languages have been classified as 'nuclear' Chibchan."

cultures' to the north and south. Any such explanation

Constenla Urnaha (1981,1991) undertook and refined

would require recent waves of migration from outside

(1995,2008) the most systematic applications of the com­

the region. While there have been cultural influences

parative method in historical linguistics. This was based

from both directions, waves of migration are not com­

on the establishment of regular sound correspondences

patible with either the genetic and linguistic data or with

that were sufficient to allow for the reconstruction of a

the archaeological history of the region" (Barrantes et al.

realistic ancestral system. He also documented a series

1990:63). Instead, genetic data—informed by historical

of changes that would account for the phonological his­

linguistics—supported a largely authochthonous model

tories of descendant languages. His most recent classi­

for in situ change. Some Chibchan genetic variants had

fication (Constenla Umana 2008:127-128) (Figure 2.2)

been present from Archaic times. Data from mitochon­

put forth three principal groupings: Votic, Isthmic, and

drial DNA (mtDNA) confirm genetic distinctiveness

Magdalenic. He identified three major areas of diffusion:

of Isthmian Chibchan populations (Torroni et al. 1994)

1) Central America-northern Colombia;5 2) Venezuela-

from their neighbors, while in situ evolution of roughly

Antilles; and 3) Ecuador-southern Colombia. The first

60 percent of the internal mtDNA variability indicates

area consists of the Chibchan languages plus Lencan, Tol

a long, relatively independent divergence (Layrisse,

(Jicaque), Misumalpan, Chocoan, and Betoi. This area

Layrisse, and Rodriguez-Larralde 1995; Santos, Ward,

exhibits traits distinct from those of the Mesoamerican

and Barrantes 1994:975). A relatively low level of diver­

Language Area (Campbell, Kaufman, and Smith-Stark

sity suggests these divergent populations descended from

1986), suggesting a major social and cultural divide

a small, relatively isolated founding population (Batista

along their borders. Kaufman (1988:130-132) critiqued

et al. 1998:15; Santos, Ward, and Barrantes 1994) with an

Constenla Umana's methodology, noting it was based

initial reduction of genetic variation from the original

on lexicostatistics and glottochronology that were, in

Paleoindian population, followed by an increase in vari­

turn, based on shared vocabulary retentions rather than

ation due to the subsequent local appearance of new pri­

the identification and analysis of shared phonological,

vate variants (Santos, Ward, and Barrantes 1994:973)- For

morphological, and syntactic grammatical innovations;

example, a polymorphism known as the Diego antigen

however, words for key trade items diffused among

is widespread outside Chibchan populations but absent

Chibchan languages and their neighbors. For example,

within them. Serum protein data also confirm the distinc­

Kaufman andjusteson (2007:215-217) argue that Mayan

tiveness of Chibchan populations (Bieber et al. 1996),

languages borrowed kakaw from Mixe-Zoquean and that

indicating not only long-term, in situ evolution but also

it was borrowed by non-Maya as khaw (Tol/Jicaque),

long-term maintenance of reproductive boundaries.

kaw (Honduran Lenka), kakaw or k'akaw (Salvadoran

Private polymorphisms and mtDNA confirm that:

Lenka), kaku (Pech), kuk (Rama), kaju (Maleku Jaika),

1) Chibchan populations can be distinguished from oth­

kd (Teribe), kaw7 (Boruca), koa (Dorasque), and ku

ers; 2) Chibchan-speaking groups of Costa Rica and

(Ngabere), among others. These loan words suggest

Panama demonstrate strong in situ reproductive conti­

widespread networks of interaction among speakers of

nuity; 3) Chibchan speakers of the Santa Marta region

Mayan and non-Mayan languages.

of northern Colombia are related to those of Costa Rica

Population genetics also added new dimensions to

and Panama (Melton 2008; Melton et al. 2007) and to

identity studies. Barrantes (1993) and others sought to

the Rama of Caribbean Nicaragua (Baldi Salas 2013);

reconstruct links among populations with genetic anal­

and 4) Costa Rica and Panama had their own endoge­

yses, beginning with Chibchan speakers in Costa Rica.

nous dynamic of interaction (Barrantes et al. 1990:80).

ONE

H U N D R E D FIFTY Y E A R S O F ISTH MO - C OLOM BIA N ARCHAEOLOGY

There are also intriguing hints—ones recalling early

Sandinista National Liberation Front. Marxism took

twentieth-century hypotheses about a "Chorotegan" (i.e.,

hold in many Latin American universities and archae­

Isthmian) substrate—of a genetic relationship between

ologists from many countries formed discussion groups

Chibchan and Maya populations (Melton et al. 2013).

on the development of theories and methods that could be appropriated for archaeology (e.g., Bate 1981; Fonseca

Toward a Consilient Perspective The emergence of the multidisciplinary consilience of

Zamora 1984; Lumbreras 2013; Vargas Arenas 1990). The assertion that archaeology has an active political orientation fueled renewed interest in its use to support

the 1990s that combined historical linguistics, popu­

philosophical movements. It was thought that archaeol-

lation genetics, and archaeology merits some detailed

°gy, by producing scientific evidence of changing social

considerations. Through the 1970s and into the 1980s,

norms, could demonstrate how the current sociocul-

Marxist-oriented revolutionary movements gained trac­

tural climate of Latin America had emerged as the con­

tion in Central America. The most successful resulted in

sequence of a long historical process extending from

the overthrow of Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza

ancient Indigenous communities through the sixteenth

in 1979 and the emergence of a government led by the

century, and finally to current, syncretistic groups. In

HOOPES . SALCADO GONZALEZ

Latin America, archaeological practice and the knowl­

1992). It eliminated synchronic implications of area

edge it generated were seen as forces that could be used

boundaries that tend to characterize culture areas. The

to oppose colonial and republican ideologies and visions

trajectory of change over time in this historical region

of history, especially a history that had been forged by

was composed of a succession of categories of socioeco­

Europeans and Creoles to the exclusion of everyone else.

nomic formations and specific lifeways (Fonseca Zamora

Several Latin American archaeologists insisted that sci­

1992:259). Fonseca Zamora subsequently argued that a

entific activity should generate knowledge relevant to

historical region forms as a result of a long process—

present-day Latin America, shedding light on and cri­

its extent across time manifested in a series of maps of

tiquing relations between historical processes of the past

varying sizes (Fonseca Zamora 1998:53). His Chibcha

and present and emphasizing the role of socially mar­

Historical Region—also offered as the Chibcha-Choco

ginalized and excluded populations. Marxist archaeolo­

Historical Region (Fonseca Zamora and Cooke 1994) —

gists sought to study labor processes and the structures

encompassed a broad swath between Honduras and

and social dynamics that sustain and transform them. In

Venezuela, extending across Colombia to the Pacific

addition to the well-known concepts of socioeconomic

Coast and dating millennia before the earliest-known

formation and mode of production, these archaeolo­

villages. Fonseca Zamora (1993) and his recently pub­

gists developed and adapted concepts such as modos

lished book contributed to vigorous discussions at the

de vida (modes of living, parallel to modes of produc­

1993 Cuajiniquil Conference organized by Lange in

tion) to represent the daily activities that represented

Costa Rica. With the motto "Cultura Sin Fronteras," this

how precolonial socioeconomic formations—the social

conference brought together Greater Nicoya specialists

relations and institutions characteristic of specific soci­

from Costa Rica and Nicaragua; they produced a neu­

eties—were put into practice. Some rejected the con­

tral nomenclature for the chronological periods while

cept of "culture" (Lumbreras 1974, 2013); others argued

acknowledging boundary changes over time (Vazquez

that the totality of social life could only be understood

Leiva et al.1994).

as part of culture. To make these categories workable

At the 47th ICA in New Orleans in 1991, at which

for explaining historical trajectories, Marxist archaeolo­

Stone was honored with a lifetime achievement award,

gists sought to define concepts that marked space, time,

a symposium honoring Haberland included an impas­

and the practices of daily life. Venezuelan archaeologist

sioned essay by Lange (1996) concerning new direc­

Vargas Arenas (1985, 1990), defined the region historica

tions. Lange emphasized the need to " [fill] in the missing

(historical region) to encompass space in which social

space-time gaps in clearly defined ecologically bounded

groups undertook specific practices in a succession of

basins, plains, and valleys [as] a top priority" and to cre­

different levels and lifeways. For her, the historical region

ate "a different model of cultural development and the

emerged from a succession of synchronic and diachronic

evolution of social complexity" (Lange 1996:307). The

processes (Vargas Arenas 1990:81).

same year as Lange s essay, Drennan (1996) published a

Fonseca Zamora, a participant in one of Vargas's

pointed critique in which he took colleagues to task for

working groups in Venezuela (Fonseca Zamora 1988),

their preoccupation with culture history unit names and

employed her concept in combination with emerging

an overall lack of rigor in the application of processualist

linguistic and genetic paradigms (Vargas Arenas 1985,

methods and theories. He exhorted scholars to compare

cited by Fonseca Zamora 1992:25) to propose the term

and contrast (his emphasis) specific regional trajectories

Chibcha Historical Region. Linguistic and genetic stud­

by comparing societies or polities, to "put the diversity of

ies had helped tie archaeological phenomena to liv­

the Intermediate Area to good use." Drennan (1996:115)

ing populations, an essential concern of postmodern

emphasized variability, noting that "instead of a sample

anthropology. Fonseca Zamora charged that the con­

consisting of three culture macro-areas, we have dozens,

cepts of Intermediate Area and Lower Central America

if not hundreds, of regional trajectories of sociopolitical

were each fundamentally flawed

change with which to work." He stressed the relevance of

for understanding

Indigenous history and its continuity into the present.

the region, noting that "there were in fact many societies

His Chibcha Historical Region—founded on a robust

in Mesoamerica and the Central Andes (in all periods)

base of archaeological, linguistic, and genetic studies—

that were more like some societies of the Intermediate

used endogenous factors to explain a historical trajectory

Area than they were like the large Classic or Middle

of Chibchan-speaking communities (Fonseca Zamora

Horizon states" (Drennan 1996:115).

O N E H U N D R E D FIFTY YEARS OF IS TH MO-COLOM B I AN ARCHAEOLOCY

web browsers in 1995

well as "big picture" perspectives. Symposia and work­

brought with them websites that disseminated and stim­

shops organized by Silvia Salgado Gonzalez of the

The advent of first-generation

ulated interest in the region in modes that had not pre­

Universidad de Costa Rica and Francisco Corrales Ulloa

viously existed. These digital sources—museum-based

of the Museo Nacional de Costa Rica in 2006 and by the

websites, blogs, and online publications—paved the way

Universiteit Leiden in the Netherlands in 2007 brought

for delivering previously obscure scholarship to a much

together specialists from across the Isthmo-Colombian

wider audience. Quilter s (2004) early 1990s excavations

Area as well as Venezuela and the Antilles. The 2007

at Rivas, in the upper General Valley, revealed monu­

annual symposium of the Pre-Columbian Society of

mental architecture in association with the Panteon de

Washington, D.C., titled "The Center of the Americas,"

la Reina, a long-known, heavily looted cemetery with

focused on current research in the Isthmo-Colombian

gold offerings. A 1996 symposium at the Museum of

Area (Hoopes 2008a).

Mankind in London stimulated scholarship on goldwork

Among the greatest successes of this period for

(McEwan 2000). In 1997, a Dumbarton Oaks workshop,

conserving endangered sites and bringing Isthmo-

"The Gran Chibcha as a Culture Area: Horizon Styles,

Colombian archaeology to the attention of an inter­

Cultural Traditions, and Temporal Depth at the Center

national cultural heritage community has been the

of the Pre-Columbian World," organized by Quilter, led

effort spearheaded by Ifigenia Quintanilla Jimenez and

to the 1999 symposium on "Gold and Power" (Quilter

Corrales Ulloa that resulted in the 2014 formal designa­

and Hoopes 2003), at which Hoopes and Fonseca

tion of Precolumbian Chiefdom Settlements with Stone

Zamora (2003), proposing an Isthmo-Colombian Area,

Spheres of the Diqufs as UNESCO World Heritage

sought to dissolve the traditional boundary between

sites. Fieldwork has provided details on associations

Central and South America and emphasize identity—an

among monumental spheres, including information

ongoing concern of living Indigenous peoples. Setting

on their manufacture, statuary, ceramics, and absolute

aside the concept of a historical region characterized

dates (Corrales Ulloa and Badilla Cambronerero 2015).

by successive lifeways and opting instead for a consil­

Las Mercedes, initially excavated by Hartman, has also

ience of approaches from historical linguistics, popula­

been the focus of ongoing projects (Vazquez Leiva and

tion genetics, archaeology, and art history, Hoopes and

Chapdelaine 2008), as have Guayabo de Turrialba and

Fonseca Zamora proposed a "diffuse unity" evidenced

Nuevo Corinto. Additional attention has been paid to

by themes in artwork and sought to tie the archaeolog­

material analysis, from ceramic sourcing (Lange and

ical record with contemporary Indigenous populations

Bishop 2013) to metallurgy. With the expansion of com­

to avoid ethnocentric evaluations of "higher" or "lower"

merce and tourism, museums of Pre-Columbian art

cultures and promote space for emic as well as etic per­

in the United States and abroad are regularly organiz­

ceptions and goals.

ing exhibitions. At the same time, Indigenous people are participating in ecotourism and the revitalization of

The 2000s: Current Trends With the turn of the twenty-first century, the idea of a

Pre-Columbian crafts, albeit with far fewer economic benefits. They have arguably gained the least from more than a century and a half of scholarship that has focused

viable Isthmo-Colombian archaeology gained trac­

on their Pre-Columbian heritage—a situation that can

tion. Gnecco and Cardenas-Arroyo founded the journal

no longer be ignored. Indigenous peoples in both Latin

Arqueologi'a del Area Intermedia (1999-2003) to foster dia­

America and the international diaspora—as well as

logues across a broad region. Cooke (2005) and Hoopes

mixed-heritage descendants with varying levels of mes-

(2005) wrote review articles as road maps for colleagues

tizaje—continue to struggle for acknowledgment of their

and younger scholars; Calima and Malagana (Cardale de Schrimpff 2005) appeared in English; and multiple dis­

resilience, their autonomy, and their roles as stakeholders in their own pasts.

sertations were completed. Botero (2006) addressed the

That said, there are new theoretical perspectives on

history of collecting and collections in Colombia and

the horizon. One is the use of network theory. Those

in The Art of Gold (Botero 2007) recontexualized col­

perspectives of communities of practice and constellations

lections at the Museo del Oro in Bogota. The principal

of practice (Joyce, this volume) are alternatives to the

effect of these efforts was to present, in detail, multiple

notions of territories, regions, culture areas, and subar-

data sets relevant to understanding specific regions as

eas—and even to the concept of "culture" itself.

HOOPES . SALGADO CONZALEZ

A quarter century ago, Lange (1996:324) highlighted

Conclusion

the lack of a regional approach to cultural heritage preser­

Scholarship on the archaeology of southern Central Amer­

vation, one that would coordinate cross-border strategies

ica, Colombia, and Ecuador has advanced substantially

for "cultures without frontiers." The problem of cultural

since a century ago, when far more had been published

heritage remains a concern, especially with respect to vul­

on "Chiriquian" antiquities than on the Olmecs. The sig­

nerable regions such as the Gulf of Fonseca, Mosquitia,

nificance of the archaeology of this part of the Americas

the valley of the San Juan River, the Talamanca Range,

was well-known in the early twentieth century. By the late

the territories on either side of the Burica Peninsula,

1950s, it had become apparent that ceramic technology

eastern Darien, and the Gulf of Uraba. Cultural heritage

was surprisingly early in Ecuador, Colombia, and Panama.

preservation can occur via Indigenous rights movements

Ford (1969) offered a detailed model for how the practice

and land claims as well as via neoliberal or conservative

had diffused throughout the Americas. Spinden had sug­

nationalism driven by a lucrative international tourist

gested that Formative cultures diffused from Mexico to the

industry. Protection of Pre-Columbian resources can

Andes; this idea was turned on its head by Meggers, Evans,

represent multiple agendas: some operate at nested

and Estrada (1965) and by Ford, who traced ceramics from

local levels, while others represent participation by and

Japan to Ecuador and then northward. Lathrap (1962,

partnership among multiple Latin American countries

1977) later assigned priority to Amazonia. Willey (1959)

as well as the global community. The UNESCO desig­

identified a "most curious gap" in the absence of Formative

nation of "chiefdom" sites in southern Costa Rica is just

assemblages other than Monagrillo in southern Central

one approach that has gained some Indigenous as well

America. That gap no longer exists (Hoopes 1987,1994c).

as popular support, though many more sites throughout

The actual situation is far more complex. For example,

Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia merit recognition

the earliest pottery occurs in Brazil and Colombia among

and protection.

mobile hunters and gatherers (Oyuela Caycedo 2006;

Today, objects from the Americas between Hondu­

Oyuela Caycedo and Bonzani 2005; Roosevelt 1995) and

ras and Ecuador are acquired and destroyed not only

originates in multiple hearths (Floopes 1993). Willey also

via the depredations of looting but also via large-scale

noted that the metallurgy of Costa Rica and Panama was

industrialized agriculture, which obliterates entire sites,

without a satisfactory chronology. That has been rectified

and construction of infrastructure, which comes at a

(Sanchez Herrera and Cooke 1997)- Willey asserted that

heavy price. There is urgency in providing knowledge to

"there is, as far as we can see, nogreat stylein Lower Central

descendant communities, whose ancestors created these

America, Colombia, or Ecuador which will compare with

objects, and to the world at large. Such an effort restores

that of the Olmec or the Chavfn" (Willey 1959:190). This

a small part of what has been lost to epidemic disease,

view has also shifted. The Gran Code Semiotic Tradition,

war, time, and genocide, and to the colonial, nationalis­

as defined by Cooke (2004a), arguably represents a "great

tic, and capitalistic enterprises that have abetted scholar­

style," though not of the same antiquity as Chavin and

ship. Through the study of these objects we seek to keep

Olmec. For Willey, these "great, coherent styles" repre­

these cultures—and the wonder and inquiries that they

sented "universal idea systems or moral orders" that we

inspire—alive.

now know to be far more variable, subject to the quirks and idiosyncrasies of individual settlements and their leaders. With an appreciation of the complexity and nuances of cul­

Acknowledgments

tures north and south, those of the cultures between them

David Mora-Marin graciously provided substantial assis­

become more typical.

tance with sections discussing historical linguistics.

O N E H U N D R E D F I F T Y Y E A R S O F I S T H M O - CO L O M B I A N A R C H A E O L O G Y

31

NOTES 1 Skinners unpublished field notes and photographs are archived at the Autry Museum of the American West in Los Angeles, where they were deposited by his friend, anthro­ pologist Mark Raymond Harrington. 2 Mason's three-volume series on Tairona culture has no comparative citations, footnotes, or bibliography, while Lothrop's two-volume set on Sitio Conte cites Masons monographs only once (Lothrop 1942:255), in a vague ref­ erence to Colombian "connections with Central America."

HOOPES • SALCADO GONZALEZ

3

Unfortunately, this has resulted in many decontextualized objects from Panama being identified as Costa Rican in

4

style, a problem with cross-border territories. The original French edition of this book was followed by a Spanish translation in 1992, but the volume did not appear

5

in English until 2005. There is lexical and grammatical evidence for a general relationship between Chibchan and Chocoan (Constenla Umana and Margery Pena 1991)-

m

3 Central America Time for a Paradigm Shift

ROSEMARY A. ]OYCE

RESEARCH ON THE REGION EXTENDING FROM HONDURAS

have found helpful in understanding traditions of man­

to Colombia can provide a demonstration of alternatives

ufacture and patterns of object movement in Honduras:

to a way of thinking about cultural traditions in space

network models, and the interconnected models of com­

inherited from the anthropological approach of cultural

munities and constellations (or networks) of practice.

history. Developed in the early twentieth century this

Before exploring these alternatives, it is worth under­

entrenched way of thinking treated regional political

standing what does not work in the traditional approach

hierarchies as coinciding with distributions of predefined

to recognize how these alternatives are improvements.

ethnic groups, and it led to Pre-Columbian Central

Consider a map publicly exhibited in the visitor's

America being treated as marginal, peripheral, or back­

center at Chichen Itza, Yucatan.1 The map, painted in the

ward, even though it is an area where mastery of a range

style of narrative murals from Chichen Itza, uses icons

of technologies was highly developed andwhere societies

of people, plants, and products to illustrate the extent of

sustained themselves over long periods of time without

the landscape connected to Chichen Itza through trade.

the development of extreme levels of inequality. Today,

Created to project an idea of the geographic scope of eco­

as sustainability, resilience, and new ways of thinking

nomic ties that emanated from this important Maya city,

about complexity emerge as central concerns in global

the map shows no modern geographic boundaries. At

historical thought, reformulating ways to represent his­

the top, it reaches toward northwest Mexico, where the

torical Central America is particularly urgent, if research

sources of turquoise featured in spectacular objects recov­

on these histories and cultures is to be given the attention

ered at the site are found. At its base, the map embraces

it deserves.

Panama, Costa Rica, and northwest Colombia, shown

Archaeologists have been rightly concerned that, in

as the sources of gold-alloy objects crafted in distinctive

the absence of an organizing framework like that devel­

local styles and recovered from the Sacred Cenote. The

oped in the early twentieth century, it might be difficult to

map's cartography shows human figures in these distant

adequately describe localized distributions of materials,

areas, and also in areas closer to Chichen Itza, marked as

their regional and interregional connections, and possi­

sources of obsidian, jade, cacao, and fine pottery. Each of

ble relationships of manufactured things and peoples

these human figures, depicted facing toward Chichen,

who were ancestors of extant and historically recorded

strides forward, holding a staff and bearing a bundle sus­

Indigenous groups. Fortunately, there exists a strong

pended from a tumpline around the forehead. A canoe

alternative set of models that can be used for these pur­

traverses the Gulf of Honduras toward eastern Yucatan,

poses—and many actually better match the archaeology

its origin ambiguous—the Central American or South

we see in this region, where distributions overlap and

American mainland?

boundaries of territories are sometimes difficult to iden­

In order to create this map, which is based on the

tify. I propose the adoption of two key alternative frame­

connections indexed by objects recovered at the site,

works already in use by archaeologists elsewhere that I

the artist ignored modern national boundaries but also

the limits archaeologists have traced around bounded lin­

the concept and its effects. Sheets (1992) famouslyargued

guistic and cultural areas. This unbounded landscape is

against what he called the "pervasive pejorative" in

the reality of the Pre-Columbian world familiar to many

Central Ajnerican archaeology, a tendency to use histo­

archaeologists; paradoxically, it is rarely represented

ries of societies located to the north as a norm and, by

this way. Instead, scholars grapple with maps inscribing

inference, to find southern societies supposedly backward

boundaries around things like the Mesoamerican culture

or lacking. I have attempted to contest the pervasive pejo­

area (Figure 3.1).1 Where the Chichen Itza interpretive

rative by suggesting that we might consider such thingsas

center map accurately conveys the existence of long­

the limitation of the development of extreme inequality

distance contacts and connections extending to near

as a positive outcome of specific social processes at work

and distant locales, the traditional map of Mesoamerica

in the area, rather than as a failure to develop "increased

traces a line along the Ulua River in northwest Honduras,

complexity" (Joyce 2013).

snaking uneasily through Nicaragua to enfold the Pacific

36

Other scholars have more directly attempted to rede­

Coast of Nicaragua and Costa Rica's Nicoya Peninsula.

fine the Intermediate Area itself, suggesting that it could

West and north—all is Mesoamerica. Everything to the

plausibly be reconfigured as a culture area with its own

east and south is consigned to the so-called Intermediate Area (Willey 1971).

integrity, historical genealogies, and regimes of value

Archaeologists working in countries included in the

tial proposal, the distribution of languages belonging to

Intermediate Area have a productive history of critiquing

the Chibchan family is historically consequential. On

JOYCE

(Hoopes and Fonseca Zamora 2003). For this influen­

the basis of his historical analysis, Constenla Umana

sociology that provide the main alternative I am advocat­

(2012:414-420) identified the earliest division of Proto-

ing. Using as examples phenomena that link Honduras to

Chibchan as taking place around 6600 years

societies in an area extending from Central Mexico to at

BP, with

a

split between Pech, the westernmost core Chibchan lan­

least as far south as Costa Rica, I develop a model of the

guage (Constenla Umana 2012:417), which he identifies

implementation of these ethnographic concepts showing

as located in Honduras, and the ancestor of the remain­

how they can help us to capture the dynamic quality of

ing Chibchan languages. The speakers of the earliest

social processes in Pre-Columbian Central America.

Chibchan languages, according to Constenla Umana, shared the practice of cultivating a range of plants similar to those grown by their descendants, and used gourd con­

Culture, Culture Area, and Nation-State

tainers, but not yet pottery vessels. As the descendants of

The conventional history of the development of the "cul­

speakers of Proto-Chibchan moved throughout the area

ture area" concept as part of anthropology in the United

of Central America and adjacent northernSouth America,

States is well rehearsed. American cultural anthropology,

the descendant languages continued to diversify along

with its defining concepts of "culture element," "culture

with new practices, but interaction among these popula­

area," and "culture history,"was an integrated approach to

tions promoted the emergence of a series of related cul­

understanding the particularities of human social groups

tural values and practices within a region extending from

(Kroeber 1931, 1939; Steward 1961). It was developed to

northern Colombia into at least Nicaragua. This histori­

describe Indigenous North American peoples under­

cal set of relationships is recognized as having an integ­

stood to be in a process of assimilation to American

rity of its own, constituting a "Chibchan world" (Hoopes

society. This led cultural anthropologists to emphasize

2005) in the "Isthmo-Colombian Area" (Hoopes and

a combination of folklore and oral history research, lin­

Fonseca Zamora 2003) not characterized in comparison

guistics, and material culture studies to delineate van­

to adjacent areas, as in older models developed by archae­

ishing culture areas. Archaeology had a privileged place

ologists trained in culture history approaches.

in this approach: excavated materials were understood

Although these have been important steps in advo­

to be potentially useful as historical evidence pertain­

cating for understanding this region, I suggest that some­

ing to the relatively recent past of surviving Indigenous

thing more radical is both necessary and potentially

groups, potential testimony to how things worked before

transformative for scholarship: setting aside the culture

Europeans came on the scene, via what came to be called

area framework in favor of models that formally explore

the "direct historic approach" (Steward 1942).

the active constitution of networks among localized and

The methods of culture historical archaeology were

regionally extensive groups of people, viewed as com­

codified in the 1950s (Willey and Phillips1958), just as its

munities of practice. Such an approach can conserve the

application was being challenged in the first steps toward

strengths that stem from treating groups in the region

North American processual archaeology. The core meth­

from Honduras and El Salvador to Colombia as an inter­

odology emphasized the creation of taxonomies on mul­

connected network of autonomous societies with their

tiple scales to allow mapping of the distribution in space

own cultural and practical logics. Shifting to a framework

of specific elements and their grouping in types. For liv­

that is based on the idea that identity emerges in practice

ing peoples, the mapping process identified the core area

can free scholars from some unfortunate entailments

where a culture first was formed and the spatial extent to

of culture historical approaches, and gives us the tools

which it spread from that origin. Archaeological excava­

to examine identification at multiple scales and the exis­

tions in the center of a culture area were understood to

tence at any point in time and space of multiple, com­

produce evidence of its historical sequence of develop­

peting networks of identification of people in one place

ment. Using the "age area" concept of Clark Wissler, a

with others. Identification through cultural practices can

combination of this archaeological sequence and the evi­

become a subject of investigation—rather than a back­

dence of geographic spread documented the culture his­

ground assumption.

tory of a group (Kroeber 1931).

I begin by briefly reviewing the roots of culture area

American cultural anthropology thus demanded the

systematics in nineteenth-centuryscholarship, before turn­

use of typologies. Much of the methodological work of

ing to alternative frameworks

drawn from late twentieth-

both ethnographers and archaeologists went into devis­

century anthropology of learning and organizational

ing classifications. Each localized culture group was CENTRAL AMERICA

37

understood to develop its own ways of doing things,

functional in Europe, where it was developed, as emerg­

which were normative, shared among all members of the

ing nation-states struggled to suppress linguistic, reli­

group, changing over time, and diversifying as the group

gious, and social variation, redefining variants as "ethnic"

spread out geographically. Much that was valuable came out of the culture area/

to the Pre-Columbian Americas, the model worked best

culture history research agenda; however, as British

where there was something similar to European nation-

social anthropologist Kuper (1999) argues in a largely

states (among the Mexica or Inca, for example).

differences within the national territory. When applied

unsympathetic review of the history of Americanist cul­

In the twenty-first century, we have at our disposal

tural anthropology, serious problems with the approach

other ways of thinking about social and cultural variabil­

came not from how it was employed, but from its roots in

ity. Two concepts—network models, and communities

the German academy of the nineteenth century. While

and constellations of practice—used in concert, provide

Kroeber operationalized the approach and trained its

ways to think about archaeological data from Greater

most influential practitioners, he did not invent the

Central America that avoid the "pervasive pejorative."

basic concept employed: culture. Kroeber had studied at Columbia University with Franz Boas, whose own doc­ toral training was in Germany. Boas deployed a cultural

Network Models

approach to combat the dominant mode of anthropol­

The idea of a "network" has been part of the archaeo­

ogy in the United States in the late nineteenth century,

logical lexicon for a long time, whether understood as

which developed in museums such as the Smithsonian

a model of economic relations or a map of cultural con­

Institution. That approach was evolutionist, assigning dif­

nections whose explanation was not always forthcom­

ferent peoples—even if they were contemporaneous—to

ing. More formal network models have been deployed

stages on a universal evolutionary ladder. It was also, at

in archaeology in regions ranging from the Southwest

times, social Darwinist, arguing that the most advanced

United States (Mills and Ferguson 2008; Mills et al. 2013)

societies on this ladder—those of northern Europe—

to the ancient Mediterranean (Knappett 2011). The use

were innately superior to others elsewhere in the world

of mathematically based "social network models" in

(Stocking 1968).

archaeology begins with a commitment to understand­

Culture history insisted, instead, that everysociety be

ing local histories at least in part through understanding

understood on its own terms, not in comparison with a

relationships between places (and the people and signif­

universal scale of advancement. Boas, in a famous debate

icant things in different places), treated as points in the

about museum practices in the United States, argued for

network, rather than by attempting to trace and delimit

installing exhibits in which each culture was presented

territories as frames for localized, essentialized identi­

holistically, rather than using the then-dominant prac­

ties. The places (and people, and potentially person-like

tice of comparative exhibits (Boas 1887; Dall and Boas

things) that occupy points of connection in networks are

1887; Powell and Boas 1887). Yet Kuper (1999) notes that

understood as nodes, joined by relationships and flows

the culture concept Boas learned as a doctoral student in

(of matter and information). Network models can incor­

Germany was itself imbued with notions of progress: it

porate the idea of people as having differential ability to

was tied to the concept of a nation, the people suppos­

affect their world (agency), absent from Kroeber's cul­

edly identifying with and identified by a political and ter­

tural anthropology, in which culture, a "superorganic"

ritorial entity. In nineteenth-century political thought in

entity, acts through people (Steward 1961).

Europe, the legitimacy of a nation-state rested on its ter­

We can contrast two recent examples illustrating

ritorial limits including a defined people with a relatively

the use of network models in archaeology that differ

uniform culture, including language, religion, and social

in the formality of their approach to establishing the

structure. This is the unintended legacy that we inherit

existence of networks; either might be a useful model

from Boasian anthropology: a commitment to the idea

for archaeologists working in the region from Colom­

that the people we study anywhere in the world were

bia to Honduras. In the less formalized approach, net­

organized in structures like those nineteenth-century

works are traced between different locations based on

European nation-states were trying to concretize. A cul­

the presence in them of items used in shared practices.

ture, in other words, implies a people that is the sub­

Mills and Ferguson (2008) provide an example in their

ject of a political regime. The model was not even really

study of shell trumpets throughout the pre-Hispanic U.S.

JOYCE

Southwest, viewing these objects as actively creating a

Or, if we thought obsidian blades were moved from place

network of ritual participants. Connections between sites

to place by itinerant, skilled craftworkers, we would fea­

that are nodes on networks like this one are understood

ture walking figures—but not simply bearers of burdens,

as the product of historical processes carried out by active

as some would be practitioners of a craft.

agents, whether humans or particularly effective agential objects (Knappett 2011).

What all of these explanatory models have in com­ mon is that they are not territorialized; there are no

More recently, Mills and colleagues have advocated

relevant frontiers in network models, just nodes, con­

a statistical form of network modeling called social

nections, and the networks we can trace until our data

network analysis (Mills et al. 2013). Their case study in

run out or the network closes. The social actors involved

the U.S. Southwest draws on an extensive body of fine­

are not entire peoples, ethnic groups, or speakers of a sin­

grained information from parallel studies of ceramiccom­

gle language, although shared understandings of what is

position and style, and of obsidian composition (analysis

good or valuable, and the ability to communicate with

of 4.3 million ceramic artifacts and 4,800 obsidian arti­

others through a shared language, may help social actors

facts from140 sites), set within a dendrochronology that

connect with others. The universe of social actors has to

allows for resolutionof dating down to a decade.The team

be conceptualized explicitly: local rulers; families with

includes specialists in the formal mathematics required

marriageable daughters and sons; crafters; farmers; and

for constructing mathematical network models. Other

potentially, a host of others, such as religious special­

archaeologists are using software programs that allow

ists, each could participate differently in networks—and

similar network modeling, even with more modest data

might participate in different networks, and in multi­

sets (Knappett 2013). Although, to date, network models

ple networks, simultaneously. Networks relating such

have been primarily used in archaeology for understand­

diverse actors can exist at multiple scales. The reasons for

ing connections at a regional scale, a regional scale is not

a network to form, accordingly, will be heterogeneous, an

a requirement for us to recognize social networks (Blair

empirical question, not a given in the model, as the causes

2017). They simply require a concept of social relations

were in models of culture areas and culture history.

that takes place between nodes, not automatically as a product of proximity within a defined space.

Networks of Ritual Actions

In any network model, the analyst has to provide

Let me offer an example of this kind of network thinking,

the interpretation of the kind of process or processes

a simple one, taken from my research in Honduras. Here,

involved in creating the network. These arguments are

the formal frontier of the Mesoamerican culture area

usually made via analogy with better-understood places

supposedly runs along the Ulua River in the lower Ulua

and times. Thus, Mills and Ferguson (2008) review eth­

Valley (Lothrop 1939). This line was in part determined

nographic research on shell trumpets as ritual objects to

by the distribution of one particular Mesoamerican

help guide their understanding of distributions of shell

trait: ball courts for playing the rubber ball game. At

trumpets in archaeological sites as a result of networks

the time of the initial proposal, the distribution of ball

of interaction. We could return to the map from Chichen

courts was understood to extend from Mexico and end

Itza: the walking figures on the map are based on images

at the Ulua River. The line continuing south to define the

of long-distance traders, like the pochteca ofTenochtitlan.

Mesoamerican frontier assigned the Comayagua Valley

We might, instead, draw slightly different icons on our

to Mesoamerica and placed the easternmost ball courts

map if we believed that much of the transmission of goods

known from central Honduras in Mesoamerica as well.

reaching Chichen Itza was a product of other historical

Yet separate archaeological projects in the 1990s east

processes. Inter-elite gift giving, a perfectly feasible way

of the supposed frontier located several ball courts in

to move small amounts of high-value raw materials long

the modern Honduran Department of Yoro (Joyce and

distances among peers who occupy positions of power in

Hendon 2000;Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2009), while

their local societies, could call for depiction of palaces at

in the eastern Mosquitia multiple sites with ball courts

different points on the map, with hosts and visitors sit­

were simultaneously identified (Begley 1999)- A culture

ting together. Down-the-line exchange via local markets,

historical model would require redefining the eastern

which might well explain the movement of some widely

frontier of Mesoamerica to adjust to these new data; this

used commodities such as obsidian blades, would require

would, among other unintended consequences, result in

us to place on the map some images of regional markets.

the absorption into Mesoamerica of Chibchan-speaking CENTRAL AMERICA

people (the Pech of eastern Honduras) and possibly

for the production of carved marble vases with specific

speakers of yet another language group (Tol, spoken in

forms (cylinders and low dishes, most with ring bases)

Yoro)3 not

and iconography (scrolls, frontal faces, and pairs of lugs

previously considered Mesoamerican.

Alternatively the new evidence can be understood

in zoomorphic form) during a period estimated to begin

in terms of the existence of a network of shared prac­

around 650 CE and last until at least 950 CE (Luke 2002).

tices that relate to playing rubber ball games. This net­

Examples of these products of high craft skill have been

work extends across a space that is actually far larger than

found in Guatemala, Belize, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica,

even Mesoamerica and its IntermediateArea neighbor—

as well as across Honduras. Luke argues that the majority

extending north into the U.S. Southwest and east into the

of these vessels were made by craftworkers supported by

Caribbean (Rodriguez Ramos and Hoopes, this volume).

the wealthiest families of one site, Travesia, where a large

From a network perspective, we need to consider who

compound with plastered stone buildings was adjacent to

the social actors were that were responsible for creating

a ball court (Luke and Tykot 2007).

these networks (Curet and Oliver, this volume). Drawing

Stylistic details tell us that marble vases found in

on multiple lines of evidence, in Yoro, we argued that ball

Costa Rica and Nicaragua began to move south before

games and other activitiesaround them were likely spon­

750 CE, while those in Guatemala and Belize can be iden­

sored by individual families of wealthy farmers, who did

tified as being produced after 750 CE (Luke 2010). The

not constitute a permanent political leadership but may

implication is that the wealthy families at Travesia who

have had some specific community leadership in reli­

patronized the production of these vessels were engaged

gious observances timed by the solar calendar (Joyce

from an early date in a network extending south and only

and Hendon 2000). Begley (1999) makes a similar argu­

later extended their network of relations to the north.

ment that the sponsors of the construction of ball courts

These networks were reciprocal; valuables of southern

in the Honduran Mosquitia were engaged in participa­

and western origin made their way to the lower Ulua

tion in long-distance exchanges sanctioned by cosmol­

Valley via these routes. In one instance, two marble vases

ogy. In both cases, the presence of ball courts served as

of late date were buried along with a gold-alloy pendant

the basis for explanations that included the likelihood

of general Central American style4 and a jade pendant

that people in eastern Honduras were in communication

in the shape of a hand, the color and workmanship indi­

with, shared values with, and engaged in shared prac­

cating it likely was made in the Maya Lowlands. Another

tices with people in the Maya Lowlands of the Yucatan

marble vessel cache includes multiple jade objects stylis­

Peninsula as well as visitors from other sites in the net­

tically foreign to Honduras.

work who would have come to eastern Honduran sites to

Luke (2012) offers a detailed iconographic analysis

participate in ball games and related rituals, ceremonies,

of these Ulua-style marble vases; she proposes that for

and perhaps markets.

the people who made them and used them in the lower

Neither interpretation requires the people in Hondu­

Ulua Valley, they were personified ancestral mountains.

ran sites to share an essentialized identity with the people

This, along with their frequent recovery in buried caches

who patronized the construction and use of ball courts in

in their area of production, often in multiples and some­

the Maya Lowlands. Neither explanation seeks simply to

times with other objects, suggests that the vases were

link two uniform and static areas. Each analysis defines a

used in religious ceremonies. The ceremonies implicated

place with a ball court as a node to and from which people

were timed by the same annual solar calendar that also

and things moved, regardless of a large inventory of dif­

governed the orientation of ball courts, and thus the play­

ferences between these nodes and other nodes to which

ing of ball games, across the lower Ulua Valley, and were

they were connected, where ball courts were built and

tied spatially to cycles of mortuary rituals and building

used by people living very different lives.

renewals that formed smaller networks within the lower

Multiple Networks in Action In any one location, multiple networks will be in action

Ulua Valley (Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2009). We can see Travesia as a node in at least three networks of practice, one local to the lower Ulua Valley, involving

at the same time, with overlapping participants, and dif­

treatment of the dead; one extending far west and north,

ferent networks might even be active for the same events.

involving the playing of ball games; and one extending

A second Honduran example can demonstrate how this

both north and south, involving the circulation of mar­ ble vessels.

might work. The lower Ulua River valley is the center 10YCE

As a network, the distribution of Ulua marble is more than a distribution in space: it defines corridors and

widest possible range of human activity that can be traced through archaeological evidence.

directions of movement of people, things, and knowledge

The concept of community of practice was outlined

that skip many intervening places while extending from

by the anthropologist Jean Lave and sociologist Etienne

one point to another. It is best represented as a series of

Wenger in their book Situated Learning (1991). It defined

arrows (directed graphs, in which nodes are vectors) con­

a relationship between learning and forming an identity,

necting Travesia with other settlements, some at consid­

so that people who were successfully incorporated in a

erable distances. The participants at the end of the vectors

learning situation emerged with an identification with

making up this network used Ulua marble vases in ways

others in that learning community. Situated learning,

that made sense in their own local settings. The small

illustrated with examples such as a West African tailor's

numbers of marble vases found in other areas could have

workshop, was in essence a model for how people form

been products of limited gift giving between the wealthy

their identities in social groups of all kinds. By refusing

families of Travesia and families they recognized as peers

any a priori definition of the kinds of groups that would

in other areas, who either visited Travesia itself or were

be formed through situated learning, the model provides

visited by people of Travesia. Like the members of this

a way to talk about groups of people, at a variety of scales,

network who originated at Travesia, local participants at

who together carry out social practices that they mutually

sites like Uaxactun and San Jose, Belize, appear to be res­

recognize as significant and for which the participants

idents of specific house compounds. Although the local

share a degree of understanding about what constitutes

social scale of inequality is more exaggerated in sites in

good performance (Bowser and Patton 2008).

Guatemala and Belize, the relative social position of par­

Taking Ulua marble vessels as our focus, we can

ticipants in the Ulua marble network is similar: at each

begin by considering how learning to make marble con­

site, the leading families of local communities are the con­

tainers would have required and created a community of

sumers of marble vases.

practice. After collecting samples from marble outcrops

The marble vase network is not the product of

across Honduras, Luke used isotopic and petrographic

actions by an entire Ulua "culture," but, rather, consti­

analyses to compare this group to samples from worked

tutes evidence of practices of production and consump­

vessels found in diverse locales, from the central Maya

tion that the residents of one settlement in the lower

Lowlands to Guanacaste province, Costa Rica (Luke,

Ulua Valley—possibly residents of one specific house

Tykot, and Scott 2006). She found that there were three

compound in that settlement—struggled to keep exclu­

quarries, all in the lower Ulua Valley, that overlapped

sive. A second source of contemporary models of social

compositionally with all of the vessels sampled. She

and cultural life allows us to expand how we can think

argued that two of these quarries were most likely used

about localized settlements and their products and prac­

in the production of the known vases. The main quarry,

tices without recourse to culture areas, capturing the

located near the modern town of Santa Rita, could have

dynamic nature of the communities that develop out of

provided the material for all but a few examples from

shared practices.

Altun Ha, Belize, which matched a quarry in the north­ ern edge of the lower Ulua Valley. Knowing where to obtain marble for these vessels

Communities and Constellations of Practice

would have been part of the shared knowledge of par­ ticipants in a community of practice uniting crafters of

A "community of practice" is a model that allows us to

these vessels. Having that knowledge became part of the

think about a group of people who share particular ways

grounds for identification among members of that com­

of enacting aspects of their everyday life as a result of their

munity of practice. This was not necessarily universal

history, especially their history of learning in a social sit­

knowledge, either in the region or even in the settlement

uation. Most early archaeological applications involved

where these knowledgeable actors lived and worked.

craft production, especially but not exclusively ceramic

The identification that it supported is not the kind envis­

production (Minar 2001; Sassaman and Rudolphi 2001).

aged in models of culture areas: this is neither Uluan nor

We can use these applications as examples of how to

Travesian knowledge—it is marble-crafter knowledge.

think about communities of practice, before explor­

The shape of Ulua marble vessels and the motifs

ing how we can expand these models to encompass the

carved into them overlap with and are derived from a C E N T R A L A M E R I C A

41

preexisting tradition of production of Ulua Polychrome pottery (Joyce i993a> 1993b, 2017; Luke 2002; Luke and Joyce 2013; see below for additional discussion). Becoming competent in the production of Ulua mar­

Ulua Valley; these artists connected to other networks of producers in adjacent regions where slightly different ves­ sel shapes, execution of motifs, and proportions of ves­ sels in the broader Ulua Polychrome tradition are attested

ble vases thus also involved learning a range of designs,

(Joyce 1993a, 1993b, 2017). The community of practice

layouts, and vessel shapes that was shared with makers

that united people who produced Ulua Polychrome ves­

of Ulua Polychrome pottery. It is possible that a single

sels with pairs of lug heads and pierced ring bases, fea­

community of practice at Travesia incorporated craft-

tures shared with Ulua marble vases, was almost certainly

ers of both kinds of Ulua objects, working with different

not limited to a specific house compound at Travesia;

materials but aiming to give form to containers used for

instead, it crossed multiple settlements in the central part

similar purposes by the same or overlapping groups of

of the lower Ulua Valley. The impulse to create similar

people. While such a multicrafting workshop might be

vessels in these different places was provided primarily by

located within a household compound, it is important to

the contexts of use and display of these things, which are

understand that being born to a family engaged in these

similar from one site to another. The actual techniques of

crafts would not be sufficient to become a member of the

manufacture at different sites with workshop debris seem

community of practice that produced Ulua Polychromes

to be more variable than the appearance of the products

and their marble skeuomorphs. Communities of practice

(Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2014).

are created through shared social practices, not by mere proximity or genealogy. Alternatively, we could propose that makers of Ulua

The community of practice that accounts for Ulua Polychrome pots that are similar in shape to Ulua marble vases is thus a community of practices of use of things,

marble vases and of some Ulua Polychrome pottery con­

not (just) of production. The community of practices

stituted what Wenger (1998) labeled a "constellation of

of using Ulua Polychrome cylinders with ring bases and

practice"—that is, separate groups of people who shared

pairs of lug heads, existing at the spatial scale of a part of

some aspects of the norms of production of their distinct

the lower Ulua Valley, employed Ulua Polychrome vases

products because of historical conditions (Roddick and

in ways quite similar to the use of Ulua marble vases in

Stahl 2016). In this case, coexistence in the same settle­

the same area. Both kinds of containers were sometimes

ment and participation in the same social ceremonies

used and broken in household contexts. When found

connected members of different communities of prac­

complete, they are buried as architectural caches during

tice responsible for the production of marble and poly­

episodes of reconstruction of buildings that formed

chrome vases.

part of house compounds. These buildings often also

For Wenger (1998:126-127), a constellation of prac­

contained human burials, which were either uniformly

tice exists when some configurations are too far removed

aligned to the Montana de Santa Barbara at the south end

from the scope of engagement of participants; they are

of the valley or placed at right angles to the axis directed

too broad, too diverse, or too diffuse to be usefully treated

toward that mountain peak. Practices carried out in

as communities of practice. The contrast with commu­

many different sites, independent of a single coordinat­

nities of practice is the "scope of engagement"—not a

ing power, are one way we might see a constellation of

geographic scale, but a level of interaction that we can

practice: people independently organized in localized

visualize as a grouping of people working together and

communities of (ritual) practice who share common cos-

understanding each other as in some sense an identified

mological orientations and common understandings of

collectivity.

what it meant to bury complete vessels—usually cylin­

So, we might think of Travesfa's Ulua marble makers

ders—in their houses.

as a community of practice distinct from the commu­

The concept of constellation of practice also allows

nity of practice responsible for making Ulua Polychrome

us to distinguish traces that exceed any identifiable scope

vessels in the same shapes, at the same time. Abundant

of direct engagement, but where there remains something

archaeological evidence shows that crafters were actively

that is the outcome of some degree of connection. That

producing polychrome pottery in sites like Travesia

"something" can be visualized as a network. An exten­

(Joyce 2017; Joyce, Hendon, and Lopiparo 2014). These

sion of the concept of communities of practice proposed

potters formed part of a decentralized network of pro­

by information theorists is actually called a "network of

ducers of similar products within the space of the lower

practice," where "most of the members are unknown to

lOYCE

one another... [relations are] usually more indirect than

A wider number of families in the lower Ulua Valley,

direct... [and] members coordinate and communicate

extending beyond the distribution of actual marble ves­

through third parties or indirectly" (Brown and Duguid

sels, made and used ceramic effigies that mimicked the

2000:141-142). In the example considered here, most

marble vessels, to greater or lesser degree, at the same

people in villages in the lower Ulua Valley would never

time that some neighbors employed stone vases. The best

have gathered at a single central place or been indoctri­

imitations were actually made at Travesia itself. These

nated by any single ritual leader. Their actions were in

effigies, though made of fired clay, were equal in size to

part coordinated by the physical features on the land­

the stone vessels, had the same forms and designs, and

scape that were imbued with power, toward which they

were slipped in a manner that made them visually resem­

learned to direct their actions. In part, they were coordi­

ble the marble vases. Most effigies of marble vases were

nated by the actions of "third parties" who were in more

smaller, many unslipped, and made in molds that applied

direct communication across different sites, members of

panels of scrolls on the body with very schematic details.

leading families engaged in localized interaction beyond

In the Travesia hinterland, many of these small ceramic

the village.

effigies of marble vases were slipped glossywhite; outside

In his work on early pottery production in the

this area, white slip is rare or absent.5

Bolivian Andes, Roddick (2009) summarizes some of

We can view this phenomenon as evidence both of

the conditions that may give rise to constellations of

a constellation of practice and of a community or com­

practice like this: "Constellations of practice may be

munities of practice. The constellation of practice links

the result of sharing historical roots, facing similar con­

different producing groups who arrived at different ways

ditions, having members in common, sharing artifacts,

to suggest marble vessels in clay, whether at the same

having geographic relations of proximity or interaction,

scale as the stone vessels or in miniature, slipped white or

having overlapping styles or discourses and competing

unslipped. These differences should be taken as evidence

for the same resources

simultaneously of differences in the understanding of the

There may or may not be an

overarching control, people attempting to keep a given

features a marble vessel effigy needed to possess to be

constellation together. And finally, the connections that

effective in use—and of differences in knowledge about

tie a given constellation of practice together may be

how to make marble vessels and how to make ceramic

intentional, or due to 'emerging circumstances' and unin­

effigies of them.

tended consequences." In the lower Ulua Valley, Ulua marble vases are found

As with the Ulua Polychrome vases that share with Ulua marble vases key features of shape, the production

in a tight distribution around the Travesia settlement.

of ceramic effigies of marble vases is evidence of a sin­

That distribution can be thought of as a product of a net­

gle community of practice based on their use, which also

work within the lower Ulua Valley, perhaps of social peers

encompassed users of real stone vessels, rather than a

(intermarried families), of people with economic ties, or

community of practice of production. A constellation of

of religious coparticipants, or, indeed, of all of these at

localized communities of practice produced marble and

once. The localized network of families able to use the

ceramic vessels that were used by participants in a more

marble vases produced at Travesia constituted another

extensive constellation of practice in similar ways: as

community of practice—not of production, but of use

items in ceremonies, especially those linked to ball games,

in practices of ritual and ceremony, of hosting and feast­

house remodeling, burial, and ancestor veneration.

ing, perhaps of marking seasonal events, and certainly of marking the life cycles of buildings and human beings. The identity formed among the participating fami­ lies using Ulua marble vases cannot be generalized to all

Communities and Constellations in Practice

those in the settlements where they lived. Nor should it

This is a very complex way of thinking about cultural

be described as a general trait of the lower Ulua Valley. It

identity, but it has the advantage of being complicated in

was a product of using specific things in specific ways, of

ways that highlight action at the scale of human agency.

knowing other people used those specific things in the

Communities and constellations of practice have become

same way, of knowing why it was right to use them this

widely used frameworks for understanding social rela­

way. We can label that knowledge, and thus that identity,

tions in contemporary societies. Thompson (20ii:fig. 5)

cultural—but we cannot say it is "a culture."

provides a graphic illustrating the ways that the concepts CENTRAL AMERICA

Emphasis on structure

Emphasis on processes

Lave (1988): Cognition in practice

Figure 3.2 Diagrammatic representation of the development of communities of practice and constellations of practice as concepts. Illustration by Rosemary A. ]oyce, afterThompson (20ii:fig. 5).

of community and constellation of practice have devel­

communities of practice. Communities of practice

oped since the early1990s (Figure 3.2).

emerge in action; constellations of practice form as

At its simplest, with communities of practice we are

historical products of sets of communities of practice.

dealing with the outcomes of shared learning—and the

Although constellations of practice, on this account,

kind of identification that it produces. In archaeology, we

have a more stable structure, they still do not map

have a long tradition of using related concepts. The chaine

directly or rigidly onto the kind of structures (culture

operatoire labels the sequence of actions that is learned

and society) that archaeologists have traditionally

and becomes incorporated as embodied practice, leav­

used as models. A final example from Honduras, again

ing traces of specific gestures and choices in the material

involving material that demonstrates connections at a

produced (Dobres 1999; Lemonnier 1992; Miller 2007).

distance with southern Central America, may help to

Lechtman (1977:6) defined the concept of "technological

demonstrate how this complex, realist form of model­

style" by drawing on the fact that such operational chains

ing identity as an emergent property of action is a use­

were specific to localized groups of people, saying that

ful way to rethink what older culture historical models

technical styles involved "technical modes of operation,

impede us from understanding.

attitudes towards materials, some specific organization of labor, ritual observances—elements which are unified

Ulua Polychromes and Constellations in Practice

nonrandomly in a complex of formal relationships." What

Ulua Polychrome vessels were produced in a multitude

Lechtman called a "complex of formal relationships" is

of workshops across the territory that today is Honduras,

what makes up a community of practice or a constella­

during a span of at least three hundred and probably

tion of practice.

almost five hundred years (Joyce 2017). Related poly­

In Thompson's (2011) analysis, constellations of

chromes that could be considered part of the same tradi­

practice are more structured and formalized than

tion were made in western and central El Salvador (where

10YCE

they are called Salua Polychrome) and the area of Nica­

in Honduran pottery. Galo potters might have drawn

ragua contiguous with southeast Honduras. Although

for inspiration on Ulua Polychrome vessels that were

Ulua Polychromes were not produced beyond this area,

brought to the region in numbers so small that they have

there exist several individual vessels made in styles typi­

not yet been detected by archaeologists, by visitors from

cal of Nicoya (Costa Rica) and Pacific Nicaragua that can

Honduran sites or Costa Ricans returning from travel to

only be understood as local adaptations of specific Ulua

those sites. It is even possible to conceive of Galo potters

Polychrome models.

producing theJaguar variety based on verbal descriptions

Lothrop (192.6) illustrated examples of what today

of Honduran pots recounted by such visitors. The social

would be called Galo Polychrome, Jaguar variety. Such

relationships existing between a small number of people

vessels depict a feline and a mat motif. The mat appears

or families in the two areas promoted the production of

either as a band above or below the feline, or alternates

innovative pots, production we now think took place in

with the feline in vertical panels filling a specific field on

what today is Nicaragua (Dennett 2016).

the vessel. Below the rim, a schematic step-fret design

Potters in Honduras worked within an established

repeats around the vessel. These motifs reproduce all of

tradition of visual imagery; in Nicaragua, the imagery

the elements of one group of Ulua Polychromes, named

was not rooted in such a history. They are not two loca­

Nebla class, subclass Picadilly (Joyce 2017:256-259). Galo

tions of a single community of practice, but two com­

Polychrome, Jaguar variety, could almost be thought of as

munities of practice with distinct histories. The two

a Costa Rican version of Ulua Polychrome. Yet the body,

communities of practice responsible for the produc­

slip, and painting are consistent with Nicoya polychrome

tion of these similar pots can be understood as part of a

production (Dennett 2016). While I have recorded one

constellation of practice, linked by "third parties," trav­

complete example of the Galo Polychrome, Jaguar variety,

elers between the two areas. The production of pots in

attributed to a site in the lower Ulua Valley, for the most

each area created distinct identities and social relations

part, Hondurans used Ulua Polychromes and the Galo

through situated learning.

varieties were used in Costa Rica and Nicaragua (Dennett

The patrons of the production of Galo Polychrome,

2016; Joyce 2017). How were such widely separated ceram­

Jaguar variety, in this scenario, who were not necessarily

ics produced in ways that manifesdy present the same ves­

the potters, were part of a community of practice extend­

sel layout and motifs? In a culture historical framework, we

ing across a wide geographic region, which also included

might think of Galo Polychrome,Jaguar variety, as a "trait

patrons of the Picadilly subclass of Nebla-class Ulua

unit intrusion,""a stylistic or technological feature or com­

Polychrome production in Honduras. This geograph­

plex" attributed to "diffusion" (Willey et al. 1956:8). But

ically more extensive community of practice was not

that has the effect of removing agency from the local Costa

based on making these vessels; it emerged from practices

Rican population who actually produced, and primarily

involved in enacting a particular kind of social position, a

used, these things. (It also leaves us with the task of explain­

social position that in both areas probably involved assert­

ing what "diffusion" is, in terms of historical processes.)

ing some degree of social distinction, perhaps even claims

Ifwe turn instead to think about these pots from Costa

to authorityand command. Being part of this community

Rica and those from Honduras, to which they are very

of practice, which was extensive in space but restricted

similar in terms of communities of practice and constel­

in participation within each locality, produced an iden­

lations of practice, things become more concrete. There

tification that crosscut other local identifications. Being

were separate communities of practice responsible for the

part of this community of practice of use of polychromes

production of these specific Ulua Polychromes and these

with feline and mat images may have been accompanied

specific varieties of Galo Polychrome. Again, these are

by other practices such as intermarriage or performance

not region-wide distributions of people: the pots are best

of shared rituals or ceremonies. The objects that are the

thought of as products of specific craffworkers or work­

sole remaining trace of participation in this community

shops, perhaps located in single sites in each area.

of practice served to contain food and drink—hence, we

These producers worked independently from each

might suspect that one of the shared practices involved

other. They did not have tolearn byvisiting each other. The

specific forms of food consumption, perhaps of perish­

Galo Polychrome vessels do not reproduce some details

able foods of restricted consumption like cacao.

of the Ulua Polychrome format accurately. Galo potters

Based on the dating of the Ulua Polychromes

often apply Ulua Polychrome designs to forms unknown

involved, this broader scope community of practice CENTRAL AMERICA

emerged around 700 to 800 CE. It was not something that involved everyone in Honduras who made and used Ulua Polychromes. Participation in Honduras seems to have been localized to people living in the Comayagua Valley and, perhaps more precisely, to people living at the hilltop settlement of Tenampua, which became the only large settlement in the Comayagua Valley in the late eighth century CE. At Tenampua, this community

a singular national (cultural) identity. We know this was not a relevant form of historical model for Europe before that time; there are clear cases from Central America in which Spanish colonial documents show it did not work in the sixteenth century (Sheptak 2007)- There is no rea­ son to think it worked for this region of the Americas prior to European colonization. Second, the combination of extensive commitment

of practice is visible archaeologically through a second

to practices requiring substantial technological knowl­

material form, also of spatially extensive but restricted

edge or using specific materials, combined with localized

distribution: the use of metates of a style also found in

variation, is difficult to account for using only a concept

the Nicoya Peninsula and on Ometepe Island in Lake

of cultural identity. From at least Costa Rica to Colombia,

Cocibolca (Jones 1992:67-68). One was recovered in

metal-alloy objects were produced for use as personal

controlled excavation at Tenampua (Popenoe 1928:572).

regalia, with overlapping subjects, employing a common

Others are reported in collections made under undocu­

suite of techniques carried out in diverse ways. Within

mented circumstances at the site (Jones 1992:180-182).

this universe of overlapping materials, techniques, uses,

Examples are depicted as well in the images painted on

and representational subjects, highly specific local vari­

vessels of the Tenampua class of Ulua Polychromes made

ations create recognizable and identifiable localized

and consumed at the site (Joyce 2017:255-2.56).

styles at scales not easily equated with ethnic or linguis­

It would serve little purpose to attempt to define a

tic groups. Both the wider network of practices and the

"culture" that would encompass Tenampua and sites in

localized circuits of production and use can be charac­

Nicaragua and the Nicoya Peninsula. By using the con­

terized using communities and constellations of practice

cept of community of practice, we can recognize that the

as models. Each localized approach to production, with

practice indexed by metates and by scenes on Tenampua

slightly different techniques and local aesthetic choices,

Polychromes—that of being seated on a figural metate

was reproduced within a community of practices of pro­

or bench—is an indication of participation in a very

duction, together forming a network, or constellation of

widespread constellation of practice that extended from

practices of production, that might testify to shared his­

Ecuador into Central Mexico, where being seated on a

tories and common values. A community of practice of

stone seat, a jaguar throne, or a mat wasa sign of authority

performance, wider in scope than the communities of

(McEwan and Looper, this volume). Rather than being

practice of production, existed. In it, these objects served

forced to attribute that practice to an originating center

as regalia used in ceremonies. Small numbers of metal

in Mesoamerica, from which it spread to neighboring

objects produced by the communities of production

culture areas, we can explore the specific practices that

in Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia made their way

extended at different scales, among different social actors,

to Nicaragua, Honduras, Belize, and Yucatan (Miller,

and begin to get a more nuanced model of social action

this volume; Ortiz Diaz, Ruvalcaba, and Cockrell, this

in the past.

volume). The use of such objects as regalia by a small number of people across this extended area testifies to

Conclusion

a constellation of performative practices that identified actors in both areas as distinct from the bulk of their local

Through these examples, I suggest that one way for

population. The people engaged in the use of similar rega­

archaeologists to understand the Pre-Columbian past in

lia were tied to each other at a scale that crosses not just

Greater Central America, and the way that people living

ethnic and linguistic borders but disrupts the boundary

in that territory engaged in extended contacts with peo­

between Mesoamerica and its neighbors as well.

ple in other territories, is to stop thinking of this space as

What we see in the Central American Isthmus—

a territory. This is necessary, I believe, for multiple rea­

and what makes it necessary to talk to people working

sons. First, territorial models inherited from U.S. cultural

in adjacent regions to understand the archaeology of the

anthropology are really intended to describe an ideal of

region—is a pattern of very localized styles of artifacts

the nineteenth-century nation-state, with its closed fron­

combined with an overlay of low-volume but socially

tiers, emphasis on unifying language, and insistence on

significant things that traveled long distances (Doyle,

10YCE

Hoopes, and Mora-Marin, this volume). Accounting in

been documented throughout the region extending from

culture historical terms for one slate-backed mirror with

Mexico south to northern South America could contrib­

Teotihuacan iconography that made its way to Costa Rica

ute substantially to these wider debates, offering, as they

gives us very little insight into anything other than "diffu­

do, examples of expert control of technologies in societ­

sion" or a vague notion of "trade." In contrast, from the

ies where political hierarchy was less extreme. Providing

perspective of communities and constellations of prac­

cases where the role of religion was potentially as import­

tice, this object points toward a geographically extensive

ant as the role of control of raw materials, instances where

community of practice; in it, similar regalia were used,

authority was wielded by women as well as men, the

craft skill was prized, and participants shared concepts of

archaeology of this region deserves a broader audience.

what materials were valuable, which motivated them to

Rethinking our models of the past so they feature active

collect and exchange Spondylus shells (Jaramillo Arango,

people and things will be one major step toward making

this volume; see Hirth 1992; Hirth and Hirth 1993; Joyce

that potential a reality.

2000 for discussions of the role of calibrating value in PreColumbian social relations). This alternative way of modeling actions can account

Acknowledgments

for many distinct patterns.Shared use of the same objects

I thank Colin McEwan for the invitation to contribute to

obtained through trade, use of similar, locally made

the workshop from which this paper grew. Earlier develop­

objects in the same practices, and use of what appear to

ment of these arguments was facilitated by an invitation to

be similar or the same objects in subtly or even radically

present a paper at the 2006 symposium "Exploracion delas

different ways occurred across a continuous landscape

relaciones historicas entre los pueblos indigenas de la Baja

with no frontiers. Instead, these patterns show us a land­

America Central y del norte de Suramerica," organized by

scape crossed by lines of connection. Treating objects

Silvia Salgado Gonzalez and Francisco Corrales Ulloa,

as actively composing social relations, as this approach

sponsored by the Universidad de Costa Rica and Museo

does, moves us toward contemporary currents that are

Nacional de Costa Rica, San Jose, and formed the basis

transforming archaeology around the world. In these

of an invited keynote address, "Redes, nodos, y paisajes

contemporary dialogues in archaeology, network mod­

sociales: Conceptos para la arqueologia centroamericana

els, statistically computed or constructed through GIS,

del siglo XXI," for the III Congreso Centroamericano de

have broken the boundaries that once contained analyses

Arqueologia, held at the Museo Nacional deAntropologia

within culture areas. The kinds of phenomena that have

Dr. David J. Guzman, San Salvador, El Salvador, in 2009.

1 This discussion is based on a photograph of this map taken

4 Warwick Bray (personal communication, 2015) notes that

by Russell Sheptakin the 1980s; the map itself had no credits

this object does not conform precisely to products of any

for the artist or sources of information.

well-defined localized metal production area.

2 Joyce created this map to accompany a chapter discussing

5 These comments are based on my review of museum col­

the concept of Mesoamerica in an edited volume published

lections in the United States and throughout Europe, espe­

in 2004 (Joyce 2004:fig.1.3).

cially Travesia-area collections in the Berlin Ethnologisches

3 See Table 1.1 for alternative names.

Museum, the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Eth­ nology, and the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution.

CENTRAL AMERICA

t *. • • • SH

.

M

4 Origins, Dispersal, and Survival of Indigenous Societies in the Central American Landbridge Zone of the Isthmo-Colombian Area

RICHARD C. COOKE

THIS ESSAY ADDRESSES THE ORIGINS, DISPERSAL, AND

and procedures. One cannot expect each to always lead

survival of Indigenous peoples in the Central American

to the same or similar inferences.

Landbridge Zone of the Isthmo-Colombian Area, from first arrival, about 16000 BP (14000 BCE)1 or perhaps earlier, until the present day. The concept of an IsthmoColombian Area bridging southern Central America and

Initial Human Dispersal It is broadly accepted that ancestors of living Indige­

northern Colombia, across which many aspects of cul­

nous peoples of the Americas crossed into the continent

ture, language history, and behavior were shared, is now

from Siberia and Beringia (the submerged land mass

accepted in Pre-Columbian archaeology (e.g., Quilter

between Siberia and Alaska) sometime between 25000

2003). Ihe idea of a Landbridge Zone derives from an

and 20000 BP (23000 and 18000 BCE). A split occurred

earlier proposal (Cooke 2005) that, heuristically, this geo­

in this population in eastern Beringia (the Alaska-Yukon

logical construct has an advantage over former geograph­

region), leading to a branch of Ancient Beringians (desig­

ical terms, such as Lower Central America (e.g., Lange and

nated AB) and one of Native Americans (designated NA;

Stone 1984), since it includes the low-lying basins of the

Moreno-Mayar, Potter, et al. 2018). This NAbranchbegan

Atrato and San Juan Rivers (Figure 4.1). The Atrato River

to expand southward around 16000 BP (14000 BCE)

flows into the Caribbean Sea at the Gulf of Uraba and

when a route along the Pacific Coast became feasible

the San Juan River into the eastern Pacific Ocean. Both

for human movement, possibly using watercraft, after

basins belong geologically to the Central American land-

17000 BP (15000 BCE) following the peak arctic climate

bridge (Coates and Stallard 2013; Leon et al. 2018), and

of the Last Glacial Maximum (Lesnek et al. 2018; Llamas

they were—and still are—strongly connected culturally

et al. 2016). Once south of eastern Beringia, this initial NA

to the Panamanian Isthmus (Bray and Arias de Hassan

population split into two principal branches—Northern

1990:29; Bray, Cooke, and Redwood 2021; Cooke 2005,

Native American (NNA or ANC-B) and Southern

2016; Martinez Mauri 2011; Vargas 1993)-

Native American (SNA or ANC-A)—around 17500 to

My holistic approach searches for harmony and

14600 BP (15500-12600 BCE; Moreno-Mayar, Vinner,

discord among data sets from historical disciplines—

et al. 2018). Recent genetic studies, based on genomic

archaeology, archaeozoology, colonial documentary

analysis of sixty-four Pre-Columbian Indigenous indi­

history, geology, humangenetics, paleoecology, and phys­

viduals from both North and South America,2 point

ical anthropology—that illuminate the central research

to a rapid expansion of human populations across the

theme. This generalist procedure encourages naivete

Americas with multiple migrations, and with individuals

and imprecision, especially in a compressed nonspecial-

from both Pre-Columbian and postcontact Indigenous

ist summary such as this one (see, for example, Bateman

populations exhibiting admixtures from two or more

et al. 1990). Each participant discipline has its own aca­

ancestral groups (Moreno-Mayar, Vinner, et al. 2018;

demic history, intellectual emphases, methodologies,

Posth et al. 2018). 49

Archaeological sites

£3

Rivers Lake

Light occupations between (10000-5000 BCE)

A

Paleoindian

• Early Preceramic

La Gloria

Los Camachos

La Mula

Florencia

Vampiros

Tronadora Vieja

Guardiria

© Corona

La Mula

Lasquiia Cerro Mangote Piedra Viva Linda Vista Playa Don Bernardo

Birlen

Vampiros

Pleistocene fauna

Las Huacas

La Cruzada

• Trinidaita

Puente Tratcher

La Fabrica

» Llano Hato

Las Praderas

Williamsburg

0 R. Chagres

Casila de Piedra

Carabali

El Jobo points 0 Laguna La Yeguada

• Late Preceramic

Los Sanianas Ladrones Aguadulce

Coordinate System: World Mercator Datum: WGS 1984 Units: Meter Map date: 2020

Scale: 1:2,900,000 0

80

160 'Km

Figure 4.1 Early sites of the Central American Landbridge Zone. Map by ]ohnatan Gonzalez Quiel.

et al. 2015; Erlandson et al. 2007, 2017). Geological mod­

50

The Archaeological Evidence

eling in progress implies that archaeological traces of

Particularly relevant to initial human occupation of the

the first coastal migrants along the Pacific marine litto­

tropical territory considered in this essay are: 1) offshore

ral of the Landbridge Zone should he on the continental

boat transport and the possibility of bypassing landforms;

shelf, now drowned by the transgressed ocean. Sea level

2) the dietary potential of marine littoral vegetation; 3) sea

remained 100 m lower than that of today from the start of

mammal and colonial seabird exploitation; and 4) inshore

the Last Glacial Maximum, dated 29000 BP (27000 BCE)

shell fishing and fishing in multiple habitats (e.g., Dillehay

until 15000 BP (13000 BCE; Cooke, Ranere, et al. 2013;

COOKE

Lambert et al. 2015; Redwood 2016a). At this time, the Bay

(13000 and 11500 BCE), consists of edge-trimmed flakes

of Panama would have been a broad coastal plain inter­

removed from locally available cobbles via hard hammer

rupted by groups of hills that are now islands. Central

percussion. Similar tools, accompanied by a wider variety

American lake sediment data indicate that the Late Glacial

of smaller unifacially flaked tools, continued to character­

climate of this plain was notably drier than that of terres­

ize stone tool assemblages in this region until the initia­

trial habitats in the same region today; its vegetation is

tion of Middle Holocene mound building at Huaca Prieta

inferred to have been more xeric, although now drowned

in 7500 BP (5500 BCE; Bird, Hyslop, and Skinner 1985;

river courses were probably lined with gallery forests

Dillehay, Bonavia, et al. 2012:48-70; Dillehay et al. 2017).

(Piperno 2006).

Not all of the early South American sites are located

The oldest irrefutable archaeological evidence for

along the Pacific Coast.Taima-Taima, near the Caribbean

human settlements comes from the southern extremity

Coast in Venezuela, contains the remainsof a juvenile (five

of the Pacific coastal entry route. The unusual preser­

to six years) butchered mastodon (Haplomastodon sp.)

vation environment at Monte Verde II in Chile enables

associated with the midsection of an El Jobo point, and

the reconstruction of the lifeways of a community that

a flake. Sheared-wood twig fragments thought to be the

lived in bark- or skin-covered dwellings in about 14500 BP

masticated stomach contents of the mastodon were dated

(12500 BCE). Its inhabitants subsisted on marine coastal,

to 15800 BP (13800 BCE). Twelve additional radiocarbon

freshwater, and

dates from the stratum that contained the butchered mast­

mixed forest-grassland resources,

and they occasionally consumed the meat of extinct

odon ranged from 16300 to 14900 BP (14300-12900 BCE;

camel (Palaeolama sp.) and more frequently mastodon

Adovasio and Pedler 20i6:fig. 23.6; Bryan et al. 1978; Bryan

(cf. Cuvieronius sp.) (Adovasio and Pedler 2016: 217-227;

and Gruhn 1979; Oliver and Alexander 2003:fig. 21). In

Casamiquela and Dillehay 1989; Dillehay 2009; Dillehay

addition to the mastodon, other fauna from the same stra­

et al. 2008, 2015). More recently, Dillehay and colleagues

tum include extinct gomphothere (Stegomastodon sp.),

(2015) have reported on small dispersed features associ­

horse (Equus sp.), bear (Paractotherium sp.), ground

ated with simple flake tools and burned and unburned

sloth (Glossotherium sp.), Sclerocalyptinae, and Felidae.

faunal remains. They are stratified below the principal

At El Vano, located farther inland and at a higher elevation

occupation of Monte Verde and are dated between 18500

(1,200 m) in the Serrania de Barbacoas, an El Jobo point

and 14500 BP (16500-12500 BCE).

found in association with ground sloth (Megatherium sp.)

Very early human use of coastal resources dating back

remains shows that these groups on the Caribbean were

to 15000 BP (13000 BCE) has been documented in the

not restricted to coastal habitats (Jaimes 1999)-

lower Chicama Valley on the North Coast of Peru. The

El Jobo points, primarily found only in excavations and

early occupational remains were initially recovered from

surface collections in northwest Venezuela, are similar in

layers preserved under the Middle and Late Holocene

form and method of manufacture to chipped stone points

deposits of the large Huaca Prieta mound, initially exca­

and point fragments recovered at Monte Verde.

thick

vated by Junius Bird in 1946 and 1947 (Bird, Hyslop,

The archaeological record for human settlement for

and Skinner 1985; Dillehay, Bonavia, et al. 2012:48-70).

the pre-Clovis period in the Landbridge Zone (16000-

Additional evidence has more recently been recovered

13000 BP; 14000-11000 BCE) is scant. Nonetheless, amid

from underneath the Paredes mound and from a small

a growing body of evidence from independent, multidis-

habitation site just north of Huaca Prieta. All three loca­

ciplinary sources, there is now a general consensus that

tions are on a remnant of a Sangamon Interglacial terrace

humans were present. Human genetics, sea-level studies,

(Dillehay et al. 2017).

geomorphology, and paleoenvironmental reconstruc­ the pre-mound deposits

tion draw attention to the hypothetical geographical and

are overwhelmingly from coastal habitats, with remains

ecological conditions that earliest migrants would have

The faunal remains from

of small sharks, sea lions, marine birds, and bony marine

experienced as they entered this territory. At present, the

fishes (Teleostei) being most important. Archaeologists

evidence comes primarily from sites in the Pacific water­

also recovered deer, crabs, marine snails, and limpets

shed, though it is consonant with expansion along this

from this occupation. All of these resources can be

side of the Isthmus and hints that people crossed to the

obtained from near-shore or back-bay wetlands without

Caribbean Sea in Panama.

the use of sophisticated equipment. The earliest stone tool assemblage, dated between 15000 and 13500 BP

I N D I G E N O U S S O C I E T I E S I N T H E C E N T R A L A M E R I C A N

Two bifacial point fragments, both surface finds, recall the El Jobo assemblage (Adovasio and Pedler

L A N D B R I D G E Z O N E O F T H E I S T H M O - C O L O M B I A N A R E A

51

20i6:figs. 16.10, 23.8). One is an unfluted base from the Qi lithic quarry site on the northern shore of Lake La Yeguada (650 m; Pacific Veraguas; Pearson 2002:fig. 38c). The other is a medial point fragment picked up by Bird in 1973 on a human-made island in the Lake Alajuela fresh­ water reservoir (formerly Lake Madden; Cooke, Ranere, et al. 20i3:fig. 2b; Cooke and Sanchez Herrera 2004b:fig. 4i-j; Ranere and Lopez 2007:fig. 1). The latter is made of local chalcedony, quite unlike the quartzitic sandstone

Hammen and Correal Urrego 2001). Four radiocarbon dates on strata above the tool-bearing layer ranged from 18880 BP (16990 BCE) to 16400 BP (14400 BCE) in stratigraphic order (Van der Hammen and Correal Urrego 2001). In sum, strata containing the mastodon and stone artifacts at Pubenza 3 appear to be well dated to between 17900 and 17000 BCE. Dislodgement of cultural mate­ rials from higher strata may have led to mixing in this region of constant seismic activity, but no artifacts were

that appears to have been preferred for ElJobo points in

reported from the upper 2.2 m of deposits.The Pubenza 3

Venezuela (Adovasio and Pedler 2016:303; Nami 1994;

site does date more than three thousand years earlier than other widely accepted Late Pleistocene sites and

Oliver and Alexander 2003). The Lake Alajuela point fragment begs the ques­

for this reason has generated some controversy. But on

tion of whether the earliest immigrant bands living on

the basis of new data for ephemeral human activity areas

the submerged Pacific Coast of the Bay of Panama may

at localities MV-i, CH-i, and CH-II near Monte Verde

have first reached the Caribbean seaboard by crossing

(MV-2) as far back as a conservative estimate of 18000 BP

the eastern Isthmus along the trajectory of the Panama

(Dillehay et al. 2015), it seems unwise to reject outright

Canal where the Continental Divide descends to its low­

the human-faunal associations at Pubenza 3.

est elevation. If so, would they have proceeded thence

Human settlement occurs at a higher elevation in the

along the Caribbean Coast to Venezuela, where, at

El Abra rock-shelter, located at 2,600 masl in the Sabana

Taima-Taima and nearby localities in the state of Falcon,

de Bogota, perhaps by 14580 BP (12630 BCE), which

Venezuela, several megafauna species were attracted to

marks the inception of the warm Guantiva Interstadial

artesian springs in an environment that is a xeric, dry

between about 14600 and 13000 BP (12600—11000 BCE;

thorn savanna under present conditions (Casamiquela

Aceituno and Rojas-Mora 2015; Cooke 1998b; Correal

1979; Oschenius 1979)?

Urrego, Van der Hammen, and Lerman 1969; Hurt, Van der Hammen, and Correal Urrego 1972; Van Geel and Van der Hammen 1973). Given the small number of

An alternative entry route through the San Juan-Atrato

stone specimens clearly produced by human action in

lowland corridor in the Landbridge Zone (Aceituno

the stratum associated with this date—nine in El Abra 2

et al. 2013) conceivably conducted bands from the

and twenty-two in El Abra 3 (Muttillo et al. 2015)—

Pacific coastal lowlands toward the Magdalena River

there exists the possibility of downward movement of

valley. In the middle reaches of this valley, mastodon

artifacts from higher strata with large artifact counts, as

(Haplomastodon waringi) remains were recovered

the excavators themselves have admitted (Hurt, Van der

at the Pubenza 3 site in what was once a small marsh

Hammen, and Correal Urrego 1972).

15 km upstream from the confluence of the Bogota and

Later in the Guantiva Interstadial, people camped at

Magdalena Rivers. Gastropods associated with the mast­

Tibito, Tocancipa (2,600 m), in the Sabana de Bogota.

odon remains yielded a date of 19850 BP (17850 BCE;

Here, in the shadow of a large boulder, they processed

Correal Urrego1993). Later excavations on higher ground

remains from eight individual mastodons belonging to two

near the marsh recovered seven stone flakes

modified

genera (Cuvieronius and Haplomastodon) as well as horse

and used as scrapers and perforators; there was also an

(Equus sp.), deer (Odocoileus sp.), and fox (Cerdocyon sp.).

eighth flake of obsidian whose closest source was across

At that time, Tibito lay in an oak-alder parkland, a biotope

the Magdalena River and high in the Central Cordillera.

that would have suited these taxa. A single charred bone

A radiocarbon date on calcified plant material associ­

provided a radiocarbon date of 13560 BP (11610 BCE). There

ated with the obsidian flake yielded a date of 19660 BP

is no sign of ponding at the camp itself, but Guantiva

(17660 BCE). A second date of 19150 BP (17150 BCE)

Interstadial water levels at the lake in the High Plain of

was obtained on gastropods from the same stratum as

Bogota were elevated, and mastodons favored lacustrine

the obsidian flake and the other stone tools, including

biotopes. Taphonomic evidence implies that the choice

a flake that has a broad hard-hammer striking platform

cuts of meat were carried somewhere else after butcher­

(Cooke i998b:fig. 3a; Correal Urrego et al. 2005; Van der

ing, as the mastodon remains consisted of fragments

COOKE

of

ribs, molars, and tusks (Adovasio and Pedler 2016:304;

reaching southern South America. As this southward

Correal Urrego 1981; Van der Hammen 1978).

movement occurred, so did serial splitting and admix­

Nieuwenhuis (2002:13) notes that the locally

ture events (Moreno-Mayar, Vinner, et al. 2018). In addi­

available chert in the High Plain of Bogota is tabular,

tion to archaeological support for this rapid movement,

coarse-grained, and very difficult to work. Only one of

the Anzick-i genome shows a close relationship to an

the 156 stone artifacts recovered at Tibito fits in with a

individual from Spirit Cave, Nevada, dated to approx­

butchering kit: a finely retouched keeled scraper (Cor­

imately 10700 BP (8700 BCE) as well as to the earliest

real Urrego, Van der Hammen, and Lerman 1969). The

South American individuals from Lapa do Santo site in

Tibito scraper was made from a fine-grained

chert typ­

Lagoa Santa in Brazil (9600 BP) and Los Rieles in Chile

ical of lower elevations in this area of Colombia; so was

(10900 BP) and to individuals from southern Peru and

the handful of finely retouched artifacts in depositional

northern Chile dating to -4200 BP and later.There is also

Unit 5b at the nearby Tequendama shelter, dated about

evidence of more Anzick-i-like SNA ancestry in the old­

12850 BP (10850 BCE; Correal Urrego, Van der Hammen,

est Central American genome from Mayahak Cab Pek,

and Lerman 1969). As they traveled around, the owners

Belize (dating to -9300 BP) than later Belizean individu­

of these tools probably looked after them carefully; they

als (Posth et al. 2018). The Spirit Cave lithic assemblage

had to go a long way to get the raw material and did not

belongs to the Western Stemmed Point Tradition, while

want to lose these useful objects.

the Lagoa Santa and Los Rieles assemblages differ from

It is not yet possible to answer the question of

each other and from both Clovis and Western Stemmed

whether an early northern South American population

Point Traditions (Moreno-Mayar, Vinner, et al. 2018;

expanding down the Caribbean Coast or the Pacific

Posth et al. 2018). This suggests that the genetic impact

Coast was the most closely related to the people who

of ancestry like that of the Clovis-associated Anzick-i

camped at the Arroyo Seco-2 site in the Argentinian

individual spread beyond the geographic region where

Pampas. Two episodes of hunting-related activities are

archaeologists find clear evidence of Clovis material cul­

in evidence at this multicomponent site. The first began

ture. However, research has also shown that a homoge­

about 14000 BP (12000 BCE), when extinct horse (Equus

nous population associated with Clovis culture was not

neogeus) and giant ground sloth (Megatherium amer-

the major source of ancestry for the majority of Central

icanum) were scavenged or hunted near a fossil lake. A

and South Americans who lived after -9000 BP (Posth

thousand years later, about 13000 BP (11000 BCE), the

et al. 2018). Instead, the majority of ancestry in Central

butchering of American horses (Equus neogeus and

and South Americans derives from a different SNA lin­

Hippidion sp.) intensified. No coeval projectile points

eage than that found in Anzick-i. This non-Anzick-i-

were reported in a stone tool sample that included care­

like SNA lineage first appears in the ancient DNA record

fully fashioned scraping and boring tools employed for

around 9000 BP (7000 BCE) in the Peruvian Highlands

working wood and skin (Politis et al. 2016), as one would

and is dominant in other Central and South American

expect at a butchering site.

regions except southern Peru and northern Chile after 9000 BP (Posth et al. 2018) (Figure 4.2).

Paleogenetics

The record of migrations of different groups through

At the Anzick-i site in western Montana, archaeol­

the Landbridge Zone and into South America, and the

ogists found stone and bone tools characteristic of

admixtures in genomes of ancient and living Indige­

Clovis culture. They were associated with a fragmen­

nous peoples, are certain to become more complex as

tary infant skeleton identified as Anzick-i, dated to

genomes of more modern and particularly ancient indi­

-12900-12700 BP (-10900-10700 BCE) (genomic data

viduals are revealed. Adding even further complexity

first reported in Rasmussen et al. 2014; a dedicated reas­

is the possibility that presently unsampled groups of

sessment of estimated site dates and the dates of two

people also contributed substantial amounts of genetic

burials can be found in Becerra-Valdivia et al. 2018). The

ancestry; for example, Moreno-Mayar, Vinner, et al.

Anzick-i genome falls on the SNA (ANC-A) branch

(2018) raise the possibility that a group they call UPopA,

(one of the two primary branches of NA along with

which is neither AB, NNA, or SNA, contributed a non-

NNA or ANC-B); after splitting from the NNA branch

trivial amount of ancestry to Mesoamerican popula­

likely south of eastern Beringia, people carrying SNA-

tions such as the Mixe, and that this ancestry then also

like ancestry moved southward quickly, ultimately

spread further into South American groups such as the

INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDCE ZONE OF THE ISTHMO-COLOMBIAN AREA

Ancient Beringians

Ancient Southern Ontario California Channel Islands

Lapa do ® Santo Population continuity Replaced lineage Ancestry predominant in South America today Ancestry specifically shared with Anzick-1

Southern Cone

Ancestry specific to the Late Central Andes

Figure 4.2 Routes for Clovis ancestry, after Posth et al. 2018.

Karitiana. As it now stands, there is evidence that mul­

location for mixture events. By the beginning of the

tiple ancestry exchanges—and possibly multiple move­

Holocene, multicrop agriculture and sedentism stabi­

ments carrying distinct ancestry types—occurred and

lized the population of the Landbridge Zone, and grad­

contributed to a genetic landscape of Central and South

ual in situ fissioning ensued among speakers of Nuclear

America that varied across space and changed over time

Chibchan languages. Eight ethnic groups that speak a

(Moreno-Mayar, Vinner, et al. 2018; Posth et al. 2018).

Nuclear Chibchan language remain on the Landbridge

For example, one recent work (Posth et al. 2018) sug­

Zone: Malekujaika, Cabecar, Bribri, Brunca (perhaps

gests a minimum of four genetic exchanges between

now extinct), Naso Djerdi, Buglere (with the Caribbean

South America and regions outside South America,

dialect Bokota), Rama, and Guna. Three languages died

thus highlighting the importance of the Landbridge

in the nineteenth and early twentieth century: Giietar,

Zone as a corridor for migration as well as a possible

Changuena, and Dorasque.3

COOKE

11000-10600 BCE). Pearson (2004, 2017) and Ranere

Paleoindians in the Central American Landbridge Zone

(2006) hypothesize that the effectiveness of Clovis tool

kits for hunting and treating game, including a handful

The most ancient, visible, and widespread archaeologi­

of species of the extinct Late Pleistocene megafauna,

cal evidence in the Landbridge Zone comprises stone

was the primary driver of a rapid demic movement of

tools of several types that belong to a Paleoindian tech­

Clovis populations southward through North America,

nology. In North and South America, Paleoindian sites

across southern Mesoamerica and the Landbridge

with Clovis and Fishtail points and related assemblages

Zone, into Venezuela (Pearson and Ream 2005), and

are bracketed by multiple radiocarbon determina­

arguably even farther south (cf. Bird 1969^. 5a, from

tions between roughly 13000 and 11000 BP (11000 and

Fell's Cave, Chile).

9000 BCE). The Landbridge Zone has not produced

The scarcity of Paleoindian localities with intact stra­

Paleoindian artifacts in short-time stratigraphiccontexts;

tigraphy is an impediment to interpretations of Paleo­

however, the very close morphometric, technological,

indian movement and settlement in the Landbridge

and inferred functional similarities between Paleoindian

Zone. This situation has encouraged negative impres­

tool kits of the Central American Isthmus and those of

sions about the value of the Paleoindian data set from

North and South America can be used for cross dating

this part of the Americas (e.g., Dillehay 2009). Four sites

the Landbridge Zone tools. The most iconic artifacts are

encourage a more positive panorama.

Clovis and Fishtail fluted projectile points (Figure 4.3) (Bird and Cooke 1977,1978; Ranere and Cooke 2oo3:fig.

Vampiros-i: A Stratified Paleoindian Camp

7.3). Cutting, scraping, and boring tools with standard

The multicomponent Vampiros-i rock-shelter (AG-145;

forms, presumably used for working leather, wood,

Pacific Code, Panama) is the only archaeological site

bone, and ivory, are routinely reported at North and

in the Landbridge Zone that has produced Paleoindian

South American sites that contain fluted points. These

tools in buried deposits. This site is presently located near

kinds of tools are as widespread as the fluted points in

the Pacific Coast, but when it was used by Paleoindians,

the Landbridge Zone. Few examples have been found in

it lay about 30 km inland from the active marine littoral

buried and stratified deposits, but it is argued below that

(Carvajal, Cooke, and Jimenez Acosta 2008). The stratig­

some are coeval with this Paleoindian tradition.

raphy at Vampiros-i was divided into five "depositional

Archaeologists customarily use the Clovis and Fish­

units" (DU). Paleoindian and Early Archaic (in Panama,

tail projectile point types to subdivide the Paleoindian

"Early Preceramic") lithics occur in DU 4, the penulti­

tradition chronologically or culturally, and that method

mate DU (Pearson and Cooke 2007). A Fishtail point,

is followed here. In North America, the Clovis tradi­

snapped at the distal end of the fluting flake (Cooke et al.

tion lasted about 300 to 400 years (13000-12600 BP or

20I3:fig. 2C; Ranere and Lopez 2007:%. 6a), and another

Clovis Waisted Clovis

Fishtail

5 cm Figure 4.3 Three characteristic Paleoindian pointtypes (Clovis, Waisted Clovis, and Fishtail) of the Landbridge Zone. Drawing by Georges A. Pearson.

I N D I G E N O U S SOCIETIES

IN T H E CENTRAL AMERICAN

L A N D B R I D C E Z O N E O F T H E ISTHMO-COLOMBIAN

A R E A

fluted point, damaged during thinning (Cooke, Ranere, et al. 20i3:fig. 2d), were bracketed by radiocarbon dates of 13440 and 10250 BP (11440 and 8250 BCE; Pearson and Cooke 2007:fig- 9)- Such a broad age range cannot

from three quarry-workshop sites: La Mula-West and Sitio Nieto in lowland central Pacific Panama, and Finca Guardiria-2 (700 m) on the Caribbean slopes of Costa Rica.

resolve existing uncertainties about the origin and dis­ persal of different fluted

point varieties in the region,

a protracted argument among Paleoindian specialists

LA MULA-WEST In 1988, Ranere identified Clovis lithics at La Mula-West (Herrera province, Azuero Peninsula). This quarry-

(Pearson 2004, 2017). In addition to fluted points, the assemblage in DU 4 at Vampiros-i included other characteristic elements of Paleoindian tool kits—for example, overshot flakes (Cooke, Ranere, et al. 20i3:fig. 2e; Pearson and Cooke

workshop site now lies on a deflated surface in an unsta­ ble coastal environment where phases in the long PreColumbian occupation were predicated upon sea-level change, trade wind activity, and salinization (Clary et al.

2007:fig. 7d-f), spurred end-scrapers (Cooke, Ranere,

1984; Cooke and Ranere 1992^252-255; Hansell 1988).

et al. 20i3:fig. se), thumbnail scrapers (Cooke, Ranere,

The gray-white translucent cryptocrystalline quartzite

et al. 20i3:fig. 5c), and end-scrapers on flakes. The pres­

found in linear dikes was a knappable raw material that

ence of overshot flakes

attracted bands using Clovis technology.

strongly suggests a specifi­

cally Clovis technology (Pearson 20i7:fig- 4i—1)- These

The most complete projectile point at La Mula-

kinds of flakes and flake scars occurred when the knap-

West is similar in outline and reduction sequence to

per applied force to the edge of a preform to remove a

fluted points from several Clovis sites in North America

large flake that extended across its whole face and then

(Cooke, Ranere, et al. 20i3:fig. 2a; Pearson 20i7:fig.

detached a portion of the opposing edge. Overshot

4a; Ranere 20o6:fig. 4-2a; Ranere and Lopez 2007:fig-

flakes are present at the La Mula-West Clovis quarry

5h). Two fluted

site (Pearson 20i7:fig- 7) Ranere and Lopez 2007:fig.

walled; they lack ears and are similar to examples from

5c-f). Fishtail points, however, began as large, thin,

Finca Guardiria-2, Costa Rica (Cooke and Ranere

and flat flakes

i992b:fig. 4e—f; Snarskis i984:fig. 8.2f), and Los Tapiales,

that were bifacially reduced by remov­

ing a series of expanding smaller flakes

from oppo­

site margins (Cooke i998b:fig. 4i; cf. Bird 1969, in the case of Fell's Cave, Chile). The fact that overshot flake

bases from La Mula-West are straight-

Guatemala, dated to 13100 BP (1115° BCE; Gruhn, Bryan, and Nance 1977; Perrot-Minot 2012). Ranere's analysis of the La Mula-West assem­

have not been observed on

blage took as its baseline Morrow and Morrow's (1999)

Fishtail points or in their manufacturing debris in the

sequence of six stages of early Clovis point reduction,

Landbridge Zone is the justification for inferring two

which was itself based on the Ready site in Illinois

phases of Paleoindian usage at Vampiros-i: one corre­

(Ranere 2006:75-83). Ranere concluded that "the man­

sponding to Clovis technology and the other to Fishtail

ufacturing sequence for fluted

technology (Pearson 2017; Ranere and Lopez 2007:27).

Mula-West is almost identical to the sequence described

To sum up, the Vampiros-i shelter during its Paleoindian

by Morrow for the early Clovis technology in North

scars and overshot flakes

point production at La

occupation was a transitory camp in an inland paleoen-

America. The Stage 3 thinning process that Morrow

vironment, which would have been even more arid in

considers a hallmark of early Clovis technology created

the dry season. Tools were made, mended, or replaced

broad, flat bifaces with large, deep, and widely spaced

during sporadic visits as bands moved around looking

flake scars extending well beyond the midsection. This

for more clement or productive microenvironments

stage is clearly present at La Mula-West."

(Cooke, Ranere, et al. 2013; Pearson and Cooke 2007; Pearson 2017).

Artifact types other than projectile points found at La Mula-West included a small double-spurred end-scraper (Cooke and Ranere i992b:fig. 5a) as well as other beaked

Clovis Quarry-Workshop Sites

and pointed tools, some made on bifacial thinning flakes

The reluctance of early human specialists to pay seri­

(Figure 4.4). These La Mula-West artifacts are compa­

ous attention to the data set from the Landbridge Zone

rable to examples in Clovis tool kits from sites in North

for Clovis technology has been countered by detailed

America as well as one from Los Tapiales, Guatemala

morpho-functional analyses based on lithic collections

(Ranere 20o6:fig. 4.2c-f).

COOKE

Figure 4-4 Projectile points a n d a preform found in Panama: a) WaistedClovis; b) Fishtail preform; c) pristine Fishtail; d) reworked Fishtail; e) Fishtail d a m a g e d while being used; f) resharpened Fishtail with snapped stem; g) resharpened Fishtail with intact stems; a n d h) broken midsection of an El Jobo-like projectile point. Photographs by Junius B. Bird (a, c-f), Richard G. Cooke (b, h), a n d John C. Griggs (g).

SITIO NIETO

preform, large flake bank, bifacial preforms, various kinds

Pearson (2003) located another Clovis-tradition quarry-

of scraping and graving tools, and more than fifty bifacial

workshop at Sitio Nieto near Llano Hato (Herrera,

thinning flakes confirm the locality as a quarry-workshop

124 m). The manufacturing products, made of gray-white

of the Clovis tradition (Pearson 2017).

translucent cryptocrystalline quartz, were clustered in

Other workable silicate materials, such as jasper,

a < 40 cm colluvial deposit at the base of a forty-degree

chert, and chalcedony, are widespread in this area; hence,

slope. The site had no other occupation. Pearson did not

Clovis knappers in the Central Panama region may have

find finished

preferred to use translucent cryptocrystalline quartz as

points; however, his discovery of a fluted

INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDCE ZONE OF THE ISTHMO-COLOMBIAN AREA

57

raw material for their weaponry, for cognitive as well as functional reasons (e.g., Boldurian and Cotter 1999)• All stemmed Fishtail points from Panama and Costa Rica found to date have been made from jasper or chert.

Archaeologists have found nineteen finished points and fluted preforms at Finca Guardiria-2. Complete points have constricted edges and fall under the waisted Clovis category (Bird and Cooke 1977=% 5a-b; Ranere and Cooke 2003% 7-3e, g; Snarkis 1984=%- 8.2e, g, h). In line with the early Clovis reduction process seen at La

Costa Rica None of the Paleoindian tools from sites in Costa Rica were found in pristine buried deposits. A complete surface-collected fluted point from the shore of Lake Arenal in northwest Costa Rica is a fine example of a Clovis point with basal ears and a slight basal-medial constriction. It is made from translucent, honey-colored, local chalcedony (Sheets 1994:231, fig. 11-9)- Itis similar to

Mula-Sarigua, however, the points at Finca Guardiria-2 were made from thick preforms. Many were fluted in the early stages of production (Pearson 2004:fig8.8). Thinning flake scars show typical Clovis removal sequences (Bradley 1982; Morrow and Morrow 1999), including overshot flakes (Pearson 2004:fig. 8.9). Flutes were removed from ground nipples (Pearson 2004).

examples from Belize (Lohse et al. 2006). Another speci­

Archaeologists collected at Finca Guardiria-2 two

men from Las Huacas, at the southern end of the Nicoya

resharpened Fishtail points very similar to Lake Alajuela

conforms to

examples from the Central Panama region (Bird and

the "waisted" Clovis morphology. It was made from an

Cooke I977:fig. 6c; Snarskis 1984:%- 8.2f; Valerio Lobo

opaque black, fine-grained chert (Sheets 1994:2.33)-

2on:figs. 2,3c, f.). Although the Clovis points were recov­

Peninsula (Swauger and

Mayer-Oakes i95i)>

ered on the uppermost of three terraces, the two Fishtail FINCA GUARDIRIA-2

points were found on the lowest terrace; these different

Archaeologists from the Museo Nacional de Costa Rica

contexts suggest that the Fishtail points may be more

identified Finca Guardiria-2, the largest Paleoindian site

recent than the Clovis points (Snarskis 1984; Valerio

in the Landbridge Zone, in the 1970s. It was revealed when artifacts were exposed during plowing for a sug­

Lobo 2011). The broad variety of stone tool types indicates

arcane field (Snarskis 1979). Finca Guardiria-2 is located

that Paleoindians indulged in many activities at Finca

at 600 to 700 masl on the Caribbean slopes near tribu­

Guardiria-2. They can only be approximately inferred

taries of the Reventazon River. Annual rainfall is about

based on visual inspection, without the luxury of trace-

2,600 mm, and the potential modern vegetation is humid

wear analysis: scraping, cutting, chopping, and cleaving

tropical forest. The site contains both Paleoindian and

(Valerio Lobo 2004). Turtle-back scrapers are ubiq­

Early Holocene lithic components as well as a ceramic

uitous. Valerio Lobo (2004:fig. 9, nos. 6-7) created

component from the El Bosque period (Valerio Lobo

two categories of these tools: fino (carefully made) and

2004). Paleoindian lithic artifacts are concentrated on

burdo (crudely made). Turtle-back scrapers are also

the highest of three river terraces (Snarskis1984).

spread across Isla Macapale, a human-made island in

The silica-rich raw material of various colors and tex­

Lake Alajuela in Central Caribbean Panama. Pearson

tures used to manufacture the Paleoindian tools came

(2002,2004,2017) concluded that flint knappers at Finca

from cobbles and boulders found in the stream below the

Guardiria-2 put a lot of energy into using a trihedral

site. In addition to bifacial projectile points and preforms,

flaking technique to fashion these turtle-back scrapers,

other tools were produced at Finca Guardiria-2, includ­

which made use of large thick flakes produced by bifacial

ing bifacial and unifacial knives, end-scrapers with lateral

point reduction. We interpret Fishtail points in South America

spurs, large turtle-back scrapers (limaces), side-scrapers, and blades. These tools are inferred, via analogy with

(including those from El Inga, an obsidian quarry-

other Paleoindian sites, to have been used for process­

workshop north of Quito, Ecuador) dated between12800

ing meat, skins, bone, ivory, and wood. Snarskis (1984)

and 12100 BP (10800-10100 BCE; Nami 2014; Waters,

reported more than twenty-eight thousand lithic spec­

Amorosi, and Stafford 2015) to be either temporal succes­

imens during the initial investigation, and many more

sors to Clovis fluted points that materialized in Central

have been added since then (Valerio Lobo 2004).

America or as a lithic trait that originated first in South

However, despite extensive systematic excavations since

America and subsequently dispersed northward. These

1986, undisturbed buried deposits have not been found

alternative scenarios are detailed and summarized by

(Leon Coto 2006; Pearson 2004; Valerio Lobo 2004).

Pearson (2002,2017).

COOKE

Fishtail points exhibit considerable variety in size

at about 13000 BP (11000 BCE) after a three-thousand-

and shape, particularly in South America, where consid­

year period devoid of visible signs of human activity in

erable biomic diversity would have stimulated such dif­

the lake sediments (Piperno, Colinvaux, and Bush 1991).

ferentiation (Nami 2014). Some of the point diversity

This anthropogenic event coincided temporally with

could have been the product of multistage resharpen-

the hypothetical appearance in this watershed of Clovis

ing (Bird 1969; Bird and Cooke i977:fig. 12; Nami 2014;

bands, which are assumed to have initiated the burn­

Pearson 20i7:fig. 12), or it could result from multiple

ing in the lake's catchment (Ranere and Cooke 2003).

uses during the points' life spans (Pearson 2017); how­

Surveys conducted around Lake La Yeguada located sev­

ever, similarities among points found over very large dis­

eral quarry-workshops at which bifacial thinning debris

tances indicate close cultural contact among the groups

and occasional bifacial points were present, including

who used these tools and also suggest that Fishtail points

a resharpened fluted example that recalls the stemmed

conformed to standard cognitive processes. Bird (1969)

Restrepo (also known as Elvira) type reported from

demonstrated that Fishtail blade width and stem width

northern Colombia (Pearson 1999).

were statistically indistinguishable in samples from Fell's

Because Paleoindian artifacts have not been found

Cave (n = 17) and El Inga (n = 17). These sites are sepa­

in direct association with the physical remains of Late

rated by a straight-line distance of 4,300 miles (6,900 km;

Pleistocene megafauna in the Landbridge Zone, two

Bird 1969). There are also striking similarities in blade

analogies are useful for inferring the kinds of prey that

and stem dimensions between El Inga and Lake Alajuela

would have been targeted. Firstly, paleontological exca­

(in the Central Panama region). Paleoindian weaponry

vations at four localities in the north of the Azuero Pen­

evinces a close functional relationship among propul­

insula, 30 km west of Vampiros-i, demonstrate regional

sion, penetration, bloodletting, raw material adequacy,

Late Pleistocene faunal composition: a freshwater tur­

and the size and hirsuteness of prey.

tle (Trachemys), glyptodon (a giant armored mammal,

The West End site on Butler Island in Lake Alajuela,

Glyptotherium jloridanum), toxodon (a rhinoceros-like

in the valley of the Chagres River (Caribbean), represents

mammal, Mixotoxodon larensis), giant ground sloths

a lithic production area that covers 930 m2; here, Fishtail

(Eremotherium laurillardi, Paramylodon harlani, and

points were made from large thin flakes (Ranere and

Glossotherium sp.), horse (Equus conversidens), mast­

Lopez 2007). The abundant lithic debris and a nearly

odon (Cuvieronius hyodotx), and deer (Odocoileus sp.).

complete tear-shaped biface vouch for a reduction from

This fauna is much too old for human intervention: char­

large chalcedony flakes that produced many thin bifa­

coal found in direct association with giant ground sloth

cial thinning flakes with tiny ground platforms (Cooke

was dated to 45000 BP at one site (La Trinidadita) and to

i998b:fig. 3i; Ranere and Cooke 2003:fig. 7.3b; Ranere

47000 BP at another (Llano Hato). Pearson, the excava­

and Lopez 2007:27). Thick biface (Clovis) and large flake

tor, inferred that the bone beds were deposited during the

(Fishtail) quarry-workshops in the Landbridge Zone do

humid interstadial known as Marine Isotope Stage 3. The

not appear to be exactly coeval, with the former preced­

chronology was confirmed by the find of volcanic tephra

ing the latter.

from an unidentified volcano, deposited about 21500 BP

Paleoindian Mobility and Extinct Megafauna

(Pearson 2005). Two broken fluted points with Fishtail characteristics

Late Glacial conditions in the Landbridge Zone differed

at Vampiros-i point to tool kit curation and to active hunt­

significantly from Early Holocene and present-day con­

ing whose elucidation is aided by another helpful analogy

ditions. Atmospheric temperatures were cooler by four

—namely, two indisputable cases of Fishtail culture

to seven degrees, depending on watershed, elevation,

hunting and butchering activities at two ecologically dis­

and cloud cover. There was 10 to 50 percent less precip­

tinct sites that were contemporaneous with Vampiros-i.

itation (Piperno 2006). Small glaciers were present on

Bird discovered Fishtail points at Fell's Cave, on the Strait

Cerro Chirripo in Costa Rica (Orvis and Horn 2000).

of Magellan in Chilean Patagonia, at the bottom of an

Paleoindian sites were located in or near several different

8.5 m deposit; they were in stratified association with the

paleoenvironments, some of which do not have counter­

remains of horse, ground sloth, large felids, and extinct

parts today in the Landbridge Zone. Forest clearance and

camelids. Bird later associated these points with dates

burning in the montane woodlands surrounding Lake

of 12800 BP (10800 BCE) and 10000 BP (8000 BCE; Bird

La Yeguada (Veraguas, Panama; 650 m) began abruptly

1988). Conversely, mastodons (Stegomastodon humboldti)

INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDGE ZONE OF THE

ISTHMO-COLOMBIAN AREA

were the target species for Paleoindians at Tagua Tagua, located on a now dried-out lake in a zone of seasonally dry arborescent scrub in central Chile. A minimum of twelve, probably mired, juveniles was butchered on the lakeshore associated with two Fishtail points (Nunez et al. 1994). Deer (Antifer neymeri) and horse (Equus sp.) were found in smaller numbers. The excavators, Nunez and colleagues (1994), conclude that human predation on megafaunal taxa, already stressed by rapidly advanc­ ing dryness, hastened the demise of large animals as a pri­ mary subsistence and cultural activity. The weaponry of Fishtail point users was designed—just as that of Clovis predecessors—to open wounds in large and often furry animals, thereby hastening bleeding and fatigue. Fishtail points have been found at Lake Alajuela in the middle Chagres River basin, which paleo-vegetational data imply were under tropical forest of a more open canopy than

trapping; however, without the association of points and animal remains, this idea is conjecture. Fishing and aquatic collection also responded to warmer water temperatures, sea-level rise and, after 10000 to 9000 BP (8000-7000 BCE), coastal stabilization and inshore salin­ ity changes, and after about 8000 BP (6000 BCE), delta progradation and mangrove expansion. Agriculture appeared during this period of profound global climatic and ecological change following the end of the Pleistocene (Piperno 2017; Piperno et al. 2015). The process was set in motion in many major world areas, including the New World tropics, southwest Asia, and China. During the transition from the Late Pleistocene to the Early Holocene, around 11700 BP (9700 BCE), food production based on domesticated species of plants and animals became more widespread and diversified across biomes as more manipulated taxa were added to the diet

today (Cooke, Ranere, et al. 2013). Conversely, Fishtail

and as human demands for rich virgin soils increasingly

points are particularly widespread in Argentina, Uruguay,

influenced the surrounding vegetation.

and Chile (Loponte, Okumura, and Carbonera 2016;

Columbus was gratified to find that the Indigenous

Nami 2009, 2015a), ostensibly because the wide-open

inhabitants of the Antilles, Central America, and north­

spaces in this region were favorable for group tracking

ern South America resided in small villages, were compe­

and hunting Late Pleistocene megafauna.

tent artisans, valued the same types of raw materials and

To sum up, the distribution of Clovis and Fishtail

ornaments that the Iberians did, and, most of all, that they

Paleoindian sites in the Landbridge Zone suggests cul­

were farmers with stores of food. This panorama fulfilled

tural traditions carried by mobile bands that moved in

some of the expectations that Columbus nurtured before

and out of several biomes. The quest for megafauna prey

making landfall in the "Indies." Nevertheless, the inter­

and high-quality and/or culturally desirable lithic raw

lopers quickly realized that agricultural practices in the

materials, such as agates for Clovis points, were likely pri­

American tropics were not like those back home. Where

mary targets of this population and the main drivers of

was the cloven-footed livestock? "Turkeys" were strange

congregation and dispersal (Pearson 2004; Ranere 2006;

to them; other birds found in villages looked rather like

Ranere and Cooke 2020).

pheasants and geese tended in farmyards back home

The Environment Changed and with It Indigenous People

Spaniards entered the Inca Empire, they encountered

In many regions of the world, environmental change

to as "sheep" (Crosby 2003). Even though many of the

coincident with the onset of Early Holocene conditions

grown products such as root crops and grains seemed

influenced human hunting emphases. It is possible that

familiar to Iberian eyes, the tastes, textures, and culi­

some Late Pleistocene megafauna survived into the

nary uses were different (e.g., Anghiera 1965:107). There

Early Holocene in the Landbridge Zone, just as in the

were "melons" that were grilled (squash) and others that

Argentinian pampas (Politis 2014), but no data support

were cut and eaten raw "like those in Spain (possibly

this prospect. What regional archaeologists do know

papaya, Caricapapaya; Espinosa 1517, injopling 1994:65)-

is that bifacial reduction for projectile points contin­

The Spanish did not observe plantains or sweet bananas

ued after fluting phased out. In Costa Rica and Panama,

(Musa spp.), Asian domesticates introduced to the

early points had lateral tangs. This technological change

West Indies from Grand Canary Island in 1516 (Heslop-

has been attributed to shifts in target mammal species,

Harrison and Schwarzacher 2007). Bananas quickly

such as fleet-footed,

(Cooke, Jimenez Acosta, and Ranere 2007,2008). As the pack animals with long necks—llamas that they referred

white-tailed deer (Odocoileus vir-

became a staple for postcontact Indigenous groups who

ginianus), whose hunting required a novel kind of com­

resided in forested habitats that, after contact, expanded

posite projectile and was facilitated by corralling and

rapidly across territories previously in the hands of

COOKE

Pre-Columbian farmers (Bennett 1968,1976; Fernandez

food resources of the Parita Bay estuaryand, in the case of

de Oviedo y Valdes 1851-1855; Sauer 1966).

Nicaragua, by a great freshwater lake (Lake Cocibolca).

Historical linguists and human population genet­

Such was the abundance of deer that Fernandez de

icists favor the hypothesis that the beginnings of lin­

Oviedo y Valdes nicknamed the lake zone of Nicaragua

guistic diversification in the Landbridge Zone and the

"Mohammed's Paradise" (Pohl and Healy 1980). Gaspar

Isthmo-Colombian Area were broadly synchronous

de Espinosa was impressed by the ease with which the

with plant food production and increasing sedentism

Spaniards could hunt deer in the chiefdoms of Nata and

(Constenla Umana 2012; Melton et al. 2007). However,

Parita that skirted Parita Bay (Cooke, Jimenez Acosta,

unlike in the European transition from the Mesolithic to

and Ranere 2007; Sauer 1966). Nevertheless, the ancient

the Neolithic, data for early agricultural practices in the

anthropogenic landscapes encountered by Europeans at

Americas beginning about 10000 BP (8000 BCE) do not

the beginning of the sixteenth century were ecologically

support the view that large migratory waves triggered

dissimilar to those of postconquest times for a variety of

the wholesale replacement of earlier hunter-gatherer

reasons, including because goats, cattle, and horses had

groups already on the landscape. Rather, plant domesti­

not been present on the landscape to crop the grasses and

cates were dispersed via preexisting reticulate exchange

shrubs. (From the early twentieth century onward, the

networks. In the case of the Isthmo-Colombian Area,

proliferation of Eurasiatic forage grasses, and the gener­

dispersal was from the center in Colombia and Ecuador

alized use of metal tools and mechanical forest clearance,

in the northern Andes (Piperno 20iia:fig. 1), from other

gave the savanna landscape its present aspect [Heckadon

centers located farther afield to the north (i.e., the origin

Moreno 2009].)

of maize, Zea maysparviglumis),and to the south (i.e., the origin of manioc, Manihot esculenta) including around

Maize Origins and Dispersal

the Caribbean (Pagan-Jimenez et al. 2015). There is some

Maize was a widespread, ecologically plastic, and produc­

suggestion from human genetics that there was "a reverse

tive plant staple across the Americas. Its origin at the mar­

gene flow across the Panama isthmus after the initial set­

gins of seasonally dry forests in Guerrero and Michoacan,

tlement of South America" (Reich et al. 2012:373, follow­

Mexico, at average elevations of 1,500 masl, is well estab­

ing Greenwood 1987). If true, it may have resulted from

lished (Doebley 2004; Piperno et al. 2009; Piperno et al.

the expansion of early farmers or, as I stated earlier, of

2015; Ranere et al. 2009). Data concerning the directions

users of Fishtail projectile points.

and timing of maize s dispersal out of the Mexican domes­ tication epicenter increase yearly (Pagan-Jimenez et al. 2015; Piperno 2011a). Experimental and genetic research

Agricultural Landscapes

has been synergized (Piperno et al. 2015) and productive

In 1519, the newly arrived Spaniards at Panama City expe­

debate continues about different theoretical proposals

rienced many hardships, including those related to food

(Piperno et al. 2015,2017; Smith 2015, 2016).

supply. Instructions given by Pedrarias Davila to Captain

Microbotanical remains identified in the Xihuatoxtla

Gaspar de Espinosa before his second trip to Nata, in

rock-shelter (Guerrero, Mexico) and radiocarbon dated

central Pacific Panama (Code), stipulate that "the prin­

to 8800 BP (6800 BCE) are still the oldest archaeologi­

cipal reason for the trip to where you are going is to pro­

cal evidence for domesticated maize. Maize appeared on

vision and provide and fulfil the needs of the town that

the Mexican Caribbean coast about 5200 BCE and along

is being built and of the fleet... As soon as you arrive

the central Panamanian Pacific slopes by 5800 BCE. It

you are ordered to send the large and small ships loaded

has been detected in the valleys of northeast Colombia

with maize" (Pedrarias Davila 1519, in Jopling 1994:60).

about 6000 BCE, on the coast of Ecuador ca. 6000 BCE,

In other words, guaranteeing an adequate food supply

and along the coast of Peru at approximately 4800 BCE

was more urgent than taking gold and pearls back to the

(Grobman et al. 2012; Piperno 2011a). The Peruvian

the

coast s arid conditions provided perfect conditions for

wooded savannas of the Pacific slopes of Panama, Costa

preservation, allowingthe identification of variousstrains

new town at Panama (Castillero Calvo 1995)- In

fact>

Rica, and Nicaragua were traversed by many rivers flow­

of maize, including some hybrids (Grobman et al. 2012).

ing through fertile lands that supported a high yielding

Maize domestication occurred long before the introduc­

agroecology. In central Pacific Panama, agricultural pro­

tion of pottery—a technology once considered to go

duce was complemented by the abundant and accessible

hand in hand with agriculture; however, not all pottery

INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDCE ZONE OF THE ISTHMO-COLOMBIAN AREA

61

makers used maize or other cultigens (Oyuela Caycedo and Bonzani 2005). A Formative period of permanent settlement with agriculture was once held to mark a sig­

genetic isolation of their wild ancestors must have been well underway many years before they first appeared there, as in the

well-documented

case of maize. Manioc

nificant shift from more mobile pre-agricultural Archaic

was first domesticated in the lowlands of South America,

or Preceramic populations (Ranere 1980; Willey and

squash (Cucurbita moschata) in the northern Andes,

Phillips 1958), but these distinctions are no longer clear, and the term Archaic is in need of reconceptualization in relation to the Landbridge Zone.

and the yam (Dioscorea trifida) in the northeastern plains of South America. It is possible that domesti­ cated taro (Xanthosoma sagittifolium) also originated in South America (Piperno 2011b). The domestication loci

The Development of Agriculture in the Landbridge Zone, 8000-4000 BCE

of arrowroot (Maranta arundinacea), leren (Calathea

Pioneering isozyme research by Barrantes and colleagues

been determined (Dickau 2010; Dickau, Ranere, and

(1990) was theoretically linked to the initial diversification

Cooke 2007; Piperno 2009; Sturtevant 1969)- Early

of speakers of core Chibchan languages (Constenla Umafta

domesticated cacao (Iheobroma cacao) has been traced

2012:417) due to "horticulture." Another perspective,based

to the upper Amazon in eastern Ecuador (Zarrillo et al.

on the mtDNA of a larger sample from Central America

2018) at about 3300 BCE.

and Colombia (Melton et al. 2007), did not attribute their

allouia), and coontie (Zamia integrifolia) have not yet

The advancement of agroecologies during the first

early diversification to agriculture, but rather to the ear­

millennia of the Holocene favored demographic growth

lier isolative repercussions of oscillating Late Pleistocene

in those geographic and ecological zones that were most

climate change (16000-11700 BP or 14000-9700 BCE),

amenable to enhancing the productivity and spread of

which preceded the first substantial evidence for agricul­

the early cultigens. The more crops that are grown, the

ture in the Neotropics (Piperno 2011a, 2011b). Historical

greater is the need to tend them—and to fend off multi­

linguists Constenla Umafta (2012) and O'Connor (2014)

ple predators. Communities become increasingly bound

proposed, on the basis of language decay theory, that the

to their fields

coalescence of Proto-Pech-Chibchan from the Lenmichi

tensions grow and communities separate. Excessive pres­

Micro-Phylum dates to 9700 BP (7700 BCE; cf. Figure 4.1).

sure on the land led to multidirectional population move­

Proto-Chibchan coalesces about 3500-3000 BCE—a date

ments and migration across short distances, along with

based on glottochronology as well as interpretations of the

the colonization of new territory. The genetic and lin­

archaeological evidence—and soon after experiences not

guistic data for the speakers of languages in the Chibchan

only a trifurcation into Votic (northern), Isthmic (central),

stock infer that fissioned

and Magdalenic (southern) language subgroups, but also a

evolved new cultural identities.

and settlements. As tillable land fills up,

groups remained apart and

subsequent rapid diversification within each one.This pro­ cess is consistent with the isozyme data (Barrantes et al.

PANAMA AND NORTHWESTERN COLOMBIA

1990) and is most parsimoniously explained as the result

The cultigens previously mentioned—maize, leren,

of the interactions between groups characterized by sed-

arrowroot, New World yams (including nampi [Dioscorea

entism (with crop tending) and tribalism (with group ten­

trifida]), squash and bottle gourds—have been identi­

sions and fissioning).

Constenla Umafta (2012) includes a

fied in Preceramic archaeological contexts in the Pacific

list of words referring to the cultivation of plants that are

watershed of Panama between 9600 and 6400 BP (7600

cognate among the Votic, Isthmic, and Magdalenic lan­

and 4400 BCE; Piperno 2011a), paralleling the situation in

guages; these words refer to planting, a devegetated plot of

the Cauca, Calima, and Porce River valleys in Colombia,

land, manioc, yams, arrowroot,squash, and tobacco. These

where a consistent pattern of small, open sites is in evi­

linguistic correspondences match up well with archaeo-

dence. These sites contain a stone tool inventory that

botanical evidence for cultivated and domesticated plants

includes simple, unifacially modified and unmodified,

during the Preceramic in the Landbridge Zone (but note

flaked stone tools, large bifacially flaked tools interpreted

that Constenla Umafta and O'Connor 2014 use uncali-

as hoes or axes, and small grinding tools (Aceituno and

brated radiocarbon dates).4

Rojas-Mora 2015; Cooke 1992; Dickau et al. 2015; Santos

There is evidence that the domestication of the

Vecino, Monsalve Marin, and Correa Salas 2015).

majority of cultigens that composed the Landbridge

The Preceramic cultivators exerted asymmetrical

Zone diet occurred elsewhere in tropical America. The

influences on the local vegetation. Human impacts in the

COOKE

Lake La Yeguada catchment, which got underway about

occurred later, about 8000 BP (6000 BCE; Piperno and

13000 BP (10050 BCE), progressed from small clearings cut

Jones 2003).

in the forest to the systematic and exponential removal of

Before the Spanish conquest, Capira lay at the

the arboreal cover. By 4000 BCE, the landscape had been

western edge of an extensive territory where sixteenth-

virtually denuded by human activities. By this date, activ­

century Spanish chroniclers stated that a language known

ities defy being labeled "horticulture" or "low-level culti­

as "Cueva"was in use (Romoli 1987). Later pages will dis­

vation" but rather reflect a rotating swidden system that

cuss the origin, cultural environment, and history of this

continually encroached on mature forests and encour­

mode of speech, and the people who spoke it.

aged the search for new lands. Signs of forest recovery are

Sediments extracted from small lakes in the head­

not apparent until the conquest, when the La Yeguada

waters of the Tuira River, not far from the Colombian bor­

catchment was naturally reforested in the absence of peo­

der, and close to the historic Cana gold mine (Castillero

ple and agriculture (Piperno 2011a).

Calvo 2008; Cooke, Norr, and Piperno 1996), reveal that

From 8000 to 4000 BP (6000-2000 BCE), the three

by 2600 BCE human forest clearance for agriculture had

sites of Cueva de los Ladrones, Aguadulce shelter, and

already altered the natural vegetation. We can, therefore,

Cerro Mangote (20-25 km, 14-16 km, and 2-5km, respec­

infer that agricultural activities preceded this date in this

tively, from the Late Pleistocene coastline of Parita Bay)

region. Moreover, microbotanical evidence of maize in

were occupied by groups that cultivated squash, maize,

the extracted sediments testifies to the lakeside cultiva­

manioc, arrowroot, yams, leren, and bottle gourds. Bone,

tion of this crop (Bush and Colinvaux 1994). The only

well preserved in the sites where marine shell is present,

prior archaeological research in this far eastern part of the

has helped build a more complete picture of the scope of

Darien was undertaken by Catat (1889) when he worked

hunting, fishing, and gathering activities in this resource-

at the Cana mine in the headwaters of the Tuira River. His

rich environment. The accessibility of habitats influenced

reconnaissance of the forests near the mine detected scat­

selection of the taxa of reptiles, birds, and mammals that

ters of late Pre-Columbian pottery. At the time of Spanish

were consumed. It is important to recall that the coastal

contact, far eastern Darien was home to two distinct cul­

wetlands that dried out in the dry season (January

tural groups considered to be different from the people of

through April) harbored a mixture of woodland inter­

Chief Chochama (encountered byVasco Nunez de Balboa

spersed with open land, grassy areas, and scrubland, as

in 1513) who resided at the edge of the Gulf of San Miguel

well as mangrove swamps and estuarine marshes (Cooke

and who used the language of Cueva: the people of Biru

and Ranere 1999; Cooke, Jimenez Acosta, and Ranere

and the people of Capusigra and Tamasagra. The latter

2007; Piperno 2011a).

were reputed to be rich in gold and to be moving into this region in the early sixteenth century.

ASYNCHRONOUS LOCAL POPULATION DISPLACEMENTS

Only one Preceramic archaeological site has been confirmed by excavation in the "lands of the language of

In other areas of Panama, the timing of the human pen­

Cueva" (i.e., the area between the imposing Pleistocene

etration of forested areas differed from that of the sea­

El Valle volcano and the Gulf of San Miguel in eastern

sonally arid lands bordering Parita Bay, where dry

Darien). This is Playa Don Bernardo (PG-L 19/20), on

seasons today are long and windy and wet seasons are

the northeast coast of Pedro Gonzalez Island in the Pearl

unpredictable. At El Valle—a large Pleistocene crater

Island archipelago. Traces of Preceramic domestic struc­

whose current caldera floor stands at 600 masl—there is

tures have not yet been found; however, 4 m of refuse

little trace of human activity in sediment cores raised from

thrown into a hollow in the topography, near the beach

a lake that existed in the crater until 8000 BP (6000 BCE).

of a sandy bay, built up over a maximum of 1,425 years

At that time, submontane forest was the dominant vege­

(4500-3075 BCE). It is not known whether the occupants

tation (Bush and Colinvaux 1990). Farther east, at Monte

hailed from the coast opposite the island or whether there

Oscuro, near the town of Capira in the west Panama prov­

were earlier populations on the archipelago, especially on

ince, a small lake that is now filled with sediments was

the much larger Rey Island (250 km1). Whichever their

covered with savanna vegetation during an undated Late

provenance, these people, upon arrival, began to con­

Pleistocene period. A dry tropical forest colonized the

sume possibly stranded dolphins (Delphinus delphis and

basin by about 10000 BP (8000 BCE). Clear signals for

Tursiops truncatus) and to fish intensively near and over

the arrival of farmers who cut and burned the vegetation

reefs and in clearer water inside or outside the bay (Cooke

INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDGE ZONE OF THE ISTHMO-COLOMBIAN AREA

and Jimenez Acosta 2009; Cooke et al. 2016). These activi­ ties point strongly to prior knowledge of fish and fishing in ocean waters. These islanders also hunted iguanas (Iguana iguana), large snakes (Boa constrictor and Colubridae sp.), sea turtles (Eretmochelys imbricata and Chelonia agassizi), small terrestrial turtles (Kinosternon spp.), and nine taxa of mammals—according to the results of 2007-2010 test excavations (Martin et al. 2016). The island was also home to a dwarf deer (< 10 kg body mass) that appears to have been related to brocket deer (Mazama spp.; Buckley et al. 2017; Martinez-Polanco et al. 2015). Phytoliths and starch grains of maize embedded in five milling stones vouch for Preceramic farming on this island that is in line with that of the mainland (Martin et al. 2016).

seasonal visits from the Pacific region in search of forest products. Furthermore, in the lower basin of the Chagres River, which was a focus for Paleoindian hunters, the paleoenvironmental record implies that small groups of maize farmers who were surely Preceramic in their mate­ rial culture began to make clearings in the seasonal lowland tropical forest from about 4900 BCE. Forest removal was well advanced by about 1 BCE (Piperno 1985) and created an anthropogenic landscape that is inconsistent with the meager archaeological record for sites occupied between 9000 BP and 2000 BP (11000 and 1 BCE; Martin et al. 2016). EARLY HORTICULTURE IN COSTA RICA Earlier sections of this essay demonstrated how the

A salvage excavation that was considerably larger in

Reventazon Valley near Turrialba on the mid-elevation

area than earlier tests (7 m x 4 m x 4 m) is clarifying the

Caribbean drainage was a focus for Paleoindian settle­

stratigraphy and reinforcing the earlier idea that as ter­

ment over the entire Clovis- and Fishtail-using time

restrial mammals declined, marine shellfish increased;

span. Human occupation in this region continued from

however, mammal diversity rose little through the stra­

the Late Pleistocene through the Early Holocene and

tigraphy, and only two mammal genera have been added

right up to the development of pottery, around 2000 BCE.

so far. The continuing low avian diversity confirms our

All of the Preceramic archaeological sites recorded there

earlier proposal, that boobies (Su/fl spp.) and brown

so far, with the exception of two (Piedra Viva and Linda

pelicans (Pelecanus occidentals), which today are very

Vista), are surface scatters; however, the collections are

widespread and populous in the archipelago, were not

very valuable, and it is likely that they can be seriated with

exploited for food. The only regularly taken marine

improved data from future excavations. Because Piedra

bird species in the midden is the Neotropic cormorant

Viva has been radiocarbon dated by a single sample to

(Phalacrocorax olivaceus-, Cooke, Steadman, et al. 2013).

around 7600 BP (5600 BCE), and because the stone tool

The preferred raw material for making large numbers of

inventory has been efficiently described and illustrated

small flakes, which show heavy use wear under magnifica­

(Messina 2017), it serves as a useful baseline for separat­

tion, was provided mostly by agate nodules derived from

ing settlements that still used bifacial reduction for pro­

a basalt flow exposed near the site (Martin et al. 2016;

jectile points and other Paleoindian-type tools, and those

Pearson et al. n.d.).

that did not.

In the Caribbean watershed, 90 km west of the "lands

The Florencia-i site, measuring about 3,000 m2, con­

of those of the Cueva language," Griggs (2005) discov­

tains elongated turtle-back scrapers of the type frequent

ered a Preceramic site with large, shallow stone ovens

at Finca Guardiria only 2 km away (Acuna 1983, 2002).

dated to about 6800 BP (4800 BCE). Carbonized seeds

Acuna recovered several forms of nonfluted bifacial

used for the dating are from fruits of mangue palm (Attalea

points, including notched, tanged, and/or stemmed vari­

allenii) and others from a tree known locally as corocillo

eties that recall examplesfrom Lake Alajuela in the Central

(Humiriastrum diguense). Following botanist Al Gentry

Panama region and from the Archaic quarry-workshop at

(1975:35-36), Griggs (2005:204) comments that the resin

the La Mula-West site on the coast of Parita Bay (Ranere

of several trees in the Humiriaceae family is still used in the

and Cooke I996:figs. 3-4-3-s)- Many of the Florencia-i

New World tropics to make incense, perfume, and rem­

turtle-back scrapers are carefully trimmed and have a dis­

edies for curing wounds. The resin from carano hediondo

tinctly Paleoindian appearance. The few turtle-back scrap­

(Protium asperum) was also used to embalm cadavers, and

ers from Piedra Viva, however, are much cruder, and the

it was traded among Indigenous communities in colonial

unifacial stone tool assemblage there contains many den-

times (Cooke, Sanchez Herrera, et al. 2004:144). Griggs

ticulates and notched tools, which—intuitively and with­

(2005) argued that the activities at both Sitio Lasquita

out the benefit of edge-wear analysis—points toward

and the pottery-using Abrigo Calaveras corresponded to

preparing wood and fibers such as arrow or javelin shafts,

those of small groups, perhaps families, who would pay

and basketry (Figure 4.5). What is more, a small grinding

COOKE

Figure 4-5 Turtle-back scrapers from Lake Alajuela, Panama. Scale: 5 cm. Photograph by Alexandra Lara.

BCE. Four radiocarbon dates that range from 3360

stone had starch grains of maize and squash encrusted on

3675

its surfaces as well as starch grains tentatively assigned to

to

arrowroot (Maranta arundinacea) and Canna sp., a genus

whole and one fragmented

that produced edible rhizomes (Messina

eight biface thinning flakes (Bradley 1994; Hoopes1994c;

2017).

It is now

2800

BCE from the Tronadora Vieja site refer to one biface, four flaked cores, and

clear that communities had begun to farm in forests and

Sheets

savannas all over the tropical New World by

BP

sand years younger than the aforementioned Piedra Viva

propose that the Revantazon Valley sites

site on the Caribbean slopes. Neither Piedra Viva nor

such as Florencia-i remain in the Archaic period, while

coeval sites in Panama show evidence for bifacial thin­

(6000

BCE).

I

8000

1994).

Thus, these sites are more than two thou­

Preceramic sites with evidence for farming such as Piedra

ning (Figure

Viva should be consigned to a new phase named consen-

cores raised from Laguna Martinez in Guanacaste, north­

sually by Costa Rican archaeologists. In Panama, sites and

west of Lake Arenal, suggest maize cultivation in this

cultural levels that show evidence for farming belong to the

catchment from about

Late Preceramic.

4.6).

Pollen records from lake sediment

3600 to 300 BCE

(Horn

2006:376).

The developmental stage of the Laguna Martinez

Two hearths and two lithic workshops assigned to a

maize can be inferred with the assistance of macrobotan-

Fortuna phase were located on the shore of the Arenal

ical data obtained from the spacious and remarkably dry

reservoir in the Tilaran Range, northwestern Costa Rica.

El Gigante rock-shelter in southwestern Honduras. Cobs

The hearths and ten bifacial thinning flakes from site

dated about 4250 cal BP (2300 BCE) attest to human selec­

AL-186 are associated with a radiocarbon date of about

tion for productivity: twelve-rowed cobs, with paired

INDICENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDCE ZONE O F T H E ISTH MO-COLOM BIAN AREA

Figure 46 Projectile-point types from Archaic sites in Costa Rica and Panama, after Ranere and Cooke 2020:flg. 7-

spikelets at the base of each long, deep cupule and glume

stones (or chalcedonies) except for the same types of

induration and thickening consistent with relatively

grinding stones as in Chiriqui. Dickaus later micro-

recent genetic contributions from the wild grass teosinte

botanical studies showed that Chiriqui Preceramic sites

(Kennett et al. 2017).

practiced a farming lifestyle and used maize and man­ ioc as done in Code and Veraguas (by about 7800 BP or 5800 BCE; Dickau, Ranere, and Cooke 2007; Piperno

Emergence of Cultural Traditions Archaeologists formerly suggested that the beginnings

1985, 2011a). Pottery was used in the central Pacific Lowlands of

of socioeconomic differentiation in Pre-Columbian

Panama by 2500 BCE; however, in Chiriqui there is not yet

Panama could be traced back to the Late Preceramic

any reliable evidence for it until considerably later (Ranere

(about 6000 BCE). They thought that four rock-shelters

1980). Pottery in the form of the Monagrillo complex

and one open site in the upper Chiriqui River valley

(Willey and McGimsey 1954) began to be used in Pacific

(about 800 m) were camps of hunters and gatherers

Code and eastern Azuero in the third millennium BCE

(Ranere 1980; Ranere and Cooke 1995). The tool kits,

(Cooke 1995; Iizuka 2017) and was unquestionably an in

except grinding stones, were made mostly of basalt.

situ invention restricted to the foothills, coastal plains, and

Conversely, coeval rock-shelters and Pacific coastal sites

Pacific marine shorelines in Code, Veraguas, and Herrera

in Code and Veraguas provinces were the dwelling sites

(Cooke 1995; Griggs 2005:121, fig. 63; Iizuka et al. 2014).

of small farming groups (Piperno et al. 2000). Their

A markedly distinct pottery tradition (Tronadora) is

stone tools were largely made of amorphous silicate

evident in the Cordillera de Tilaran, Guanacaste, Costa

COOKE

MICRO-FILO LENMICHI

PROTO PECH-CHIBCHA

Rama

30

Maleku HuMar Jalka ("Gualuso") 280

0

Cab4car

Bribl

8500

7500

Naso Brunca Djerdi ("Teribe') 2000

Pocos

Dorasque

0

Changuena

0

Bugle NgObe Guna Mulsca ("Bokota") ("Guayml") ("Kuna")

16.000

150.000

>50.000

0

Dull U wa Barl Kagaba Wlwa Kankuama Ika Sblmttya ("Tunebo") rKogul") ("Damana") ("Alanque') ("ArtiuacoT (-Chlmlla")

0

5000

3000

8000

3000

0

10,000

1500

Aproximate number of speakers

Figure 4.7 Phylogeny of extant, moribund, and extinct languages in the Proto Pech-Chibcha phylum together with estimates of their 2010 population sizes and inferred coalescence dates. Illustration by Richard C. Cooke using data from Constenla Umaha and O'Conner 2014.

Rica, by 2000 BCE, if not earlier (Hoopes 1993, 1994a).

there is no good reason for assuming a synchronous evo­

The coexistence in the Landbridge Zone of two pot­

lution between ancient human settlements and ceramic

tery traditions in the third and second millennium BCE

typologies—especially during later phases, when the

suggests separate origins and mindsets for each one

possibility of horizontal transmission increases (e.g.,

(cf. Hoopes 1994a).

Cochrane and Lipo 2010). As of the 1000-500 BCE

Costa Rican pottery traditions that date between

period, the growing stylistic, technical, and functional

1800 and 1 BCE converged in some respects and diverged

heterogeneity of the pottery across the Landbridge

in others: 1) Tronadora and Chaparron in the Pacific

Zone reflected the influences of three elements: 1) geo­

northwest and northern Caribbean Lowlands, respec­

graphic isolation; 2) a variable relation between envi­

tively; 2) La Montana in the Central Highlands; and

ronment and diet; and 3) the frequent exchange of ideas

3) Darizara and Curre in the lowlands of the southern

and products among nearby, regional, and foreign set­

Pacific in the Greater Chiriqui subarea (Corrales Ulloa

tlements (Cooke 2005; Hoopes 2005; Sanchez Herrera

2000). The Black Creek complex, in the far eastern Carib­

2007). We should bear in mind that in later phases in the

bean Lowlands of Costa Rica, near the Panamanian prov­

Landbridge Zone, there are clear cases of shared vessel

ince of Bocas del Toro, diverged from the last two groups

forms and ideologies among neighboring communities

(Baldi Salas 2011).

whose linguistic and genetic inheritances were already

Some researchershave compared this outline ceramic

dissimilar. In the Panamanian provinces of Chiriqui

typology with published Chibchan genetic and linguistic

and Veraguas, for example, there were pots, seemingly

phylogenies, with a view to plotting the spread ofpottery-

hybrids, that incorporated the most distinctive features

using farmer communities throughout Costa Rica and

of the great pottery traditions of the Greater Chiriqui

zones adjacent to Panama (Baldi Salas 2011; Corrales

and Greater Code subareas; this merging of styles

Ulloa 2000), although this comparison has also been cri­

becomes more evident over time (Figure 4.7) (Cooke

tiqued (see Figure 2.1; Constenla Umaha 2012). In reality,

1980; Hoopes 1996; Linares 1968).

INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDGE ZONE OF THE ISTHMO-COLOMBIAN AREA

For example, Linares (1980a, 1980b, 1980c) has demonstrated that in the Western Panama region (Chiriqui and Bocas del Toro), pottery wares that had long assumed standard forms began to diversify around 900 CE into a large number of clearly defined typologi­ cal groups. Eventually, residents of small dwellings on the central coast of Bocas del Toro made pottery that clearly differs from technologically superior examples that are widespread in the Central Highlands and Pacific water­ shed of Chiriqui, such as the exquisitely crafted Bisquit, or Bizcocho, ware (Holmes 1888:67—80), whose centers of production are still unknown; nevertheless, Caribbean

2001; Cooke and Ranere 1992b 1249, fig- 0- Nevertheless, this is not to argue for a model of genetic and linguistic homogeneity for Greater Code, especially in the Azuero Peninsula. Ethnohistoric documents around the time of the conquest give the impression that populations around Parita Bay (e.g., in the chiefdoms of Chiru, Escoria, Nata, and Parita) spoke their own private languages, although the paucity of word lists makes it impossible to deter­ mine the extent of this purported linguistic diversification (e.g., Andagoya 1519, injopling 1994:32-34). The contactperiod territories controlled by these leaders have been subjected to thorough foot surveys and concomitant sub­

coastal and highland areas continued to trade metates

surface testing, although researchers used distinct sur­

made of volcanic stone, basalt axes, and knives made

vey methodologies. The territories of Chief Parita, whose

on basalt or andesite blades, which were predominantly

burial rites were famously interrupted by Captain Gaspar

manufactured in highland quarries. Greater attention to

de Espinosa in 1519, have been surveyed by Isaza (2007,

materials analysis is urgently needed in Panama to better

2013), Haller (2008), and Berrey (2015); Berrey also foot

understand the interactions among coeval human groups,

surveyed the valley of the Tonosi River at the southern

to identify where ceramic and stone artifacts were made,

extremity of the Azuero Peninsula. None of these surveys

and to estimate how far they traveled in initial and final

recovered Paleoindian or Preceramic materials, and only

states (Cooke 2011; cf. Iizuka et al. 2014; Palumbo et al.

Isaza's work in the lower La Villa River identified Early

2015). Materials analysis is more advanced in Greater

Ceramic (Monagrillo) deposits (i.e., 2500-1200 BCE; Isaza

Nicoya, where elaborate pottery and ornate objects in

2007, 2013). Foot surveys and limited subsurface testing

gold and jade index the emergence of social hierarchies

in highly alluviated zones, however, may not have picked

and where a multiethnic precontact and postcontact situ­

up small sites—especially ones lacking ceramics. The

ation generated complex patterns of artifact manufacture

Santa Maria basin survey in the Central Panama region,

and distribution (Bishop and Blackman 2002; Bishop

between 1981 and 1986, used multiple survey strategies

and Lange 1993; McCafferty and Dennett 2013).

including linear transects that crossed hilly and mountain­

Around 500 BCE, pottery in the Greater Code sub-

ous zones outside colluvial valleys (Cooke and Ranere

area began to combine painted and modeled decorative

1984, i992b:250, fig. 2; Weiland 1984). Twenty-six sites in

modes, which gradually evolved toward the technological

the Santa Maria watershed dated before 7000 BCE. Ten

and artistic heights expressed in skillfully made vessels

times this number were attributed to the period 7000 BCE

whose geographic distribution by 500 CE encompassed

to 2500 BCE. Five out of thirteen tested rock-shelters con­

Veraguas, Azuero, Code, and the coast and islands of the

tained cultural deposits earlier than 7000 BCE and peaks of

province of Panama (Cooke 2011; Sanchez Herrera 2000,

activity between 7000 BCE and 2500 BCE.

2007). It is no longer necessary to refer the first appear­

Evidence of the circulation of goods across the cen­

ance of the Tonosi style (250-500 CE) of the Greater

tral mountain range dating back to the Preceramic period

Code tradition to the sudden arrival by sea of peoples

(Cooke 2011; Griggs 2005) does not prove that cultural

from the South American Pacific (Cooke and Sanchez

uniformity encompassed both watersheds in Panama, as

Herrera 2003; Ichon 1980), given that an antecedent

demonstrated by Linares (1980a) in Chiriqui and Bocas

style (La Mula) has been defined and radiocarbon dated

del Toro; rather,it islikely that the central mountain range

(Cooke and Ranere 1992^278-281; Cooke, Sanchez

fostered linguistic differentiation contrary to the views

Herrera, and Udagawa 2000) (Figure 4-io)-

expressed by Cooke (1984). This difference of opinion

Cooke and Ranere (1992^297-298) suggested that the

is based on the fact that the Spanish conquest itself led

historic Buglere are the best candidates for direct descen­

to complex, multidirectional migrations, both voluntary

dants of population segments that shared the Greater

and forced, toward specific, more marginal areas of both

Code stylistic tradition, given that shortly before and

watersheds. Some of these places were far removed from

after the Spanish conquest their settlements were central­

the precontact territories of Pre-Columbian ancestry

ized in the Pacific savannas of Veraguas and Code (Arias

(Cooke 1982).

COOKE

Lastly, it is imprudent to assume that the linguistic

as that in the lowlands and foothills of the Pacific Coast of

diversity attested by the early Spanish chroniclers (1515-

Code, Azuero, and Veraguas (see Figure 4.9). Finds of a

1530) in Greater Code encompassed only speech variants

small quantity of potsherds on Taboga Island in the Bay

of Nuclear Chibchan stock. The possibility that languages

of Panama are associated with two dates of 1510-1410 BCE

belonging to the Chocoan family were spoken in towns

(Beta 357354) and 1280-1040 BCE (Beta 357355). Cooke

like Nata cannot be discarded, despite the current paucity

and Redwood (personal communication) attest that pot­

of supporting evidence (Romoli 1987).

tery was being produced east of El Valle long before the 300 BCE date proposed by Martin et al. (2016). After a

The Mysterious Lands of "Those Who Spoke the Language of Cueva" From the volcanic surroundings of El Valle up to the east­

short period of local development—epitomized by sites on Taboguilla Island, a little offshore from Panama City, and on Pedro Gonzalez Island in the Pearl Island archi­ pelago (Punta Zancadilla) (Bray, Cooke, and Redwood

ern Darien—that is, in the ancient lands of the "people

2021; Nunez Cortes 2015)—a cohesive group of plasti­

who spoke the language of Cueva" (Romoli 1987)—Pre-

cally decorated, bichrome and trichrome vessels, which

Columbian ceramic-using culture does not exhibit the

are clearly regional variants of the Cubita and Early Conte

same degree of continuity and gradual endogenous change

styles of the Greater Code tradition, dominates the coastal

Figure 4.8 Funerary pottery from Miraflores (CHO-3), Bayano River, East Panama province, Panama, 700-900 CE. Photographs by Richard C.Cooke, composition by Alexandra Lara.

INDICENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDCE ZONE OF THE

ISTHMO-COLOMBIAN AREA

*

I 6

IIS II* e

h

o

P

t

q

f

w

k

J

t » >

i

X a

u

a

si

—«

ac

ad

ab

I

9 0 0 0 0

0

cm

1

2

3

4

5

m

Figure 4.9 Decorative objects made from pearl oysters ( Pinctada mazatlanica) and thorny oysters ( Spondylus crassisquama and S. lobatus) from funerary contexts at Cerro ]uan Diaz (LS -3), Azuero Peninsula, Panama,1 - 7 0 0 CE. Photographs by Richard C.Cooke.

70

village-cum-cemetery at Playa Venado from about 500 to

It is becoming increasingly clear that the cultural sit­

850 CE and is found also at Panama Viejo and on the Pearl

uation in the west and east Panama provinces, parts of

Islands (Martin et al. 2016). It is not only pottery that con­

the Darien, and the canal area was diachronically hetero­

firms close cultural similarities with sitesin southern Code

geneous, and that material culture and its iconography,

and Veraguas and the Azuero Peninsula but also burial pat­

in addition to mortuary customs, interacted in complex

terns in general and shell- and bone-work (Smith-Guzman

ways across the landscape. Recently, interpretations of

et al. 2021).

such a situation have placed much emphasis on shifting

Existing data on pottery distribution in the Western

trade patterns involving goldwork and on the production

and Eastern Panama regions that lie outside the Pacific

of jewels made out of polished stones and marine shell

coastal strip, however, point toward a more complex cul­

(Cooke 1998a; Martin 2002). The shells most often used

tural situation between about 600 and 800 CE. The funer­

for ornamentation were those of pearl oysters (Pinctada

ary pottery recovered at the site of Miraflores (CHO-3),

mazatlanica), thorny oysters (Spondylus spp.), and Pacific

in the lower valley of the Bayano River (Cooke 1976,

giant conch (Titanostrombus galeatus) (Cooke and San­

1998a), is markedly distinct from coeval wares from

chez Herrera 1998; J. Mayo Torne 2004; J. Mayo Torne

Panama Viejo and Playa Venado. These two sites are 54

and Cooke 2005; Smith-Guzman et al. 2021). These

and 67 km distant, respectively, from Miraflores as the

inshore taxa occur around reefs and reef flats, and often

crow flies. The disparities are great enough tosuggest eth­

in waters deep enough to require diving (Figure 4.9).

nic differentiation, although some classic Greater Code

In fact, Smith-Guzman and Cooke (2018) argue that

design motifs, such as YC scrolls, imply cultural borrow­

auditory exostoses—bony excrescences in the inner

ing on a small scale (Figure 4.8) (Cooke 1976,1998c).

ear, which have been found in human skeletons from

COOKE

Figure 4.10 Pottery vessels of the La Mula style. 250 BCE-200 CE. This

is the first trichrome style identified in the Greater Code SemioticTradition.

Pre-Columbian sites around the Bay of Panama—consti­

an intriguing research problem for the future that has been

tute evidence for diving in cool waters during the windy,

made even more interesting by the find of ridged fields

upwelling season (Smith-Guzman and Cooke 2018).

near Chinina, on the coastal flatlands of Eastern Panama

Equally intriguing and incompletely researched is

(Martin et al. 2014)—currently under investigation by

the striking change in pottery styles observed between

Adam Berrey (personal communication, 2020)—and by

El Valle and Eastern Panama, which is dated by several

evidence for growing social and commercial intercourse

archaeologists to about 1000 CE (Cooke 1998a; Martin

between the peoples of the "lands of those that spoke

2002; Martin et al. 2016). These authors have reflected on

Cueva" in Panama and the peoples living between the low­

the possibility of strong cultural influence from beyond

lands of Sinu and the Sierra de Santa Marta—the putative

the Atrato-SanJuan River axis, or even demic movements

ancestral epicenter of the Chibchan-speaking Kagaba or

emanating from territories in northern Colombia. This is

Kogi (Bray 1984; Cooke 1998a; Hoopes 2005).

INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDGE ZONE OF THE ISTHMO-COLOMBIAN AREA

71

assigned to the Otomanguean language family, includ­

Greater Nicoya: An Unstable Subarea at the Mesoamerican Frontier At the opposite (northwest) extremity of the Landbridge Zone, the acknowledged culture area of Greater Nicoya in southwestern Nicaragua and northwestern Costa Rica is the one that was closest to the great cit­ ies of the Maya, and their complex trading systems, and to Mesoamerican social units that, from time to time, underwent long-distance translocation of their cul­ turally heterogenous populations. These events went hand in hand with another prime mover of human populations—volcanic eruptions, and often violent ones, along the Central American mountainous axis. Large, often multiethnic populations; urbanism; long­ distance trade routes encompassing the Caribbean and

ing Chorotega (Salgado Gonzalez and Fernandez-Leon 2011). The acculturated survivors of these Otomangueans remain in small numbers in Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Other cultural groups with differing social and linguistic histories occupied this region, such as the Chontal, who arguably spoke a language in the Chibchan family (Constenla Umana 1991); the Voto (or Rama), and the Giietar, both of whom were indis­ putably Chibchan in speech (Barrantes et al. 1990; Constenla Umana 1991)- All of these cultural groups competed among themselves and with the Spanish con­ querors (Ibarra Rojas 2011b, 2014). The sudden arrival of Pedrarias Davila and his host in 1527 stirred up these rivalries and forced some groups to go elsewhere (Con­ stenla Umana and Ibarra Rojas 2009; Ibarra Rojas 2011b).

Pacific Coasts; military weaponry; tactics that exploited

It is hardly surprising, therefore, that genetic analyses of

localized quarries of ultra-sharp obsidian and massive

the modern population of Nicaragua have discovered a

recruitment; and a standardized religious symbolism

similar degree of asymmetry governing female and male

empowered by powerful elites logically exerted great

heritages as found in Panama (Grugni et al. 2015; Perego

influence on this ecologically favorable and productive

et al. 2012). Nicaragua's male heritage is predominantly

corner of the Landbridge Zone.

western European and sub-Saharan African; however,

Such is the historical and geographic complexity of

the genetic heritage of surviving Rama and Maleku

this period that archaeologists have spent a lot of time

Jaika, in addition to the mixed blood population ele­

conducting excellent excavations and arguing among

ments, is overwhelmingly Indigenous. What is more,

themselves about the significance of their findings, with

the high frequency (74 percent) of haplogroup A, as

concepts of "invasions" and "influence" at the fore. The

well as the absence of haplogroup Ci, are factors that

social insecurity and mixing of cultural groups, both of

fall in line with those of other speakers of Chibchan

local and outside heritage, has created a fascinating jig­

languages in the Landbridge Zone and also with some

saw quite unlike the situation in other parts of Costa Rica

Mesoamerican populations, such as the Maya, Mixtec,

and Panama, excepting, as we just read above, the eastern

and some social units of Uto-Aztecan heritage. These

third of the Landbridge Zone.

data lend support to the hypothesis that the Meso-

The perception of the invading Spanish was that

americanization" of some areas of Greater Nicoya had a

Nicaragua possessed greater wealth, more orderly set­

genetic basis as well as a cultural one (Baldi Salas 2013;

tlements, and a more hierarchized society than those

Nunez et al. 2010).

they had encountered on their prior conquests of the

Nicaragua likewise exhibits complex cultural diver­

American mainland (1502-1527). This situation facilitated

sity after the Spanish conquest, including new mixed

alliance-making and the imposition of Spanish religion

ethnic groups, many of them tri-hybrid and structurally

and social rules on the conquered populace. Here, the

similar to the cholos de Code in the Central Panama region

Spanish encountered another lingua franca of commerce

(Arias 2001). Some, like the Rama, maintained Chibchan

and cultural borrowing: the Nahuat language, which

speech, while others, such as the Miskito and Sumu, con­

has long thought to have been introduced to the area

tinued speaking languages based on Misumalpan living

ca. 900 CE (Abel-Vidor 1981; Fowler 1989; McCafferty

tongues (Azofeifa, Ruiz, and Barrantes 2008; Constenla

and Dennett, this volume). Debates have raged about

Umana 1991:21-30; Melton et al. 2013). Particularly

the causes and the nature of culture change in Greater

interesting is the history of the Garifuna, or Gariagu,

Nicoya, which is inferred to have had multiple origins:

whose Arawak language has Caribbean ancestry and

on the one hand, the infiltration of the Nahuat-speaking

who migrated to Central America in the nineteenth cen­

Nicarao, and on the other hand, the prior emplacement

tury (Baldi Salas 2013; Costenla Umana 1991; Crawford

or new settlement of peoples who spoke languages

1997; Gonzalez 1988). They are an Afro-Indigenous

COOKE

community whose Arawak language originated in the

Curre and Darizara complexes of the Sinancra phase

West Indies (Baldi Salas 2013; Constenla Umana 1991;

(1500-300 BCE) was made, the latter at Nia Kira in the

Gonzalez 1988).

Coto Brus region near the Pacific frontier with Panama (Corrales Ulloa 2on:figs.1,5). Subsequently, habitation sites of various sizes

Territories with Unique Sites of Deep Collective Memory

emerged in the western Chiriqui highlands. One site—

The Cerro Punta and Volcan Valleys, located between

tains low-level stone and earthen architecture, deposits

1,000 and 2,500 masl in the western mountain range of

of massive clay urns (which once may have contained

Chiriqui, are well known in today's Panama for their pro­

multiple burials, now vanished under the humid condi­

Barriles, near Volcan—is unique in this region and con­

duction of fruits and vegetables of both precontact and

tions), and groups of large stone sculptures depicting a

postcontact origin. The humid montane and submon­

capped human seated on top of another uncapped and

tane forests would have been difficult to clear with stone

facially different one grasping human heads—a situation

tools and fire, and this may explain why archaeologists

that alludes to social hierarchies and conflict. Some of the

have not found Paleoindian or Preceramic sites at these

upper figures sport pectorals; they resemble cast tumbaga

altitudes. By approximately 800 BCE, groups of farmers

figurines in the International Group which came into gen­

arrived and began to clear the forest. Eight hundred years

eral use after about 700 CE (Bray, Cooke, and Redwood

later, roughly 1 BCE, the Cerro Punta and Volcan Valleys

2021). Agiant metate decorated with rows ofhuman heads

had been populated with villages that cultivated maize

around its edge has legs depicting males and females with

with eight- to ten-row cobs as well as common beans

exaggerated genitalia. Heavy barrel-shaped and sculpted

(Phaseolus vulgaris), and they collected wild fruits includ­

stones gave the archaeological site its name (Linares,

ing nance (Byrsonima crassifolia), algarrobo (Hymenaea

Sheets, and Rosenthal 1975). This iconographic pro­

courbaril), and palms (Acrocomia vitiifera and Attalea

gram suggests a symbolic and social relationship among

butyracea) (Smith 1980:158-174). The total absence of

maize, human fertility, crafting excellence, and tiered set­

faunal remains prevented inferring the role of terrestrial

tlements. If Barriles was the first village to be founded in

mammals in the diet of this region (Linares and Sheets

the Baru region, which seems likely, it may have acquired

1980). Fishing would have been negligible because of the

its special status for this very reason. Its iconographic dis­

low diversity and small body size of high-altitude river

tinctiveness and site layout convey the impression that it

fish (Cooke andJimenez Acosta 2008).

functioned as a center that served multiple communities,

When Linares and her team conducted surveys and

which are likely to have become mutually antagonistic

excavations at Cerro Punta and Volcan in 1972, they

(Linares, Sheets, and Rosenthal 1975)- If one may specu­

thought that an eruption of the Volcan Baru had taken

late further, the remains of high-rank ancestors were per­

place around 600 CE, triggering a massive exodus that

haps housed here and ceremonies celebrated, at which the

pushed people toward the Caribbean Coast. Data from

lineage ancestors were remembered, feuds patched over,

sediment cores taken by Behling (2000) in the Volcan

and spouses sought (Cooke, Isaza, et al. 2003; Linares,

lakes, and advances in the dating of tephra, or wind­

Sheets, and Rosenthal 1975; Palumbo 2013).

blown volcanic ash, have provided a more complex pic­

A similar social function applies to El Cano, located

ture, summarized by Holmberg (2015). Eruptions of the

in the wooded savannas of the Central Pacific Coast

Baru volcano occurred around 1 CE,1000 CE, and1500 CE.

(Mayo Tome and Mayo Torne 2013; Mayo Torne, Mayo

The last one was very destructive and essentially depop­

Tome, and Karas 2010). This site's walkways, high-status

ulated the region until the advent of European farmers

burials of exceptional wealth, and columnar stone sculp­

human colo­

tures, whose iconography is strikingly distinct from that

nists of the Baru region, about 800 CE, brought a mate­

at Barriles, invite the hypothesis that the site formed part

rial culture and subsistence practices with them from

of a very large ceremonial precinct that encompassed

in the late nineteenth century. The first

elsewhere. Their origin points to the foothills and low­

neighboring Sitio Conte and the slopes of a low hill south

lands of the Greater Chiriqui subregion, where, in the

of this site (Cerro Cerrezuela), where walled terraces and

Diquis area, maize was planted in already cleared forest

precincts are found (Lothrop 1937,1942.; J- Mayo Tome

by 1410 BCE (Clement and Horn 2001; Johanson, Horn,

et al. 2007) and whose occupation history and spatial

and Lane 2019; Linares 1977a) and where pottery of the

configuration were likely affected by seasonal flooding

I N D I G E N O U S S O C I E T I E S I N T H E C E N T R A L A M E R I C A N

L A N D B R I D C E Z O N E O F T H E I S T H M O - C O L O M B I A N A R E A

and frequent changes in river channels. It is likely also that this area, like Barriles, became a historic and ceremo­ nial center, not simply for one chiefdom centrally located in the Chico River-Rio Grande-Cocle del Sur River basins but for a considerably wider territory compris­ ing autonomous sociopolitical units that shared a deep historical heritage. By Spanish contact, four small chiefdoms bordered Parita Bay, from west to east: Chiru, Nata, Escoria, and Parita (Cooke 1979=%- V Helms 1979:% 6). One of the principal villages of Chief Parita in 1519, Finca Calderon (He-4; the "Asiento Viejo") (Haller 2008) pos­ sessed large earthen mounds containing burials. One of them contained sumptuous gold offerings (Bray 2013); however, He-4 and other funerary sites along the Parita and La Villa Rivers in this chiefdom revealed no precincts with sculpted stone columns—even though Chief Parita was held in great esteem in the 1520s (Cooke and Ranere Isaza 2007:97-13^; Lothrop 1937:10). This fact reinforces the notion that the Sitio Conte-El CanoCerro Cerrezuela center, with its numerous sculpted

1992^295-296;

columns of humans and animals and its low-level archi­ tecture, attracted people from an area considerably larger than a single chiefdom (Helms 1979)Ceremonial centers with anthro- and zoomorphic megalithic sculptures that are comparable to those of Barriles and El Cano are not known archaeologically

thinness and large height of the Chontales-style mega­ liths at El Gavilan recall those of Haberland's (1983) Penonome I style at El Cano (see also Mayo Torne, Mayo Torne, and Karas 2010). The megaliths are found in groups at El Gavilan and are inferred by Geurds (2011) to have had similar ceremonial functions to those of Barriles and El Cano—that is, they were ancestral gath­ ering sites where group origins and deep history were likely remembered with games, chants, and dancing. The ceremonial-cum-festival area was associated with earth and stone platforms as it was at Barriles. At Gavilan, there is field evidence for domestic structures and activ­ ities going back in time to 2050±30 BP (cal BCE 150 to cal Geurds 2011). The sculptures of Zapatera and Momotombito, like­

20CE;

wise associated with stone-and-earth platforms, repre­ sent a different construction procedure from those of the Chontales ones, presumably influenced by the type of rock employed. The highly distinctive Zapatera style is thought to date from 800 to 1350 CE and to be associ­ ated with the Otomanguean Chorotega. The iconogra­ phy reflects an indisputably Mesoamerican heritage in line with that of many polities settled at different times in this region (Zelaya-Hidalgo, Bruhns, andDotta 1974)A striking variant of the use of monumental sculp­ ture in the Landbridge Zone is found in the Diquis

in Greater Darien, although stone slabs with bas-relief

Delta in the Diquis subregion of Costa Rica (Greater

carving—which were transported by nonprofession­

Chiriqui) (Figure

als to a small square at the community of Mogue and

Ulloa and Badilla Cambronero 2015; Fernandez Esquivel

then taken to the Ministry of Culture in Panama City—

and Quintanillajimenez 2003; QuintanillaJimenez 2007;

suggest that ancestral centers probably exist in unknown Darien locations. The information furnished by early

Quintanilla Jimenez and Badilla Cambronero

sixteenth-century Spanish accounts affirms that Chief

years, stimulated by the UNESCO declaration of the area

4.11)

(Corrales Ulloa

2021;

Corrales

2003).

Field investigations have advanced rapidly in recent

Comogre, whose head village is thought to be located in

that encompasses the stone spheres as a World Heritage

the upper Chucunaque River valley (Cooke, Isaza, et al.

Site. Interdisciplinary data necessary for fine-tuning

boasted a single "castle" constructed of wood and

understanding of the bolas environmentally and socio-

protected by stone walls (Cooke, Isaza, et al. 2003; this

culturally are expanding swiftly. The Diquis Delta covers

location is contra Helms 1979 and Sauer 1966). One of the

an area of 500 km1 and consists of Holocene sediments

four interior rooms in this special building had a mortu­

deposited by the Terraba and Sierpe Rivers, which, in

ary function: ancestral mummies preserved here wore

their descent from the Cordillera de Talamanca and its

costumes and other insignia proclaiming their rank and

foothills, are laden with suspended sediments and regu­

status within the chiefdom's social hierarchy.5

larly flood vast areas. Human occupation in the delta goes back to 300 BCE and maybe as old as the Sinancra phase

2003),

In the most northerly area of the Landbridge Zone, two sites with megalithic sculptures representing ani­

(1500-300

BCE). The spheres were fashioned by hand

mals and humans (sometimes in combination) are at

from rounded volcanic rocks (mostly gabbro). Unlike

El Gavilan (formerly Nawawasito) in the Siquia River

the sites with clustered megalithic anthropomorphic and

valley, on the northern side of Lake Cocibolca (or

zoomorphic sculptures, these bolas, as they are known

Nicaragua), and on Zapatera and Momotombito, small

in Costa Rica, have been located at several sites across

islands on the western side of this lake. Structurally, the

the delta and more than

COOKE

120

have been recorded thus

KB 1- J

Figure 4.11 Anthropomorphic standing sculptures from El Cano, ElGavilan, Barriles, Diqufs, and Las Mercedes.

far. The spheres are associated with circular and rectan­

and in Nicoya/Nicaragua. The site of Drago and other

gular mounded areas with cobblestone reinforcements,

nearby settlements based their subsistence economy

stone walkways, empty spaces or plazas, and ramps. In

on fishing, hunting manatees and sea turtles, and culti­

some cases, cemeteries with luxury items are associated

vating maize in ecologically suitable areas. Fishing was

with these structures and with groups of small sculptures

practiced by the first millennium BCE farther north in

including metates, but this is not the case with the largest

Costa Rica (Baldi Salas 2011). The Drago residents also

spheres. The intellectual rationale behind the spheres has

made ample use of the palms, including the raffia palm

spawned fertile debate. The opinion of Corrales, Barilla,

that produces a resistant fiber (Raphia taedigera-, Wake

and colleagues is a useful platform for discussion. They

2006; Wake, Doughty, and Kay 2013). A comparison of

propose that variability in the size and arrangements of

data from Drago with those of sites on the neighboring

the spheres and their spatial configuration may represent

Aguacate Peninsula (Linares 1980b) brings home the

cognitive maps of celestial bodies and the myths and leg­

fact that local differences in settlement and subsistence

ends associated with them.

patterns correlated with the size and internal complex­

Of all the surviving groups in the Landbridge Zone

ity of individual settlements, the scope of their external

who speak a language in the family of core Chibchan

networks, and the exchange of valuable resources such as

languages (Constenla Umana 2012:417), the Brunca

goldwork and cacao. The last two items clearly attracted

(formerly Boruca) are demographically by far the most

Mesoamerican canoe-borne traders, who by the time of

precarious (see Table 1.1)—and it is the Brunca who

Spanish contact or just after it had established outposts

make the most objective claim for being the inheritors

along the Panamanian Caribbean Coast (Cooke, Isaza,

of the sites with spheres (Constenla Umana and Ibarra

et al. 2003).

Rojas 2009). Populations in the Caribbean coastal areas of the Landbridge Zone continued to rise, and settlement size and location were predicated upon microgeographic

The Conquest and Its Consequences: Multiple Responses to a Shared Disaster

and microenvironmental conditions (see Hoopes 2011b

The area that suffered most from the overwhelming

for a useful summary). A settlement established on Isla

impact of the conquest comprised the lands of Castilla

Colon about 1300 CE in the Panamanian province of

del Oro in Central America, one of the oft-shifting colo­

Bocas del Toro grew to cover some 17 ha before Spanish

nial geopolitical units, which spanned the area from

contact: Sitio Drago could have been the trading cen­

the province of Nicaragua to the early colonial founda­

ter for exchange and barter of goods that Christopher

tion at Santa Maria de la Antigua (1510-1524). Along the

Columbus and his son, Fernando, observed during

Caribbean, from the western bank of the Gulf of Uraba to

their voyage of 1502-1503 (Cooke, Isaza, et al. 2003).

the Indio River, and in the ancient anthropogenic savan­

This idea is supported by finds of artifacts produced in

nas of the Pacific as far west as the slopes of the El Valle

Greater Code, in the intermontane valleys of Costa Rica,

volcano, there once extended a territory over which the

INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDGE ZONE OF THE ISTHMO-COLOMBIAN AREA

75

Cuevan mode of speech was used (la lengua de cueva). Romoli (1987) provides a concise summary of the geog­ raphy, demographics, and culture of this entire area. The precise meaning of the term Cueva has pro­ voked much debate and circular reasoning, due largely to contradictions in the colonial documentation and to misguided attempts to equate language, culture, and "ethnicity." Many researchers looking for evidence for or against historical continuity in the Eastern Panama region seem to have forgotten that the term Cueva was

was used bolsters the hypothesis that some communi­ ties historically linked to the Wounaan and/or Embera resided within the multicultural area where Cueva was spoken (Constenla Umana 1991:46-49; Loewen 1963:243). A similar situation characterized the Tukano and Arawak groups of Amazonia (Gomez-Imbert 1996; see also Campbell 1997)The documentary and paleoecological evidence for the devastation and depopulation of the territory where the Cueva speech mode was employed describes accurately

not an ethnic identifier, and that many different Indige­

how the once ubiquitous villages and fields disappeared,

nous polities made use of the Cueva mode of speech

perhaps in only two generations, and how humid forest

(Romoli 1987:24). Most Spanish chronicles assert that

cover, after having been liberated from thousand-year

both vernacular linguistic and cultural distinctions

cycles of Indigenous farming activities, came to typify

existed across this area, where settlement patterns ranged

postconquest Darien from the mid-sixteenth century

from nuclear villages with specialized craft workshops,

until the Second World War (Bennett 1976; Castillero

such as that of Comogre in the upper Chucunaque River

Calvo 1995:37-67; Cooke, Norr, and Piperno 1996; Heck-

and the one of Cori at the prehispanic settlement under­

adon 2009). Surviving Indigenous populations such as

neath the colonial town of Panama Viejo (Cooke, Isaza,

the Guna and Chocoans (firstly the Embera and later the

et al. 2003; Mendizabal 2004), to scattered settlements in

Waunaan) took advantage of the postcontact forest expan­

areas with very varied topography.We can ask, therefore,

sion to spread over this area. Widespread banana cultiva­

whether this "language" was, in fact, not a vernacular at

tion around their settlements in the forests (bananas were

all but some kind of lingua franca that enjoyed an unusu­

introduced from the Old World in the early sixteenth cen­

ally broad geographical distribution across the Isthmus,

tury) provided them with a starch-rich and prolific food

or whether it was a specialized trading language used to

that required minimal husbandry.

guarantee the social communication required for cus­

The Guna were concentrated after Spanish contact

tomary barter between communities with dissimilar cul­

in the lower valley of the Atrato River, on the west bank

tural histories (Cooke and Sanchez 2004; Ibarra Rojas

of the Gulf of Uraba, and in the headwaters of rivers that

and Constenla Umana 2001).

rose in the eastern Serrania de San Bias, where they were

It is worth remembering that the Chibchan language

split into factions. Under a variety of names, including

Giietar, now extinct, appears to have functioned as a lin­

"Paparos," they began to attack Spanish fortresses and

gua franca in Costa Rica (Ibarra Rojas 2012:176). The fact

settlements at the beginning of the seventeenth cen­

that some of the approximately sixty words in the Cueva

tury (Severino de Santa Teresa 1956:3:441). The near­

vocabulary recorded in the Spanish documents are cog­

est their war parties came to the Spanish city at Panama

nates of commonly used words and phonemes, both in

was the Hispanicized Indigenous settlement of Chepo

the Guna language of Chibchan phylogeny and in the

located nearly 60 km to the northeast (Severino de Santa

Chocoan languages, of which Embera and Wounaan

Teresa 1956:3:441). The Guna inspired fear and reluctant

are spoken in Panama today, has attracted the attention

respect. In 1617, a Guna leader was received by the gover­

of linguists for more than fifty years. Romoli (1987) lists

nor of Cartagena. Adrian de Uffeldre, a Franciscan friar

fifty-five words in her Cueva vocabulary, and Constenla

of Flemish origin who lived among the Guna of Darien

Umana (1991) added a few more.

from 1630 to 1640, observed an unusually high percent­

Included in the Cueva vocabulary are Chocoan forms

age of cases of albinism. He witnessed some of the Guna

for man and woman: chuy [-k'oy masculine] andyra [-iyra

ceremonies that were practiced at that time, and still are

feminine] (Loewen i960,1963). The suffix/-ra/ is a pho­

today, and recorded a vocabulary that is recognizably

neme referent to people in the Chocoan languages, as in

Guna (Adrian de Uffeldre, in Resquejo Salcedo [1640]

the case of the words cab-ra (individual subject to a chief

1908). Subsequently, a long period of ambivalent rela­

or cacique), y-ra (woman), and tuy-ra (devil). The ubiq­

tions with ecclesiastical and military authorities ensued,

uity of this phoneme in the anthroponymy and toponymy

as well as with different groups of Hispanic colonists.

of the ancient territory where the Cueva form of speech

Attempts at indoctrination resulted in armed uprisings,

COOKE

signed and broken treaties, and the destruction of settle­

exceptionally knowledgeable are the ones living in ances­

ments with much loss of life.

tral villages in the Darien, such as Pucuro and Paya. The

During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the

distances between these areas and the San Bias coast are

Guna sought commercial relations with the enemies of

not really arduous and can be recovered with relative ease

the Spanish crown, particularly English corsairs and

on foot (Cooke 1984b). The chanters and neles (sooth­

Scottish and French settlers and traders. Such collabora­

sayers) of the Guna possess more profound knowledge of

tion highlights one of the salient features of Guna soci­

the Guna language and oral history than do the remain­

ety: its adaptability and ability to discuss matters among

der of the Guna population. This knowledge includes the

themselves, in the congress halls, without excessive inter­

use of a metaphorical language, which helps to maintain

nal conflict. Their communion with merchants and set­

the social distance between everyday and ritual knowl­

tlers led even to the participation of Guna men on long

edge (Sherzer 1983).

sea voyages in European ships (Martinez Mauri 2011; Severino de Santa Teresa1956:4:47).

The dearth of reliable data about the contact-era Indigenous population that resided on the coast of San

The rich oral history of the Guna, which has been

Bias makes it is rash to accept unthinkingly that the Guna

the subject of many investigations and publications by

of the seventeenth century represented precisely the

non-Indigenous anthropologists, emphasizes the Guna

same population as the one that lived at Pre-Columbian

sages' determination that the epicenter of Guna ethnic­

communities such as Careta, which Spanish documents

ity was an area that stretched between the lower reaches

ascribe to those who spoke the language of Cueva. Two

of the Atrato River, the southern margin of the Gulf

observations, however, strengthen the validity of finks

of Uraba, and the headwaters of the Tuira (east) and

between some Pre-Columbian communities in the east­

Chucunaque (west) Rivers. The fluvial toponymy used

ern Caribbean of Panama and the living Guna. The first

today in this region includes terms that end in phone­

observation concerns the use of a shell penis-sheath:

mic suffixes that mean "river": -ti, in Guna; or -do, in the

"Men tucked their private parts into very well made sea-

Chocoan languages. The genetic data summarized above

shells of many colors, with strings attached to the shell

about the ancient origin of the Guna in the Isthmus, as

that were tied at the loins: with these they could run and

well as new approaches to their linguistic relationships

walk very freely, without any worry for they could not be

with other Chibchan-speaking groups, have resolved

seen inside the shell... they themselves gathered these

fingering doubts about a presumptive and rather vague

shells on the coast for use inland, because they existed

"southern origin" of the Guna. Incorporating the Atrato

on this coast, but were not to be seen in any other area"

River into the Landbridge Zone, as I suggest, helps to

(Andagoya, in Jopling 1994:29; Fernandez de Oviedo y

put Guna ancient history on a more scientific track. In

Valdes 1853:138).

fact, the hypothesis of the great antiquity of the Guna on

I suggest that the two cone-shaped objects with

the Panamanian Isthmus was evinced by their uniparen­

attached cords—shown in an engraving as lying beside

tal genetic connection with the earliest Late Pleistocene

the Guna cacique Lacenta when he visited English

human groups that transited and likelysettled on the now

pirate-doctor Lionel Wafer in 1681—were actually shell

submerged continental platform that was particularly

penis-sheaths (Wafer 1888; see Figure 4.12). According

extensive in Parita Bay.

to Andagoya, these shell items were exchanged with vil­

Spurred on by the advantages of trade with those

lages located inland; however, the peoples identified in

European powers in conflict with Spain, some groups

the chronicles as pertaining to "Coiba"—a term that at

of Guna gradually began to repopulate the San Bias

the beginning of Spanish colonization was taken to extend

Islands and coastal strip (Helms 1978). This geograph­

as far west as Perequete and Chame, on the Pacific side of

ical division led to dialectal differentiation of the Guna

the Isthmus—did not use the penis-sheaths. Therefore, I

language, although physical contact among the com­

infer that this class of artifacts functioned as an emblem

munities of San Bias and those of Colombia and Darien

of identity for a specific group residing on the eastern

continues. Helms (1979) argued that the Guna of the

Caribbean watershed. I also propose that the users of

Caribbean Coast were traveling "long-distance" to

such ornaments belonged to a segment of a population

Colombia in order to acquire esoteric information and

affiliated with Isthmian Chibchan customs and modes of

use this knowledge to enhance their reputation in their

speech. Additional confirmation for cultural continuity

own communities. But many sages considered to be

in the coastal area of Gunayala during the early sixteenth

INDIGENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDGE ZONE OF THE

IS T H M O - C O L O M B I A N A R E A

LaaOta.

Figure 4.12 Seventeenth-century engraving depicting the Guna cacique Lacenta's visit to an English pirate camp; note the probable shell penis-sheaths with strings attached in the foreground. Reproduced from Waferi888.

century is the use of word cognates of the modern Guna

extinct Changuena and Dorasque, took dissimilar paths

vernacular such as ulu (canoe), ob- (maize), achu/ochi (jag­

of active and/or passive resistance to Spanish pressures,

uar or dog), and moli (tapir) (Romoli 1987)-

including attempts at conversion and Hispanization led by

By the end of the colonial era, the Guna had estab­ lished themselves as an independent Indigenous society in extensive areas of the eastern Isthmus—notwithstand­ ing the havoc wreaked by successive epidemics. Aggres­

78

the friars (Cooke 1982; Ibarra Rojas 2012).

Depopulation and Resistance in Greater Cocle and Greater Chiriqui

sive efforts by colonial authorities failed to hinder

The first Spanish raids westward from the limits of the lan­

relations between the Guna and other European visi­

guage ofCueva (between the moderntowns ofChame and

tors or to incite divisions from within (Castillero Calvo

San Carlos) were as bloody as those that devastated the

1995:216-232; Jaen Suarez 1979:141-159; Severino de

Darien and quickly disrupted and destroyed the densely

Santa Teresa 1956). I mentioned earlier that the maternal

populated and commercially active Indigenous societ­

Guna heritage is millennial, isthmic, and consistent with

ies around Parita Bay. These chiefdoms soon became a

its Chibchan linguistic affiliation (cf. Figure 4.1). Due to

source of labor and supplies for the newly founded city

their successful struggle for survival, the Guna merit the

of Panama, for the mines of the Veraguas colonial dis­

epithet "the people who did not kneel" (Howe 2004). To

trict, and for the lucrative slave trade in Indigenous peo­

this day, they are a culturallycohesive group and continue

ple (Castillero Calvo1967; Ibarra Rojas 2012). The coastal

to effectively retain their identity in an area often suscep­

areas in the province of Chiriqui, traversed by the first

tible to acculturation and mestizaje.

expeditions sent by Pedrarias Davila to Nicaragua, were

Farther west in theLandbridge Zone, resistance against

not exempt from Spanish pillaging or forced transporta­

Spanish influence and colonization took on a more heter­

tion (Gonzalez Davila, in Leon Fernandez 1976:33-35)-

ogenous trajectory. It is demonstrated by the manner in

However, Indigenous resistance quickly gained strength

which Votos (Malekujafka and Rama), Bribris, Cabecares,

in the central mountain range, where legendary caciques

Teribe (Naso Djerdi), Ngabere, and Buglere, as well as the

such as Urraca, Esquegua, Estiber, and Trota hindered

COOKE

Spanish colonization and mining activities. In addition,

who spoke Chibchan languages in neighboring areas of

both subjugated and free Indigenous people maintained

Colombia (Barrantes et al. 1990).

contact with each other despite the efforts of the colonial

The great rebellion of the talamanquenos ("indig­

authorities to stop them (Castillero Calvo 1995:135-157;

enous people from the Talamanca Range," probably

Cooke 1993; Ibarra Rojas 2012).

Cabecares) in 1610 as well as attacks on mule trains in

A focal point of resistance as effective as that put up

transit to Nicaragua—carried out by groups that Ibarra

by the Guna was the slopes of the El Valle volcano, where

Rojas (1986) and Constenla Umana (2009) believe to

a group called the Code (code) in the Spanish chronicles

have been Bruncas and Teribes—demonstrate the ten­

harassed settlements and Spanish mines from Veraguas

uous colonial control over Indigenous societies in the

to the Chagres River from the 1520s to the early seven­

cordilleran and Caribbean areas of the Landbridge Zone.

teenth century, causing endless problems for the colonial

These groups have had verydifferent survivalexperiences,

authorities. Their cultural and genetic history has been

but most continue to preserve a degree of cultural inde­

well summarized (Arias 2001; Arias and Griggs 2004).

pendence, their language, and their genetic heritage—

Their tri-hybrid descendants, popularly called the cholos

despite efforts by Franciscan friars to convert them to the

de Code, reside in the Code Indigenous Reserve, estab­

Christian faith. Ironically, the friars' intellect and courage

lished in 1914 (Joly 1971:59, map 21; Miiller-Schwarze

facilitated the recording of specific demographic data,

2015). According to Arias (2001), the tri-hybrid popu­

and sometimes they paid for their diligence with their

lation comprises 44 percent Indigenous Americans, 38

lives. A document dated 1709, for example, provides the

percent western Eurasians, and 18 percent sub-Saharan

following estimates of inhabitants per group: Cabecar/

Africans. An Indigenous language is no longer spoken;

Bribri, 3000; Terraba and Teribe (the latter located on

however, in 1792, Father Juan Franco ([1792] 1978) col­

the islands of Bocas del Toro), 2000; Changuena, 5000;

lected an extensive vocabulary in Penonome that rep­

Zegua, Almirantes and Guaymiles [sic], 8000 (Fernandez

resents a variant of the current Ngabere language (see

1976:107-134). The zeguas (Sigua, derived from the Bribri

also Pinart 1882). The colonial chronicles make a dis­

word for stranger or foreigner) were a sector of the Uto-

tinction between the "civilized Indians" of the city of

Aztecan-speaking (Nahuat or Nahuatl) population that

Penonome and those indios salvajes (wild or savage

settled near the mouth of the San Juan River in Nicaragua

people) who continued to live in small dispersed commu­

and in the border zone on the Caribbean Coast near the

nities in hilly and cordilleran areas. It is not clear whether

Sixaola River, between Costa Rica and Bocas del Toro

Francosguaimipenomeno (Penonome Guaymi) was the

(Constenla Umana and Ibarra Rojas 2009; Lothrop

vernacular of the Code population or whether it was

1941). They represented the canoe-borne armed traders

introduced to the city of Penonome by Ngabes who were

whose presence in Caribbean Costa Rica and Panama

brought there to Hispanicize them. Genetic studies by

was increasing at the end of the Pre-Columbian epoch.

Arias (2001), however, determined that the present-day

Just as in colonial Darien—comprising the modern

cholos de Code have two genetic markers, called TFD-chi

province of Darien and Gunayala—fluctuating relations

(Chinese transferrin) and LDPIB-Gua (lactose dehy-

of cooperation and hostility emerged between the various

drogenate), which have only been identified among the

Indigenous groups (previously mentioned) and Spanish

cholos de Code and the Ngabere. Conversely, these mark­

authorities, other European traders and settlers, and "free

ers do not occur among the Buglere and the Guna. Arias

Indians" and "Indian subjects" of the same cultural affil­

(2001) concluded that the codes described in the docu­

iation. To a large extent, the brief periods of coopera­

ments of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were

tion among them reflected the need to resist the Miskito

close genetic relatives of the Ngabe and, consequently,

slave traders' bloody attacks, which ranged across Central

should be considered a branch of that ethnic group. The

America throughout the first half of the eighteenth cen­

short-lived independent territory of the Code extended

tury (Castillero Calvo 1995:390; Cooke 1993; Ibarra Rojas

as far as the Indio River, where, incidentally, the chiefdom

2011a). Many individuals captured by the Miskitos on the

of Quebore was recorded by the Spanish chroniclers to

Caribbean slope of Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama

use the Cueva mode of speech (Romoli 1987)- This geo­

were traded as slaves directly with the English before 1834

graphic propinquity seems to explain why a genetic vari­

and then later with the British in Jamaica; a few were sold

ant, PEPA-KUNA, occurs in high frequencies among

in the slave markets in ports along the eastern United

the Code (cholos de Code), the Guna, and other groups

States (Ibarra Rojas 2012).

INDICENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDGE ZONE OF THE

IS T H M O - CO L O M B I A N A R E A

To sum up this period of complex social interactions, the behavior of individual Indigenous leaders, the uneven

The growing debate in Spanish colonialsociety about the fate of Indigenous peoples, who had been mistreated

accessibility of specific tracts of land, the Miskito effect,

by relocation, mining, and the encomienda system,

and the cultural captures by the colonial and ecclesias­

led to significant changes in the relations between the

tical spheres unevenly affected the survival of individ­

Spanish and Indigenous groups (Castillero Calvo 1995).

ual Indigenous groups. The Dorasques and Changuenas

In the more Hispanicized areas, the latter were mostly

experienced severe population loss, which, in the long

manual laborers working under the thumb of a dom­

run, did not enable them to survive as a sociocultural

inant white elite. The pueblos de indios, founded in the

entity. Withdrawn after the bloody revolt of 1710 into inhospitable mountainous and Caribbean areas of lit­ tle commercial importance for the Spaniards, the tala-

second half of the sixteenth century in the former PreColumbian cultural area of Greater Cocle, such as Parita, Cubita, and Ola, were all peopled by natives considered

manquenos (mostly Bribri and Cabecar) managed to

to be "foreigners" (Castillero Calvo 1995=63)- Each of

maintain a precarious independence that has overcome

these pueblos de indios had its own history. Some experi­

extreme challenges and has survived to this day. Farther east, manyguaymiles (probably Ngabere) did not adopt a Christian lifestyle and secluded themselves in their for­

enced precarious survival over the course of their short lives. Cubita—a satellite settlement of a Spanish colony in Los Santos from about 1575—left subtle archaeologi­

mer strongholds—that is, the Cricamola River valley,

cal evidence at the site of Cerro Juan Diaz (LS-3), where

the Valiente Peninsula, and the Serrania de Tabasara. In

about ninety to one hundred Indigenous people, who

these areas, they maintained the agricultural and origi­

engaged in raising cattle, farming chicken, and tending

nal traditions of their Pre-Columbian ancestors (Cooke

crops, had made their home. They used wheel-thrown

1982; Young 1970, 1971). The success of their resistance

Spanish pottery (Carvajal et al. 2005; Cooke, Sanchez

is reflected by their demographic predominance among

Herrera, et al. 2003). Others, such as Penonome, pros­

surviving Indigenous societies in the Landbridge Zone.

pered and became strong regional centers with their

(The small nuclei of Ngabere and Buglere who reside in

own political structures under the command of Hispani­

Costa Rica originated in the migrations that occurred

cized Indigenous officers. Hypothetically, Hispanicized

during the War of the Thousand Days [1899-1902] and

individuals who were born outside the Landbridge

in the period immediately following it [Barrantes 1993] )•

Zone would have left some form of genetic imprint on Panama's mestizo populations.

Indigenous Slaves and Pueblos de Indios

The resistance of the Cocle clearly indicates that

Before slave trading in sub-Saharan Africans became

the intensive campaigns of the religious orders to con­

the norm, Spaniards transported thousands of captive

vert Indigenous peoples led to multiple reactions from

Indigenous people from various colonial population

the groups they contacted. One wonders whether the

centers in the Landbridge Zone to more distant Spanish

attitudes of many friars, who were considered human­

domains (Castillero Calvo 1995; Ibarra Rojas 2012). These

itarian for the time, represented a conscientious effort

transfers occurred continuously between New Spain and

to help Indigenous communities or whether such com­

Peru (after the year 1537). Indigenous captives from out­

munion with these people was a trick to facilitate their

side the Isthmus also arrived in Panama. Most came from

indoctrination. It is naive to separate the conversion of

Cubagua (northern Venezuela), and many were sent to

the "untamed" Indigenous people from the military and

the Pearl Islands archipelago to work in the pearl fisheries

economic priorities of the time. Attempts to relocate

there (Camargo 1983). There was also a migratory flow

Indigenous groups in places close to the Spanish settle­

across areas that were much closer to each other. This

ments had several objectives, among them strengthen­

involved the movement to Nata of women who used the

ing security against nonsubjugated natives and the feared

Cueva speech mode (Cooke 1993)- Subsequently, some

Miskitos, providing soldiers for militias, and, finally,

"liberated" Indigenous people, of both extra-Isthmian

securing access to building materials and food (Castillero

and local origin, settled in the environs of the first city

Calvo 1967).

of Panama (e.g., on Taboga and Otoque Islands, on the slopes of Cerro Cabra, on Perico Island, and along the

Asymmetric Pairings and Genetic Survival

Grande River in Eastern Panama). Some were already

The image of the destruction and dislocation brought

mestizado (Castillero Calvo 1995=37-58,89).

about by the first fifty

COOKE

years of Spanish colonization

should not divert our attention from those sectors of

prestigious European articles. Having many women was

the Indigenous population that were integrated into

a privilege of the wealthiest men in both societies.

colonial society as a result of marriage. The European soldiers and administrators—who were mostly single— welcomed Indigenous polygynous practices at the start

Local Survival of Pre-Columbian Traditions: The Case of Greater Cocle

of the conquest. It would be fair to accuse Fernandez de

Undoubtedly, the effects of the conquest were as rapid

Oviedo y Valdes (1853:133) of being macho and boast­

and devastating in Greater Cocle as theywere in the terri­

ful when he says that "cueva women are very friendly

tories where the Cueva language was used; however, the

to ... Christians because ... they are friends of men

archaeological data that have been gathered indicate that

and ... more inclined to men of valor than to cowards, for

the ancient polychrome tradition, dating back to 300 BCE

they know the advantages that [Spaniards] offer to the

(Cooke 2011), continued for at least a couple of genera­

Indians." In strictly sociological terms, however, the vol­

tions while the caciques of the cordilleran plateaus and

untary pairing of Indigenous women with the Spaniards

valleys continued to resist. In addition, the unions of the

is not surprising. Hierarchical rank in Pre-Columbian

Spaniards with Indigenous women influenced the main­

societies was determined not only by social inheritance

tenance of some Indigenous everyday traditions, such as

but also by individual prowess. It is assumed, there­

the use of grinding stones to prepare maize (Cooke 1993;

fore, that a good number of Indigenous women entered

Cooke, Sanchez Herrera, et al. 2003). The geographic

into partnerships with Spanish invaders in search of the

distribution of the Greater Cocle pottery tradition

exaltation of their own social ranks, and those of their

known to archaeologists as Mendoza shows a close geo­

children, through the acquisition of official favors and

graphic correspondence with a pattern of small dispersed

Figure 4.13 Dancers in Penonome, Panama, dressed in bark cloth garments that have been decorated with vegetable dye (annatto [Bixa orellana]) and jagua [Cenipa americana]). These individuals belong to the tri-hybrid ethnic groups called cholos

deCocle. Photograph by Richard C.Cooke, 1977INDICENOUS SOCIETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDCE ZONE OF THE IST H M O-CO LOM B I A N AREA

81

settlements in the foothills of both Veraguas and Code

conjugation and understanding of the millennial pro­

slopes identified by Griggs (2005) during archaeological

cesses of demographic, ecological, genetic, and cultural

surveys conducted in the 1990s. Although the communi­

processes, which together have guided the development

ties of the former Code Indigenous comarca have lost the

of the ancestors of the surviving Indigenous groups in the

Ngabere language—probably in the late nineteenth cen­

Landbridge Zone. In a socioeconomic context, the sur­

the preservation of their Pre-Columbian heritage

viving Indigenous communities—representative of 3 to

is evident every December is, when they take part in fes­

12 percent of the populations of Nicaragua, Costa Rica,

tury—

tivities in Penonome (Figure 4-13)- Parades include men

and Panama in the years 2007 to 2011—differ in multi­

dressed in bark cloth garments that have been decorated

ple ways from Pre-Columbian populations and among

with motifs painted with traditional vegetable dyes (Joly

each other. Spanish conquest and settlement in the

1981; Miiller-Schwarze 2015).

Landbridge Zone advanced asymmetrically and asyn­ chronously across an environmentally variegated region (Ibarra Rojas 2014). Postcontact discontinuities led to

Future Directions: "Deep History" and Interdisciplinary Collaboration

many grades of local displacements, multiple varieties

It is impossible to reach a satisfactory interpretation of

ence of exogenous cultures and religions), and various

the deep history of Indigenous peoples of the Landb ridge

degrees of miscegenation among Indigenous people,

Zone by assigning priority to written texts alone, as they

Europeans, sub-Saharan Africans, and the offspring of all

account for less than 5 percent of Indigenous historical

three. It would be naive to expect surviving Indigenous

experience; therefore, it is imperative to expand the defi­

ethnic groups to always occupy today the same areas that

nition of history to include information provided by spe­

their Pre-Columbian ancestors once did; even so, there is

cialists in other disciplines that address the development

a remarkably close geographic correspondence between

of human beings. This methodology, which dates back in

certain pre- and postconquest Indigenous communities

the Isthmo-Colombian Area to the decades of the 1970s

in the Landbridge Zone.

of acculturation (especially language loss and the influ­

and 1980s, is becoming the norm in Pre-Columbian stud­

It is also naive to assume that different lines of

ies, as in other parts of the world. Although use of the

research necessarily lead to the same inferences about

term ancient history was proposed in Costa Rica more

the trajectory and dynamics of social change; each has its

than two decades ago (Fonseca Zamora 1992.); I prefer

own favorable and unfavorable biases. My goal is to try

the term deep history (Corrales Ulloa 2011; see also the

to collate all the information currently available in order

discussion of deep time in Zeidler and McEwan, this

to arrive at a consensual summary of the deep history of

volume) because it is necessary to extend the histories

Indigenous peoples in the Landbridge Zone. The steady

of Indigenous peoples across the Spanish conquest line

production of new data from recent research, which

and up to the present day. The rapid methodological,

employs innovative methods of analysis, challenges us

conceptual, and substantive advances in each research

all to carry out regular and joint updates in search of an

area refine and strengthen collaboration, facilitating the

increasingly objective scenario.

COOKE

NOTES 1 All dates in this essay will be presented as both years before

(Ruiz-Narvaez et al. 2005; Segura-Wang and Barrantes2009)

the present (BP, or before 1950 CE for younger dates) and as years before the Common Era (BCE) up to 5000 BP

the female and male heritages of the Bribri, Cabecar, Ngabe,

(3800BCE); dates earlier than this range are presented as only

Bugle, Giietar, and Teribe. This result showing that men in

the latter. All dates given are based on radiocarbon dates on organic material that have been corrected using the OxCal

these societies were less mobile than expected—especially bearing in mind archaeological and ethnohistoric documen­

v. 4.3.2 (Bronk Ramsey 2017) and the IntCal 13 calibration

tation for some outside trade contacts especially along the

but found no evidence for structural differences between

curve (Reimer et al. 2013), with approximate 95 percent con­

Caribbean (cf. Helms 1978)—has been amply confirmed by

fidence ranges rounded to the nearest decade; however, gen­

Grugni and colleagues (2015), whose samples were much

eral approximations of the estimatedage in calendar years for

larger. The chronological estimate that Ruiz-Narvaez et al.

older dates maybe rounded to the nearest century.

(2005) inferred for the coalescence of the Isthmicsubgroup

2 The samples from two recent studies included fifteen indi­

of the Chibchan stock (9830-7450 BP) overlaps with the

viduals from the United States, British Columbia (Canada),

inferences published by Barrantes et al.1990. The Ngabe and

Brazil, Chile, and Argentina (Moreno-Mayar, Vinner, et al.

the Guna—the speakers of Chibchan languages with the

2018) and forty-nine individuals from Canada, the United

largest modern populations by far—as well as the Chocoan

States, Belize, Brazil, Peru, Chile, and Argentina (Posth etal.

Embera, equally demonstrate low geneticdiversity assumed

2018). The authors compared these studies with data from

to result from historic bottlenecks (drastic population loss)

individuals in Africa, Mexico, and Venezuela. There were no

or, alternatively, genetic drift (random changes in allelic

individuals in the study from the Isthmo-Colombian Area.

frequencies; Jorge-Nebert et al., 2002; Kolman et al. 1975;

3 I am grateful to Kendra Sirak for editing and updating this

section.

Kolman and Bermingham 1997).These features underscore the importance of sampling much larger populations in

4 The first publications by Barrantes (Barrantes 1993; Bar-

order to include individuals of mixed heritage that have an

rantes et al. 1990), which were based on the microevolu-

Indigenous input (e.g., Grugni et al. 2015; Perego et al. 2012).

tion of blood serum proteins (or isozymes), were the first texts to emphasize the long-term fissioning

of an ancient

5 This is a fascinating reference that merits additional details:

"(los espanoles) hallaron una habitacion llena de cadaveres

Chibchan-speaking population in Costa Rica and Panama

colgados pendientes de cuerdas de algodon... (los indige-

and its continuing in situ ramifications. It also stressed

nas dijeron) que aquellos cadaveres eran los padres abuelos

that closest neighbors showed the greatest affinity—an

y los antepasados del cacique Comogro [sic] de cuya con-

idea that argued against the then frequently held notion of

servacion tenian ellos el mayor cuidado por considerarlo

Costa Rica and Panama as corridors across which human groups were in constant multidirectional movement. These

como una religion. Cada uno de los muertos estaba cubi-

data also showed that once ancestral groups fissioned into

rango ... hemos descrito en la decada anterior el modo que

erto con vestidos entretejidos de oro y pedreria segun su

smaller units, reproductive contact between them was min­

tienen de desecar sobre zarzos y a fuego lento esos cada­

imal. Later research, which added analyses of the Y chro­

veres hasta dejarles solo la piel como sosten de los huesos

mosome, confirmed that the Chibchan-speaking Ngabe

([the Spanish reported] that they came across a room full

and Guna underwent restricted reproductive contact after

of human corpses suspended by cotton cords... the natives

separation (Ascunce, Gonzalez-Oliver, and Mulligan 2008;

said that those corpses were the fathers, grandfathers and

Kolman and Bermingham 1997; cf. Batista, Kolman, and

[other] ancestors of chief Comogro [sic] and that they were

Bermingham 1995; Kolman et al.1995). Another hypothesis

especially diligent about preserving them.And this was like

argued for the genetic cohesiveness of all populations in the

a religion to them. Each one of the corpses was covered with

Isthmo-Colombian Area that spoke historical varieties of

garments all interwoven with gold and precious stones that

Chibchan languages (Bieber et al. 2006; Melton et al. 2007;

signaled their rank... in the first book of my Decades, I have

(derma-

described how they dry out the corpses by heating them

toglyphics) on four speakers of Chibchan languages turned

slowly on trellises so that only dryskin supports the bones).

out to be consistentwith prior mtDNA and nuclear analyses

(Anghiera 1965:1:233; translated by Richard G. Cooke).

Usme-Romero et al. 20X3). A study of fingerprints

INDIGENOUS SOCI ETIES IN THE CENTRAL AMERICAN LANDBRIDCE ZONE OF THE ISTHMO-COLOMBIAN AREA

83

•: V

ii

V.

MESOAMERICA

MISS. LOUISIANA

UNITED STATES CHIHUAHUA

COAHUILA NUEVO LEON DURANGO TAMAULIPAS ZACATECAS

SAN LUIS POTOSI

AGUASCALIESTES Punta Mita JALISCO

,

Valley —

Valley of

MICHOACAN

COLIMA

MORELOSpveb^

r

La Venta

\ ****.. " S;

Laguna de Terminos

Cerro de las Mesas

Mfc'.VICOi 'Jenochtitlan

TABASCO .

" Teopanticuanitlanr .

e'r"

Mqdre

Lorenzo Tenochti

K

GUERRERO

Calakmul Altun Ha

Palenque.

• Vol/ey

:UUATEMALA^!vl«i4" f

J v

Soconusco—1

Guatemala City V. HON

•*

Kami'naljuyu

Tak'alik Ab'aj

S

^4^' +

San Salvador

,"

EL SALVADOR

O

C

E

A

N

N

J

T

o

• ••

• 200

—I 200

400 Miles

1

'

'

400 Kilometers

Map of Mesoamerica. Map by Gene Thorp.

—

Current town Capital city Archaeological site Natural feature National border State boundary

Chronological Chart of Mesoamerica. 12000BCE

j

1

10000BCE

v

1

5 0 0 0 BCE

y

1

2000BCE

1500BCE

1 0 0 0 BCE

500BCE

ICE

500CE

1000CE

1500CE

1

1

j

j

1

1

1

i

f

PALEOINDIAN

EARLY A R C H A I C

LATE A R C H A I C

EARLY F O R M A T I V E

EARLY P R E C L A S S I C

MIDDLE FORMATIVE/ PRECLASSIC LATE F O R M A T I V E / PRECLASSIC

EARLY C L A S S I C

LATE C L A S S I C

EPICLASSIC EARLY POSTCLASSIC LATE POSTCLASSIC

5 ShiningStones and Brilliant Regalia Connections between Classic Mesoamerica and Central America and Colombia

JAMES DOYLE . JOHN W. HOOPES . DAVID MORA-MARIN

SPECTACULAR WORKS IN COLD AND HARD STONE FROM

in dedicatory offerings for architectural features (e.g.,

ancient Central America and Colombia hint at different

Estrada-Belli 2008; Inomata et al. 2013). The appearance

kinds of interaction and exchange with Mesoamerica.

of jadeite pendants in Costa Rica developed in paral­

Raw materials and objects of Mesoamerican origin,

lel with that of Mesoamerica. General consensus holds

especially jadeite from Guatemala, were frequently

that after 500 BCE polished jadeite celts from Mexico and

obtained and reworked by people from Central America

Guatemala were imported and reused by Indigenous

during the Classic period (250-900 CE). Maya peoples

artisans in Costa Rica to create pendants. These artisans

in the Yucatan also acquired metal pendants and bells

invented, perfected, and proliferated a variety of jade-

from Central America, as evidenced by offerings in the

working techniques (Hoopeset al. 2021). As jade workers

Sacred Cenote. Elaborate mirrors backed with slate and

sawed celts in halves and sixths, they sought to retain ele­

covered with pyrite tesserae from Mesoamerica and

ments of the original celtiform shape, even in objects that

southern Central America underscore connections

were split into smaller segments.

between the regions. In this essay, we review evidence

Avian celtiform pendants created from Mesoamerican

for the exchange between Mesoamerica and Central

jade were among the first symbolic objects of hard stone

America and Colombia, of materials such as jade, slate-

to be crafted in Costa Rica. The earliest dated example

and-pyrite mirrors, and tumbaga objects to demonstrate

(ca. 500 BCE) was excavated in association with a second­

a shared affinity for using polished reflective surfaces as

ary "packet" burial of rearranged bones and accompany­

primary components of personal adornment and rit­

ing offerings at La Regla on the Gulf of Nicoya (Guerrero

ual regalia. By studying the networks of interaction of

Miranda 1998:27-28, figs. 11-12). Its composition is min­

goods and ideas among peoples of Mesoamerica and

imal—only two shallow eyes and small, lightly incised

their peers to the south in Costa Rica, Panama, and

triangular wings—but it is echoed by a similar celtiform

Colombia, we gain glimpses of meaningful conceptual

pendant dating to about 300 BCE that was excavated in

connections—and intriguing disconnects—between

the tomb of a Maya ruler hundreds of kilometers away

the separate communities and constellations of practice

at Tak'alik Ab'aj, Guatemala (Figure 5.1). Both objects

(see Joyce, this volume).

depict avian beings, and both are horizontally drilled for suspension. They hint at the possibility of shared beliefs

lade Birds and Early Rulers

based around central avian deities in the context of dra­ matically different societies.

Mesoamerican artists began to mine and carve jadeite

It is possible that Olmec and Epi-Olmec artifacts were

and related greenstones after 1000 BCE. In the first mil­

also "traded in" to Costa Rica at this time (Mora-Marin

lennium BCE, Olmec and Maya artists crafted jadeite and

2002; Pohorilenko 1981).1 The most well-known exca­

greenstone celts as ceremonial pendants, headdress orna­

vated example is the jadeite clamshell from Talamanca

ments, and costume elements, many of which were used

de Tibas (Parsons 1993; Snarskis 1979; Vazquez Leiva 89

Figure 5.1 Avian celtiform pendants: a) La Regla, Cuanacaste, Costa Rica, 1 3 . 6 * 5 . 5 cm. Museo Nacional

d e Costa Rica, P - 3 0 -Rg, Burial 4, Artifacti (photograph byjoseph Coscia]r.); a n d b) Tak'alik Ab'aj, Guatemala (photograph courtesy of the Parque Arqueologico Nacional Tak'alik Ab'aj, Ministeriode Culturay Deportes, Viceministerioy Direccion General del Patrimonio Cultural y Natural, Direccion Tecnica IDAEH).

b

a

cat. no. 108). It was recovered from a burial

Classic Mesoamerica, however, the meaning of jade as a

dating to roughly 300-500 CE with an avian celtiform pen­

material seems to have been more linked with mytholo­

dant, metates, ceramic vessels, and stone maces. Many

gies of maize, especially among the Maya (Taube 1985).

other Olmec artifacts have been reportedly recovered in

Jade beads and mosaic funerary masks covered the bod­

2017:fig. 61,

Costa Rica, including the Denver Art Museum's maskette (265.1993)

and spoon pendant (481.1993) (Young-Sanchez

2010:180-181).

ies of interred Maya rulers to convey them to the afterlife as embodiments of corn deities.

Other Olmec masterpieces that feature

The celtiform anthropomorphic jade pendants that

typical iconographic elements, such as the hand-paw-wing

emerged in the ancient art of Costa Rica, seemingly

image, now reside in the Museo del Jade "Marco Fidel

after the avian-style pendants, demonstrate a different

Tristan Castro" in Costa Rica (Graham i998b:pl. 22).

social meaning. They largely show humans imperson­

In each region, bird ornaments continued to be

ating other entities, sometimes avian (Figure 5.2). This

important symbols of rulership. Subsequent represen­

anthropomorphic subject prevailed in the fourth and

tations in the Maya area, for example, include the many

fifth centuries CE, a period known for the emergence of

depictions on Stela 11 at Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala, and

social complexity across southern Central America and

the multiple examples of jadeite pendants and figures dis­

Colombia, as represented by sumptuary goods, elabo­

playing the Principal Bird Deity, worn by Maya kings and

rate tombs, and rare "chiefly" dwellings (Hoopes

queens (Fields and Reents-Budet

Long-distance trade was a component of this growth in

2005:104,

cat. no.

6;

Taube and Ishihara-Brito 2012:145-153). In Costa Rica,

2005).

inequality and hierarchical institutions.

Hartman recovered many avian celtiform pendants in the

For example, many Maya jade objects arrived in

cemetery at Las Huacas, Guanacaste (Hartman 1907). In

Costa Rica after circulating in exchange networks,

DOYLE • HOOPES . MORA-MARIN

(Drawing

by Valerie Woelfel, from Hoopes 2017:58. fig. 60).

as their alteration through significant reworking, sug­ gests the shared value placed on greenstone and jadeite by Mesoamerican and Central American elites. Objects of jadeite worked in Costa Rica also trav­ eled northward. One such object represents this com­ plex long-distance exchange: a reworked portion of a royal Maya belt plaque excavated in a cache at Cerro de Las Mesas in Veracruz (Figure 5.3). Mora-Marin points out that the raw material was probably obtained from the Motagua River before it was worked into a belt plaque Figure5.2 Anthropomorphicceltiform pendant. Pre-Columbian Collection, PC.B.216, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library a n d Collection.

with a portrait of a Maya ruler. It was traded to Costa Rica, where it wasshaped into a typical pendant with an incised design of a double-crocodile (Hoopes

20i7:figs. 59-60,

cat. no. 116). Eventually, it traveled to Veracruz, where it was interred with other jadeite items (Mora-Marin This belt plaque traveled more than 2,000 km and

possibly as the result of the desecration of royal tombs

2008).

during Early Classic internecine warfare in the Maya

changed hands several times in different cultures between

Lowlands (Martin and Grube

its initial procurement and its final deposition.

2008).

The interest of

Indigenous people of Costa Rica in obtaining Maya jades

The presence in Costa Rica of Early Classic objects

is obvious in light of the fact that more Maya belt plaques

from the Maya Lowlands suggests that long-distance

have been identified in Costa Rica than in the Maya

trade networks were especially active between 300 and There is also evidence of continued interaction

Lowlands (Fields and Reents-Budet 1992; Mora-Marin,

600 CE.

Reents-Budet, and Fields

in the Late Classic period at southern Maya sites such as

2017;

Reents-Budet, Mora-

Marin, and Fields 2018). Several celtiform plaques from

Copan and Quirigua, which may have served as centers

Costa Rica contain incised hieroglyphic or figural images

that were key for exchange with non-Maya peoples to

(Graham 1998^50-56; Mora-Marin, Reents-Budet, and

the south. That some objects traveled north after 600

Fields 2018). One object, a reused Olmec spoon that a

is evidenced by the avian celtiform jadeite pendant that

Maya scribe incised with a short text, typifies the com­

is the centerpiece of the necklace of K'ak' Nab K'awiil

CE

plex biographies of Mesoamerican jade objects (Jones

(or Smoke Imix "God K") of Copan, the ruler buried

i998:pls. 26, 28).

in Structure

The elite nature of these items, as well

26,

who died in 695 CE (Martin and Grube

S H I N I N C S T O N E S A N D B R I L L I A N T R E C A L I A

91

2008:201-202; Mora-Marin 2008). The distances trav­

Costa Rica (Hoopes 2017:% 61, cat. no. 113; Stone and

eled by jades in Costa Rica during the late seventh or early

Balser 1965) (Figure 5-4)- The pervasive influence of

eighth centuries hint at far-reaching networks of which

the city of Teotihuacan—the Mesoamerican analog to

we see only rare traces and that remain to be borne out

Jerusalem, Rome, and Mecca—cannot be overstated.

with future excavations.

Early Classic Mayas recorded the late fourth-century c

e

arrival of Teotihuacanos at the royal courts of El PeruWaka and Tikal, among other sites, and the Teotihuacan

Shimmering Spectacles, Portable Portals

elites appear to have directly influenced the royal lineages

In the rich corpus of symbol-laden ornamentation,

at several Maya sites. Mayas lived in, wrote on the walls

jade was only one material traded among the peoples of

of, and were sacrificed at Teotihuacan (see, for example,

Mesoamerica, southern Central America, and northern

Robb 2017 and Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007).

Colombia. There seems to be, from both material and aes­

Grave 1 at El Tres contained eight metal items,

thetic perspectives, a transcultural appreciation for highly

including a gold double-spiral pendant and a tumbaga

reflective surfaces. Beyond jadeite, mirrors—composed of

chimera ornament of the Initial Group (Bray 1992). The

circular or rectangular wooden or slate plaques and cov­

Teotihuacan-style disk depicts in low-relief carving two

ered in intricately cut tesserae of minerals such as pyrite or

different registers of activity; each is separated by frames

ilmenite (Gallaga 2016)—were one of the most common

with footprints, suggesting a journey, and each frame

shining surfaces produced by artists in Mesoamerica and

with a scalloped motif representing a seacoast. In one

Central America to ornament the bodies of their patrons.

register, a diver with a net bag harvests thorny oyster

Slate mirror backs in Maya styles have been reportedly

(Spondylus sp.) shells while opposite him a figure speaks,

recovered in Bagaces and La Fortuna and have Early Clas­

as indicated by a Teotihuacan-style speech scroll. The

sic hieroglyphic texts similar to examples from Uaxactun

other register shows two seated individuals, surrounded

and Tikal (Baudez and Coe 1966; Stone and Balser 1965).

by shells, conversing—though perhaps they are negoti­

Though not excavated from a secure archaeolog­

ating an exchange of this valued material (Hoopes 2017).

ical context, a slate mirror back in the Teotihuacan

The reverse of the disk has the traces of a pyrite mirror,

style was recovered at El Tres (also known as Severo

and two pairs of perforations suggest that it would have

Ledesma), in the Caribbean Lowlands near Guacimo,

been worn (on the chest, headdress, or back) as part of a

Igure 5.4 Slate mirror back in the Teotihuacan style recovered at El Tres, also known as Severo Ledesma, near Guacimo, losta Rica: a) drawing by David Mora-Marin; and b) photograph by Alexandre Tokovinine, courtesy of the Peabody Museum )f Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, 977-4-20/25495-

DOYLE • HOOPES • MORA-MARfN

a Figure 5-5 a) Figure ("mirror frame"), eighth to eleventh century

b

CE. Code, Sitio Conte, Panama, Trench i. Crave 5, Layer 2,

Skeleton XV, Objecti37- Cold, 9-4 x 8.1 x 2.8 cm. Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, 31-36-20/013361 (Lothrop 1937:104, fig. 7i); and b) crocodile-head figure pendant, eleventh to sixteenth century

CE, Chiriquf,

Puerto Gonzalez Viquez, Burica Peninsula, Costa Rica. Cold (cast alloy) with pyrite inlay, 15.2 *10.5 * 5-1 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Michael C. Rockefeller Memorial Collection, Bequest of Nelson A. Rockefeller, 1979,1979.206.1064.

dance costume similar to examples found in Teotihuacan

by systematic harvesting (see Robb 2017). Moreover, the

murals; however, the mirror might also have been used as

context in which the disk was found—that is, with gold

a pectoral, worn in a fashion comparable to that of gold

objects from the south—implies the owner may have

disks. Grave 2 contained several other items, including a

been a worldly, wealthy individual with far-reaching con­

human figurine,

two anuran pendants, a double-headed

nections. Different species of Spondylus are common on

avian pendant,and a small claw,all in tumbaga and created

rocky substrates on both the Pacific and the Caribbean

in the International Group (Bray 1992). Therefore, this

Coasts. A possible location is Belize, where abundant

one grave held items from Teotihuacan, some 2,000 km

reefs offered shells and where both a tumbaga ornament

to the north, and northern Colombia, some 800 km to

from the Isthmus and green obsidian from the Pachuca

the south, representing a total of 2,800 km of transport.

source near Teotihuacan have been found in Early Clas­

Grave 2 also contained a ceramic effigy-head vessel of the

sic contexts at Altun Ha (Hoopes 1985)- A figurine

in

Zoila Red type, associated with the La Selva period that

the Denver Art Museum collection (i995-38o), report­

Snarskis dated to 300-700 CE (Snarskis 1978:201-202).

edly found in Guanacaste, suggests that other portable

The Initial Group artifacts and the Teotihuacan-style disk

objects produced at Teotihuacan were traded to Costa

suggest a date of approximately 300-500 CE.

Rica (Young-Sanchez 2010:182-183).

It is not clear where the scenes depicted on the disk

Slate-and-pyrite mirrors, perhaps originating in Clas­

occurred. The amount of shell flowing into Teotihuacan

sic Mesoamerica, also adorned rulers in southern Cen­

implies a volume demand that could have been met only

tral America toward the end of the first millennium CE.

SHININC STONES AND BRILLIANT REGALIA

93

Lothrop reports several examples of slate disks at Sitio Conte, though the reflective mineral had long degraded. In Trench 1, Grave 5, the excavation team recovered one of the largest cast-gold objects found at Sitio Conte. It was cre­ ated with a central round cavity, which Lothrop hypoth­ esized would have held a pyrite mirror (Figure 5.5a). A pendant at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, reportedly from the Burica Peninsula near Puerto Gonzalez Viquez, depicts a similar anthropomorphic figure with a circu­ lar pyrite encrustation in its torso (other examples of this type are found in the collections of the Museo del Oro Precolombino) (Figure 5.5b). Through these effigies in gold, we see how ancient peoples in Costa Rica and Panama would have employed mirrors either obtained from Mesoamerica or created close to home.

Maya Gold Rush Diverse uses of gold in the Maya area and in Costa Rica and Panama indicate an appreciation for shining, metal­ lic materials. Besides greenstone, jadeite, and compos­ ite mirrors, a third kind of reflective luxury good was

Figure 5.6 Claw-shaped pendant, fifth to seventh

that of gold-copper alloys in the form of hammered and

centuries CE. Made in Panama, found at Altun Ha, Belize,

cast objects. The aforementioned Maya site of Altun Ha provides compelling evidence of Mesoamerican rulers

Cache A-3/1. Tumbaga, approx. 3 * 2 * 0.5 cm. Photograph courtesy of the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto.

desire to obtain gold from Central America as early as the sixth century CE. The excavation of Cache A-3/1 at Altun Ha produced a unique assemblage of materials Although gold was in wide circulation in the Isthmo-

that included a gold-copper alloy pendant in the shape of a claw found in association with Spondylus beads and

Colombian Area after 300 CE, Mayas appear to have had

pearls (Figure 5.6). Produced by hammering sheet gold

little interest in it until the Late Classic and Early Post-

over a stone core, this claw is identical to objects found

classic periods. There are rare instances of Mayas who

in Code collections in Panama (Lothrop i937:fig. 183d;

acquired gold items in the eighth century CE, such as a cache at Copan, Honduras, found associated with Stela H

Pendergast 1970:188,I979:i5°-i54, pi. 30). Among the unusual implications of this cache is that

(Stromsvik 1942). Dedicated on 9.14.19.5.0 4 Ahaw 18

Mayas were aware of goldwork during the Early Classic

Muwan (November 29, 730 CE), Stela H was set into a

period; thus, they were already in contact with peoples

platform that contained a cruciform chamber with an

from Costa Rica, with whom they were exchanging jade­

offering of stone beads, shells, and two partial gold-alloy

ite, but for some reason did not seek to obtain additional

(51 percent gold, 44 percent copper, 5 percent silver) legs

gold from them forseveral centuries. This disconnect sug­

from a cast tumbaga figure (Figure 5.7) that Root identi­

gests that: 1) Maya beliefs ascribed negative associations

fied to be of likely Panamanian origin (Stromsvik1942:71,

with gold, which may have been regarded as undesirable,

fig. i3b-c). This stela and its dedicatory cache were put in

perhaps even negative or dangerous; 2) access to gold was

place at the pinnacle of the reign of Waxaklajuun Ubaah

too complicated to have been adeptly managed by entre­

K'awiil, famously beheaded by his vassal from Quirigua

preneurial yet embattled rulers; 3) gold was too precious

eight years later. The inclusion of a gold-copper alloy fig­

for Isthmo-Colombian users to part with and was simply

ure in this cache attests to the ability to procure foreign

not available to any Mayas who wanted it until the Early

goods and suggests the Copan ruler's contact with wider

Postclassic (after 900 CE); or 4) Maya rulers were simply

trade networks, perhaps in association with Copan's con­

indifferent to gold.

trol of jadeite sources.

DOYLE • HOOPES • MORA-MARIN

Figure 5-7

Figurine fragments, eighth century CE. Made in Panama, found at Copan, Honduras, cache associated with Stela H. Tumbaga. (Stromsviki942:fig.i3c).

On May 26, 770 CE, Ukit Kan Lek Tok' (sometimes spelled Ukit Kan Lehk Took') acceded to the throne of Ek' Balam ("Black Jaguar") in the northern Yucatan Peninsula (Finamore and Houston 2010:cat. no. 19; Grube, Garcfa-Gallo, and Martin 2003). He was hailed as a dynasty founder, ushering in a new era of prosperity for the residents of this site in the late eighth century CE. Upon his death (ca. 800 CE), he was interred in Sak Xok Naah ("White House of Writing"), a structure he com­ missioned. Underneath it, Ukit Kan Lek Tok' was placed on a jaguar pelt and surrounded by a luxurious array of funerary offerings: ceramicvessels, including one bearing

Figure 5.8 Frog pendant, eighth century CE. Made in

cacao bean effigies carved from shell; Ulua-style marble

Central America; found at Ek' Balam, Yucatan, Mexico,

vases; chert knives; shell ornaments in geometric shapes;

tomb of Ukit Kan Leek Tok'. Tumbaga. Gran Museo del

deer, shrimp, and skulls with articulated jaws; and a shell

Mundo Maya, Merida.

pectoral in the shape of a fish, bearing the name of the deceased king. A delicately carved human femur was likely a scepter made out of an ancestor of the king, a relic

ornaments and using them as royal symbols. What is not

of past excellence.

known is whether anurans had the same significance for

Aside from the royal jewelry made of jade, com­ mon among Maya rulers, the king of Ek' Balam took

the Maya royalty as they did for the Isthmo-Colombian manufacturers.

with him to the afterlife a gold-copper alloy anuran

Despite the paucity of metal objects in Maya dedi­

pendant (Figure 5.8), with its front limbs containing

catory or funerary offerings, the Sacred Cenote was the

suspension loops—typical of examples from Costa

locus of deposition for hundreds of gold and copper

Rica and Panama as well as from the Sacred Cenote at

objects, including sandals, pendants, bells, masks, and

Chichen Itza (Vargas de la Pena and Borges 2001, 2006a,

disks (Coggins and Shane 1984; Lothrop 1952; see Ortiz

2006b, 2017). Its inclusion in the tomb signals that some

Diaz, Ruvalcaba, and Cockrell, this volume). The many

Maya rulers were engaging in trade for Isthmian metal

blank disks recovered from dredging operations in the SHINING STONES AND BRILLIANT REGALIA

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Map ofCosta Rica. Map by Gene Thorp.

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Chronological Chart of Costa Rica. 12000BCE

GREATER NICOYA

10000BCE

8000 BCE

PALEOINDIAN

11500-10000 BCE

6000 BCE

4000 BCE

2000 BC

EARLY A R C H A I C

LATE A R C H A I C

10000-4000BCE

4000-2000 BCE

CARIBBEAN

CENTRAL HIGHLANDS

GREATER CHIRIQUf

2000 BCE

1500 BCE

1000BCE

500BCE

ICE

500 CE

1000 CE

GREATER

OROSI

TEMPISQUE

BACACES

SAPOA

N1COYA

2000-500 BCE

500 BCE —300 CE

300-800 CE

800-1350 CE

CARIBBEAN

LA M O N T A N A

EL B O S Q U E

LASELVA

LA C A B A N A

1500-300 BCE

300 BCE—300 CE

300-800 CE

800-1550 CE

CENTRAL

BARVA

PAVAS

CURRIDABAT

HIGHLANDS

1500-300 BCE

300 BCE—300 CE

300-800 CE

CARTACO

iOO-1550 CE

£

GREATER

SINANCRA

ACUAS BUENAS

CHIRIQUI

CHIRIQUI

1500 BC^-300 BCE

300 BCE—800 CE

800-1500 CE

1500 CE

OMETEPE 1350-1530 CE

70 P a t t e r n i n g in Chiriquf V i l l a g e s a n d C e m e t e r i e s o f t h e T e r r a b a - C o t o Brus Valley R. ]EFFREY FROST

THE GREATER CHIRIQUI SUBAREA 1 OF CENTRAL AMERICA

who legitimized and maintained their positions through

has been the subject of archaeological inquiry for more

a combination of kin relations, religious authority,

than a century and is widely recognized for its distinctive

physical force, and control of craft industries. Spanish

goldwork, ceramics, figurative stone sculpture, and highly

chroniclers described fortified villages protected by

developed chiefdom societies. The subarea derives its

multiple palisades and deep defensive trenches. Villages

name from the province of Chiriqui, Panama, which first

comprised neatly arranged groups of thatched coni­

drew international attention in 1859 after Pre-Columbian

cal structures that served as multifamily houses, tem­

graves that yielded large quantities of gold, pottery, and

ples, and storage facilities (Fernandez Guardia

other materials were discovered there (Holmes

1888;

Descendant communities within the limits of Greater

The term Chiriqui subse­

Chiriqui include the Bribri, Cabecar, Teribe, Boruca,

Lothrop

1926; MacCurdy 1911).

1964).

quently referred to the archaeological period associated

and Guaymi (Salazar

with these cemeteries,lasting from approximately700 CE

tury, many Indigenous people maintained traditional

until shortly after Spanish contact in the early 1500s; the

social organization and ideologies and constructed con­

term likewise refers to the Greater Chiriqui archaeologi­

ical thatched structures in villages like those described

cal subarea, which encompassed the geographical extent

by the Spanish at contact.

2002).

Until the twentieth cen­

of the Chiriqui cultures and their predecessors. Greater

Greater Chiriqui may still be best known for its artis­

Chiriqui spans the width of the Isthmus along the politi­

tic and technical achievements in metallurgy, stone,

cal boundary between Costa Rica and Panama, including

and ceramics, but more than seventy years of scientific

the southern portion (the Zona Sur) of Costa Rica and

research throughout the subarea have advanced our com­

the provinces of Chiriqui and Bocas del Toro in Panama

prehensive understanding of the locations and contexts

(Figure 10.1). It is geographically and ecologically diverse,

in which people throughout Greater Chiriqui crafted and

with coastal beaches and mangroves, humid rain forests,

circulated their material culture. This spatial and contex­

and broad fertile plains. The Talamanca Range dominates

tual knowledge enriches our interpretations of the social

the interior of Greater Chiriqui and includes Costa Rica's

dynamics through which people invested these objects

highest peaks, Chirripo

m),

with meaning and value. In this essay, I describe patterns

and extends southeast into Panama to include Volcan

in the spatial organization of Chiriqui-period villages

Baru (3,474 m).

and cemeteries, with an emphasis on their changing spa­

(3,819

m) and Uran

(3,800

entered the area in the

tial relations. I begin with a generalized description of

and reported several Indigenous provinces that

the architectural layout of villages and their cemeteries. I

each incorporated numerous villages, often dispersed

then follow with a proposed developmental sequence of

Spanish explorers first 1520s

throughout alluvial zones along major rivers and their

Chiriquf settlement that focuses on the developing spa­

tributaries. Each province was under the control of a

tial and social relations between villages and their asso­

primary village headed by one or more powerful chiefs

ciated cemeteries.

0

Figureio.i Map of Greater Chiriqui, showingthe locations of sites and modern towns mentioned in the text. Original drawing by R. Jeffrey Frost, redrafted by Hillary Olcott.

Chiriquf Villages and Cemeteries

individual cobbles within each structure. Cobbles used

Archaeologists identify Chiriqui sites through sur­

for house foundations in small structures are commonly

face indications of circular cobble foundations, upright

between 20 and 30 cm in diameter; larger structures

stones, and dense deposits of ceramic and lithic refuse,

incorporated stones in excess of 50 cm in diameter, with

usually concentrated on fertile alluvial terraces along

some more than 1 m across. Many structures include a

major waterways or their tributaries (Drolet 1992).

rectangular or trapezoidal extension on one side; this

Architectural remains include foundations of circular or

feature likely served as the foundation for a roofed but

elliptical structures between 10 and 30 m in diameter that

open-sided annex, or ramada, over the main entrance.

served as multifamily residences, public buildings, and

The size and forms of these foundations closely resemble

storage facilities. In a variation of this pattern, residen­

the floor plans of the large conical structures constructed

tial structures at sites in the Diquis Delta district were

by the Bribri and Cabecar in the Talamanca region of

often elevated on low mounds, up to 30 m in diameter

Costa Rica until the early part of the twentieth century

and between 0.25 and 1.5 m in height, with retaining walls

(Gonzalez Chavez and Gonzalez Vasquez 2000). Other

constructed from well-worn river cobbles (Corrales

common architectural features at Chiriqui sites are pla­

Ulloa and Badilla Cambronero 2015). The builders of

zas, causeways, ramps, drains, retaining walls, and steps.

these structures chose their materials carefully to main­

To date, archaeologists have not yet identified clear evi­

tain a remarkable consistency in size and shape of the

dence of the palisades and defensive ditches reported by

FROST

Spanish chroniclers at many contact-era villages in Costa Rica and Panama (Fernandez Guardia 1964). Patterns of material remains within Chiriqui vil­

Haberland 1984; Iwaniec 1986; Quilter 2004). Grave walls rarely exhibit finishing, making it difficult to define burial shafts. Offerings are sparse, usually consisting of a few util­

lages confirm that common domestic activities included

itarian ceramic vessels, but ceramic figurines, ocarinas,

maize processing, food preparation, stone tool manufac­

and groundstone celts are sometimes included (Drolet

ture and repair, textile production, ceramic industries,

1983,1991; Haberland 1957b; Quilter 2004; Stone 1977).

and woodworking. Workshops at some sites produced

Larger cemeteries are more complex in their inter­

specialty items including pottery, gold and tumbaga, and

nal organization and architectural elaboration. They are

stonework. Ethnohistoric sources report that some vil­

commonly located on conspicuous topographic features

lages specialized in the manufacture and trade of com­

such as high river terraces or hilltops overlooking major

modities that included cotton, salt, dyes, hammocks,

settlements. They are also frequentlysubdivided into dis­

rubber, feathers, wood, and animal products (Ibarra

crete interment zones, defined by architectural features

Rojas 2002:112-115); however, the archaeological evi­

such as mounds, retaining walls, and stone monuments

dence for the production and exchange of these perish­

(Bozzoli de Wille 1966; Frost 2009; Haberland 1984).

able materials is difficult to identify.

Archaeologists have identified more than two dozen such

Chiriqui settlements are commonly associated with

cemeteries throughout Greater Chiriqui but have con­

two or more cemeteries around their perimeter. Since

ducted excavations at just six of them: Jalaca (Stone 1963,

their identification in the late 1850s, these cemeteries

1977); Palmar Sur (Lothrop 1963), Murcielago (Iwaniec

have served as a primary source of information for under­

1986), Caracol (Haberland 1957b, 1961), Buenos Aires

standing the culture of Greater Chiriqui. Archaeologists

(Haberland 1957b, 1959, 1961), and Panteon de la Reina

and art historians have given significant attention to

(Bozzoli de Wille 1966; Frost 2009; Quilter 2004).

materials obtained from mortuary contexts, such as gold,

Several forms of stonework including stone balls,

stonework, and ceramics. Likewise, monuments com­

freestanding sculpture, pillars, and petroglyphs serve

monly associated with these cemeteries, such as figura­

to delineate boundaries of ritual spaces and define divi­

tive sculpture, pillars, stone balls, and petroglyphs, have

sions within cemeteries. Sculptures are rarely found in

also garnered much attention by scholars (see Corrales

situ today, but earlier investigators report finding them

Ulloa202i).

along the perimeters of burial mounds in the Diquis

Many Chiriqui cemeteries cover several hectares and

Delta (Fernandez Esquivel and Quintanilla Jimenez

are overgrown with trees and thick ground cover. Often

2003; Lothrop 1963; Mason 1945; Stone i943> 1977)- The

the effects of looting are extreme, with thousands of

most common forms are anthropomorphic statues with relatively low relief and a blank, unworked base, which

looters' pits marring the landscape; some have mature trees growing from them, indicating a long history of

may have been inserted in the ground, or some perish­

plundering. Poor preservation further complicates

able support so that the sculpture stood upright. Arms

archaeological research. Acidic soils and heavy annual

and legs are indicated by narrow incisions in the rock.

rainfall mean that organic material, including bones and

From Buenos Aires to the Diqufs Delta, stone balls are

teeth, are rare. When present, bone is poorly preserved

reported to be associated with mortuary zones. These

and fragile. In the absence of bones, the positions of bod­

objects range in size from 15 cm to larger than 2 m in

ies are often inferred through the presence of dark stains

diameter and weigh up to 22,000 kg (Lothrop 1963:24;

on grave floors and the arrangements of grave offerings

Quintanillajimenez 2007; Stone 1943; see Corrales Ulloa 2021). Petroglyphs are abundant throughout Greater

(Quilter 2004:44). To date, archaeologists have identified dozens of Chiriqui cemetery sites throughout southern Costa Rica and the Western Panama region. The smallest cemeter­

Chiriqui, and many of them are associated with mortu­ ary complexes (Zilberg1986). Stone pillars—natural columns of stone rangingfrom

ies are located along terrace edges adjacent to residential

less than1 m to nearly 4 m in length—are among the most

areas and contain fewer than fifty individual interments.

distinctive features of Chiriqui cemeteries. Most pillars in

Graves may be arranged in rows or other spatially discrete

their natural form are minimally modified oblong stones,

groups. Ranging from 20 cm to 1.5 m in depth, interments

probably collected from nearby rivers. Others, especially

are generally shallow and often capped with orderly

those from the Western Panama region, bear the distinc­

pavements of flat river cobbles (Corrales Ulloa 1999;

tive hexagonal cross section of columnar jointing and

PATTER NINC

IN CHIRIQUf VILLAGES AND CEMETERIES OF THE TER RABA-COTO BRUS VALLEY

T

were likely quarried from Los Ladrillos, a formation of

inventory of these offerings recorded by Stone (1963,

columnar basalt near Boquete, Panama; these examples

1977) includes gold and tumbaga ornaments; spindle

commonly exhibit slight modification to the top end

whorls, cylinder seals, and earspools, all carved from deer

to create a notch or slight projection (Gutierrez 1966;

antler; a necklace made from the carved canine teeth of

Haberland 1961; Stone 1977)- Pillars served to mark the

white-faced boars; polished balls fashioned from mana­

limits of cemeteries and their internal divisions

and

tee bone; and a small resin effigy in the form of a jaguar.

perhaps also to demarcate the boundaries between the

Regrettably, the arrangements of individual graves and

graves of clans or other social groups. A systematic study

their associated contents are poorly documented.

of thirty-seven pillars at the Panteon de la Reina in the northern General Valley, Costa Rica, found evidence of burning at the bases of three pillars located along a cob­ ble stairway leading from the village to the cemetery, indicating that fires may have been lit during funeral cer­

Chronological Development of Chiriqui Settlements Across Greater Chiriqui, people utilized a consis­

emonies and other commemorative events (Frost and

tent set of architectural features such as mounds, con­

Schumacher 2010). Although not unique to Chiriqui

ical structures, walls, and pavements to construct their

cemeteries, stone pillars appear to have been an import­

settlements and cemeteries. House forms maintain an

ant architectural element of other cemeteries and sacred

extraordinary consistency in form, size, and construc­

spaces throughout Central America. Lothrop (1937)

tion techniques, but their spatial arrangements can vary

reported several pillars of up to 2 m in height arranged in

significantly between sites. Chiriqui cemeteries are posi­

two lines at Sitio Conte. Verrill (1927) similarly recorded

tioned outside of residential areas and usually in ele­

several rows of stone columns placed in a rectangle at El

vated positions. There is a great deal of variation in the

Caho (see Mayo Torne et al., this volume).

internal arrangement and architectural elaboration of

There seems to have been great variation in the wealth

cemeteries, but spatial and temporal variations are not

displayed in Chiriqui cemeteries. Burials contained a

yet fully understood. Given that the Chiriqui period

wide range of offerings, including utilitarian and exotic

lasted roughly eight hundred years (ca. 700-1500 CE),

ceramics, stonework, and objects made of gold and tum-

we should be able to identify developments in the spatial

baga (Haberland 1961, 1984; Lothrop 1963; Stone 1958,

organization of villages and their associated cemeteries,

1963). In situ goldworkfrom Chiriqui cemeteries remains

but one of the challenges to developing a comprehen­

poorly documented, with only a handful of pieces hav­

sive understanding of these changing patterns is that

ing been professionally excavated, and it is primarily

research has focused unequally across Greater Chiriqui.

understood through descriptions of late nineteenth- and

Considerable work has been completed in the upper

early twentieth-century looting. Some sites are reputed

General River district near San Isidro; the Terraba and

to have contained many graves with abundant offerings.

Coto Brus Valleys of southern Costa Rica; and the Diquis

According to oral traditions, the cemeteries that yielded

Delta district around Palmar Sur. We have only minimal

the highest quantities of gold and other prestige goods

information on Chiriqui villages and cemeteries in the

include the Panteon de la Reina, Puerto GonzalezViquez,

Western Panama region. Settlement patterns and inter­

and Coquito in Costa Rica, and the Huacal de Bugaba in

nal site layouts in the Osa and Burica Peninsulas remain

the Western Panama region (Holmes1888; Lothrop 1926;

almost completely unknown. An additional issue is that

MacCurdy 1911; Stone

To date, only the Panteon

there are few sites for which we have good chronological

de la Reina has received significant investigation (Frost

data and detailed site maps showing the internal organi­

2009; Quilter 2004; Quilter and Frost 2007).

zation of residential areas and their spatial relations to

1977)-

Because preservation at Chiriqui cemeteries is gen­

associated cemeteries. Below, I outline a chronological

erally poor, our understanding of the full inventory of

development of Chiriqui village-cemetery organization

materials interred with the deceased is severely limited;

based on available data. I present a generalized picture of

however, excavations at the site of Jalaca in southern

the changes in site and cemetery organization. Given the

Costa Rica revealed remarkably preserved perishable

available information on Chiriqui residential sites and

objects. It seems that the limestone slabs and thick lay­

cemeteries, I propose a hypothetical three-phase devel­

ers of limestone gravel used to construct graves protected

opmental sequence that begins about 700 CE and ends

the grave offerings from the effects of acidic soils. The

with colonial settlements.

FROST

Early Chiriqui Settlements (700-900 C E )

stone slabs set upright into its corners. Stone pillars of more than 2.5 m in length were placed at the corners of

The earliest Chiriqui sites likely developed out of the pre­

some mounds. A large stone ball was located to the south

ceding Aguas Buenas period (300 BCE-800 CE), a period

of the cemetery (Haberland 1957b, 1961).

of increasing social complexity and rapidly expand­

At Buenos Aires, Haberland tested two mounds,

ing populations. Hoopes (2005) suggested that Aguas

and he estimated that each contained approximately

Buenas witnessed the development of a priestly elite who

150 graves. No human remains could be identified due

presided over ritual and mortuary centers. Aguas Buenas

to the local climate and soil chemistry. Grave dimen­

sites are small, typically less than 1 ha, and constructed

sions, between 60 and 220 cm in length, implied that

on hilltops or high river terraces overlooking fertile river

the cemetery included individuals buried in both flexed

valleys. Thesesites commonly exhibit the remains of mul­

and extended positions. Haberland also proposed that

tiple earthen mounds, often with stone retaining walls.

the smaller graves might indicate that secondary burial

Ceremonial sectors were integrated with residential

was practiced (Haberland 1959,1961). Other examples of

areas, with residents interring their dead in and around

similarly organized mounded Chiriqui-period cemeter­

these mounds. Herrera's excavations at El Cholo in the

ies include Potrero Grande, Finca Remolino, and Penas

upper General Valley of Costa Rica confirm that Aguas

Blancas (Drolet 1983; Haberland 1984).

Buenas mound constructions were multiuse facilities

The fact that internal patterning of mounded Chiriqui

that served residential, ceremonial, and mortuary func­

cemeteries so closely resembles that of Aguas Buenassites

tions (Herrera 2015).

probably indicates a continuity of mound use from the

The transition from the Aguas Buenas to the Chiriqui

Aguas Buenas into the Chiriqui period, with a shift away

period was marked by several significant changes in ide­

from mounded structures in residential use and toward

ology, settlement patterns, and craft technologies. About

their dedicated use for mortuary purposes. The contin­

650 CE, goldworking technology was introduced from

ued use, or reuse, of Aguas Buenas mounds during the

northern South America and quickly replaced lapidary

early Chiriqui period is indicated archaeologically by the

technologies that used jade and other semiprecious

presence of both Aguas Buenasand Chiriqui potsherds at

stones (Snarskis 2003). Settlement also changed dramat­

many mound sites (Haberland 1984). Furthermore, the

ically with a shift toward spatially segregated residential

walled cobble platform mounds at some Chiriqui sites

and cemetery locations. Cemeteries became more for­

are similar in size and construction to the mounds found

malized but their locations remained elevated on hilltops

at Aguas Buenas settlements. For example, the Chiriqui

or terraces, while villages developed on lower terraces

cemetery sites of Potrero Grande and Finca Remolino

adjacent to major riverways and their tributaries. People

follow site plans almost identical to those of the Aguas

lived in houses and other structures with circular foun­

Buenas sites of Sitio Bolas, Animas, and El Cholo—all

dations, similar to those structures that continued to be

sites with walled mound constructions. The residential

used well into the historic period. Like goldworking, con­

areas associated with these early Chiriqui cemeteries

ical edifices with circular foundations may have also been

have not yet been investigated in detail.

an introduction from northern South America. Like their Aguas Buenas predecessors, early Chiriqui

Middle Chiriqui Settlements (900-1300 C E )

people organized their burial areas as a series of rect­

By the end of the first millennium CE, a new organiza­

angular or oval mounds, each containing many graves.

tional model was emerging at residential and mortuary

Mounds are typically between 75 cm and 2 m tall, and

sites in southern Costa Rica and the Western Panama

these earthen constructions are faced with stone retaining

region: strong patterns of bilateral symmetry. Many

walls. Between 1955 and 1958, Wolfgang Haberland inves­

architectural elements, including conical buildings, pla­

tigated several multiple-mound cemeteries in the mid­

zas, causeways, and paths, were constructed in paired sets

dle General Valley, Costa Rica. One was Caracol, located

along either side of a central axis. It appears that mound

immediately south of the junction of the Ceibo and

burials began to fall out of favor. Instead, the deceased

General Rivers. The site has seven rectangular mounds

were interred in hilltop cemeteries organized into two

elevated some 35-70 cm above the ground level, and they

primary interment zones, each subdivided into smaller

are faced with vertical stone retaining walls made from

spatial units. Inhabitants of these sites placed special

river cobbles. The largest mound was reinforced with

emphasis on well-defined ceremonial spaces integrated

PATTERNING IN CHIRIQUI VI LLACES AND CEMETERIES OF THE TERRABA-COTO BRUS VALLEY

1

within residential zones. These arrangements strongly

material patterning of the Rivas-Reina complex offers

suggest that Chiriqui populations divided themselves

compelling evidence for a sequence of ritual activities

into two moieties during life and death—and that funer­

that included the display of the deceased, the de-fleshing

als and other ritual events that occurred at these sites

of bodies, secondary burial, and grave visitation. The

were conducted in association with paired sets of archi­

sequence of the architectural features associated with

tecture to emphasize these paired social groupings.

these activities closely matches that of similarly described

A well-documented example of such a pattern is

funerary events recorded in seventeenth- through

found at the Rivas-Panteon de la Reina complex, located

twentieth-century accounts of Bribri funerals at villages

along the Chirripo River in the northeast portion of the

in Talamanca (Frost 2018).

General Valley. At the time of its occupation, between

A spatial pattern similar to Rivas-Reina, but on a

900 and 1300 CE, the site likely served as a significant

smaller scale, is found at the Diquis Delta ceremonial-

center (Quilter 2004). The site consists of Rivas, the

mortuary site ofBrisha'cra (also called Alto de Soledad).

residential-ceremonial zone of the site, and the Panteon

The site consists of a series of circular house mounds and

de la Reina, a large, specialized mortuary complex com­

other architectural features positioned on either side of a

posed of two cemeteries. Together they form a single site

central causeway. This causeway seems to serve as a cen­

complex of at least 6 ha, hereafter referred to as Rivas-

tral axis, formally separating paired sets of architecture.

Reina. At the residential-ceremonial core are the circular

Also arranged on each side of the causeway axis are other

foundations of at least twenty-seven structures measur­

paired elements: a stone ball, mounds, and petroglyphs

ing between 10 and 30 m in diameter. Additional archi­

(Sol Castillo 2001). Brisha'cra appears to have two cem­

tectural elements, including plazas, ramps, drains, and

etery sectors, on its northwest and southeast boundaries,

paths, serve to link structures into a contiguous com­

but these areas have not yet been investigated sufficiently

plex of architectural features. The Panteon de la Reina,

to characterize their internal organization or to note dif­

located on the summit of a modified ridge just west of the

ferences between them.

residential-ceremonial sector, is organized into two con­

Similar spatial arrangements may also be present in

temporary but spatially discrete cemeteries of approxi­

the Western Panama region, where several cemetery sites

mately 6,000 m\ A cobble stairway, 18 m wide and 100 m

with paired hilltop interment areas have been identified.

long, links the Rivas ceremonial sector and a cobble plat­

The pattern is most clearly apparent in historic descrip­

form mound positioned between the two Panteon de la

tions of Huacal de Bugaba. The discovery of gold at the

Reina cemeteries (Figure 10.2). The Panteon de la Reina

site in late 1858 sparked a minor gold rush throughout

has suffered severe looting since its discovery in the late

the province of Chiriqui the following summer. Merritt

1800s and earned a reputation as one of the richest cem­

(i860), a mining engineer who spent several weeks vis­

eteries in southern Costa Rica (Bozzoli de Wille 1966;

iting cemeteries in Chiriqui and observing the looting,

Lothrop 1926; Perez-Zeledon 1907-1908; Pittier 1891).

provides the only firsthand

Surviving examples of the site's goldwork are now found

reported a 12-acre (4.86 ha) cemetery organized into

description of the site. He

in museum collections in Costa Rica, the United States,

two sections, each on a rise and separated by a wide

and Germany (Quilter 2000; Schlosser 2004).

depression. He does not describe subdivisions—such

The spatial organization of the Rivas-Reina architec­

as the walls, pillars, and other architectural construc­

ture attests to the complexity of the events that occurred

tions—in each half, but he does describe three dis­

there. Excavations revealed a series of architectural fea­

tinct grave forms clustered within distinct sections of

tures including steps, causeways, plazas, pavements,

the cemeteries. Like the sites in southern Costa Rica, the

and fire installations positioned sequentially between

Huacal de Bugaba is located on a hilltop overlooking a

the village and the cemeteries (Frost 2009; Quilter and

river. It is likely that an associated residential site rests on

Frost 2007). The layout of these features is in relation to

the alluvial terrace below the site, but the area has not yet

a central axis, with architecture along the axis arranged

been professionally investigated.

in both singular and paired constructions. This bilateral

This bilateral site pattern is not unique to Greater

symmetry suggests that funerals and other ritual events

Chiriqui. Sites in the Caribbean watershed west of the

also may have been dually organized, with participants

Talamanca Range maintain remarkably similar layouts

repeatedly separating and reuniting as they moved from

during this same era. In particular, the contemporane­

the village to the cemeteries. The spatial organization and

ous features at Guayabo de Turrialba include a series of

FROST

Figureio.2 Map of the Rivas-Panteon de la Reina site. Drawing by R. Jeffrey Frost, redrafted by Hillary Olcott.

PATTERNING IN CHIRIQUf VILLAGES AND CEMETERIES OF THE TERRABA-COTO BRUS VALLEY

17

North Residential Zone

Murrielflgo

South

South Cemetery Zone

Cemetery

Figure 10.3 Map of Murcielago. Drawing by R. Jeffrey Frost, redrafted by Hillary Olcott.

176

FROST

paired structures, plazas, interments, and other architec­

throughout southern Costa Rica in 1563. These villages

tural features, all constructed in relation to a central axis

were commonly organized as two discrete residential

(Frost and Quilter 2012).

Late Chiriqui Settlements (1300-1500 CE)

areas, each surrounded by a wooden palisade. Residential structures within each enclosure were arranged in groups, often positioned around a central courtyard (Vazquez de

Settlement patterns appear to have taken another shift

Coronado 1964). Spanish descriptions do not discuss

beginning about 1300 CE, as many large residential-

the position or organization of cemeteries in relation

ceremonial sites across Costa Rica, including Rivas-

to villages.

Reina and Guayabo de Turrialba, were abandoned for reasons still unknown. The villages established during this later period maintained the strong dual organiza­

Conclusion

tional patterns but lacked the formal and structured rit­

Approximately 160 years ago, discoveries in the Western

ual spaces linking residential and cemetery areas.

Panama region sparked intense public and academic

Murcielago, occupied for two to three hundred

interest in the Chiriqui period. Today, with ongoing stud­

years up until shortly before Spanish contact, provides

ies of Chiriqui sites and associated materials from village

an example of this site type (Figure 10.3; Drolet 1986).

and cemetery contexts, scholars can now confidently

Encompassing approximately 30 ha along the west banks

discuss changing patterns of Chiriqui settlement, daily

of the middle General/Terraba River in Costa Rica, the

activities, and burial assemblages. Ongoing research in

site includes residential and cemetery zones. The resi­

the subarea continues to provide contexts with which to

dential portion is positioned on a terrace of rich alluvial

understand materials that first came to public attention in

land and includes thirty-nine house foundations orga­

the 1850s. The gold, stone, and ceramic objects that were

nized into two residential zones. A small stream and a

then viewed as exotic curiosities are now understood in

150 m wide vacant area served to further define the two

terms of the functions they served in Chiriqui ideology

zones. Each residential sector contained several house

and the complex dynamics of production, exchange, and

foundations measuring between 15 and 30 m in diame­

other social interactions. In particular, emerging patterns

ter (Drolet 1986,1992). The site also includes two funer­

of village and cemetery placement and organization

ary zones, each containing several cemeteries, positioned

throughout the Chiriqui period help to illustrate tradi­

on river terraces above the residential areas. Both zones

tions of enduring continuity as well as marked changes

consisted of multiple cemeteries, some containing graves

in burial practices. Certain models are evident. First,

arranged in clusters. Unlike Rivas-Reina, the site lacks

there was an enduring tradition of separating cemeter­

formal architecture linking the residential and cemetery

ies and villages throughout the Chiriqui period. Burials

zones. The cemeteries themselves also lack many of the

are always found within cemeteries and cemeteries are

architectural elements that characterize earlier-period

spatially independent of residential areas. Other mod­

sites, including retaining walls and stone pillars.

els changed through time. People throughout Greater

Taken together, the division of the village at Murcie­

Chiriqui began interring their dead in mounds and con­

lago into two contemporary halves and the location of a

tinued this tradition for at least two to three centuries into

cemetery zone adjacent to each village half suggests that

the Chiriqui period, perhaps to maintain ties to ancestors

residents divided themselves into two principal social

interred in or near those locations. By 900 CE, people

groups or moieties—in both life and death. Smaller spa­

of the Middle Chiriqui period began to adopt new pat­

tially discrete groupings, such as houses within the res­

terns in which they divided themselves into two spatially

idential sectors and graves within the cemetery sectors,

discrete groups in life and death. The villages were split

may correspond to distinct social units, such as clans or

socially and spatially into two halves, and the deceased

other kin groups, within the larger dual division.

were buried in one of two cemeteries.This preference for

Similar spatial arrangements appear to have endured into the historic period. Murcielago closely matches

paired interment areas appears to have persisted until at least Spanish contact.

sixteenth-century Spanish descriptions of settlements

We are far from being able to fully reconstruct the

throughout the subarea. The conquistadorJuan Vazquez

eight-hundred-year development of Chiriqui villages

de Coronado visited and described several villages

and their associated cemeterieswith all their many spatial

P A T T E R N I N G I N C H I R I Q U f V IL L A C E S A N D C E M E T E R I E S O F T H E T E R R A B A - C O T O B RU S V A L L E Y

variations. To date, only a handful of Chiriqui sites have been mapped and excavated in sufficient detail to enable scholars to characterize their internal organization and how cemeteries and settlements relate spatially. Many areas within Greater Chiriqui await even basic survey

1 Use of the term subarea follows that of the Greater Nicoya archaeological subarea (Norweb 1961) and its use by Willey (1971), following that of Willey and Phillips (1958:20). Although with an antecedent in the "Western

FROST

coverage. Chronology is also an issue, as few occupations have been securely dated. Greater Chiriqui clearly merits the continued research that can yield new perspectives into the social life and beliefs of this key subarea of the Isthmo-Colombian Area.

Panama-Southern Costa Rica" subarea (Willey i97i:figs. 5-7), Greater Chiriqui was formally defined by Haberland (1984) at a School of American ResearchAdvanced Seminar held April 8-14,1980 (Lange and Stone 1984).

PANAMA

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Chronological Chart of Panama. 12000 BCE

10000 BCE

8000 BCE

6000 BCE

4000 BCE

2000 BCI

PRE—PA LEO INDIAN

>-11500 BCE PALEOINDIAN GREATER COCLE

11500-10000 BCE EARLY PRECERAMIC

BCE LATE PRECERAMIC

5000-2500 BCE

CERAMIC STYLES

2500 BCE

2000 BCE

200 CE

1500 BCE

1000 BCE

500 BCE

300 CE

1500 CE 1600 CE

1000 CE

500 CE

1 CE

LATE CERAMIC B

MIDDLE CERAMIC B

950-1150 CE

250-500 CE

LATE CERAMIC C

MIDDLE CERAMIC C

1150-1400 CE

500-750 CE

GREATER COCLE

LATE CERAMIC D

LATE CERAMIC A

1400-1515 CE

750-950 CE

LATE CERAMIC E

1515-1550 CE EL HATILLO

TONOSI AND ARISTIDES

1100-1300 CE

250-500 CE CERAMIC STYLES

CUBITA AND ALMENDRO

PARITA

500-750 CE

1150-1400 CE CONTEANDMONTEV IDEO

MEN DOZA

750-950 CE

1515-•1550 CE

MACARACAS

950-1100 CE

77 A View from Grave 5, Sitio Conte, Panama

KAREN O'DAY

SITIO CONTE IS AN ANCIENT NECROPOLIS IN THE VALLEY

process, unfolding, growth, the cultivations of ideas and

of the Rio Grande, west of Panama City in Code prov­

prospects. It is never complete; its ending is only an arbi­

ince. This cemetery included more men than women,

trary closure. It takes us on to compare with other sites,

although adolescents were also interred there during the

to speculate on what has been found" (Shanks 1992:183).

period of 750-950 CE. El Caiio, 2 km to the northeast,

This essay seeks to cultivate ideas about the several orna­

is another archaeological site in the valley; it overlaps

mented people in Grave 5 at Sitio Conte, one of the most

chronologically with Sitio Conte and played a compara­

lavish multiple graves excavated by the Peabody Museum

ble role (see Mayo Torne et al., this volume).

teams. Although fifteen people were interred in Grave 5,

It is hard to say exactly when people first became

just six of them wore ornaments. This essay interprets the

aware of Pre-Columbian objects from the interments at

archaeological data about these six people, designated

Sitio Conte, but a few works appeared during the years

Adult Male II, Adult Male III, Young Adult Male IX,

1915 through 1917. River flooding

Adolescent X, Adolescent XIII, and Elder Male XV.1

and bank erosion in

1927 brought more objects to light, and they caught the attention of scholars affiliated with the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard

Crave 5

University (Lothrop 1937:36). The museum's three

Excavation of Grave 5 took place during the 1931 and 1933

expeditions to Sitio Conte between 1930 and 1933 exca­

field seasons, though the personnel changed between

vated fifty-nine graves and associated offerings as well as

them (Lothrop 1937:227). Lothrop participated only in

arrangements of roughly dressed monoliths and boul­

the final season. He published four plans of Grave 5, two

ders. The museum published a two-volume site report

of which are reproduced here because they show most of

by Samuel K. Lothrop (i937; 1942.). In 1940, an expedi­

the ornaments' proveniences—near and in direct asso­

tion led by J. Alden Mason of the University Museum

ciation with the individuals. Grave s was a complicated

of the University of Pennsylvania uncovered additional

feature not only because of its excavation history but also

graves (see Erickson and Fenton, this volume; Fenton,

because it was multilayered. Archaeologists identified five

this volume).' Both of these projects represented cru­

layers of deposited materials and labeled them 1 through

cial fieldwork

in Panama, as unscientific looting from

5, starting with the layer they found at the bottom. Human

the colonial period through the nineteenth century was

remains were only in the two deepest layers. Layer 1, the

frequent and widespread (Bollaert 1863; Holmes 1888).

deepest, contained fourteen people interred at two sep­

Although no significant excavations have occurred at

arate times: six (I-VI) are identified with the first event,

Sitio Conte since 1940, the site has direct relevance for

and the remaining eight (VH-XTV) thereafter (Lothrop

interpreting more recently excavated objects; as such,

1937:227) (Figure 11.1). Above Layer 1, Layer 2 contained

the Sitio Conte excavations confirm the statement from

one older man (XV), whose flexed remains were in a bun­

archaeologist MichaelShanks that "excavation is all about

dle set on a wooden stool under a canopy and thatch roof 183

Figureii.i Ground plan of Layer i, Grave 5, at Sitio Conte, Panama (Lothrop i937:fig- 215). Reprinted courtesy of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University.

4

(Lothrop 1937:62, 230-234) (Figure 11.2). Only this man

Roosevelt 1979); the first volume ofthe site report for Sitio

has been considered in any detail in prior scholarship,

Conte is part of that effort. Interpretation of Sitio Conte

due in large part to the fact that he was associated with

ornaments has proceeded from the idea that the intention

the greatest number and variety of ornaments (Briggs

was to signal the wearers' status, rank, and/or occupation;

1989:78-81; Cooke, Isaza, etal. 2003:121-131; 0'Day2oi4).

how this is expressed in Grave 5 is discussed below.While

The process of describing the appearance of and

this motivation is indisputable (Briggs 1989), other possi­

motivation for body ornamentation in ancient Central

bilities exist (Choyke 2010;Joyce 2005; Viveiros de Castro

America began decades ago and continues (Aguilar Piedra

1998). Rather than focusing only on one individual, this

1972,1996; Helms 1977,1979,1981; Orr and Looper 2014;

essay identifies an ornament type that three people in

O'DAY

A

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11.2 Ground plan of Layer 2, Crave 5, at Sitio Conte, Panama (Lothrop i937:hg. 217). Reprinted courtesy of the Peabody

Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University.

Grave 5had in common. In other words, this essayis more

pierced shark teeth (unidentified species) next to his

interested in the possibility that ornaments connected

forearms; these teeth were not assigned a field number

people and signaled their likeness.

and were discarded. Lothrop (1937:228) hypothesized

The first step was to identify the ornaments associ­

that they were for a bracelet. It is true that necklaces of

ated with each person by comparing information in the

shark teeth were in other interments, but shark teeth

site report, field notes, museum records, and the pieces

also were used as arrow points at Sitio Conte (Borhegyi

available for study in the Peabody Museum (Table 11.1).

1961:275,281-282; Lothrop i937;99> 154-15$)- Perforated

The archaeologists found in Layer 1 only three adults

shark teeth topped spears found at El Cano (J. Mayo

who were associated with ornaments. Adult Male II had

Torne 20is:figs. 55, 56). A much longer history of the A VIEW FROM CRAVE 5. SITIO CONTE, PANAMA

18

Table li.i The distribution of ornaments among six people in Grave 5 at Sitio Conte, using each ornament s field number, according to the site report (Lothropi937;227-237). Examples of the tooth ornament are in bold.

PENDANTS

BEAD NECKLACE

BELLS

BRACELET

CUFFS

DISK

HELMET

NOSE CLIP

Adult Male II, Layer 1 Adult Male III, Layer 1

123,124 125, 126

Young Adult Male IX, Layer 1

. ,.

. ,.

Adolescent X, Layer 1 Adolescent XIII (figure), Layer 1

213,215

134-137'1+0

I":"a

production of perforated shark teeth in Pacific Panama

To interpret the people in the Sitio Conte graves,

for such purposes is attested by specimens from bull

Lothrop relied on similarities with the Indigenous caciques

sharks and tiger sharks in a Preceramic-era midden at

whom the Spaniards encountered in sixteenth-century

Playa Don Bernardo on Pedro Gonzalez Island in the

Panama. For example, Lothrop (i937'-7-8, 46) cited

Pearl Islands (Cooke et al. 2016:749). Thus, it is ambig­

Gaspar de Espinosa's (1994:63-64) account of his second

uous whether Adult Male Us shark teeth were intended

expedition, in 1519, through central Pacific Panama: the

as a wrist ornament and/or a weapon. The archaeolo­

troops entered a community the Spaniards called Asiento

gists identified Adult Male III with a necklace of gold

Viejo and found the remains of three caciques, includ­

beads, serpentine Pendants 123 and 124, and bone

ing the most powerful one, whose name is translated as

Pendants 125 and

Young Adult Male IX was asso­

Parita. His corpse was ornamented with a gold helmet,

ciated with tumbaga Pendant 164. In addition to adults,

necklaces, arm and leg cuffs, chest disks, pendants, and

the archaeologists found two ornamented adolescents

a belt with bells. Parita's ornamented body was placed

in Layer 1. Adolescent X wore a necklace of 425 serpen­

inside a bundle of painted cotton cloth (see Mayo Tome

tine beads, and Adolescent XIII was associated with

et al., this volume). This ethnohistorical record helped

serpentine Pendant 213 and tumbaga Pendant 215. It is

Lothrop conclude that the most ornamented people in

important to recognize these ornamented adolescents,

the largest and most extravagant graves, including Elder

a Sitio Conte demographic that until now has not been

Male XV, were caciques. The similarity between Parita

given due attention. Elder Male XV, alone in Layer 2,

and Elder Male XV in terms of their funerary ornamen­

was associated with one tumbaga helmet, one tumbaga

tation is quite remarkable. Many elements contributed to

pendant, one tumbaga and iron pyrite pendant, two

a cacique's status. Isaza (2007:12) notes that Parita's status

tumbaga disks, two pairs of tumbaga cuffs, one tum­

rested on his excellence in warfare, leadership abilities,

baga nose ornament, and a few bells—some copper and

and control of coastal resources. Their status in relation

others tumbaga. The site report lists an additional "fig­

to warfare should be taken seriously, considering that

urine" of whale tooth and tumbaga (Lothrop 1937:234).

battle was central in ancient and early colonial Greater

While it is possible that this item may have been placed

Code (Briggs 1989; Cooke, Isaza, et al. 2003; Helms1979;

in one of Elder Male XV's hands, perhaps as a ceremo­

Linares 1977; Mayo Torne 2015; Redmond 1994). Elder

126.3

nial dagger (J. Mayo Torne 2015:95), the site report also

Male XV, who was very old at the time of his death, had

situates it among a group of perforated pendants made

likely fought in many battles (Lothrop 1937:230; O'Day

of whale tooth and bone (Lothrop 1937:170, 173). For

2014:18-22). His Pendant 134 has been interpreted as

the purposes of this essay, this item is indentified as

representing two successful warriors (Cooke, Isaza, et al.

Pendant 140.

2003:128-131).

O'DAY

Lothrop (1937:43; 47; 49; 5^) also gleaned infor­ mation from the Spanish documents that helped him identify everyone else with caciques in the interments. For example, he learned that caciques were buried with their wives and servants. Along this line, the ornamented adult people in Grave 5 may have been members of Male Elder XV's troops who died in battle or from war inju­ ries; alternatively, they possibly were sacrificed warriors from Male Elder XV's own troops, another scenario with a known parallel in Mesoamerican warfare (Spence et al. 2004; Sugiyama 2005). Mason (1940^87) added that the people in a Sitio Conte interment with a cacique were slaves and captives. Spanish documents described war captives and a woman from an enemy community sacrificed at the burial of Parita (Linares 1977:74-75). The nine unornamented adults in Grave 5 may have been war captives who had their ornaments stripped prior to burial. The evidence of Mesoamerican war­ fare attests to this practice in order to degrade captives (Hassig 1992:39; Miller and Taube 1993:55-56; Reilly and Garber 2003:129; Scheie and Miller 1986:209-221). As for the adolescents in Grave 5, it is possible the unor­

Figureii.3 AdolescentXIIIwearingPendant2i3(bottom)

namented one (VI) was a captive, servant, slave, or sac­

and Pendant2i5 (top). Illustration by Ned Cannon.

rifice. Alternatively, they had yet to reach the age grade when identity was formally established so as to justify ornaments (Ardren 2011; Joyce 2000:145-162). In con­

servant, slave, nor sacrifice, but had yet to reach the age

trast, Adolescents X and XIII were in the appropriate age

grade when identity was formally established so as to

grade for ornamentation at the times of their deaths.

justify ornaments (Ardren 2011;Joyce 2000:145-162). In

Mesoamerican warfare attests to this scenario: one option in the process of degrading captives was to

contrast, Adolescents X and XIII were in the appropriate age range for ornamentation.

remove their garments and ornaments (Hassig 1992:39; Miller and Taube1993:55-56; Reilly and Garber 2003:129; Scheie and Miller 1986:209-221). Elder Male XV, who

AdolescentXIII and Elder Male XV

was very old at the time of his death, had likely fought

Illustration is a well-established form for present­

in many battles (Lothrop 1937:230; O'Day 2014:18-22).

ing archaeological information (Joyce 2002:117-150;

In fact, one of his pendants has been interpreted as rep­

Pillsbury 2012). Illustrations are beneficial to researchers

resenting two successful warriors (Cooke, Isaza, et al.

if they expose "what we know well, which ideas need

2003:128-131). Along this line, Adult Male II, Adult

work, and what areas we have completely failed to think

Male III, and Young Adult Male IX may have died in

about" (Van Dykeand Bernbeck 2015:4).To explore these

battle or from war injuries; alternatively, they may have

possibilities for Grave 5, the author collaborated with a

been sacrificed warriors from the cacique's own troops,

professional illustrator who has experience with archae­

another scenario with a known parallel in Mesoamerican

ological subject matter. The potential insight became

warfare (Spence et al. 2004; Sugiyama 2005). A person's

clearer after the decision to illustrate Adolescent XIII and

status in relation to warfare should be taken seriously,

Elder Male XV, because their ages represent more of the

considering that battle was central in ancient and early

site's population. In turn, illustrating these two individ­

colonial Greater Code (Briggs 1989; Cooke, Isaza, et al.

uals brought to light a connection between them. Many

2003; Helms 1979; Linares 1977b; J. Mayo Tome 2015;

decisions and compromises had to be made along the

Redmond 1994). As for the adolescents, it is possible

way to the illustrations' final versions; some of them are

that the unornamented one (VI) was neither captive,

described below.

A VIEW FROM CRAVE 5 , SITIO CONTE, PANAMA

18

and holds a Conte-style (700-900 CE) pottery jar.4 Again, the illustration intentionally departs from the site report to remind viewers that he may have worn any of these ornaments during his long life, although the condition of most ornaments makes it impossible to draw conclu­ sions about the ways he may have worn the ornaments. The form of the ornaments, as well as the suspension rings, indicate the basic wear locations on the body, but exact placement required deliberation because the bun­ dle collapsed and dispersed the ornaments. For example, the helmet's hemisphericalshape and the skull fragments found inside make the intended wear location certain, but the placement on the wearer's head in relation to the orientation of the figures embossed on the helmet's top and sides is unknown (Lothrop 1937:^34; O'Day 2014:6-9). Pendants 137 and 139 were found next to each other in the vicinity of Elder Male XV's ribs, whereas Pendant 140, which will be discussed below, was dis­ placed farther to the east (see Figure 11.2). The author and illustrator decided to represent the pendants on multiple cords in a vertical arrangement down the chest. Some F i g u r e n . 4 ElderMaleXVwearingthehelmet,nose

objects from ancient Central America and Colombia

clip, disks, pendants, cuffs, a n d belt. Illustration by

represent human beings wearing pendants, but the visual

Ned Cannon.

culture of Greater Code generally does not—that is, aside from a few exceptions, such as one unprovenienced Conte-style jar representing a seated male with a trian­

The illustration ofAdolescent XIII, the first ever, pres­ ents the youth standing close to the picture plane with a

gular shape painted on his chest, which might depict a

wooden wall behind, arms hanging at the sides, eyeslook­

pendant (Linares i977b:fig. 33). The archaeologists found

ing away from the viewer (Figure 11.3). These features

two gold disks away from his ribs, with one disk partially

obviously depart from the data about the position of the remains, but they encourage viewers to consider that

manuscripts describe Indigenous people—usually men

Adolescent XIII may have worn the two pendants in life

—wearing the disks on their chests when engaged in war­

(Lothrop 1937:62, 228). The plan shows only Pendant 213 near the chin and chest (see Figure 11.1). In the illustra­

fare (Helms 1979:79; Ibarra Rojas 2003:390-391, 406410; Lothrop 1937:115). Pre-Columbian objects represent

tion, Pendants 213 and 215 are together at the center

disks on different parts of the body, including the shoul­

of the chest, though they are strung on different cords.

der area. The author and illustrator decided to represent

Serpentine Pendant 213, which will be discussed further,

them at the shoulders, sewn onto the tunic, according to

is positioned below tumbaga Pendant 215, which is in the shape of a bat. The illustration raises an epistemological issue: Adolescent XIII's remains were unsexed, which

the holes in each disk. The two pairs of embossed gold

is typical of the archaeology of juvenile human remains

and 144) "cuffs" because they were discovered around

resting on top of the other. Sixteenth-century Spanish

sheets formed into cylinders posed the greatest challenge to illustration. Lothrop (1937:234) labeled one pair (143

(Briggs 1989; Lothrop 1937:228, table V). Thus, the illus­

the radius and ulna. He labeled the other pair (145 and

tration of Adolescent XIII aims to be gender-neutral.

146) "greaves" even though neither was around leg bones

The illustration of Elder Male XV, which is the sec­

(Lothrop 1937:162). In fact, the second pair was closer to

ond version (O'Day 2014), presents him wearing all of

the arm bones, so it possibly ornamented his upper arms,

his associated ornaments except for one pair of cuffs

although the dispersal of the ornaments leave this ques­

(Figure 11.4). This decision is explained below. He sits on

tion open to debate. Due to these ambiguities, only wrist

a wooden chair with a high back, inside a wooden build­

cuffs appear in this illustration.5 Finally, the belt with

ing; he gestures to the viewer, makes direct eye contact,

three gold bells was inferred from the intact bell and bell

O'DAY

Figure 11.5

Pendant 213, excavated in Layeri.Craves, at SitioConte, Panama (Lothropi37:fig.i 67a-a'). Reprinted courtesy of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University.

Figure 11.6

Pendant 123,excavated in Layer2,Craves, at SitioConte, Panama. © President and Fellows of Harvard College, Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, 2004.24.9723 (digital file135160006).

fragments with him and from the description of Parita,

it is not a real tooth. Lothrop (1937:152) called such an

the sixteenth-century cacique mentioned above.

ornament an "imitation tooth," and in this essay it is

These illustrations helped to make one trend clear

called caniniform, a term inspired by the name celtiform

among the ornamented people in Grave 5: Adoles­

for the greenstone pendants carved to imitate the celt

cent XIII and Elder Male XV were associated with one

tool (see Hoopes, Mora-Marin, and Kovacevich 2021).

ornament that had a root end, curved shaft, and tip so as

However, the root end of Pendant 213 displays a head

to be in the form of a canine. There is Pendant 213 with

with a short hairstyle or headdress; round ears; closed

Adolescent XIII, which is a perforated, smooth canine

eyes; nose; toothless mouth; and arms, including hands

carved from serpentine (Figure 11.5). In other words,

with ten digits total. This being s identity is unknown. A V I E W F R O M CR A V E 5 . S I T I O C O N T E , P A N A M A

l£

Figure 11.7 Pendant 140, excavated in Layeri.Craves. at Sitio Conte, Panama. 5-7 cm. © President and Fellow of Harvard College, Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, 31-36-20/C13347 (digital file 99320090).

Elder Male XVs Pendant 140 is a real marine mammal

and Sanchez Herrera

tooth, which Lothrop

Valadez Azua, and Rodriguez Galicia 2014; Mayo Torne

(1937:170)

identified as that of a

2001;

Cooke et al. 2016:734; Gotz,

female sperm whale (Figure 11.7). All the teeth of sperm

and Mayo Torne

whales (Physeter macrocephalus) are conical because no

One sperm whale can have as many as sixty teeth along

differentiation occurs among molars, canines, and so on,

its lower jaws (Hillson

although young teeth have sharp points and mature teeth are blunt (Berta 2015:184; Ellis2011:3; Hillson20os:69-7i).

2013:6;

Mayo Torne et al.

2005:70-71).

Pendant

2015:107).

140

com­

prises not only a whale tooth but also four gold over­ lays shaped as limbs and a cast tumbaga headpiece

Female and juvenilesperm whalesconcentrate in the trop­

exhibiting large triangular ears, bulging eyes, upturned

ics and subtropics, and the males visit for breeding (Berta

nose, wide mouth, and pointed teeth. The Double-

It is conceivable that a sperm whale became

Headed Saurian streams from the corners of the mouth

2015:186).

stranded along Panamas Pacific or Caribbean Coast and

(Hoopes and Fonseca Zamora

its teeth were collected and used for the examples found

of the tooth becomes the tail. Two metal loops, likely

at Panamanian sites or that a trade network brought the

used to hang metal dangles, project from the forehead.

teeth to the region (Carvajal

Cooke

The facial features, particularly the nose and ears, led

Cooke

to identifications of a bat (Lothrop

2004b:275;

O'DAY

2014:109-110, 122;

Cooke and Jimenez Acosta

2010:38;

2003:69-71).

The tip

1937:173,186;

Plazas

2007:54)) but there are no wings, which typically denote

1980:277 279; Mayo Torne 2004:104—105, 127—129, 137;

bats in Greater Cocle iconography, as represented by

Mayo Torne and Mayo Torne 2013:14; Mayo Torne et al.

Adolescent XIII s Pendant 215. These two individu­

2015, 2016). Other regions of the ancient Americas have

als, who were very different ages at death, shared the

revealed such ornamentation practices (Borhegyi 1961;

tooth-shaped ornament, but each work was unique.

Caso 1969:177; Chanlatte Baik and Narganes Storde

Adolescent XIII had the serpentine pendant carved with

2005; Falchetti 1995:128-130; McCafferty 2008:76;

the head and arms; Elder Male XV had the only ornament

McCafferty and McCafferty 2011:250; Meggers, Evans,

fabricated with a real tooth, which was enhanced with the headpiece and limbs.

and Estrada 1965:116-117; Newman 2016; Perri, Martin, and Farnsworth 2015; Pollock et al. i962:fig. 41; Samson

Among the other ornamented people in Grave 5,

2010:105, 179, 208-209, 267-269; Sharer 1978:50-51;

Adult Male III had four caniniform pendants. First, there

Snarskis 1992:158-160; Stahl 2003:189; Stone 1963:347; Torres La Paz et al. 2011).

were serpentine Pendants 123 and 124. For example, Pendant 123 has one perforation through the root end,

The varieties of the ornament with combinations

a smooth shaft like a whale tooth" (Lothrop 1937:228),

of head, limbs, and tails, such as Pendant 213 and Pen­

and a damaged tip. This ornament is carved from the

dant 140, may be less numerous overall, but they too

same material as that of Pendant 213, but it lacks the

have multiple places of origin. Versions have been

additional head and limbs. Second, Adult Male III had

found at El Cano (Mayo Torne 2015). One piece in the

Pendants 125 and 126, each being an "imitation tooth of

Dumbarton Oaks Collection represents the development

bone (Lothrop 1937:152). Aside from the possible brace­

of the tooth ornament after Sitio Conte and El Cano: it is

let of Adult Male II, no other tooth ornament nor canini-

a cast tumbaga double caniniform pendant (PC.B.319)

torm ornament is recorded in association with anyone in

that belongs with several examples dated 1000-1550 CE

Grave 5. However, unperforated fossil teeth of the most

from Greater Cocle and Greater Chiriqui (Biese 1967;

formidable shark ever, the megalodon ( Carcharcoles meg-

Bray 2013; Lothrop 1963^1. 37b). These pieces have one

alodon ), were present in both grave layers. Elder Male XV

or two caniniform elements; each has a head and two

was associated with one specimen found to the west of

limbs carrying objects, a solid bar above the heads, and

his remains, and the archaeologists encountered a group

three or more dangles. In all, Panamas history of tooth

of four fossil shark teeth in Layer 1, which they did not

ornaments with head, limbs, and tail appendages began

associate with an individual (Lothrop 1937:230, 234).

around 700 CE and continued until 1550 (O'Day 2017).

Such teeth were rare at Sitio Conte and are unreported at

The Panamanian history of this ornament type is not

other sites in Greater Cocle, but they must have had sig­

unusual. The examples from coastal Ecuador stand out

nificance, perhaps as amulets (Cooke and Jimenez Acosta

because of their sheer quantity—not to mention that

2010:38; Lothrop 1937:197; Mayor 2005:92,137; Newman 2016:1526).

they represent an earlier period of history than do the Panamanian artifacts. Furthermore, the tooth shape per­ tains to objects designed as ornaments and also to figu­

Beyond Grave 5

rines. Some of the Ecuadorian examples were associated with human graves, but others were employed in cere­

Interpreting the tooth ornaments among the three indi­

monies unrelated to death. Hahn (1991:36) assembled a

viduals in Grave 5 at Sitio Conte is difficult, but one thing

database of one thousand "tusk-shaped" artifacts, mostly

is certain: the ornaments were not unique. Many ancient

attributed to the Bahia period. Provenienced stone fig­

Americans wore real animal teeth or imitation teeth. These

urines carved in the shape of a canine tooth with facial

practices are evident in other interments at Sitio Conte

features were excavated in a cache at a ceremonial center

(Briggs i989:table A-15; Cooke 2004b:fig. 5; Hearne and

on La Plata Island (Dorsey 1901:265; Masucci 2008:496;

Sharer1992:94; Lothrop1937:65,152-156,170-177; Mason

Meggers 1966:89). These statues reminded Lothrop

1940a; Moore 2015). In fact, evidence survived at numer­

(1937:177) of the Sitio Conte tooth ornaments, though

ous archaeological sites in Panama (Bray 1992:43; Briggs

Bushnell (1951:24, 66, 137) noted that one of the lime­

1989:169-178; Bull 1958:11; Casimir de Brizuela 1973:134;

stone "tusk" carvings with facial features that he exca­

Cooke 2004b:fig. 8; Cooke, Isaza, et al. 2003:117; Cooke

vated under a mound at La Libertad, Ecuador, from the

and Jimenez Acosta 2010; Cooke et al. i998:fig. 8; Cooke,

Guangala period (100 BCE-800 CE) reminded him of

Sanchez Herrera, and Udagawa 2000:158-163; Ichon

the ornaments from Panama. Lunniss (2008, 2011) has

A VIEW FROM CRAVE 5, SITIO CONTE, PANAMA

)2

and two limbs (Lunniss 2011:fig.

16).

Unprovenienced

versions are located in the Museo Nacional del Banco Central del Ecuador, Quito, and the Museo de America, Madrid (Blasco Bosqued and Ramos Gomez 50, 52,

1976:48,

fig. 3c; Gutierrez Usillos 2011:125, 209-211; Porras

1987:83;

Valdez and Veintimilla i992:cat. 59).

Nor are the Ecuadorian tooth-shaped pieces iso­ lated cases. Caniniform pendants enhanced with carved heads and limbs have been identified in the Greater Nicoya and Greater Chiriqui archaeological regions of Costa Rica. For example, Stone

(1977:93)

discussed

bone ornaments from Greater Nicoya, including one from the site called Nosara, with the root end perforated and carved with a long forehead, large squarish eyes, and two short horizontal lines incised for the nostrils and mouth (Figure 11.8). The shaft displays incised arms at the center of the chest so that one hand is above the other. Horizontal and vertical incisions continue down the shaft below the hands, but they stop before the tip. Adolescent XIII's Pendant

213

resembles the Nosara

pendant overall, but different proportions and degrees of relief carving distinguish them. Ancient Maya exam­ ples are documented. Merwin and Vaillant 91)

(1932:89-

describe a perforated animal canine carved with

a head that was left with a juvenile buried during the Early Classic period at Holmul, Guatemala (Callaghan 2013:329-330).

An unprovenienced animal canine is

carved with Maya iconography in a manner different Figure 11.8 Bone pendant, excavated at Nosara, Costa

than that of the Holmul ornament (Franco Carrasco

Rica. 5 9 cm. © President and Fellows of Harvard College,

1968:20-21;

Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, 975-

Houston

2017).

Batres

(1906:30)

presents

drawings of an example without provenience informa­

57/24536 (digital file 99320091).

tion. Samson (2010:105, *79> 2.08-209,

267-269)

reports

dog teeth excavated at El Cabo, Dominican Republic, and dated to as early as 800 CE: one tooth was in the fill reported a remarkable sequence of eight episodes of cer­

of a house posthole, which Samson interpreted as a ter­

emonial floors and platforms at Salango, Ecuador, during

mination deposit by the inhabitants. Ortega

(1978:83)

the Late Formative/Preclassic period (400 BCE-200 CE)

reported dog teeth carved with facial features among

that involved thedeposition of plain caniniform pendants

three thousand animal teeth in a cache near El Cabo. In

and varieties of the "anthropomorphic figurine pendant"

all, these diverse examples indicate varieties of the tooth

during Episodes

ornament type enhanced with heads and limbs and

5

and

6.

Following them, Episode

8

involved more examples plus caniniform figurines carved of various materials that had been positioned upright in floor holes (Lunniss 161).

2008:225-226, 230, 2011:157-

Adolescent XIIIs Pendant

213

has similarities to

placed in human graves and offerings. These examples show great geographic breadth. In fact, the scholarship about cross-cultural interaction and exchange networks that possibly moved people,

the Salango pendants from Episodes 6 and 8 (Lunniss

objects, and knowledge around northwestern South

20ii:figs.

whereas Elder Male XV's Pendant

America, Central America, Mexico, and the Caribbean

bears little resemblance to the form of any Salango

occasionally considers ornamentation practices (Cooke

140

11,

18),

pieces. That said, one in the Episode 5 offering is a sperm

and Sanchez Herrera

whale tooth carved with a head, round chest depression,

Fitzpatrick 2013; Hosier

O 'DAY

Dewan and Hosier

2008;

1994, 2003, 2009, 2014;

Ichon

2001;

1980:197, 321-324; Laffoon et al. 2014; Marcos 2005;

Sitio Conte. The author and illustrator are trying to

Paulsen 1977; Rodriguez Ramos 2011:180; 2013:164;

represent people who lived in the past and thus have

P. Stothert 2003:381-387). For example, Anawalt

become "coauthors of the personhood" (Hoopes

(1998:239-240) claimed that such networks are detect­

2014:228). The new perspective has related the caci­

able because the ceramic figurines

from the Bahia

que to some other people in the same interment. Elder

period (450 BCE-400 CE) and the Jama Coaque I and II

Male XV, Adult Male III, and Adolescent XIII shared

(355 BCE-1532 CE) phases of coastal Ecuador and the

versions of the tooth ornament. Furthermore, no longer

Comala style of West Mexico (200 BCE-300 CE) wear

can it be said that only the ancient Panamanian caciques

similar ornaments, either one tooth-shaped pendant

participated in long-distance relationships, manifested

or a pair of them. Anawalt (1998:240) compared tooth

by their tumbaga ornaments (Helms 1979). In fact, a

pendants from Panama with Bahia and Comala ceramic

remarkable observation is that Adult Male Ill's Pendants

figurines

123-126 and Adolescent XIIIs Pendant 213 are more sim­

wearing one or more similar pendants. In other

words, similarities between real objects and their repre­

ilar to examples from beyond Greater Code than to

sentation in ceramic figurines

Elder Male XV's Pendant 140. This fact links to Plazas's

attest to the interactions

of people from coastal Ecuador, Pacific Panama, and

research (2007:54), which situated the adolescent's

West Mexico. The total array of figurines wearing variet­

other ornament, Pendant 215, into cross-cultural rela­

ies of the tooth pendant from West Mexico and coastal

tionships along the Isthmus and in northern Colombia

Ecuador may add to Anawalt s thesis, but it awaits fur­

on account of its bat iconography.

ther research (Butterwick 2004:cat. 20; Gutierrez

Going forward at Sitio Conte, it will be import­

Usillos 2on:figs. isf, g, 90b; Meggers i966:fig. 31). The

ant to consider every person buried there, not just the

goal is not to resuscitate debate about the origin point

most lavishly adorned ones, as best as the original data

and diffusion of the ornament type, but instead to draw

allow (Drennan and Peterson 2012:70-71; Knapp and

some attention to the fact that a diverse group of people

van Dommelen 2008). Adolescent XIII proves this need

attributed value to the canine form. Aside from its asso­

most strongly. There were other children and adolescents

ciation with manypowerful animals, the tooth ornament

identified at Sitio Conte, not to mention at archaeolog­

may have been significant for its resemblance to other

ical sites in Greater Code, and some wore ornaments

important animal parts, such as claws, and ceremonial

(Briggs 1989:45; Cooke et al. 1998:139, 150-153; Cooke,

equipment, such as perforators and spoons. Equally

Isaza, et al. 2003:125; Mayo Torne and Mayo Tome

clear is the local creativity with the form. The groups

2013:9, 15-16, 24; J. Mayo Torne 2015:86; Mayo Torne

had their own notions about who could wear it and how

et al. 2016). This inquiry can become an important piece

it could be made with different material(s), colors, man­

in the larger investigation about childhood and youth in

ufacturing techniques, and iconographies. Although

the ancient Americas (Ardren 2008:18, 2011; Ardren and

this essay focuses most on people who employed the

Hutson 2006).

tooth form for adorning the human body, because that

As for the varieties of the tooth ornament intro­

was the norm at Sitio Conte, people in Ecuador and the

duced in this essay, they have not received as much

Caribbean found other ceremonial applications. Finally,

attention as, for example, greenstone celtiform pen­

the examples imply that their makers, some of whom,

dants (see Hoopes, Mora-Marin, and Kovacevich 2021).

at least in Central America, may have been caciques or

The entire history of tooth ornaments must be written

members of a cacique clan that specialized in the pro­

in light of what will be an array of examples from many

duction of tooth ornaments—and that these makers

contexts—ideally those with secure archaeological pro­

knew how to meet the local expectations and prefer­

venience and precise archaeofaunal identification. They

ences (Cooke and Jimenez Acosta 2010:43-44; Ibarra

deserve a full investigation that does not privilege the

Rojas 2003:389).

data from one site nor one region. At the same time, the analysis will need to elucidate the ornaments beyond

Conclusion We cannot expect ornaments to explain everything

"simply subjective judgments of similarity" (Fitzpatrick 2013:131). For instance, a cross-cultural study might build on Lunniss's (2008:235-244, 2011:162-167) interpreta­

about the people who wore them, but this essay has

tion of the pendants and figurines

shed new light on three people interred in Grave 5 at

Houston's (2017) interpretation of an unprovenienced

excavated at Salango.

A VIEW FROM CRAVE 5, SITIO CONTE, PANAMA

1

>4

Maya example might help iconographic analysis of Cen­ tral American examples in terms of determining the

Acknowledgments

identity of the figure represented at the root end. If more

I wish to express my gratitude to Colin McEwan, former

provenienced examples are accurately documented, then

director of Pre-Columbian Studies at Dumbarton Oaks,

it may be possible to observe a constellation of practice

for the invitation to participate in the catalogue project.

(see Joyce, this volume). Finally, ethnography may con­

I treasure the discussions that took place in Washington,

tribute to the analysis of tooth ornaments. For exam­

D.C., and Panama. I am very grateful to Bryan Cockrell,

ple, Helms (1977:96-97) relied on Central and South

Julia Mayo Tome, and Warwick Bray, who gave me help­

American ethnographies to propose that "the strong

ful feedback. The Office of Research and Sponsored

depiction of teeth" for figures embossed into Sitio Conte

Programs at the University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire

tumbaga disks was driven by an understanding of"tooth-

awarded me a grant to help fund the new photogra­

ness" as a signal of a persons importance. The discussion

phy and permissions. I also thank the staff at Imaging

may go in many directions. This essay takes some of the

Services of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and

cautious first steps.

Ethnology, Harvard University.

NOTES

1 The excavators from the Peabody Museum and the Univer­ sity Museum of the University of Pennsylvania used dif­ ferent terminology to label interments; it is important to preserve this original terminology. For instance, Grave 13 was excavated by the Peabody Museum, but the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania excavated Burial 13. If both sets of data have been consulted, then a term such as interments would be ideal. Alternatively, one may follow Briggs's (i989:app. 5) numbering system for the University of Pennsylvania Museum graves. 2 The title for each individual denotes the age, sex, and Roman numeral the archaeologists assigned to each "skel­ eton" (Lothrop 1937:230-232). 3 The archaeologists assigned each artifact in each grave a field number, which is the number used in this essay as part of each artifact s title. The artifact field numbers are published in the site report (Lothrop 1937:227-237). Each artifact also has a Peabody Museum accession number that

O'DAY

is published in the site report. The serpentine fragment (field number 124 and Peabody Museum accession num­ ber 31-36-20/C13348) associated with Adult Male III likely was a pendant, especially considering that it was next to Pendant 123. As such, they made a pair. The pair pendant became even more common in the later periods around Greater Code (Biese 1967; Bray 2013). Furthermore, they were similar to the plain caniniform bone Pendants 125 and 126. For these reasons, Pendants 123 and 124 are treated as a plain caniniform pair in this essay. 4 The jar is field number 73 and Peabody Museum number 31-36-20/C13297. It was excavated in Layer 1 of Grave 5. Although this jar was not found with Elder Male XV in Layer 2, the site report (Lothrop 1937:230-232) associates him with four vessels. 5 Previous illustrations (O'Day 20i4:figs. 1.4, 1.5) show one pair on the forearms and the other on the calves.

72 Who Is the Chief? The Central People of Burial 11, Sitio Conte

CLARK L. ERICKSON • MONICA FENTON

THE MAJORITY OF THE ICONIC OBJECTS FROM THE COCL£

survey a wide range of excavation and field documents

culture of Panama are widely scattered in public and

from the expedition and apply photogrammetry to cre­

private collections throughout the world, having been

ate 3D models from 1940 photographs of the burial con­

obtained by collectors and museums through both legal

text to "people the past." By peopling the past, we mean

and illegal means. Most of these artifacts come from

that archaeology can go some way toward reconstructing

cemeteries looted in the course of the last one hundred

agency, identity, and even fragments of biography to indi­

years and have passed through complex art market net­

viduals of a past society—in this case, three people.

works into the hands of their present owners; little or no

In an analysis of objects associated with the central

information exists regarding their place of origin, archae­

person, an adult male, "Lord 15," of Grave 5 from Lothrop's

ological context, or association with other grave goods.

excavation at Sitio Conte, O'Day (2014:2) reconstructs his

Although these works may be appreciated as individual

outfit as an "ornament set" as part ofa "mortuary ensemble."

art objects, the lack of information on their provenience

We prefer to use the term costume to include a broader cat­

limits what can be learned about their social, political, and

egory of ornamentation and attire such as clothing, hair­

cultural significance. Fortunately, J. Alden Mason's 1940

style, tattoos, body painting, scarification, footwear, and

excavations at Sitio Conte included scientific documen­

other personal items and style choices rooted in a particu­

tation of the complex structure of the cemetery at this

lar time and culture. Costume also implies an outfit or an

site—precise locations and associations of many objects

ensemble of multiple elements that are culturally appro­

and individual graves—as maps, profiles, photographs,

priate and meaningful for a specific occasion or event

diaries, and field notes. Although never properly pub­

beyond the everyday. Note that costume in this sense does

lished byMason, the Sitio Conte collection has been avail­

not connote something superficial or trivial.

able to and used by scholars throughout the world (e.g., Briggs 1989,1993; O'Day 2002, this volume; Hearne and Sharer 1992) and also displayed in interpretative museum

Mason's Expedition to Sitio Conte

exhibits (Caribbean Splendors, three versions of River of

Gold beads and colorful pottery exposed by the flood-

Gold, and the recent Beneath the Surface).The excavation,

waters alerted the Conte family, the Panamanian land­

study, and interpretation of approximately 1,423 objects

owners, to the importance of the cemetery. After

from Burial 111 continues to play an important role in our

preliminary digging on the site themselves, the family

understanding of Central American prehistory.

members invited Harvard University's Peabody Museum

In this essay, we ask: Who is the central person of

of Archaeology and Ethnology to excavate profession­

Burial 11? Various interpretations have been proposed;

ally during three field seasons between 1930 and 1933/

however, Mason and most scholars assume that one of

during which time the archaeologists documented fifty-

the two people buried in the center of the Middle Layer

nine graves and thirty-eight caches of buried objects

has the highest status. In reanalyzing the evidence, we

as well as a few architectural elements such as columns

197

^ XVIII

OO

'XVII

O XVI

Trench 1

Trench 2

N J

* B

XXIV

IXXIII

oxiv

XXII

IXIX

XXI

1

IXV

•

Lothrop excavation trench

•

Mason excavation trench

O

I

Standing column Fallen column

•

20th c. architecture

O

Altar

XX

Figure 12.1 Sitio Conte and the excavations of the Peabody Museum (Lothrop i937:figs. 20,23) and the Penn Museum. Illustration by Hillary Olcott.

and paved stone floors. These first three seasons pro­

team of four Americans, with contributions from

duced thousands of artifacts for the Peabody Museum.

Samuel K. Lothrop and Eleanor Lothrop (on-site for sev­

Deciding not to return to Sitio Conte, Samuel K.

eral weeks), worked quickly (Figure 12.2). In two and a

Lothrop, director of the excavations in 1932, persuaded

half months, they documented thirty graves and caches,

Mason, a renowned anthropologist and curator at the

including Burial 11 (Figures 12.2-12.4), the most import­

University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and

ant grave found that season. Robert H. Merrill, a retired

Anthropology (Penn Museum), to initiate new research

civil engineer who was the project surveyor, draftsman,

at the site because of its rich potential. The Conte fam­

and photographer, recorded object locations in photo­

ily also wanted to continue the excavations (Figure 12.1).

graphs and precise maps within a site grid oriented to

In 1940, Mason directed one field season at Sitio

true north and invented a wooden frame with a string grid

Conte. Supported by thirty-five local workmen, Masons

scale to accurately chart the features (Merrill 1941). After

ERICKSON • FENTON

Figure 12.2 Early in the excavation of Trench i before exposure of Burial 11: Lothrop (second from left). Corning (fourth from the right). Mason (second from the right), Julia Corning (first from the right), and local Panamanian workers, with Merrill's innovative photographic grid leaning against the sidewalk Photograph courtesy of the Penn Museum Archives, 36922.

Figure 12.3 The poorly preserved human remains on the floor of the Upper Layer after the removal of most burial offerings. Note the wall of pottery vessels liningthe sides of the burial chamber at the bottom. Photograph courtesy of the Penn Museum Archives, 36813.

WHO IS THE CHIEF? THE CENTRAL PEOPLE OF BURIAL 11, SITIO CONTE

1

Figures 12.4 Floor plans of burials of t h e Upper Layer (left) a n d Middle Layer (right) of Burial 11. Photograph courtesy of t h e Penn Museum Archives, Corning Map.

most objects had been removed from a mortuary feature,

Writing his field notes under difficult conditions, Mason

John B. Corning mapped and described the position of the

did not know until later that the important context was

body, noted its age and sex when possible, documented associated objects, and logged whether these objects were

associated with two people. In notes describing the skele­

in anatomical position. Unfortunately, aging and sexing

was complete, Corning writes, "Two principal skeletons

of most skeletons was not possible due to their poor con­

below the mass of gold—face down & one on top of the

tal remains after most of the excavation of the Middle Layer

dition. Julia H. Corning excavated, prepared features for

other—most ofgold on small ofback"(Corning 1940:184)

photography and mapping, removed objects, and man­

and labels the "central couple" on his plan (Corning

aged the laboratory and kitchen. Masons son, John Alden

1940:185). In discussing the context of the five embossed

Mason Jr., helped in many excavation and camp activities.

large gold pectorals in alater publication, Mason states that "all were found in the large grave, No. 11, five of the pectorals

Identifying the Central Person of Burial 11

200

on one pair of skeletons, and possibly on one of them, and one on each of three other skeletons" (Mason1942:1-7).

The field notes of Mason and Corning are ambiguous as

In post-1950 publications, scholars have begun to

to the identification of the central person(s) of Burial 11.

assume that most of the gold and other objects were

In publications and correspondence, Mason (1941:263,

placed as a group offering on the lower back of Person

1949:8s) refers to the principal individual in Burial 11 as

A after that body was laid facedown on Person B, which

male and as either Person A or Person B. Mason never

ignores evidence for ornaments including significant

mentions a specific person in his notes, despite his direct

nongold objects recovered in anatomical position. In our

involvement in the excavation of the main gold offerings.

reading of the notebooks, Mason was not aware that he

ERICKSON . FENTON

Figures 12.5 Floor plans of burials of the Lower Layer (left) and two stratigraphic profiles (right) of Burial 11. Photograph

courtesy of the Penn Museum Archives, Corning Map.

was excavating two skeletons until after Coming's study

funerary ritual and sequence of interment.They excavated

of the skeletal remains, and we could not find any men­

a large bowl-shaped chamber measuring4.3 m by 2.4 m and

tion of this interpretation in later entries. Although the

between 1.5 and 2.4 m beneath the presentsurface (Figures

age and sex of the two skeletons were classified as indeter­

12.4 and 12.5). The floor and lower walls of the chamber

minate in the field, scholars assume that the central per­

were lined with a thick layer (designated the Lower Layer)

son is an adult male. For example, Briggs (1989:110-112)

of complete and broken pottery vessels and leveled out for

assumes that Person A and/or Person B were the central

the placement of three bodies and their grave offerings.

people. Hearne also follows this interpretation but adds

The Lower Layer was covered by 30 cm of fill, and another

that "Mason assumed that the bottom one [Person B] of

thick layer of pottery vessels was placed on the new floor

this pair was the principal occupant of the grave" based on

and up the sides of the chamber. Twelve bodies, generally

his notebook (Hearne 1992:^15).

arranged in pairs, and their grave offerings were placed

In summary, all scholars note the spatial centrality

on the floor (designated the Middle Layer). The entire

of Persons A and B in the Middle Layer and highlight

deposit was covered with a 46 cm thick layer of earthen fill.

the number, size, and quality of gold objects associated

The third floor (designated the Upper Layer) was leveled

with them.

without a pottery lining, and eight bodies were arranged with their grave offerings. Then, the entire chamber was filled with earth to the surface, which was probably lower

Stratigraphic Context

than at the time of the expedition. Mason's notes (Penn

Mason and team's detailed recording of the structure of

Museum Archives,J. Alden Mason Diary1940, Expedition

Burial 11 provides evidence for reconstructing the original

Records-Sitio Conte, Panama [hereafter Penn Museum

WHO IS THE CHIEF? THE CENTRAL PEOPLE OF BURIAL 11, SITIO CONTE

201

Archives, Mason Diary], 64) and Merrill's maps show

downward (Figures 12.6 and 12.7). Those interred in the

that the Lower Layer extends beyond the boundary of

Middle Layer may have been on display for a time and

the Middle and Upper Layers, suggesting that some time

exposed to the tropical heat and humidity; thus, the two

had passed between its interment and the addition of the

bodies and associated objects underwent vertical com­

other layers, and natural sediments or intentional fill accu­

pression or collapse due to rapid decay of soft tissue (Janet

mulated in the open chamber above the Lower Layer. In

Monge, personal communication).Although poorly pre­

preparation for the later Middle Layer and Upper Layer, a

served and compressed in the vertical dimension, the

chamber of slightly smaller diameter was cut through the

skeletal elements of Persons A and B are articulated and

accumulated earth before the new bodies and grave offer­

objects were undisturbed, possibly due to the placement

ings were deposited. Because radiocarbon dating was not

of large ceramic trays over the cranium and lower back

available in 1940, the individual burial layers could not be

of Person A (Figure 12.8). Although the two pairs of legs

dated. Although time passed between the Lower Layer

are superimposed, Coming's field and final maps of the

event and the Middle Layer event, memory of the earlier

skeletons show the cranium and upper torso of Person A

grave wasstrong, as the Middle and Upper Layers are care­

as horizontally "offset" to the northwest by 20 cm from

fully centered above it (see Figure 12.5).

those of Person B (see Figure 12.6). Corning did not spec­ ify the sex and age of Persons A and B, although this omis­

Skeletal Remains and Associated Objects

sion is common in cases where the skeleton was in poor condition or the evidence ambiguous.

Based on his previous excavations at Sitio Conte, Lothrop warned Mason that the bones would be in poor condi­ ditions. When Masons excavation team encountered

Reconstructing the Burial Context of Persons A and B

human skeletal remains in Burial 11, they carefully trow­

After initial identification of Burial11 as a potentially rich

eled and brushed away the earth to expose as much of the

context, the excavation was rushed due to the approach

tion due to age, fluctuating water table, and tropical con­

bones as possible (see Figure 12.3). Mason describes

of the wet season, the depleted funding, the pending

the bones as "in too soft a condition to be saved" (Mason

departure of Merrill, the sheer number of objects to

1941:283) despite efforts to consolidate the skeletons for

excavate and process, and the concerns about the secu­

removal and preserve them early in the excavation. Some

rity for the gold and other valuable objects. The diary,

skeletons were carefully photographed by Merrill, and

field notes, photographs, maps, and drawings document

most were mapped, described, and analyzed by Corning

less than ideal excavation and recording of Persons A

after exposure and removal of grave objects.

and B and associated objects of the Middle Layer and

In general, objects were placed on an individual's

the Lower Layer, in comparison to the care taken in

back, over and around the head, between the legs, in other

the early days of the excavation to describe, map prove­

spaces between bodies, and/or in anatomical position in

nience, and photograph to scale. Excavation of the fill

the case of ornaments and clothing that were apparently

above the Middle Layer was started on March 24, and on

worn by the dead. Mason identified bark cloth—a soft,

March 25 the first gold associated with Persons A and B

pliable, somewhat waterproof sheet made by repeated

was found (see Figure 12.8). March 26 and 27 were ded­

pounding of the peeled inner bark of a tropical fig tree

icated to mapping and removing the overlying mass of

using a heavy wooden paddle against a wooden anvil.

pottery and, finally, to the exposure and recovery of the

Traces of gray and white bark cloth were found directly

gold objects.

below the eight skeletons of the Upper Layer (Penn Museum Archives, Mason Diary, 61), bark cloth with pos­

202

Our data include field

notes and diaries, field

sketches, object lists and locations, maps, stratigraphic

sible cordage directly above Person A of the Middle Layer

profiles, photographs, movie footage, exhibition cata­

(Penn Museum Archives, Mason Diary, 64), and layers of

logues, and publications. The photographs show that

bark cloth over and under the skeletons and pottery in the

Mason and the Comings excavated and recovered the

Lower Layer (Penn Museum Archives, Mason Diary, 72).

objects and that Mason took notes of this important con­

In the center of the Middle Layer, the body of

text (Figure 12.9). John Corning finished the excavation,

Person A was placed on top of Person B (head to head,

removed additional objects, and took additional notes

feet to feet) in an extended, prone position and facing

during his description and analysis of theskeletal remains.

ERICKSON • FENTON

, I /•

Figurei2.6 Coming's field plan (a) and final plan (b) of the relationship of the skeletons of Persons A andB. Note the slight offset of body positions and the reversal of Persons A and B in the field map, which is corrected by Corning in the final plan (Corningi940). Photograph courtesy of the Penn Museum Archives, Corning Map.

Figure 12.7 Three-dimensional model of Middle Layer of Burial n (Persons A and B, in red). Illustration by SamanthaSeyler.

WHO IS THE CHIEF? THE CENTRAL PEOPLE OF BURIAL 11, SITIO CONTE

203

Figure 12.8 The Middle Layer of Burial 11, showing some gold before the removal of pottery vessels over Persons A and B (center). Note the large rectangular ceramic trays (center) placed over the bodies. Photograph courtesy of the Penn Museum Archives, 36816.

Figure 12.9 Excavation andrecovery of gold beads from belts and necklaces over Person A by ]ulia Corning (lower right) and). Alden Mason (upper right).Photograph courtesy of the Penn Museum Archives, 36984.

4

ERICKSON • FENTON

The sequence of objects in the notes is informative in

Negative scans of six photographs from the proj­

regard to superposition and assignment of ornaments to

ect camera and the camera of visitor Captain John C. L.

Person A or Person B, although most objects are vaguely

Adams of the 14th Infantry stationed at Fort Davis,

named, poorly described, and difficult to identify in

Panama, were used to create a 3D model of the burial

space, based on the few photographs available (Figures

context generated by the photogrammetry program

12.10-12.12). We also focus on spatial terms in Mason and

PhotoScan© (Agisoft).3 The resulting model is rela­

Coming's sketchy notes (e.g., "under," "around," below,"

tively coarse in resolution and quality due to the low

and "between"). When writing his notes while excavat­

number and poor quality of photographs, limited cam­

ing the gold, Mason did not realize that he had two bodies

era positions, the use of two different cameras, lens

placed one on top of the other, a fact recognized later by

changes, occlusion resulting in missing parts of the

Corning in his mapping and description. We decided to

model, and lack of XYZ control points to georeference

omit pottery vessels near Persons A and B because they

the model. Despite these issues, we could identify many

cannot be directly associated with either individual.

exposed objects in their relative vertical and horizontal

Figure 12.11 Objects associated with Persons A and B of the

Middle Layer early in the excavation of this context, from an oblique view from the north. Photograph courtesy of the Penn Museum Archives, 36852.

Figure 12.10 Objects associated with Persons A and

B of the Middle Layer early in the excavation of this context from above (east at top, west at bottom). Photograph courtesy of the Penn Museum Archives, 36819.

Figurei2.i2 Objects associated with Persons A and B of the

Middle Layer early in the excavation of this context, from an oblique view from the south. Photograph courtesy of the Penn Museum Archives, 36894.

WHO IS THE CHIEF? THE CENTRAL PEOPLE OF BURIAL 11, SITIO CONTE

2

position and associations, as well as some human skele­

and the cleaned skeletons were not photographed in

tal elements that were exposed in the first days. Based on

situ or plotted in detail.

the known size of prominent objects, the model is rel­

During excavation, numerous bodily ornaments were

atively scaled, and rough measurements of vertical and

found in several local contexts in Burial 11. Many objects

horizontal distribution of object positions and associa­

were closely associated with human skeletons in logical

tions are possible. Unfortunately, the lower objects of

"anatomical position" of where they were probably worn

this context (especially those pertaining to Person B)

by the individual or dressed at interment, based on field

Tablei2 .i Object and person associations.

ASSOCIATED

206

FIELD NUMBER (T2- B11 . . .)

MUSEUM OB1ECT NUMBER

DESCRIPTION

ANDCORNINC)

G-l

40-13-26

large gold embossed plaque

A, B

G-2

40-13-2

large gold embossed plaque

A, B

G-3

40-13-3

large gold embossed plaque

A, B

G-4

40-13-4

large gold embossed plaque

A, B

G-5

40-13-5

large gold embossed plaque

A, B

G-6

CONTE

gold embossed armband

A, B

G-7

40-13-29

gold embossed armband

A, B

G-8

40-13-30

plain gold cuff

A, B

G-9

CONTE

plain gold cuff

A, B

G-10

40-13-31

small plain gold cuff

A, B

G-ll

CONTE

small plain gold cuff

A, B

G-12

40-13-27

gold animal pendant with emerald

A, B

G-13

40-13-28

anthropomorphic pendant

A, B

G-14

40-13-106

chisel, large

A, B

G-15

CONTE

chisel, large

A, B

G-16

CONTE

chisel, small

A, B

G-17

CONTE

chisel, small

A, B

G-18

40-13-107

chisel, small

A, B

G-19

CONTE

chisel, small

A, B

G-20

CONTE

chisel, small

A, B

G-21

40-13-108

chisel, small

A, B

G-22 to G-46

40-13-13 to 40-13-25

large gold sequins

A, B

G-47 to G-51

40-13-149 to 40-13-151

small gold sequins embosssed center

A, B

G-S2

40-13-43

beads, 129, thin hollow gold, short barrel shape

A, B

ERICKSON • FENTON

PERSON (MASON

notes, stratigraphic position, maps, photographs, and the

could be identified in the collection, we include a photo­

3D model. In the following section, each object that can be

graph. Because half the gold, celts, and some other classes

identified as associated with Person A or Person B is pre­

of objects were left with the landowner, we copied images

sented in approximately the same sequence as mentioned

of the object to more accurately reflect the total number in

in the field notes and/or the vertical stratigraphic position

the figures. Similar objects are substituted as an example

of the object in the photographs and 3D model (Table 12.1;

for those that were unidentifiable, unphotographed, left in

Figures 12.13-12.16). In cases where the specific object

FIELD NOTES AND OBJECT CARDS (MASON ANDCORNING)

Panama, or impossible to locate in the collection.

ANATOMICAL POSITION

ASSOCIATED PERSON (ERICKSON AND FENTON)

lower chest or upper abdomen

A

lower chest or upper abdomen

A

lower chest or upper abdomen

B

lower chest or upper abdomen

B

lower chest or upper abdomen

A

partly under and between groups of plaques, running east-west, vertically along the sides of the body partly under and between groups of plaques, running east-west, vertically along the sides of the bodv

B

north side (left) next to lower back

A

south side (right) next to lower back

A

within decorated animal figure cuffs, partly under and between groups of plaques, running east-west, vertically along the sides of the body within decorated animal figure cuffs, partly under and between groups of plaques, running east-west, vertically along the sides of the body

B

B

B

lower back, above plaques, upside down

A

upside down in between legs next to left shin

A and/or B

cache north of heads

A and/or B

cache north of heads

A and/or B

cache south of heads

A and/or B

cache south of heads

A and/or B

cache south of heads

Aand/or B

cache south of heads

A and/or B

cache south of heads

A and/or B

cache south of heads

Aand/or B

head

A

head and north of neck

A

around neck and lower chest of Person A

not in database

WHO IS THE CHIEF? THE CENTRAL PEOPLE OF BURIAL 11, SITIO CONTE

207

Table 12.1 Continued

208

ASSOCIATED PERSON (MASON

FIELD NUMBER (T2 - B11 . . . )

MUSEUM OB]ECT NUMBER

DESCRIPTION

AND CORNING)

G-55

CONTE

gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

G-56

40-13-112

gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

G-57

40-13-113

gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

G-58

CONTE

gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

G-59

CONTE

gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

G-60

40-13-114

gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

G-61

40-13-115

gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

G-62

CONTE

gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

G-63

40-13-116

gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

G-64

CONTE

gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

G-65

40-13-117

gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

G-66

CONTE

gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

G-69

40-13-127

resin figure with gold wings, bird

A, B?

G-97

CONTE

ear rod, stone center, gold ferules and cap

A, B

G-98

40-13-57

ear rod, stone center, gold ferules and tip

A, B

G-99

CONTE

ear rod, stone center, gold ferules and cap

A, B

G-100

40-13-58

ear rod, stone center, gold ferules and tip

A, B

G-101

CONTE

ear rod, gold shaft and cap

A, B

G-102

CONTE

ear rod, gold shaft and cap

A, B

G-103

40-13-52

ear rod, gold shaft and cap

A, B

G-104

40-13-53

ear rod, gold shaft and cap

A, B

G-105

CONTE

tubular gold ear rod without cap

A, B

G-106

40-13-54

tubular gold ear rod without cap

A, B

ERICKSON . FENTON

FIELD NOTES AND OBJECT CARDS (MASON ANDCORNING)

ANATOMICAL POSITION

ASSOCIATED PERSON (ERICKSON AND FENTON)

complete gold-capped whale-tooth

four at lower chest or upper abdomen of Person A; 2 on chest of Person B; 1 south of heads

complete gold-capped whale-tooth

four at lower chest or upper abdomen of Person A; 2 on chest of Person B; 1 south of heads

Person A (4); Person B (2); Persons A and B (1) \ /

"gold heads to whales' teeth. Mostly with bits of ivory remaining. 2 badly crushed"

Person A (4); Person B (2); Persons A and B ( l )

four at lower chest or upper abdomen of Person A; 2 on chest of Person B; 1 south of heads

Person A (4); Person B (2); Persons A and B ( l )

"gold heads to whales' teeth. Mostly with bits of ivory remaining. 2 badly crushed"

four at lower chest or upper abdomen of Person A; 2 on chest of Person B; 1 south of heads

Person A (4); Person B (2); Persons A and B ( l )

"gold heads to whales' teeth. Mostly with bits of ivory remaining. 2 badly crushed"

four at lower chest or upper abdomen of Person A; 2 on chest of Person B; 1 south of heads

Person A (4); Person B (2); Persons A and B (1)

"gold heads to whales' teeth. Mostly with bits of ivory remaining. 2 badly crushed"

four at lower chest or upper abdomen of Person A; 2 on chest of Person B; 1 south of heads

Person A (4); Person B (2); Persons A and B ( l )

"gold heads to whales' teeth. Mostly with bits of ivory remaining. 2 badly crushed"

four at lower chest or upper abdomen of Person A; 2 on chest of Person B; 1 south of heads

Person A (4); Person B (2); Persons A and B (1)

"gold heads to whales' teeth. Mostly with bits of ivory remaining. 2 badly crushed"

four at lower chest or upper abdomen of Person A; 2 on chest of Person B; 1 south of heads

Person A (4); Person B (2); Persons A and B (1)

"gold heads to whales' teeth. Mostly with bits of ivory remaining. 2 badly crushed"

four at lower chest or upper abdomen of Person A; 2 on chest of Person B; 1 south of heads

Person A (4); Person B ( 2 ) ; Persons A and B (1)

"gold heads to whales' teeth. Mostly with bits of ivory remaining. 2 badly crushed"

four at lower chest or upper abdomen of Person A; 2 on chest of Person B; 1 south of heads

Person A (4); Person B (2); Persons A and B ( l )

"gold heads to whales' teeth. Mostly with bits of ivory remaining. 2 badly crushed"

four at lower chest or upper abdomen of Person A; 2 on chest of Person B; 1south of heads

Person A (4); Person B (2); Persons A and B (1)

"gold heads to whales' teeth. Mostly with bits of ivory remaining. 2 badly crushed"

four at lower chest or upper abdomen of Person A; 2 on chest of Person B; 1 south of heads

Person A (4); Person B (2); Persons A and B (1)

between legs, near shin, south of cache of ear rods?

A and/or B Aand/or B under lower group of gold plaques

B Aand/or B

under lower group of gold plaques

B

between legs (?)

A and/or B

between legs (?)

A and/or B

between legs (?)

A and/or B

left (north) of cranium

A

between legs

Aand/or B

between legs

Aand/or B

WHO

IS THE CHIEF? THE CENTRAL PEOPLE OF BURIAL 11, SITIO CONTE

209

Table 12.1 Continued

210

ASSOCIATED PERSON (MASON

FIELD NUMBER (T2-B11 ...)

MUSEUM OB]ECT NUMBER

DESCRIPTION

AND CORNING)

G-107

40-13-55

tubular gold ear rod without tips

A, B

G-108

CONTE

tubular gold ear rod without tips

A, B

G-109

40-13-56

tubular gold ear rod without tips

A, B

G-110

CONTE

tubular gold ear rod without tips

A, B

G-lll

40-13-71 (exchanged to Guatemala)

anterior ferrule of gold ear rod

A, B

G-112

CONTE

anterior ferrule of gold ear rod

A, B

G-113

40-13-72

anterior ferrule of gold ear rod

A, B

G-114

CONTE

anterior ferrule of gold ear rod

A, B

G-115

40-13-73

anterior ferrule of gold ear rod

A, B

G-116

CONTE

anterior ferrule of gold ear rod

A, B

G-117

CONTE

anterior ferrule of gold ear rod

A, B

G-118

40-13-85

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-119

CONTE

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-120

40-13-87

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-121

40-13-89

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-122

CONTE

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-123

40-13-84

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-124

CONTE

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-125

40-13-83

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-126

CONTE

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-127

40-13-86

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-128

CONTE

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-129

40-13-88

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-130

CONTE

gold cap to ear rod

A, B

G-131

CONTE

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

G-132

40-13-62

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

G-133

40-13-69

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

G-134

CONTE

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

G-135

40-13-65

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

G-136

CONTE

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

G-137

CONTE

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

G-138

40-13-63

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

ERICKSON . FENTON

FIELD NOTES AND OBJECT CARDS (MASON AND CORNING)

ANATOMICAL POSITION

ASSOCIATED PERSON (ERICKSON AND FENTON)

right (south) of cranium

A and/or B

between legs

Aand/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

Aand/orB

between legs

Aand/or B

between legs

Aand/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

Aand/orB

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

Aand/orB

between legs

Aand/orB

between legs

Aand/orB

right (south) of cranium

A and/or B

between legs

Aand/orB

between legs between legs

A and/or B

between legs

Aand/orB

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

Aand/orB

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

Aand/orB

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

WHO IS THE CHIEF? THE CENTRAL PEOPLE OF BURIAL 11, SITIO CONTE

211

Table12.1 Continued

FIELD NUMBER (T2-B11 ...)

212

ASSOCIATED MUSEUM OB]ECT

PERSON (MASON

NUMBER

DESCRIPTION

ANDCORNINC)

G-139

40-13-64 (exchanged to Guatemala)

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

G-140

CONTE

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

G-141

40-13-67

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

G-142

CONTE

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

G-143

CONTE

lower gold ferrules to ear rods, closed ends

A, B

G-144

40-13-70

anterior tubular ends to gold ferrules, crushed

A, B

G-145

CONTE

anterior tubular ends to gold ferrules, crushed

A, B

G-146

40-13-68

anterior tubular ends to gold ferrules, crushed

A, B

G-147

40-13-66

anterior tubular ends to gold ferrules, crushed

A, B

G-148

CONTE

anterior tubular ends to gold ferrules, crushed

A, B

G-149

CONTE

anterior tubular ends to gold ferrules, crushed

A, B

G-150

40-13-94

nose ornament, small

C, D

G-151

40-13-9

small embossed gold plaque

C, D

G-152

40-13-8

small embossed gold plaque

C, D

G-153

40-13-10

small embossed gold plaque

C, D

G-154

40-13-7

small embossed gold plaque

C, D

G-155

exchange

small embossed gold plaque

C, D

G-156a & b

40-13-32

small embossed gold plaque

C, D

G-157a & b

40-13-93

small embossed gold plaque

C, D

G-158

40-13-45

430 small gold ring beads (215 to PM)

A, B

G-159

40-13-42

350 gold ring beads (175 to PM)

A, B

G-160

40-13-44

993 gold ring beads (499 to PM)

A, B

G-161

40-13-46

450 gold ring beads, wide but thin (231 to PM)

A, B

G-162

40-13-104

26 small bells with gold pellets within, solid heavy gold (14 to PM)

A, B

G-163

40-13-39

32 long tubular beads with segmented surfaces (16 to PM)

A, B?

G-164

40-13-50

54 short tubular beads with segmented surfaces (27 to PM)

A, B

G-165

40-13-36

48 short plain tubular beads (24 to PM)

A, B

G-166

40-13-49

31 long plain tubular beads (24 to PM)

A, B

G-167

40-13-37

46 long plain tubular beads, ends turned over (23 to PM)

A, B

ERICKSON • FENTON

FIELD NOTES AND OBJECT CARDS (MASON ANDCORNING)

ANATOMICAL POSITION

ASSOCIATED PERSON (ERICKSON AND FENTON)

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

Aand/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

A and/or B

between legs

Aand/or B

between legs

Aand/or B

between legs

A and/or B

"near feet of skeletons C-D"

waist of Person K

K

"near feet of skeletons C-D"

waist of Person K

K

"near feet of skeletons C-D"

waist of Person K

K

"near feet of skeletons C-D"

waist of Person K

K

"near feet of skeletons C-D"

waist of Person K

K

"near feet of skeletons C-D"

waist of Person K

K

"near feet of skeletons C-D"

waist of Person K

K

"near feet of skeletons C-D"

waist of Person K

K

near teeth, on north (left) side of neck/jaw area

A

near teeth, on north (left) side of neck/jaw area

A

near teeth, on north (left) side of neck/jaw area

A

near teeth, on north (left) side of neck/jaw area

A

near teeth, on north (left) side of neck/jaw area

A

around waist of Person A

A

around neck and lower chest of Person A

A

around neck and lower chest of Person A

A

around waist of Person A

A

around neck and lower chest of Person A

A

WHO IS THE CHIEF? THE CENTRAL PEOPLE OF BURIAL 11, SITIO CONTE

213

Table 12.1 Continued

FIELD NUMBER (T2-B11 ...)

ASSOCIATED PERSON (MASON

MUSEUM OBJECT NUMBER

DESCRIPTION

AND CORNINC)

G-168

40-13-38

47 long plain tubular beads, ends turned over (PM 24)

A, B

G-170

40-13-42?

88 gold beads "short barrel shape"

G-175

40-13-102

biconical bead, large and heavy

A, B

G-176

40-13-40

83 heavy elongated oval or biconical beads (42 to PM)

A, B

G-177

40-13-603

large resin tubular bead

A, B

G-211

40-13-120

bone figure with gold onlay

A, B

G-218

40-13-48

19 plain tubular beads with ends turned over

D

G-219

40-13-47

109 ring beads of solid thin gold, 420 small gold beads

D

G-220

CONTE

53 ring and small beads of gold

D

G-221

40-13-138

broken beads, 1 small gold onlay

D

G-324

40-13-605

bird figure of resin

G-231

40-13-96

filigree gold nose ornament

K

284

40-14-572

91 large shark-tooth beads, cache

A, B, K

286

40-13-902 through 40-13-914

13 projectile points

A, B

2 ground stone celts

A, B

2 ground stone celts

A, B

cache of stone celts

A, B

1 gold-capped whale-tooth pendant

A, B

Legend for colors

Person A Person B Person A and/or B (unassigned) Person K some objects of group associated with Person A, some with Person B, and some with both

214

ERICKSON . FENTON

FIELD NOTES AND OBJECT CARDS (MASON ANDCORNING)

ASSOCIATED PERSON ANATOMICAL POSITION

(ERICKSON AND FENTON)

around neck and lower chest of Person A

A

around waist of Person A

A

"At feet. West wall cache"

feet of Person K

K

"At feet. West wall cache"

feet of Person K

K

"At feet. West wall cache"

feet of Person K

K

"With skeleton A-B"

lower back, just north of emerald figurine

A

"from foot of Skeleton D"

waist of Person K

K

"from foot of Skeleton D"

waist of Person K

K

"from foot of Skeleton D"

waist of Person K

K

waist of Person K

K

near armbands, cuffs, and gold-capped whale-tooth pendants

B

"from foot of Skeleton D"

"Head of Skel. K"

"near head" "near head" "between legs" "at hip" "north of crania"

head of Person K

K

feet of Persons A, B, and K

A, B, and K Aand/or B A and/or B Aand/or B Aand/orB Aand/or B

WHO IS THE CHIEF? THE CENTRAL PEOPLE OF BURIAL 11, SITIO CONTE

215

Person A

IoT,

H

SS0Ciated W i t h PerSOn A: a) 40"13"26: b) 4°'13"2: C) 40"13-5: « 5 1 : ^ C"504C"51 [ r °biMS ^ " Panama'rePreSented

40 I ;",! 40-1-13 through 40-13-25; and,)

40-13-120;f) 40-13-149

40-,3-15oi; G-34 through G-si (objects left in Panama, represented by identical objects, 40-13-13 through 40-13-25], Photographs courtesy ofthe Penn Museum Online Collections.

216

ERICKSON • FENTON

^ide"tiral 40 m) with the number of in situ stone seats Minor architectural complex (structures 10-40 m) with the number of in situ stone seats Architectural complex with no stone seats Principal axis Secondary axis --4—

--too r

500 Meters

Seasonal river

/500 m.

Figure 19.17 Architectural complexes with stone seats in the Agua Blanca site nucleus, showing the principal northwestsoutheast axis and the secondary northeast-southwest axis superimposed (after McEwan 2003:fig. 7-i).

cases the buildings are parallel to each other rather than

the reverse of the two large structures at MIV-C4-3, west

lying on opposed axes. MTV-C4-3 comprises two large buildings with massive wall foundations placed in a sad­

of the central mound. MIV-C4-5.1, in the lower sector, not only is the larg­

dle 50 m west ofand below the central mound. Both build­

est building but also served as a primary spatial referent

ings face just east of north and their long axes are slightly

for orienting the adjacent structures. Two pairs of build­

convergent (see discussion below on radial alignments).

ings face onto an open plaza, each pair of adjacent struc­

Both buildings are also open at their northern ends. MIV-

tures, one larger than the other. One nonpartitioned pair

C4-3.1 has no internal partition, whereas MIV-CV-3.2 has

lies adjacent and parallel to MIV-C4-5.1, aligned on the

a lateral partition lying about two-thirds of the way down

northwest-southeast axis. The pair of partitioned struc­

its length. This partition is bisected by a central passage

tures are aligned on the northeast-southwest axis. This

that gives access to the rear chamber. At MIV-C4-2, north

is the only location at the site where the complementary

and downslope from the mound, the juxtaposition of the

opposition between these two classes of structures is fully

partitioned (2.1) and nonpartitioned (2.2) structures is

articulated. SQUARING THE CIRCLE IN ANCIENT ECUADOR

367

Upper Sector 1 MIV-C4-5.4

2

!| i ? .£ i| ii

MIV-C4-5.5

Figure 19.19

Map of the Agua Blanca Valley, showingdistribution of major and minor architectural complexes and the numberof associated in situ stone seats,

MIV-C4-2.1

with reference to the principal MIV-C4-2.2

and the secondary northeast-

Lower Sector -r i

MIV-C4-1.1

MIV-C4-3.1 MIV-C4-3.2

ZEIDLER . MCEWAN

northwest-southeast axis

southwest axis. Illustration by Hillary Olcott.

In the foregoing discussion, we have shown howboth horizontal and vertical dimensions were important com­ ponents of Indigenous cultural topography. Moreover,

Seats, Radiality, and Gendering Space and Time

we have established a formal distinction between two

As we have noted, MIV-C4-5.1, in the lower sector, is

fundamental categories of buildings; the fact that these

aligned on the December solstice sunrise and also houses

formal distinctions are systematically expressed in the

the largest number of seats found in any structure at the

architectural configurations implies a functional relat-

site. In the higher sector, the June solstice sunset obser­

edness between them in terms of their use. The hier­

vation is made between Structures MIV-C4-2.6 and 7,

archy of building sizes within each category enables

which stand in front of a group of large buildings on a

us to infer that a system of ranking was operative and

modified terrace. One of these (MIV-C4-2.2) houses

that dual division and quadripartition were fundamen­

the only seats excavated in situ at Agua Blanca. They are

tal principles governing Manteno social organization.

in their original architectural context, aligned along the

We also note that superimposing a combination of the

length of the east wall, facing inward, with wall niches

primary northwest-southeast axis and the northeast-

behind them. Five seats were uncovered in their original

southwest axis on the overall community plan at Agua

positions under collapsed wall debris. The positions of

Blanca effectively divides it into four quadrants. The

three other seat bases removed from the structure can be

outlying satellite settlements, including those with

inferred. Together, this makes a total of eight seats, thus

seats, are distributed in all four quadrants around the

extending the dual and quadripartite principles applied

core zone. An anomalous square structure with associ­

to the architectural patterning to an octopartition, or

ated Inca material is located in the northwest quadrant

eightfold seating arrangement.

just north of the main Buenavista riverbed and partially

These data provide empirical support for the kind

overlain by a modern cement structure formerly known

of progressively unfolding hierarchical social struc­

as the casa communal (cf. northwest quadrant with

ture as that proposed by Netherly (1990) for the North

radial arrangement at the base of the central mound dis­

Coast of Peru based on a combination of archaeological

cussed below).

and ethnohistoric evidence (Figure 19.20). The site of

Figure 19.20 Model of Andean sociopolitical organization as a dual hierarchy progressively subdivided as different levels (after Netherly 1990:fig.l).

SQUARING THE CIRCLE IN ANCIENT ECUADOR

Figure 19.21 Concentric community plan a n d eight-part division of internal social space around t h e central house structure of a cacique in Quichurchis, Otavalo,

Residence of the cacique

northern highland Ecuador, in t h e early colonial period. Illustration by Hillary Olcott.

Quichurchis, located in Otavalo, in highland Ecuador,

apparent in the arrangement of structures in complexes

and described in ethnohistoric documents from there

MIV-C4-1, 2, and 3, where careful measurements have

(Caillavet 1986) also reveals in a cacique's residence an

demonstrated that instead of the long axis of these

octopartition of the internal space with a concentric

buildings being parallel, many of them, in fact, converge

arrangement of the surrounding buildings, including a

at a point on the northeast horizon. A third expression

pair of two other large adjacent structures (Figure 19.21).

of radiality is found in the structures arrayed radially at

The data presented here also establish a link between

the base of the mound in its northwest quadrant, where

the locations of the seats in their architectural setting in

projected azimuths embrace key sites in the Manteno

MI-C4-5.1 and the building s alignment on the December

domain ranging from Cerro Jaboncillo to La Plata

solstice sunrise. The observation of the December sol­ stice in the lower sector involves ritual concerns focused on fertility and agricultural renewal (a "female" time of year); it also regulated internal social life and commu­ nity relations by defining the kind of social ranking and concomitant authority that assures social cohesion. Together with iconographic analysis of stelae imagery at Cerro Jaboncillo, this solstitial orientation enables us to infer that, among other things, people used the seats in seasonal seating rituals at Agua Blanca as well as the hill­ top sites with seats (McEwan 2012). Moreover, we can detect three separate but related radial alignments in the spatial configuration of archi­ tectural complexes at Agua Blanca, each intimately involving the central mound (MIV-C4-1), the ful­ crum for two of these alignments (Figure 19.22). A first expression of radiality can be detected in several structures near the central mound, which are aligned directly on it. A second manifestation of radiality is 370

ZEIDLER . MCEWAN

Island. Together, the three arrangements present a pattern of nested radiality analogous to the radial geoglyphs on the Pampa de Nazca in southern Peru (Kosok and Reiche 1949; Reiche 1969). Finally, the configuration of MIV-C4-1.2 on top of the central mound invites comparison with the plan of a Barasana maloca in the northwest Amazon basin. HughJones (1979) notes the division of the internal space in the maloca into segregated male and female space, with the men's entrance at the front and the women's at the rear (Figure 19.23). The semicircular rear wall of MIVC4-1.2 is unique at Agua Blanca. A lateral partition seg­ regates the internal space of the structure into front and back with restricted access to the rear space, where exca­ vated, lime-encrusted poporos attest to coca consump­ tion, ethnographically documented as a male activity. Instead of the internal space in the maloca as a segregated central community building with male activities priori­ tized at the front, by a process of involution MIV-C4-1.2

100 100

150

150

200

200

Figure 19.22 Three patterns of radial alignments related to the architectural complexes of the Upper Sector at Agua Blanca.

MIV-C4-1

SQUARING THE CIRCLE IN ANCIENT ECUADOR

men's door

women's door 0 men's area

women's area

Figure 19.23 a) Floor plan of a Barasana maloca structure (after Hugh-Jones I979:fig. 2); and b) floor plan of Structure MIVC4-V2 in the Upper Sector of Agua Blanca.

was embedded at a pivotal location within the architec­ tural complexes of the higher sector and is now arguably an exclusively male preserve. Because of the spatial dual­ ity, rituals revolving around the June solstice support the identification of a male" time of year with externally focused ritual concerns.

(1996)

and Hornborg (1988, 1990), to show how the

egalitarian ethos of the circular community and its dual organization has the inherent potential to transform itself into more complex social and political structures. We noted that increased social hierarchy, ascribed hered­ itary leadership, and rank endogamy are often expressed in such transformations. We further explored these ideas

Conclusion

with respect to archaeologically documented changes at

We began by examining the inherent hierarchical prop­ erties of societies of central Brazil and their spatial rep­

cesses may have manifested themselves spatially as the

resentation in the circular community plan. We then reviewed the complementary concepts of recursive hier­ archy and diarchy, developed respectively by Turner 372

ZEIDLER . MCEWAN

Real Alto and have shown how these hierarchical pro­ site grew from a nucleated, circular village in Valdivia 2, to a "squared circle" village in Valdivia 3, and then to a regional ceremonial center with a series of nearby satellite communities in Valdivia 6 and 7.

These observations affirm the great antiquity of the circular community and its transformative properties in

economic, and trading relationships with rival polities at its southern margins and beyond.

South America; they also affirm the early importance of

At Agua Blanca, we noted the template of a dispersed

community plans as cosmograms for the reproduction of

penumbra encircling a specialized central nucleus that

cosmology through calendrical ritual (Clark, Gibson, and

was beginning to emerge in Late Valdivia times at Real

Zeidler 2010; Zeidler1984,1998), as well as sonograms for

Alto, Terminal Valdivia times (Valdivia 8) at San Isidro,

the hierarchical and hierarchical ordering of community

and that was fully realized during the Manteno period

inhabitants over time. What remains to be determined is

in the configuration of Agua Blanca. This pattern rep­

the extent to which Real Alto is an exceptional phenom­

resents the outcome of the same kind of spatial trans­

enon within Valdivia society: Is it only one among sev­

formation in site size and internal complexity on a much

eral other large settlements, as yet undiscovered, that

larger scale. Architectural segregation of the site nucleus

evolved from circular communities to rectangular vil­

both reflected and played an active role in shaping social

lages to regional ceremonial centers? What is clear is that

relationships in space and the rhythms of community

the particular social trajectory followed by Real Alto was

life. The seats in architectural context at MIV-C4-2.2 in

contingent on change and not an evolutionary imperative

the higher sector of the site are connected with the June

(Clark, Gibson, and Zeidler 2010), and we cannot assume

solstice as a hypothetically "male" time of year, when rit­

that the evolution of all Valdivia sites followed this tra­

ual concerns may have been focused externally on wider

jectory. However, as this change came about, it would

regional site relations with settlements such as those

have set Real Alto apart from contemporaneous Valdivia

at Cerro Jaboncillo and on La Plata Island, and farther

sites as the archetypal settlement, both cosmologically

afield. Complementing these relationships is MIV-C4-5,

and socially, that represented a cultural template to be

located in the lower sector and clearly associated with the

respected, imitated, envied, or even resisted.

December solstice, a hypothetically "female" time of year

Some three millennia later, leaders organized the Late Manteno polity into an integrated alliance of senorios

with the ritual concerns focused internally on defining social relations within the community.

characterized byhighly visible indices of ascribed author­

Given the relative geographical proximity of Real

ity and hierarchical ranking. There are significant gaps in

Alto and Agua Blanca (approximately 120 km apart), we

our knowledge of the range of settlement plans through­

consider that both communities form part of a shared

out Manteno territory. For example, while the existence

coastal lowland cultural tradition. This is punctuated

of large public structures and extensive domestic occu­

by marked changes in pottery assemblages and decora­

pation has been recorded at the major port settlements

tive styles that have conventionally been assigned a vari­

of Manta and Puerto Lopez (Sercapez), we have only

ety of culture names by archaeologists (e.g., Valdivia,

tantalizing glimpses of what their overall settlement

Machalilla, Chorrera-Engoroy, Guangala, Bahia, Jama-

plans might have looked like. Neither is there reliable

Coaque, Manteno), and there are huge gaps in our knowl­

information about whether stone seats have been found

edge of site plans and settlement patterns for all of these

in architectural contexts at these sites as they were at

intervening cultures. We have noted the structural simi­

Cerro Jaboncillo and Agua Blanca. Our ability to make

larities between the community plans described here for

meaningful comparisons is limited at best. Nevertheless,

Real Alto and Agua Blanca, and we identified an underly­

there are notable points of comparison between Cerro

ing spatial template that emphasizes the significance of a

Jaboncillo and similar hilltop sites with stone seats and

primordial northwest-southeast axis complemented by

Agua Blanca on the valley floor. Apparently, political

a secondary northeast-southwest axis. The community

and religious authority was not invested in one preem­

plans at both sites also reveal a concentric ordering of

inent urban center of control; rather, it was dispersed

space that responded to demographic imperatives as the

across the Manteno domain. Existing knowledge of the

respective communities grow larger. Implicit within this

Pre-Columbian settlements indicates that there may

ordering is the potential for radial arrangements or align­

have been a strong ebb and flow in the resident popula­

ments that resemble galactic polities of eastern Brazil,

tion at any given time of the year. This may have applied

described by Heckenberger (2005,20x3), and that can be

both to the overtly ceremonial center at Cerro Jaboncillo

detected in the distribution of the satellite communities

and to the strategically located Senorfo of Salangome,

with stone seats that form a "dispersed penumbra" sur­

which must have been an important arbiter of political,

rounding the core public architectural complexes at Agua SQUARING THE CIRCLE IN ANCIENT ECUADOR

Blanca. We see these similarities as an expression of the

of Anthropology at the University of Illinois, Urbana-

logical potential of structured social relationships as they

Champaign, for manyof the ideas presented in this article.

accommodate continuous population growth associated

For insightful comments and discussion on various

with increased agricultural production. This does not

themes addressed in this work, we would like to thank the

exclude a developmental relationship and may, in fact,

late Terence Turner, Tristan Piatt,Jose Oliver, Francisco

argue for elements of cultural continuity over very long

Valdez, Gary Urton, andJohn Hoopes. We alone remain

time spans, a form of material memory or mnemonic

responsible for any errors of fact or interpretation.

practice in deep time (cf. Boric 2002).

The authors would like to thank graphic artist Hillary Olcott for her diligent preparation of the figures

and

tables for this essay. This essay is dedicated to coauthor

Acknowledgments

Colin McEwan, whose untimely passing in March

We are indebted to the late Donald W. Lathrap and

2020

has left a palpable intellectual loss in Ecuadorian archae-

the late R. Tom Zuidema, both eminent South Amer­

ology and in the lives of his numerous colleagues in Pre-

icanist scholars long associated with the Department

Columbian art and archaeology.

NOTES 1 This essay has had a long period of gestation. It began when

research has afforded us a fairly detailed picture of tempo­

the Evolution of Early Formative Valdivia Communities"

ral trends in regional settlement, village layout, ceremonial

at the 2004 Society for American Archaeology meeting in Montreal, Canada, in the symposium entitled "Constituting Social Life and Ritual in Circular Communities Across the Americas," organized by Iriarte and Thompson. The initial part of the current article is a revised and expanded ver­ sion of that paper and is based on his long-term archaeo­ logical investigations at the Early Formative Valdivia site of Real Alto. At about the same time, McEwan was finalizing his dissertation on his archaeological investigations at the Integration-period Manteho site of Agua Blanca and made an initial presentation at the 2005 "Andes-Amazon" confer­ ence, organized by Tristan Piatt and Isabelle Daillant at the University of St Andrews, Scotland. The authors began dis­ cussions on certain parallels in the organization of architec­ tural and community space at the two sites, and this essay attempts to capture those parallels. 2 See Boric (2002) and Irvine (2014) for anthropological

treatments of the "deep time" concept, particularly as it relates to the ethnographic present and geological time. 3 Archaeological excavations were conducted at Real Alto

in 1974 and 1975 by the University of Illinois; in 1977 by the University of Calgary; and in 1984 and subsequent years (1991, 1992) by faculty and students of the Centro de Estudios Arqueologicos y Antropologicos (CEAA) of the Escuela Superior Politecnica del Litoral (ESPOL) in Guayaquil. More recently, since 2014, a joint RussianJapanese-Ecuadorian project has been investigating the earliest Valdivia occupations at the site. On a regional scale, since 1975, several archaeological reconnaissance projects and impact studies have been carried out in various parts ot the Chanduy Valley, although none of these purports to

374

be an unbiased regional sample. Together, this long-term

Zeidler presented a paper entitled "Dualism, Hierarchy, and

ZEIDLER . MCEWAN

activity, household organization, and economic patterns between Valdivia 1 and 8 of the Valdivia ceramic chronol­ ogy developed by Hill (1975). The temporal framework for the Valdivia sequence employed in this study follows the recent absolute chronology established by Marcos and Michczynski (I996:table 4; see also Zeidler 2003) based on calibrated radiocarbon determinations and thermoluminescence assays. In this scheme, the eight-phase Hill Valdivia sequence is further subdivided into eleven phases (see Table 19.1). Tabarevand colleagues (2016) provide new radiocarbon evidence for the dating of the early Valdivia occupation at the site. A recent reevaluation of the earliest C,4 dates for Valdivia Phase 1a (4400-3800 BCE) suggests that these probably date a Late Archaic component in preValdivia times and that Valdivia Phase 1 probably begins at 3800 BCE (Lunniss et al. n.d.) 4 Real Alto is an anomaly with respect to the entire assem­ blage of known Valdivia sites in the western lowlands of Ecuador (Clark, Gibson, and Zeidler 2010). While the size and nature of the Valdivia 1 and 2 occupation at Real Alto are comparable to other Early Valdivia sites, by Valdivia 3 different site trajectories were set in motion in which Real Alto grew at a disproportionate rate to become a sizable nucleated town. The reasons for this disparity are still not well understood, and the search continues for Valdivia 3 sites comparable to Real Alto. For a summary of Valdivia set­ tlement patterns and site variability, see Raymond (2003). New archaeological evidence from the inland site ofJulcuy in southern Manabi province (Delgado-Espinoza 2008) may eventually demonstrate that Real Alto was not unique in this regard.

5 Archaeological survey, mapping, and excavations were conducted in the Buenavista Valley and at the site of Agua Blanca from 1978 to 1991 under the auspices of the Agua

and features a principal building that ranks among the larg­ est found at Agua Blanca, measuring 45 by 15 m. MIV-C4-9 is open at its northern end and not partitioned. A group of

Blanca Archaeological Project (Proyecto Arqueologico

four smaller buildings is arranged in two pairs parallel to this

Agua Blanca [PAAB]). Support from the following

structure and immediately adjacent to it on its eastern side.

grant-awarding bodies and institutions for the successive

In front of it, to the north, lies a single row of four buildings.

stages of the project is gratefully acknowledged: the Gordon Childe Bequest (Institute of Archaeology, The University of

They are all of approximately the same size, except for the

London); the Program for New World Archaeology (direc­ tor Presley Norton); the British Museum; the Graduate

one at the western end, which is not as well preserved and appears to be slightly larger. 8 Many seats have been broken or long since removed from

College of the University of Illinois; and the Museo

the site. The estimate of up to twenty seats housed in this

Antropologico del Banco Central del Ecuador (MABCE).

building is arrived at by counting the number of seat bases

6 There is evidence of an Inca presence at Agua Blanca that is likely to have been of limited duration—that is, a little more

still on-site and inferring their likely spacing in the building based on that observed for the seat bases excavated in situ at

7 For example, MIV-C4-9, an extensive complex that lies on

MIV-C4-2.2. 9 Likewise, perhaps with the advent of the winter rains, the

the far side of a deep gully immediately south of the central

east-west axis of the Buena Vista River valley serves as a

than a decade, at most, before the first European contact.

mound, is typical of the pattern of pairing found at many of

conduit for the movement of water from the coastal moun­

the satellite residential clusters. It is laid out on a flat spur

tain range to the sea.

SQUARINC THE CIRCLE IN ANCIENT ECUADOR

•

1

mmmmmmm:: m 11 - Wm ImM - m* •

-

W:® i

_ §j %

»" ' /J 1'%

:

20 Seats, Seating, and Social Roles Cross-Cultural Comparisons

COLIN MCEWAN • MATTHEW LOOPER

"Seating" is a simple metaphor with a complex

closely with their ethnographic distribution implies that

content. At its simplest (in this context), "seating"

wooden stools enjoyed a long history among tropical for­

alludes to the notion of occupying or being at rest

est cultures (Figure 20.1) (Saville 1910:88-123). Arguably,

on an instrument associated with authority, whether

they represent a single related "macrotradition" of great

it be the woven reed mat or jaguar skin of parts of

temporal depth, originating in the lowland tropics before

Mesoamerica or the wood and stone thrones of the

developing diverse regional styles. Over time, as cultures

Olmec, Maya, and Chibchan peoples. For the various

interacted with each other, the forms, functions, and

Maya groups, who had similar calendars, even calen-

meanings of stools doubtlessly evolved as well.

drical cycles were said to be "seated," implying appar­

Ethnographic seats and stools from Central America,

ently their secure placement and readiness to function

the Caribbean, northwest South America, and the Ama­

within the cosmic scheme. Ethnographically, it seems

zon basin are generally made from wood, this being

clear that the ancient notion of seating is part of the

the most readily available, suitable raw material. They

same tres longue duree notion embedded in the carved

encompass the standard plain four-legged type, more

wood stools of the Chibchan, Arawakan, and other

elaborately sculpted zoomorphic forms, distinctive high-

tropical forest peoples of Central and SouthAmerica,

backed stools, and circular examples. Occasional discov­

for whom the stool is the trance place of the shaman

eries of stools and other sculpted wood objects have been

and the meditation place of the priests and chiefs.

made in caves and tombs in Central America that provide

Throughout tropical America, especially in South

some time depth for this tradition. One such find from

America, seating implies stability (emotional and

Cusirisna Cave, Department of Boaco, Nicaragua, is typ­

cosmic), balance (especially of cosmic forces), and,

ical of the standard four-legged, plain, wooden stool that

essentially, a oneness with the structure of the cos­

must once have been very widespread but, like all organic

mos (Graham 19983:295,037).

materials, did not preserve well in the humid tropics (Figure 20.2).1 As with similar wooden objects found in

FHE QUOTE ABOVE PROVIDES A CONVENIENT POINT OF

caves throughout the Antilles, this valued object is likely

entry for exploring the significance of seats and seat­

to have been hidden in a secluded location for protection,

ing afforded by the cultures addressed in this volume.

and this isolation helped assure its survival.

Abundant evidence testifies to the geographical range

In addition to the small corpus of surviving Pre-

and antiquity of formal seating rituals among those cul­

Columbian wooden seats are a large number of seats and

tures that extended across the tropical forest lowlands and

seated figurines

far beyond them (see Roth 1924)- Anthropologists have

The preceding essay, for example, documents the use of

long recognized that wooden stools constitute one of the

stools in "deep time" among the Early Formative cultures

fashioned from metal, clay, and stone.

key diagnostic traits of tropical lowland societies, and the

of coastal Ecuador. Their role in emergent social com­

fact that their archaeological distribution corresponding

plexity is suggested by the modeled ceramic figurines

377

P A C I F I C O C E A N

Figure 20.1 Archaeological a n d ethnographic examples of seats a n d stools in northwest South America a n d Central America. Illustration by Colin McEwan.

of seated figures found among all the succeeding coastal Ecuadorian cultures and becomes more directly visible in the sculpted stone seats embedded in architectural con­ texts at late precontact Manteno sites. Insights into the dynamic relationships between social hierarchies and settlement organization with this kind of temporal depth and continuity are rarelyavailable for the Pre-Columbian cultures of Central America and adjacent areas; there­ fore, now is a fine opportunity to review what we can glean by piecing together new information from dispa­ rate sources to extend and deepen our understanding of the esoteric world of religious and political ritual practice 378

MCEWAN • L00PER

related to seats and seating. This essay does not attempt an exhaustive survey of all the ethnographic and archae­ ological traditions encompassed by this volume; rather, it uses examples in varied media and contexts to illustrate some of the principal ways in which seats were used in rituals of a political and religious nature, including shamanic trance and life-cycle ceremonies or rites de passage (.sensu Van Gennep 1909), often with implications for social ranking. The case studies discussed here draw upon a combi­ nation of published field and collections research under­ taken by colleagues pursuing distinct approaches and

Figure 20.2 Wooden seat with four legs, CusirisnaCave, Nicaragua, 10.5 x 29 cm. Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, 79-72-20/19910.

employing different methodologies and data sets. Many involve the examination of individual objects in museum collections that are, for the most part, bereft of context.

Ethnographic Traditions and Archaeological Correlates

Ethnohistoric accounts can provide valuable supple­

An enormous range of different kinds of plain (i.e., with­

mentary insights, but most such documents lack direct

out decorative embellishment) and zoomorphic stools

visual and material correlates. The relatively few sites

are recorded across the Amazon basin (see Barreto 2013;

where seats have been excavated in architectural contexts

Roe 1995^:52-55), and in Amazonian mythologies, they

provide the possibility of developing far more nuanced

often form part of a core suite of objects that accompany

arguments for the use and meaning of stools and seats.

the primordial creation of human beings. The stools are

Together, these case studies identify some recurring pat­

usually sculpted from a single block of very dense tropi­

terns that are consistent enough to argue for underlying

cal hardwood prized for its durability; they have a single

commonalities in the ways that seats and seating define

pedestal, bilateral feet, or four legs supporting the sitting

important social roles and the status of individual actors

surface. Ranging in size from about 30-60 cm high and

who are embedded in a wider universe of "animacy and

50-100 cm wide, they are portable and are mostly used

authority" (Kosiba,Janusek, and Cummins 2020).

in and around the communal longhouse (maloca). The

SEATS, SEATING, AND SOCIAL ROLES

379

sitting surface may be either a flat slab or a shallow con­

on his journey into the spirit world (Hugh-Jones, cited

cavity shaped to accommodate the buttocks. They may

in McEwan 2001:181). While the stools of ordinary men

be either unadorned or embellished with dense abstract

have four legs, shamans' stools have two that are said to

painted designs. Sculpted and painted stools from vari­

resemble the forked tail of the swallow-tailed kite, a sha-

ous regional Amazonian traditions feature images of cay­

manic bird (Reichel-Dolmatoff1986:59,1988:55). In trop­

mans, turtles, jaguars, and birds of prey. Some stools are

ical forest mythology, birds, caymans, jaguars, and turtles

bicephalic and sometimes represent more than one ani­

serve as the mediators between the human and spirit

mal, resulting in a hybrid creature. Many of the animals

worlds. The Desana also carve a special bench in the form

displayed on these stools are powerful predators of river,

of an armadillo, an animal that digs deeply in the earth, a

earth, and sky on which men modeled themselves, such as

metaphor for mental concentration. This stool is used by

jaguars, eagles, and crocodiles or caymans, which were the

shamans for ceremonial tobacco smoking or by elderly

implied alter ego of the seat's user (Roe 19953:52).

men and women when they give advice to young people

Modern ethnographies of Tukanoan speakers,

(Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971:111).

including the Barasana and Desana of the Uaupes drain­

Many of these same characteristics and functions can

age in the northwest Amazon, shed light on the signifi­

be inferred from close observation of the surviving cor­

cance and functions of stools in specific social contexts.

pus of modeled archaeological figurines from cultural tra­

Fundamentally, stools represent concepts of fixedness

ditions both east and west of the Andes and extending

and the comportment of a person. The kumu (shaman)

into Central America and the Caribbean (Figure 20.3).

gives a newborn child a stool to fix its name-soul in its

These works show male and female individuals seated on

body (Hugh-Jones 2009:48). Stools (sea-peno) are also

stools in a range of postures, some engaged in identifiable

protective amulets for adult men, providing security and

activities, with objects or implements in hand (see Labbe

facilitating mental concentration (Reichel-Dolmatoff

1998:22-57). The figure is often depicted as an idealized

1971:110). Their lower part (the foot) is white or yellow­

youthful adult with a serene or calm facial expression and

ish in color, which represents the seminal power of

distinct gender attributes (Figure 20.3a-b). The body is

Ahpikondia, the underworld "Paradise" of the Desana.

usually adorned with motifs representing body paint, as

The flat upper part of the stool embodies the surface

well as jewelry, bracelets and anklets, coiffed hair or head­

of the earth, and is decorated with black and red zigzag

dresses, and beaded or knotted bands (ligatures) tied

designs that signify the Anaconda-Canoe involved in

below the knees.Another theme appears to include older,

the primordial peopling of the earth (Reichel-Dolmatoff

senior males. The emaciated bodies of some of these fig­

i975:2.47n. 54)- The contemplative man seated on the

ures suggest that they could be fasting, probably asso­

stool constitutes the final, celestial element of the axis

ciated with trance rituals (Figure 20.3c). A third theme

mundi (see Eliade 1964:259-274). In the male puberty

involves the consumption of coca, which was used not

ritual, the shaman invokes the fertility symbolism of the

only for its stimulant effects but also for medicinal and

stool by comparing the youth to "a bench with white feet" (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971:111).

religious purposes (Figure 20.3d) (Labbe 1986:135, pis. 27,

Stools are also among the principal items that a sha­ man must acquire before he can put his knowledge and skills into practice (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1975:81). The main purpose of the stool is to provide seating for rites in

37; 38; Plowman 1984; see also Bouchard et al. 2000:228, cat. 195). In other examples, the figurines

depict elabo­

rately costumed personages whose regalia signify specific ritual and social roles. At best, these modeled figurines from different tradi­

which shamans contact the spirit world, enabled by pow­

tions give partial glimpses of what are likely to have been

erful stimulants and hallucinogens. The special old stools

shared rituals underpinning community life, by defining

used by shamans are called "shamans' things" (Barasana:

social identities and roles appropriate to certain genders

kumu-ro) and are essential for the performance of sha-

and ages and assuring the coherence and social reproduc­

manic acts. Literally and symbolically the stools "raise

tion of the bodypolitic. Presumably the form of a stool or

up the shamans through their association with clouds,

bench depicted was also highly significant, as Indigenous

mountains, the abodes of spirits, and the "waking-up

cultures from throughout the region distinguish the seats

houses" (masa yuhiri wi) where the spirits ofhumans and

of shamans and elites from commoners by material, dec­

animals reside (Hugh-Jones 1979:121, 2009:48). They are

oration, as well as form, as seen above in the Tukano con­

also analogous to canoes, in that they carry the shaman

text (Labbe 1998:47-48; Pineda Camacho 1994).

MCEWAN . LOOPER

:igurezo.3

Ceramic figurines (incensarios): a) seated male, Manteno, Ecuador,1000-1500 C E , Museo

\ntropologico del Banco Central del Ecuador (photograph by Antonio Pareja); b) seated male with ihield, Popayan,Colombia, beforeisoo CE, Denver Art Museum, 1977-62; c) seated emaciated male, "afno, 1000—1500 CE, Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Santo Domingo; andd) male chewing coca coquero), Narino or Carchi, Colombia or Ecuador,750-1600 CE, LOS Angeles County Museum of Art, 'he Muhoz Kramer Collection, gift of Camilla Chandler Frost and Stephen andClaudia Munoz-Kramer, tf.2007.146.105. SEATS, SEATING, AND SOCIAL ROLES

381

Figure 20.4 Tukano stools, uppersurfaces, twentieth century, Colombia/Brazil. Reproduced from McEwan zooirfig. 7.10.

To trace some of the continuities and connections in seating rituals both among and between varied tradi­ tions, the lowland South American ethnographic mate­ rials again offer rich comparative data. For example, painted designs are often applied on the upper (i.e., sit­ ting) surfaces of Tukanoan stools (Figure 20.4). In the Amazonian context, these designs signify the elevated position of the sitter via the image of a mat that sep­ arates him from the earth (McEwan 2001:184; see also Roe 19952:52). They also relate broadly to the vocabulary of geometric repeated motifs that are witnessed during trancing rituals and that dominate Tukano visual culture (see Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971:172,1987^14). Specifically, the Tukano interpret a trance image similar to the mat pattern as a stool (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997:252-253, fig. 1.18). Further visual clues to the function and meaning of the decorated stools include additional designs such as a diamond spiral placed at the midpoint, an axial motif bisecting the woven motif, and a quadripartite design in the center. These can be interpreted as "centering" motifs that frame the sitter's body, identifying it with the sun and the axis mundi. In the northwest Amazon, the vertical axis is also associated with the place of ori­ gin of humanity, where the Sun Father thrust his phal­ lic stick-rattle into the earth in an act of fertilization

382

MCEWAN • LOOPER

(Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971:140-143). Shamans also super­ vise certain rituals seated upon stools placed on the cen­ ter point of the maloca—a spot associated with the Sun Father (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971:108). The notion of marking the central point, perhaps a reference to an axis mundi, is also evident in how the ori­ entation of the stool, prior to carving, would have been visualized by the sculptor to ensure that the concen­ tric growth rings of the tree trunk would align with the core of the sitting surface. An unprovenanced wooden stool, now housed in the local museum of Leon Viejo, Nicaragua, illustrates this effort perfectly. The clearly visible concentric growth rings are centered on the seat at the point of contact between the sitter and the stool, and this spot is framed by woven "mat" motifs inscribed along the short edges of the upper surface (Figure 20.5).1 Although nothing is known about how this elegant stool was used, as we shall see ahead, with the evolution of social complexity and hierarchy, stools came to be guarded and curated in segregated spaces variously des­ ignated as men's houses, meetinghouses, temples, and palaces as key foci of individual identity and social sta­ tus. In these contexts, woven mat patterns sometimes not only mark the seats themselves, but were an important metaphor for rulership.

Figure 20.5 Wooden seat with four legs. Department of Leon, Nicaragua (said to be from Isla Rosa), Ometepe period, 13501550 CE. Museode Arte Indigenade Imabitey Leon Viejo. Photograph courtesy of Geoffrey McCafferty.

of distinctive high-backed stool (Figure 20.7, see also

The Insular Caribbean: U n d e r s t a n d i n g a T a m o Duho

Figure 20.18) (Labbe 1998:57, fig- 2; Reichel-Dolmatoff

Analogous seating traditions are widely distributed in

I988:fig. 38). The Taino valued the hardness, durability, and, above

the insular Caribbean, where distinctive ceremonial

all, the black color of the guayacan (Guaiacum spp.) for

stools or duhos were carved in wood, coral, or stone often

their most revered objects, and the trees from which they

inlaid with gold, shell, or stone (Ostapkowicz 1997=59)

were carved were venerated. The wood was polished with

63). The Taino conceived of these seats as forms of pres­

rounded river pebbles to bring the resin to the surface and

tige wealth for both men and women, with differences

achieve a deep black luster (Ostapkowicz 1997=65)- Black

in size and material expressive of rank (Oliver 2009:255;

symbolizes the absence of color and the domain of spir­

Ostapkowicz 1997:65-66). In addition to visionary rites

its and ancestors—a parallel, invisible universe that our

mentioned below, the duhos were displayed in various

ordinary senses cannot detect (Oliver 2008:173). The

politically charged events, such as feasting, ritual ball

seat illustrated here takes the form of a powerful anthro­

games, and diplomacy, and deceased chiefs were buried

pomorphic ancestral male figure whose gold earspools

seated upon them (Ostapkowicz 1997=63-65)- This sec­

signal his high status; the male sexual organs are carved

tion focuses on an exceptionally well-preserved duho

on the underside. The figure crouches on all fours with

from Hispaniola in the British Museum, dated to approx­

his head tilted up and his mouth open in a tense grimace.

imately 1292-1399 CE (Figure 20.6) (Ostapkowicz et al.

The Taino artisan laid hammered gold onto a resinous

2013:4682). Although the Taino also carved low-backed

adhesive base in the mouth and into the wide, round

seats of stone and wood, high-backed seats of the type

eyes. Gold effectively connects the interior, hidden part

discussed here evoke the form of a suspended hammock

of the body with the exterior,visible world and signals the

and are found throughout the Caribbean (Ostapkowicz

ability of this being to "see" into the supernatural realm

1997, 2015). They are also present in northern Colombia.

(Oliver 2008:172-173). The numinous, heavenly gold

For example, on the Muisca Raft (Uribe Villegas et al.,

(caona) was also applied to the joints—those points of

this volume), the central figure sits on a similar kind

articulation on the body that enable its components to SEATS, SEATING, AND SOCIAL ROLES

383

Figure 20.6 High-backed wooden dw/iowith gold inlay, T a f n o ,1 2 9 2 - 1 3 9 9 CE. British Museum Ami949,22.118.

Figure 20.7 Detail ofMuisca Raft, showing the central figure seated on a highbacked stool, Muisca, Colombia. Museo del Oro, Bogota, O11373.

384

MCEWAN . LOOPER

function as a dynamic whole. The cumulative effect was

"Summon me a behique and he will tell you who I am."

to reinforce the prestige of the owner and to enhance

And when that man goes to the aforesaid physician,

the emotional and visual impact on the viewer. With

he tells him what he had seen. And the sorcerer or

the assistance of hallucinogenic snuff powder, described

wizard runs at once to see the tree [about] which the

below, chiefs and shamans used these "seats of power" to

other man has told him; he sits next to it and prepares

intercede with ancestral spirits (cemts) and to help man­

a cohoba for it [the tree/root]

Once the cohoba is

age and control the invisible forces governing the natural

made [that is, once the ceremony inhaling hallucino­

world and human affairs. Jose Oliver (2008:172) suggests

gens is concluded, the shaman] tells it all his titles, as

that the owner, most likely a cacique or nitaino, would

if he were a great lord, and he asks it: "Tell me who

squat over the seat; with this act the cacique became

you are, and what you are doing here, and what you

structurally, socially, and symbolically positioned over

wish from me, and why you have had me summoned.

The act of sit­

Tell me ifyou want to be cut down [i.e., cut and sculp­

ting or crouching over a duho-cemi established a link to

tured], or if you want to come with me, and how you

and on top of the duho-cemi

personage.3

the ancestral spirit figure that would assist the sitter in his

want to be carried, for I will build you a house with

quest for esoteric knowledge and legitimate his authority.

land." Then the tree or zemi [cemi],turned into an idol

Moreover, Oliver (2008:173) also notes that when seated

or devil, answers him the manner in which he wants it

on this duho and looking downward, the viewer would

to be done. And he [the shaman] cuts it and fashions

behold an anatropic image of a bat formed by the head

it in the manner he has been ordered; he constructs a

and shoulders of the figure. This may serve to indicate the

house with land [i.e., a cultivated garden], and many

alter ego of the duho. Thus, the duho may have been con­

times during the year he [the shaman] prepares

ceptualized as a divisible person—a being of two natures.

cohoba for it [the cemi idol]. (Oliver

2009:60-61)

In this case, the human transforms into a bat, which sym­ bolizes the souls of the dead.

In Olivers

(2008:175-177)

analysis, this passage sug­

Oliver (2009) emphasizes how objects such as stools

gests a ritual sequence composed of four phases. First,

and other surviving wooden sculptures were not mere

of its own volition, the tree displays its hidden, mystical

representations but were regarded as powerful person-

nature. Pane notes that rocks could also participate in

objects with agency. This notion is supported by the

similar ritual encounters, and indeed, cemis were embod­

meaning of the term cemi, widely used in ethnohistorical

ied in a variety of forms, including animals, plants, caves,

documents to refer to revered objects. As Oliver explains,

and springs. Only in some cases were particular material

the word cemi refers not just to the material object, but to

objects given a "face" through artistic elaboration in the

a numinous force, a vital essence. Literally, the term trans­

media of sculpture in wood, stone, bone, ceramics, coral,

lates as "sweet" or "sweetness," and semichichi is the word

shell, and other durable materials, as well as petroglyphs

for a shaman. Whatever and whomever is imbued with "sweetness" or cemi—including artifacts and sculptured

and pictographs. The cemi embodied in the tree root verbally com­

objects—is thus potent. For the Taino, a natural thing,

mands the man to bring a behique, who possesses the

such as a piece of wood, cannot be made into a cemi.

expert knowledge needed for effective communication

Things either have or do not have cemi, and most things

between cemi and humans. This extended dialogue is

have the potential to have it. In this sense cemi refers to

achieved in the second phase of the ritual sequence, the

the potential of a rock or tree to reveal to a human its

cohoba ceremony, in which the behique inhales a hallu­

hidden, numinous nature. Fray Pane, who accompanied

cinogenic snuff derived from the seeds of the cohobana

Columbus on his second voyage across the Atlantic and

tree, thought to be Anadenanthera peregrina. To prepare

was charged with the task of recording Indigenous beliefs

the snuff, the seeds are dried by gentle roasting and then

and religion, wrote a concise, insightful passage about

ground into a fine powder. In lowland South America,

how cemis reveal their identity:

this is mixed with fine alkaline powder (lime) extracted from the ashes of tree bark or from burned seashells,

The [cemis] of wood are made in this way: when

which helps speed absorption through the mucus mem­

someone is walking along [the forest], and he sees

brane (Carod-Artal and Vazquez Cabrera 2007), but this

a tree that is moving its roots, the man very fear­

practice is undocumented for the Taino. The powdered

fully stops and asks it who it is. And it answers him:

mixture is placed on a dish and inhaled using a Y-shaped SEATS, SEATING, AND SOCIAL ROLES

device made from bird bones or other material. The sin­

the abdomen, with the central dot indicating the navel.

gle tube of the inhaler is placed on the powder, while the

The motif, therefore, evokes associations with nourish­

bifurcated ends are held to the nostrils. Cohoba is a psychotropic drug that rapidly alters

ment in the form of blood via an umbilicus as well as the connection between mothers and their offspring and, by

the behique's state of consciousness. The initial effect is

extension, ancestors and their descendants. Similar to the

the triggering of internal visual imagery known as pho-

stool from Nicaragua discussed above (Figure 20.5), the

sphenes or entoptic phenomena (Reichel-Dolmatoff

wood grain of the upper surface of this duho displays cir­

1987a). This is followed by a deep trance, accompanied

cular growth rings, thereby reinforcing this association of

by convulsions, loss of muscular coordination, nausea,

stool with cosmological and social centering and marking

visual hallucinations, and disturbed sleep. Macropsia, or

the central, vertical axial point of contact between the sit­

the sensation of enlargement of visual images, may also

ter and the seat.4

be experienced. Copious salivation and watering of the eyes also frequently occur as a result of cohoba snuffing, suggesting that the "tear lines" incised on many Taino sculptures may indicate a hallucinatory state (Oliver 2008:176). After consuming the cohoba snuff, the behique is able to determine the identity of the cemi, including its

Maya Mats and Thrones as Seats of Authority and Cosmic Axes An understanding of Maya hieroglyphic writing together with the finding

of objects in archaeological contexts

provides us with an unparalleled opportunity to explore

names and titles, gender, rank, genealogy, and domain of

the ideology of seats in Maya culture. For the ancient

influence. The cemi also reveals the ritual protocols and

Maya, thrones and benches represented authority and

taboos that must be observed by its human guardian. A

hierarchy as well as sacredness and ritual transformation

special shrine is built for the cemi in order for it to receive

(Clark, Guernsey, and Arroyo 2010:15; Grove 1973:135;

food offerings and to participate in continuing cohoba

Guernsey 2006:81,136; Henderson 2013:461-462; Kaplan

ceremonies. Finally, at the end of this ritual sequence, the

1995,2000:190; Kurbjuhn 1980; Lowe, Lee, and Martinez

behique determines the desired physical appearance of

Espinoza 1982:95; Miller and Taube 1993:165-166; Noble

the cemi, which guides the carving of the wood, either by the shaman or an artist.

1999)- Because one of the principal events in the acces­

Some observations about this duho bring us back to

ing in office, crafted or constructed seats specifically

two recurring themes regarding the ideology of seats. The

commemorate investiture into positions of authority

inscribed woven patterns at theshoulders and on the back­

(Bricker 1986:161-162; Jackson 2009:79; Proskouriakoff

rest depict cotton armbands and a waistband. On both

1960:468). The "seating" rite upon an elevated structure

upper arms the engraved decorative design represents the

served as a metaphor for both the sitter's high social sta­

cotton armbands or ligatures worn by the Tafno; many

sion of a Maya ruler or subordinate was his or her "seat­

tus, as well as his or her ongoing ritual identification with

of these bindings were made with exquisitely colored

the axis mundi though the image of a celestial, god-like

shell and stone beads, associated with wealth. Decorative

being. Like the Tafno, the placement of the bodies of

bands on the arms are interpreted as woven textiles and recall the designs on the sitting surfaces of some seats that allude to woven seating mats. The curious design of three circles and central dot incised on the raised back of the bench represents another highly valued Tafno garmentnamely, a woven belt. What one sees in frontal perspec­ tive looking toward the back of the duho is, in effect, the lower back of this personage, and the belt design divides the abdomen from the pelvicarea. The circles likely repre­ sent centrally perforated shell disks sewn onto the cotton belt. According to Oliver (2008:173), the circle-andcentral-dot motif likely signifies a cosmic"center," a point where diverse dimensions of the cosmos are joined. The same motif is used in many Tafno sculptures to represent MCEWAN . LOOPER

deceased rulers on thrones and benches also facilitated passage into the afterlife (Grube and Gaida 2006:116-131; McAnany 1998:276-277; Scherer 2016:165-169). The seats referred to as thrones by Mayanists and as teem or tern by ancient Maya are flat-topped and have tapered or straight legs (Houston 2008b). These vary greatly in size. Some are miniature, such as a wooden example with traces of turquoise mosaic from the Sacred Cenote of Chichen Itza, Yucatan, Mexico, measuring 14-2 cm long and 6.0 cm high (Figure 20.8). Such objects may have been used as seats for wooden deity images, as described in early colonial sources (Coggins and Shane 1984:104; Landa1941:94,0413). For human use, the Maya carved larger wooden seats, sometimes in the form of

jaguars (Figure 20.9) (Robicsek 1975:114-118). A famous

attachments constitute a quincunx that positions the

stone example of this type is the red-painted, jade-inlaid

ruler at the cosmological center. Thus, in addition to

jaguar throne interred in the Inner Castillo at Chichen

aligning the sitter with the axis mundi through physical

Itza (Miller 2018:183-184). They also fitted royal palaces

elevation, the blue-green coloration of some thrones pre­

with carved stone thrones, often large monolithic slabs

sented the ruler as an embodiment of maize, the central

attached to a wall with two legs supporting the front edge,

World Tree of many Mesoamericans.

such as Throne 1 from Piedras Negras, Guatemala (Figure

The jade symbolism of thrones also conveyed their

20.10) (Satterthwaite 2005:69). The Maya also con­

association with wealth. The text of Piedras Negras

structed legless benches or platforms of solid masonry,

Throne 1 (Figure 20.10) includes references to the removal

some with an elaborately carved projecting upper edge

and return of precious stones or jade (ikitz) that set the

(Figure 20.11) (Cresson 2005:390).

stage for the accession of its royal patron, and the west

The original turquoise surface of the miniature seat

upper wall mural of Room 1 at Bonampak shows bun­

from the Chichen Itza cenote (Figure 20.8) exemplifies

dles of cacao beans, a tribute item, placed before a throne

the frequent application of blue and green coloration to

(Beliaev and de Leon 2016:154-159, 326-327; Miller

Maya thrones (Scherer 2016:167). In the Classic period,

2001:236; cf. Houston et al. 2000:107). Further, thrones

this likely compared the thrones to jade, the precious

were associated with displays of generosity and conspic­

stone that symbolized water, vital breath, centrality, and

uous consumption during palace feasts, as attested by

rulership (Taube 2005). In various Mesoamerican tradi­

numerous images of thrones and benches upon which

tions, mats and thrones are often studded with jade (see

or near which vessels of food and drink are placed (see

Taube 2005:fig. 7). In the example of the cushion placed

Figure 20.11).

behind the central royal figure illustrated in Figure 20.12,

The bench from Temple XXI at Palenque, Chiapas,

jade ornaments embellish the top and sides of its plaited

Mexico, dedicated by the ruler K'inich Ahkal Mo'

or woven frame. Taken together with the inferred fourth

Naahb III in 736 CE, clearly expresses the symbolism of

ornament located at the bottom of the cushion, these

the Maya royal seat within a well-understood historical

Figure zo.8 Wooden stool from Sacred Cenote of Chichen Itza. Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard

PEABOOY MUSEUM-HAMVAMOJ

University, 10-71-20/C6705.

SEATS, SEATING, AND SOCIAL ROLES

context (Gonzalez Cruz and Bernal Romero 2003, 2004, Pillsbury, Potts, and Richter 2017:217). Framed by a main text that is arranged to represent the legs and 2012;

top of a throne (shown in red), the front panel of the bench depicts the Palenque king K'inich Janab Pakal I, seated in the center, offering a stingray spine bloodletter to his grandson, K'inich Ahkal Mo' Naahb III (Figure 20.12). The figure opposite K'inich Ahkal Mo' Naahb III is Upakal K'inich, who would later become a ruler of Palenque and who was probably a brother of K'inich Ahkal Mo' Naahb III. Although the younger men are shown as adults, their titles and the presumed date of the rite suggest that they were youths at the time (Miller and Martin 2004:232). The feather or leaf capes they wear are associated with the rite of first bloodletting, a crucial ceremony for young rulers that publicly demonstrated both their courage and piety (see Houston 2018:101-110; Houston, Stuart, and Taube

2006:131-132).

The image,

therefore, draws a parallel between dynastic succession, enacted by a bloodletting rite for youths, and the ritual of seating, embodied by the platform itself. As we will see in other case studies below, seats were widely associated with rituals involving life-cycle transitions, particularly for young males. In addition to the masonry bench or stone throne itself, Maya royal seats included cushions, like the jaguar pelt upholstered version shown behind K'inich Janab Pakal I on the Temple XXI panel and matting. The term used to refer to the cushions was

tz'am

(Mayer

2015;

Stone and Zender 2011:96-97). Sometimes serving as backrests, jaguar pelt-covered cushions were also used as seats by rulers and gods (Figure 20.13). Mats woven from rushes (pohp) were another important element of the Maya throne complex and were often incorporated into the cushion seats, usually in a quadripartite pattern that likely served a "centering" function (Robicsek 1975:102). The perimeters of certain stone monuments that may have functioned as thrones at Kaminaljuyu, in highland Guatemala, were carved with interlace designs likely representing matting (Kaplan

1995:190-191;

Robicsek

1975=93; note also the woven border of the cushion in Figure 20.9 Stela 20, showing jaguar effigy throne,

Figure 20.12). It should be noted, however, that the mat­

Tikal, 751 CE. Reproduced from Jones and Satterthwaite

like interlace designs that appear so often in Maya art

1982:fig. 29.

do not necessarily represent plaited rush matting, but instead merge this image with knots, twining, and loom weaving. As such, the motifs might allude to more general meanings of textiles, particularly their economic value (Kowalski and Miller

2006;

Stone and Zender 2011:81).

They may even have served as a metaphor for social order MCEWAN • LOOPER

Figure 20.10 Throne i, showing a reconstruction of its original placement in a corbeled niche inside building]-6 at Piedras Negras,785 ce. Drawing by ]ohn Montgomery (JM05612)

© Foundation for the

Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc., www.famsi.org.

Figure 20.11 Rol lout of paintedvase, showingruler holdingcourt from atop a platform or bench. National Museum of Australia, Canberra, 82.22.92. Photograph byjustin Kerr (Ki453)-

SEATS, SEATINC, AND SOCIAL ROLES

Figure 20.12 Carved panel and upper edge from platform. Temple XXI, Palenque, 736 C. Drawing by Dana Moot II.

Figure 20.13 Detail of painted vase, showing deity seated on a tz'am "cushion/throne." Princeton University Art Museum, 2005-127 [K7727]. Drawing by Dana Moot II.

and the portals between the visible and supernatural realms (Looper 2006). The text from the west panel of the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque underscores the importance of these three components of the Classic Maya throne complex. It refers to the appeasement of the patron dei­ ties of Palenque, as well as the ruler K'inich Janab Pakal I, through a throne (teem), where his cushion (tz'am) and mat (pohp) are located (Looper and Macri i99i-202o).s Further, a widely used title in Maya texts is baah tz'am, or 390

MCEWAN • LOOPER

"head cushion/seat" (Houston 2008a). Much rarer is the title ch'okpohp,"youth mat."6Although the precise roles of these individuals are not clear, they were not paramount rulers. Their supporting roles are implied by the way in which matting and cushions complemented the throne, which symbolized the royal dynasty. Indeed, the use of the term pohp to express notions of collective gover­ nance appears widely in the Maya area, for example in the K'ichee' epic the Popol Vuh, the title of which means "book of council" (Robicsek i975:46~5i).7 The Maya of

Yucatan also built structures known as popol nah, where

used tobacco for rituals (Gabb 1875:494, 509; Lines 1945;

people met to discuss governmental affairs, and archaeo­

Rodriguez Arce and Arce Cerdas 2019). Rodriguez Arce

logical correlates of these structures have been identified

and Arce Cerdas (2019:182) interpret a stone sculpture

through associated "mat" motifs (see, for example, Hutson

depicting a man seated on a small circular stool and hold­

et al. 2020). In sum, while the throne often represented rul­

ing a short cylindrical object to his mouth as a ritual spe­

ers and the royal family, the cushion and mat could in some

cialist smoking tobacco.10

contexts be used as metaphors for secondary lords or court

In Costa Rica and Panama, volcanic stone provided

functionaries. Overall, however, the throne, cushion, and

another medium for fashioning freestanding figural sculp­

mat represented authority, centrality, wealth, and abun­

ture and masterfully conceived and executed ceremonial

dance, and were linked to life-cycle events for the elite.

metates (grinding stones), often found in burials (Figure 20.15; see Fernandez Esquivel and Alavarado Induni

Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama: Modeled Figurines and Metate-Seats with Mat Motifs

2006; Graham 1985; Hartman 1907; Jones 1992; Mason 1945). In 1897, Carl Hartman excavated fifteen burials at the cemetery at Las Huacas, Guanacaste province, Costa Rica, which included metates (both plain and elaborate),

During the first millennium CE, distinctive regional tra­

jade ornaments, and sometimes stone mace heads (300-

ditions employing diverse media flourished

in Panama

500 CE) (Hartman 1907:39; Heckenberger and Watters

and Costa Rica, as well as in adjacent areas of Nicaragua.

1993). This represents only a small sample ofburials at the

Modeled ceramic figurines

site, as thousands of additional metates were recovered via

in various styles frequently

depict females and males on stools or benches or in seated

uncontrolled excavations (Hartman 1907:39)- Although

postures (Figure 20.14). In the unusually large exam­

they exhibit signs of at least some surface wear, the thin­

ple illustrated here, from Greater Nicoya, the woman is

ness of these virtuoso sculptures suggests that they may

seated on a bench adorned with two feline heads (Young-

have only occasionally been used for grinding, perhaps

Sanchez 2010:102-103). Although their attire mainly

for ritual purposes (see Snarskis 1998:62). Nevertheless,

consists of pubic coverings, the faces, limbs, bellies, and

the derivation (and even possible use) of these ceremo­

breasts of many figures are richly decorated with body

nial items from a tool used to grind agricultural products

art, probably representing techniques of painting using

likely connoted their owners' symbolic associations with

stamps, as well as tattoos (see Fernandez Esquivel 2004b;

agricultural fertility, as well as their control of labor.

Gabb 1875:519; Stone 2011:111; Wingfield 2014).

Graham (1992:187) hypothesized that the metates

as shamans

also served as seats for high-status individuals (see also

(Stone 2011:81; Wingfield 2009:107-108, 20i4:44).8

Saville 1910:111-113). Figurines from the same period

Indeed, the religious specialists of certain groups such as

show individuals seated on vaguely similar objects (e.g.,

the Bribri utilize small four-legged stools for ritual pur­

Hartman 1907:20, fig. 13); however, the stools depicted

Some scholars interpret these figurines

poses (Stone 1962:43-46). And while the attributes of

in the figurines

the sitter in Figure 20.14a provide little clear indication

while the metates typically have three legs and only a sin­

of the identity of the woman or the nature of the event

gle zoomorphichead (see Hartman i907:pls.17-20). This

shown, other figurines

suggests that the figurines

in various styles depict individu­

generally have four legs and two heads,

depict now lost wooden stools

als seated on stools holding cups or bowls, presumably

similar to Antillean duhos and the wooden example from

(Figure 20.14b).9 Early Spanish

Nicaragua (Benson 1981:191, cat. 76, 79)-" A11 alternative

referring to ritual drinking

accounts mention that chiefs in Greater Nicoya celebrated

theory is that these stool- and metate-like objects from

collective public feasts involving the consumption of

ancient Central America and northern Colombia were

tobacco, maize chicha, and cacao while seated upon small

pedestals or supports for the placement of offerings (see

benches (Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, cited in Lothrop

Holmes 1888:27-29; Pfeiffer 1987)-

19261:46-47, 55). Among the Bribri of the Caribbean

The imagery of many ceremonial metates is com­

Lowlands of Costa Rica, cacao was associated with hos­

plex and incompletely understood, possibly relating to

pitality and given as a funerary offering, while most maize

creation mythology and/or ritual headhunting in some

production was devoted to the production of chicha

cases (Graham 1992; Hoopes 2007). While there is lit­

which was used to reciprocate for labor (Gabb 1875:501,

tle in their own imagery that would support their identi­

502; Stone 1962:16, 69). In contrast, religious specialists

fication as thrones or seats, the edges and the upper and

SEATS. SEATINC, AND SOCIAL ROLES

Figure 20.14 Ceramic figurines: a) female on a stool, Greater Nicoya, Costa Rica or Nicaragua, 800-1200 CE, Collection of Frederick and Jan Mayer; and b) female on a stool, Atlantic Watershed, Costa Rica, 500-800 CE, Michael C. Carlos Museum, 1991.004.319.

Figure 20.15 Stone metates from Costa Rica.

392

MCEWAN • LOOPER

Figure 20.16 Stone sculpture of a seated figure with "alter ego" in situ on Zapatera Island, Nicaragua. Photograph by W. H. Holmes.

lower surfaces of the Las Huacas metates, as with numer­

2009:48). Clearly, in ancient Costa Rica, woven or plaited

ous examples from elsewhere in Costa Rica, are fre­

fabric was an important signifier and was pervasive in var­

quently inscribed with diagonal interlaces or mat patterns,

ious styles from an early date.

as well as guilloches, frets, and zigzags (Figure 20.15; see

The distribution of funerary items in the burials

Hartman i907:pls. 4-11,13,15-2.0). Similar designs appear

excavated by Hartman at Las Huacas indicates that the

on Amazonian stools, discussed above (Figure 20.4); they

metates probably pertained to elite individuals from var­

also call to mind Maya examples. If the mat patterns on the

ious villages, whose families or supporters used the site

metates may be compared with these diverse examples—

as a necropolis (Hoopes 2005:19). Metates also appear as

or with the stool from Nicaragua (Figure 20.5), which has

emblems of status in tombs from other regions, such as

similar ornamentation—this may support the notion that

the Central Highlands of Costa Rica where, for example,

the metates were also seats (Young-Sanchez 2010:168).

in the principal tomb at Talamanca de Tibas (ca. 300 CE),

In many examples, the metate has a feline form, but the

a young male had been interred in an extended posi­

animal's pelt marking is rendered as guilloche or diago­

tion atop one oblong and two round metates (Guerrero

nal interlace patterns (Figure 20.15b). Metates with avian

Miranda 1998:34; Snarskis 1992). Clearer evidence of

imagery are also common (Figure 20.15a), and in a par­

funerary associations of stools comes from the Sitio

ticularly interesting example from Las Huacas (Hartman

Conte cemetery in Panama (ca. 750-950 CE), where

i907:pl. 4), the avian motif on the underside of the metate

a high-status elderly man was interred seated upon a

was carved in a plaited pattern, as if the hypothetical occu­

wooden stool, recalling Caribbean traditions (Grave 5;

pant of the metate-seat is being lifted to into the celestial

Lothrop 1937:234; O'Day 2014). Other monumental

realm by a plaited bird. Perhaps the abundant fabric pat­

sculptures of seated figures are known from Zapatera

terns seen on these works (and others, such as the figu­

Island, Nicaragua (Bransford 1881) and El Cano, Panama

rine illustrated in Figure 20.14a) were intended to signal

(Mayo Torne and Mayo Torne 2013), and their associa­

status and privilege, referencing elite access to cloth,

tion with burial grounds suggests a possible interpre­

a widespread item of commerce and status symbol in

tation as lithified ancestors (Figure 20.16). In light of

the Indigenous Americas and elsewhere (see Wingfield

these monuments, as well as the funerary context for SEATS, SEATINC, AND SOCIAL ROLES

393

many ceremonial metates, we might speculate that many

18.5 x 13 x 9.5 cm (Figure 20.17b). The tops of these stools

ceramic representations of individuals seated on stools

are concave and one has two heads projecting from its

with drinking vessels (e.g., Figure 20.14) may refer not to

ends. Other Tairona stool effigies measure only about

feasting but to the consumption of chicha and/or cacao

3-4 cm wide (Mason 1936:201-202). One stool from

during funerals. Although evidence is scant, the exam­

Pueblito has a 1.5 cm deep cutout on its top, suggesting

ples discussed above seem to point to the association of

its possible use as a container (Figure 20.i7d). Perhaps

seats in ancient Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama with

this and other small stools served as loci for the presenta­

wealth, agricultural fertility and labor, and funerary prac­

tion of offerings, such as the beads, ornaments, carnelian

tices, possibly including ritual drinking.

chips, or quartz crystals frequently placed inside ceramic "treasure jars" or cache vessels (Mason 1931:96-101;

Tairona and Kogi of Northern Colombia: Seats and Centrality

Reichel-Dolmatoff and Reichel-Dolmatoff 1955:238). As with many cultures, among the Tairona, beads were likely traded and were closely associated with wealth and status

Starting in the seventeenth century, Spanish chroniclers

(Giraldo 2010:282). If stone seats were used for the pre­

referred to the diverse Indigenous peoples of the Sierra

sentation of such wealth offerings, it is possible that they

Nevada de Santa Marta region of northern Colombia

too were a sign of wealth. This interpretation maybe sup­

as "Tairona," a term that has since been applied to the

ported by the fact that some small effigy ceramic vessels

later ancient cultures of this zone, from around 1100 to

were rendered in the form of bicephalic stools (Peabody

1600 CE. The period preceding the Tairona is referred to

as the Nahuange period, which begins about 200 CE and is

Museum34-167-30/635) (Mason i939:pls. 232.5,246.6,7). Further, several stools from Pueblito, including the bice­

attested at various sites (Bischof 1969a, 1969b; Bray 2003;

phalic exampleshown in Figure 20.17a, had been placed in

Dever 2007; Giraldo 2010). In both periods, the exis­

ceramic vessels and cached with other ceremonial items,

tence of fine pottery as well as ornaments made of valu­

suggesting that the stools themselves were considered val­

able stones and metal (gold and copper) seems to point

ued offerings (Mason 1931:66, 88,97,99,1936:192,202).

to marked status differences among various segments

Tairona artifacts include numerous representations

of society (Giraldo 2010:52). Within Tairona art, stone

of persons seated on stools of various shapes that pro­

stools as well as elaborate ceramic representations of fig­

vide further clues as to their significance. In addition to

ures seated upon stools make it clear that these objects

the stool forms illustrated in Figure 20.17, some Tairona

played an important role in Tairona culture, particularly

seats were of the high-backed type, as demonstrated

among the elites. This is consistent with colonial-period accounts of other Indigenous peoples in Colombia. Surviving Tairona stools are often made of stone (usually steatite) and had either two rectangular legs or tapering cylindrical legs. Most were too small to have served as seating for humans (Mason i936:pls. 99.5-8; 117.5, 6; 119.11,12; 122.2).12 For instance, the largest of the

four stools found in Pueblito Structure 31 measures only

by a carved bone figurine,

possibly a staff head, from

Gairaca (Figure 20.18; see also Bouchard, Karadimas, and Geoffrey-Schneitner 2000:181, cat. 120,185, cat. 125; Mason i936:pl. 126b; Zuidema 1992:255, fig. 16). In this example, the figure holds a bowl or cup in his/her hands. A reasonable interpretation of this image is that it rep­ resents the use of this type of seat for feasting.13 Indeed, the colonial sources describe feasts celebrated by chiefs of

Figure 20.17 Steatite stools found in association with Structure 31, Pueblito, Colombia, Tairona,1100/1200-1600 C E . Field Museum of Chicago, CSA75509.

394

MCEWAN • LOOPER

Figure 20.18 Bone figurine, Cairaca, Colombia (Tairona, 1 1 0 0 / 1 2 0 0 - 1 6 0 0C E ) (Mason I939:pl-125, nos. 1-2). Field Museum of Chicago, 1419.

other regions of Colombia seated on elaborate stools (see

ceramic high-backed seats with elaborate decoration were

Pineda Camacho 1994:12). Archaeological evidence con­

used to hold the bundled remains of the dead (Labbe

clusively documents the importance of feasting among

i998:cat. 28; Pineda Camacho 1994:11-12). Colonial

the Tairona. For example, numerous double-spouted

accounts from various locales from Colombia to the

ceramic effigy urn fragments used for brewing chicha

highlands of Ecuador refer to the interment of deceased

were found in association with Structure 31 at Pueblito

chiefs on seats or benches accompanied by ritual drink­

(Mason 1931:96). Adjacent to this building and accessed

ing and offerings of food and chicha in cups and bowls

by three stairways to the plaza upon which Structure 31

(e.g., Andagoya 1993:177; Guerra et al. 1864:397; Pineda

was built, Terrace 35 featured a large rectangular build­

Camacho 1994:13-14; Restrepo 1972:150-152). These

ing—designated Site 29 by Mason (1931:90-93)—20

m

practices recall those of the Inca, who placed the mum­

long and10 m wide as well as a storeroom with food cook­

mies of the dead on seats and made offerings to them of

ing and serving vessels (Giraldo 2010:169-170). A simi­

food and chicha (Cieza de Leon i984:ch. XLIII, CI).

larly large building known as "La Capilla," located in the

Tairona art in ceramic and metal features numerous

central zone of the site of Ciudad Perdida, has also been

images of figures seated on stools. Most are perhaps male,

interpreted as a feasting structure, owing to the large

as the art traditions of ancient Colombia typically con­

quantities of maize phytoliths as well as cup and bowl

trast males seated on stools with females seated on the

fragments found in association with its earlier phases

earth; however, some Tairona black-ware ceramic vessels

(Giraldo 2010:299). Images of figures seated on legged seats with feast­

also show females sitting upon stools (Labbe 1998:26,50;

ing paraphernalia appear frequently in the funerary art

commonly depict masked figures either standing or sit­

of ancient Colombia. For example, in the middle Magda-

ting upon crescent-shaped objects, which perhaps refers

lena River region, some ceramic urns used for secondary

to the form of a suspended hammock (e.g., Londono

burials were adorned with images of seated individuals

Restrepo 1992:26). These figures typically have elaborate

holding drinking vessels (e.g., Reichel-Dolmatoff and

feathered headdresses, jewelry, striated kilts, and other

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1943:%

8.1).114

In the same region,

Pineda Camacho 1994:11-12). Effigy vessels and ocarinas

complex costume elements (Figure 20.19). Some of the SEATS, SEATING, AND SOCIAL ROLES

395

crescentic seats feature termini in the form of zoomorphic creatures with upturned snouts. While their exact zoological identification is problematic, judging from their elongated legless bodies, they might be snakes. This would seem to relate them to the figures grasping bicephalic serpent bars that appear frequently on Tairona gold pendants (Looper 2003). Many of the seated figures appear to be wearing masks with long extended tongues, which may refer to the extremely long tongues of bats, a prominent animal motif in Tairona art (see Legast 1987, 1989; Plazas 2007). Although the two-headed seats upon which the ocarina personages sit are legless, a compar­ ison with effigy vessels shows that they were symboli­ cally related to stools. For example, an effigy vessel in the Peabody Museum (Mason i939=pl. 247, nos. 5-6) shows a figure seated on a bicephalic stool with four legs, here supporting the body of the vessel (Figure 20.20). Another effigy vessel in the Museo del Oro, Bogota, depicts a

396

MCEWAN • LOOPER

masked figure,

again with extended tongue, grasping

a bicephalic serpent over his shoulders (Figure 20.21). This image is related iconographically to a plaque in the Museo del Oro, which shows a frontal figure, with a ser­ pent above his headdress, grasping a bicephalic serpent "bar" that is supported by two human attendants (Figure 20.22) (Looper 1996). In this representation, the curved, double-headed serpent upon which the figure squats sub­ stitutes for the stool in the Museo del Oro ceramic effigy. Comparisons of these various images of seated or squatting figures show a close association among the stool, the bicephalic serpent, and the crescent-shaped seat of the ocarinas. Who are the figures shown seated on these serpentstools? For clues, we may turn to the ethnographic data from

the Kogi, a Chibchan-speaking Indigenous

group whose historical territory partly encompasses the Tairona archaeological zone. While care should be taken

Figure 20.20

Ceramic effigy vessel. Tairona, 1100/1200-1600 CE (Mason

1939:pl.247,nos.5-6)-

Figure 20.21 Ceramic effigy vessel,

Tairona,noo/i200-i6oocE. Museo del Oro, Bogota, CT736. Drawing by Matthew Looperand Dana Moot II.

Figure 20.22

Gold repousse plaque, Tairona,noo/i20C>-i6oocE. Museo del Oro, Bogota, O12562. Drawing by Matthew Looper.

SEATS, SEATINC, AND SOCIAL ROLES

397

when comparing ethnographic and archaeological data,

or shells and placed in the center of the men's house to

it is also clear that Kogi lore, especially as documented

open a portal to the spirit world (Reichel-Dolmatoff

by anthropologist Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff in the

1974:297). The diviner addresses questions to his alter

mid-twentieth century, provides information that maybe

ego, who occupies this seat. The importance of Kogi

used to develop hypotheses about the meaning of images

stools as markers of the cosmic center and portal between

from more ancient periods.15

visible and invisible worlds suggests that Tairona stools

In fact, the central figure on the plaque shown in

urine shown in Figure 20.21, the four points at which the

Kogi solar deity Mulkuexe (Bray 2003; Looper 1996;

stool legs touch the earth frame the solar being.Seated on

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1988:152; Zuidema 1992:252-257).

the stool, the trunk of his body transforms into the axis

These include the positioning of the figure at the center

mundi passing through the center of the quincunx.

of the composition; in other examples, four circles frame

While most Tairona stools (like Tairona artifacts

the figure. The resulting quincunx motif is of great cer­

in general) come from uncontrolled excavations, a few

emonial significance to the Kogi, who associate it with

examples have known provenience which may illumi­

the rising and setting points of the sun at the solstices.

nate their symbolic function. These are the small stone

Mulkuexe represents the sun when it comes into align­

stools found clustered within Structure 31 at Pueblito

ment with the center of the quincunx—in other words,

(Mason 1936:191-192; Figure 20.17). A detail of the site

when it appears directly overhead at noon on zenith pas­

plan of Pueblito shows the general location of Site 31

sages. Further, the small bearer figures on the repousse

and surrounding structures (Figure 20.23). Situated in

plaque recall the Kogi notion that the sun is carried across

the major public ceremonial precinct at the site, as noted

the sky on the shoulders of Seokukui and Seizhankwa,

above, this large circular structure with portals oriented

two sons of the Mother Goddess (Reichel-Dolmatoff

toward the east and west was used for communal gather­

1987:96). The serpent bar shown on the plaque thus

ings, ceremonies, and feasting (Giraldo 2010:209). One

symbolizes the ecliptic. In addition, in certain Kogi nar­

of the four-legged miniature stools found in association

ratives, Mulkuexe wears a round gold disk on his chest,

with the structure, carved from gray steatite, was discov­

corresponding to the pectoral worn by the plaque fig­

ered placed in the exact center of the Structure 31 foun­

ure. And finally, the semicircular headdress worn by the

dation (Mason 1931:96). Its position thus corresponds to

figure on the plaque (as well as on the ocarina in Figure

that of Kogi priests who, seated on stools in the center of

20.19) calls to mind similar large feathered headdresses

the mens houses, create an axis of communication with

that were worn for Kogi equinox ceremonies (Reichel-

the gods. Nevertheless, the Pueblito stool is too small

Dolmatoff 1953:44,1985:2:i4i).16

to have served as a seat for a human, suggesting that it

It should also be noted that to the Kogi, some four-

might have been reserved for a metaphysical "essence," as

legged stools, sometimes marked with quincunxes, are

in Kogi divination ceremonies.18 While its precise ritual

special attributes of the solar being Mulkuexe (Reichel-

function is unknown, and its location at the very center

Dolmatoff 19780:22). Seated on his stool, Mulkuexe per­

of the structure may be a coincidence, the context of this

sonifies the axis that joins the luminous sun of the zenith

object does seem to warrant its consideration as a marker

and the "black sun" of the nadir (Reichel-Dolmatoff

of the cosmic center. This cosmological positioning may

1987:100). As the two bodies revolve around the earth in opposition to each other, Mulkuexe monitors their motions, thereby preserving balance in the cosmos. As representatives of Mulkuexe, the Kogi priests perform an equinox ritual in the center of the mens house,17 holding a mirror facing upward (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1987:108). The mirror reflects the beam of light that is believed to

also extend to the plan of Site 31 itself, which has portals opening to the east and west. Indeed, a jaguar cranium was found adjacent to the eastern doorway (ReichelDolmatoff and Reichel-Dolmatoff 1955:239). This is consistent with Kogi cosmology, in which the jaguar is associated with the east (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1985:1:248). In summary, in addition to their associations with

emit from an equivalent mirror held by the sun at zenith

wealth and feasting, evidence from Pueblito Site 31 and

and which serves as the axis of communication with the

the iconography of unprovenienced works in clay, bone,

principal goddess of the Kogi, who embodies the uni­ verse. Likewise, the Kogi diviners use diminutive stone or wood stools surrounded by four groups of stones, seeds, 398

may have evoked similar concepts. In the case of the fig­

Figure 20.22 has numerous attributes reminiscent of the

MCEWAN . LOOPER

and metal suggest that some examples of Tairona fourlegged stools with flat or slightly concave seats may have been associated with the sun. The four legs represent the

100 meters

XXXI

Figure 20.23 Plan ofcentral precinct of Pueblito, Colombia, Tairona, 1100/1200-1600 CE. Map by Santiago Ciraldo, from the Lords of the Snowy Ranges Archaeological Project.

outer points of the quincunx and characterize the seated

Delgado-Espinoza 2008). By the time of first European

occupant (or offering) as an embodiment of the axis

contact in the early sixteenth century, the Manteno had

mundi. Similarly, in some ritual contexts, Kogi stools may

successfully forged a powerful confederation of polities

be associated with the cosmic center and linked symboli­

or seiiorws.Soon after European contact, the senorios suf­

cally to the sun at zenith.

fered a precipitate social collapse that led to the aban­ donment of towns and ceremonial centers alike. Four centuries later, Marshall H. Saville (1907,1910) recorded

Manteno, Ecuador: Seating Rituals and Solar Rhythms

sculptures from Cerro Jaboncillo and adjacent sites.

This complementary case study focuses on the modeled

Saville also excavated ceramic figurines

figurines and a distinctive corpus of sculpted stone seats

Ecuadorian coastal styles on Cerro Jaboncillo, includ­

and removed a substantial number of the larger stone in different

at the sites of Cerro Jaboncillo and Agua Blanca.'9 Cerro

ing some that represent high-status males seated on

Jaboncillo, a hilltop ceremonial complex in southern

stools (Figure 20.3a; Saville i9io:pls. 86-88). Some of

Manabi province, on the Pacific Coast of Ecuador, was

these figures ingest coca leaves and lime, and the range

the preeminent regional locus of a group of stone sculp­

of styles represented suggests that the ritual consump­

tures composed of seats, stelae, and anthropomorphic

tion of coca had been practiced for perhaps 1,500 years

and zoomorphic objects, as well as modeled ceramic

or more in this area by earlier Ecuadorian coastal cul­

figurines

tures (McEwan 2003:439-486; see also Bouchard et al.

principally attributed to the Manteno cul­

ture (800-1500 CE) (McEwan 2004, 2012; McEwan and

2000:224, cat. 190). SEATS, SEATINC, AND SOCIAL ROLES

399

Figure 20.24 Stone seat, Cerro jaboncillo, Ecuador, Manteno, 1000-1500 CE. National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution, 1/6380.

The selection of plateau summit of Cerro Jaboncillo as a focus for Manteno ceremonial activity attests to the special ecology of this and similar nearby hilltops lying between 600-880 masl. In contrast to dry tropical for­ ests that characterize the surrounding coastal plain, these locales house a permanent cloud forest ecosystem that is sustained by year-round coastal fog. The riverbeds of the southern Manabi region are dry for about ten months of the year and require seasonal rainfall to be replenished. The transition between dry and wet seasons occurs annu­ ally in late December and is critical for the planting and maturation of crops (principally maize). Coinciding with the December solstice, this temporal turning point would have been marked by rituals that celebrated the coming of the winter rains upon which these communi­ ties depended for agriculture.In the normally dry tropical landscape, the arrival of the rains would trigger an "over­ flow" of the moist green mantle from the plateau summits onto the slopes below, transforming the parched plain into a verdant sea of green. 400

MCEWAN • LOOPER

Figure 20.25 Detai I of necklace worn by seated male on stepped Manteno stool. Museo Arqueologico del Banco Central, Guayaquil, Ecuador.

Among the repertoire of Manteno modeled figu­ rines, the most impressive are the large incense burn­ ers which depict naked males seated atop stools with a stepped base (Guinea 2004). In the example shown, the pose is rigid and formal, with clenched fists resting on his knees (Figure 20.3a). Their taut slender bodies and unlined faces indicate that these are adolescent males, rather than mature men or elders. They also boast prom­ inent earspools and elaborate necklaces signifying elite status, together with other forms of body decoration applied on the upper torso and shoulders. In the close-up example illustrated here (Figure 20.25), the intricate collared necklace is rendered as multiple rows of beads framing inscribed rectangular plaques. One of the plaques has a stepped motif with spi­ ral volutes similar to the design on a Manteno clay seal used to apply body decoration (Figure 20.26). Another depicted plaque on the figurine shows a diamond within a notched square that is also found on the clay seal nested within the contours of this stylized "seat" form.20 Parducci

Figure 20.26 Manteno clay seal with "seat" iconography supportinga stepped motif enclosing a diamondshaped motif (above), similar to that on the necklace of the figurine depicted in Figure 20.25. Note inferred placement of clay stamp on buttocks (below). Museo de la Casa de la Cultura del Ecuador, Guayaquil.

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m Figure 20.27 Map of Structure MIV-C4-5.1 at Agua Blanca, showing hypothetical spacing of stone seats along opposing sides of the long rectangular floor plan. Reproduced from McEwan 2003:fig. 7-4-

SEATS, SEATING, AND SOCIAL ROLES

401

b Figure 20.28 a) Photograph of Structure MIV-C4-2.2 at Agua Blanca, looking north, showing stone seat fragments along interior side of east wall (McEwan 2003:% 7.14); and b) photograph of in situ seat fragment in Structure Ml V-C4-2.2, Unit 26 (seat no. 8) at Agua Blanca (McEwan 2003:fig. 27).

Zevallos (1968:77; translation by the senior author) pro­ posed that the contours of the seal are molded to fit the coccyx and buttocks and notes that "on the platform of

402

for the one applying the seal." This suggests that the spi­ nal column of the subject provided the appropriate axis of alignment for applying the seal, which would likely

the seal, that is the upper part that covers the impressed

have been used for repeated applications of the design on

plane, a broad incised line crosses the seal in its central

different individuals. Therefore, as the ritual participant

part, making a vertical (axis), which served as orientation

was seated, the abstract motif would be translated onto

MCEWAN • LOOPER

MIV-C4-2.2

Figure 20.29 a) Map of Structure MIV-C4-2.2

at Agua Blanca, showingthe location of seats excavated in situ and inferred locations of missingseats (McEwan 2003:fig. 7.29); and b) artist's reconstruction of Structure MIV-C4-2.2 at Agua Blanca.

a the horizontal plane and in this position would intersect

within their architectural contexts at Cerro Jaboncillo,

with the vertical axis of the sitter's spine. The iconogra­

more secure evidence has been obtained from Agua

phy on this seat provides an interesting insight into what

Blanca, some 70 km south and once the principal town

was presumably a general practice of applying body paint

of the senorio of Salangome. Here, areal excavation

in the course of seating rituals performed by elite adoles­

of selected structures demonstrated the existence of

cent male initiates (McEwan 2012:148). The bodily posi­

ordered arrangements of seats within the buildings in

tion of these figures contrasts with other ceramic figures

which they were originally housed (Figures 20.27, 20.28,

that depict males standing upon stools also with stepped

and 20.29) (McEwan 2012:146).

bases, also with coca paraphernalia (Saville i9io:pl. 109).

The greatest number of seats was found in struc­

These could represent either senior males or youths at a

ture MIV-C4-5.1, the largest public building at the site.

different stage of the initiation.

An estimated twenty seats were probably arranged with

Also significant are the large sculpted stone "seats"

their backs to the side walls along the length of the long

found by Saville in close association with the stone wall

axis and faced each other across the interior space. This

foundations of various structures and near inscribed

building's long axis and principal entrance are oriented

stone stelae (Figure 20.24).21 Although at present we

on the December solstice sunrise. At structure MIV-

know little about the precise arrangement of the seats

C4-2.2, in another complex of public architecture that SEATS. SEATING, AND SOCIAL ROLES

403

incorporates an alignment on the June solstice sunset, a

as presenting emic abstractions of agency. An example

row of seats was excavated in situ along the length of one

of this is the Tairona plaque illustrated in Figure 20.22,

wall. These structures, therefore, provide a link between

which shows a being squatting atop a bicephalic ser­

seating rituals and horizon-based astronomical observa­

pent. In Tairona art, this image participates in an mono­

tions revolving around the temporal axis of the solstices.

graphic system which relates this act closely with

The cosmological turning point of the year represented

solar-identified males. The presentation of this theme

by the reversal of the sun's movement across the horizon

in multiple media and styles illustrates the cultural value

would have been matched by a ritual concern with the

ascribed to this action, which related to fundamental

approaching transition in the seasonal cycle from the dry

cosmological concerns.

season to the wet season, upon which the earth's fertil­

But the analysis of seating rituals in not limited to the

ity and the life of the community ultimately depended. It

decoding of semiotic systems of image and text. Almost

seems likely that the concerns with earthly fertility were

every work discussed is fundamentally a utilitarian object

matched by a preoccupation with human sexuality and

with varying degrees of monographic and textual elabora­

that the initiation rituals preparing young elite boys for

tion. It is therefore the very materialities of these created

the transition from adolescence to adulthood could also

and manipulated objects—vessels, musical instruments,

have been carried out at CerroJaboncillo at precisely the

grinding stones, etc.—that express extended personal

same time. Thus, these two important Manteno sites,

agencies in multifarious ways. For example, the Tairona

Agua Blanca and Cerro Jaboncillo, the centers of polit­

plaque was likely an element of attire that assimilated

ical and religious power, respectively, were the settings

the image to the physical body of the wearer and conse­

for enacting the enduring traditions that underpinned

quently engaged the image in performance. In this con­

the social order.

text, it is crucial to consider emic conceptions of agency via performance. A good example would be the complex

Discussion

logues and material exchanges with other agential beings

The foregoing data on seats and seating ritual in Indige­

(cemts). Although the cohoba snuffing ritual served as

nous societies bring to mind Alfred Gell's (1998:68) sem­

the fundamental medium for this engagement, the duho

inal work on the semiotics of art, stating that artworks

illustrated in Figure 20.6 also played an important role

and other artifacts are "congealed residue of performance

by embodying complex cemi-identities. As the sitter ori­

and agency in object-form, through which access to other

ented his/her body in relation to the object in the pre­

persons can be attained, and via which their agency can

scribed manner, the duho revealed its "hidden" identity

be communicated." This implies that these objects may

in the form of a bat, thus transforming into a new person.

be interpreted as traces or indices that reveal the means

Thus, the performative interaction between the human

by which agents manipulate social relations. The mode

sitter and the duho-image was crucial in activating the

for this interpretation is abduction, in which a substan­

exchange and communication network between him/

tive part-whole or part-part relation is posited from the

her and the cemi.

sign. In addition, Gell suggests that images and artifacts

The way in which the cemi-duho achieved person­

can be understood in terms of distributed personhood

hood exemplifies how the performance of signifying acts

(see Strathern 1988; Wagner 1991). In this view, the per­

manifests and frames agency. Essentially, the intersect­

son is not synonymous with the bounded biological

ing axes established by the embodied act of sitting (or

organism, but rather refers to "all the objects and/or

squatting) on the duho are structured according to emic

events in the milieu from which agency or personhood

conceptions of orientation, sanctioned by tradition and

can be abducted" (Gell 1998:223). For scholars of ancient

conforming to the rules of engagement dictated by the

art, Gell's approach provides a means for positioning art­

cemi to the behique and/or the sitter while in trance. The

works in relation to human agency.

seated posture may be theorized as an "action-sign," or

Beginning with Gell's analytical schema, we may

404

way in which Taino ritual specialists participated in dia­

unit of bodily movement that takes its meaning from its

point to some of the diverse ways in which agency is

place within a system of signs (see Williams 1982, 1995,

deployed in the context of the case studies outlined

1999; see also Farnell 2000; Looper 2003). Because they

above. All of the cultures discussed are characterized

are embodied, action-signs are structured with refer­

by vibrant representational art, which maybe theorized

ence to time and indexicality. In this case, the ritual act

MCEWAN • LOOPER

of "sitting" gains meaning from the place of the action in

wider distribution of seating performance traditions

a sequence of events and from the spatial interaction of

that encompassed a vast area of the American tropics

the body with other material and numinous entities. In

embracing the Orinoco and Amazon basins and beyond.

addition, the meaning of the movement cannot be sep­

Arguably, they are divergent expressions of a single

arated from the context of observation and response; it

related macrotradition in "deep time," and here we have

is structured in relation to the actions of other partici­

explored some of the regional variants found among the

pants in the ceremony. A particularly apt illustration of

cultures addressed in this volume. Selected case studies

the way in which the act of seating framed social rela­

show how different approaches give new insights into

tions appears on the Maya vase illustrated in Figure 20.11,

the significance of seats and seating rituals. With the data

where the subtle contrast between the forward-leaning

available from excavated archaeological contexts, it is

postures of the seated attendants and the reclining pose

possible to situate the use of seats in time and space and

of the enthroned ruler underscores their roles as servants

to present a compelling case for the key role that seating

versus his privileged status.

rituals played in ordering human affairs in sympathy with

The action of sitting both constructs corporeal space

the larger cosmic order.

for the performer and is embedded within this space. In

Stools and seats are widely linked to aspects of sea­

turn, the corporeal space is part of a larger performance

sonality, earthly fertility, agricultural productivity, abun­

space. In many cases discussed above, the available data

dance, wealth, and transformation. Despite the great

do not allow us to analyze performance space; yet, there

cultural diversity in the area, stools and thrones com­

are exceptions. For example, Manteno ritual structures

monly provided seating for feasts, an important means

at Agua Blanca reveal the manner through which cor­

not onlyfor the celebration of earthly bounty, but also for

poreal agency is activated in a cosmological context.

fostering social cohesion as well as distinction through

Although the details of choreography are largely elusive,

ranking protocols and exclusion. Seats and stools were

the arrangement of parallel rows of stone seats within

an integral aspect of marking significant moments in the

elongated architectural spaces with axial doorways sug­

human life cycle, such as birth rites among Tukanoan

gests at minimum: (x) the segregation of a specific group

peoples, and the initiation ceremonies undergone by

from society; (2) a further division of participants into

adolescent males, as evidenced among the Desana,

two parallel lines, mapping out two-dimensional space;

ancient Maya, and the Manteno. Throughout the regions

and (3) collective ritual acts of seating, through which the

covered in this essay—and far beyond it as well—stools

agents' (youthful) bodies were brought into alignment

and seats played an important role in death and funerary

with each other and the vertical axis. Further, through

practices, as documented for the Tafno and Maya, as well

the solar alignment of the building in which the seats are

as many other cultures in the Isthmo-Colombian Area.

housed, we can reconstruct how the performance of indi­

Complementing this are the seasonal rituals involving

viduals who belonged to a particular segment of Manteno

seated priests and elders that follow the agricultural cycle

society oriented themselves in relation to the cosmos,

and are designed to assure earthly fecundity and the pros­

within collective ritual practice. In this instance, "seating"

perity and well-being of the community. If the "metates"

maybe considered a climactic action-sign which defined

in Costa Rica were elite ceremonial thrones, this would

the agency of participants with reference to the seats, to

be another example of the connection between food

each other, to society, and to the cosmos as a whole.

production and seats. Fundamentally, these diverse tra­ ditions frequently seem to employ stools and seats as a metaphor for fertility and vitality and as a link between

Conclusions

the dual concepts of agricultural production and the

This essay has employed diverse data to explore various

human life cycle ofbirth, initiation, accession (in the case

aspects of seats and seating rituals. It has suggested not

of chiefs/kings), and death.

only how the act of seating was related to social embod­

Ethnography calls attention to the application of "cen­

iment in various contexts but also how persons pro­

tering motifs," such as on Tukano stools from northwest

duced and activated spaces as loci of power and agency.

Amazonia. They allude to fundamental notions of verti­

It has also shown how seats and stools from the Pre-

cal and horizontal axiality that underpin all Indigenous

Columbian cultures of southern Central America, the

cosmologies. In many cultural traditions, such as the

Antilles, Colombia, and Ecuador formed part of a much

Tukano, Taino, Maya, and Kogi, stools and other forms SEATS, SEATINC, AND SOCIAL ROLES

405

of ceremonial seats were used to achieve supernatural

seating rituals serve as indices of emergent social complex­

contact through shamanic trance, prayer and medita­

ity as they become incorporated into more formal expres­

tion, sacrifice, and offerings. In these instances, the seat

sions of political authority and rulership. Overall, whether

positioned the sitter at the cosmic center and conveyed

made of wood or stone, miniature or monumental, simple

him/her toward the celestial realm via the axis mundi.

or elaborate, seats, stools, and thrones in Indigenous soci­

Furthermore, while not universal, the frequent appear­

eties of the tropical Americas were intimately tied to con­

ance of mat or woven patterns in diverse seating tradi­

cepts of origins, vitality, social identity, and metaphysical

tions is intriguing. At its most basic level, it doubtlessly

power within diverse but connected cosmologies.

refers to the fundamental role of woven mats as seats, but may also in some cases convey meanings of wealth, sta­ tus, and social order. In many instances, however, the stra­

Acknowledgments

tegic use of mat patterns on the seats as framing devices

Matthew Looper completed this essay as coauthor at the

suggests that they played an important role in positioning

request of Colin McEwan. James Zeidler, Jose Oliver,

the sitter at the cosmic center.

Scott Hutson, Santiago Giraldo, and John Hoopes all

Taken together, the case studies trace the varied ways

made comments and suggestions that aided in its com­

in which stools signal prestige, status, and identity in myr­

pletion. This assistance is gratefully acknowledged by

iad archaeological contexts. They illustrate how seats and

Norma Rosso in Colin's memory.

NOTES 1 Radiocarbon dating of artifacts possibly associated with the stool suggests a date of 1350-1550 CE (Philmon 2012:133134,137). 2

3

4

Philmon

(2012:131—134)

9

andWingfield 10

notes the similarity between the

(1945)

provides addi­

in the same position on the Cusirisna stool (Figure 20.2).

no stool depicted. Another ceramic figurine

This pose is explicitly portrayed in the male figure crouching

resenting a tobacco-smoker seated on a legged bench was

possibly rep­

over a duho that is inscribed on the megalithic stones at the

identified by Rodriguez Arce and Arce Cerdas (2019) in the

Taino ceremonial center of Caguana, Puerto Rico (Oliver 2008:fig. 18).

Museo Nacional de Costa Rica (no. 24187).

See also McEwan

(2000)

11

for a discussion of the concept of

thy of consideration are the elaborately sculpted hourglass-shaped objects with circular tops from

4

been interpreted as "altars" or stands for offerings (see Baudez 1992:77, pis. sc. 2-6; Stone1958:34). 12

1541)

might have been seated for ceremonial occasions are (1931:54-55)

hypothesized that

the large granite slabs supported by four oval stones found

and Anawalt 1997:222). In Aztec traditions, rulers were con­ ventionally represented seated on mats.

MCEWAN . LOOPER

Lacking wooden examples, details concerning how humans unclear; however, Mason

Moctezuma s palace are adjudicating a legal dispute (Berdan

for Colombian

the Greater

Nicoya region, which could have been seats, but have also

in which a group of noble lords seated on mats in front of

(1988:55)

Some could be metates, offering tables, or

headrests, instead of (or in addition to) stools. Also wor­

6 Examples of this tide are known from the Aguateca Human

See also Reichel-Dolmatoff parallels.

Circular and rectangular stool-like

present a similar dilemma (Ardren 20108:151; Holmes 1888:27-29).

throne at Chichen Itza was found surrounded by traces of woven matting (Erosa Peniche1946:23).

the illustration in the Codex Mendoza, fol. 69r (ca.

1993.480).

objects with openwork supports from Chiriqui, Panama,

It is also intriguing that the Castillo-sub jaguar

For a comparable example from Highland Mexico, see

depict­

scaffold-hke supports in an openwork style (Denver Art Museum

1986:107, 160, 166,

Skull fragment and the censerstand from Palenque Group (Looper and Macri 1991-2020).

Compare the metates also with a ceramic figurine

ing a female holding a child and seated on a stool with

It should also be noted that the coupleted terms tz'am

177,180,185).

406

This figure is identified as no. 8272 in the collection of the tional (carved stone) examples of the same theme, but with

throne and pop "mat" appear as an image of accession in

8

(i977b:frontispiece)

cat. 63).

design inscribed on this stool and that which appears (faintly)

colonial Yucatec literature (Edmonson

7

(2009:496,

Museo Nacional de Costa Rica. Lines

axiality and seating in the context of the Andean ceremonial and pilgrimage site of Chavin de Huantar. 5

For additional examples, see Linares

at the site of La Mesita liningthe edge of a terrace might have served this purpose. 13

A possible interpretation may also apply to many images of reclining figures in Tairona art (e.g., Labbe

1998:47, fig. 24).

14 While these images—as well as many others that show indi­ viduals holding drinking cups—could be interpreted as rep­ resentations of shamans consuming hallucinogenic potions (cf. Labbe 1998:36, cat. 14), the archaeological evidence from the Tairona area, as well as the funerary context, favor their association with feasts. 15 It is also acknowledged that the current interpretations of Tairona art from the perspective of contemporary ethnog­ raphy vary widely (see Giraldo 2020). 16 Stools are widely linked to the sun among Indigenous cul­ tures of South America. For example, the Inca image of the sun god was a large golden figure of a man seated on a bench (Zuidema, cited by Pineda Camacho 1994:14). A shamanic stool is also an attribute of the Desana solar deity (ReichelDolmatoff 1971:36).

17 Reichel-Dolmatoff (1975) refers to these buildings (nuhue) as "temples," while acknowledging their use for both reli­ gious and administrative purposes. 18 Reichel-Dolmatoff and Reichel-Dolmatoff (1956:216-217, fig. 10.17, pl- 2.0.11) found other miniature (clay) stools at Momil. 19 For a general introduction to Manteno culture, see the pre­ ceding essay (Zeidler and McEwan, this volume; see Figures 19.12,19.14,19.15, and 19.16-19.19). 20 Gutierrez Usillos (2016:41-42, fig. 15) discusses a ceramic vessel in the collection of the Museo de America (03766) that has an incised design very similar to the seal. 21 Gutierrez Usillos (2016) suggests that these monuments served as pedestals for funerary bundles associated with the lineages that used the ceremonial sites where they were installed.

SEATS, SEATI NC, AND SOCIAL ROLES

407

GLOSSARY

albite (NaAISi3Os) An end member of the plagioclase

Max Uhle (1890), and Chibchan was adopted as a culture-

feldspar mineral group, having sodium but no calcium.

defining term by Paul Kirchoff (1943).

Its Mohs hardness is 6-6.5. It forms in granite pegmatite and metamorphic rocks. It may be white, colorless, or yellow, among other colors.

cacique (fern, cacica; from the Taino kasikc, leader, related to kassicuan, the owner of a house) A person with political authority, sometimes accompanied by territorial control

bit The sharpened, cutting edge of a celt, also referred to as the blade.

and material wealth. This term, adopted during initial con­ tact with Indigenous peoples of the Antilles, was applied problematically by Spanish colonists to a wide range

Boruca (also Brunka) An Indigenous Chibchan people of

of Indigenous leaders, ranging from local village head­

southern Costa Rica. According to the 2011 census, there

men to hereditary kings. Related to quevi, a term used by

are over 4,300 Boruca in Indigenous territories.

the Spanish to describe individuals identified as Indige­

Bribri An Indigenous Chibchan people of the Caribbean Lowlands and Talamanca mountains of eastern Costa Rica. The Bribri are related to the Cabecar; both groups may be

nous chiefs in Panama. Cacique and chief are not always synonymous. celt A distinctive petaloid or teardrop-shaped axe made

descendants of ancient inhabitants of the central Caribbean

and finished by flaking and/or abrading. Celts typically

Lowlands, especially the Suerre, having been displaced

have smooth surfaces. Bound to a handle, they were used

eastward in the late nineteenth century.According to the

for cutting trees and woodworking, but could also be used

2011 census, there are almost 17,000 Bribri in Indigenous

as weapons. Celts were sometimes shaped into sculptures

territories.

and/or pendants, especially by the Olmecs and ancient

Buglere (also Bokota, Bugle, Murire, and Sabanero) An Indigenous Chibchan people of central Panama. The

peoples of Costa Rica. Chorotega An Indigenous Otomanguean people of

Buglere, related to the Movere, are often identified as the

northwestern Costa Rica and southwestern Nicaragua.

descendants of the ancient Code. Most Buglere live in

The Chorotega migrated from southern Mexico over five

the Ngabe-Bugle comarca, the largest Indigenous comarca

hundred years before Spanish contact. According to the

in Panama. They represent the smallest living Indigenous

2011 census, there are almost 1,700 Chorotega living in

group in Panama.

Indigenous territory in Costa Rica.

Cabecar An Indigenous Chibchan people of the Caribbean

coca (Erythroxylum spp.) A sacred plant used as a stimu­

Lowlands, central highlands, and Talamanca mountains of

lant and for medicinal purposes; now the source of cocaine.

eastern Costa Rica. The Cabecar are related to the Bribri. The

A flowering tree or shrub, this genus encompasses nearly

current population is estimated to be about 14,000 people. Chibchan A family of over twenty-five distinct Indigenous languages historically and currently spoken by over 100,000

two hundred species, with two species (each with two vari­ ants) widely cultivated in a region that extends from north­ ern Colombia to Bolivia.

people in a region between eastern Honduras and northern

community of practice A concept for understanding how

Colombia (see Table 1.1). The language family is thought to

people in a similar historical situation learn together in the

have originated in eastern Costa Rica and western Panama

pursuit of a particular aim, developed byjean Lave and

and subsequently branched out over time as a result of

Etienne Wenger (1991).

increasing population, sedentism, and geographical sepa­ ration. The Chibchan language family was first defined by

40!

constellation of practice A concept for envisioning mul­

gold (Au) A malleable metal with a yellow color, a Mohs

tiple, distinct communities of practice with shared histories

hardness of 2.5-3, and an atomic number of 79. It has high

and ways of doing, developed by Wenger (1998).

electrical conductivity and tends not to be chemically

copper (Cu) A malleable, ductile metal with a red-orange

in its native form in placer or hydrothermal deposits or may

color, a Mohs hardness of 3, and an atomic number of 29.

occur in quartz veins.

reactive. Often found with silver content, gold is uncovered

It has high electrical and thermal conductivity, corrodes in exposure to the atmosphere, and is extracted in native

Giietar (also Huetar) An Indigenous Chibchan people

form or as oxides or sulfides, often with iron content, from

of central Costa Rica. The Giietar are thought to have con­

basalts or hydrothermal deposits.

stituted the largest ancient group in Costa Rica, and their

coquina A sedimentary rock, also known as beachrock, that forms over time from crushed, oxidized, and decom­ posed shells of mollusks and other invertebrates. It is com­ mon at sites on the coast of Panama. Cueva (also Coiba) An Indigenous people of Panama with indeterminate linguistic affiliation. The Cueva are identi­ fied as the most populous group in central Panama at the time of Spanish contact. However, as a result of disease and genocide, the Cueva language and culture became extinct in the sixteenth century. The Cueva may have descendants among the Terraba, Buglere, and Movere. culture area A concept developed in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries by North American archae­ ologists, inspired by Boasian anthropology, to define the material manifestations of Indigenous communities over a geographic area, such as those in the Ohio Valley. The con­ cept was formalized by Gordon Willey and Phillip Phillips (1958), who also formally defined the successively smaller units of subarea, region, locality, and site. duho A wooden seat or stool, usually with four legs and sometimes with a curved back, used by leaders in the Greater Antilles; duos displayed formal similarities to seats and metates (stone slabs used for grinding) in Central America and Colombia. Some duhos are highlydecorated.

language is thought to have been a major lingua franca. The Giietar language is extinct except for toponyms and loan words. According to the 2011 census, over 2,400 people identify themselves as Giietar. Guna (also Cuna and Kuna) An Indigenous Chibchan people of the Caribbean Coast of eastern Panama, espe­ cially the San Bias Islands. The Guna are thought to have migrated from a homeland near the Atrato River in neigh­ boring Colombia in the eighteenth century. It has been esti­ mated that there are currently about

50,000

Guna.

instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA) A destructive, invasive analytical technique used especially for the measurement of trace elements, in which a neutron beam is applied to a material yielding a compound nucleus iii an excited state that, as it de-excites, releases character­ istic gamma radiation—either initially or as a radioactive nucleus decays—that is then detected. jade A hard stone, typically green in color, worked into ornaments. The term is most commonly used for either nephrite or jadeite. Although green is the most commonly identified color, jade can vary from white to black and can also be in various shades of blue, brown, and gray. The con­ cept of social jade" is a more specific reference to objects that are worked and used in the fashion of jade but are not nephrite or jadeite. Greenstone" is used for indeterminate

Embera An Indigenous Chocoan people of eastern

green rocks and minerals.Jadeitite is rock whose principal

Panama and northern Colombia, occupying territories in

constitutent is the mineral jadeitite.

the province of Darien. The Embera are thought to have migrated into Panama from the Choco region of the Pacific Coast of Colombia in the eighteenth century. It has been estimated that there are currently about 33,000 Embera in Panama and 50,000 Embera in Colombia. false-filigree A method ofmetallurgy in which fine strands of beeswax are used to make braids, piping, and spirals as ornamentation on tumbaga objects fabricated through lostwax casting. The method is called "false-filigree" because although the thin strands of metal look like wire, they are not "true" filigree, which is made from bent wire.

jadeite (NaAlSi206) A pyroxene mineral, with a Mohs hardness of 6.5-7, that usually occurs in metamorphosed serpentine rocks. It is dense and forms in high-pressure, low-temperature environments and, while white in its pure state, it occurs in blue-green, apple-green, or grayvarieties. Jadeite is classified as a semiprecious gem. jadeitite A rock composed mostly of the mineral jadeite. K°gi (also Kaggaba and Cagaba) An Indigenous Chibchan people of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta region of northern Colombia, identified as the descendants of the historic Tairona. Their neighbors include the culturally

410

CLOSSARY

related Ika, another Chibchan people. It has been estimated that there are currently 20,500 Kogi. Maleku (also Guatuso) An Indigenous Chibchan peo­ ple of the San Carlos region of northern Costa Rica. The former Maleku territory is thought to have extended as far north as the border with Nicaragua and as far south as

poporo A traditional container for lime, made from burned

and powdered shell, used together with a dipping instru­ ment for applying lime to coca leaves during mastication. For the Kogi and other Indigenous peoples, the most com­ mon poporo is a gourd. In Colombia, elite poporos were made from cast gold alloy.

the Arenal River. The MalekuJaika language is currently

quartz (Si02) A highly ubiquitous mineral, occurring

endangered. According to the 2011 census, there are fewer

in virtually all mineral environments. Its Mohs hard­

than 1,500 Malekus in Indigenous territory.

ness is 7; it may be colorless, purple, or other colors. The

micro x-ray fluorescence spectrometry A nondestruc­ tive analytical technique that draws on the same principles as x-ray fluorescence spectrometry, but with an x-ray beam that can focus on microscopic areas.

mineral has a number of varieties, including chalcedony (a microcrystalline form) and agate (banded chalcedony). Cryptocrystalline quartz, also known as chert or flint, was a fine-grained

material used for making sharp implements,

while quartzite was a hard material used for hammerstones

Move re An Indigenous Chibchan people of central

and carved objects. Quartz is the principal component of

Panama. The Movere, related to the Buglere, are often iden­

beach sand and was a principal abrasive for working jadeite.

tified as the descendants of the ancient Code. At present, there are fewer than 2,000 Movere people. Muisca (also Chibcha) An Indigenous Chibchan people of the highland region around Bogota. This group, orga­ nized as centralized chiefdoms, constituted the largest Indigenous population of ancient Colombia. The Muisca language became extinct in the eighteenth century.

radiocarbon dating (also C-14 and ,4C dating) A method used for absolute dating of organic matter, based on the principle that a sample of living matter has the same ratio of radioactive carbon to stable carbon (l4C/'2C) as the atmosphere. When an organism dies, its radiocarbon begins decaying at an exponential rate. Determining I4C/12C

in this sample allows for the determination of the

approximate date when the animal died (for bone samples) Nahuatl A language in the Uto-Aztecan family that has

or when a tree ring grew (for wood or charcoal samples).

been spoken in Central Mexico since at least the seventh

Radiocarbon dates must be calibrated (also known as

century CE, over an area that extended into the Central

dendro-corrected) in order to correspond to calendar years.

American Isthmus, and is still spoken today by Nahua peoples. Nahuat is a related language spoken by the Nicarao people of southwestern Nicaragua.

Rama An Indigenous Chibchan people of the Caribbean Lowlands of eastern Nicaragua. Rama territory once extended to include the lower San Juan River on the

Ngabere (also Ngobe, Ngawbere, and Guaymi) An

border between Costa Rica and Nicaragua. It has been

Indigenous Chibchan people of western Panama, prin­

estimated that there are currently about 2,000 Rama.

cipally located in Chiriqui province and southern Costa Rica. In Pre-Columbian times, the Ngabere territory may have extended into the Diquxs region of southern Costa Rica. According to the 2011census, there were over 5,600 Ngabere living in Indigenous territories in Costa Rica. There are approximately 250,000 Ngabere in Panama. Most Ngabere live in the Ngabe-Bugle comarca, the largest Indigenous comarca in Panama. omphacite (Ca, Na)(Mg, Fez+, Al)Sij06 A member of the pyroxene mineral group; it has a Mohs hardness of 5-6, forms in metamorphic rocks, and is light to dark green. poll The blunt, butt end of a celt, located on the opposite

Raman spectroscopy A nondestructive, noninvasive ana­ lytical technique for identifying the mineral composition of a material through the application of a laser beam to an object, where photons are inelastically scattered, causing emitted photons to change their wavelength. These shifts are related to the vibrational energies of the molecules in the analyzed material and are detected, analyzed, and transmitted to be read on a computer. scanning electron microscopy (SEM) A nondestruc­ tive analytical technique that relies on the application of a focused, high-energy electron beam to a sample material to learn about its microstructure and composition through

side from the bit. Celts could be halted by inserting the poll

the detection of electrons and x-rays produced in the

into a socket in a wooden handle, or they could be attached

interaction of beam and sample.

in such a way that both the bit (with a sharp edge) and the poll (with either a pointed or a blunt tip) were used as working ends for cutting, mashing, and pounding.

CLOSSARY

septum A raised ridge such as that found on the backs of celtiform stone pendants. A septum results when saw­ ing from opposite lateral sides of a celt leaves a narrow segment in the center that is broken when the two halves are separated. silver (Ag) A malleable, ductile metal with a silver-white color, a Mohs hardness of 2.5-3, and an atomic number of 47. It is a superior electrical conductor. Sometimes occurring with gold, silver may be formed in volcanic basalts and hydrothermal deposits. sintering The thermal treatment of a powder or metallic compound to promote fusion at a temperature lower than the material's melting point; this fusion may enhance the strength and resistance of the material. social network analysis A social science technique— initially developed for quantitatively evaluating con­ nections among people and organizations, and later adopted into archaeology—that depends on the detec­ tion of "edges" between "nodes" or the degree of similarity between aspects of the nodes. soldering A method of attaching one metal to another through the use of a third alloy. Suerre An Indigenous Chibchan people of the central Caribbean Lowlands of Costa Rica, described in sixteenthcentury sources. The Suerre culture is extinct, but it may have been related to that of the Giietar, Bribri, and Cabecar. They are known to have lived in houses with circular plans as well as houses in trees.

naturally occurring silver, that was used in the Americas, principally for lost-wax casting. Tumbaga has a lower melt­ ing point than either gold or copper. It was used to econ­ omize the use of gold, to achieve different surface colors and reportedly has a recognizable smell. Spanish colonists applied this Indonesian term to the metal, but the Taxno word was guanin. Voto An Indigenous Chibchan people of northern Costa Rica. The Votos are described in historical doc­ uments as having occupied the northern plains and Caribbean Lowlands. This culture is sometimes identified as having become extinct by the seventeenth century, but Voto may have been related to that of the Suerre, Rama, and Maleku. Waunaan An Indigenous Chocoan people of eastern Panama. As with the Embera, the Waunaan are thought to have migrated to Panama from the Choco region of the Pacific Coast of Colombia in the seventeenth cen­ tury. It has been estimated that there are currently about 6,000 Waunaan. x-radiography A nondestructive analytical technique used to reveal the structure of materials through the appli­ cation of an x-ray source to an object; the radiation that passes through the object, captured by a detector, depends on the atomic weight and thickness of the material. x-ray diffraction (XRD) An analytical technique of spec­ trometry in which a beam of an x-ray is scattered when

Teribe (also Terraba) An Indigenous Chibchan people of eastern Costa Rica and western Panama. They are identi­ fied in historical documents as having once been in conflict with the Bribri.

it interacts with a material, producing constructive and destructive interference. The diffracted waves are detected, revealing information about the crystal structure and com­ position of the analyzed material.

thin-section petrography A geological technique used in archaeology for studying composition and provenance; the technique involves the identification and description of minerals and inclusions in an inorganic sample, particu­

analytical technique of spectrometry for identifying the bulk composition of a material through the application

larly ceramics and stone, using optical microscopy. Its name refers to the analysis of thin slices of material attached to microscope slides.

412

turn baga (also guanin) An alloy of varying concentra­ tions of copper and gold, often with small proportions of

CLOSSARY

x-ray fluorescence (XRF) A nondestructive, noninvasive

of an x-ray beam to an object, leading to excitation of elec­ trons within the analyzed material to yield x-rays that are characteristic of the elements present in the material. These x-rays are detected, analyzed, and transmitted to a com­ puter for interpretation.

NOTES O N C O N T R I B U T O R S

A N T O N I O J A R A M I L L O A R A N C O completed

his PhD in Meso-

C A R R I E L. D E N N ETT is

an instructor in the School of Arts and

american Studies at the Universidad Nacional Autonoma

Sciences at Red Deer College, Alberta. She received her PhD

de Mexico (UNAM). He was awarded a postdoctoral fel­

from the University of Calgary, with a dissertation focused

lowship at UNAM s Institute of Historical Research. His

on ceramic compositional analyses, ceramic economy, and

research interests include the American Indigenous nav­

social identity in Pre-Columbian Pacific Nicaragua; her mas­

igation technology during Pre-Columbian and colonial

ter's thesis examined material culture and identity in north­

times, and the Indigenous participation in the conquest. He

east Honduras. In collaboration with various colleagues, she

is involved in a several research groups, including Vinculos

has published on ancient musical instruments and ritual par­

y miradas en la America indigena and Reconstruccion

aphernalia from both of these archaeological regions.

Historico Digital del Lienzo de Tlaxcala. 1AMES DOYLE, B R Y A N R . COCKRELL

served as a postdoctoral fellow in Pre-

the assistant curator for the art of the ancient

Americas at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, received his

Columbian Studies at Dumbarton Oaks in 2015-2016, fol­

PhD in anthropology from Brown University. His expertise

lowed by a postdoctoral appointment at the Metropolitan

includes the art and archaeology of Mesoamerica, Central

Museum of Art, NewYork. His research on the metallurgy of

America, and Colombia, with a specialization in the ancient

the ancient Americas began with the study of metal assem­

Maya. He is the author of several articles and the book

blages from Tipu and Chichen Itza, and includes the analysis

Architecture and the Origins of Preclassic Maya Politics (2017).

of inorganic archaeological materials and the exploration of

He also promotes the ancient Americas through blogs and

technology as performance.

social media.

RICHARD C. COOKE

is a senior scientist in archaeology at

C L A R K L. E R I C K S O N

is a professor in the Department of

the Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute in Panama,

Anthropology at the University of Pennsylvania and a cura­

and a Distinguished Researcher at the Sistema Nacional de

tor at the Penn Museum. He holds a doctorate in anthro­

Investigacion at the Secretaria Nacional de Ciencia, Tecno-

pology from the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign.

logia e Innovacion (SENACYT). He has concentrated his

Erickson's research focuses on the contribution of historical

research in central Panama, and has developed interests in

ecology, landscape archaeology, and applied archaeology to

archaeozoology, the history of Indigenous peoples of the

understand the long-term complex human history of cul­

Isthmo-Colombian Area, and the prehistory and ethnog­

tural activities that have shaped the earth. His research has

raphy of fishing.

also explored the Pre-Columbian cultural landscape (raised fields, ring ditches, fish weirs, causeways, and canals) in the

L. AN T O N I O C U R ET is a

curator at the National Museum of the

Amazon region of Bolivia.

American Indian. He obtained his BA and MA in chemistry is master's degree candidate at Louisiana

from the Universidad de Puerto Rico and his PhD in archae­

MONICA FENTON

ology from Arizona State University. His research focuses

State University; she holds a BA in anthropology from

on cultural and social change in the ancient Caribbean. He

the University of Pennsylvania. At the Penn Museum, she

has authored a volume on Caribbean paleodemography and

helped curate Beneath the Surface: Life, Death, and Gold in

has edited volumes on Cuban archaeology, the archaeology

Ancient Panama,an exhibition featuring materials from Sitio

of Tibes (Puerto Rico), and long-distance interaction in the

Conte. Fenton's research interests include gender, queer-

Caribbean.

ness, mortuary contexts, bioarchaeology, zooarchaeology, Moche iconography, coastal Peru, and Central America.

413

holds a PhD in

team of the Proyecto Arqueologico El Cano in Panama. He

physics from the Universidad Complutense de Madrid; he

holds a PhD in anthropology, physics, and paleopathology

is a member of the Fundacion El Cano and a researcher at

from the Universidad Complutense de Madrid, and his

ALFREDO FERNANDEZ-VALMAYOR CRESPO

the Centra de Investigaciones Arqueologicas del Istmo in

research interests include physical anthropology, paleopa­

Panama. He has been an associate professor of the Faculty

thology, paleodiet, and paleodemography. He is the author

of Computer Science at the Universidad Complutense

of several books and fifty scientific articles.

de Madrid from 1993 to 2010. He has also been adviser to the Vice-Rectorate of Innovation and European Higher

M I G U E L A N G E L H E R V A S H E R R E R A is

Education Area and director of the virtual campus of this

ologist and holds degrees in geography and history from

a professional archae­

university from 2003 to 2010. His main research interest

the Universidad Complutense de Madrid. He received his

focuses on the use of information technology to promote

PhD from the Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha (Spain),

learning and the dissemination of knowledge. In this sense,

with a dissertation on the restoration of built heritage. He

in addition to participating as a researcher in numerous proj­

belongs to the research team of the Centro de Investigacio­

ects, he has directed and coordinated three projects of the

nes Arqueologicas del Istmo-Fundacion El Cano (Panama),

National Plan and directed five theses on topics related to

and he is a specialist in developing and applying the tech­

this research. The results of his research have been published

niques of prospecting, excavation, and archaeological doc­

in more than one hundred articles.

umentation and in conserving and restoring built heritage.

R . J E F F R E Y F R O S T is

JOHN W. HOOPES

an assistant professor of anthropology

at California State University, Stanislaus. He received his

is a professor of anthropology at the

University of Kansas. He received his PhD from Harvard

PhD in anthropology from the University of Wisconsin at

University, and has specialized in the archaeology of ancient

Madison. He specializes in the archaeology and ethnohis-

Costa Rica and the Isthmo-Colombian Area. His interests

tory of the Isthmo-Colombian Area and South America with an emphasis on the social and political organization of nonstate complex societies. His research in Costa Rica focuses on how social organization and ideology are man­ ifest spatially and materially within landscapes. A L E X A N D E R C E U R D S is

an associate professor of archaeology

at both the University of Oxford and Leiden Universiteit; he also holds a position as associate professor adjunct at the University of Colorado, Boulder. He received his PhD in archaeology from Leiden Universiteit. Since 2007, he has directed the Central Nicaragua Archaeological Project, focusing on regional expressions of monumentality through stone sculpture and built landscapes. Among his other inter­ ests are contemporary dialogues surrounding archaeologi­ cal heritage in stakeholder communities and local museums. M E R C E D E S G U I N E A B U E N O , an

associate professor of an thro-

pology (retired) at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid, is currently a researcher at this university and the Centro de Investigaciones Arqueologicas del Istmo of the El Cano Foundation. As an archaeologist on the El Cano project team since 2005, she has carried out research on Central and South America, with a focus on subsistence strategies, technology and production, chronology, iconography, and the applica­

include the origins of ceramics and the emergence of social complexity as well as the lapidary arts, metallurgy, practices identified as shamanism, and popular interpretations of the ancient past. His publications include Ihe Emergence of Pottery: Technology and Innovation in Ancient Societies (1995, with William Barnett) and Gold and Power in Ancient Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia (2003, withJeffrey Quilter). R O S E M A R Y A . JOYCE is

aprofessor ofanthropology at the Uni­

versity of California, Berkeley, and holds a PhD in anthropology from the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. She is a former director of the Hearst Museum of Anthropology. She has codirected projects on several Pre-Columbian sites in Honduras, including Cerro Palenque, Los Naranjos, and Puerto Escondido, and on the colonial-period site of Omoa. She directs a project funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities to provide online searching for the colonial archive of Central America. MATTHEW LOOPER

is professor in the Department of Art

and Art History at California State University, Chico. He received his PhD in art history at the University of Texas at Austin, and is a specialist on ancient Maya art and writing. He is currently the director of the Maya Hieroglyphic Data­ base Project and is working on transitioning the database into an online format.

tion of information technologies to archaeology. MARCOS MARTINON-TORRES JESUS HERRERfN LOPEZ

is a professor at the Universidad

Autonoma de Madrid, a member of the research group of the University of Memphis in Egypt, and part of the research

414

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

is the Pitt-Rivers Professor of

Archaeological Science at the University of Cambridge. His research interests span the globe, examining metallurgical practices and broader technologies in the Americas, Europe,

Africa, and Asia. Ongoing projects include the archaeology

and Architecture (second edition, with Megan O'Neil), and

of alchemy and chemistry in the early modern world, the

Courtly Art of the Ancient Maya (with Simon Martin), as well

making of Chinas terracotta army, and the study of socio-

as many scholarly articles. Her current interests include col­

technical traditions in South American metalwork. He is the

lection histories, Chichen Itza, and Maya figurines.

joint editor of the Journal of Archaeological Science, president of the Society for Archaeological Sciences, and the author of

DAVID MORA-MARIN

over 150 publications in several languages.

at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. He received

is an associate professor of linguistics

his PhD from the State University of New York, Albany, and CARLOS MAYO TORNE

is an archaeologist at the Instituto

is a linguistic anthropologist specializing in the linguistic

Nacional de Cultura de Panama. As a PhD student at the

history of Mesoamerica, with a focus on Mayan historical

Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, he works with Pre-

linguistics and epigraphy, language documentation, and

Columbian ceramics from El Cano, in the central region of

the comparative study of writing systems. He also stud­

Panama. His interests focus on the organization of Code

ies the jade lapidary tradition developed by the Chibchan-

ceramic production, their manufacturing techniques, the

speaking peoples of ancient Costa Rica between 500 BCE

importance of these ceramics in the funerary rituals, and the

and 700/800 CE. His interests focus on the exchange of raw

identification of different types and stylistic varieties.

jadeite and finished

jade pieces between Costa Rica and

Mesoamerica. JULIA MAYO T O R N E

is the director of the Centro de Inves-

tigaciones Arqueologicas del Istmo and the founder of the

K A R E N O ' D A Y is

Fundacion El Cano;she has been the director of the Proyecto

of Art and Design at the University of Wisconsin, Eau

Arqueologico El Cano since 2008. She received her PhD in

Claire. She is also an affiliate in the Latin American and

professor of art history in the Department

American anthropology at the Universidad Complutense de

Latinx Studies Program. She received her PhD from Emory

Madrid. Her interests include the study of the social, political,

University. She is interested in the roles of body ornamen­

and economic structure ofsocieties represented at the necrop­

tation in the ancient societies of Central America, and her

olis of Sitio Conte and El Cano, Greater Code Tradition, in

research focuses on the ornaments excavated at Sitio Conte.

Panama. At present, she is doing research on social configura­ tions and funerary customs of Code societies.

JOSE R. OLIVER,

a reader in Latin American archaeology

at University College London, received his PhD from the a professor in the Department of

University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. He is currently

Anthropology and Archaeology at the University of Calgary.

G E O F F R E Y M C C A F F E R T Y is

working on a four-year project focusing on the archaeology

He has a PhD in anthropology from Binghamton University.

of the Atures Rapids area, on the Middle Orinoco of Vene­

For more than two decades, he has conducted active archae­

zuela and Colombia. His other interests include Caribbean

ological research in Pacific Nicaragua, investigating ethno-

Pre-Columbian and early European contact-period his­

historically documented migrations from Central Mexico

tory; South American tropical lowland Amerindian history,

in the centuries prior to Spanish conquest. Because poly­

epistemology, and theories of chiefdom; materiality and

chrome ceramics are one of the best lines of evidence for

networks of political-religious power in the Amazon and

this contact, they have been a focus of empirical evaluation.

Caribbean; and exchange networks between regional and long-distance trade economies.

C O L I N M C E W A N was

the director of Pre-Columbian Studies is professor of archaeology at the Insti­

at Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection from

EDITH ORTIZ DIAZ

2012 to 2019, and formerly the head of the Americas section

tuto de Investigaciones Antropologicas at the Universidad

at the British Museum. He specialized in the art and archae­

Nacional Autonoma de Mexico. She received her PhD from

ology of the Pre-Columbian Americas and was particularly

El Colegio de Mexico. Her research interests include the

interested in reconstructing and interpreting the roles that

trade and communication systems of the Zapotec in the

objects play in prehistoric cultural landscapes.

Sierra Norte de Oaxaca and the development of the ancient metallurgy techniques by the Pre-Columbian populations

M A R Y ELLEN M I L L E R

is the director of the Getty Research

of Oaxaca.

Institute; prior to this role, she was Sterling Professor of the is an archaeologist at

History of Art at Yale University. Miller holds a PhD in art

JUAN PABLO QUINTERO GUZMAN

history from Yale University. She is the author and coau­

the Museo del Oro, Banco de Republica, Bogota, and an

thor of many books on ancient Maya and Mesoamerican

adjunct professor in the Facultad de Comunicacion Social

art, including The Art of Mesoamerica, The Spectacle of the

y Periodismo and the archaeology program of the Facultad

Late Maya Court (with Claudia Brittenham), Maya Art

de Estudios del Patrimonio Cultural of the Universidad

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

415

Externado de Colombia. He has curated national and inter­ national exhibitions, including La sociedad y el tiempo maya and Historias de ofrendas muiscas, and has overseen the ren­ ovation of the Museo del Oro Nariho in Pasto. His interests focus on archaeological theory, the archaeological investiga­ tion of complex societies in the Americas, and the archae­ ology of shamanic-type rituals associated with tribal and complex societies. RENIEL RODRIGUEZ RAMOS

serves as a professor in the

Social Sciences Program at the Universidad de Puerto Rico in Utuado. He received his PhD from the University of Florida. He is the author of Rethinking Puerto Rican Precolonial History (2010) and coeditor of The Oxford Handbook of Caribbean Archaeology (2013, with William F. Keegan and

Corinne L. Hofman). His research has focused on the study of the lithic technologies and interaction dynamics regis­ tered during precolonial times in the Greater Caribbean. JOSE LUIS RUVALCABA

studied physics at the Sciences

Faculty of the Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (UNAM) and carried out his PhD in the Laboratory for Analysis by Nuclear Reactions in Namur, Belgium. Since 1997, he has been a research scientist and professor at UNAM s Physics Institute. His research has focused on non­ invasive methodologies and the development of spectro­ scopic instruments for material characterization of Mexican cultural heritage collections from the prehispanic period to modern times in the most important archaeological sites and museums of Mexico.

416

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

SILVIA SALGADO GONZALEZ

is professor of anthropology at

the Universidad de Costa Rica. She received her PhD from the State University of New York, Albany, and her research focuses on ancient Nicaragua and Costa Rica. Her interests embrace ceramic production, processes of social change, political economy, and biocultural processes. MARIA ALICIA URIBE VILLEGAS

has been the director of

the Museo del Oro, Banco de la Republica, Bogota, since 2010 (after spending fifteen years as an archaeologist in the museum). She is an anthropologist with an MA in artefact studies from University College London. Her research and curatorial projects have focused on the technology, material­ ity, context, and symbolism of Pre-Columbian goldworking in Colombia, with an emphasis on Quimbaya, Muisca, and Uraba metallurgies. JAMES A. ZEIDLER

is an emeritus research scientist at Colo­

rado State University, where he served as Associate Director for Cultural Resources in the Center for Environmental Management of Military Lands (CEMML). He received his PhD from the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, specializing in South American archaeology. He has more than forty-five years of experience conducting archaeolog­ ical research in coastal Ecuador, where his interests have focused on chronometrics, settlement pattern analysis, and the development of sociopolitical complexity.

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West Mexico: Art and Archaeology of the Unknown Past, edited by Richard F. Townsend, pp. 233-249.

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Ardren, Traci, and Scott R. Hutson

2006

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34:1-26. Arias, Tomas D.

2001

Los cholos de Code: Origen, filogenia y antepasados indigenas

±71,174

disks and pectorals: bodily wearing of, 188; Burial 11, Sitio Conte, 216,219,222, 223, 226,227; Sacred Cenote of Chichen Itza, gold disk offerings from, 95-97, 96,101-106, 104,118,119,119,123,124, 34in8; subadult Individual14, Grave T7, El Cano, 263 distributed personhood, 404 diving for Spondylus,70-71,333 dogs (Cams lupusfamiliaris), 313,316 dolphins (Delphinus delphis and Tursiops truncatus),63 Dorasque, 54, 78, 80 Doyle, James, 13,89,101,413

Drennan, Richard, 5,26, 29

El Vano, Venezuela, 51

Drolet, Robert, 15117 dualism, social complexity, and spatial hierarchy in Ecuador,

Embera, 10,76,410

347,349-351,365,369 duho-cemi personage,384, 385,404 duhos: in Caribbean, 317, 318,383-386,384,391,405,4°6n3; defined,

410; from

Huaca de Chirajara offering

assemblage, 292,293; on Muisca Raft, 280, 292,293,299, 383,384 Dumbarton Oaks objects: PC.B.216, 90, 91; PC.B.319,191;

elephant ear (Xanthosoma sagittifolium), 310,321 emerald, gold crocodilian pendant with, Burial11, Sitio Conte, 216, 220

enargite, 339 Erickson, Clark L., 14,197,413 Espinosa, Gaspar de,

61, 68, 252

Estrada, Emilio,31 ethnohistorical accounts: in archaeological historiography, of axe-money, 338,339; of caciques, 76-78, 78,81,131, of deep-water balsa raff technology in

PC.B.323,11514; PC.B.331,12504,115ns; PC.B.331, H5n4;

20;

PC.B.333,12sn4; PC.B.345,12508; PC.B.347,12503, 125ns; PC.B.354,12503; PC.B.361,103,119; PC.B.362,

186-187,252, 298;

119;

PC.B.363,103,119; PC.B.364,103,119; PC.B.365,103,

Pacific corridor, 334,334-335; of El Dorado myth and "Golden Man" ritual, 14,275; of Greater Chiriqui subarea,

119;

PC.B.366,103,119; PC.B.374,12508; PC.B.382,103;

169,171,177;

Dumbarton Oaks symposia and workshops,

of human sacrifice, 250,302; of Indigenous

people and societies, 60, 61,63, 69,72,74,75,77,78,79; of monumental stone sculpture in central Nicaragua, 160;

PC.B.400,119; PC.B.416, 299 26-27,30

ear rods, 119-121,120, 219, 223-224

of mortuary practices, 252; of Muisca, 296,298,300,301, 302; of offerings at Chichen Itza, 110; of Pacific Nicaragua,

Early Formative ceramics, 26

131-132;

Ecuador, 14-15; chronological chart, 329(5 geography and

390-391;

of social complexity and spatial hierarchy in

Ecuador,

344; of

climate, 4; Indigenoussocieties of, 5,10; maps of, 328, seats and seating in, 343,351,358,399-404,400-403, 407021 (See also Agua Blanca; CerroJaboncillo). See also

346;

on seats and seating,

292,379-382,381-383,385,

women's dress,

244

Evans, Clifford, 24,31

Pacific corridor, networks of interaction along; social

Falchetti de Saenz, Ana Maria, 102

complexity and spatial hierarchy in Ecuador effigy vessels, 43,93,315,316,340,394-396,397

false filigree, 104,226, 410 fanged therianthropic being, mythology of, 98

Ehecatl (wind deity),

"feathered serpent" imagery and Quetzalcoatl cult,

145

133,138,145

felines: Caribbean representations of, 316,317; Galo Polychrome feline and mat motifs, 45-46; metate-seats

Ek' B'alam, frog pendant from, 95 El Abra rock-shelter, 52 El Cabo, Dominican Republic, 192

formed as, 392, 393; Muisca chiefs associated with,

El Cafetal (site), 249 El Cano (site),14; anthropomorphic standing sculptures,

Muisca Raff, feline bone accompanying,

75;

burial areas and grave types at, 252-254!, 254-257,

257(5 121;

Chichen Itza deposits resembling items from,

119,

description of site, 247, 249-250, 252,270m; gender

construction in graves at,

241, 259, 259-261!,

27on3; high-

299;

278, 280,299;

seated woman with feline heads, ceramic figurine of, Greater Nicoya, 391,392. See also specific entries at jaguar Fell's Cave, Chile, 56,59 females. See gender Fenton, Monica,14,197, 2-35, 2-7on3,414

status child graves and infant mortuary ensembles, 231-

fer-de-lance (Bothrops asper), 138

232, 259 (,

Ferguson, T.J., 38-39 Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, Gonzalo, 61, 81,131,132,146,

393;

and,

27on4; monumental sculptures of seated figures,

as site of deep collective memory, 73-74; Sitio Conte 183,191, 229,230,231, 241, 247,252,268-269;

ornaments from,

185,191.

tooth

See also social complexity at El

244,3°°>

334

Fernandez-Valmayor Crespo, Alfredo, 247,413-414 Ferrero, Luis, 25

Cano and Sitio Conte El Cholo (site),173

Finca Calderon (site), 74, 249 Finca Guardiria-2 (site), 58-59, 64

El Cobano (site), 152

Finca Remolino (site), 173

El Dorado, myth of, 14,275-2-77,287,296

Fishtail tool tradition, 12,55,55-60,57,64

El Gavilan (site),

Florencia-i (site),

El Cano Archaeological Project,

248, 252-253

74,75,149,153-162,154-156,156!,158,158!, 159

El Gigante rock shelter, Honduras,

65-66

El Indio (site), 249

64-65

flying-panel metates, 15 Fonseca Zamora, Oscar, 1,15m, 29,30

El Jobo tool tradition, 12,51-52

Ford, James A., 31 forest clearances, 63,98

El Rayo (site), 134-137,139,140-146

Franco,Juan,

El Salto (site),157 El Salvador. See Mesoamerica; specific sites

French Guiana, 310 freshwater turde (Trachemys),59

El Tres (Severo Ledesma), slate mirror back from, 92,92-93

Friedrichsthal, Emanuel von, 149

El Inga, Ecuador, 58

79

INDEX

frogs and toads: Caribbean representations of, 315,316; Chahk Chahk (rain god) ceremony and, 103; Chichen Itza, Sacred

Granada redwares, 142,144 Grave 5, Sitio Conte, 183-194; Adolescent X, 183, i86t, 187;

Cenote of, 95,103,122; Ek' B'alam frog pendant, 95 Frost, R.Jeffrey, 13,15,169,414

Adolescent XIII, 183,186-189,186*, 187,191,193; Adult

funerary archaeology. See mortuary archaeology

186*, 187,191,193, i94n3; body ornamentation, purposes

Male II, 183,185-186,186*, 187,191; Adult Male III, 183, of, 184-185,193; cacique status and, 186-187,189,193;

Gairaca, seated bone figurine from, 394,395,395

caniniform and tooth pendants, 189,189-194,192;

Galo Polychrome, Jaguar variety, 45 Gamboa, Fernando,10704

192; Elder Male XV, 183-184,185,186-191,186*, 188,193,

Garifuna or Gariadgu, 72-73

197, 230, 393; excavation of,183-187,184,185, i86t, 194m,

Garrobo Grande (site), 154

19403; ornamented versus unornamented people buried

gavia (sacrificial post), 295,302

in, 183; Pendant 123,186*,189,191,19403; Pendant 124,186*,

Ge/Bororo societies of Brazil, 350-353 Gell, Alfred, 404

191,19403; Pendant 125,186*, 191; Pendant 126,186*, 191;

gender: Agua Blanca, gendering space and time at, 369-

186*, 188,190,190-193; Pendant 213,186*, 187,188,189,191,

Pendant 137,186*, 188; Pendant 139,186*,188; Pendant 140,

372» 369^370-372; Ecuadorian women and Spondylus

192,193; Pendant 215,186*, 187,188,191,193; shark teeth

in Peru, 337, 340; El Cano, gender differences in mortuary ensembles at, 241, 259,259-261*, 27003;

from, 185-186,191; whale tooth and bone, 186,190,192; Young Adult Male IX, 183,186*, 187

Indigenous genetic heritage, male versus female, 72,

grave versus burial, 233m, 27on2

81, 8304; mortuary archaeology and, 235-236; Real

Greater Central America,as term,1, i5n2

Alto and women's roles in Valdivia society, 358; seats,

Greater Chiriqui subarea, 169,170,178m

women shown on, 391,392,395,406ml; sex versus, 235;

Greater Code: concept of, 26; funerary treatments and

transgender/gender-fluid/gender-variant Indigenous people, 235, 244 gender construction in graves at Sitio Conte, 235-245; age and

mortuary chronology in, 249-252,250, 251*, 252f; Gran Cocle Semiotic Tradition, 26, 31, 71; survival of preColumbian traditions in,

81, 81-82

sex of individuals, 238*; animal and anthropomorphic

Greater Nicoya Ceramic Project (GNCP), 140,141,144

iconography, 237; associated objects' variation by gender,

Greater Nicoya cultural area: concept of, 132; Indigenous

236-237, 239*; data collection and analysis, 237; El Cano compared, 241; historical excavation at Sitio Conte and, 236; hypothesized sex of unsexed individuals, 243-244*, 244-245,27on3; Person I, Burial 11,240,241, 241-244,242; persons buried with nothing, 241; stone tools, 239-241; textiles and dress, 236, 242-244; winged stone pendants, 239,240 genealogies of material practice, 343 genetics. See under Indigenous people and societies Gentry, Al, 64 Geurds, Alexander,13,74,97,149,322-323,414 giant bulrush sedge (Schoenoplectus calijornicus), 333 giant ground sloth (Megatherium, Eremotherium laurillardi, Paramylodon harlani, and Glossotherium sp.), 51,53,59 glyptodon (Glyptotherium jloridanus), 59 Gnecco, Cristobal, 30 gold and gold alloys (tumbaga): at Burial 11, Sitio Conte, 230; in Caribbean, 312,322; Chichen Itza, Maya gold disk offerings at, 95-97,96,101-106,104; from ChiriquI villages and cemeteries, 172; connections between Mesoamerica, Central America, and Colombia, 94-96,94-97; defined, 410,412; in Pacific Nicaragua, 145-146; in Pre-Columbian art, 101-102; sources of,113-115,116*; Taino duho with gold inlay, 383-386,384. See also Muisca Raft Golden Kingdoms exhibition (2017), 145 "Golden Man" ritual, 275,287,296 gompothere (Stegomastodon sp.), 51 Gonzalez Davila, Gil, 131,145 Graham, Mark Miller, 97,377 Gran Colombia, rejected as term, xi, 1

486

compared to ornamentation from other sites, 191-193,

INDEX

people and societies of, 72-73; seated woman with feline heads, ceramic figurine of, 391,392 greenstone/jade/jadeite/jadeitite: in Caribbean, 311-312, 321; Cerro de Las Mesas, jade belt plaque from, 91; Chichen Itza, offerings at Sacred Cenote of, 102,105, 110—112; clamshell, jade, from Talamanca de Tibas, 89-90; connections between Mesoamerica, Central America, and Colombia, 89-92,90, 91, 98; defined, 410; on Maya mats and thrones, 386, 387,390; in Pacific Nicaragua, 145—146 Griggs, John C., 64, 82 ground sloth. See giant ground sloth guaras (daggerboards), 335 Guatavita Desgrasante Tiestos ceramic type, 281,300-301 Guatemala. See Mesoamerica; specific sites Guayabo de Turrialba (site), 24, 30,174-177 guayacan (Guaiacum spp.), 383 Guayanilla, Puerto Rico, vomit spatula from, 314 guayiga/marunguey (Zamia spp.), 310,321, 324 Guaymi, 10,169 Guererro, Mexico, 61,113,339-340,34ini3 Giietar, 5-8, 72, 76,410 Guinea Bueno, Mercedes, 14,247,414 guinea pig ( Cavia porcellus), 313 Guna, 10,54,76-78, 78,79,4io Gutierrez Usillos, Andres, 407nn2o—21 Haberland, Wolfgang, 13,23, 25,29,74,133,173, i78m Hahn, Pia, 191 Haller, MikaelJohn, 68 Handbook of Middle American Indians (1964-1976), 24

Handbook of South American Indians (1946-1959); 2,2-23

forest clearance by, 63,98; of Greater Chiriqui subarea,

harpy eagle (Harpia harpyja), 315

169; of Greater Nicoya cultural area, 72-73; historical

Hartman, Carl, 18-19, 22,30,391

approaches to (See archaeological historiography);

Haslett,John, 336

human genetics and, 11-12,18,27-28,49,53-54,72,79,

Healy, Paul, 132,133,137,145 Hearne, Pamela, 201,219, 228

83n4,336; identity as/descent from, 1-2,5,8-11,17;

Helms, Mary, 25,77,146,318 Hernandez de Alba, Gregorio, 21

female genetic heritage,72, 81, 8304; mobility of, 60,68;

Herrera y Tordesillas, Antonio de, 131, 334, 341ns

53-54; Paleoindians in Central American Landbridge

Herrerin Lopez,Jesus, 247,414 Hervas Herrera, Miguel Angel, 247,414

Zone, 55,55-61,57; population levels, 2,9,72,75,79,344; projectile-point types from Archaic sites, 65,66; revolting

heterarchy, 15,343; 344-345,352,361 hierarchy. See specific entries at social complexity

Spanish conquest and its consequences, 60,61,68,72,

intermarriage and genetic survival, 80-81; male versus in Pacific Nicaragua, 135-137,145,146; paleogenetics,

against colonial control, 78,79-80; slave trade, 79,80;

Hincapie Santamaria,Jaime, 279

75-82; survival of Pre-Columbian traditions of, 81,81-82;

Hispaniola, 311,312,316,322, 382 history. See archaeological historiography; ethnohistorical

"those who spoke the language of Cueva," 63,69-71,76,

accounts Hocquenghem, Anne Marie, 341ml Holm, Olaf, 338 Holmberg, Karen, 73 Holmes, William Henry, 18-20,19 Holmul ornament, 192 Honduras. See Mesoamerica; specific sites Hoopes, John W., 1,12,14,15m, 17,30, 89,101,145,161,3°9, 321, 414

77; transgender/gender-fluid/gender-variant people, 235, 244. See also languages; specific languages and ethnic groups Initial Group, 92,93,312 instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA), 26,140,141, 142,144, 410 integrated approach to Pre-Columbian Central America, Colombia, and Ecuador, xi-xii, 1-15; archaeological historiography of, 12,17-31 (See also archaeological historiography); archaeological subareas, use of, 1,13, 24; framework, need for, 35; geography and climate, 2-4;

Hornborg, Alf, 14,343,353-355, 372 horse: Equus sp., 51,52,53,59,60; Hippodon sp., 53

geology, flora, and fauna, 4-5; Indigenous people and

Hosier, Dorothy, 336, 338-339, 34° Huaca de Chirajara offering assemblage, 292,293

societies); network theory, paradigm shift to, 12-13,35-47

societies, 5-13,49-82 (See also Indigenous people and (See also network theory); seats and seating, 377-406 (See

Huaca Prieta mound, Peru, 51

also seats and seating); terms for geographic area of, xi, 1,

Huacal de Bugaba (site), 174

i5nni-2,36-37 (See also archaeological historiography);

Huarochiri manuscript, 336

unitary approach to area,1-2. See also Caribbean;

Hiietar. See Giietar

Colombia; Costa Rica; Ecuador; maps; Mesoamerica;

"Huecoid" complex, Trinidad, 324 Hugh-Jones, Stephen, 370 human figures. See anthropomorphic figures

Nicaragua; Panama Intermediate Area, as term, xi, 1,22, 23, 26, 29,36-37 International Congress of Americanists (ICA): 27th Congress (1939), 21, 22; 33rd Congress (1958), 23; 34th Congress

human sacrifice, 22,105, 250,295,302 hummingbird (Trochilidae), 315 Hunac Ceel ofMayapan, 109,110,112 Ibarra Rojas, Eugenia, 79 Ichon, Alain, 249 iguanas (Iguana iguana), 64 Ijka, 10,11 Inca, 22, 250, 333,336,337,34in2, 34ini2, 375n6,395,407m6

(i960), 24; 47th Congress (199O, 29 International Group, 13,73,93, »3,133,34i Isaza Aizpurua, Ilean Isel, 68,268 Isla Colon (site), 75 Isthmo-Colombian Area. See integrated approach to PreColumbian Central America, Colombia, and Ecuador Isthmo-Colombian Area, as term, xi, 1,15m, 30,37 ivory anthropomorphic animal figurines with gold onlay, Sitio Conte, 241, 241-242,242

incensario figurines with seats, 381,400, 400-401 Indigenous people and societies, 5-13, 49-82; agriculture of, 60-66, 65; archaeological evidence for Indigenous polities, 5-6; archaeological evidence for initial dispersal,

jack beans (Canavalia spp.), 310 jade/jadeite/jadeitite. See greenstone/jade/jadeite/jadeitite jaguar effigy thrones, Maya, 387,388

50-53; asynchronous population displacements, 63-64;

jaguar pelt-covered cushions, as seats, 388,389

ceramics, emergence of, 66-68; Christianity and, 79, 80;

jaguar (Panthera onca),313,316

cultural and genetic diversity of, 5; cultural traditions,

Jalteva (site), 145

emergence of, 66-69; deep collective memory, sites of, 73-75,75; deep history and deep time, resurrecting,

Jamaica, 311,312 Jaramillo Arango, Antonio, 14,331, 413

82; diving, paleobiological evidence for, 70-71,' earliest

Jaramillo Arango,Jaime, 297-298,298

human inhabitants and dispersal, 11-12,49-54,50,54;

Jicaque and Jicaquean, 5,21, 27

INDEX

41

Johnson, F., 22

Las Delicias (site), 141

Josefowitz stela, 106

Las Huacas (site), 58,391,393

Joyce, Rosemary A., 12-13,19,3°, 35,36, 98,133,33b34°, 4M

Las Mercedes (site),19, 20,30, 75,157

Juan y Santacilia,Jorge, 335

Las Vegas Polychrome, 140,143,145

Julcuy (site), 374ns

Lathrap, Donald W., 31,353

Justeson,John, 27

Lave, Jean, and Etienne Wenger, Situated Learning, 41 LDHB-Gua (lactose dehydrogenate), 79

Kagaba. See Kogi

Lechtman, Heather, 44

K'ak' Nab K'awiil (or Smoke Imix "God K") of Copan, 92

Lehmann, Walter,19, 20

K'akupacal, at Chichen Itza, 106

Lencan, 5,10,18, 27

Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala, 90,388

Leon Punctate, 142, 144

Karitian, 54 Kaufman, Terence, 27

Levi-Strauss, Claude, 352

Keith, Minor C., and Keith collection, 19, 20-21

Linares, Olga F., 24, 68, 73

Kelemen, Pal, Medieval American Art, 22, 23

Linda Vista (site), 64

Keller, SarahJane, 138 Kennedy, William, 24 Kerber, Richard Ade, 248 Kidder, Alfred V., 22 king vulture (Sarcoramphuspapa),315 K inich Ahkal Mo Naahb III of Palenque, 387—388 K'inichjanab Pakal I of Palenque, 388,390 Kirchhoff, Paul, 21-22, 97,101 Klein, Cecelia F., 101 Kogi/Kagaba, 10,11,71,396-399,410-411 Kroeber, Alfred, 38,101 Kubler, George, 101 Kuper, Adam, 38 La Arenera (site), 141 La Emerenciana (site), 351 La Hueca (site), Vieques,315 La India (site), 249 La Libertad mound, 191 La Mesita (site), 4o6ni2 La Mula ceramics, 68, 71 La Mula-West quarry site, 56,64 La Plata Island (site), 3, 4,191,337,370,373 La Regla (site), 89,90 Lacenta (Guna cacique), 77, 78 Laffoon,Jason E., 313 Lake Alajuela (site), 52,59,60,64,65 Lake Arenal (site), 58, 65 Lake Guatavita, Cundinamarca, 275,296,302 Lambayeque/Sican culture, 333,335,336,338,340,34mn Landa, Diego de, 110 Lange, Frederick W., 24,25,26,29,31,132,140 Langebaeck, Carl, 300,302 languages: agriculture and linguistic diversification, 61, 62;

in Central Nicaragua, 151; ceramics and linguistic

phylogenies, 67; development of, 68-69; historical study of, 18, 20, 21, 26, 27; linguistic map of Mesoamerica, 35-36, 36;

in Pacific Nicaragua, 132; phylogeny of Proto Pech-

Chibcha phylum, 67; sound correspondence studies, 27; table of, 6-9t. See also specific languages Lapa do Santo site, Brazil, 53 La Cariaza (site), 245,247,249

488

leren ( Calathea allouia), 62,63,310

INDEX

Linne, Sigvald, 21 Loma Corral 3 (site), 141 Londono, Eduardo, 278 Looper, Matthew,15,377,414 looting and looters, 18, 24,174,197 Lopez de Gomara, Francisco, 131 Lopez Tenorio, Francisco, 339 Los Rieles, Chile, 53 Los Roques archipelago, 314,316 Los Tapiales, Guatemala,56 lost-wax casting, 104,117, 282-288 Lothrop, Eleanor, 198 Lothrop, Samuel K.: in archaeological historiography, isn6, 18-24,32n2, 45,183; 132i

ceramics of Pacific Nicaragua and,

'45; on connections between Mesoamerica, Central

America, and Colombia, 94, 97, 98; on monumental stone sculpture of Central Nicaragua, 149,151; on Sacred Cenote at Chichen Itza, 102,103,105, i2sni2,12609; at Sitio Conte, 183,186,187,190,191,197,198,199, 202, 230, 236,241, 244, 249,252,258

Lower Central America,as term, 1, isn2,23, 24, 26, 29, 49 Luke, Christina, 40,41 Luna Polychrome, 135 Lunniss, Richard, 191-192

MacCurdy, George Grant,18-19 Madeira Polychrome, 134,135 maize (Zea mays),61-62, 63, 65-66,73,310,321,391 Maleku, 11,54,132,411 Managua Polychrome, 135 mangue palm (Attalea allenii), 64 manioc (Manihot esculenta), 61, 62, 63,321 Manion, Jessica, 138,145 Manteno culture,14-15,343,373, 378,381,399-404,400-403. See also Agua Blanca; social complexity and spatial hierarchy in Ecuador Manteno-Huancavilca culture, 333,336-337,340, 341, 34in2 maps: of Caribbean, 306; Central America and Colombia, xiv-xv; of Colombia, 272; of Costa Rica,166; of Ecuador, 328,346; geology of Central American Landbridge Zone, 50; Greater Chiriqui subarea, 170; Indigenous and community lands in Costa Rica, Panama, and

Colombia, xvi; linguistic map of Mesoamerica, 35-36, 36; of Mesoamerica, 86; ofMuisca territory in sixteenth century, 277; of Nicaragua, 128; of Panama, 180; routes

ceramics of Pacific Nicaragua and,125012; connections between Mesoamerica/Central America/ 315,317;

Colombia and, 90; defined, 410; flying panel metates, 15;

for Clovis ancestry, 54

gender construction and,

Marcus, Joyce, 353 Maribios, 132

68,73,75;

Martin, Juan Guillermo, 69 Martinon-Torres, Marcos, 275,414-415 marunguey/guayiga (Zamia spp.), Marxism in Latin America, 28-29

metates: in archaeological historiography, 20; in Caribbean,

31°, 321> 324

Mason, J. Alden: in archaeological historiography, 19,20-21,

244;

network theory and,

at Real Alto, 358; as

410

Mexico. See Mesoamerica; specific sites Michoacan, Mexico, 61,113,340 micro x-ray fluorescence spectrometry, Middle America, as term, 101-102

205,219-221,223,224,228, 229; Costa Rican Stonework,

Milagro-Quevedo, 338

21; gender construction at Sitio Conte and, 235,236, 237;

Miller, Mary Ellen, 13,101,415

Grave 5 at Sitio Conte and,187; on La Mesita slabs, 4o6ni2

Mills, Barbara, 38-39

Stegomastodon humboldti, 59-60

46;

seats, 391-394,392,405, 406ml, Mexica, 38,101, 250

22,32n2,249; Burial 11 at Sitio Conte, and, 197-202,199,

mastodon: Cuverionius sp.,51,52,59; Haplomastodon sp., 51,52;

Indigenous peoples and,

mindala, 332 Miraflores, funerary pottery from,

Matagalpa/Matagalpan, 10,132,151

mirrors and mirror frames,

mats and mat motifs, 15,45-46,377,382,388-391,393, 406,

Miskitu/Miskito, 10, 21, 22,79-80

4o6n7 Maya/Mayan: archaeological historiography and, 18,19,21,27,

Misumalpan,

411

69, 70

92,92-94, 93

2,5,10,15ns, 72,132,151

Colombian Area, 89-92,94-98; greenstone/jade/jadeite/

Mixe, 27,53 Mixtec, 72,104 Mixteca-Puebla ceramic tradition, 133,137,138,144

jadeitite, use of, 311,312; Indigenous peoples and,72; seats,

Momotombito (site),

mats, and thrones, 386-391,387-390,393,4°5; tumbaga and, 312. See also Chichen Itza, and other specific sites

Momta Polychrome, 137,142

28; connections between classic Mesoamerica and Isthmo-

The Maya and Their Neighbors (1949)122 Maya blue pigment,102,112 Mayahak Cab Pek, Belize, 53

74

Monge, Janet, 202 Monte Verde II, Chile, 51,52 Montserrat, 313 monumental stone sculpture: anthropomorphic figures, 73-75,

Mayer, Frederick and Jan, 26

75,149,19L

Mayo Tome, Carlos,14,247,415

pillars from Greater Chiriqui subarea,171-172; seated

dating issues,150; pecked "rock art," 157,160;

Mayo Torne, Julia, 14,15,73,23F 240-241, 247, 252, 253,415

figures,

McCafferty, Geoffrey, 13,97,131,136,137,138,140,145, 4*5

149,150,171,316;

McEwan, Colin, xii, 1,13,14,15, 82, 343,374m, 377,4o6n4, 415 McGimsey, Charles R., 23 megafauna, 59-61 megalodon (Carcharcoles megalodon), 191 Meggers, Betty J., 24,31 Mekranoti-Kayapo of central Brazil, 355

393,393-394;

as anthropomorphic figures with accompanying animals, 152-153;

archaeological historiography, 149,151; central

Nicaragua, as archaeological region, 150-151; Copelito farmstead figure,

Codex Mendoza, 40607

153-162,154-156,

societies of, 5; linguistic map of, 35-36,36; map of, 86. See

152,153;

dating and provenance issues,

distribution of, 160; at El Gavilan, 149,

Merrill, Robert H., 198,202,236,237

Mesoamerica, 13; chronological chart, 8yt; Indigenous

30,74-75,

Jaboncillo) monumental stone sculpture in central Nicaragua, 149-163;

150,151-152;

Merritt, J. King,174 Merwin, Raymond E.,192

social role of, 150; spheres,

stone seats (See Agua Blanca; Cerro

i56f, 158,1581,159; ethnohistorical

accounts, 160; identity and representation in, 150, 159-161,160,161;

landscape, as means of inscribing, 161;

production, transportation, and placement, 161-162; public and private collections of, 149-150; raw materials

also connections between Mesoamerica, Central America,

used, 152,157,158; stylistic analyses of, 150,152-153,153;

and Colombia; specific countries

textiles, dress, and jewelry,153,160,161

Mesoamerica, as term, 101

Mora Polychrome, 132,143

mestizaje and mestizado,17,80

Mora-Marin, David, 89,101, 415

metals and metallurgy: axe-money, 332,336,337-340;

Moreno-Mayar, J. Victor, 53-54

Chichen Itza as depository for metal objects, 98,103,

Morley, Sylvanus G., 19

113-124,114-124 (See also Chichen Itza, Sacred Cenote

Morrow, Juliet E., 56

of); connections between classic Mesoamerica, Central

Morrow, Toby A., 56 mortuary archaeology: burial versus grave, 233m, 27on2;

America, and Colombia, 98; sources for, 113-115, "6f,121; wax and metal, ritual and symbolic associations of, 288-

charnel house and burials at Real Alto, 350,353,357,

289. See also Muisca Raft; tools, metal and stone; specific

358,358-360,3591;

types of metals and metal objects

gender and, 235-236; Greater Code,

funerary treatments and mortuary chronology in,

I N D E X

249-252, 250, 25if, 252f; Miraflores, funerary pottery

New Archaeology, 248

from, 69,70; Muisca funerary attire, 290,292; seats and

Ngabere/Ngobe, 9-10,78,79, 80,411

seating, 389,391,393-394,395; theoretical approaches to, 248-249. See also Burial 11, Sitio Conte; child interments;

Nicaragua, 13; chronological chart, 129!; complex landscape of, !3i; geography and climate, 4; Indigenous societies of, 10,

Grave 5, Sitio Conte; patterning in Chiriqui villages and

11; map of, 128; Sandanista government in, 28; seats and

cemeteries of Terraba-Coto Brus Valley, Costa Rica;

seating, 377,379, 382,383,386,391-394,392,393,4o6n2. See also ceramics of Pacific Nicaragua; monumental

social complexity at El Cano and Sitio Conte Motolinia, Toribio de, 131,132 mountain with origin cave, mythology of, 98

stone sculpture in central Nicaragua; specific sites

Movere, 9-10,411

Nicarao, 13,72,132,135,136,145,146 Nicholson, Henry B., 137

mtDNA (mitochondrial DNA), 27, 62, 83n4

Niemel, Karen, 133

Muisca (Chibcha), 2,10,21,277,299, 411

Nieuwenhuis, ChannahJose, 53

Muisca offering vessels, 279,280-281,292

Norweb, Alfred, 24,132,151 Nosara (site),192

Muisca offerings of votive figures, 279, 299-303, 303m Muisca Raff, 14, 275-303; archaeological discovery of, 277-278, 278,279; artifact/offering assemblage, 277, 277-281,279-

nose ornaments, 228, 290-292,291, 296,297,298,299 Nuclear America, as term, 19,23,101

281; ceramic offering vessel, 279, 280-281,298; cercado or

Nueva Esperanza (site), 14

enclosure scenes compared, 293-296,294,295; chemical

Nuevo Corinto (site), 30

composition, 289-290,289!, 290t; commissioner of, 288;

Nunez, Lautaro, 60

dating of, 300-301; dendritic texture of raff surface, 288; description of, 279-280,280-286; duho on, 280, 292,293, 299>

383,384; El Dorado myth and "Golden Man" ritual,

association with, 14,275-277,276; fabrication of tumbaga

O Day, Karen, 14,183,197,230, 415

objects, 281—289,282-286,288; feline bone accompanying,

Oliver, Jose R., 14,320,385,386, 415

278, 280, 299; litter accompanying, 280,280-281, 289-290,

Olmecs, 25,30,31,89-91,98,312 open-back casting,117, i2sn8

289t, 2901, 296-298,297-299; map of Muisca territory in sixteenth century, 277; message and meaning of, 290-299,

Ortega, Elpidio,192

291-295,297-299; ritual and political context, 299-303;

Ortiz Diaz, Edith, 13,109,415

Siecha raff compared, 286,287, 296, 299; as single piece

Oto-Manguean, 2,5,10,20,21,72,74,135 oxygen isotope analysis, 313

of artwork, 284-286; small ceramic accompanying vessel, 279, 281; stylistic features, 282-283; as votive figure, 279, 299,303m Mulkuexe (Kogi solar deity), 398 Murcielago (site), 176,177 Nahuange (site), 20,313 Nahuat/Nahuatl, 11,21,72, 79, 97,135,146,151,4n naipes, 332,338. See also axe-money Naso/Naso Djerdi, 9-10,54 nation-state dynamics, archaeological constructs influenced by- 2-17,38, 46 Native Americans. See Indigenous people and societies navigation technologies in Caribbean, 310,322 Nazca lines, Peru, 370 Nentcatacoa (Muisca deity), 300 Neotropic cormorant (Phalacrocorax olivaceus), 64 Netherly, Patricia, 369 network theory, 12-13,35-47; advantages of, 46-47; in archaeological historiography, 30; culture-area concept versus, 37-38,46-47; models for, 38-41; multiple networks in action, 40-41; nation-state dynamics, archaeological constructs influenced by,17,38,46; Pacific corridor networks and, 331,340-341 (See also Pacific corridor, networks of interaction along); paradigm shift to, 35,37,• ritual actions, networks of, 39-4o; social network analysis, 39, 412; terminological and framework issues,35-37. See also communities and constellations of practice

490

Oaxaca, Mexico, 11,102,339-340,341013 ocarinas, 395 ,396

INDEX

Pacific corridor, as term, 331 Pacific corridor, networks of interaction along, 331-341; axemoney and, 332, 336,337-340; ceramics and, 336,34inio; deep-water balsa raff technology, 331,333,333-335,334, 341; Ecuadorian coast and, 332.-335; geographic range of, 335—336; historical background, dating, and archaeological evidence, 331—332.; network theory and communities of practice, 331,340-341; thorny oyster (Spondylus spp.) and, 332-334,3363-37,338,339,340,34in4,34innn-i3 Pacific giant conch (Titanostrombus Galeatus),70 Pacific Nicaragua. See ceramics of Pacific Nicaragua Paez-Barbacoan, 2,5,10 Pagan-Jimenez,Jaime R., 310 Palenque, Chiapas, Mexico: bench from Temple XXI, 387-388, 390,390-391; censer stand, Group 4,4o6n6; fragmentary gold bell from, 104-105; jades from, 105; stucco work at, ioyn6 Panama, 14; agriculture in, 62-63; chronological chart, i8it; geography and climate, 3; Indigenous societies of, 5,9-10; map, 180; Paleoindian sites in, 56-58; seats and seating in, 391-394. See also El Cano; other specific sites; Sitio Conte Panama Canal, 19 Panama Viejo (site), 70,76 Panamaca, 10 Panches, 301 Pane, Fray, 385

Panteon de la Reina (site), 30,174,175,177

Pubenza 3 (site), 52

Papagayo Polychrome, 132,136,137,138,143,144,145 papaya (Caricapapaya), 60

Pueblito (site), 20,394,395,398,399 pueblos de indios, 80

Parducci Zevallos, Resfa, 400-402

Puerto Gonzalez Viquez, Burica Peninsula, gold

Paredes mound, Peru, 51 Parita (chief and chiefdom), 61, 68,74 Pasca Carmelito Liso/Pasca Habano Liso ceramic types,

anthropomorphic figure with pyrite encrustation, 93,94 Puerto Rico, 311-318,317,318,322,324, 40603 Punta Mita, Nayarit, West Mexico, 337

281,301 Pasca, Colombia, 277,278-280,290, 293,294, 296-299,300-303 Pataky Polychrome, 134,135

quadripartition, social complexity, and spatial hierarchy in Ecuador, 347,365,369

sites, 170-172; association between villages and

quartz, 57,263,394, 411 Quechua/Quechuan, 5,332, 336,353 Quetzalcoatl cult and "feathered serpent" imagery, 133,138,145

patterning in Chiriqui villages and cemeteries of TerrabaCoto Brus Valley, Costa Rica, 169-178; archaeological cemeteries, 171; chronological development of, 172-177,

Quichurchis (site), 370

175,176; ethnohistorical accounts, 169,171,177; Greater

Quilter, Jeffrey, 29-30

Chiriqui subarea,169,170; material remains, 171-172 Paya. See Pech

quincunx, 387,399 Quintanilla Jimenez, Ifigenia, 30

peach palm (Bactris gasipaes), 25,310

Quintero Guzman,Juan Pablo, 275, 415-416

peanut (Arachis hipogaea), 311 pearl oyster (Pinctada mazatlanica),70,316 Pearsall, Deborah M., 310

Racines Bernal,Julio, 287 radiality, social complexity, and spatial hierarchy in Ecuador,

Pech, 5, 20,21, 22

343,345,348, 361,370,371 radiocarbon dating, defined, 411

pecked "rock art," 157,160

Rama, 9,11, 22,72,411

pectorals. See disks and pectorals

Raman spectroscopy, 411 Ranere, AnthonyJ., 24, 27,56, 68, 249 rank endogamy, spatial representation of, 355,356,357

Pearson, Georges A., 58,59

Pedro Gonzalez Island (site), 69 Penas Blancas (site), 173 pendants. See specific sites and types penis-sheaths, shell, 77, 78 PEPA-KUNA, 79 Peruvian conch (Lobatus peruvianas or Strombus peruvianus), 353

Ratinlixul vase, 97 Real Alto (site), 343,345-361; charnel house and burials at, 350,353,357,35*, 358-360,3591; chronology, 345', 37403; current Brazilian societies compared, 350-353, 355; description of site, 345-347,346,347; diarchy and

petrography, 140,141,142., 144,412.

transformation of social space at, 353-361,354,356-358,

Phillips, Philip, 1507,178m

3591,360-361-, dualism at, 347,349-352-; excavation of, 374n3; exceptionality/typicality of, 373,37404; hierarchy

Piedra Viva (site), 64, 65 Piedras Negras, Guatemala, 105,387,389 pinolillo, 138 Pizarro, Francisco, 334 Platz, Lorelei, 141

at, 350-353; intercardinal orientation, 347-348,348,349t, 359-36o; miniature shaman stools and hierarchy at, 351, 358; quadripartite division of village space, 347; radiality at, 345,348,361; rank endogamy, spatial representation

Playa Don Bernardo (site), 63,186

of, 355,356,357; reciprocity and dual organization at,

Playa Venado (site), 70, 249,359

353-355; satellite communities, 360-361,361; town plan, reconstruction of, 360; tripartite division into concentric

Plazas, Clemencia, 340 pochtecas, 332 Poincos, 301 Ponce, Alonso, 131 Popol Vuh, 390-391 poporos (lime flasks), 115,118, i25n6, 280,411 portable x-ray fluorescence (pXRF), 282, 289 Potrero Grande (site), 173 pottery. See ceramics Pre-Columbian, as term, 101 Pre-Columbian Art of Mexico and Middle America exhibition (1958-1960), 101 projectile points: from Archaic sites, 65, 66; gender associations, 239-241 psychotropic substances, 298,310,316,332,380,385-386, 407ni4

areas with different social connotations, 347,348-349; women's roles at, 358 reciprocity and dual organization, 353-355 rectangular-plan versus circular-plan communities, 343,344, 356,357,373-374- See also social complexity and spatial hierarchy in Ecuador recursive hierarchy, as transformative mechanism, 343,352,372 Redwood, Stewart D.,13, 69 Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo, 5,398,407017; Colombia, 23-24 Relacion de Valladolid (1579),110 Relaciones Geograficas, 339 Renfrew, Colin, 248,250-252, 269 Restrepo Tirado, Ernesto, 295 Retes (site), 23 Richardson, Francis, 22

INDEX

ring villages, 344

accounts and archaeological correlates, 292,379-382,

Rio Perdido (site), 360-361,361

381-383,385, 390-391; feasting, association with, 387,

ritual: Caribbean ritual paraphernalia, 316-317; "Golden Man"

389,394,

395, 4°7ni4; incensario figurines with seats, 381,

ritual, 275,287, 296; human sacrifice, 22,105, 250,295,302;

400, 400-401; mats and mat motifs, 15,45-46,377,382,

Muisca Raft, ritual and political context of, 299-303; networks of ritual actions,39-40; wax and metal, ritual

388-391,393, 406,406n7; Maya, 386-391,387-390,393, 405; meaning and message[s] of, 404-406; metates as,

and symbolic associations of, 288-289. See also seats and

391-394,392, 405,406ml, 410; in mortuary archaeology,

seating

389,39i,

ritual centers: Caguana, Puerto Rico, 316,318} Caribbean, 317318; Chichen Itza, Sacred Cenote of,123-124

393-394,395; in Nicaragua, 377,379,382,383,386,

391-394,392,393,406m; in Panama, 391-394; quincunx and, 387, 399; shamans and shamanism, 351,358, 380,

Rivas (site), 30,174,175,177 Rivas Red ceramics,144

377-379,378; social complexity and, 351,358, 406; sun/sun

River of Gold exhibition (1992), 26,197 Robinson, EugeniaJ., 141

duhos from Caribbean, 383-386,384, 405,4o6n3; women,

Roddick, Andrew, 43

seated, 391,392, 395,406ml; wood as primary material for,

Rodriguez Arce,Jose M., 391 Rodriguez Freyle,Juan, 275,302

382, 385-386, 391,405-406; significance and ubiquity of, deity, association with, 398-399, 403-404,4071116; Taino

377,379- See also duhos septum, defined, 412

Rodriguez Ramos, Reniel,14,309,321, 416 Rosalita Polychrome, 137,142

sex versus gender, 235

roseate spoonbill, 145

shamans and shamanism,152-153,35b 358,380,382,385-386,

Rostworowski, Maria, 34in7

391,405-406 Shanks, Michael,183

Rouse, Irving, 14,24,322 Rowe, Sarah M., 361 Ruiz, Bartolome, 334,34in7 Ruvalcaba, Jose Luis, 109,416

shaft-tomb tradition, 337

sharks/shark teeth, 185-186,191,228 Sheets, Payson, 26,36 shell. See other specific types; thorny oyster shell penis-sheaths, 77, 78

Sacasa Striated ovoid vessels (shoe-pots), 138-140,139

Sherente circular villages, 35s,356

Sacred Cenote of Chichen Itza. See Chichen Itza, Sacred Cenote of

shipworm (Teredo navalis), 336

sacrifice, human, 22,105, 250,295,302 sahumador, 145

Siecha raft (lost work), 286,287, 296, 299

Salango (site), 192 Salazar Villasante,Juan de, 338 Salgado Gonzalez, Silvia, 12,17,30,133,141,142,416 Samano-Xerez chronicle, 334

Sican culture. See Lambayeque/Sican culture silver: Bahia culture silver balsa raft, 333; defined, 412; gold source, silver content of, 115, n6f; Muisca Raft, chemical composition of, 289,289-290?

Samson, Alice V. M.,192

Simon, Pedro, 292,296,298,300,301,302 sintering, defined, 412

San Agustin (site), 26,150,316

Sitio Bolas, 173

San Isidro (site), 351,361,373 Santa Isabel (site), 133,137,139,140,144,146 Santos Granero, Fernando, 353 sapodilla (Manilkara zapota), 321 Saville, Marshal H., 399,403 scanning electron microscopy (SEM), 411 School of American Research (SAR) advanced seminar, 25-26 sea turtles (Eretmochelys imbricata and Chelonia agassizi), 64 seal used to apply body decoration, 400-403,401, 407x110 seats and seating, 377-406; animals displayed on, 380,392,396;

Sitio Conte, 14; Chichen Itza deposits resembling items from, 119,121; description of site,183,235,247,252; El Cano and, 183,191,229,230,231,241,247,252,268-269; gold helmet from, 97; historical archaeology of, 21, 22, 23, 26; ivory anthropomorphic animal figurines with gold onlay, 241, 241-242,242; mirror frame from, 93,94; plan of, 198; as site of deep collective memory, 73,74. See also Burial 11, Sitio Conte; gender construction in graves at Sitio Conte; Grave 5, Sitio Conte; social complexity at El Cano and Sitio Conte

anthropomorphic figures with, 380,381; as axis mundi,

Sitio Drago, 75

382,387,399! as centering technique, 382,383,387,399,

Sitio Lasquita, 64

406; clay seal used to apply body decoration in shape of,

Sitio Nieto, 57-58

400-403,401,407020; Colombia, Tairona and Kogi of,

Sitio Sierra, 26,249

394-397,394-399,399) concentric growth rings of trunk, alignment of seat center with, 382,383; in Costa Rica, 391-

Skinner, Milica Dimitrijevic,19, 22, 32m

394,392; cushions, as seats, 388,390,390-391; description of types, 379-380; designs on surfaces of, 380,382,383,386, 393," in Ecuador, 343,351,358,399-404,400-403, 407021 (See also Agua Blanca; Cerro Jaboncillo); ethnohistorical

492

Shimada, Izumi, 338

I N D E X

Smith-Guzman, Nicole E., 70-71 snakes: Boa constrictor and Colubridae sp., 64; "feathered serpent" imagery and Quetzalcoatl cult, 133,138,145; fer-de-lance (Bothrops asper), 138 Snarskis, Michael J., 24,25

social complexity and spatial hierarchy in Ecuador, 343-

Sumo/Sumu, 10, 21,72,151

374; Agua Blanca, Manteho site of, 343,362-372 (See

sun/sun deity, association of seats with, 398-399,403-404,

also Agua Blanca); community, defining, 344; current

407016 sweet potato (Ipomea batata),310,321

Brazilian societies compared, 350-333,355,370,372; deep history and deep time, 343-345,373; diarchy and transformation of social space, 353-361,354,356-358, 359*,

Tabarev, Andrey V., 374n3

360-361; dualism and, 347,349-352,365,369; heterarchy

Taboga Island (site), 69

and, 15,343,344-345,352,361; quadripartition and, 347,

Taboguilla Island (site), 69

365, 369; radiality and, 343,345,348,361,370,371; Real Alto, Valdivia site of, 343,345-361 (See also Real Alto);

Tagua Tagua, Chile, 60

recursive hierarchy, as transformative mechanism, 343,

Taino duhos, 383-386,384,405, 4o6n3

352,372; theories about circular- versus rectangular-plan

Tairona, 2,21,25,32n2,315,394~397,394-399,399 Tairona black-ware, 395

communities, 343,344,356,357,373~374 social complexity at El Cano and Sitio Conte, 247-269; burial

Taima-Taima, Venezuela, 51

areas and grave types at El Cano, 252-2541,254-257,2571;

Tairona gold repousse plaque, 396-398,397,404 Tak'alikAb'aj, Guatemala, 89

cacique status and body ornamentation at Grave 5, Sitio

Talamanca de Tibas (site), 89-90,393

Conte, 186-187,189,193; cluster analysis results, 258,

tapir (Taptrus spp.), 313

264-2651,264-268,265-268; differences in, 247,268-269; gender differences in mortuary ensembles at El Cano, 259,

Tarascans, 23, 250 taro (Xanthosoma sagittifolium), 62

259-261^ 27003; goals, methods, and data, 258; Greater

Tasaciones de los naturales de las provincias de Guathemalay

Code, funerary treatments and mortuary chronology in,

Nicaragua y Yucatan,131-132

249-252,250,25if, 252f; hereditary inequality, 247, 248-

Tawakha, 10

249; infant mortuary ensembles at El Cano, 2591,27004;

Tecla site, Puerto Rico, 316,317

spatial segregation by status, 247, 248,249; theoretical

Templo Mayor, 102,106,113

approaches to mortuary data and, 248-249; wealth

Tenampua (site), 46

distribution at El Cano, 259, 259-261*, 262,263

Tenampua Polychrome, 137,145

social complexity revealed in seating rituals, 351,358,406

Tenochtitlan, 39,337

social Darwinism, 38

Teotihuacan, 19,92-93,146,34ini3

social network analysis, 39,412

Tepetate (site), 134,140,145

sociograms, community plans as,373 Sogamoso, Boyaca, Muisca funerary attire from, 292

Teribe, 10,11,78,79,169, 412 Terraba-Coto Brus Valley, Costa Rica, Chiriqui villages and

soldering, 284,412

cemeteries of. See patterning in Chiriqui villages and cemeteries of Terraba-Coto Brus Valley, Costa Rica

Somoza, Anastasio, 28 Sotuta water pitchers, 109,110

terrestrial turtles (Kinosternon spp.), 64

Spanish conquest, 60,61, 68, 72., 75-82,132,344 spatial organization. See patterning in Chiriqui villages and

Tetzcoco/Texcoco, 337 textiles and dress: gender interpretation and, 236, 242-244; on

cemeteries of Terraba-Coto Brus Valley, Costa Rica;

monumental stone sculpture in central Nicaragua, 153,160,

social complexity and spatial hierarchy in Ecuador; social

161; Tafno duhos and, 386

complexity at El Cano and Sitio Conte

Thieck, Frederick,160

sperm whale (Physeter macrocephalus),190

Thompson, Edward H., 102,112

spheres, monumental stone, 30, 74-75.149,150,171,316

Thompson, Mark, 43-44 thorny oyster (Spondylus spp.), 14,47, 7°, 93;

Spilbergen, Joris van, 334,335 Spinden, Herbert, 19, 20,22, 23,31,101 Spirit Cave, Nevada, 53

340,34in4,34innn-i3; at Real Alto, 351,359

Spondylus shell. See thorny oyster

thrones. See seats and seating

squash ( Cucurbita moschata), 62, 63, 65

Tibito, Tocancipa (site), 52-53

Squier, Ephraim (E. George), 132,149

tiger shark, 186 Tikal, Stela 20, jaguar effigy throne, 387,388

Steinbrenner, Larry, 137,145 Stirling, Matthew W., 23 stone. See greenstone/jade/jadeite/jadeitite; projectile points; tools, metal and stone; winged stone pendants; specific entries at monumental stone sculpture Stone, Doris Z., isn2,22-25,172,192,340 stools. See seats and seating Strong, William D., 22 strontium isotope analysis, 313

Caribbean, 316;

Pacific corridor network and, 332-334,336-337,338,339,

Tilley, Christopher, 352 Tlacopan, 337 toads. See frogs and toads tobacco (Nicotiana rustico), 310,391, 4o6nio Tola Trichrome, 142,144 tools, metal and stone: from Burial 11, Sitio Conte, 225,226; gender variations in stone tool deposits, Sitio Conte, 239-241

Suba offering, 289

I N D E X

4

tooth and caniniform ornaments: from Caribbean, 312; from El Cario, 185,191; shark teeth, 185-186,191,228; from Sitio

Virgin Islands, 312,314 Volcan Valley, 73

Conte, 189,189-194,192,220,223,226,228,230 Torquemada, Juan de,131,132

volcanic activity in Isthmo-Colombian Area, 2,73

toucans (Rhamphastos spp.), 315

Voto, 8,72,78,412

toxodon (Mixotoxodon larensis), 59 Tozzer, Alfred, 22

Wafer, Lionel, 77, 244

transformations between human and animal, 98,152-153,299, 393,404

vomit spatulas, 314,315

Ward Analysis Cluster with Euclidean Distance, 258 Waunaan, 10,76,412

Travesia (site), 40,42,43 Treasure of the Quimbayas, 18

wax and metal, ritual and symbolic associations of, 288-289 Waxaklajuun Ubaah K'awiil of Copan, 94

Trinidad, 310,324 Triple Alliance, 337

Wenger, Etienne, 42; Situated Learning (withJean Lave), 41 Werner, Dennis, 355

Tronadora Vieja (site), 65,66

Western Stemmed Point Tradition, 53

Tucume, Lambayeque, Peru, 337 Tukano/ Tukanoan, 76,382

whale tooth and bone, 186,190,192, 220, 223, 226, 230 white-lipped peccary (Tayassu pecari),313

tumbaga. See gold and gold alloys

white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus), 60

Turner, Terence, 14,343,352-353,372 turtles: freshwater turtle (Trachemys), 59; sea turtles

Willey, Gordon R., i5n7, 23, 24,31,132,151,178m; Introduction to American Archaeology, 24

(Eretmochelys imbricata and Chelonia agassizi),64; terrestrial turtles (Kinosternon spp.), 64

Wilson, Samuel M., 317 winged stone pendants, 239,240,315,316 Wingfield, Laura,138-140

Uhle, Max, 20 Ukit Kan Lek Tok' of Ek' B'alam, 95 Ulloa, Antonio de, 335

Wissler, Clark, 19-20,37 women. See gender World Tree, 387

Ulua, 10,41,133,151 Ulua Polychrome, 42,43,44-46,137 Ulua-style marble vases, 40-43, 95 UNESCO World Heritage sites,30,31,74 Upakal K'inich of Palenque, 388

Xihuatoxtla rock-shelter, Mexico, 61 x-radiography, 412 x-ray diffraction (XRD), 140,141,144,412 x-ray fluorescence (XRF), 282, 289,412

Uribe Villegas, Maria Alicia,14, 275, 416 Usulutan Negative Resist wares,140-141,141

Yaeger, Jason, 344

Uto-Aztecan, 2,5,11,72,135

yams (Dioscorea trifida), 62, 63,310,321 Y-chromosome data, 11, 83n4

Vaillant, George C., 192 Valdivia culture, 332-333, 338,343,345^, 373. See also Real Alto; social complexity and spatial hierarchy in Ecuador Valencoid interaction sphere, 314 Vallejo Polychrome, 133,134,136,137,138,144,145 Vampiros-i rock shelter, 55-56,59 Van de Velde, Pieter, 351 Vargas Arenas, Iraida, 29

494

yellow zapote (Pouteria campechiana), 311,321 Yoro (site), 39-40 zamia (Zamia spp.), 310 Zapatera (site), 74 Zapatera Island, Nicaragua, 3,74,151,152,160,393 Zapotecs, 23

Verrill, Alpheus Hyatt, 252

Zeidler, James A., 14, 82,343,350,374m, 416 Zeltner, A. de, 19

Vinculos (journal), 24

zemi. See cemi.

Vinner, Lasse, 53-54

Zerda, Liborio, El Dorado, 275,296

INDEX