Post Secondary Education 9780773560642

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Post-Secondary Education in a Technological Society L'enseignement post-secondaire dans une societe technologique

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Post-Secondary Education in a Technological Society L'enseignement post-secondaire dans une societe technologique Edited by / Edite par T.H. McLeod

McGill - Queen's University Press Montreal and London 1973

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©McGill - Queen's University Press 1973 Published by McGill-Queen's University Press for the Nuffield Foundation ISBN 0 7735 0162 2 cloth; ISBN 0 7735 0177 0 paper Library of Congress Catalog Number 73 79099 Legal Deposit Fourth Quarter 1973 Design by Gottschalk + Ash Ltd. Montreal Printed in Canada by John Deyell Ltd.

Contributors

J. M. Galimberti received his MA degree in Economics from the University of Toronto in 1966. Prior to being appointed as the Executive Secretary of the Institute of Public Administration of Canada, he served as Research Director for the Civil Service Association of Ontario. David C. Munroe is Special Advisor, Department of the Secretary of State, Ottawa. From 1965 to 1969 he was Vice-chairman of the Superior Council of Education, Quebec. From 1945 to 1965, he served in a number of capacities at McGill University, as Director of the Institute of Education, Macdonald Professor of Education, and Assistant to the Principal. He has been President of the Canadian Teachers Federation, Canadian Association of Professors of Education, and the Canadian College of Teachers. In 1954 and 1960, he was Special Advisor to the Council of Education of the Witwatersrand, South Africa. D. S. Anderson is Professorial Fellow and head of the Education Research Unit at the Australian National University. Previous appointments he has held include Lecturer in Social Psychology and Student Counsellor. His research interests include the socialization of students in professional faculties, planning higher education, and the sociology of education. Dr. Hermann Granzow was educated in the German and Russian languages and literature, and in psychology in Leipzig and Bonn. From 1959 to 1968, he was a staff member of the Secretariat of the Standing Conference of Ministers of Education of the Lander of the Federal Republic of Germany. Since 1969 he has been working as an official in the Federal Chancellery (Bundeskanzleramt), mainly in the field of educational planning. He has published various articles in the fields of comparative education, educational planning, and student promotion. Kjell Eide became Director General, Department of Research and Planning, Ministry of Education of Norway in 1964. From 1961 to 1964, he was in charge of the Educational Planning Program, OECD, Paris. He was General Secretary of the joint board of the Norwegian Research Councils, the advisory body on research policy to the Norwegian government from 1951 to 1961. Mr. Eide has served on advisory missions in the fields of educational policy, research policy, and youth problems

to the governments of Denmark, Iceland, the Netherlands, Austria, Ireland, France, Yugoslavia, Greece, Turkey, the USA, and the USSR. He has published extensively in the fields of education and educational economics. G. S. Brosan spent several years in industry before taking up teaching, and entered educational administration in 1960. For some years he was Principal of Enfield College of Technology and was appointed to be the first Director of the North East London Polytechnic in 1970. Bohdan Harasymiw is Assistant Professor in Political Science at the University of Calgary. He has also taught at Waterloo Lutheran University. From 1967 to 1968 he was in the Soviet Union doing research for his doctoral thesis, and received his doctorate from the University of Toronto. Andre Daniere is associated with the Institute of Human Sciences of Boston College. He obtained his Ph.D. in Economics from Harvard University in 1956 and was engaged in research and teaching at that institution for twelve years. His major field of work in the last decade has been the economics of education. He has been a frequent consultant on the subject to state and federal agencies in the United States and has produced numerous articles and monographs dealing with the planning and financing of education. His book Higher Education in the American Economy, constitutes one of the earliest applications of "welfare" analysis to the determination of desirable educational policies.

T. H. McLeod was a public servant in Saskatchewan from 1944 to 1952, serving in a number of capacities including that of Deputy Provincial Treasurer. Since 1952 he has been a member of the staff of the University of Saskatchewan, serving as Dean of Commerce on the Saskatoon campus, and Dean of Arts and Science and Vice Principal on the Regina campus. He is now serving the Canadian International Development Agency as Special Advisor on University Affairs and Public Administration. He is a past President of the Institute of Public Administration of Canada, and received the Vanier Medal in 1971. Bruce Dearing R. C. Smith Commission on Post-Secondary Education in Ontario

Contents

Foreword Preface Edgar Gallant Background Facts Donnees fondamentales J. M. Galimberti Post-Secondary Education in Canada L'enseignement post-secondaire au Canada David C. Munroe Post-Secondary Education and Manpower Planning in Australia D. S, Anderson

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ix xi 1 9 31 51

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Post-Secondary Education in the Federal Republic of Germany 89 Hermann Granzow Some Aspects of Post-Secondary Education in Norway 101 Kjell Eide Some Aspects of Post-Secondary Education in the United Kingdom 111 G. S. Brosan Post-Secondary Education in the USSR Bohdan Harasymiw

129

Social Class Competition in American Higher Education 145 Andre Daniere

A Summary of the Presentation by the Speaker from France 161 New Structures

167

Experiment and Reform in the State of New York 169 Bruce Bearing The Open University of the United Kingdom R. C. Smith Post-Secondary Education in Ontario: A Statement of Issues Commission on Post-Secondary Education in Ontario Summary of the Discussions Resume des discussions T. H. McLeod

171

174

199 223

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Foreword

This publication is composed of the summary of discussion and the papers prepared for the Nuffield Canadian Seminar. The seminar, entitled "The Costs of Post-Secondary Education in a Technological Society," was held at Cap-Rouge, near Quebec City, 25-27 June 1971. Both the seminar and this publication were made possible by a grant of $20,000 to the Institute of Public Administration of Canada by the Nuffield Foundation, London, England. The seminar reviewed the response of developed nations to the important and difficult challenges confronting post-secondary education in this technological age. It brought together heads of post-secondary institutions and educational advisory bodies, financial and educational government officials, educational researchers, and businessmen. Approximately fifty per cent of the participants were from Canada with the remainder from Australia, Belgium, France, Great Britain, Norway, United States, West Germany, and from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Dr. John J. Deutsch, Vice-chancellor and Principal, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario and Monsieur Charles H. Perrault, President du Conseil du Patronat du Quebec, Montreal, Quebec, acted as co-chairmen of the seminar and the Executive Secretary of the Institute, Mr. J.M. Galimberti, was program coordinator. In addition to the Nuffield Foundation and its Canadian Policy Committee, the Institute is indebted to those who so kindly contributed material for this publication and to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development for supplying the information that made possible the paper "Background Facts." In particular, the Institute is grateful to John J. Deutsch and Charles H. Perrault not only for their most skilful performance in the difficult role of co-chairmen but also for their special contribution to the development of the seminar program. Edgar Gallant, National President 1970-71 The Institute of Public Administration of Canada

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Preface

La presente publication comprend les exposes presentes lors du colloque canadien Nuffield ainsi qu'un resume des discussions. Le colloque intitule "Le cout de 1'enseignement post-secondaire dans une societe technologique" s'est tenu a Cap-Rouge, pres de Quebec, les 25, 26, et 27 juin, 1971. Le colloque et cette publication ont etc rendus possible grace a une subvention de $20,000 accordee par la Fondation Nuffield de Londres, Angleterre a 1'Institut d'Administration publique du Canada. Le colloque a etudie la fagon dont les nations industrialisees ont aborde les solutions aux problemes de 1'enseignement post-secondaire a notre epoque technologique. II a reuni des responsables d'institutions d'enseignement post-secondaire, des conseillers en education, des hauts fonctionnaires des finances et de Peducation, des specialistes de la recherche dans le domaine de 1'education et des hommes d'affaires. Environ la moitie des participants etaient du Canada; les autres etaient venus de PAustralie, la Belgique, la France, la GrandeBretagne, la Norvege, les Etats-Unis, 1'Allemagne de 1'Ouest, ainsi que de 1'Organisation de cooperation et de developpement economiques. Le Dr. John J. Deutsch, Vice-chancellier et Principal de 1'Universite Queen's, Kingston, Ontario et Monsieur Charles H. Perrault, President du Conseil du Patronat du Quebec ont preside le colloque. Le secretaire de 1'Institut, Monsieur J. M. Galimberti en a coordonne le programme. L'Institut tient a remercier la Fondation Nuffield et son Comite canadien ainsi que 1'Organisation de cooperation et de developpement economiques qui lui a fourni la documentation necessaire a la redaction de 1'expose sur les "Donnees fondamentales." II desire remercier egalement tous ceux qui ont apporte leur precieuse contribution au present ouvrage. De plus, 1'Institut desire exprimer sa gratitude a John J. Deutsch et a Charles H. Perrault, non seulement pour la competence avec laquelle ils se sont acquittes de la presidence, mais encore pour leur importante contribution a 1'elaboration du programme du colloque. Edgar Gallant, President national 1970-71 L'Institut d'Administration publique du Canada

XI

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Background Facts

by J. M. Galimberti

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The Expansion of Enrolments in Post-Secondary Education

Introduction The information presented in this paper is divided into two major sections: the expansion of post-secondary education enrolments and the cost and the financing of post-secondary education. The first section distinguishes between university and non-university type postsecondary education, describes various admission systems to university education and includes a statistical presentation of the growth of post-secondary education enrolments. The second section describes the differing structures for the financing of post-secondary education coupled with a statistical analysis of the growth of costs.

These statistics have been compiled from information furnished by the Secretariat of the OECD. Most of the information has been extracted from the report Development of Higher Education, 1950-1967: Analytical Report. OECD. This report attempts to analyse the various aspects of the quantitative growth since 1950 of post-secondary education in the twenty-two member countries and to identify the principal trends and characteristics. This analysis is based on the evidence collected and published under the title Development of Higher Education, 1950-1967. Statistical Survey - OECD 1970. The introduction of this latter publication presents, for each country, various sets of tables detailing the criteria for the presentation of national statistics, conforming to a classification permitting an international approach. This international approach makes an essential distinction between two types of post-secondary education1 — university and non-university. University-Type Post-Secondary Education The OECD report defines university-type education as: post-secondary education requiring a secondary school leaving certificate or, in general, twelve years of study, and education of at least three or four years of study, for which a first-level degree is awarded and which can possibly lead to advanced-level degrees. Education of this type is given in universities, whose structures vary greatly among the different countries and are based upon historical models in various stages of development; and in institutions of equivalent level, which, in most cases, offer a more specialized education ("Technische Hochschulen" in Germany and the "Grandes Ecoles" in France). Selection

The main structural impediment to university-type education in most countries is the requirement of a secondary school leaving certificate. The rate of secondary school leaving certificates awarded as a percentage of the average population of the corresponding age group varied in 1965 from less than 20 per cent in most European countries and 7 per cent in Germany to more than 50 per cent in Japan, the USSR, and Canada, and 76 per cent in the United States. The admission requirements to university-type education may be categorized as follows: Background Facts

3

1. systems where admission is by a "predominantly selective process" and where candidates must conform with a certain number of rather stringent conditions, ranging from an examination of their school record to competitive selection, according to available places (numerous clausus). These are the forms of admission practised by most university institutions in Japan, the United Kingdom, and the USSR. 2. systems where admission is by a "predominantly free process," that is admission to university is granted to every student holding a secondary school leaving certificate. This is the system practised in Belgium, France, and Germany. This system implies, nevertheless, a selection during higher education, either at the end of the first year or the first part of study (Belgium, France) or as a result of degree examinations (Germany). However, even in these systems, a few more specialized institutions maintain a rigorous selection process; this is true for the "Ecoles de Sciences appliquees" in Belgium and the "Grandes Ecoles" in France. In the last few years some countries have introduced in certain fields of study (pure sciences, or medical sciences) a number of restrictions, on the grounds of the shortage of places or of the desire to eliminate certain categories of students considered to be insufficiently qualified. 3. A third group of countries occupies an intermediary position, with the admission requirements varying according to the category of institution; for example, in Sweden, the so-called "free" faculties do not set any limitation on entrance, while others (medicine, technology, and certain scientific fields) observe a rigorous numerous clausus. In the United States, these conditions vary from one institution to another following a hierarchical order of value and prestige, the rigorousness of the selection process obviously proportional to the degree of prestige and level of education. Non-University-Type Post-Secondary Education

This form of education is defined as: post-secondary education not always requiring a secondary school leaving certificate, and of relatively "short" duration requiring from one year to an exceptional maximum of four years of study which leads to a diploma of a level below that of the first university degree. In the European OECD member countries, the following training courses are considered to be of this type: the training course for higher technicians in industry, 4 J. M. Galimberti

commerce, and agriculture; the training course for social and medical ancillary personnel, such as social welfare workers and nurses; primary school teacher training courses (the part which does not come under secondary education) as well as training of certain categories of teaching personnel in secondary subjects, for instance physical education and household management; art training courses. This type of education in all the countries has mainly a training-oriented nature. However, in the United States and some parts of Canada, this form of education also provides a general training of a level equivalent to that of the first two years of university education. In the American junior college approximately one-third of the graduating students enter the third year of study in the universities. In this case, the distinction between the two types of education has very limited significance and it is for reasons of classification that junior colleges have been considered as non-university-type institutions. Until recently, in most European countries, the more marked rigidity of university structures did not allow for transfers from one type of education to another. A more flexible situation seems to be developing. The regional colleges in Norway and the French "instituts universitaires de technologic" created in 1966 award diplomas that are supposed to be equivalent to those of the first part of university studies. In a slightly different way this possibility of transfer to university-type studies has been encouraged in some countries (the United Kingdom), following attempts to prolong the training course for prospective teachers. In the statistical tables found at the end of the French version of this paper, tables 1, 2, and 3 indicate the rapid growth of enrolments in both university-type and nonuniversity-type higher education from 1950-51 to 1968-69. The tables are indexed to permit comparisons of rates of growth among selected countries. Table 4 examines the changing distribution of enrolments between the two types of higher education. Various measures for comparing the participation in higher education among selected countries are presented in tables 5, 6, and 7. The next five tables compare the contributions of increased female participation, demographic changes, increases in qualified secondary school leavers, and changes in transfer rates, to the growth of higher education enrolments. In table 8 the third column has been determined by

The Cost and the Financing of Post-Secondary Education2

calculating the difference between actual female university enrolments in 1965 and the female university enrolments that would have been attained in 1965 had the 1955 rate of female to total university enrolments remained constant, as a percentage of the actual increase in total university enrolments from 1955 to 1965. The fourth column is determined in a similar manner. Table 9 is derived by measuring the increase in enrolments that each country would have experienced if the increase in enrolment rates had applied to an age group of uniform proportions between 1955 and 1965. In this way the extent of an increase in enrolments which is due solely to the variations in enrolment rates can be calculated. The variations in enrolments recorded by each country are calculated assuming that enrolment rates would have remained the same during the last few years being studied, but allowing for changes in the size of the eligible age group. Thus we can arrive at the variations in enrolments that are due solely to demographic changes. The difference between the total increase in enrolments actually recorded and the sum of these two partial increases gives the increase due to the combined effects of variations in the two factors. Table 12 is calculated in the same manner as table 9. Table 13 compares rates of first degree graduates by field of study and table 14 displays approximate pass rates. Table 15 examines male students according to socio-economic category while table 16 presents some national enrolment forecasts for higher education.

The financing of post-secondary education may be categorized as follows (see table 17): 1. Countries whose post-secondary education institutions depend almost exclusively on central government support (Norway, Sweden, France, and the USSR). The post-secondary institutions in these countries are under the authority of the central government (Ministry of Education in France, Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs in Sweden, and the Council of Ministers in the USSR). Certain Grandes Ecoles in France are in dependent of the ministry as is the School of Economics in Stockholm, although it receives a considerable annual government subsidy. In France, as a result of the new law, the universities have tended to receive greater autonomy in the form of global grants, a posteriori accounting and longer term accounting. Some institutions in France are considering seeking financial support (without strings) from other than central state sources, for example from regions, towns, or industry. In these countries fees are low (France) or non-existent (Sweden, Norway, and the USSR). Additional assistance to help defray the costs of attending the university or other post-secondary education institutions is usually available in the form of scholarships. 2. Countries whose post-secondary education institutions depend primarily on government support and whose institutions are financed by more than one level of government (Australia, Canada, Germany) and/or depend upon their level of support from the recommendations of university grant commissions to the appropriate authority (Australia, Canada, Great Britain). The commonwealth and state contributions accounted for almost 80 per cent of the income of post-secondary institutions in Australia in 1968. In Canada, provincial and federal contributions to the university sector in 1969-70 amounted to 76 per cent of the total income. Government grants in Great Britain in 1964-65 were 72 per cent for recurrent expenditures and in excess of 90 per cent for capital expenditures. University grants commissions were introduced in Australia, Canada, and Great Britain to act as a buffer between the institutions and the governments. The Australian University Commission, established in 1959, recommends to the commonwealth government the level of support for universities. Commonwealth government grants are given on the condition that the states provide $1.00 for every $1.00 of commonwealth money for capital Background Facts

5

purposes and SI.85 of state funds and student fees combined for every $ 1.00 of commonwealth money for recurrent expenditure purposes. The commonwealth government in 1965 established the Australian Commission on Advanced Education to advise it on the needs of the advanced colleges. Commonwealth grants are made to the colleges on the same basis as grants paid to the universities. Responsibility for the organization and administration of education in Canada is exercised by the provincial governments. University grants commissions or their equivalents have been established by each province to make recommendations for university planning and level of government support. The federal government provides financial support to the provinces amounting to at least 50 per cent of the operating costs of post-secondary education. Grants from the central government to the universities in Great Britain for both capital and recurrent expenditures are made on the basis of the recommendations of the university grants commission. In Germany, legislation for post-secondary education lies primarily within the landers (states). The federal government financially assists universities by matching the states' contributions on an equal basis for capital expenditure. The states pay grants to the universities for recurrent expenditure. Governments also provide additional assistance for students in these countries. In Australia two-thirds of tuition fees are paid by scholarships mainly from governments. The Canada Student Loans Programme established in 1964 by the federal government provides assistance to students who for financial reasons would otherwise be prevented from obtaining a post-secondary education. The plan is administered by the provincial governments, the loans made by the chartered banks with the federal government carrying the cost of interest payments. Several of the provinces provide supplementary grants and bursaries. 3. A third group of countries (USA, Japan, Belgium) is characterized by having the majority of their postsecondary institutions as private institutions. The postsecondary institutions are 59 per cent private in the USA; 67 per cent of the universities and 60 per cent of the other post-secondary institutions are private in Belgium; 67 per cent of the universities and more than 75 per cent of the junior colleges are private in Japan. Japanese private universities and junior colleges re6 J. M. Galimberti

ceive their basic financial resources from private sources, with some national subsidies and loans. Tuition and required fees are the primary source of funds for education and general purposes in non-publicly-owned institutions in the United States. The remainder is made up largely from federal research funds, endowment earnings, and private gifts and grants. Private institutions in Belgium in 1960 received extensive government support amounting to 44 per cent of recurrent expenditures with a supplement of 2.2 per cent for every 1,500 students in excess of 5,000. The central authority also provides loans for building at 2 per cent interest and provides indirect aid for research. The publicly-controlled institutions in the United States are primarily under the control of state and local governments. Seven institutions are controlled by the federal government. The source of funds of publiclycontrolled institutions is primarily from state governments for four-year institutions and local governments for the two-year. Tuition and required fees are only approximately one-quarter of the income from state and local governments. Income from the federal government designated for research in the four-year institutions exceeds the amount received from tuition and fees. Non-private higher education in Japan is administered and financed by the three levels of government — national, prefectural, and municipal — whichever is the establishing agency. The national ministry of education shares responsibility with the cabinet and the national diet for preparing budget estimates and for drafting educational legislation. The national universities, some national educational research institutes, some junior colleges and almost all technical colleges are controlled and maintained by the national ministry of education. The decentralized state universities of Belgium have administrative councils financed from state funds, bequests, and donations. In the tables, table 17 compares the sources of financing of higher education in selected countries; table 18 displays the annual average rate of increase in unit costs, expenditure, and student enrolments. Statistics showing total expenditure on higher education as a per cent of total education expenditure and as a per cent of gross national product, and public expenditure on higher education as a per cent of total public expenditure are presented in table 19.

Notes 1. For a more complete comprehension of the distinction between the two types of post-secondary education and the framework in which these statistics are presented, the reader should consult the afore-mentioned publications. 2. This information has been taken from other sources, primarily year books and national publications. The related tables (17, 18, 19) have been extracted from a provisional document prepared by the Secretariat of the OECD.

Background Facts

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Donnees fondamentales

J. M. Galimberti

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L'expansion des effectifs de I'enseignement post-secondaire

Introduction Les donnees du present expose sont divisees en deux parties principales: 1'expansion des effectifs de I'enseignement post-secondaire et le cout et le financement de I'enseignment post-secondaire. La premiere partie etablit une distinction entre I'enseignement postsecondaire de type universitaire et celui de type nonuniversitaire, decrit les divers systemes d'admission a 1'universite et comprend une presentation statistique de 1'accroissement des effectifs de I'enseignement postsecondaire. Le deuxieme partie comprend une description des differentes structures de financement de I'enseignement post-secondaire ainsi qu'une analyse statistique de 1'evolution du cout de I'enseignement.

Ces statistiques ont etc etablies a partir des donnees fournies par le Secretariat de 1'OCDE. La plupart d'entre elles sont extraites du rapport Developpement de I'enseignement superieur 1950-1967: Rapport analytique, OCDE. Ce rapport se propose d'analyser les differents aspects de 1'expansion quantitative de I'enseignement superieur dans les vingt-deux pays membres depuis 1950 et d'en identifier les principales tendances et caracteristiques. II est fonde sur les donnees rassemblees et publiees sous le titre: Developpement de I'enseignement superieur, 1950 a 1967. Statistiques par pays - OCDE 1970. La preface de cette derniere publication presente pour chaque pays un ensemble de tableaux precisant les criteres de presentation des statistiques nationales, conformement a une classification susceptible de permettre une approche internationale. Ge cadre international etablit notamment une distinction essentielle entre deux types d'enseignement superieur1 - universitaire et non-universitaire. Enseignement post-secondaire detype non-universitaire Le rapport de 1'OCDE definit I'enseignement de type universitaire comme suit: un enseignement post-secondaire exigeant la possession d'un diplome sanctionnant des etudes secondaires completes, soit en general douze annees d'etudes; un enseignement long d'au moins trois ou quatre annees d'etudes; un enseignement sanctionne par un premier diplome et eventuellement conduisant a des diplomes de niveau superieur. Les enseignements de ce type sont dispenses dans les universites, dont les structures varient profondement selon les pays, et sont basees sur quelques modeles "historiques" qui ont plus ou mois evolue, et dans des etablissements de niveau equivalent, qui, dans la plupart des cas, ont une instruction specialisee ("Technische Hochschulen" en Allemagne, Grandes Ecoles en France). Selection

Le principal obstacle structure! a I'enseignement de type universitaire dans la plupart des pays est 1'exigence d'un diplome de fin d'etudes secondaires. Le rapport entre le nombre de diplomes decernes en fin d'etudes secondaires et la population moyenne de 1'age correspondant variait en 1965 entre moins de 20 pour cent dans la plupart des pays europeens, tombant a 7 pour cent en Allemagne, et plus de 50 pour cent au Japon, en URSS et au Canada, atteignant 76 pour cent aux Etats-Unis. Donnees fondamentales

11

Les conditions d'admission a 1'enseignement de type universitaire peuvent se classer comme suit: 1. des systemes ou 1'admission est a "dominante selective" et ou les candidats doivent repondre a un certain nombre de conditions plus ou moins rigoureuses, allant de I'examen du dossier a la selection par concours, en fonction des places disponibles (numerus clausus). Ces formes de recrutement sont celles adoptees par la majorite des institutions universitaires du Japon, du RoyaumeUni et de 1'URSS; 2. des systemes ou 1'admission est a "dominante libre" garantissant 1'entree a Puniversite a tout etudiant titulaire d'un diplome de fin d'etudes secondaires. C'est le systeme qui est pratique par les universites de nombreux pays: Belgique, France et Allemagne. Ce systeme implique toutefois une selection avant 1'admission ou pendant les etudes superieures, soit a Tissue de la premiere annee ou d'un premier cycle d'etude (Belgique, France) ou lors d'examen conduisant a 1'obtention du diplome (Allemagne). Cependant, meme dans ces systemes, quelques etablissements plus specialises pratiquent une selection rigoureuse: c'est le cas des Ecoles de Sciences appliquees en Belgique, des Grandes Ecoles en France. Enfin, un certain nombre de restrictions, justifiees par le manque de place ou par la volonte d'eliminer certaines categories d'etudiants juges peu qualifies, ont etc introduites ces dernieres annees dans quelques branches d'etudes (sciences pures, ou sciences medicales) de certains pays. 3. un troisieme groupe de pays occupe une position intermediate, les conditions d'acces variant selon les categories d'institutions. C'est, par exemple, le cas de la Suede ou des facultes dites "libres" n'exigent aucune limitation d'acces tandis que d'autres (medecine, technologic et certaines disciplines scientifiques) appliquent un numerus clausus rigoureux. Aux Etats-Unis, ces conditions varient selon les etablissements en fonction d'une hiearchie de valeur et de prestige, la selection etant evidemment d'autant plus rigoureuse que le prestige est grand et le niveau d'enseignement eleve. Enseignement post-secondaire de type non-universitaire

Ce type d'enseignement se definit ainis: un enseignement post-secondaire n'exigeant pas toujours la possession d'un diplome de fin d'etudes secondaires; un enseignement relativement court necessitant de une a un maximum exceptionnel de quatre annees d'etudes; un 12 J. M. Galimberti

enseignement conduisant a un diplome de niveau inferieur au premier diplome universitaire. Dans les pays membres europeens de 1'OCDE, sont considerees comme relevant de ce type, les formations suivantes: Pentrainement de techniciens superieurs de 1'industrie, du commerce et de 1'agriculture; la formation du personnel social et para-medical: assistantes sociales, infirmieres; la formation des instituteurs (la partie ne relevant pas du secondaire), ainsi que la formation de certaines categories de personnel enseignant de matieres secondaires: education physique, enseignement menager et professionnel; la formation artistique. Ce genre d'enseignement a done dans tous ces pays essentiellement une orientation professionnelle. Cependant, aux Etats-Unis et en partie au Canada, ce genre d'enseignement assure, en outre, une formation generale equivalente a celle obtenue a Tissue des deux premieres annees dans 1'enseignement universitaire. Ceci est particulierement valable pour le "junior college" americain, ou les etudiants diplomes des "transfer courses", environ un tiers, entrent en troisieme annee d'etudes universitaires. Dans ce cas, la distinction entre les deux types d'enseignement n'a qu'une signification limitee, et ce sont avant tout pour des raisons de classification que Ton a considere les "junior colleges" comme des institutions non-universitaires. Jusqu'a ces dernieres annees, dans la majorite des pays europeens, la rigidite plus marquee des structures universitaires ne permettait pas les transferts d'un type d'enseignement a un autre. II semble que cette situation soit en train de s'assouplir. Les colleges regionaux en Norvege et les instituts universitaires de technologic crees en France en 1966 decernent des diplomes qui sont censes equivaloir a ceux du premier cycle d'etudes universitaires. Cette possibilite de passage a des etudes de type universitaire a etc encouragee d'une fagon legerement differente dans certains pays (Royaume-Uni), a la suite de tentatives pour prolonger la formation de futurs enseignants. Dans les statistiques qui suivent, on trouve aux tableaux 1, 2, et 3 une analyse de 1'accroissement rapide des effectifs d'etudiants inscrits dans 1'enseignement superieur de types universitaire et non-universitaire pour la periode allant de 1950-51 a 1968-69. Les tableaux sont indexes de fagon a permettre une comparaison des taux d'accroissement dans quelques pays choisis. On trouve au tableau 4 la repartition changeante des

Le cout et le financement de I'enseignement post-secondaire2

effectifs entre les deux types d'enseignement superieur. Comme le montrent les tableaux 5, 6, et 7, differentes methodes de comparaison ont etc utilisees afin d'etudier les taux de scolarisation dans Penseignement superieur des pays choisis. Dans les cinq tableaux qui suivent, on etudie 1'effet de 1'augmentation des proportions d'etudiantes, des variations demographiques, des changements des taux de transfert, et de 1'accroissement des taux de diplomes de I'enseignement secondaire, sur 1'accroissement des effectifs de I'enseignement superieur. Au tableau 8, les donnees apparaissant dans la troisieme colonne ont etc obtenues en calculant la difference entre les effectifs actuels feminins de I'enseignement universitaire et les effectifs feminins de I'enseignement universitaire qui auraient ete atteints en 1965 si les taux des effectifs feminins de I'enseignement universitaire par rapport aux effectifs totaux de I'enseignement universitaire pour 1955 etaient restes constants, exprimes en pourcentage de 1'augmentation reelle du total des effectifs de I'enseignement universitaire pour les annees allant de 1955 a 1965. Les donnees de la quatrieme colonne ont ete obtenues de la meme fagon. Le tableau 9 a ete etabli en calculant 1'accroissement rapide des effectifs qu'aurait enregistre chacun des pays si 1'augmentation des taux de scolarisation s'etait appliquee a un groupe d'age demeure constant entre 1955 et 1965. De cette fagon, 1'ampleur de 1'accroissement des effectifs qui est uniquement du a 1'augmentation des taux de scolarisation peut etre determinee. Les variations d'effectifs enregistrees par chaque pays ont ete calculees Phypothese ou les taux de scolarisation seraient restes identiques au cours des dernieres annees considerees, mais en tenant compte des changements dans la dimension du groupe d'age. Nous obtenons ainsi les variations d'effectifs uniquement dues aux modifications demographiques. La difference entre 1'augmentation totale des effectifs reellement enregistree et la somme de ces deux augmentations partielles constitue 1'accroissement du aux effets combines des variations du groupe d'age et de la scolarisation. Le tableau 12 a ete etabli de la meme maniere que le tableau 9. On trouve au tableau 13 les taux des premiers diplomes par branche d'etudes et, au tableau 14, les taux approximatifs de reussite. Le tableau 15 examine les categories socio-economiques des etudiants. En guise de conclusion, on presente au tableau 16 quelques previsions nationales d'effectifs de I'enseignement superieur.

Le financement de Penseignement post-secondaire peut etre comme suit: 1. Pays dont Penseignement post-secondaire depend presque exclusivement de 1'etat central (Norvege, Suede, France, et URSS). Dans ces pays, les institutions d'enseignement post-secondaire relevent du gouvernement central (ministere de PEducation nationale en France, ministere de PEducation et des Affaires culturelles en Suede, Conseil des ministres en URSS). En France, certaines Grandes Ecoles sont independantes du ministere, de meme que PEcole de Science economique de Stockholm (qui regoit neanmoins une subvention annuelle considerable de 1'etat). En France, par Papplication de la nouvelle loi d'orientation universitaire de 1968, les universites tendent a recevoir une plus grande autonomie sous forme d'octroi de subventions forfaitaires, de comptabilisation a posteriori et d'une comptabilite a plus longue echeance. En France, certaines institutions envisagent de sollicker des credits (sans obligation pour elles) aupres d'autres instances que 1'etat, par exemple aupres des regions, des municipalites, de Pindustrie, etc. Dans ces pays, les droits de scolarite sont faibles (France) ou nuls (Suede, Norvege, URSS). En outre, des bourses d'etudes aident les etudiants a defrayer leurs depenses pendant qu'ils frequentent Puniversite ou d'autres institutions d'enseignement post-secondaire. 2. Pays dont I'enseignement post-secondaire depend principalement des pouvoirs publics et dont les institutions sont financees par divers paliers de gouvernement (Australie, Canada, Allemagne) et/ou qui sont subventionnees dans la mesure recommandee a Pinstance competente par une commission des subventions universitaires (Australie, Canada, Grande-Bretagne). En 1968, les fonds du gouvernement central et des etats du commonwealth d'Australie representaient pres de 80 pour cent du revenu des institutions d'enseignement post-secondaire. Au Canada, les subventions provinciales et federales au secteur universitaire se sont elevees en 1969-70 a 76 pour cent de son revenu total. En Grande-Bretagne, 1'etat a paye en 1964-65 72 pour cent des depenses courantes et plus de 90 pour cent de la mise de fonds d'equipement. Les commissions des subventions universitaires ont ete creees en Australie pour servir de tampon entre les universites et les pouvoirs publics. La Commission australienne, creee en 1959, recommande au gouvernement central le montant des subventions a accorder aux difDonnees fondamentales

13

ferentes universites. Le gouvernement central accorde les credits a condition que les etats versent la contrepartie, dollar pour dollar s'il s'agit de depenses d'equipement, et un dollar 85 representant la participation conjointe de Petat et de Petudiant pour chaque dollar que le gouvernement central consacre aux depenses courantes. En 1965, le gouvernement central a institue la Commission australienne de 1'enseignement superieur, qui Peclaire sur les besoins des colleges d'enseignement superieur ("advanced colleges"). Ceux-ci regoivent des subventions du gouvernement central dans les memes conditions que les universites. Au Canada, 1'organisation et Padministration de 1'enseignement relevent de la competence provinciale. Chaque province a institue une commission des subventions universitaires, ou un equivalent, qui formule des recommendations relatives a la planification et au niveau de subvention des universites. Le gouvernement federal apporte aux provinces un concours financier qui represente au moins 50 pour cent des frais de fonctionnement de 1'enseignement postsecondaire. En Grande-Bretagne, Petat accorde des credits aux universites, tant pour les depenses courantes que pour les depenses d'equipement sur recommandation de la commission des subventions universitaires. En Allemagne, les reglements en matiere d'enseignement post-universitaire relevent surtout des lander (etats). Le gouvernement federal prete son coucours financier aux universites en versant une contribution egale a celle des lander pour les depenses d'equipement. Les lander versent des subventions aux universites pour couvrir les depenses courantes. Dans tous ces pays, le gouvernement vient aussi en aide aux etudiants. En Australie, les deux-tiers des droits de scolarite sont couverts par des bourses, la plupart accordees par les pouvoirs publics. Le programme canadien de prets aux etudiants, institue en 1964 par le gouvernement federal, offre une assistance aux etudiants qui, faute de cette aide financiere, ne pourraient suivre un enseignement post-secondaire. Ce programme est administre par les gouvernements provinciaux, les prets sont accordes par les banques a charte, et le gouvernement federal assure le service de Pinteret. Plusieurs provinces orfrent des subventions et bourses supplementaires. 3. Un troisieme groupe de pays (Etats-Unis, Japon, Belgique) est caracterise par le fait que la plupart de leurs etablissements d'enseignement post-secondaire 14 J. M. Galimberti

sont prives. Us appartiennent a 59 pour cent au secteur prive aux Etats-Unis; 67 pour cent des universites et 60 pour cent des autres etablissements post-secondaires sont des institutions privees en Belgique; les 67 pour cent des universites et plus de 75 pour cent des "junior colleges" sont prives au Japon. L'essentiel des ressources financieres des universites privees et des "junior colleges" japonais vient de sources privees; il s'y ajoute quelques subventions nationales et des prets. Aux Etats-Unis, ce sont les frais de scolarite et autres qui constituent la principale source de revenus, pour 1'enseignement et les besoins divers, des institutions post-secondaires n'appartenant pas au secteur public. Le solde est represente surtout par des subventions (federales) de travaux de recherche, les revenus des fondations dont elles sont beneficiaires, et des donations privees. Les institutions privees beiges ont regu en 1960 une aide notable du gouvernement, s'elevant a 44 pour cent des depenses courantes, avec un supplement de 2.2 pour cent par tranche de 1,500 etudiants au-dela de 5,000. Le gouvernement central offre aussi des prets a la construction a 2 pour cent d'interet et fournit une aide indirecte a la recherche. Aux Etats-Unis, les institutions publiques relevent surtout des etats et des autorites locales. Sept etablissements relevent du gouvernement federal. Les fonds de ces etablissements publics proviennent surtout des etats, pour les etablissements ou les etudes portent sur quatre ans, et des autorites locales pour ceux dont 1'enseignement s'etend sur deux ans. Les frais de scolarite et autres ne representent qu'environ un quart du revenu assure par les etats et les autorites locales. Les fonds verses par le gouvernement federal au titre de la recherche dans les etablissements d'enseignement long depassent le montant que representent les droits de scolarite et autres. Au Japon, 1'enseignement superieur non prive est administre et finance par les trois niveaux de gouvernement: national, prefectoral et municipal — selon celui qui a cree Pinstitution en cause. Le ministere de Peducation nationale partage avec le conseil des ministres et la diete la responsabilite d'etablir des estimations budgetaires et de legiferer en matiere d'enseignement. Les universites nationales, certains instituts nationaux de recherche pedagogique, quelques "junior colleges" et presque tous les colleges techniques sont sous la tutelle du ministere de Peducation nationale et emargent a son budget.

En Belgique, les universites d'etat decentralisees ont des conseils d'administration, dont le financement est assure par 1'etat, des legs, et des dons. Dans les donnees qui suivent, on compare au tableau 17 les differentes sources de financement de Penseignement superieur dans les pays choisis. Au tableau 18, on demontre les taux d'accroissement annuel moyen des couts unitaires courants, des depenses et des effectifs d'etudiants. Les donnees apparaissant au tableau 19 representent la repartition en pourcentage des depenses totales de 1'enseignement superieur quant aux depenses totales de Peducation et quant au produit national brut ainsi que la repartition en pourcentage des depenses publiques de 1'enseignement superieur quant aux depenses publiques totales.

Notes 1. On voudra bien dans la mesure du possible se reporter aux publications ci-dessus mentionnees pour connattre les criteres de classification retenus pour chaque type d'enseignement et pour saisir le cadre dans lequel s'inserent les donnees du present ouvrage. 2. Ces renseignements proviennent d'autres sources notamment de divers annuaires et publications nationales. Les tableaux qui s'y rapportent (17 a 19) sont extraits d'un document provisoire etabli par le Secretariat de 1'OCDE.

Donnees fondamentales

15

Table 1 — Tableau 1 Higher Education Enrolments (Total) EfFectifs d'etudiants inscrits dans Penseignement superieur (Total) Enrolments/Effectifs

Countries/Pays Germany/ Allemagne1

Index/Indice (1955 = 100)

1950/51

1955/56

1960/61

1965/66

1968/69

1950/51

1955/56

1960/61

1965/66

1968/69

170,070

201,627

336,834

423,274

484,000*

85

100

167

210

240

Belgium/ Belgique

31,000*

38,367

51,999

83,991

110,000*

81

100

136

219

260

France/ France

178,000*

207,700*

274,263

505,278

720,000*

86

100

132

243

346

9,200*

7,500*

28,899

34,400

123

100

168*

380*

458*

170,000*

203,000*

286,218

431,132

550,000*

84

100

141

212

271

Sweden/ Suede

22,000*

27,229

39,981

77,623

124,000

81

100

147

285

455

Canada/ Canada^

88,000*

100,000

175,800

325,800

447,000*

88

100

176

327

447

2,678,623

3,610,007

5,570,271

6,983,000

86

100

135

208

260

609,685

711,618

1,085,119

1,660,000

a

100

117

178

272

Norway/ Norvege United Kingdom/ Royaume-Uni2

United States/ Etats-Unis2 Japan/ Japon3

2,296,592 a

12,600*

1 including "Hobere Fachschulen'VY compris les "Hobere Fachschulen." 2 Including part-time students/Y compris les etudiants a temps partiel. 3 Including students enrolled in advanced and short term courses/Y compris les etudiants inscrits dans les "advanced courses" et les "short term courses." * Estimates/Estimations. a Not available/N'existe pas.

16 J. M. Galimberti

Table 2 — Tableau 2

University-Type Higher Education Enrolments Effectifs d'etudiants inscrits dans I'enseignement superieur de type universitaire Index/Indice(1955 = 100)

Enrolments/Effectifs

Count ties/Pays

1950/51

1955/56

1960/61

1965/66

1968/69

1950/51

1955/56

1960/61

1965/66

1968/69

Germany/ Allemagne

110,554

129,092

205,459

252,800

288,000

86

100

159

196

223

Belgium/ Belgique

20,178

24,462

30,692

48,800

64,800

82

100

125

199

265

134,338

147,611

194,782

371,863

528,000

91

100

132

252

358

6,997

5,663

9,446

19,365

24,400

124

100

167

342

431

102,025

113,146

143,578

187,000

239,000

90

100

127

183

211

Sweden/ Suede

16,549

22,298

35,505

70,591

116,000

74

100

159

317

520

Canada/ Canada

78,000*

82,800

145,100

279,900

374,000*

94

100

175

348

451*

2,369,647

3,156,390

4,725,027

5,689,600

88

100

133

199

240

531,987

628,161

937,556

1,354,800

a

100

119

176

268

France/ France Norway/ Norvege United Kingdom/ Royaume-Uni

United States/ Etats-Unis Japan/ Japon1

2,079,020 a

1 Regular courses only/"Regular courses" seulernent. * Estimates/Estimations. a Not available /N'existe pas. Donnees fondamentales

17

Table 3 — Tableau 3

Non-University-Type Higher Education Enrolments Effectifs d'etudiants inscrits dans 1'enseignement superieur de type non-universitaire Index/Indice(1955 = 100)

Enrolments/Effectifs

Cnnfitriex/Pfiys

1950/51

1955/56

1960/61

1965/66

1968/69

Germany/ Allemagne

59,516

72,535

131,375

170,474

Belgium/ Belgique

a

13,905

21,307

France / France

a

87,452

92,004

Norway/ Norvege

a

1,840*

United Kingdom/ Royaume-Uni

a

90,000*

Sweden/ Suede

a

Canada/ Canada United States/ Etats-Unis Japan/ Japon1

1950/51

1955/56

1960/61

1965/66

1968/69

196,000*

82

100

181

234

270

35,191

45,200*

a

100

151

251

325

152,015

192,000*

a

100

105

174

219

3,150*

9,534

10,000*

a

100

171*

518*

543*

142,640

223,851

311,000

a

100

158

238

345

4,931

4,476

7,032

7,500

a

100

95

143

152*

a

17,200

30,700

47,000

73,000*

a

100

178

273

424*

217,572

308,976

453,617

845,244

1,293,500

71

100

147

274

418

a

77,698

83,457

147,563

305,000

a

100

107

191

401

1 Regular courses only/"Regular courses" seulement. * Estimates/Estimations, a Not available/N'existe pas.

Table 4 — Tableau 4 Distribution of Enrolments between University-Type and Non-University-Type Higher Education in 1955-56 and 1965-66 (in Per Cent of Total Enrolments of Each Type of Education) Repartition des effectifs entre les enseignements superieurs de type universitaire et de type non universitaire en 1955-56 et en 1965-66 (en pour cent des effectifs totaux de chaque type d'enseignement) 1965/66

1955/56 University type/de type universitaire

Non-universitytype /de type non-universitaire

Germany/Allemagne

64.0

36.0

59.7

40.3

Belgium/Belgique

64.0

36.0

58.1

41.9

France /France

68.6

31.4

71.0

29.0

United Kingdom /Royaume-Uni

52.0

48.0

48.1

51.9

Sweden/Suede

81.9

18.1

91.0

9.0

Canada/Canada

82.8

17.2

85.6

14.4

United States/Etats-Unis

88.5

11.5

84.8

15.2

Japan/Japon

87.3

12.7

86.4

13.6

Countries/Pays

18 J. M. Galimberti

University type/de type universitaire

Non-universitytype/de type non-universitaire

Table 5 — Tableau 5 Proportion of Students in Total Population Proportions d'etudiants dans la population totale Cm in trips /Pays

Number of students per 1,000 inhabitants/Nombre d'etudiants pour 1,000 habitants 1950

1955

1960

1967

1965 7.2

6.6

5.7

8.9

10.2

10.3

12.8

Germany/ Allemagne

3.6

4.0

6.1

Belgium/Belgique

3.6

4.3

France /France

4.2

4.7

6.0

Norway/Norvege

2.8

2.2

3.5

7.8

9.2

United Kingdom/Royaume-Uni

3.3

4.0

5.4

7.9

9.6

Sweden/Suede

3.1

3.7

5.3

10.0

13.5

6.1

6.4

9.8

16.6

20.2

15.1

16.2

20.0

28.6

31.8

4.8

6.8

7.6

11.1

13.8

(USSR)/(URSS)

(6.9)

(9.5)

(11.2)

(16.7)

18.1

(Mexico)/(Mexique)

(1.4)

(1.8)

(2.1)

(3.1)

(3.4)

(Australia) / ( Australie)

(4.4)

(4.9)

(7.9)

(11.6)

(13.0)

Canada/Canada United States/Etats-Unis Japan/Japon

SOURCE: For the USSR, Mexico, and Australia— Statist iced Yearbook of UNESCO/Pour I'URSS, le Mexique et 1' Australie —Annuaire statistique de I 'UNESCO

Table 6 — Tableau 6 The Ratio of Higher Education Enrolments to the 20 to 24 Year-Old Population Rapports de scolarisation dans I'enseignement superieur en pour cent de la population agee de 20 a 24 ans Enrolment ratios/ Rapports de scolarisation

(~!ni in trips /Pays

1950/51

1955/56

1960/61

1965/66

1967/68

Germany/ Allemagne

4.6

5.3

7.0

10.1

10.8

Belgium/Belgique

5.11

6.2

9.1

14.9

15.5*

France /France

5.7*

6.9

9.9

17.4

18.0*

Norway/Norvege

4.0*

3.6*

6.0*

9.8

11.8

United Kingdom/Royaume-Uni

4.8*

6.2*

8.4

11.9

12.6

Sweden/Suede

4.82

6.3

8.6

13.1

16.1

Canada/Canada

7.9*

8.9

14.4

23.7

25.3

24.9

31.8

40.8

42.0*

United States/Etats-Unis Japan/Japon

20.0 5.2

7.3

8.6

12.0

14.5

(USSR)/(URSS)

a

10.5

a

31.0

33.0

—of which full-time —a temps plein

a

6.4

a

12.7

13.6

1 1952-53 2 1951-52 * Estimates/Estimations a Not available/N'existe pas Donnees fondamentales

19

Table 7 — Tableau 7 Approximate Higher Education Enrolment Rates fin Per Cent of the Population of the Age Group to which the Majority of Students Belong) Taux approches de scolarisation dans 1'enseignement superieur (En pour cent de la population du groupe d'age auquel appartient la majorite des etudiants) Index of rate increase/ Indice d'accroissement des taux( 1955 = 100)

Age groups Groupes d'age

1950/51

1955/56

1960/61

1965/66

Germany/Allemagne

20-25

3.8

4.4

5.8

8.3

9.0*

Belgium/Belgique

18-23

4.0

5.4

8.0

11.0

13.7*

France /France

18-23

4.8*

6.0

8.7

12.5

13.9

Norway / Norvege

19-24

3.4*

3.1*

5.0

8.7

United Kingdom/ Royaume-Uni

18-22

5.2*

6.3

8.7

Sweden/Suede

20-24

4.8

6.3

8.6

Canada/Canada

18-23

8.1

United States/Etats-Unis

18-23

16.8

21.1

Japan/Japon

18-22

4.9

7.1

8.1

Countries/ Pays

6.5*

1968/69

1960/61

1965/66

1968/69

132

189

205*

148

204

254*

145

208

232*

9.4*

161*

281*

303*

10.7

13.5*

138

170

214*

12.6

16.9*

137

200

268*

13.6

18.6

25.0*

168

233

309*

25.9

31.4

35.0

123

149

166

12.0

14.1*

114

169

199*

* Estimates/Estimations

Table 8 — Tableau 8 The Effect of Changing Female Enrolment Rates on Total Enrolments L'effet des taux changeants de scolarisation d'etudiantes sur les effectifs totaux Female participation in higher education/Proportions d'etudiants dans 1'enseignement superieur

The portion of the increase in total enrolments accounted for by the rise in female enrolments/Part de 1'accroissement des effectifs 1 due a la seule augmentation des proportions d'etudiantes

Countries/Pays

1955

1965

University education/Enseignement universitaire 1955-65

Non-university education/ Enseignement non-universitaire 1955-65

Germany/Allemagne

26.5

29.5

8.3

Nil/Nul

Belgium/Belgique

27.8

32.8

15.7

Nil/Nul

France /France

32.2

39.2

18.2

10.6

Norway/Norvege

a

24.3

a

a

United Kingdom/Royaume-Uni

b

27.8

2.6

a

32.0

45.0

20.9

a

33.5

23.0

a

34.8

39.0

14.2

4.4

24.2

10.3

94.8

Sweden /Suede Canada/Canada

2

United States/Etats-Unis Japan/Japon 1 2 a b

17.6

In per cent of total increase/En pour cent de 1'accroissement total In university-type education only/Dans 1'enseignement universitaire seulement Not available/N'existe pas Not available for non-university higher education/N'existe pas pour 1'enseignement superieur non-universitaire

20 J. M. Galimberti

100.0

Table 9 — Tableau 9 Increase in Enrolments from 1955 to 1965 due to changes in the Enrolment Rates and to Demographic Changes (As a Percentage of the Total Increase in Enrolments) Accroissement des effectifs d'etudiants de 1955-65 du aux variations des taux de scolarisation et aux variations demographiques (En pourcentage de 1'accroissement total des effectifs) Incre;ase in enrolnlent rate/ Arrr oissement

de la scolarisation(l)

Demographic changes Variations demographiques (2)

Combined effect/ Effet combine (1) & (2) (3)

Total/ Total (4)

Germany/ Allemagne

79.5

10.9

9.6

100.0

87.9

12.1

Belgium/Belgique

86.7

6.5

6.8

100.0

93.0

7.0

France /France

75.9

11.6

12.5

100.0

86.7

13.3

Norway/Norvege

64.2

12.7

23.1

100.0

83.5

16.5

United Kingdom /Royaume-Uni

61.3

22.8

15.9

ioo.o

72.9

27.1

Sweden/ Suede

53.6

23.2

23.2

100.0

69.8

30.2

Canada/Canada

66.9

14.2

18.9

100.0

82.5

17.5

United States/Etats-Unis

45.2

36.8

18.0

100.0

55.1

44.9

Japan/Japon

90.0

5.9

4.1

100.0

93.8

6.2

9.5

100.0

86.6

13.4

Countries/Pays

Total Higher Education/ Total enseignement superieur

After distribution of combined effect/Apres repartition de I'effet combine (5) (6)

University-type educatioii/Enseignement de type universitaire Germany /Allemagne

78.4

12.1

Belgium/Belgique

85.6

7.6

6.8

100.0

91.8

8.2

France /France

76.4

11.0

12.6

100.0

87.4

12.6

Norway/Norvege

63.3

14.4

22.3

100.0

81.5

18.5

United Kingdom /Royaume-Uni

55.7

29.8

14.5

100.0

65.1

34.9

Sweden/Suede

55.8

20.0

24.2

100.0

73.6

26.4

Canada/Canada

67.2

13.8

19.0

100.0

83.0

17.0

United States/Etats-Unis

42.8

40.2

17.0

100.0

51.6

48.4

Japan/Japon

90.2

5.7

4.1

100.0

94.1

5.9

Donneesfondamentales

21

Table 10 — Tableau 10 Increase in the Rate of Secondary-Sqhool Leaving Certificates Awarded (As a Percentage of the Average Population of the Corresponding Age Group) Accroissement des taux de diplomes de 1'enseignement secondaire (Exprimes en pourcentage de Peffectif moyen de 1'annee d'age correspondante) Annual/ Annuel

Countries/ Pays

Qualified school leavers as a % of their age group/ Diplomes en % du groupe d'age

Age groups/ Groupe d'ages considered 1950

1955

1960

1965

60-55

65-60

65-55

4.4

3.9

5.6

7.0

-2.3

7.5

4.6

6.0

7.9 16.0

11.3 23.0

16.9 29.6

a

7.6 7.6

8.4 5.2

8.0 6.4

5.0 a

6.8 8.3

11.4 13.6

12.5 17.4

6.3 a

10.9 10.4

1.9 5.1

6.3 7.7

10.3

9.6

11.8

17.2

-1.4

4.2

7.9

6.1

5.1 12.12

6.9 15.9

10.2 18.7

a

7.8 7.1

8.1 3.0

8.0 5.0

5.1 6.6

7.1 9.0

9.4 11.8

14.2 18.5

6.8 6.4

5.8 5.6

8.6 9.4

7.2 7.5

27.21

34.42

52.53

71.64

6.0

8.8

6.4

7.6

2.2

3.1

1.0

1.8

3.4

1.1

2.2

a

a

Germany /Allemagne

19-21

Belgium/Belgique

17-19 I II

a

France/France

17- 19 I II

Norway/Norvege

18-20 I

I

I II

United Kingdom/Royaume-Uni Sweden/Suede

18-20 I II

Canada/Canada

18- 19

United States/Etats-Unis Japan/Japon USSR/URSS

18 18

Average annual increase in this rate/ Accroissement moyen annuel de ce taux

2

a

55.5

63. 1

2

55-50

4

71.5

75.7

50.5

21.0

58.4

a

15.8

40.5

47.9

a

a

a

1 1952 2 1956 3 1961 4 1966 I: Holders of general secondary-school leaving certificates/Diplomes de 1'enseignement secondaire general II: Total students having completed long secondary education/Total des diplomes de 1'enseignement secondaire long a Not available/N'existe pas

22 J. M. Galimberti

a

Table 1 1 - Tableau 1 1

Transfer Rates to Higher Education (As a Percentage of Qualified Secondary School Leavers) Taux de transfert vers 1'enseignement superieur (En pourcentage des diplomes de I'enseignement secondaire) 1950-52

1954-56

1959-61

1964-66

87.5

98.5

86.0

98.6

a

64.5

64.4

55.8

University-type education/ Enseignement de type universitaire Germany/ Allemagne Belgium/Belgique France /France

a

86.3

83.0

91.7

34.8

38.4

50.5

46.7

a

81.8

69.1

60.4

Sweden /Suede

75.8

76.9

79.5

91.4

United States/Etats-Unis

34.9

39.4

39.4

39.0

Japan/Japon

26.2

19.1

18.3

21.2

Norway/Norvege United Kingdom /Royaume-Uni

All higher education/ Ensemble de I'enseignement superieur Belgium/Belgique

a

69.4

77.5

74.4

United States/Etats-Unis

44.0

50.3

52.0

53.6

Japan/Japon

31.2

24.3

22.9

28.2

a

Not available/N'existe pas Donnees fondamentales

23

Table 12 -Tableau 12

Contribution of the Increase in New Entrants due Respectively to the Increase in Qualified Secondary-School Leavers and to Variations in Transfer Rates Accroissement du nombre des nouveaux entrants du a I'accroissement des diplomes de 1'enseignement secondaire et aux variations des taux de transfer! vers 1'enseignement superieur Increase in qualified secondary school leavers Accroissement du University-type education nombre des diploEnseignement de type universitaire mes du secondaire

Variations in transfer rates/ Variations des taux de transfer!

Combined effect/ Effet combine

Total

After distribution of the combined effect/ Apres repartition de Peffet combine

86.0 99.9

Germany /Allemagne

1950-65 1955-65

77.5 99.8

12.7 0.1

9.8 0.1

100.0 100.0

Belgium/Belgique

1955-65

128.7

-11.3

-17.4

100.0

France /France

1955-65

90.7

3.6

5.7

100.0

96.2

3.8

Norway/Norvege

1950-65 1955-65

64.4 74.8

13.5 9.2

22.1 16.0

100.0 100.0

82.9 89.0

17.1 11.0

Sweden/ Suede

1950-65 1955-65

78.6 78.3

5.3 6.9

16.1 14.8

100.0 100.0

93.6 91.9

6.4 8.1

Japan/Japon

1950-65 1955-65

143.5 78.8

-15.7 12.7

-27.8 8.5

100.0 100.0

86.0

14.0

14.0 0.1

All higher education Ensemble de 1'enseignement superieur Belgium/Belgique

1955-65

80.0

14.3

5.7

100.0

84.8

15.2

United States/Etats-Unis

1950-65 1955-65

75.8 90.9

7.6 3.2

16.6 5.9

100.0 100.0

90.8 96.5

9.2 3.5

Japan/Japon

1950-65 1955-65

118.0 71.5

-6.5 7.1

-11.5 11.4

100.0 100.0

80.7

19.3

24 J. M. Galimberti

Table 13-Tableau 13 Rates of First Degree Graduates, by Field of Study, in 1965/66 (Percentage of First Degree Graduates Compared to the Average Population of an Age Group) Taux de premiers diplomes par branche d'etudes en 1965/66 (Pourcentage des premiers diplomes par rapport a 1'effectif moyen d'une classe d'age) Overall rate/ Taux global

Countries/ Pays

Pure Science/ Sciences Technology/ pures Technologic

Germany/ Allemagne

2.16

0.19

0.34

Belgium / Belgique

5.07

0.64

France /France

4.19

1.08

Norway / Norvege

3.82

United Kingdom /Royaume-Uni Sweden/Suede

Medical Sciences/ Sciences Humanities/ medicales Lettres

Education/ Education

Law/ Droit

Social Sciences/ Sciences sociales

0.45

0.14

NA

0.19

0.24

0.60

0.90

1.08

NA

0.51

1.13

a

0.75

1.39

NA

0.52

NA

0.70

0.80

0.58

0.87

NA

0.20

0.30

5.28

1.42

0.96

0.47

1.42

NA

0.04

0.93

6.05

1.05

0.95

0.60

1.56

NA

0.26

1.53

Canada/Canada

13.93

1.32

0.82

0.88

6.67

2.73

0.34

1.11

United States/Etats-Unis

21.80

2.45

1.52

1.08

4.21

4.67

0.47

5.65

Japan/Japon

9.68

0.29

1.84

0.42

1.45

0.77

NA

4.23

USSR/URSS

14.10

0.37

5.35

1.09

0.37

3.67

0.33

1.61

a Not available/N'existe pas NA Not applicable/Ne s'applique pas

Table 14-Tableau 14 Approximate Pass Rates (Percentage Comparison of Graduates to New Entrants According to Average Duration of Studies) Taux approches de reussite (Pourcentage de diplomes par rapport aux nouveaux entrants compte tenu de la duree moyenne des etudes) Non-university-type education/ Enseignement de type non-universitaire

University-type education/ Enseignement de type universitaire

Countries/Pays

1955-561 Germany / Allemagne

5

Belgium/Belgique

5

2

1958-59

1961-62

1955-561

1964-65 2

1958-59

1961-62

1964-65

85.4

69.5

66.8

51.6

51.9

3

a

a

80.4

75.5

72.0

63.8

66.0

2-3

66.2

69.0

69.9

61.6

France /France

5

a

a

40.4

43.6

2-3

a

a

a

41.4

Norway/Norvege

5

65.3

66.8

61.2

54.0

2

a

a

a

97.0

United Kingdom /Royaume-Uni

3

88.7

84.0

87.8

87.6

3

a

a

a

a

Sweden/ Suede

4

75.5

73.8

70.7

68.0

a

a

a

a

United States/Etats-Unis

4

74.4

72.2

71.2

70.1

a

a

a

a

Japan/Japon

4

87.2

86.4

87.5

90.7

84.6

85.5

90.6

90.7

2

1 Years in which degrees were obtained/Annees d'obtention des diplomes 2 Average duration of study/Duree moyenne des etudes a Not available/N'existe pas

Donnees fondamentales

25

Table 15 — Tableau 15 Number of Students per 1,000 Active Males of the Same Socio-Economic Category Nombre d'etudiants pour 1,000 hommes actifs appartenant aux memes categories socio-economiques SOCIO-ECONOMIC CATEGORY/CATEGORIES SOCIO-ECONOMIQUES

Countries/ Pays

Year/Annee

Upper/ Superieure

Middle/ Moyenne

Self-employed/ agriculturists/ Agriculteurs independants

Others self-employed/ Autres independants

Total

Belgium/Belgique

1962-63

10.9

4.6

2.0

France / France

1959-60 1964-65

81.7 152.2

24.5 40.8

4.8 9.5

Germany /Allemagne

1952-53 1958-59 1964-65

44.3 43.9 50.2

10.9 15.2 23.0

Japan/Japon

1961

132.2

25.8

Ncrway/Norvege

1964-65

14.3

5.4

2.2

1.9

4.4

Sweden /Suede

1962-63

77.0

52.6

10.1

34.4

5.5

21.4

1957-58

76.0

39.0

52.1

-

22.3

41.4

United States/Etats-Unis

2

>

Lower/ Inferieure

4.1

1.2

3.2

24.7 38.2

1.1 4.6

13.8 25.4

0.5 0.9 1.4

7.1 9.6 14.1

4.3

21.7

13.3 18.5 28.7 9.3

SOURCE: "Group Disparities in Educational Participation" (Study No. 4). Prepared for the Conference on Policies for Educational Growth. OECD 1970/"Disparites entre les groupes en matiere de participation a Penseignement" (Rapport No. 4). Conference sur les politiques d'expansion de 1'enseignement. OCDE 1970. 1 New entrants/Nouveaux entrants 2 Students earning their Bachelor's degrees compared to the male population between 45 and 50 years of age/ Etudiants obtenant leur licence (Bachelor's degree) par rapport a la population masculine agee de 45-50 ans.

26 J. M. Galimberti

Table 16 — Tableau 16 National Enrolment Forecasts for Higher Education/Previsions nationales d'effectifs de I'enseignement superieur Average annual growth rates/ Accroissement annuel moyen

Expansion over 10 years Accroissement decennal

1960 -65

1975 -80

1955 -65

1965 -75

1955 -56

1965 -66

96

78

2.8

5.0

9.2

4.9

99

70

3.4

6.4

16.5

198

4.1

8.8

16.2

2.3

5.9

Forecasts/ Previsions (1,000s) *

1965 -66

1970 -71

1975 -76

Germany/ Allemagne

1966-67

295.2

365.1

525.7

Belgium/ Belgique

1967-68

45.8

57.7

77.9

France/France

1964-65

413.7

Norway/ Norvege

1968-69

19.4

**30.0

United Kingdom/ Royaume-Uni 2

1962-63 1967-68

302.0

362.0 382.0

433.0

558.0 697.0 609.0

7.8

4.8

4.8

4.8

84

Sweden/Suede

1968-69

67.5

135.8

152.1

164.6

14.7

15.0

2.3

1.5

217

126

Canada/Canada

1968-69

205.9

355.0

560.0

750.0

12.5

11.1

9.5

6.1

238

United States/Etats-Unis 3

1968-69

4685.0 5960.0

7431.0

8.3

4.9

4.4

98

144

University-type Higher education

1980 -81

1985 -86

1965 -70

1970 -75

Enrolment rates/ Taux de scolarisation

1975 -76

1980

Enseignement superieur de type universitaire 4.2

3.6

7.6

9.7

4.8

6.1

13.8

9.7

147

15.5

9.5

242

99.4

820.0

40.0

55.0

11.0 13.8

3.5

5.2

5.2

11.5

166

6.8

16.2

59

18.7

26.6

31.5

177

6.0

8.7

19.0

3.1

8.7

27.2

30.2

Total Higher Education/ Total de I'enseignement superieur France/ France

1968-69

523.0

Norway /Norvege

1968-69

28.9

**38.6

Canada/Canada

1968-69

290.2

540.7

United States/Etats-Unis

1968-69

5921.0

930.0

12.9

65.0 850.0

90.0

1130.0

8023.0 10222.0

15.4

9.6

11.9

13.2

9.5

9.1

6.0

4.8

285

5.9

227

193

8.1

18.9

99

88

21.1

31.4

15.0

43.3

* Year on which forecast is based/Annee de base des previsions ** 1969-70 1 Universities plus IUT/Universites plus IUT 2 Forecasts made by Robbins Commission/Previsions de la Commission Robbins 3 United States— Degree-credit plus non-degree credit/Etats-Unis— Degre-credit plus non-degre credit

Donnees fondamentales

27

Table 17 -Tableau 17 Trends of the Sources of Financing (In Per Cent)/Evolution de la repartition des sources de financement (En pour cent) PUBLIC SOURCES/SOURCES PUBLIQUES

Central government/Etat central

Federated government/ Etat federe

PRIVATE SOURCES/SOURCES PRIVEES

Local government/ Collectivites locales

Beneficiaries (fees and tuitions)/Beneficiaires (frais de scolarite)

Other private sources/Autres sources privees

Nil/Nul Nil/Nul

26 22

11 12

100 100

Total

1960-61 1966-67

19 23

44 43

1961-62 1967-68 1961-62 1967-68 1961-62 1967-68

18.6 17.8 23.2 23.2 20.7 19.9

39.6 39.9 1.5 1.0 22.6 24.9

4.4 4.6 0.2 0.3 2.6 3.0

10.4 11.6 32.4 33.6 20.2 20.0

27 26.1 42.7 41.9 33.9 32.2

100 100 100 100 100 100

1965-66 1960-61 1965-66

86.2 1.2 2.0

Nil/Nul Nil/Nul Nil/Nul

10.4 0.5 0.2

3.4 54.8 42.4

Nil/Nul 43.5 55.4

100 100 100

United Kingdom/ Royaume-Uni

1960-61 1968-69

72.2 71.0

2.3 0.8

9.2 7.3

16.3 20.9

100 100

Germany/ Allemagne

1965

3.7

5.7

100

Belgium/Belgique

1962-63

79.0

Nil/Nul

1

4.0

16 of which 1 1% by borrowing

100

France /France

1968

95.0

Nil/Nul

Nil/Nul

5.0

Nil/Nul

100

Canada/Canada United States/Etats-Unis Public/Public Private/Prive Total Japan/Japon Public/Public Private/Prive

90.6

SOURCES: Canada/Canada: The Finances of Education, 1966, Federal Bureau of Statistics/Les finances de I'enseignement, 1966, Bureau federal des Statistiques. United States/Etats-Unis: Digest of Educational Statistics, US Department of Higher Education and Welfare, 1964 (p. 17) and 1970 (p. 92). Japan/Japon: Review of National Policies for Education, OECD (p. 2Q9)/Examen des politiques d'enseignement, OCDE (p. 209). Germany/Allemagne: "Country Statement: Germany," DAS/EID/70.24/01./"Rapport par Pays: Allemagne," DAS/EID/70.24/01. United Kingdom/Royaume-Uni: Annual Abstract of Statistics, 1970 (p. 114), Central Bureau of Statistics. France/France: Gouts a I'etudiant en 1968 (cost per student in 1968), Ministere de 1'education nationale.

28 J. M. Galimberti

Table 18-Tableau 18 Growth in Enrolments and Expenditures in Higher Education Evolution comparee des effectifs et des depenses de I'enseignement superieur Annual average rate of increase in expenditure / Taux d'accroissement annuel moyen des depenses

Countries/Pays

Period Periode

Annual average rate of increase of student enrolments/Taux d'accroissement annuel moyen des effectifs d'etudiants

Germany/ Allemagne

1957-66

5.0

Total expen- Current expenditure/ diture/ Depenses Depenses totales courantes

Annual average rate of increase in current unit costs/Taux d'accroissement annuel moyen des couts unitaires courants

17.1

16.3

11.3

Belgium/Belgique

1958-67

8.6

12.5

18.3

9.7

France /France

1958-68

9.8*

14.9

13.3

3.5

1950-67

7.2

9.8

10

2.8

1950-66

5.1*

11.4

9.8

4.7

Canada/Canada

1954-65

12.3*

19.6

16.6

4.3

United States/Etats-Unis

1955-67

7.5

11.7

11.4

3.9

Japan/Japon

1950-65

6.9

12.5

11.1

4.2

Norway/Norvege United Kingdom/Royaume-Uni

2

SOURCES: "Comparative Study of Education Expenditure and Its Trends in OECD Member Countries since 1950" (Background Study No. 2). Prepared for the Conference on Policies for Education Growth, OECD 1970/"Etude comparative sur les depenses d'enseignement dans les pays de 1'OCDE et leur evolution depuis 1950" (Rapport de base no. 2). Conferences sur les politiques d'expansion de I'enseignement, OCDE 1970. "Development of Higher Education—Analytical Report," OECD, 1970/Developpement de I'enseignement superieur—Rapport analytique" OCDE, 1970. NOTE: Except where otherwise indicated, the expenditure concerned is that for all types of higher education, both university and non-university./ Sauf indication contraire, on a pris en compte les depenses de tous les types d'enseignement superieur: universitaire et non-universitaire. *Universities only/Universites seulement 1 Deflation of expenditure by cost of living index/Deflation des depenses avec un indice du cout de la vie 2 England and Wales/Angleterre et Pays-de-Galles

Donnees fondamentales

29

Table 19-Tableau 19 Public expenditure on higher education (as a per cent of total public expenditure)/ Depenses publiques d'enseignement superieur (en pour cent des depenses publiques totales)

Total expenditure on higher education (as a per cent of total education expenditure)/ Depenses totales d'enseignement superieur (en pour cent des depenses totales d'enseignement)

Total expenditure on higher education (as a per cent of GNP at market prices)/ Depenses totales d'enseignement superieur (en pour cent du PNB aux prix du marche)

1955

1960

1965

1968

1955

1960

1965

1968

1955

1960

1965

1968

Germany /Allemagne

a

14.1

22.0

a

1.3

1.9

2.6

2.9

0.4

0.3

0.66

0.90

Belgium/ Belgique

a

a

a

a

a

a

0.15

0.53

0.55

0.64

France /France

a

8.3

12.2

12.8*

1.04

a

2.67

3.35(69)

0.3

a

Norway/Norvege

6.7

7.3

12.3

11.5*

1.50

2.70

2.4

3.15*

0.24

0.17

0.50

United Kingdom/Royaume-Uni

a

8.2

9.9

a

a

5.70

a

a

0.25

a

0.52

a

a

0.43(64) 0.52(69) 0.68*

a

a

a

a

a

a

a

6.50

6.7

a

a

1.22

1.38

Canada/Canada

13.2

17.3

23.2

a

a

2.50

4.47

a

0.35

0.70

1.31

1.76

United States/Etats-Unis

24.4

28.5

32.0

34.4

2.17

4.15

5.55

4.80

1.01

1.49

2.15

2.33*

a

10.4

16.0

a

a

3.07

3.94

a

a

0.50

0.90

Sweden/Suede

Japan/Japon

a

SOURCES: Comparative study of educational expenditure since 1955. (Prepared by the Secretariat)/Analyse comparative des depenses d'education depuis 1955. (Enquete du Secretariat). Conference on Policies for Educational Growth OECD, 1970/Conference sur les politiques d'expansion de 1'enseignement. Additional data—national statistics/Donnees complementaires—statistiques nationales. National accounts for OECD countries - 1950-1968/Comptes nationaux des pays de 1'OCDE - 1950-1968. NOTES: In the following countries public expenditure is equal to total expenditure: France, Germany and Sweden. Les depenses publiques sont identiques aux depenses totales pour les pays suivants: Allemagne, France et Suede. In other cases public expenditure is equivalent to the total public grant. Dans les autres cas, les depenses publiques correspondent aux subventions publiques totales. In the case of Sweden, the percentages of public expenditure are overestimated since the latter does not include gross fixed asset formation of public administrations, these figures not being available. Dans le cas de la Suede, les pourcentages des depenses publiques sont surestimes, car celles-ci n'incluent pas les depenses de FBCF de 1'Etat— non-disponibles. * 1967 a Not available/N'existe pas

30 J. M. Galimberti

Post-Secondary Education in Canada: A Survey of Recent Trends and Developments

by David Munroe

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Early Development (to 1945)

Higher education in Canada was traditionally provided in the universities. The oldest of these were religious foundations. Laval, which served the French Catholic population of Quebec, held both a royal and a papal charter. Denominational colleges, such as King's, Acadia, and Mount Allison in the maritime provinces and Queen's, Victoria, and Trinity in Ontario, were supported by the protestant churches to provide for the English-speaking population. Almost concurrently, several non-sectarian universities were established—Dalhousie in Halifax, McGill in Montreal, and a federation of denominational and public colleges that formed the University of Toronto. All these were private institutions. Somewhat later, in the four western provinces, another type of university was established, modelled to some extent on the land-grant colleges of the United States. These were provincial institutions, supported largely from public funds. The first, Manitoba, received a grant of 150,000 acres of crown land from the federal government, although it, like the others, remained entirely under provincial authority. These institutions, private and public, religious and secular, varied a good deal in size and structure but together they represented the concern of the early generations of Canadians for education and for the preparation of an educated elite. To assure themselves of a continuous stream of candidates, appropriately selected and properly prepared, the private universities maintained links with one or more junior institutions. A comprehensive system of affiliated colleges grew up around Laval—the colleges classiques—offering an eight-year course that covered the secondary and college programs and led to a bachelor's degree awarded by the parent university. Operated by the various religious orders, the number of colleges grew during the nineteenth century and they were scattered throughout Quebec as well as in other provinces. A few were operated for women. One or two of the most successful eventually attained independent status, the Universite de Montreal being the best example, and it developed a pattern of affiliated colleges of its own, so that by 1945, Laval and Montreal each had about thirty colleges under its jurisdiction. This network continued to operate effectively until a decade ago and, because the demand for higher education was limited, it even served as a substitute for public secondary schools until after World War II. While the English-speaking universities did not develop

a comparable pattern, several of them also maintained preparatory schools or colleges. Academies or high schools were linked with Mount Allison and Acadia, in the maritime provinces. McGill had two affiliates in Quebec and at one time even sponsored a college in British Columbia. Several of the colleges in the University of Toronto had affiliated preparatory schools. Such connections were less common in the western provinces, where the universities were developed as the upper rungs of the educational ladder. In all provinces the liaison with private preparatory institutions gradually weakened and for many years all the universities have maintained close links with the public institutions from which most of their students are drawn. European influences were strong. The Jesuit college, the college pattern of Oxford and Cambridge, and the unique structure of the Scottish universities were widely accepted as models, although the reproduction was never more than a partial success. The needs and conditions were different. The churchmen and scholars who staffed the Canadian institutions were either recruited in the "old country" or had spent a year or more at one of the European "centres of learning" and their interests and competence were usually in the classics and philosophy rather than the practical and scientific studies most valued on the North America frontier. It was only towards the end of the nineteenth century that the accent shifted to the sciences and that professional schools of medicine, law, and engineering demanded teachers who were thoroughly familiar with the day-to-day atmosphere of Canadian life. Dawson and Osier of McGill, Wrong and Falconer of Toronto, George Grant of Queen's, and Walter Murray of Saskatchewan gave Canadian scholarship a degree of respectability and assurance that challenged the colonialism of the earlier period. Technical education was usually excluded from the private universities and only introduced in the public institutions of the western provinces where it was related to agriculture or domestic science. Consequently it was generally offered in specialized institutions. The Royal Military College was founded by the federal government in 1874 to prepare officers for the army. After the turn of the century, some of the provincial governments established technical colleges—the Nova Scotia Technical College in Halifax, Ryerson Institute in Toronto, and, in Montreal, two institutions patterned on the French Canada

33

"grandes ecoles": 1'ecole poly technique and 1'ecole des hautes etudes commerciales. Several agricultural colleges were established and two or three of these were integrated within the university structures as faculties of agriculture. And, much later, technical institutes of various types were opened in most of the provinces with federal support. New impetus was given to science and research after World War I, partly through the initiatives of the National Research Council, established by the federal government in 1916. Support was given to specific projects, directed by certain professors and, while this growth was limited to a few institutions—McGill, Toronto, and, perhaps, Queen's—it opened a new level of university activity, requiring more expensive and sophisticated laboratories, and leading to new graduate degrees. Thus, there developed gradually in Canada a score of degree-granting universities and colleges, for the most part private. They were distributed unevenly among the provinces and attended by less than 40,000 full-time students in 1939-40. Most were co-educational, though certain professional faculties were not always open to women. All offered a liberal arts program; an increasing number included specialized courses in science, applied science, or engineering; a dozen gave professional training in medicine, law, dentistry, theology, and pedagogy; and a few provided post-graduate instruction. Most of the students were drawn from middle-class urban homes but there was a good representation from the rural areas, since it was generally possible for the enterprising student to earn enough during the long summer vacation or after class hours to pay most of his expenses. The Frenchspeaking institutions of Quebec were more selective and the emphasis of the curriculum remained classical and philosophical until after World War I. Scientific studies were less advanced. Most of the students were preparing for the church, the law, or medicine and there was also a much smaller proportion of women. Traditional values and practices were still dominant and European influence remained strong. To these post-secondary resources must be added a small number of technical and vocational institutions, operated for the most part by the provinces but with some federal encouragement and support. This was the level of development that had been reached at the outbreak of World War II: twenty-one universities, the largest of them with less than 4,000 students. 34

David C. Munroe

University life was, of course, disrupted by World War II. The student population decreased, professors entered the services or became heavily involved in government duties, buildings were occupied by service personnel, training programs were expanded for those undergraduates who remained on campus, and accelerated courses were offered in some faculties.

Post-War Expansion (1945-1960)

On the heels of these dislocations, the Veterans Rehabilitation Act was implemented by the federal government. It provided incentives for men and women returning from active service to continue their studies at university or through vocational courses by offering payment of tuition charges and a monthly living allowance. Supplementary payments were also made to the institutions directly to assist them in meeting additional costs. The response was overwhelming. In the first year, 1945, over 20,000 veterans applied and the universities were faced with extending their facilities by at least one-half. Altogether, between 1944 and 1951, 53,800 veterans attended the universities under this program and another 80,000 took advantage of vocational courses. The cost to the federal treasury was estimated at $213,062,380 and it is generally agreed the investment was a sound one. The university authorities accepted the challenge without hesitation. Selection procedures were reviewed and, in some instances, modified. Counselling services were organized; courses and programs were revised; the academic calendar was modified, and courses continued through summer vacations; new teaching methods were employed; and temporary accommodation was secured for classrooms, laboratories, and residences. The recruitment of qualified professors was, of course, a major problem. In a good many instances it was necessary for the permanent staff to accept additional duties. Generally speaking, the academic community agreed that this was a stimulating experience, for it brought to the campus a generation of mature, highly motivated students who were anxious to make the most of their new opportunity. It also prepared university leaders for the sort of adjustments and innovations that would be necessary in the years ahead. For the seats occupied by the veterans were soon claimed by high school graduates whose numbers had increased significantly in the post-war years. Though younger than the veterans, they were equally determined to prepare themselves for life in the technological society which they saw all about them and they clamoured for entrance to engineering, science, commerce, and service professions like social work or teaching. The space was there to accommodate them and in many instances the staff was engaged to teach them but, once the government support for the veterans was withdrawn, the universities were placed in a precarious financial situation. It was at this point that the leaders in the National

Conference of Universities and Colleges placed their arguments before the Royal Commission on National Development in the Arts, Letters, and Sciences (Massey Commission). Pointing to the success of the veterans' program, which served a national purpose, they claimed that the universities were a national resource which should be maintained and developed as a special responsibility of the federal government. The commission agreed with this line of argument and recommended: a. That, in addition to the help already being given for research and other purposes, the Federal Government make annual contributions to support the work of the universities on the basis of the population of each of the provinces of Canada. b. That these contributions be made after consultation with the government and the universities of each province, to be distributed to each university proportionately to the student enrolment. c. That these contributions be sufficient to ensure that the work of the universities of Canada may be carried on in accordance with the needs of the nation. d. That all members of the National Conference of Canadian Universities be eligible for the federal grants mentioned above.1 As a result, the federal government made its first grants in 1951, allocating to the universities of each province an amount equal to fifty cents per capita of population. Payment was made directly to the institutions approved by the National Conference of Canadian Universities. The formula was adapted to the peculiar structures of Quebec, recognizing the classical colleges through payments made to the parent universities. This program, adopted without consultation with the provincial governments, provoked a constitutional dispute that has smouldered ever since. Under the Canadian constitution, embodied in the British North America Act (1867), education is a provincial responsibility, each legislature being empowered to legislate on matters relating to education "in and for each province." Over the years the provinces had established educational systems to serve their needs and, up to this time, except in the western provinces, they had shown little interest in higher education, leaving it to private initiative. During these years, when governments generally were satisfied to avoid rather than accept responCanada

35

sibility for providing educational services, federal authorities showed little concern for national goals and were scrupulously careful to refrain from any action that might be interpreted by the provinces as trespassing on their rights. Federal initiatives were limited to technical training and scientific research, in the tenuous assumption that these were outside the proper definition of educational activities. The veterans program was obviously a bolder step—but it was adopted under the pressures of war. This new program appeared to some, including the government of Quebec, as a challenge to provincial authority. Without examining the arguments in any detail, it is important to realize that Canada is one of the few federal states whose constitution makes specific reference to education. This fact may raise more questions than it answers because there are obviously some educational matters that transcend provincial boundaries. Since 1867 six provinces have been added to the original four and the concept of educational services has been interpreted differently by several provincial authorities. As a further complication, there are some academic leaders who maintain that universities do not properly belong within the structure of an educational system and that they should be accorded special status as national institutions entirely outside provincial jurisdiction. From the heated debate on these issues no satisfactory solutions have yet emerged and education continues to be a problem in federal-provincial relations. These years—the nineteen fifties—were marked by what the Economic Council of Canada has called "the revitalization of education in Canada" which resulted in a much larger number of better educated young people being prepared to serve in the labour force and contribute to Canada's future growth.2 The universities again accepted the challenge, the enrolments climbing from 71,000 in 1950-51 to over 100,000 at the end of the decade. However in 1955, when projections were first made of future growth, university leaders were staggered by the vision that lay ahead. These estimates, made by the Director of Research of the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada (the successor to the Conference in 1951), forecast that enrolments would be doubled within ten years. By 1960, there was evidence of growing public concern about policies in education. Some of this might be attributed to the successful launching of Sputnik in 1957, 36 David C. Munroe

which startled the leaders and the people of western countries, particularly in the United States. In Canada, it was also linked with the report of a Royal Commission on Canada's Economic Prospects (Gordon Commission), which stated that the growth of Canada depended on an expansion of support for research and the number of qualified research scientists, and an adequate supply of the skilled workers necessary to apply the new knowledge and techniques.3 It was clear to the public, as well as to educational and political leaders, that Canada must rapidly adapt itself to the demands of a technological society. Public concern was crystallized in two Canadian conferences on education, the first held in Ottawa in March 1958, the second in Montreal four years later. University leaders participated in both these meetings and university problems were considered in the wider context of public educational policy. Both conferences were well attended by a wide cross section of the Canadian public and while it could not be said they resulted in any direct action, they did reflect public concern, which stimulated and supported the action of governments, both federal and provincial, in the following years.

Education, Federalism, and the Technological Society

Launched into a new world of technology and science, Canadian political leaders showed characteristic caution but genuine concern about educational reform. As there was no national system of education, each provincial government made an effort to examine and reform its system. In the British tradition, this process usually began with appointment of a royal commission of enquiry or a similar body empowered to initiate studies, conduct public hearings, and submit recommendations on the items in its mandate. During the past twenty years, each province has conducted one or more of these studies on various aspects of its educational system, although only a few have been directed to post-secondary education. An exception was the enquiry in Quebec, conducted by the Parent Commission (1961-65), which covered all levels and aspects of education, as well as administration and finance. In its first report, published in 1963, the Parent Commission described the relation of education to the new technological society as follows: Obviously the progress of science and technology and resultant socio-economic development lend education ever-growing importance and in fact constitute the basis of modern society. Thus it is essential that the general public attain a fairly high level of education, that key workers be prepared for all sectors of the economy, and that special attention be given to the thorough training of that increasing proportion of people who will serve in the tertiary occupations. In every field workers must receive professional and technical preparation sufficiently broad and diversified to allow them to shift from one means of livelihood to another, as technological change may require. And it must be assumed that a great number of adults, at different employment levels, will need partial or total retraining in order to keep abreast of general developments. If these requirements are not fulfilled, economic life can easily cease to advance and the nation can retrogress. Education must therefore be rethought in terms of a master plan, and this plan must constantly be revised in the light of changes, not only as they occur, but as they may be foreseen in the future. If these ends are to be achieved, it is imperative to establish some agency for educational guidance which will be powerful enough to co-

ordinate all efforts, elastic enough to accomplish this coordinate without thwarting the freedom of initiative essential to any progress, and with deep enough roots in all the social groups concerned with education to allow the whole system to remain, as it should, a truly joint enterprise.4 These concerns were re-affirmed by federal authorities. The Economic Council of Canada, established in 1963, has dealt extensively with problems of education in each of its annual reviews. In the second report, issued in 1965, it recommended as two of five areas requiring particular attention: The tremendous expansion required especially at the university and post-secondary technical school level in terms of higher enrolment ratios and retention rates for those of post-secondary school age, in circumstances of an unprecedented upsurge in the numbers of young people who will be moving out of the 15-19 (mainly high school) age group into the 20-24 (post-secondary) age group over the coming decade. The more rapid development of facilities for a sharply accelerating flow of professional and other highly skilled manpower at the post-secondary level, the level at which we have made least progress to date in the Canadian educational system.5 Most of the political leaders recognized the strategic importance of post-secondary education in future economic and social development. Even at the beginning of the decade, the governments in most provinces placed education, particularly technical education, near the top of their priorities. As the years progressed this support has been maintained. As for the federal government, its position was stated at the October 1966 FederalProvincial Conference by the Prime Minister, Lester B. Pearson, in the following terms: Education is obviously a matter of profound importance to the economic and social growth of the country as a whole. This is particularly true of higher education. Apart altogether from the general interest in fostering equality of opportunity for Canadians, wherever they may live or wherever they may be brought up, the federal government has specific and particular responsibilities to which higher education is relevant. While education itself is provincial, the federal government accepts priCanada

37

mary responsibility for employment and economic activity generally in the country. We recognize that provincial governments share our concern in these matters and pursue these common aims in the conduct of their own affairs. It is, however, the responsibility of the federal government to devise and apply national policies and measures that are necessary to ensure that the economy of Canada will continue to expand and will become increasingly productive, in order that there may be full employment and an increasing level of prosperity for all our citizens. The preparation of our young people for productive participation in the labour force of the country is a matter of vital concern to all Canadians. We have also to keep in mind that young people of a particular province do not necessarily receive their education and training in their home province, and that people, after graduation, do not necessarily live out their lives and take up employment in the province where they received their education.6 From these statements it is clear that the federal and provincial governments were deeply influenced by the impact of technology and science. In 1960, the federal technical and vocational training program offered support to the provinces for new courses in secondary schools. The response varied, because some provinces were able to adapt their systems more rapidly than others to the requirements of the program but, for those taking advantage of it, the results were encouraging. In 1966, a change in federal policy shifted the emphasis from the secondary to the post-secondary level, with the federal authorities assuming the full cost of "adult occupational training." This reflected a new concern, not only with the development of skilled manpower but with its integration into the labour force. Since its establishment at that time, the federal department of Manpower and Immigration has played an active role in developing programs and coordinating provincial efforts in technical and vocational education. Difficulties have occured, however, in developing the proper supply and balance of highly qualified manpower. In certain areas such as medicine, for example, Canada has been dependent on foreign doctors to maintain adequate services. During the 1960s four new faculties of medicine were established, with support from the federal Health Resources Fund, yet in each of the past 38

David C. Munroe

three years, the Canadian universities have supplied only half of the doctors entering practice and several hundred qualified candidates have been refused admission, presumably for lack of facilities. On the other hand, certain categories of highly specialized personnel are in over-supply, particularly in such fields as physics, chemistry, biochemistry, and engineering. The rapid expansion of graduate programs in some universities has not taken into account the opportunities for employment. As the chairman of the department of biochemistry in one university has said: We now find ourselves in the seventies with a graduate training system that worked well for the United States during the Twenties and Thirties, but is obviously no longer a suitable system for the United States, let alone for Canada . . . . Most of our graduates are looking for jobs only within this very narrow area of competence and, for the most part, are unable to find suitable openings.^ Similar problems are now beginning to appear even at the undergraduate level. A recent report states: Suddenly there is so little demand for university graduates that a frightening and frightened segment of the Class of '71 can't find even the mundane opportunities that in years past they might have sneered at. No one knows how many of the 75,000 graduates in the Class of '71 have been unable to find the kind of work they have been trained for, but it could be as many as h a l f . . . . The Class of '71 is the victim of what is coming to be known as The Great Training Robbery.8 While there is a growing awareness of the need for national policies that will coordinate federal and provincial efforts and relate educational and economic priorities, no satisfactory structure has yet been devised to produce this result.

Expansion in Post-Secondary Education

In the 1960s, full-time university enrolment nearly tripled, rising from 114,000 in 1960-61 to 280,000 at the end of the decade. There was an even more spectacular rise in the non-university student population, which was only 11,000 at the beginning of the decade and rose sharply after 1967 to a total of 140,000 in 1969-70. Using only the university enrolment as a basis of comparison, this places Canada well above the average of the OECD countries with an estimated 14.8 students enrolled per thousand of population. This compares with 25.0 in the United States, 10.6 in Sweden, and the average was 7.2. The internal distribution in 1970-71 is shown in the following table: Table 1 Distribution of University Population 1970-71

1968-69

Percentage change

Newfoundland

38

54

42

Prince Edward Island

36

67

86

Nova Scotia

47

69

47

New Brunswick

44

62

41

Quebec

33

73

121

Ontario

56

75

34

Manitoba

61

82

34

Saskatchewan

56

75

34

Alberta

64

83

30

British Columbia

68

85

25

50

74

48

Students enrolled

Maritimes

2,622

34,534

13.2

17.1

CANADA

Quebec

5,685

62,033

10.9

10.3

SOURCE: Based on data from Dominion Bureau of Statistics.

Ontario

9,166

121,227

13.2

15.7

Prairies

4,820

62,872

13.0

17.8

British Columbia

2,757

36,024

13.1

16.7

NOTE: The retention rate refers to enrolment in Grade 11 as percentage of Grade 2 enrolment nine years earlier. The data underlying the estimates have been adjusted to remove the effects of student migration.

TOTAL

25,050

12.6

14.8

316,690

Students per 1000 pop.

1960-61

Province

University teachers

Region

Students to teachers

Table 2 Retention Rates, by Province

AVERAGE

SOURCE: Science Secretariat.

To provide for this expansion, twenty-eight universities were established. The pattern of institutional growth differed from province to province. Ontario granted charters to six new institutions, bringing the total of universities to fourteen. In three of the western provinces —British Columbia, Alberta, and Manitoba—the monopoly of the existing provincial university was broken to make room for two new institutions in each. Saskatchewan, on the other hand, maintained a single degreegranting authority but divided the services between two constituent campuses. Quebec chose to create a new provincial university—Puniversite du Quebec—which operates on several campuses in different cities of the province, including a section in Montreal. New Brunswick established a French-language university and in Prince Edward Island, two colleges were brought together in a unified undergraduate university. In almost

every instance, the charters of these new institutions provided for public or government representatives in the governing bodies and the provincial treasury provided most of the financial support. The non-university sector has expanded even more rapidly. In Ontario and Quebec, networks of non-degree granting colleges have been established and community colleges of various types have recently been organized in several of the other provinces. These are two or threeyear institutions and they are supported almost entirely from provincial funds, except in British Columbia, where they draw support also from the regional school boards. This vast expansion naturally made post-secondary education more accessible to Canadians, although the opportunities differed a good deal from province to province. Before 1960 the programs of the secondary schools in several provinces were narrowly academic and directed towards entrance to the university. As they have become more diversified, and many now include vocational and technical courses, there has been an increasing demand for an alternative to university and most of the Canada

39

provincial systems have been extended with the provision of community colleges. Entrance requirements vary from province to province, so do the fees, with the result that opportunity and accessibility vary a great deal. Some provinces have adopted what may be called an "open-door" policy, encouraging most of their secondary school graduates to continue their studies on either a full-time or part-time basis. Others have shown more restraint. With all these differences, it is inevitable that some students will choose to attend institutions outside the province of residence, for positive as well as less commendable reasons, such as lower standards of entry or lower tuition fees. The retention rate in the schools of each province showed a sharp increase during the 1960s, as indicated in table 2. As a further indication of the differences which exist between the provinces, the proportion of the age group 18-24 attending post-secondary institutions showed a sharp increase but considerable variation, as indicated the following table. Table 3 Full-time Post-Secondary Enrolment as Percentage of 18-24 Age Group, by Province 1951-52

1960-61

1968-69

Newfoundland

1

3

10

Prince Edward Island

3

7

14

Nova Scotia

6

9

16

New Brunswick

4

8

15

Quebec

6

10

19

Ontario

5

8

17

Manitoba

5

8

16

Saskatchewan

3

8

15

Alberta

3

7

19

Province

British Columbia

6

10

17

CANADA

5

9

17

SOURCE: Based on data from Dominion Bureau of Statistics.

Quebec is the only province offering free tuition in its colleges. The universities in all the other provinces are partly supported by tuition charges. These vary from 40

David C. Munroe

one institution to another but in most provinces restrictions have been imposed which require any increases to be authorized by the university grants commission or other provincial authority. Tuition and living costs unquestionably remain, however, a factor in accessibility. Widespread acceptance of the theory that education should be considered an investment rather than simply a service to the public has led economists to examine the relationship of social and individual benefits. Rising costs in the 1960s have led to the examination of alternatives to public financing in all or some sectors of post-secondary education, it being proposed that the individual should assume a greater share of the cost for training which will bring him higher than average income. Thus the Contingent Repayment Student Assistance Plan has created some interest and these proposals are now under study by a joint committee of federal and provincial officials. Meanwhile, in 1964, the federal government introduced the Canada Student Loan Plan. This gave a federal guarantee to loans given to students in full-time attendance at recognized post-secondary institutions, in both the university and non-university sectors. The plan is administered by the provincial authorities, the loans being made by the chartered banks, the federal government carrying the cost of interest payments while the students are in attendance and for six months thereafter. Several of the provinces provide supplementary grants and bursaries. According to a recent study, over half the post-secondary student population is receiving support of some kind. It also showed the following characteristics among the 400,000 students which formed the postsecondary population in 1968-69: 63 per cent were undergraduates in the universities; 29 per cent were students in non-university institutions; 62 per cent were male students; 64 per cent of the single students lived away from home; 78 per cent were dependent students; 11 per cent were single and independent; 11 per cent were married and independent.9

Diversification of Post-Secondary Institutions

To meet the changing social and economic demands of the 1960s, adjustments were necessary in the institutional structures. On the one hand, the public demand for universal education created new pressures on institutions which had formerly been largely reserved for the elite. At the same time, economic and technological progress created a need for highly skilled manpower with specialized training. As in other instances, the provinces proceeded along different lines. The recommendations of the Parent Commission in Quebec, in 1964, called for the establishment of a new level of "pre-university and vocational education," to be interposed between the secondary school and the university. "The future of Quebec," the commission stated, "depends to a great extent on the education which will be offered to the young people at the end of secondary school, and which will put to use and coordinate the initiative and the energy that already exist."10 It was therefore recommended that between 25 and 30 colleges be established, admitting students after completion of high school to general and vocational courses of 2 or 3 years duration. The emphasis was to be placed on sound teaching and guidance, so that the student might be prepared gradually for entrance and the aims were expressed in the following terms: to assure the greatest possible number of students who have the necessary aptitudes the opportunity to follow studies of longer duration and better quality; to cultivate an interest and a desire for education on the part of the students in order to lessen the number of failures and premature withdrawals; to further a wiser choice of studies, better fitted to students' tastes and aptitudes; to raise the level of pre-university studies and vocational instruction; to establish a uniform system for the transition between secondary and higher education and to give students a better preparation for embarking on the latter. Hence it may be said that a preoccupation with an educational system at once richer and broader, more flexible and direct, more generous and democratic has led us to propose this composite stage between the secondary course and higher education.11 By clearly separating the college and university levels, the commission intended to meet the legitimate demand for universal opportunity in post-secondary education,

leaving the universities free to push their specialization and professional training to the new limits required by modern society and contemporary knowledge. This solution reduced the danger of duplication, an important factor when resources are limited, and it gave the student a longer period in which to broaden his interests and develop his talents. According to this pattern, students of seventeen and eighteen would remain in the colleges and those entering university would be more mature. The term "institute" which was adopted by the Parent Commission was changed to college d'enseignement general et professionnel (CEGEP or, in English, general and vocational college) and the first 12 were opened in 1967. The number has now risen to 35, with an enrolment in 1970-71 of over 60,000. Ontario chose a different pattern. When the colleges of applied arts and technology (CAATS) were established in 1966, a line was drawn between vocational and academic studies. It was decided to continue the division of students in the last years of secondary school in two streams: those preparing for university by continuation in Grade 13, and those entering the vocational colleges after Grade 12. The courses offered in the colleges included general as well as technical subjects and, in some instances, the colleges have shown remarkable initiative in adapting to local and community needs. While there has not been any formal arrangement for transfer between the colleges and the universities, certain institutions have developed procedures to make this possible. Twenty-two of these colleges are now in operation, most of them with one or two campuses, offering courses for increasing numbers of part-time students. The full-time enrolment has grown from about 25,000 in the first year to 52,000 in 1970-71. Elsewhere the growth of the non-university sector was less rapid. In most provinces there were colleges or institutes of technology, some of which offered secondary as well as some post-secondary programs. Gradually however, the public demand spread for less specialized twoyear institutions, and new patterns of community colleges have been developed in at least four other provinces. In most instances these do provide academic as well as vocational training and transfer is provided under certain conditions to four-year institutions. These experiments have been described by the Economic Council of Canada as follows: In general, they can perhaps best be described as Canada

41

Financing Post-Secondary Education

multipurpose institutions making post-secondary education more readily applicable to manpower needs by meeting the rapidly expanding skill and training requirements of an advanced industrial and service-oriented society, and, for an increasing number of students, becoming a bridge between secondary education and university. As the term "community college" implies, these institutions are generally more oriented to the local community than universities, especially in terms of the student population which they serve, and the scope and nature of the study programs they offer.12

Financing this expansion and diversification presented serious problems in the early 1960s. In the university sector, few Canadian institutions had much revenue from endowments; the support of church bodies declined, especially as many of the institutions had dropped the religious qualifications for students and staff; the tuition charges for many years had covered only a fraction of the cost; and most provincial governments had not shown deep concern for the university sector. Moreover, as the emphasis in post-secondary education began to shift towards the technical and utilitarian objectives, provincial governments preferred to support vocational colleges and professional training which was related more immediately to their manpower needs. The trends are well illustrated in the following table: Table 4 Proportion of University Revenues from Various Sources Fees

Other

Provincial

Federal

28.1

17.2

40.4

14.3

1960-61

16.9

19.8

40.7

22.3

1963-64

27.3

14.4

40.0

18.3

1969-70

12.7

11.0

32.8

43.9

1954-55

SOURCE: DBS adapted from Bladen Report.

The fluctuations may be explained by the changes in the pattern of support which emerged following the end of the veterans program, as represented by the distribution of sources in 1954-55; the increasing concern in 1960-61 by the federal government and private contributors like corporations and graduates; the attempt to meet cost increases by raising fees in 1963-64; and, finally, the federal action in 1967, offering 50 per cent of operating expenditures through the Post-Secondary Support Program. The pattern of expenditure also changed. An estimated four billion dollars was spent on university building during the decade. Expenditures on research increased slightly in the 1960s, as did the non-academic salaries and wages. The greatest changes, however, were the increase in the non-wage items of operating expenditures and the decline in the amount spent on academic salaries. The record is as follows: 42

David C. Munroe

of services and a change in institutional structure make comparisons difficult but table 6 indicates the trends in growth.

Table 5 Distribution of University Operating Expenditure (in Percentages)

Nonacademic Academic salaries salaries & wages 1960-61 1969-70

19.5

46.5 37.3

20.3

Nonitems Research

18.7 25.1

12.1 13.6

1961-62

Benefits

3.2 3.7

ASSISTED RESEARCH RECHERCHE SUBVENTIONNEE

SOURCE: DBS. See also graph p. 00.

It is not possible to make a similar analysis or comparison for the colleges, because most of them were established only recently. However, tuition charges are kept to a minimum, federal support is given through the Adult Occupational and Post-Secondary Support Programs and provincial sources provide the remainder, except in British Columbia where 40 per cent of the costs are covered by the regional school boards. No tuition fees are charged in the maritime provinces or Quebec, elsewhere they vary from $150 to $250 a year. Private colleges are operated in several provinces, with fees ranging from $100 to $500, and with varying degrees of government support.

BENEFITS AVANTAGES SOCIAUX

OTHER SALARIES & WAGES i AUTRES SALAIRES ET TRAITEMENTS

\

1969-7O

Table 6 Percentage Increase of Total Expenditures by Types of Service 1960-61

NON-WAGE ITEMS I DEFENSES NON-SALARIALES

1965-66

1969-70

Technical and vocational education

100

332.9

1,169.1

Teacher training

100

128.4

117.2

University

100

265.4

570.0

ASSISTED RESEARCH s RECHERCHE SUBVENTIONNEE

SOURCE: DBS

NON-WAGE ITEMS

NOTE: In the classification used by Statistics Canada, technical and vocational education has been absorbed in the colleges, while teacher training is now largely integrated in the universities.

DEFENSES NON-SALARIALES

Generally speaking, the expenditures on post-secondary education rose rapidly in the 1960s, more rapidly than those in the elementary-secondary sector, more rapidly than enrolment, and more rapidly than the Gross National Product. From a total of $342,000,000 in 1960-61, they rose to an estimated $2,234,000,000 at the beginning of the 1970s and, in the five years covered by the Post-Secondary Support Program (1967-72), the percentage increase is estimated at 109 per cent. The re-grouping

BENEFITS AVANTAGES SOCIAUX

Figure 1 Distribution of University Operating Expenditures Canada

43

A National Framework

The critical situation which arose in the first half of the decade led the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada to establish the Commission on Financing Higher Education in Canada (Bladen Commission), which reported in 1965. After a comprehensive examination of future needs, the commission recommended that the federal and provincial governments undertake to provide for the expansion of higher education in Canada, that annual discussions be held by the governments to review the adequacy of the support, that the level of per capita grants be raised and the federal responsibility for financing research be recognized. It was assumed that the grants would continue to be paid directly to the institutions themselves. In the following year, a federal-provincial conference was held to consider the problem of higher education and the resulting action radically changed the degree and pattern of support. The federal government agreed, for a five year period, to pay half the operating costs of post-secondary education, thereby raising the total federal contribution, including manpower training and research, from about $500,000,000 to over a billion dollars in the first year of the new program. The new PostSecondary Support Program provided a higher level of support that that proposed in the Bladen Report and it covered not only the universities but the non-degreegranting colleges. At the same time the federal government agreed that payments should be made directly to the provincial authorities, instead of to the institutions, leaving each province free to follow its own plan for distribution. This program has continued, with the federal contribution reaching an estimated $1,249,000,000 in 1971-72, or 48.6 per cent of the total expenditures.

44

David C. Munroe

Since there has been no agreement among the governments on a common plan or common policies, the rapid growth of the 1960s has aggravated disparities. Each province now operates an educational system, providing all levels of services from elementary school through post-secondary colleges and university. However, as has been shown, there are wide differences in the retention rates in secondary school, the participation rates of the 18-24 age group in post-secondary education, and there are also sharp differences in the expenditures per student. Table 7 shows that five provinces were consistently below the national average, in some instances very far below it. Obviously the operation of the Post-Secondary Support Program during the past five years has not reduced the disparities. It may even have increased them, as may be seen from the irregular pattern of growth in provincial expenditures on post-secondary education (table 8). By the end of the 1960s there could be no doubt that provincial governments recognized the importance of post-secondary education. Each had taken steps to articulate it with the other types of educational services, and provision was made either through the department of education or in a separate department to provide for its support. Most provinces established commissions with varying degrees of authority to coordinate planning and recommend the distribution of support among the institutions. A listing of these bodies is given in table 9.13 With the federal government providing most of the financial support and the provincial governments increasingly active in the planning and development of post-secondary education, there is growing need for agreement on national goals. This is particularly important for the survival of the universities, several of which have a national and international reputation. There is a danger that each province will restrict the development of the institutions within its borders to its own immediate needs, placing restraints on teaching and research that confine instead of enlarge their contribution to national development. Disparities would then become further entrenched and Canadian scholarship would be stunted at the level of provincial perspectives.

Table 7

Estimates of Operating Costs per Student , Post-Secondary Sector (In Dollars)

Province

1967-68

1968-69

1969-70

1970-71

1971-72

Percentage increase of 1971-72 over 1967-68

Newfoundland

1,447

1,443

2,361

2,542

2,756

90.5

Prince Edward Island

1,371

1,603

2,179

2,148

2,412

75.9

Nova Scotia

2,492

2,762

2,887

3,060

3,152

26.5

New Brunswick

1,542

1,724

1,911

2,100

2,337

51.6

Quebec

1,847

2,066

1,954

2,219

2,399

29.9 35.7

Ontario

2,636

2,871

3,074

3,398

3,578

Manitoba

2,326

2,618

2,749

3,111

3,110

33.7

Saskatchewan

2,776

2,991

2,774

3,203

3,077

10.8

Alberta

2,940

2,751

2,991

3,364

3,402

15.7

British Columbia

2,152

2,296

2,328

2,412

2,410

12.0

CANADA

2,254

2,465

2,530

2,818

2,957

31.2

SOURCE: Post-secondary enrolment, Economic Council Staff Study 25, and unpublished data on post-secondary operating expendi tures from Education Support Branch, Department of Secretary of State, 6 April 1971.

Table 8

Percentage Increase Percentage increase 1967-72

1967-68

1968-69

1969-70

1970-71

1971-72

Newfoundland

8,218,000

7.8

82.5

18.4

22,900,000

178.6

Prince Edward Island

2,138,940

31.2

53.7

7.6

5,500,000

157.1

31,775,297

25.8

15.4

Province

Nova Scotia

14.1

59,250,800

86.5

16,203,044

24.2

22.4

19.8

35,400,000

Quebec

255,892,538

18.3

13.3

22.8

494,100,000

93.1

Ontario

298,456,646

33.1

23.0

23.0

701,302,000

135.0

Manitoba

36,329,256

26.6

16.4

24.9

73,400,403

120.0

Saskatchewan

40,528,032

17.2

0.7

27.3

65,255,740

61.0

New Brunswick

Alberta

78,298,356

17.5

31.7

British Columbia

71,764,426

18.0

12.2

15.8

24.1

19.0

22.8

CANADA

839,604,535

30.4

177,420,725 121,000,000

118.4

126.6 68.6

1,755,529,668

109.0

SOURCE: Secretary of State based on provincial returns. Canada

45

Table 9

Province

Scope (Number of univs. & Name of colleges) body

Creating instrument and date

Composition Type of power

Size of body

Officials

Representatives specified

Chairman appointed by

Newfoundland

Act of 1949 'revised 19691

1

Board of Regents

Governing

19

None specified

Two by convocation

Government

Prince Edward Island

Act of 1968

2

Commission on Post-Sec. Education

Advisory Si Executive

3

None specified

"At least one shall have . . . academic experience."

Government

Nova Scotia

Act of 1963 (revised 1965)

13

Univ. Grants Committee

Advisory

7

Deputy Min. of Finance

None

Government

New Brunswick

Act of 1967 (revised 1968)

7

Higher Education Commission

Advisory & Executive

9

At least 1 "concerned with non-university post secondary education"

3 proposed by a university committee. At least one each from business & labour.

Government

Quebec

Act of 1968

7*

Council of Universities

Advisory

17

Two specified

Nine from univs. after consultation. Four after consultation with business and labour

Government on recommendation of Min. of Education

Ontario

Order-in-Council of 1964

14**

Committee on Univ. Affairs

Advisory

12

Deputy Min. of Univ. Affairs is Secy.

None

Government on recommendation of Min. of U. A.

Manitoba

Act of 1967

3

Universities Grants Commission

Advisory & Executive

9

Deputy Min. of Education; chairman was D.M. of Ed.

None

Government

Saskatchewan

Act of 1907 (revised 1968 1

Board of Governors

Governing

18

Deputy Treasurer; D.M. of Ed.

Five by Senate

Board

Alberta

Act of 1966

3

Universities Commission

Advisory & Executive

9

Deputy Treasurer; D.M. of Ed.

None

Government

British Columbia

Minister of Education (under Act of 1963)

3

Advisory Board on Finance

Advisory

7

Three at present

Three: one by each Board of Governors

Minister of Education

Act of 1963

3**

Academic Board

Advisory

9

None specified

Six: two by each Senate

Board

1 (2 campuses)

* Includes the new University of Quebec, which has three campuses: Montreal, Trois Rivieres, and Chicoutimi. ** Shows the number of universities only.

46

David C. Munroe

Figure 2 Comparison of Operating Expenditures for Post-Secondary Education, by Province, 1967-1968 and 1971-1972 725.0

- 500

500

1967/68 1971/72

400

300

200

100

T.-N.

I.-P.E.

N.-E.

N.-B-

Que.

Ont.

Man.

Sask.

Alb.

C.-B.

Perspectives for the Seventies

The proposal of the Bladen Commission for an annual conference between the federal and provincial governments to consider the adequacy of federal support for higher education has never been implemented. Even if it had, it would only be a partial solution, since the problems of finance cannot be considered apart from other aspects of educational policy nor can the problems of post-secondary education be isolated from those in other sectors of the educational system. There is an increasingly apparent need for a permanent structure within which federal, provincial, and institutional representatives can meet regularly to establish national goals, agree on areas of national responsibility, and assure the provinces of sufficient financial support to operate their systems effectively. A council of ministers of education was formed in 1966 and it has functioned since with some difficulty. It, however, is exclusively provincial and does not provide for federal participation. The Canadian Youth Commission has recently called for the creation of a task force, sponsored by the federal government and the Council, as a first step in developing joint action. Various other national organizations have proposed a bureau, an office, or a secretariat, through which all parties might work for future development of Canadian education. It is widely agreed that the emphasis in education, especially in post-secondary education, must shift from expansion, which was the focus in the sixties, to innovation and the attainment of quality. Many experiments are now in progress in institutions and provinces, including new methods of selection, delayed admission, workstudy programs, three or four semester calendars, deferred repayment loan plans for students, periodic retraining of certain professional groups and a wide variety of programs in adult education. In isolation, these programs are not so useful as they would be if there were a central facility for the exchange of information and opinions. There are also several major problems which can only be attacked on a national scale—accessibility, mobility, disparities, and the interface of education and employment for highly qualified manpower. The public has become aware of these problems and of its responsibility for developing the services in post-secondary education. However, Canada has yet to find the mechanism through which the governments, which represent the public, can 48

David C. Munroe

work together in matters of education for the good of the nation as a whole. This is the key to future progress,

Notes 1. Royal Commission on National Development in the Arts, Letters and Sciences (The Massey Commission), Report (Ottawa: King's Printer, 1951), p. 355. 2. Economic Council of Canada, Second Annual Review (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1965), p. 93. 3. Royal Commission on Canada's Economic Prospects, Report (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1957), p. 445. 4. Royal Commission of Enquiry on Education (Quebec), Report (Quebec: Queen's Printer, 1963), vol. 1, p. 64. 5. Economic Council of Canada, Second Annual Review (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1965), p. 94. 6. Federal-Provincial Conference, Ottawa, 24-28 October 1966 (Ottawa: Privy Council Office, 1966), pp. 7-8. 7. Hall, Ross H., "How Science Grads are Geared for a By Gone Era" (Toronto: Globe and Mail, 2 June 1970). 8. Frum, Barbara, "Class of'71: The Graduates Nobody Wants" (Toronto: Maclean's magazine, June, 1971), p. 20. 9. Munroe, D.C., Background Paper, The Costs of Post-Secondary Education, National Seminar (Kingston: Queen's University, 1970), p. 30. The relation of the Student Aid Programs to accessibility is now under active study. See Federal and Provincial Student Aid in Canada, 1966-67 and 1967-68 (Ottawa: Department of the Secretary of State, 1970). 10. Royal Commission of Inquiry on Education (Quebec) Report, vol. II (Quebec: Queen's Printer, 1964), p. 59. 11. Royal Commission of Inquiry on Education (Quebec), Report, vol. II (Quebec: Queen's Printer, 1964), p. 166. 12. Economic Council of Canada, Seventh Annual Review (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1970), p. 64. 13. The University, Society and Government, Report of the Commission on the Relations Between Universities and Governments (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1970), p. 232.

Canada

49

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L'enseignement postsecondaire au Canada: Tendances et realisations recentes

par David Munroe

Canada

51

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Evolution initiale (jusqu'en 1945)

De tout temps, par tradition ce sont les universites qui ont assure 1'enseignement superieur au Canada. Les plus anciennes etaient des institutions religieuses. L'Universite Laval qui etait au service de la population catholique francophone du Quebec, possedait a la fois une charte royale et une charte papale. Des colleges confessionnels, comme King's, Acadia et Mount Allison dans les provinces Maritimes et Queen's, Victoria et Trinity en Ontario, etaient entretenus par les eglises protestantes pour dispenser 1'enseignement a la population anglophone. Presque en meme temps etaient fondees plusieurs universites laiques ou non confessionnelles, notamment celle de Dalhousie, a Halifax, et McGill, a Montreal, ainsi qu'une federation de colleges confessionnels et publics formant 1'Universite de Toronto. Toutes ces institutions etaient de caractere prive. Un peu plus tard, dans les quatre provinces de 1'Ouest, on crea un autre type d'universite, un peu a la maniere des colleges a dotation fonciere des Etats-Unis. Ces institutions etaient des institutions provinciales, soutenues en grande partie par des fonds publics. La premiere, celle du Manitoba, regut du gouvernement federal une concession de terre de la couronne, d'une superficie de 150,000 arpents, mais, comme les autres, elle continua de relever completement de Pautorite provinciale. Ces institutions, privees et publiques, confessionelles et laiques, etaient extremement differentes (les unes des autres) quant a leur taille et a leurs structures mais temoignaient dans leur ensemble de Pinteret que les premieres generations de Canadiens portaient a Peducation et a la formation d'une elite instruite. Afin de pouvoir disposer d'une source permanente de candidats bien choisis et bien prepares, les universites privees nouaient des liens avec un ou plusieurs colleges de niveau moins eleve. Un vaste reseau de colleges affilies se crea autour de 1'Universite Laval—les colleges classiques qui donnaient un cours de huit annees et offraient la gamme complete des etudes secondaires et collegiales conduisant au grade de baccalaureat confere par 1'universite mere. Diriges par differentes communautes religieuses, les colleges classiques augmenterent en nombre durant le 19e siecle et se repandirent dans toute la province de Quebec et meme dans d'autres provinces. Quelques-uns dispensaient 1'enseignement aux femmes. Un ou deux parmi ceux qui obtinrent le plus de succes parvinrent par la suite au statut d'institution autonome, en particulier 1'Universite de Montreal qui se crea un reseau

de colleges affilies bien a elle. C'est ainsi que vers 1945 les universites Laval et de Montreal avaient chacune une trentaine de colleges sous leur autorite. Le reseau continua de bien fonctionnner jusqu'au debut des annees 60 et, comme il n'y avait pas beaucoup de demande pour 1'enseignement superieur, les colleges classiques prirent la place des ecoles secondaires publiques jusqu'a la periode qui a suivi la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale. Les universites de langue anglaise n'ont pas evolue de la meme maniere mais, parmi elles egalement, plusieurs entretenaient des ecoles ou des colleges preparatoires. Des academies ou ecoles secondaires etaient reliees aux universites Mount Allison et Acadia dans les provinces maritimes. McGill avait deux colleges affilies dans le Quebec et a un moment donne en comptait meme un en Colombie-Britannique. Nombre de colleges federes a 1'Universite de Toronto s'etaient affilies des ecoles preparatoires. On trouvait moins de ces structures dans les provinces de 1'Ouest ou les universites etaient placees a la tete du systeme d'education. Dans toutes les provinces les liens avec les ecoles ou colleges preparatoires prives se relacherent graduellement et depuis de nombreuses annees toutes les universites ont des liens etroits avec les institutions publiques ou elles recrutent la plupart de leurs etudiants. L'influence europeenne se fit fortement sentir. Le college des Jesuites, les structures collegiales d'Oxford et de Cambridge et celles qui etaient le propre des universites ecossaises servaient generalement de modeles, bien que 1'on ne soit jamais parvenu a les imiter avec un succes total. Les besoins et les conditions etaient d'un caractere different. Les membres du clerge et les savants qui enseignaient dans les institutions canadiennes avaient ete recrutes dans la "mere-patrie" ou avaient passe un an ou plus dans un "centre de haut savoir" en Europe. Habituellement leurs gouts et leur science relevaient davantage des humanites et de la philosophic que des etudes pratiques et scientifiques qu'on estimait tant en Amerique du Nord. Ce ne fut qu'a la fin du 19e siecle que Paccent se deplaga vers les sciences, et que les ecoles professionnelles de medecine, de droit et de genie se mirent a rechercher des professeurs connaissant a fond les transformations qui s'operaient chaque jour au Canada. Dawson et Osier de McGill, Wrong et Falconer de Toronto, George Grant de Queen's et Walter Murray de 1'Universite de la Saskatchewan ont confere au savoir canadien un cachet de noblesse et d'assurance qui stimuCanada

53

laient le colonialisme de la periode anterieure. L'enseignement des matieres techniques etait habituellement exclu des universites privees et n'etait donne que dans les institutions publiques des provinces de 1'Ouest ou il etait rattache a I'enseignement agricole ou menager. En consequence, il etait generalement offert dans des institutions specialisees. Le College militaire royal, fonde en 1874 par le gouvernement federal, avait pour mission de former des officiers pour 1'armee. Au debut de notre siecle, certains gouvernements provinciaux creerent des colleges techniques—le College technique de la Nouvelle-Ecosse a Halifax, 1'Institut Ryerson a Toronto et, a Montreal, deux institutions modelees sur les "grandes ecoles" franchises: 1'Ecole poly technique et 1'Ecole des hautes etudes commerciales. Plusieurs colleges agricoles furent crees, dont deux ou trois, integres dans des structures universitaires, devinrent des facultes d'agriculture. Beaucoup plus tard divers types d'instituts techniques furent ouverts dans la plupart des provinces grace a 1'aide du gouvernement federal. Un nouvel elan fut imprime aux sciences et a la recherche apres la Premiere Guerre mondiale, en partie grace a 1'initiative du Conseil national de recherches cree par le gouvernement federal en 1916. Le Conseil accorda son aide a des projets speciaux diriges par certains professeurs et, meme si cette aide se limitait a un petit nombre d'institutions—McGill, Toronto et, peutetre, Queen's—elle permit a ces universites de s'adonner a un nouveau type d'activite qui exigeait des laboratoires plus couteux et munis d'un equipement plus perfectionne, et conduisait a des grades superieurs nouveaux. Ainsi se developperent graduellement au Canada une vingtaine d'universites et de colleges conferant des grades, de caractere prive pour la plupart. Ces institutions etaient reparties de fagon inegale dans les provinces et accueillaient moins de 40,000 etudiants a plein temps en 1939-40. La plupart etaient ouvertes aux hommes et aux femmes, bien que celles-ci n'aient pas toujours eu acces a certaines facultes. Toutes offraient un programme d'etudes dans les humanites; un nombre de plus en plus grand offrait des cours de specialisation dans les sciences, les sciences appliquees ou le genie; une douzaine donnait une formation professionnelle en medecine, droit, art dentaire, theologie et pedagogic, et un petit nombre permettait de faire des etudes superieures. La plupart des etudiants venaient de la classe moyenne urbaine mais les milieux ruraux etaient largement representes, puisqu'il etait gene54

David C. Munroe

ralement possible pour 1'etudiant entreprenant de travailler pendant les longues vacances d'ete ou apres les heures de classe et de gagner ainsi suffisamment d'argent pour faire face a la majeure partie de ses depenses. Les institutions de langue frangaise du Quebec choisissaient davantage leurs etudiants et, jusqu'a la periode qui a suivi la Premiere Guerre mondiale, leurs programmes d'etudes comprenaient surtout les humanites et la philosophic. L'etude des sciences etait moins poussee. Le plupart des etudiants se preparaient a devenir pretres, avocats ou medecins et il y avait egalement beaucoup moins de femmes. Les valeurs et les pratiques traditionnelles etaient toujours de rigueur et 1'influence europeenne restait forte. II faut ajouter a ces etablissements d'enseignement postsecondaire un petit nombre d'ecoles d'arts et metiers dirigees pour la plupart par les provinces, mais avec un certain encouragement et une certaine aide du gouvernement federal. L'enseignement postsecondaire au Canada avait atteint ce stade de developpement lorsque la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale eclata: vingt et une universites, la plus grande comptant moins de 4,000 etudiants. La vie universitaire fut naturellement bouleversee par la Deuxieme Guerre mondiale. La population etudiante diminua, des professeurs s'enrolerent ou offrirent leurs services au gouvernement qui leur confia des taches importantes, des edifices furent utilises par les services armes, des programmes d'etudes furent elargis a 1'intention des etudiants qui demeuraient dans les universites et des cours acceleres furent offerts dans certaines facultes.

Evolution d'apres-guerre (1945-1960)

Ges bouleversements n'avaient pas cesse de produire tout leur effet au moment de 1'adoption par le gouvernement federal de la Loi sur la readaptation des anciens combattants. Cette loi etait, pour les hommes et les femmes qui rentraient de leur service militaire, un encouragement a poursuivre leurs etudes a 1'universite ou a suivre des cours de formation professionnelle, car elle prevoyait le paiement des frais de scolarite et le versement d'une allocation mensuelle de subsistance. Des paiements supplementaires etaient egalement verses directement aux institutions pour les aider a faire face a 1'accroissement de leurs frais. Ce programme connut un tres grand succes. Des la premiere annee, soit en 1945, plus de 20,000 anciens combattants s'inscrivirent dans les universites et celles-ci se virent dans 1'obligation d'accroitre leurs installations d'au moins 50 pour cent. Dans 1'ensemble, 53,800 anciens combattants frequenterent 1'universite en vertu de ce programme entre 1944 et 1951 et 80,000 autres beneficierent de cours de formation professionnelle. II en a coute, estime-t-on, $213,062,380 au tresor public et 1'on admet generalement que ce fut un bon placement. Les autorites universitaires releverent le defi sans hesiter. Les modes de selection furent revises et, en certains cas, modifies. Des services d'orientation furent organises; les cours et les programmes furent revises; les dates de I'annee universitaire furent modifiees et certains cours se prolongerent pendant les vacances d'ete; de nouvelles methodes d'enseignement furent utilisees, et des locaux temporaires servirent de salles de classe, de laboratoires et de residences. Le recrutement de professeurs competents constituait naturellement un probleme majeur. Dans de tres nombreux cas le personnel permanent dut assumer des taches supplementaires. D'une maniere generate les milieux universitaires reconnurent que c'etait une experience stimulante, car elle amenait a 1'universite toute une generation de jeunes adultes, serieux et muris, qui tenaient a profiler le plus possible de ce nouvel avantage. Cette montee des inscriptions a egalement prepare les dirigeants universitaires aux rajustements et aux innovations qui allaient devenir necessaires dans les annees suivantes. En effet, les places qu'occupaient les anciens combattants furent bientot reclamees par les diplomes d'ecole secondaire dont le nombre s'etait sensiblement accru dans 1'apres-guerre. Quoique plus jeunes que les anciens combattants, ils n'en etaient pas moins decides a se preparer a vivre dans la societe technologique qu'ils vo-

yaient s'implanter tout autour d'eux et ils demanderent bruyamment leur admission dans les diverses professions du genie, des sciences, du commerce, du service social ou de 1'enseignement. II y avait suffisamment de locaux pour les accueillir, et, dans nombre de cas, des professeurs furent engages mais, des que cessa 1'aide accordee par le gouvernement pour les anciens combattants, les universites se virent placees dans une situation financiere precaire. C'est a ce moment-la que les dirigeants de la Conference nationale des universites et des colleges exposerent leurs opinions devant la Commission royale d'enquete sur 1'avancement des arts, des lettres et des sciences (Commission Massey). En soulignant le succes qu'avait obtenu le programme en faveur des anciens combattants, qui avait servi 1'interet national, ils soutinrent que les universites etaient une ressource nationale dont le maintien et le developpement constituaient une responsabilite speciale pour le gouvernement federal. La commission souscrivit a cette proposition et elle recommanda: a. Que, en plus de 1'aide qu'il donne actuellement a la recherche et a d'autres fins, le gouvernement federal apporte annuellement des contributions financieres a Poeuvre des universites au prorata de la population de chacune des provinces du Canada. b. Que ces contributions soient accordees apres consultation avec le gouvernement et les universites de chacune des provinces et qu'elles soient distributes a chaque universite au prorata du nombre des etudiants inscrits. c. Que ces contributions soient de telle nature qu'elles permettent aux universites du Canada de poursuivre leur oeuvre conformement aux besoins de la nation. d. Que toutes les institutions qui sont membres de la Conference nationale des universites canadiennes aient droit aux subventions federates susmentionnees.1 Par suite de ces recommandations, le gouvernement federal accorda ses premieres subventions en 1951, allouant aux universites de chaque province un montant egal a cinquante cents par habitant. Le montant etait verse directement aux institutions approuvees par la Conference nationale des universites canadiennes. La formule fut adaptee aux structures particulieres du Quebec de fagon a englober les colleges classiques qui recevaient leurs paiements par 1'entremise de 1'universite Canada

55

mere. Ce programme, adopte sans consultation avec les gouvernements provinciaux, provoqua un differend constitutionnel qui perdit de son aprete par la suite. En vertu de la constitution canadienne inscrite dans 1'Acte de 1'Amerique du Nord britannique de 1867, 1'education releve des autorites provinciales, chaque assemblee legislative ayant le pouvoir de legiferer en matiere d'education "dans chaque province". Au fil des annees, les provinces creerent des systemes d'education pour repondre a leurs besoins propres et, jusqu'a ce moment-la, sauf dans les provinces de 1'Ouest, elles s'etaient montrees peu interessees a l'enseignement superieur, preferant le laisser a 1'initiative privee. Pendant ce temps, alors que les gouvernements preferaient generalement se soustraire a la responsabilite de fournir des services d'education, les autorites federates ne se preoccupaient guere des objectifs nationaux et s'abstenaient scrupuleusement d'adopter des mesures qui eussent pu etre interpreters par les provinces comme une usurpation de leurs droits. Les initiatives federates se limitaient a la formation technique et a la recherche scientifique sous le pretexte bien mince que ces activites debordaient le sens propre du mot education. Le programme en faveur des anciens combattants etait de toute evidence une mesure plus hardie—mais il fut adopte sous les contraintes imposees par la guerre. Ce nouveau programme apparut a certains, dont le gouvernement du Quebec, comme un defi a 1'autorite provinciale. Sans faire un examen detaille des idees opposees en presence, il importe de se rendre compte que le Canada est I'un des rares etats federatifs dont la constitution fait specialement mention de 1'education. Cette consideration souleve plus de questions qu'elle ne fournit de reponses car il va de soi que certains aspects de 1'education transcendent les frontieres provinciales. Depuis 1867 six autres provinces sont venues se joindre aux quatre provinces initiales et le concept de 1'education a regu des interpretations differentes de la part de diverses autorites provinciales. Pour compliquer les choses davantage, certaines autorites universitaires soutiennent que les universites n'appartiennent pas a proprement parler aux structures d'un systeme d'education et qu'elles devraient se voir accorder un statut special comme institutions nationales completement etrangeres a 1'autorite provinciale. Le debat anime auquel ces questions ont donne lieu n'a encore produit aucune solution satisfaisante et 1'education continue d'etre une question epineuse pour 56

David C. Munroe

les relations entre le gouvernement federal et les provinces. Les annees 50 ont etc marquees par ce que le Conseil economique du Canada appelle "le regain de vitalite de 1'education au Canada" qui a prepare la voie a Parrivee sur le marche du travail d'un plus grand nombre de jeunes plus instruits et capables de fournir un apport a la croissance future du pays.2 Les universites se mirent de nouveau a 1'oeuvre et virent les inscriptions des etudiants monter en fleche de 71,000 en 1950-51 a plus de 100,000 dans les dernieres annees de la decennie. Toutefois, en 1955, lorsqu'on fit pour la premiere fois des previsions a propos du developpement futur, les autorites universitaires furent renversees de constater ce que leur reservait 1'avenir. Selon ces previsions faites par le directeur de la recherche de 1'Association des universites et colleges du Canada (qui avail succede a la Conference en 1951), les inscriptions dans les universites devaient doubler en dix ans. Vers 1960 la population montra des signes d'une plus grande preoccupation generale envers les politiques d'education. Cette evolution pourrait etre attribuee en partie au lancement reussi du Spoutnik en 1957 qui fut une revelation pour les dirigeants et les peuples des pays occidentaux, particulierement aux Etats-Unis. Au Canada, on fit egalement un rapprochement avec la Commission royale d'enquete sur les perspectives economiques (Commission Gordon) qui affirmait dans son rapport que pour assurer la croissance du Canada il fallait soutenir davantage la recherche, augmenter le nombre de chercheurs qualifies et former un nombre suffisant de travailleurs specialises pour appliquer les connaissances et les techniques nouvelles.3 II etait evident aux yeux du public ainsi qu'aux yeux des autorites de 1'education et des chefs politiques que le Canada devait s'adapter rapidement aux exigences d'une societe technologique. Le point de convergence de cette preoccupation generale fut deux Conferences canadiennes sur 1'education, la premiere tenue a Ottawa en mars 1958 et la deuxieme a Montreal quatre ans plus tard. Les autorites universitaires participerent a ces deux reunions et les problemes des universites furent examines dans 1'optique plus large d'une politique publique d'education. Un grand nombre de Canadiens representant une bonne partie de la population assisterent a ces deux conferences et, bien qu'on ne puisse pas dire qu'elles ont ouvert la voie a une action directe, elles n'en ont pas moins traduit une preoccupa-

(.'education, le federalisme, et la societe technologique

tion generate, qui a stimule et soutenu Faction des gouvernements, tant federal que provinciaux, dans les annees qui suivirent.

Lances dans une societe nouvelle ou priment la technique et les sciences, les chefs politiques canadiens ont fait preuve a la fois d'une prudence caracteristique et d'une inquietude veritable a 1'egard de la reforme de 1'enseignement. Comme il n'existait pas de regime national d'education au Canada, chaque gouvernement provincial s'est efforce d'analyser son propre systeme en vue de 1'ameliorer. Conformement a la tradition britannique, cette analyse a generalement debute par la creation d'une commission royale d'enquete ou d'un organisme semblable avec pouvoir d'effectuer des etudes, de tenir des audiences publiques et de presenter des recommandations quant a Pobjet de son mandat. Au cours des vingt dernieres annees, chaque gouvernement provincial a mene une ou plusieurs enquetes sur divers aspects de sa politique en matiere d'education, bien que peu d'entre elles aient etc axees sur 1'enseignement postsecondaire. Comme exception, il faut cependant mentionner 1'enquete menee au Quebec par la Commission Parent (1961-65), qui s'est penchee sur tous les aspects et formes de 1'enseignement, tout en etudiant 1'aspect administratif et financier de la question. Dans un premier rapport public en 1963, la Commission Parent decrivait ainsi les relations qui existent entre Peducation et la nouvelle societe technologique: On voit bien comment les progres de la science et de la technique et 1'evolution socio-economique qui en a resulte conferent a 1'education une importance toujours plus grande et constituent de fait le fondement de la societe moderne. II faut done assurer a 1'ensemble de la population un niveau d'instruction assez eleve, preparer des cadres pour tous les secteurs de 1'economie et se preoccuper surtout de donner une formation poussee a cette fraction croissante de la population destinee a servir dans le secteur tertiaire. Dans tous les domaines, le travailleur devra recevoir une formation professionnelle et technique assez etendue et polyvalente, qui lui permette de passer d'un emploi a 1'autre suivant les changements technologiques. II faudra prevoir enfin qu'un grand nombre d'adultes, aux differents niveaux de 1'emploi, auront besoin d'une readaptation professionnelle partielle ou complete pour etre en mesure de suivre 1'evolution generale. Si ces conditions ne sont pas remplies, la vie economique risque de marquer le pas et la nation, de perdre son rang. II faut par consequent repenser 1'enseignement selon un plan Canada

57

d'ensemble et reviser constamment ce plan a la lumiere des changements en voie de s'operer ainsi que de tous ceux qu'il est possible de prevoir. A cette fin, il est necessaire de mettre en place un organisme de direction pedagogique assez puissant pour coordonner tous les efforts, assez souple pour effectuer cette coordination sans entraver la liberte d'initiative necessaire a tout progres et assez profondement enracine dans tous les milieux interesses a 1'education pour que le systeme d'enseignement reste veritablement, comme il se doit, une entreprise collective.4 Le gouvernement federal est venu confirmer ces inquietudes. Dans chacun de ses exposes annuels, le Conseil economique du Canada, cree en 1963, a fait une analyse en profondeur des problemes de 1'enseignement. Dans son deuxieme rapport, paru en 1965, il recommandait, parmi les cinq taches qui exigent une attention particuliere, les deux suivantes: Assurer la formidable expansion necessaire des moyens d'enseignement, surtout aux niveaux de 1'universite et de 1'ecole technique postsecondaire, en fonction de taux d'inscription et de taux de perseverance plus eleves chez les etudiants d'age postsecondaire et en fonction aussi d'une augmentation sans precedent du nombre des jeunes qui, au cours de la prochaine decennie, passeront du groupe d'age de 15 a 19 ans (ecole secondaire surtout) au groupe de 20 a 24 ans (postsecondaire). Accelerer Pamenagement de nouvelles installations necessaires a un flot fortement accru de professionnels et d'autres travailleurs hautement specialises au niveau des etudes universitaires superieures, secteur de notre regime d'enseignement qui a le moins progresse jusqu'ici.5 La plupart des chefs politiques ont reconnu 1'importance strategique de I'enseignement postsecondaire dans la future evolution sociale et economique. Meme au debut de la decennie, la majorite des gouvernements provinciaux ont place I'enseignement, plus particulierement la formation technique, au premier rang de leurs projets. Get appui s'est maintenu avec les annees. Quant au gouvernement federal, il faisait connaitre son point de vue a la Conference federale-provinciale d'octobre 1966, au cours de laquelle le Premier ministre, Lester B. Pearson, declara: 58 David C. Munroe

L'education, de toute evidence, est d'une importance capitale pour le progres economique et social du pays en general. Cela est particulierement vrai de I'enseignement superieur. Outre son interet general a favoriser 1'egalite des chances pour tous les Canadiens, ou qu'ils habitent ou grandissent, le gouvernement federal a des responsabilites precises et particulieres auxquelles se rattache I'enseignement superieur. Meme si 1'education appartient au domaine provincial, le gouvernement federal assume la responsabilite primordiale de 1'emploi et de la vie economique du pays en general. Nous reconnaissons que les gouvernements provinciaux partagent nos preoccupations dans ces domaines et qu'ils cherchent a atteindre ces objectifs communs en conduisant leurs propres affaires. Le gouvernement federal a, neanmoins, la responsabilite d'elaborer et d'appliquer les politiques et les mesures nationales qui s'imposent pour que 1'economie canadienne continue son expansion et devienne de plus en plus productive, de maniere a assurer le plein emploi et un niveau toujours plus eleve de prosperite pour tous les citoyens. La preparation de notre jeunesse a une participation productive dans la main-d'oeuvre du pays constitue pour tous les Canadiens une question d'interet vital. Nous ne devons pas oublier, non plus, que les jeunes d'une province donnee ne regoivent pas necessairement leur education et leur formation dans leur province d'origine et que, une fois diplomes, ils ne vont pas necessairement vivre et travailler dans la province ou ils ont regu leur education."6 Ces declarations demontrent clairement que le gouvernement federal et les gouvernements provinciaux ont etc profondement influences par la technique et les sciences. En 1960, le gouvernement federal, par ses programmes de formation professionnelle et technique, offrait son aide aux provinces en vue de Petablissement de nouveaux cours dans les ecoles secondaires. Les reactions furent variees, car certaines provinces etaient plus en mesure que d'autres d'adapter leur systeme aux exigences du programme, mais celles qui y participerent obtinrent des resultats encourageants. En 1966, par suite d'un changement dans la politique d'Ottawa en vertu duquel des autorites federales decidaient d'assumer entierement le cout de la "formation professionnelle des adultes", 1'accent fut mis sur I'enseignement postsecondaire plutot que

sur 1'enseignement secondaire. Cette nouvelle politique traduisait une nouvelle preoccupation, non seulement a Pegard du perfectionnement de la main-d'oeuvre qualifiee, mais egalement de son integration a la population active. Depuis sa creation a ce moment-la, le ministere federal de la Main-d'oeuvre et de PImmigration a participe activement a Pelaboration de programmes et a la coordination des efforts provinciaux dans le domaine de 1'enseignement professionnel et technique. Des difficultes se sont toutefois presentees, lorsqu'il s'est agi d'etablir une reserve de main-d'oeuvre hautement qualifiee et de maintenir un certain equilibre. Dans certains secteurs comme la medecine, le Canada a du confier a des medecins etrangers le soin de maintenir des services adequats. Pendant les annees 60, quatre nouvelles facultes de medecine ont etc creees grace a Pappui financier de la Caisse federale d'aide a la sante, et pourtant, au cours de chacune des trois dernieres annees, les universites canadiennes n'ont produit que la moitie des medecins ayant fait leur entree dans la profession, et plusieurs centaines de candidats qualifies se sont vu refuser Pentree a Puniversite sous pretexte que les installations existantes ne pouvaient repondre a la demande. Par contre, dans certains secteurs tres specialises, plus particulierement la physique, la chimie, la biochimie et le genie, les candidats sont trop nombreux pour la demande. L'expansion rapide des programmes d'etudes superieures dans certaines universites n'a pas tenu compte des possibilites offertes sur le marche du travail. Comme le disait le chef du departement de biochimie d'une universite: Nous nous retrouvons dans les annees 1970 avec un systeme de formation avancee qui reussissait bien aux Etats-Unis au cours des annees 1920 et 1930, mais qui a perdu de son efficacite chez nos voisins, sans parler du Canada . . . La plupart de nos diplomes se cherchent un emploi a Pinterieur du champ etroit de leur competence, et rares sont ceux qui en trouvent.7 Des problemes semblables commencent meme a se faire jour au premier cycle des etudes universitaires. Un rapport public recemment affirme:

naires qui par le passe auraient etc Pobjet de leur mepris. Personne ne sait combien, parmi les 75,000 diplomes de la promotion de 1971, n'ont pu trouver le genre de travail pour lequel ils ont etc prepares; il est bien possible que ce soit la moitie . . . La promotion de 1971 est la victime de ce qu'on appellera peut-etre un jour la surformation.8 Alors que Pon se rend de plus en plus compte de la necessite d'etablir une politique nationale qui viendrait coordonner les efforts des juridictions federales et provinciales et mettre en regard les priorites d'ordre educatif et economique, on n'a pas encore decouvert de structures propres a satisfaire ces exigences.

La demande de diplomes d'universites a flechi si brusquement qu'au sein de la promotion de 1971, un nombre effroyable et effraye de diplomes ne reussissent meme pas a trouver les debouches ordiCanada

59

Expansion de I'enseignement postsecondaire

Au cours des annees 60, les inscriptions a plein temps ont triple dans les universites, passant ainsi de 114,000 en 1960-1961, a 280,000 a la fin de la decennie. On a meme assiste a une montee encore plus spectaculaire de la population etudiante non-universitaire, qui n'atteignait que 11,000 etudiants au debut de la decennie et a connu une poussee brusque apres 1967, pour atteindre un total de 140,000 en 1969-70. Si Ton n'utilise que les inscriptions universitaires comme critere de comparaison, le Canada se situe bien au-dessus de la moyenne enregistree par les pays membres de I'OCDE, avec une moyenne d'inscription de 14.8 etudiants par millier d'habitants, comparativement a 25.0 pour les Etats-Unis et 10.6 pour la Suede; la moyenne generate etait de 7.2. Le tableau suivant donne un apergu de la repartition nationale pour 1970-71: Tableau 1 Repartition de la population universitaire 1970-1971 Corps enseignant (universite)

Inscriptions (etudiants)

Rapport etudiantsprofesseurs

Mari times

2,622

34,534

13.2

17.1

Quebec

5,685

62,033

10.9

10.3

Ontario

9,166

121,227

13.2

15.7

Prairies

Region

Etudiants par millier d'habitants

4,820

62,872

13.0

17.8

Colombie-Britannique 2,757

36,024

13.1

16.7

25,050

316,690

12.6

14.8

TOTAL

DOCUMENTATION: Secretariat des Sciences.

Cette expansion a necessite la creation de 28 universites. Le mode de croissance des etablissements d'enseignement a varie d'une province a 1'autre. L'Ontario a accorde des chartes a six nouveaux etablissements, ce qui a porte le total des universites de cette province a quatorze. Dans trois provinces de 1'ouest—la Colombie-Britannique, 1'Alberta, et le Manitoba—1'unique universite s'est vu retirer le monopole qu'elle detenait, et deux nouveaux etablissements sont apparus dans chacune de ces provinces. Par contre, en Saskatchewan, le pouvoir de conferer les diplomes a continue d'etre confie a une seule institution, mais les cours sont maintenant donnes dans deux campus. Le Quebec a choisi de creer une universite provinciale—1'Universite du Quebec—qui dirige les activites de plusieurs campus situes dans differentes villes de 60

David C. Munroe

la province, dont Montreal. Le Nouveau-Brunswick a cree une universite ou les cours sont donnes en frangais, et dans l'Ile-du-Prince-Edouard, la fusion de deux colleges a entraine la creation d'une universite ayant le pouvoir de conferer des diplomes au premier cycle. Dans chaque cas, ou presque, les chartes accordees a ces nouvelles institutions stipulaient que des representants du gouvernement ou de la population devaient etre membres du conseil d'administration, et le gouvernement provincial s'engageait a fournir une grande partie de 1'aide financiere requise. Le secteur non-universitaire a connu une expansion encore plus rapide. En Ontario et au Quebec, des reseaux de colleges non habilites a conferer des diplomes ont etc crees, et plus recemment, des colleges communautaires sont apparus dans plusieurs autres provinces sous diverses formes. Ces institutions offrent des programmes d'etudes de deux ou trois ans, et elles sont presque entierement financees par le gouvernement provincial, sauf en Colombie-Britannique, ou les conseils scolaires regionaux participent egalement au financement. Cette expansion de grande envergure a naturellement rendu I'enseignement postsecondaire plus accessible aux Canadiens, bien que les avantages aient sensiblement varie, d'une province a 1'autre. Avant 1960, les programmes d'etudes du niveau secondaire de plusieurs provinces ne comportaient a peu pres que des matieres scolaires et etaient orientes vers I'universite. Get enseignement s'est aujourd'hui diversifie et il englobe, dans bien des cas, des etudes techniques et professionnelles; aussi on a reclame de plus en plus une alternative et la plupart des provinces 1'ont fournie en creant des colleges communautaires. Les conditions d'admission varient d'une province a 1'autre, de meme que les frais de scolarite; en consequence, les chances d'acces a I'enseignement postsecondaire ne sont pas les memes pour tous. Certaines provinces ont adopte ce qu'on pourrait appeler la methode de "la porte ouverte"; elles encouragent la plupart des finissants du secondaire a continuer leurs etudes a plein temps ou a temps partiel. D'autres ont montre plus de reserve. Etant donne toutes ces disparites, il est inevitable qu'un certain nombre d'eleves cherchent a frequenter des universites hors de leur province; ils invoquent des raisons positives et fort plausibles, telles que 1'acces plus facile ou des frais moins eleves. Le taux de perseverance dans les ecoles de chaque province a subi une brusque hausse au cours des annees

60, comme 1'indique le tableau suivant:

Tableau 3 Inscriptions a plein temps au niveau postsecondaire (pourcentage du groupe d'age 18-24 ans, par province)

Tableau 2 Taux de perseverance scolaire par province 1960-61

1968-69

Augmentation (en %)

Terre-Neuve

38

54

lle-du-Prince-Edouard

36

Nouvelle-Ecosse Nouveau-Brunswick

1951-52

1968-69

1960-61

Terre-Neuve

1

3

10

42

Ile-du-Prince-Edouard

3

7

14

67

86

Nouvelle-Ecosse

6

9

16

47

69

47

Nouveau-Brunswick

4

8

15

44

62

41

Quebec

6

10

19

Ontario

5

8

17

Quebec

33

73

121

Ontario

56

75

34

Manitoba

5

8

16

Manitoba

61

82

34

Saskatchewan

3

8

15

Saskatchewan

56

75

34

Alberta

3

7

19

Alberta

64

83

30

Colombie-Britannique

6

10

17

Colombie-Britannique

68

85

25

CANADA

5

9

17

CANADA

50

74

48

DOCUMENTATION: Donnees fournies par Statistique Canada.

DOCUMENTATION: Donnees fournies par Statistique Canada. REMARQUE: Le taux de perseverance represente le rapport entre les inscriptions en ll e annee, et celles en 2e annee, neufans plus tot. Les donnees qui ont servi a la preparation du present tableau ont etc modifiees en vue de faire disparaitre les efTets des migrations etudiantes.

D'autres faits prouvent qu'il existe une difference entre les provinces. Ainsi, la proportion des jeunes dont Page varie de 18 a 24 ans et qui frequentent les etablissements postsecondaires a subi une brusque poussee variant considerablement d'une province a 1'autre, comme le demontre le tableau 3. Quebec est la seule province ou Pinstruction est gratuite au niveau du college. Dans toutes les provinces, les frais de scolarite contribuent au soutien des universites. Us varient d'un etablissement a Pautre, mais la plupart des provinces exigent que les universites soumettent a Papprobation de la commission des subventions universitaires ou d'une autre autorite provinciale toute demande de majoration des droits de scolarite. Bien entendu, les frais de scolarite et de subsistance restent Pun des facteurs d'accessibilite. La theorie generalement acceptee voulant que Pon considere Peducation comme un investissement plutot que comme un simple service public a porte les economistes a examiner les relations qui existent entre les

avantages sociaux et les benefices individuels. L'augmentation des couts pendant les annees 1960 a suscite Petude d'autres moyens de financement par les fonds publics dans la totalite ou une partie des secteurs de Penseignement postsecondaire; on a propose que 1'individu assume une plus grande part des frais d'une instruction qui lui rapporterait un revenu superieur a la moyenne. C'est ainsi que les prets a remboursement conditionnel aux etudiants ont souleve un certain interet et un cornite mixte de fonctionnaires federaux et provinciaux en examine maintenant les implications. Entre temps, en 1964, le gouvernement federal creait la Caisse de prets aux etudiants du Canada qui fournissait une garantie aux prets consentis aux etudiants frequentant a plein temps un etablissement d'enseignement postsecondaire des secteurs universitaire ou non-universitaire. L'application du plan releve des autorites provinciales; ce sont les banques a charte qui font les prets, les interets etant pris en charge par le gouvernement federal, pendant que les etudiants poursuivent leurs etudes, et pendant six mois apres qu'elles sont terminees. Plusieurs provinces y ajoutent des subventions et des bourses. D'apres une etude recente, plus de la moitie de la population etudiante du niveau postsecondaire regoit une aide quelconque; voici quelques autres caracteristiques Canada

61

Diversification des etablissements d'enseignement postsecondaire

qu'on y releve sur les 400,000 etudiants qui formaient le contingent postsecondaire en 1968-69: 63 p. 100 etaient au premier cycle d'etudes dans les universites; 29 p. 100 frequentaient des etablissements non-universitaires. 62 p. 100 etaient des gargons; 64 p. 100 etaient celibataires et n'habitaient pas chez leurs parents; 78 p. 100 etaient a la charge de quelqu'un; 11 p. 100 etaient celibataires et independants; 11 p. 100 etaient maries et independants.9

Afin de faire face aux imperatifs qu'avail engendres 1'evolution socio-economique des annees 60, il etait necessaire de repenser les structures pedagogiques. D'une part, le public exigeait que soit etablie 1'education pour tous, et exergait ainsi des pressions nouvelles sur des institutions qui, jusqu'a present, avaient ete reservees presque exclusivement a 1'elite. En meme temps les progres d'ordre economique et technique faisaient naitre des besoins en main-d'oeuvre hautement qualifiee ayant regu une formation specialisee. Comme dans d'autres domaines, les provinces ont adopte des orientations differentes. En 1964, la Commission Parent (Quebec) proposait 1'etablissement d'un autre niveau d'etudespre-universitaires et professionnelles" qui se situerait entre 1'ecole secondaire et 1'universite. La Commission declarait: "L'avenir du Quebec depend tres largement de 1'enseignement que 1'on offrira a tous les jeunes gens au terme du cours secondaire, en utilisant et coordonnant toutes les energies et les initiatives existantes."10 On a done recommande la creation de 25 a 30 colleges ou les etudiants auraient la possibilite, au terme de leurs etudes secondaires, de s'inscrire a des programmes d'etudes generales et professionnelles d'une duree de 2 ou 3 ans. L'accent devait etre mis sur la qualite de 1'enseignement et 1'orientation, afin de preparer progressivement 1'etudiant a s'integrer au milieu; la Commission decrivait ainsi les objectifs a atteindre: assurer au plus grand nombre possible d'etudiants qui en ont les aptitudes la possibilite de poursuivre des etudes plus longues et de meilleure qualite; cultiver 1'interet et la motivation chez les etudiants, pour diminuer le nombre des echecs et des abandons prematures; favoriser une meilleure orientation des etudiants selon leurs gouts et leurs aptitudes; hausser le niveau des etudes pre-universitaires et de 1'enseignement professionnel; uniformiser le passage des etudes secondaires aux etudes superieures et mieux preparer les etudiants a entreprendre ces dernieres. On peut done dire que c'est la preoccupation d'un systeme d'enseignement plus riche et plus large, plus souple et plus simple, plus genereux et plus democratique qui nous a amenes a proposer cette etape polyvalente entre le cours secondaire et les etudes superieures.11 Par cette separation bien definie entre les niveaux collegial et universitaire, la Commission tentait de satisfaire

62

David C. Munroe

aux revendications legitimes d'un enseignement pour tous au niveau postsecondaire, tout en laissant aux universites la liberte de pousser la specialisation et la formation professionnelle aux limites fixees par la societe moderne et le savoir contemporain. Cette solution reduisait le danger de repetition, qui acquiert une importance d'autant plus grande lorsque les ressources disponibles sont restreintes; de plus, 1'etudiant disposait ainsi d'une periode de temps plus longue pour elargir ses horizons et mieux s'epanouir. Si ce processus etait adopte, les etudiants de dix-sept et dix-huit ans frequenteraient les colleges, et ceux qui s'inscriraient a Puniversite auraient acquis une plus grande maturite. Le terme "institut," d'abord adopte par la Commission Parent, a ete remplace par College d'enseignement general et professionnel (CEGEP), et les douze premiers ont ouvert leurs portes en 1967. II en existe maintenant 35, et on comptait 60,000 inscriptions en 1970-71. L'Ontario a choisi de proceder differemment. La creation des colleges d'arts appliques et de technologic, en 1966, etablissait une distinction precise entre les etudes professionnelles et pre-universitaires. II a ete decide d'etendre cette separation des etudiants aux dernieres annees des etudes secondaires, en leur offrant deux orientations: 13e annee, pour ceux qui se destinent a 1'universite, et inscription au college apres la 12e annee, pour ceux qui desirent recevoir une formation professionnelle. Les programmes offerts par les colleges comprenaient des cours d'ordre general autant que technique, et, dans certains cas, les colleges ont fait preuve d'un esprit d'initiative remarquable en adaptant leurs structures aux besoins locaux et communautaires. Bien qu'aucune entente officielle n'ait ete conclue quant au passage du college a 1'universite, certaines institutions ont adapte leurs structures a cette possibilite. II existe presentement vingt-deux colleges qui ont, en majorite, un ou deux campus et dispensent des cours a un nombre croissant d'etudiants a temps partiel. Les inscriptions a plein temps sont passees de 25,000, la premiere annee, a 52,000, en 1970-71. Ailleurs, le secteur non universitaire a progresse plus lentement. Dans la plupart des provinces, il existait des colleges ou instituts de technologic et certains d'entre eux offraient des programmes d'etudes superieures, en plus du cours secondaire. Toutefois, les aspirations generates de la population ont progressivement mis 1'accent sur les programmes d'etudes moins specialisees de deux ans, et

au moins quatre autres provinces ont etabli de nouvelles formes de colleges communautaires. Dans la majorite des cas, ces colleges offrent des programmes de formation pre-universitaire et professionnelle, et le passage de ces etablissements a des institutions qui offrent des programmes d'etudes de quatre ans est possible, lorsque certaines conditions sont remplies. Voici la fagon dont le Conseil economique du Canada decrit ces experiences: On peut dire cependant qu'en general, ces colleges sont des institutions polyvalentes dont la tache est, d'une part, d'adapter 1'enseignement postsecondaire aux besoins de qualification de la main-d'oeuvre (elles repondent aux exigences croissantes de competence et de formation d'une societe fortement industrialisee et orientee vers les industries d'ordre pratique) et, d'autre part, d'offrir a un nombre croissant d'etudiants un pont entre 1'enseignement secondaire et 1'enseignement universitaire. Comme leur nom Pimplique, les colleges communautaires sont generalement plus attaches a la collectivite locale que les universites, particulierement des points de vue de la population etudiante desservie ainsi que de la variete et la nature des programmes offerts. "u

Canada

63

Financement de I'enseignement postsecondaire

Sur le plan du financement, cette expansion et cette diversification de I'enseignement postsecondaire posaient de serieux problemes au debut des annees 60. Dans le secteur universitaire, les dotations ne constituaient une source importante de revenus que pour tres peu d'institutions canadiennes; 1'aide des eglises diminuait, d'autant plus que nombre d'institutions avaient supprime la qualification religieuse exigee des etudiants et des professeurs; les frais de scolarite n'avaient represente pendant des annees qu'une partie des frais assumes et, pour la plupart, les gouvernements provinciaux s'etaient montres peu interesses au secteur universitaire. De plus, a mesure que I'enseignement postsecondaire se tournait vers des objectifs d'ordre technique et pratique, les gouvernements provinciaux ont prefere aider les colleges qui dispensaient une formation professionnelle plus directement rattachee a leurs besoins en main-d'oeuvre. Le tableau suivant illustre bien cette evolution. Tableau 4 Provenance des revenus des universites—En pourcentage Frais de scolarite

Gouvernements Autres sources provinciaux

Gouvernement federal

1954-55

28.1

17.2

40.4

14.3

1960-61

16.9

19.8

40.7

22.3

1963-64

27.3

14.4

40.0

18.3

1969-70

12.7

11.0

32.8

43.9

DOCUMENTATION: Statistique Canada, adapte du rapport de la Commission Bladen.

Les fluctuations peuvent s'expliquer par les changements survenus dans le mode de financement une fois que prit fin le programme en faveur des anciens combattants, comme 1'illustre la repartition des sources de revenu en 1954-55; par 1'interet grandissant manifeste en 196061 par le gouvernement federal et par le secteur prive comme les grandes societes et les anciens eleves; par la majoration des frais tentee en 1963-64 en vue de faire face a la montee des couts et, enfin, par Faction en 1967 du gouvernement federal qui offre de payer la moitie des depenses de fonctionnement moyennant le Programme d'aide a I'enseignement postsecondaire. L'evolution des depenses se modifia egalement. On evalue a 4 milliards de dollars le montant consacre dans les annees 60 a la construction d'edifices universitaires. 64

David C. Munroe

Les depenses pour la recherche augmenterent legerement dans les annees 60 comme le firent les salaires et traitements autres que ceux des professeurs. Les changements les plus importants, toutefois, furent la hausse des depenses non salariales et la baisse des depenses consacrees aux traitements des professeurs. Le tableau suivant montre cette evolution. Tableau 5 Repartition des depenses de fonctionnement des universites—En pourcentage Autres Traitements salaires des et professeurs traitements

Depenses non Avantages salariales Recherche sociaux

1960-61

46.5

19.5

18.7

12.1

3.2

1969-70

37.3

20.3

25.1

13.6

3.7

DOCUMENTATION: Statistique Canada. Voir aussi le graphique a la page 00.

On ne saurait faire une analyse ou une comparaison semblable dans le cas des colleges, car la plupart sont encore de fondation recente. Dans les colleges, toutefois, les frais de scolarite sont maintenus au minimum, une partie de 1'aide est accordee par le gouvernement federal moyennant les programmes de la formation professionnelle des adultes et de 1'aide a I'enseignement postsecondaire et 1'autre partie provient de sources provinciales, sauf en Colombie-Britannique ou 40 pour cent des frais sont payes par les conseils scolaires regionaux. II n'y a pas de frais de scolarite dans les provinces maritimes et dans le Quebec tandis que, dans les autres provinces, ces frais varient de $150 a $250 par annee. Des colleges prives dispensent I'enseignement dans plusieurs provinces; ils exigent des frais s'echelonnant entre $100 et $500 et beneficient d'une aide gouvernementale a des degres divers. D'une maniere generale, les depenses pour 1'enseignement postsecondaire ont augmente plus rapidement dans les annees 60, plus rapidement que les depenses pour les secteurs elementaire et secondaire, plus rapidement que les inscriptions et plus rapidement que le Produit National Brut. D'un montant total de $342 millions en 1960-61, elles ont atteint un montant evalue a $2,234 millions au debut des annees 70 et, pour les cinq annees d'exercice du Programme d'aide a I'enseignement postsecondaire, soit de 1967 a 1972, leur hausse est evaluee a 109 pour cent. Le regroupement des services et une re-

structuration des institutions rendent toute comparaison difficile, mais le tableau 6 indique bien le developpement des depenses.

1961-62 ASSISTED RESEARCH RECHERCHE SUBVENTIONNEE

Tableau 6 Augmentation des depenses, selon le genre de formationEn pourcentage 1960-61

1965-66

1969-70

100

332.9

1,169.1

Formation pedagogique

100

128.4

117.2

Formation universitaire

100

265.4

570.0

Formation technique et professionnelle

DOCUMENTATION: Statistique Canada. NON-WAGE ITEMS DEPENSES NON-SALARIALES

BENEFITS AVANTAGES SOCIAUX

SAL AIRES DES PROFESSEURS

AUTRES SALAIRES ET TRAITEMENTS

1969-7O ASSISTED RESEARCH RECHERCHE SUBVENTIONNEE

SALAIRES DES PROFESSEURS

NON-WAGE ITEMS DEPENSES NON-SALARIALES / /

OTHER SALARIES & WAGES \ \

BENEFITS AVANTAGES SOCIAUX

Figure 1

Repartition des depenses de fonctionnement des universites

REMARQUE: Dans la classification utilisee par Statistique Canada, la formation technique et professionnelle a etc absorbee par les colleges, tandis que la formation pedagogique est en grande partie maintenant integree aux universites.

La situation critique qui a surgi dans la premiere moitie des annees 60 conduisit I'Association des universites et colleges du Canada a creer une commission (la Commission Bladen) chargee d'etudier le financement de 1'enseignement superieur au Canada; cette commission a presente son rapport en 1965. Apres avoir fait un examen approfondi des besoins futurs, la Commission a recommande que le gouvernement federal et les gouvernements provinciaux s'engagent a aider au developpement de 1'enseignement superieur au Canada, qu'ils tiennent annuellement des discussions afin de determiner dans quelle mesure leur aide est suffisante, que le montant des subventions par habitant soit majore et que la responsabilite du gouvernement federal pour le financement de la recherche soit reconnue. II etait entendu que les subventions continueraient d'etre versees directement aux institutions elles-memes. L'annee suivante, une conference federale-provinciale s'est reunie pour etudier le probleme de 1'enseignement superieur et Faction a laquelle elle donna lieu modifia profondement 1'importance et le mode d'octroi de 1'aide offerte. Le gouvernement federal accepta, pour une periode de cinq ans, de payer la moitie des frais de fonctionnement de 1'enseignement postsecondaire, portant ainsi de 500 millions a plus d'un milliard de dollars pour la premiere annee du programme le montant total de la contribution federate, y compris la formation de la maind'oeuvre et la recherche. Le nouveau programme d'aide a 1'enseignement postsecondaire prevoyait une aide d'un montant plus eleve que le montant propose par le rapport Bladen et il englobait non seulement les universites mais aussi les colleges qui ne decernent pas de diplomes. Canada

65

Un cadre national

Par la meme occasion, le gouvernement federal acceptait que les paiements soient verses directement aux autorites provinciales plutot qu'aux institutions, donnant ainsi a chaque province la liberte de suivre son propre systeme de distribution. Le programme a ete maintenu et, en 1971-72, la contribution du gouvernement federal s'est elevee a $1,249 millions, soit 48.6 pour cent des depenses totales.

Comme il n'y a pas eu accord entre les gouvernements a propos d'un programme commun ou de politiques communes, 1'acceleration de la croissance dans les annees 60 a aggrave les inegalites. Chaque province dirige maintenant un systeme d'education offrant des services a tous les niveaux, depuis 1'ecole elementaire jusqu'aux colleges d'enseignement postsecondaire et a 1'universite. Toutefois, comme il a ete indique precedemment, on constate de larges ecarts dans les taux de perseverance scolaire au niveau secondaire, dans les taux de participation du groupe d'age 18-24 ans au niveau postsecondaire, et on constate aussi des ecarts sensibles dans les depenses par etudiant.

Tableau 7 Evaluation des frais de fonctionnement par etudiant, Secteur postsecondaire 1971-72 par rapport a 1967-68 Augmentation 1971-72 -en pourcentage

1967-68

1968-69

1969-70

1970-71

Terre-Neuve

1,447

1,443

2,361

2,542

2,756

90.5

Ile-du-Prince-Edouard

1,371

1,603

2,179

2,148

2,412

75.9

Nouvelle-Ecosse

2,492

2,762

2,887

3,060

3,152

26.5

Nouveau-Brunswick

1,542

1,724

1,911

2,100

2,337

51.6

Quebec

1,847

2,066

1,954

2,219

2,399

29.9

3,578

35.7

Ontario

2,636

2,871

3,074

3,398

Manitoba

2,326

2,618

2,749

3,111

3,110

33.7

Saskatchewan

2,776

2,991

2,774

3,203

3,077

10.8

Alberta

2,940

2,751

2,991

3,364

3,402

15.7

Colombie-Britannique

2,152

2,296

2,328

2,412

2,410

12.0

CANADA

2,254

2,465

2,530

2,818

2,957

31.2

DOCUMENTATION: Inscription au niveau postsecondaire, Etude no 25 du Conseil economique du Canada, et donnees non publiees sur les depenses de fonctionnement au niveau postsecondaire, Direction de 1'aide a 1'education, Secretariat d'Etat, 6 avril 1971.

66

David C. Munroe

Ce tableau 7 montre que cinq provinces se situaient regulierement au-dessous et, pour certaines d'entre elles, sensiblement au-dessous de la moyenne nationale. II est evident que le programme d'aide a Penseignement postsecondaire qui a ete mis en oeuvre au cours des cinq dernieres annees, n'a pas reduit les inegalites. II est meme possible qu'il les ait accentuees, comme peut le faire voir la courbe irreguliere de croissance des depenses des provinces pour 1'enseignement postsecondaire (le tableau 8).

A la fin des annees 60, cela ne faisait plus aucun doute que les gouvernements provinciaux reconnaissaient Pimportance de 1'enseignement postsecondaire. Chacun avail adopte des mesures en vue de sa structuration avec les autres types d'enseignement, et des dispositions furent prises par Pentermise soit du ministere de Peducation soit d'un ministere distinct en vue de son financement. La plupart des provinces creerent des commissions dotees de plus ou moins de pouvoirs pour coordonner la planification et recommander le mode de repartition de Paide entre les institutions. Le tableau 9 donne la liste de ces commissions ou organismes.13

Tableau 8

Province

1967-68

Augmentation en pourcentage 1968-69 1969-70 1970-71

1971-72

Augmentation en pourcentage 1967-72

Terre-Neuve

8,218,000

7.8

82.5

18.4

22,900,000

178.6

Ile-du-Prince-Edouard

2,138,940

31.2

53.7

7.6

5,500,000

157.1

Nouvelle-Ecosse

31,775,297

25.8

15.4

14.1

59,250,800

86.5

Nouveau-Brunswick

16,203,044

24.2

22.4

19.8

35,400,000

118.4

Quebec

255,892,538

18.3

13.3

22.8

494,100,000

93.1

Ontario

298,456,646

33.1

23.0

23.0

701,302,000

135.0

Manitoba

36,329,256

26.6

16.4

24.9

73,400,403

120.0

Saskatchewan

40,528,032

17.2

0.7

27.3

65,255,740

61.0

Alberta

78,298,356

17.5

31.7

30.4

177,420,725

126.6

71,764,426

18.0

12.2

15.8

121,000,000

68.6

839,604,535

24.1

19.0

22.8

1,755,529,668

109.0

Colombie-Britannique CANADA

DOCUMENTATION: Secretariat d'Etat, a partir des declarations des provinces. Canada

67

Figure 2 Graphique comparatif des depenses de fonctionnement pour I'enseignement postsecondaire, par province, 1967-1968 et 1971-1972 725.0

500 -

- 500

400 ~

- 400

300 -

200 -

100 ~

T.-N. 68

David C. Munroe

I.-P.E.

N.-E.

N.-B-

Que.

Ont.

Man.

Sask.

Alb.

C.-B.

Tableau 9

Province

Acte constitutif et date

Competence (Nombre d'universitesNom de et colleges 1'organisme

Pouvoirs

Nombire Fonctionde membires naires 19

Composition

DeMffnation

Representants designes

du president

Aucun d 'office

Deux par convocation

Gouvernement

Terre-Neuve

Loi de 1949 (revisee en 1969)

1

Conseil d'administration (Board of Regents)

Direction

fle-du-PrinceEdouard

Loi de 1968

2

Commission de Penseignement postsecondaire (Commission on PostSecondary Education)

Consultation et decision

3

Aucun d'office

« Au moins un doit avoir une experience universitaire »

Gouvernement

Nouvelle-Ecosse

Loi de 1963 (revisee en 1965)

13

Comite des subventions aux universites (University Grants Committee)

Consultation

7

Sous-ministre des Finances

Aucun

Gouvernement

NouveauBrunswick

Loi de 1967 (revisee en 1968)

9

Commission de Penseignement superieur

Consultation et decision

9

Au moins un « s'occupant de 1'enseignement postsecondaire non-universitaire»

3 proposes par un comite universitaire. Au moins un homme d'affaires et un syndique

Gouvernement

Quebec

Loi de 1968

7*

Conseil des universites

Consultation

17

Deux designes

9 des universites apres consultation. 4 sur avis du monde des affaires et du travail

Gouvernement sur recommandation du min. de PEducation

Ontario

Arrete en conseil de 1964

14**

Comite des Affaires universitaires (Committee on University Affairs

Consultation

12

Le secretaire est le sousministre des Affaires universitaires

Aucun

Gouvernement sur recommandation du min. des Affaires universitaires

Manitoba

Loi de 1967

3

Commission des subv. aux universites (Universities Grants Commission)

Consultation et decision

9

Sous-ministre de 1'Education; le president etait sousministre de Peducation

Aucun

Gouvernement

Saskatchewan

Loi de 1907 (revisee en 1968)

Conseil d'administration (Board of Governors)

Direction

18

Tresorier adjoint et sous-ministre de PEducation

5 nommes par le Senat

Conseil

Alberta

Loi de 1966

3

Commission des universites (Alberta Universities Commission)

Consultation et decision

9

Tresorier adjoint et sous-ministre de PEducation

Aucun

Gouvernement

ColombieBritannique

Ministre de 1'Education (Ioidel961)

3

Commission consultative (Advisory Board on Finance)

Consultation

7

3 actuellement

3: un par chaque conseil d'administration

Ministre de PEducation

Loi de 1963

3**

Com. de 1'enseignement superieur (Academic Board)

Consultation

9

Aucun d'office

6: 2 par le Senat de chaque universite

Elu par la Commission

1 (2 campus)

"Comprend 1a nouvelle Universite du Quebec a Montreal , Trois-Rivieres, et Chiicoutimi.

**Universites seulement.

Canada

69

Perspectives pour les annees 70

Vu que le gouvernement federal fournit la plus grande partie de 1'aide financiere et que les gouvernements provinciaux s'occupent de plus en plus de la planification et du developpement de 1'enseignement postsecondaire, la necessite de s'entendre sur des objectifs nationaux se fait de plus en plus sentir. Cette consideration revet une importance particuliere pour la survie des universites, dont plusieurs ont une renommee nationale et internationale. Le danger existe de voir chaque province limiter a ses besoins immediats le developpement des institutions situees a Pinterieur de ses limites, et d'imposer a 1'enseignement et a la recherche des restrictions qui vont appauvrir au lieu d'enrichir leur apport a la croissance nationale. Les disparites s'enracineront alors plus profondement et le savoir canadien se verra arrete dans son developpement au niveau des perspectives provinciales.

70

David C. Munroe

La proposition de la Commission Bladen, en vue de la tenue par le gouvernement federal et les gouvernements provinciaux d'une conference annuelle pour determiner dans quelle mesure 1'aide federale a 1'enseignement superieur serait suffisante, n'a jamais etc mise a execution. Meme si elle 1'avait etc, elle ne constituerait qu'une solution partielle, car on ne saurait isoler les problemes de financement des autres aspects d'une politique de 1'education ni les problemes de 1'enseignement postsecondaire des autres secteurs du systeme d'education. Ce qui est devenu de plus en plus evident, c'est la necessite de creer des structures permanentes qui permettraient aux representants du gouvernement federal, des gouvernements provinciaux et des institutions de se reunir a intervalles reguliers pour definir les objectifs nationaux, s'entendre sur les domaines de responsabilite nationale et garantir aux provinces une aide financiere suffisante pour assurer le bon fonctionnement de leurs systemes d'education. Un conseil des ministres de 1'education a etc cree en 1966 et fonctionne depuis lors avec quelque difficulte. II est, toutefois, d'un caractere exclusivement provincial et exclut la participation du gouvernement federal. Le Comite Jeunesse a recemment demande que soit cree un groupe d'etude, parraine par le gouvernement federal et le Conseil, comme etape preliminaire a Pelaboration d'une action commune. Divers autres organismes nationaux ont propose 1'etablissement d'un bureau ou d'un secretariat qui offrirait a toutes les parties interessees la possibilite de travailler au developpement de 1'education au Canada dans les annees a venir. II est generalement reconnu qu'en education, notamment dans le secteur postsecondaire, 1'accent doit etre mis, non plus sur 1'expansion qui a etc au coeur des preoccupations pendant les annees 60, mais sur 1'innovation et la qualite. De nombreuses experiences sont actuellement en cours dans des institutions et dans des provinces et portent notamment sur de nouvelles methodes de selection, 1'admission differee, des programmes d'etudes et de travaux pratiques, 1'annee d'etudes comprenant trois ou quatre semestres, un regime de prets a long terme aux etudiants, le recyclage periodique des membres de certains groupes professionnels et toute une serie de programmes d'education permanente. Pris isolement, ces programmes ne sont pas aussi utiles qu'ils pourraient 1'etre s'il existait un centre facilitant 1'echange d'informations et de vues. II y a egalement plusieurs grands pro-

blemes auxquels on ne saurait s'attaquer que sur une echelle nationale—1'accessibilite, la mobilite, les disparites et les points communs de 1'education et de 1'emploi par rapport a la specialisation de la main-d'oeuvre. La population a pris conscience de ces problemes et de sa responsabilite relativement a la mise au point de services dans le domaine de 1'enseignement postsecondaire. II reste, toutefois, que le Canada devra trouver le mecanisrne par lequel les pouvoirs publics qui representent la population, pourront travailler ensemble dans les questions de 1'education pour le bien general de la nation. Voila la clef qui nous ouvrira les portes du progres dans 1'avenir.

Notes 1. Rapport de la Commission royale d'enquete sur I'avancement des arts, des lettres et des sciences au Canada (Commission Massey) (Ottawa: Imprimeur de la Reine, 1951), p. 411. 2. Deuxieme expose annuel, Conseil economique du Canada (Ottawa: Imprimeur de la Reine, 1965), p. 103. 3. Commission royale d'enquete sur les perspectives economiques du Canada, Rapport (Ottawa: Imprimeur de la Reine, 1957), p. 459. 4. Rapport Commission royale d'enquete sur 1'enseignement, Rapport (Quebec: Imprimeur de la Reine, 1963), vol. 1, p. 70. 5. Conseil economique du Canada, Deuxieme expose annuel (Ottawa: Imprimeur de la Reine, 1965), p. 104. 6. Conference federale-provinciale, Ottawa, 24-28 octobre 1966 (Ottawa: Bureau du Conseil prive, 1966), pp. 8 et 9. 7. Hall, Ross H., "How Science Grads are Geared for a By Gone Era" (Toronto: Globe and Mail, 2 juin 1970). 8. Frum, Barbara, "Class of'71: The Graduates Nobody Wants," magazine Maclean, juin 1971, p. 20. 9. Munroe D.C., Documentation, The Costs of Post-Secondary Education, Seminaire national (Kingston: Queen's University, 1970), p. 30. On etudie en ce moment la relation entre les programmes d'aide aux etudiants et 1'accessibilite aux etudes postsecondaires. Voir Federal and Provincial Student Aid in Canada 1966-67 and 1967-68 (Ottawa: Secretariat d'Etat, 1970). 10. Commission royale d'enquete sur 1'enseignement (Quebec) Rapport (Quebec: Imprimeur de la Reine), vol. 2, p. 58. 11. Commission royale d'enquete sur 1'enseignement (Quebec), Rapport (Quebec: Imprimeur de la Reine), vol. 2, p. 162. 12. Conseil economique du Canada, Septieme expose annuel (Ottawa: Imprimeur de la Reine, 1970), p. 69. 13. L'universite, la societe et le gouvernement, Rapport de la Commission chargee d'etudier les relations entre les universites et les gouvernements (Ottawa: Les Presses de 1'Universite d'Ottawa, 1970), p. 232.

Canada

71

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Post-Secondary Education and Manpower Planning in Australia

by D. S. Anderson

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The Role and Control of Post-Secondary Education

Kurt Lewin once said that one way to understand a system is to try changing it. The creation of a new sector of higher education in Australia, the colleges of advanced education, has produced a rash of attempts to define the distinctive roles of the various sectors: universities, the new advanced colleges (many of them formerly called senior technical colleges), teachers colleges, and the various arrangements for training craftsmen and technicians. The idea of colleges of advanced education was first put forward by a Commonwealth committee of enquiry (The Martin Committee) established in 1961 with the task of considering the pattern of tertiary education in relation to the needs and resources of Australia.1 The committee recognized that "the technological progress of the nation depends essentially on the combined efforts of craftsmen, technicians, and technologists" and recommended the expansion of training in all three areas. Concentrating on the education of technologists, the committee saw the technologist as a person who had studied the fundamental principles of his chosen technology and was able to use his knowledge and experience to initiate practical developments. It was held that the education of this group should, in general, be separated from the education of technicians and craftsmen. Technologists are seen as persons with the qualifications and experience for membership of a professional institution and, while the education of many such persons has obviously been part of what universities do, the committee saw separate institutions as also being relevant for their education. Such institutions, already existing in some states, were to be alternative to universities rather than junior colleges feeding some students into universities, others into lower level courses. The idea of an alternative system was supported with observations about students' academic ability. University courses place emphasis on the development of knowledge and the importance of research in the progress of human understanding. With the growing complexity of the technologies, university courses in this field are becoming more exacting, and are demanding a more extensive knowledge of mathematics and the basic sciences. Many entering the universities to pursue technological courses are either not sufficiently well prepared in these subjects or lack the necessary academic ability. A considerable proportion of those who fail would have a better chance of success in institutions offering

courses pitched at a lower academic level.2 The Commonwealth government, in accepting the main recommendation of the Martin Committee for a second sector, appointed a permanent advisory committee on advanced education and gave it the task of advising . . . the Minister with a view to promoting the balanced development of advanced education, outside the university and teacher training college systems, so that the colleges of advanced education may play their part in meeting Australia's need for educated and technologically trained people, and in providing for the needs of students for education suited to their vocations and capacities.3 This committee in its first report also attempted to define the differences between universities and advanced colleges and also chose to emphasize the characteristics of students. Students entering colleges of advanced education will tend to have a different outlook and different needs from those attending the universities, being more interested in the application than in the development of knowledge. They will have already decided on the career they will adopt. University courses, which are often orientated towards academic studies, would be less suitable for many of them who would find the courses at the colleges of advanced education more in tune with their particular interests and aptitudes.4 Although some of the entering students might not have achieved matriculation standard, the advanced colleges would, through special attention to teaching, produce a product which would match university graduates. "It is on what comes out of the colleges that they should be judged rather than on what goes in: too much emphasis should not be placed on entry standards." There were also to be differences in the subject areas. The colleges do not cater for a number of fields of little or no direct 'industrial' interest in which universities provide training—such as Greek, Latin or some branches of mathematics. On the other hand the colleges offer courses in areas which universities may regard as marginal or inappropriate.5 Summing up the more important distinctions which it proposed to draw between universities and advanced Australia

75

colleges, the advisory committee said that in the colleges there would be: 1. students with somewhat different types of interests; 2. a greater concentration upon part-time studies associated with employment, especially in scientific fields; 3. a more applied emphasis; 4. a more direct and intimate relationship with industry and other relevant organizations; 5. far less attention to post-graduate training and research; 6. a primary emphasis on teaching. Before looking at how such objectives are transformed by particular institutions it is necessary to understand something of the responsibility for higher education as provided for in Australia's federal structure. Under the constitution education is left mainly as a state activity. Any substantial Commonwealth role in the area of higher education has been quite recent and has been concerned with making financial grants to the states for particular institutions. The Australian Universities Commission is an advisory body which acts as a buffer between each of the fourteen universities (each an "autonomous" body set up under an act of the appropriate state parliament, the exception being the Australian National University which is in Federal Capital Territory) and their principal sources of funds, that is the state and Commonwealth governments. Every three years, after assessing the needs of each individual university and taking into account the wishes of the state governments, it recommends to the Commonwealth government the funds which should be paid to universities. The Commonwealth grants are conditional on matching grants being provided by the states: dollar for dollar for capital works; 1.85 dollars for each Commonwealth dollar for recurrent expenditure. In effect the AUC has a dual purpose: on the one hand to protect the autonomy of universities, on the other to advise governments on university financial needs. In arriving at its advice the commission leans heavily on the detailed submissions made by the universities. It is charged with the task of ensuring a "balanced development" of universities in Australia and takes careful note of the size of allocations made to each university and to each state. It has a very small staff, and even if it wished, is not at present equipped to undertake manpower studies as an aid to its decision making. Side by side with the AUC is the Australian Commis76

D. S. Anderson

sion on Advanced Education, set up in 1965 and at that time called the Commonwealth Advisory Committee on Advanced Education. It advises the government on the needs of advanced colleges with a view to their "balanced development" so that they can help meet Australia's need for educated and technologically-trained people. As with the universities, the Commonwealth grants are conditional on matching monies being provided by the states. The institutions for which the Commission on Advanced Education makes recommendations vary much more than do universities. Their curricula are very varied and their autonomy has been considerably less than that of universities, a number, for example, having had close ties with state education departments. The intervention of the Commonwealth has had the effect of encouraging greater institutional autonomy through the strengthening of local governing bodies. The Commonwealth has not been willing to provide recurrent funds for state teachers colleges and a number of other training institutions which are under state control. The ACAE, like the AUC, has only a very small professional staff and does not undertake investigations as an aid to its policy making. It does, however, accept advice from industrial sources and it does allocate funds for research on topics relevant to the educational and planning needs of advanced colleges. For example, my own unit has recently received two grants, one for a study of students in advanced colleges, the other for a cost-benefit study of various courses.6 The advent of Commonwealth money has encouraged advanced colleges to take some initiative in defining their own roles. There has been a tendency to discard sub-professional courses (for which there are no Commonwealth funds anyway), to raise entrance standards, and to seek degree status for professional courses. The principal of one advanced college, in a thoughtful paper on the role of colleges, has implied that their function is to provide top level higher education in those professional and vocational areas which the universities have declined to enter, as well as in certain courses like engineering traditionally offered in universities. This view recognizes that vocational goals are a component in the motivation of most students, and it also envisages many fields in which advanced colleges will compete with universities.7 Some institutions which have provided training for

particular occupations—nursing, occupational therapy, and agricultural and forestry officers—are now associating themselves with advanced colleges: the dual attractions being eligibility for Commonwealth funds and, in the case of the state-run colleges, an expectation by staff of greater autonomy. State governments are planning some control over developments by setting up boards or institutes which advise both the Commonwealth and the relevant state ministers on developments in higher education. In New South Wales there is a university board, a board on advanced education and, above these, a coordinating higher education authority. In Victoria, the second largest state, there is no formal coordination for the planning of university development but the Institute of Colleges has wide powers in relation to advanced colleges.8 Meantime a third sector, comprising the teachers colleges, has been relatively neglected. Some teachers receive their professional training in university faculties, but the great majority of primary school teachers are trained in colleges run by state education departments. In-service courses are also provided in the main by state departments. Except for a few private colleges, this has been the pattern until recently when some advanced colleges set up schools of teacher education. An even more recent movement is for autonomous teachers colleges to be formed out of existing departmental colleges. Commonwealth funding for teachers colleges has been restricted to capital expenditure. The debate about the role of teacher education centres around what is seen as the competing demands of professional and liberal education. University schools of education have been criticized for failing to give sufficient emphasis to professional purpose. The Martin Committee recognized strong professional motivation in many young people intending to prepare themselves for teaching and referred favourably to four-year courses which coordinated training in professional subjects and other degree studies. This committee envisaged teacher education as a third sector to which the Commonwealth might direct substantial funds. The recommendation has not been acted on so far, perhaps because of a reluctance by the Commonwealth to provide monies to a state department rather than to relatively autonomous institutions such as the universities and the advanced colleges. A committee of the Commonwealth senate—the Standing Committee on Education, Science, and the

Arts—is currently considering the role of the Commonwealth in teacher education. The fourth sector is comprised of the numerous and diverse arrangements for the preparation of skilled craftsmen and technicians. To date this has been wholly a matter for the state authorities. Most courses have been based in the technical colleges and have been frequently associated with an apprenticeship system. Some colleges have provided courses ranging from the skilled trades to high-level professional studies. Since Commonwealth money has been available only for the latter, trade and certificate courses have tended to suffer in these multipurpose colleges. As I write, a conference of Commonwealth and state authorities is examining the needs of the area. There are signs that here also Commonwealth funds may be offered to assist the states.9 Two features of the Australian scene should be clear from the above sections. First, education is a state responsibility with the result that there are six systems whose complexities cannot be described in a brief paper. Secondly, substantial funds are now provided by the Commonwealth government, and because of its financial power the Commonwealth induces changes in the state systems. So far there has been little attempt by the Commonwealth to influence the detail of post-secondary education. Among other reasons for this is the delicate nature of state-Commonwealth relations in Australia's federal system. Education is the largest enterprise of the state governments. While desperately wanting more funds (having limited fund-raising powers of their own), these governments are jealous of their institutions. However, the Commonwealth, through its financial powers, is influencing the broad development of universities and advanced colleges and achieving some coordination across and within these sectors. It has been argued by state authorities that Commonwealth intervention in the upper level of post-secondary education is having a detrimental effect on other areas of education. It is claimed that, in providing the funds to match Commonwealth contribution, the states commit resources which might otherwise go to primary and secondary schools or to sub-professional post-secondary training, with the result that there is something of a financial vacuum, particularly in the sub-professional area. Coordination is made even more difficult because, in the absence of strong national policies, trade unions and various professional associations actively assert their views about the Australia

77

The Relation of Post-Secondary Education to Manpower Planning

form, content, and standards of the training of skilled tradesmen and technicians. This whole sector of post-secondary training is currently receiving detailed study, and may be the area in which the Commonwealth makes its next major contribution. Because of Australia's peculiar demography, a disproportionately large part of the recruitment pool for technician and trade trainees is located in the sparsely populated but very extensive hinterland. Since facilities for full-time or block-release are in the metropolitan cities and provincial centres there is a need for residential accommodation, which is expensive and largely beyond state resources.

78

D. S. Anderson

Detailed manpower planning in Australia has been notable by its absence. In essence, education has expanded in response to pressure from a rising number of qualified applicants, but has been constrained by a lack of financial support. Each state is called on to make decisions on whether or not to support post-secondary education and on the priorities for assistance. No state has embarked on any comprehensive public system of manpower forecasting. At the Commonwealth level, responsibility for any such forecasting rests with the Department of Labour and National Service, and the Department of Education and Science. The latter was only set up in 1966 and has at no stage planned the development of skilled labour on a national basis with a manpower planning perspective. The Department of Labour and National Service has been slightly more active. It provides a national employment service, and monitors the employment scene. However, it has not developed any comprehensive manpower planning structures. Its main concern has been with apprenticeship and the training of skilled tradesmen. In recent years, it has also undertaken more detailed investigations into the demand and supply position in certain professions, for example a current survey of engineers. As will be seen in the next section, the information available on the supply side is reasonably adequate for manpower planning. Data are readily available on the pool of potential recruits; they are less readily available on transition proportions because of difficulties caused by a heavy immigration program. However, the information available on the demand side is seriously inadequate. Until recently industry has not thought it necessary to provide estimates of future needs. Even in the current census, income data will not be collected, having been excluded from the questionnaire by the cabinet on political grounds. The few studies which have been undertaken have been conducted by university departments and appointments boards, and various government and professional associations such as the chemists and engineers. These studies are valuable, but they lack coordination and provide an uneven set of data for policy formulation. No data are available for immigrants and emigrants during the postwar period classified by educational attainment. Net immigration has been heavy throughout the period and it is believed that Australia gains substantially from the international migration of labour, both skilled and unskilled. With the recent slackening in

the relative over-demand for highly skilled manpower, individuals in certain fields may have tended to look abroad for more favourable employment opportunities. However, in many fields the demand and supply position in countries to which Australians might emigrate, especially the United States and the United Kingdom, has been less favourable to job applicants than in Australia. There is little current concern about a brain-drain, but there is a growing controversy over continuation of a very heavy migration program, especially of unskilled workers and dependants. University appointments boards and government officials appear to agree that there are few serious problems in placing male graduates in appropriate employment: there is a rising demand for graduates in almost all areas and few men are forced to take positions for which they have been overtrained. However, there are some problems, among which two stand out. First, the employment position is much less satisfactory for women than for men. Many women, especially Arts graduates who do not wish to teach, find difficulty in obtaining work which matches their past performance and potential future contribution. The Commonwealth Minister for Labour and National Service noted that "an essential part of an active manpower policy must be to help women obtain jobs which make good use of their abilities." A retraining scheme has recently been introduced for women who wish to re-enter the work force. The second problem area has been short-term shortages and surpluses among particular groups of highly skilled labour. Rapid growth in the mining sector has caused serious, although probably temporary, shortages of geologists, mining engineers and metallurgists. Similar situations have occurred before and have generally not lasted long. The rapid growth in Ph.D. graduates is also causing concern, especially in science. Five years ago a careful survey of the supply and demand situation for Australian Ph.D. graduates in all specializations of pure and applied science led to a predicted oversupply in some disciplines, particularly for graduates seeking university appointments. A follow-up study concluded that "considering the imponderable factors which were involved, the forecasts were reasonably accurate."10 The irony of the situation is that the follow-up study was made by the Research School of Chemistry at the Australian National University, a school which was established in part because it appeared that Australia would be facing a shortage of research

chemists. In general, however, serious mismatching of demand and supply has not tended to last long and graduate unemployment is very low. However, some employment expectations may have to be altered, especially by those who wish to continue indefinitely in universities or on other research work in science. A more fundamental weakness has probably been the slow growth in the numbers of trained technicians and skilled tradesmen, and the inefficient use of labour which could be more effectively deployed elsewhere (or retrained). To some extent an exact correspondence between the demand for and the supply of certain types of highly specialized labour is not to be expected in a society which is undergoing rapid change, and in an economy undergoing fundamental structural alterations. However, there are areas in which more rapid adaptation to changed conditions could be more strongly encouraged.11 Absence of strict manpower planning is not necessarily disadvantageous. Universities, colleges, and employers can respond relatively quickly to changes they detect; and overall coordination can be exercised by government agencies to discourage duplication and any overresponse (for example, if too many separate institutions propose new courses in geology). Implicit in the operation of the Commonwealth bodies is the notion of education as a "consumer good." A conventional manpower approach would almost certainly lead to pressures on Arts faculties to reduce their intake relative to other courses. Despite the well-publicized problems that Arts graduates, particularly women, have in securing employment appropriate to their skills, the demand for places in Arts quotas has remained at a high level and Arts faculties retain their numerically predominant position in universities. Finally, the bonding system provides a clear link between employer needs and manpower supplies for a substantial proportion of all those in higher education. Students entering certain fields of study receive generous financial assistance on condition that they give some years of service after graduation. Approximately 70 per cent of Australian students commencing undergraduate courses receive a scholarship of one sort or another and half of these are awards with a bond attached. Students are able to exercise fairly wide choice with respect to the subjects studied within a course which is suitable to the employer. State education departments Australia

79

Accessibility

and the Commonwealth Public Service operate the largest of these schemes. Bonding schemes are receiving increasing criticism and may decline in the next few years. Because of the generous financial provisions (fees and a salary are paid) the schemes have brought into universities many students from rural areas and social strata which otherwise would have been grossly underrepresented. The later "defection" rate is fairly high, especially among teachers, but state education departments consider the investment worthwhile because they have been desperately short of teachers. The Commonwealth Public Service has approximately 5000 of its employees each year studying university degrees part-time and about 1100 doing full-time degrees, mostly under cadetship arrangements. In addition the Commonwealth Public Service operates an administrative training program whereby superior generalist graduates may join the service, undergo a one-year integrated program of formal courses and work experience, and at the end of the year enter the mainstream of career structure. This scheme provides for flexibility in recruiting and placement of future administrators. During the 1960s, 5500 university graduates were recruited. This was in addition to the 2500 Commonwealth employees who were financially assisted to graduation.

The post-war increase in demand for university education from qualified school-leavers has dominated the development of Australian higher education. It has led to the creation of new universities, the doubling in size of most of the older universities, and the development of the alternative system of advanced colleges. The percentages of each age-cohort estimated to have enrolled in universities by age 29 is shown in table 1. Thus for 1969 it is estimated that just under 17 per cent of all men under 30 and just under 10 per cent of all women under 30 will have enrolled in university. Table 1 Cohorts by Year of Entry to Universities: Percentages Enrolling by Age 29 Total students enrolled Estimated proportion % Total students

Year of entry

1951

27,000

1961

57,700

1963

enrolling by age 29 Males

Females

1951

7.96

3.07

1961

14.45

6.30

69,100

1963

15.34

7.83

1965

83,300

1965

14.71

7.17

1967

95,400

1967

16.41

7.42

1969

108,600

1969

16.90

9.16

NOTE: As these cohorts are by year of entry, beginning at age 16, the figures for 1967 and later contain a substantial degree of estimation at higher ages. Borrie (see Note 12).

The proportion of each age group participating in universities and advanced colleges in 1968 may be seen in table 2. Universities account for a larger proportion than advanced colleges and the proportion of girls in universities is about 1 in 3 and somewhat less in advanced colleges. These gaps are closing. The percentage of girls at university has been increasing slowly from about 20 per cent in 1950 to the present 30 per cent. The proportion of all students taken by advanced colleges is increasing rapidly and will probably equal that in universities by the early 1980s. The data for all post-secondary courses has not received the careful study which has been given to universities and advanced colleges. The 1968 population sample survey conducted by the Bureau of Census and Statistics provided a rough indication of the proportion of each 80 D. S. Anderson

Table 2 Total Students Enrolled in 1968 as Percentage of Age Group Colleges of Advanced Education Age;

Males

Universities Females

Persons

Males

4.1

1.0

Advanced level courses Females Persons

Males

Total Females

Persons

0.6

0.8

5.8

4.0

4.9

17

4.8

3.4

18

9.1

5.5

7.3

2.2

1.1

1.6

11.3

6.6

8.9

19

8.8

4.5

6.7

2.7

1.0

1.9

11.5

5.5

8.6

20

7.9

3.6

5.7

2.3

0.6

1.5

10.2

4.2

7.2

21

7.0

2.4

4.8

11.6f

1.4f

6.6|

-

-

-

f21 + as a percentage of age 21

SOURCE: Commonwealth Bureau of Census and Statistics, University Statistics and Colleges of Advanced Education and Teachers' Colleges, 1968. NOTE: From Borrie (see Note 12).

Education is likely to go on demanding higher levels of investment in all its aspects, from higher secondary to tertiary colleges and to universities. All are interrelated, and while priorities for pump-priming particular sectors in particular triennia will no doubt continue to be necessary, the implications of priming one sector for other sectors must be continually borne in mind. For example, if it is decided and made financially possible to raise the retention rates at higher school levels over the next two or three years, this will raise the pressures that will follow on colleges of advanced education and universities. Having decided to establish Colleges of Advanced Education this will increase the pressure on universities for high quality graduates for their staff, and it will also increase the level of expectation for

age group enrolled in any course beyond secondary school. It can be seen from table 3 that just under 40 per cent of all 18 and 19 year old men and roughly half this proportion of 18-19 year old women, were studying a recognized course in 1968. The pressure on higher education will increase with population growth and increase in demand. Allowing for immigration and births, and making a conservative estimate of the increase in demand, it has been calculated that the number of students of 16 years and over in secondary school—presently about 50 per cent of the boys and 40 per cent of the girls—will increase by threequarters in the next 15 years. Professor Borrie, who provided the figures for the above tables, concluded an analysis of demographic factors in higher education with the comments: Table 3 Persons Enrolled for Non-School Courses (August 1968) Males

Age

Females

Persons

No. ('000)

%of total male age-group

No. ('000)

%of total female age-group

18

43

40

24

23

67

32

19

41

39

18

18

60

29

20

35

33

16

15

51

24

21

30

26

12

11

42

18

22

17

18

8

2

24

13

23

17

18

5

5

22

12

24

13

14

5

6

18

10

No. ('000)

%of total age-group

SOURCE: Survey of Non-School Courses, August 1968, Bureau of Census and Statistics.

Australia

81

school leavers and so encourage higher retention rates. There has been a tendency in educational planning to deal separately with each of the three sectors I have covered. This is to some extent inevitable in Australia's federal structure and with the present division of responsibilities with regard to higher secondary and tertiary activities. Separate action was also probably necessary, and desirable, to launch the Colleges of Advanced Education; but from now on increasing coordination in policy decisions will be essential if resources are to be efficiently allocated and used —from higher secondary right through to universities. What should be examined now is the education flow from the end of compulsory schooling to the terminal point at universities and other institutions. This implies that policy decisions should be based upon an adequate basis of knowledge. Here I am only concerned to establish the case for an adequate statistical service. This seems to be developing within the Department of Education and Science, in coordination with the Bureau of Census and Statistics. This further implies coordination with the state offices of the bureau. Perhaps there is also a case for close liaison with a small group drawn from universities, Colleges of Advanced Education and secondary education to see how "flow statistics" can be improved in a way that will assist not only central policy decisions, both at federal and state levels, but also closer coordination with the growing number of non-governmental research workers seeking answers to educational problems of the future. More and better coordinated research in the field of higher education might indeed be an efficient source of employment for some of the swelling tide of higher as well as first degree graduates. More generally, the recent discussions about over production of graduates may indeed be simply an admission that Australia is not making efficient use of its graduates; but it also means that graduates will have to offer their services to a wider range of professional jobs throughout the community than they have had to do in the immediate past era of scarcity of output. The emphasis should be on the end of scarcity rather than upon surplus production. The balance is being restored again after thirty years of imbalance. 82

D. S. Anderson

Finally, the seventies provide some chance of putting the higher educational house in order within the kind of framework I have set out in this paper. The pattern is not a stable one, but one of growth that may be slowing down as we move into the eighties; but in case we feel tired of our efforts so far, let us peep to the end of the eighties. We do not require any elaborate projection to do this, but just a run down the age distribution of Australia as of June 1969 and a look at births over the past few years. 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24

15-19 10-14 5-9 0-4

732,302 The deficit cohorts 751,637 840,217 1,038,444 The front of the "baby boom" generation 1,093,724 The plateau 1,159,934 1,232,852 1,164,416 The beginning of the secondary hump: children of the "baby boom" generation.

Now look at what is coming up in terms of births: 1966: 222,626; 1967: 229,296; 1968: 240,906; 1969: 247,218. With immigration continuing, we could be topping 300,000 births by 1976. The implications as I see them for educational planning are: /. We have been enjoying a brief respite from growth in primary schools—the first one for over thirty years—but after the seventies the numbers will be kicking up again. Right now is the time to be expanding teacher training to be ready for the new wave. 2. By the end of the seventies the secondary schools will also be experiencing a slowing down in growth rates, but at higher ages increasing participation rates will sustain steady growth. By the early eighties the new hump will be swelling secondary numbers again and in staffing, buildings, and equipment the education departments should be preparing for this new hump by the mid-seventies. 3. The "rest period" will be at least in evidence at the tertiary level because of increasing demand from all sectors of the community for higher education, but a considerable slowing down of growth rates may be expected by the mid-eighties, after which there will be a further

sharp kick up in demand as the increasing number of births now occurring attain tertiary age. Perhaps there should also be a hard look in planning for the future into the whole question of vocational training and retraining in the professional and higher skilled areas. Courses for adult retraining may well become a major function of Colleges of Advanced Education. We should also be clarifying the purposes for which half and more of the children are likely to go on to the end of secondary schools. Half of each age group cannot find employment in the professions, and a conclusion that may follow is that the schools themselves should structure into their higher grades more nonprofessional occupational training—or alternatively should more children go into employment earlier and have time off to train part-time as they earn?12 The pressure for admission to professional courses has already shown a sharp increase during the 1960s. In Victoria half the qualified applicants to universities do not now gain entry and in the advanced colleges there will soon be quotas on every course. A few years ago there were no quotas and all students who passed the qualifying examination were able to enter the course of their choice. Participation in higher education is, of course, not equal across all social groups and, if one makes the assumption of more or less even distribution of talent, there are still considerable untapped resources among lower-class families, recent migrants, females, and the rural and provincial population. There is considerable "over-representation" of students whose fathers' occupations are professional or managerial. In a university sample the proportion of children of professionals is four times, and that of children of managers twice, that of the representation from the work-force.13 Together these two groups make up one-half of the university but come from less than onefifth of the 45-54 age group in the population. Manual occupations are correspondingly under-represented: the proportion in the university from semi-skilled and unskilled manual worker backgrounds is one-fourth, and from skilled manual worker backgrounds one-half, of the corresponding groups in the work force. The university proportion of progeny of clerical and sales workers is slightly above the work-force proportion and the university proportion of farm children is slightly below.

Table 4 Occupations of Students' Fathers and Male Population Sample Aged 45-54 University (four professional faculties)

Male population (45-54 age)

n

%

n

%

Professionals

737

23.5

35,059

5.6

Managers

825

26.4

74,258

11.9

Clerical and sales

581

18.6

84,371

13.5

Farmers

201

6.4

54,533

8.7

Skilled

374

11.9

139,418

22.3

Semi-skilled Unskilled Miscellaneous TOTAL

96

3.1

70,189

11.3

238

7.6

162,777

26.1

77

2.5

4,010

0.6

3,129

624,615

These differences, large as they are, almost certainly under-represent the differences which would have emerged if it had been possible to make finer classifications, particularly at the lower ends of the distributions. For example, unskilled migratory or rural workers, unskilled migrants and aborigines, are virtually absent from the university sample. These relative proportions will, of course, change with increasing educational opportunity and with changes in the composition of the work force. During the period 1955-68 the proportion of students' fathers who were professionals probably halved—whereas the proportion from white-collar and large-scale self-employed backgrounds doubled. The proportion of rural and manual workers remained constantly under-represented. Table 5 shows differences between the educational levels of university and work-force samples which are similar to the occupational distributions. It should be noted that the two classifications of educational levels are slightly different and that exact comparisons are therefore not possible. The proportion of university fathers with no more than primary schooling, 17 per cent, is less than half of that in the work-force sample. At the upper level of education the difference is very great indeed and the university proportion which attained a post-secondary qualification or attended uniAustralia

83

Table 5 Education Level of Students' Fathers and Male Population Sample Aged 45-54 University (four professional faculties) n

Male Population (45-54 age)

%

n

%

544

17.4

No schooling, attended primary

254,650

38.2

1,112

35.5

Attended secondary, intermediate

299,578

44.9

Completed secondary

351

11.2

Leaving

56,053

8.4

Completed other post-secondary

457

14.6

Non-university tertiary

24,156

3.6

University attended, completed

585

18.7

University

15,025

2.3

80

2.6

Not stated

17,381

2.6

Informal, some primary or completed primary Some secondary

Don't know, no answer

3,129

TOTAL

versity is almost six times the work-force proportion with a tertiary or university qualification. These proportions are likely to change markedly during the 1970s when university students will come increasingly from the parental generation whose own education was in the late 1940s and early 1950s when the upswing in full secondary and higher education began. Indeed, as a result of competitive entry and the upswing in tertiary education which started about a generation ago, the present social pattern in university recruitment may be more or less preserved. Entry to university and college is based on academic tests alone—usually the results of a public examination conducted at the end of sixth form. Nonetheless in an ethnically homogeneous society like Australia there remains a social heterogeneity. This is responsible for educational inequality; or perhaps it should be said that each contributes to the other. Educational opportunities could be equalized only if socialization in the family did not create differences among children which cannot be accounted for by genetic inheritance. One can detect counter-trends in the relation of education to social mobility: on the one hand there is a move towards greater educational opportunities for all and a call for "positive discrimination" in education so that those children disadvantaged by family circumstances can be given a schooling which compensates for the effects of these circumstances on their learning. There is also an awareness by parents in classes previously little interested in higher education, of the advantages to be had from a professional training for their children. On the other hand, the counter-trend becomes evident as the competition for places in higher education becomes more severe and upper-class parents are even more insistent in urging their children to take their studies seriously lest they slip from their position in the hierarchy. Socialization in the family and socialization in the school are linked and 84

D. S. Anderson

666,843

TOTAL

while opportunities for professional training are seen to be limited it is unrealistic to expect schooling to overcome those relative disadvantages which are resident in the family. An argument for the diversification of admissions to higher education can be made in terms of the leadership contribution which representatives of disadvantaged groups may make as graduates. The case seems fairly obvious in groups such as U.S. blacks or Australian aboriginals where there is a strong group identification and the graduate is likely to be attracted to work for his people. For more diffuse groups such as "the working class" the argument is weaker because education may be seen as a means of escape from one's origins. Nonetheless it would appear desirable for a number of reasons that the legal profession, for example, recruit its future practitioners from a broader band of occupational backgrounds than is the case at present. Whereas higher education in universities may be seen as an investment providing considerable benefit for the student, total university income ($167.6 million in 1968, excluding income for specific purposes) derives mainly from governments. The break-up for 1968 was: Table 6

Commonwealth government

67,875

40.5

State governments

57,879

34.5

Fees

22,211

13.3

Other

19,658

11.7

SOURCE: Bureau of Census and Statistics, University Statistics, 1968, Part 3, Finance.

Since about two-thirds of all fees are from scholarships, mainly government, the Commonwealth and state

New Structures and New Approaches

contributions are even higher than indicated in the table. Alternative means of student assistance, including loans, are currently being studied. At present some universities operate loan schemes but the funds available are sufficient to assist only a very small proportion of students.

It will have been evident from the first section of this paper that the major new structural development in Australian higher education is the development of advanced colleges. These colleges are seen as an alternative to universities for the education of highly able schoolleavers. In some subject areas the colleges more or less parallel the universities, in others university emphasis on liberal arts or basic science courses are complemented by college courses of a much more applied nature. The long-established professions of law and medicine continue to rely on universities to train their recruits; more recent professions such as engineering and management can be found in both universities and advanced colleges, newly emerging professions such as nursing, computerprogramming, and pharmacy will be found mainly in advanced colleges. It is easy to see parallels between type of educational institution, the prestige of occupations, and the social class of students' parents. Nonetheless, the emergence of colleges has considerably increased the choice of courses and quality available to school-leavers, not only because of what the new colleges offer, but also because universities are beginning to experience some competition for good students. One of the distinctive features of the Australian university scene has been the high proportion of undergraduates who study part-time, usually while in full-time, or near full-time, employment. The proportion is now declining under the pressure of intensively competitive entry, but in 1970 the part-timer was still about 35 per cent of the undergraduate population. Whatever the shortcomings of a part-time system, and these can be serious, the opportunity has enabled large numbers of capable students, who could not have afforded to enrol full time, to undertake university studies. This is reflected in the social origins of part-time students who, on average, come from middle range, white-collar and manual occupational backgrounds that is suggested by the distribution of full-time students in table 4. Motivation is also important and many of those who become parttime students were uncertain about the wisdom of university study when they left school. After a few years in a job, university study becomes more appealing but domestic and employment responsibilities virtually rule out full-time study. The disadvantages of the part-time system for the student derive from the often conflicting demands of the three worlds of work, study, and home. The very high Australia

85

drop-out rate of part-time students—less than 50 per cent complete their studies—is evidence of this. On the university side, the part-time student is a difficult fellow to work into the corporate life of the institution. There is some dispute about his level of achievement compared with the full-time: if withdrawal for non-academic reasons (as far as this can be ascertained) is not counted, the examination performance of the two groups is not very different.14 Surveys have shown that special problems arise for the part-timer in universities which do not provide for his special needs. The new Macquarie University has set out from the beginning to develop an administrative structure and special methods of teaching and learning suited to the needs of its part-time students. For example, novel techniques have been devised for sending through the post equipment for scientific exercises. A social and study centre encourages group life among the part-time students and special administrative arrangements facilitate efficient communication between student and staff. The University of New England has for many years maintained a large program of external studies for students who may be employed anywhere within a 300 or more mile radius of the campus. In addition to such things as the posting of lecture notes, reading guides, assignments, and tests, regional meetings are arranged and travelling tutors keep in touch with students and put them in touch with one another. Each year all students must attend a residential session on campus. The scheme has been carefully evaluated and the university is convinced that the academic record of its external students is at least equal to that of the full-time ones. Most universities and colleges are attempting innovations directed at the improvement of learning and teaching. Since the 1950s student counselling services have been common in universities. Several of these services, as well as assisting individual students, have been successful in directing attention to the effect of the university environment on student mental health and on the quality of students' learning. The extreme position taken by one such counselling service is that its own existence is evidence of breakdown in relationship between students and staff and between student and student. Partly as a result of pressure from counselling services, attention has been directed to the nature of university teaching, and during the 60s several universities have established projects aimed at improving university teach86

D. S. Anderson

ing. Monash University offers a diploma course in higher education and has attracted to the course staff from within and from outside universities. The University of Melbourne provides a confidential consultative service to staff. The methods include observation of teaching, counselling of individual staff members, seminars, surveys, and assembly of student opinion. The service works in close association with an education research unit, an audio-visual aids centre, and the counselling service. Although considerable use is being made of new aids such as television and teaching carrels, an assumption which still pervades university teaching is that an active association between student and staff-member, and between student and student, is central to the learning process. The small-group tutorial or discussion remains an important component of teaching arrangements although a declining staff-student ratio is eroding much of the meaning from the old-fashioned notion that university education involves a "meeting of minds." The pressure of numbers will be felt even more acutely as a majority of each age-group comes to see further education as a major means of enhancing its life-chances; under these circumstances the maintenance of reasonable quality in teaching and learning is becoming the major challenge in higher education.

REFERENCES AND NOTES 1. Tertiary Education in Australia, Report of the Committee on the Future of Tertiary Education in Australia to the Australian Universities Commission (Chairman L. H. Martin) (Canberra: Commonwealth Government Printer, 1964).

14. "Part-time Students at the Australian National University," report of a survey conducted by the Education Research Unit, Research School of Social Sciences (Roneoed), Australian National University, 1970.

2. Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4. First Report of the Commonwealth Advisory Committee on Advanced Education (Chairman I. W. Wark) (Canberra: Commonwealth Government Printer, 1966). 5. Ibid. 6. The first of these studies has been published: H. Maddox, Students Entering Applied Science Courses in Colleges of Advanced Education, Occasional Report No. 1, Education Research Unit, Research School of Social Sciences (Canberra: The Australian National University, 1970). The second study, on costs and benefits in Australian education, is under the direction of Dr. C. Selby Smith. 7. S. S. Richardson, "A Role and Purpose for Colleges of Advanced Education," G. S. Harman and C. Selby Smith (eds.), Australian Higher Education: Problems of a Developing System (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1972). 8. For a detailed account of structure in each state see P. G. Law, "Problems in the Coordination of CAE's, Universities and Teachers' Colleges in Australia," paper delivered to section 22, ANZAAS, Brisbane, 1971. 9. "Training for Industry and Commerce," a national conference sponsored by the Department of Labour and National Service, Canberra, 1971. A report which contrasts Australian and European arrangements for trade training is The Training of Skilled Workers in Europe: Report of the Australian Tripartite Mission 1968-69, Department of Labour & National Service (Chairman B. H. Tregillis) (Tasmania: Government Printer, 1970). 10. Proceedings Royal Australia Chemical Institute, 149, 1966. The ANU study is: "Chemistry Ph.D.'s, Supply and Demand" (Roneoed), by the careers sub-committee of the Research School of Chemistry, Institute of Advanced Studies, 1970. 11. A public servant concerned with manpower and education planning contrasted Australia's "laissez-faire" system with the highly controlled structure operating in France. Apart from the problems caused by a rapidly changing industrial structure he doubted if such planning could be as firmly implanted in the administrative structure or national consciousness. There has been one attempt to draw up a national economic plan (the Commonwealth Committee of Economic Enquiry) but its implementation foundered on a political philosophy dedicated to the proposition that economic decisions must depend to a great extent on private initiative. 12. W. D. Borrie, "The Demography of Higher Education," in G. S. Harman and C. Selby Smith (eds.), Australian Higher Education: Problems of a Developing System (Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1972). 13. D. S. Anderson andj. S. Western, "Social Profiles of Students in Four Professions," in Quarterly Review of Australian Education (Australian Council for Educational Research, Dec. 1970), 3/4.

Australia

87

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Post-Secondary Education in the Federal Republic of Germany

by Hermann Granzow

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Educational Planning in the Federal Republic of Germany [A note prepared by the editor on the basis of information provided by Dr. Granzow] The Basic Law of 1949, which provided for the creation of the new Federal Republic of Germany allocated the powers with respect to education almost exclusively to the states (lander). The legislative competence of the central government was limited to the promotion of scientific research and the development of extra-mural education. For the ensuing period of twenty years, until 1969, the development of the West German education system rested in the hands of the individual states. That the system developed with some degree of uniformity and coherence was due initially to the high degree of inter-state cooperation and integration, and the dominant role played by the universities in the total pattern of German education. At an early stage, too, in the course of exploiting even the apparently limited powers of the central government in the educational field, a pattern of federal-state collaboration began to emerge, leading to what can now be described as a real partnership between the two jurisdictional areas of government. From the beginning, the lander acknowledged a responsibility for providing for some degree of coordination and uniformity in the field of education. Two devices for securing voluntary interstate cooperation are to be noted. The first is the device of consultation, achieved initially through the Standing Conference of the Ministers of Education and Cultural Affairs in the Federal Republic of Germany. So far more than 300 general agreements between the states have been arrived at through this mechanism. In important matters the states may develop what are essentially inter-state treaties. For example, in 1955 the states formalized a paramount agreement in the "Agreement on Uniformity in the School System." The application of these treaties, to the extent that they involve legislative enactment, is the responsibility of the individual state parliaments. As indicated, the German universities have played their role in inducing some degree of uniformity into the general educational system of the country. This derives in part from the traditional uniformity of the universities themselves, and their virtually uniform qualification requirements which serve to set an effective common standard for, at least, university preparation. Some degree of consistency also follows the fact that the gymnasium teachers are all trained in this relatively homogeneous university environment. The more recent period of federal-state cooperative

arrangements seems to begin in 1957 with the foundation, on the basis of an agreement between the federation and the lander, of the Science Council. This joint advisory committee comprising representatives of the scientific and academic community as well as of the two areas of government is empowered to advise on matters of scientific and university policy. It has continued to be an important voice in overall university planning. In 1965 a further inter-governmental agreement provided for the establishment of the German Educational Council. This body was to be advisory committee for the whole of the educational system outside the university sector. In the same year, important changes in the Basic Law provided for a substantial extension of the influence of the central government into the area of education, particularly in university affairs. The federation was empowered to provide for educational assistance, and given certain concurrent powers to deal with the university system and its problems of extension and expansion. Constitutional changes also provided a basis for federation-lander agreements in educational planning. Formal agreements have been arrived at between the federation and the lander in the areas of research promotion, university expansion, and student assistance. There has also been a departure from original constitutional principles of a rigid division of expenditures and of tasks between levels of government. Co-financing of university expenditures has become an increasingly important factor in educational development. More recently, important new bits of federal-state machinery have been added to the educational planning complex, the most interesting being the Planning Committee for Construction of Higher Education Facilities, and the Joint Commission for Educational Planning. However, rather elaborate inter-state consultative machinery does continue to operate. The Kultusministerkonferenz continues to be the coordinating body for matters falling essentially within the competence of the states. In financial matters, this body works with the Conference of Finance Ministers through a joint working group. Important matters, particularly those related to inter-state agreements and understandings, are referred for final disposition to the Conference of MinistersPresident. In September of 1969 a federal law was passed on the promotion of university facilities. This law provided for the creation of the Planning Committee for Construction Germany

91

The Role and Goals of Post-Secondary Education

of Higher Education Facilities, the functions of which are described in Dr. Granzow's paper. In 1970 an agreement was reached between the federal and the state governments which provided for the creation of a Joint Commission for Educational Planning. This commission comprises equally balanced representation (eleven members each) of the lander and the central government. It is specifically charged with the responsibility of producing a long-term general plan for the coordinated development of the entire German educational system, and medium-term, phased, detailed plans for the realization of the broad objectives set out in the general plan. It is also required to examine the fiscal aspects of its proposals and to make recommendations for the joint financing of its schemes. Procedurally, the recommendations of the commission are submitted to the twelve heads of government for discussion and approval. Any decision requires the approval of nine of the twelve heads, and even then such decisions are binding only on those who have given their approval.

92

Hermann Granzow

General Remarks The educational system in the Federal Republic of Germany is in the process of changing. The present system of separate institutions is to be replaced by a differentiation by levels and functions. The primary level (age group 6-10) will be followed by a more or less integrated secondary level with two stages: age groups 10-15 and 1618. Post-secondary education is to take place in institutions of higher education and in institutions of further education, both representing the third level ("Tertiarer Bereich"), as well as in manifold institutions of adult education. In the course of a development which began in 1969, a considerable number of institutions of further education (especially engineering colleges with a student population of 76,000 in 1969) are being upgraded and integrated into the higher education sector. This sector, which for some 150 years had been following Humbolt's university concept, is currently undergoing a change the importance of which may be compared to that of the early nineteenth century. The major consequences marking the end of the traditional university are the following: creation of a more comprehensive and diversified type of higher education; greater differentiation of study lines and research activities; introduction of numerous courses which until recently had not been taught at university level; greater mobility within the system; more homogeneity of staff; and an explosive expansion of enrolments in post-secondary education and of the required staff and facilities. This comprehensive type of higher education will not be a school of the nation for its elite. It simply constitutes a sector of the educational system—simultaneously providing considerable research capacity—which offers a differentiated and flexible service for a major part of society. Until very recently, only five to six per cent of an age group attended institutions of higher education, mostly universities of the classical Humboldt type or teacher colleges striving for university status. Seven per cent of an age group had the privilege of finishing a secondary school of the academic type (gymnasium) which gave access to higher education. By 1980, more than 30 per cent of the comparable age group will hold some kind of school leaving certificate which will open the way to higher studies, and 22 per cent are expected to be enrolled in institutions of higher education.* Such enrolment rates will call for a different type of

secondary school student, a different curriculum, different leaving certificates, and a completely new organization of the higher education system. It goes without saying that the expansion in higher education, and the inclusion of fields of study which in the past have served to prepare middle management or highly qualified technicians, will have an influence on the scheme of salaries paid to future graduates. The differentiation of lines of study will necessarily produce a change in employment opportunities: higher education as a product for the masses cannot grant the benefits of the old university which had to produce "new blood" for the upper five per cent of society. It may well be, however, that many or even most of secondary school students who intend to go on to higher education five or seven years from now, are not yet fully aware of this change. This also holds true for their parents and part of the higher education staff. The implications of democratization in upper secondary and higher education are by no means realized by a society which through centuries became accustomed to thinking in terms of "academic" and "other" people, which groups accounted respectively for 5 and 95 per cent of the population. In view of this socio-psychological situation it would, therefore, be no surprise at all if a growing pressure for higher status should eventually lead to frustration and tensions. * The author realizes that these figures are impressive only when compared with conditions recently prevailing in Germany and some other western European countries. Attendance rates for upper secondary or higher education in such countries as the USA, Canada, or the USSR show the real possibilities of expansion. On the other hand the possibilities of some nations must not be the necessities of others having their specific traditions and present problems. Quantitative and Financial Aspects

According to the present assumptions of the Joint Commission for Educational Planning, the number of German students at institutions of higher education should increase in accordance with the following goals: a more than proportional increase in the percentage of students enrolled in shorter courses of study (3 to 3.5 years) and a lesser increase in the number of students taking longer studies (4 to 5 years and the 6-year course in medicine); stabilization of the percentage of teacher-training students at the rate of approximately 5 per cent of an age group (with 2.5 per cent studying for 3.5 and 2.5 per cent

for 4.5 years); an increase in the proportion of students enrolled in natural and engineering sciences; reduction of time actually spent on the so-called longer studies with no corresponding extension of the shorter studies. This will call for intensive reform of curricula, guidance, and examination procedures and a by far more effective use of plant, equipment, and personnel. The following tables give some indications of these targets. It should be mentioned, however, that these figures, being part of the third draft of the education plan (May 1971), do not yet reflect new facts concerning longrange demands for teachers. Table 1 1969f

1975

1980

1985

German Students: New Entrants as Percentage of Respective Age Groups 13.9

20.0

Shorter studies

3.5

4.8

6.5

8.0

Longer studies

5.5

7.5

7.8

8.3

Teacher studies

4.9

7.5

7.7

8.7

Total thereof:

22.0

25.0

German Students: Enrolments (1 ,000) Total thereof:

419

618

803

979

Shorter studies

68

112

175

242

Longer studies

201

276

336

394

Teacher studies

151

239

292

343

German Students: New Entrants by Field of Study (1 ,000) Humanities

33

46

54

60

Math, natural sciences

23

36

46

57

Social sciences, law

19

27

36

48 13

Medicine Engineering sciences TOTAL

4

8

11

33

46

65

82

112

163

212

260

fpart of students at institutions of further education which will be integrated into the newly defined system of higher education in 1971-72.

The costs of this expansion will be enormous. The joint commission is presently considering an estimate of the financial consequences of its first (draft) plan. According to this estimate and certain assumptions conGermany

93

Table 2 Projected Development of Average Length of Studies (Years)

1969

1975

1980

1985

Shorter studies

-

3.2

3.2

3.2

Longer studies

6.0

5.8

5.0

4.5

Humanities

Math, natural sciences Shorter studies

3.4

3.5

3.5

3.5

Longer studies

5.9

5.8

5.5

5.0

Shorter studies

3.8

3.5

3.5

3.5

Longer studies

5.1

5.0

4.5

4.5

Shorter studies

3.5

3.5

3.5

3.5

Longer studies

5.3

5.2

5.0

5.0

Social sciences, law

Engineering sciences

cerning teacher-student ratios and cost-limits regarding capital investment, the total cost of implementing the plan would amount to: Table 3

Projected Cost of Education Plan

1970

1975

1980

1985

In billion dollars at prices of 1970 7.4

11.6

16.2

20.5

3

4.7

5.8

Higher education

1.1

On the basis of a projected growth of GNP for the next 15 years and an estimated increase of total government expenditure as a proportion of GNP from an average 35 per cent of GNP in 1965-70 to 40 per cent in 1985, the share of the education and science budget in total public expenditure is expected to rise from 15.3 per cent in 1970 to 24.5 per cent in 1985 while expenditures for all other public activities will decrease from 84.6 per cent in 1970 to 76.5 percent in 1985. Or, according to current estimates, expenditures for education and science in the next fifteen years will have to increase at an average annual rate of 9.7 per cent as compared with a growth rate of 5.3 per cent for all other activities and 6.2 per cent for the public budget as such. The implication of this projection naturally provoked 94

Hermann Granzow

strong opposition, which caused the commission to revise its original plan. The commission is now about to develop alternative targets and modifications. The most critical point is the period from 1971 to 1975, where numerical expansion (even without reform) will be enormous, while the scope for political action concerning directing and differentiating it is practically nil. With regard to the post-secondary sector, the joint commission in this process of feedback has to analyse— among many structural, that is, political problemsthree most important issues: the cost and effectiveness of this sector compared with its share in the entire educational system; the consequences of new facts concerning future demands for teachers; a possible revision of admission procedures, that is, the problem of transferring from the upper secondary to the tertiary sector of education.

The Relationship of Post-Secondary Education to Manpower Planning

The more relationships between planning approaches (be it the manpower or social demand or another approach) and the real development of post-secondary education are discussed (and there are many related "metres" of books in each library specialized in this business) the more it becomes apparent that the gap between theory and practice today is even greater than before those highly sophisticated considerations were introduced. In all probability this is true of the Western countries where there is little possibility (or inclination) to introduce manpower-directed admission procedures. One should frankly admit that the general preference for the social demand approach, to a certain extent combined with the influence of market tendencies, is something midway between liberal philosophy and recognition of the facts as they are. For the Federal Republic one must wholly accept the conclusion of Professor William Taylor in his Report for the Seventh Conference of European Ministers of Education (June 1971): In no Western country can it be said that the structure and organization of the system of post-secondary has been, or in the foreseeable future is likely to be, determined principally in accordance with manpower requirements. But that these influence the structure and organization of the system there can be no doubt. SOURCE: ("Policy and Planning for Post-Secondary Education", p. 23). Though not exercising a manpower approach, West Germany has gained some experience with regard to the identification of urgent demands for certain groups of qualified personnel on one hand and upper limitations of demands for some professions on the other. We simply know that in some areas there is, and in the future will be, heavy demand which cannot be saitsfied—either for reasons of training capacity or because people show little inclination to choose a particular profession. Evidence of this kind can result in action being limited to certain sectors, but it cannot claim to point towards a coherent system of policy measures. Nevertheless it may be a contribution towards rational policy in education. Some examples will serve to illustrate this kind of experience. In 1956 the Standing Conference of Ministers of Education of the German lander by a special survey iden-

tified a long-range demand for graduate engineers as well as a serious lack of capacity of the respective training facilities—the colleges of engineering (institutions of further education). In the light of these and related findings the eleven lander launched an extension program which had considerable success. The number of colleges of engineering increased from 82 with an enrolment of 39,000 in 1958 to 144 with a student population of 63,000 in 1968. The purposeful expansion of these special institutions (below university level) is also demonstrated by a change in the relation between graduates from colleges of engineering and students graduating with the diploma of technical universities (2.7:1 in 1958; 3.5:1 in 1967), a development which seemed to correspond to the demands of industry. These institutions are now being upgraded in order to become part of the new comprehensive system of higher education, a typical example of diversification in post-secondary education. The long-range demand for medical doctors and dentists was assessed by the Science Council (Wissenschaftsrat) in 1967. The target for sufficient supply of medical services for the population was set at a ratio of one doctor for 630 inhabitants (1:690 in 1966). The respective ratio for dentists is to be 1:2,000 (1:2,180 in 1971). Medical faculties and teaching hospitals are being expanded in accordance with these demands. In spite of these efforts, expansion is inadequate in relationship to the aspirations of applicants, only one third of whom can be admitted. Since capacity in this particular, very expensive field—almost 40 per cent of capital investment in higher education is devoted to medical faculties including university hospitals—must be limited to assessed requirements, the numerus clausus in medical faculties will continue. The most interesting and surprising field of manpower planning is the vast sector of the teaching professions. (According to the census of 1961, 23.3 per cent of all men and 60.5 per cent of all women with higher education background were teachers). In the fifties— a period in which the traditional educational system underwent only little change or none at all—the demand for teachers had neither been assessed nor considered in other ways. Schools simply had their teachers, and where they did not have them, pupils and parents had to put up with the situation which meant accepting inadequate studentteacher ratios (as at elementary and primary levels) or cancelling part of instruction (as is currently the case at Germany

95

part-time vocational schools). Some more conservative lander governments even warned graduates of secondary schools against taking up teacher studies because these governments anticipated a very limited scope for additional demands in this field. In the sixties—in the wake of rising incomes, greater mobility, growing demands for qualified personnel, and intensified participation in international discussion concerning relationships between economic growth and education—people and governments got more "educationminded." In 1963 the Standing Conference of Ministers of Education published its "Assessment of Requirements" (Bardarfsfeststellung) calling for a substantial increase in facilities and staff for the educational system as well as adequate funds to meet these demands. In 1964, Georg Picht, a professor with Lutherian strength in his formulations, published a series of articles concerning the "German educational catastrophe" which, together with the more temperate findings of the Standing Conference of the Ministers of Education had an enormous effect on public opinion and governmental action. The catastrophe Picht anticipated mainly referred to the very modest rates of an age group graduating from the gymnasium and the insufficient number of potential applicants for the teaching profession. According to Professor Picht practically all graduates of the gymnasium had to become teachers in order to meet the schools' most urgent demands. In the course of a few years the percentage of students in secondary grammar schools increased, drop-out and wastage rates decreased, and in teacher training colleges an explosion of enrolment figures took place. High birth rates and additional demand for extended secondary education swept more children into primary and more teenagers into secondary schools. A typical slogan of this time was, "Send your child for a longer period to better schools!" This expansion in secondary schools will find its natural continuation in higher education in the decade to come. Due to the still existing shortage of teachers at all levels a growing percentage of students in higher education enrol for teacher studies. A recent enquiry among all graduates of the gymnasia shows that of those planning to attend higher education institutions, 43 per cent (28 per cent of male and 60 per cent of female graduates) want to go into teaching. According to this trend, with respect to recent projec96

Hermann Granzow

tions of strong age groups of one million children for the coming decades and aiming at a decisive improvement of student-teacher ratios as well as working conditions for teachers, the Joint Commission for Educational Planning in its first considerations assumed an unaltered high demand for teachers, 7.5 per cent (1975) to 8.7 per cent (1985) of an age group. These figures indicate that more than one third of all entrants to higher education were supposed (and wanted) to choose a corresponding field of study. During the last months, however, educational planners were forced to revise their projections for two reasons: 1. The extensive use of the "pill" has changed demographic conditions of teacher demand. In 1970, the birth rate was 20 per cent lower than expected, which seems to be a trend. Consequently, age groups of 800,000 will enter schools in 1976 and the following years instead of the one million children per annum which hitherto has been one of the standard parameters of long-term planning. This "pill break," as planners call it, evidently poses many questions, of which consequences as to teacher demand are, with respect to numerous interdependencies in this field, the most intricate ones. 2. Targets for student-teacher ratios in the next fifteen years have given rise to objections for financial, labour market, and political reasons. All the ministers of finance of the federal and lander governments have said frankly that they see no possibility of paying double the number of better trained and therefore more expensive teachers in 1985, while total enrolment figures will increase by only ten per cent. Experts on economic and labour market issues have warned of the problems of absorbing too many people into the education sector in a period of overemployment and long-term manpower shortages in many key sectors of national economy. Taking these reasons into account others have made the point that the explosion of unnecessary expenditures on personnel will cut down the share available for capital investment and reduce the chances of reform-oriented structural changes within the educational system. In view of all these aspects the joint commission decided to reduce the targets for student-teacher ratios. The targets, nevertheless, are still rather ambitious. Ratios for the elementary (age group 3-5) and primary level (age group 6-10) and for the secondary level I (age group 11-16), for instance, are to develop as follows:

Table 4 1970

1975

1980

1985

Elementary level

25

21

17-19

13-15

Primary level

42

35

28-30

19-23

Secondary level I

27

23

20-22

18-20

The problem is that targets for 1975 can not be realized because of too many pupils and insufficient output of new teachers. However, starting in 1980 and particularly in 1985, due to a greater output of teachers and reduced numbers of students in the schools, there will exist a considerable surplus of young teachers, if the proportion of teacher students in the total student population is not drastically reduced. According to preliminary projections based on these new facts it would be more than sufficient to consolidate the number of teacher students at the rate of five per cent of an age group. The commission is consequently facing the following decisions: Shall the respective figures in the present draft of its plan be reduced by 2.3 per cent (1970) and 3.7 per cent (1985)? Should these potentital applicants be guided to other fields of study or should the total number of students rather be reduced by approximately 2 per cent in 1980 (in this case 20 per cent of an age group would be admitted, the same percentage as in 1975) and by approximately 3.5 per cent in 1985 (or admission of 21.5 per cent of an age group)? In its decisions the commission has to steer a course between the Scylla of over-qualification and the Charybdis of terminating open entrance to higher education by 1980 at the latest. This would mean replacing the German "Abitur" which entitles every student holding a secondary school leaving certificate to a place in an institution of higher education by an almost general numerus clausus according to which the certificate only ensures eligibility for further admission procedures. Though the latter system exists all over the world it goes without saying that such a decision in Germany will, for obvious reasons, be a very hard one and one which will be subject to criticism of all kinds. One particular matter should be briefly mentioned at this point. Expansion in upper secondary and higher education planned by the joint commission can no longer be seen as a problem of inside manpower planning, as an

instrument of adequate supply for certain professions. We know that the expansion of the educational system does not only reflect demands but also creates new demands which would not otherwise exist. The market, therefore, with regard to employment opportunities, is much more flexible and broad than conservative planners often dare to imagine. This is also confirmed by recent enquiries that show a considerable demand for professionals in industry. Seventy-eight per cent of managers asked believe that there will be increasing demand for personnel with university training in technical and business fields. The enquiry identifies the following areas as those with particularly high demand: research, development, production, sales, and organization. From this global point of view, West Germany's central problem in educational policy is not the danger of underemployment or inadequate employment of highly qualified manpower. According to the 1961 census only 2.9 per cent of all employed persons had completed higher education—this outlines the horizon for future expansion. In view of a general shortage of manpower there is, however, little space for fast and massive expansion without serious impact on productivity and economic growth. Experts in the Federal Ministry of Economics and Finance have stated that the planned expansion of the system especially in the upper secondary and higher education sectors will, in the fifteen years to come, draw 1.8 million people from employment and the labour market (1.2 million more than anticipated in long-term projections of this ministry). The consequence might be —according to these experts—a lower increase in the GNP. Since the federal republic already employs two million workers from other countries, there are certain limitations for the provision of additional manpower. In other words, the demand for people with higher qualifications and its satisfaction can only be seen in relation to the global demands for manpower in the entire system of national economy. Under these conditions, the shift in employment from the goods-producing sectors to the service-providing sectors—common to all industrialized countries—gives rise to more problems than usual. (This may not be typical of countries not having overemployment.) Would it be wise, then, to give an additional push to the service sector beyond the natural trend or will it be necessary to keep some reserves in store for the goods-producing industry? Germany

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Accessibility

The special component of interactions between education and economic growth might lead to the (very theoretical) question: which demand is of more importance to a given economy so as to command priority? To put it a very cynical way: overemployment and boom are detrimental to educational expansion; educational reforms must take place during recession periods. In reality, developments are not dependent on such considerations. It seems that expansion will continue anyway and that the economy must look for new ways to secure its wanted and needed growth with less or another kind of human capital.

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Hermann Granzow

The present system of access to post-secondary education in West Germany may be compared to a system of narrow channels. The main group of students (375,000 in 1969) attending universities or such equivalent institutions as teacher training colleges are graduates of the gymnasium. In 1969, 9 per cent of an age group completed this type of school with the Abitur (male students with 11 per cent were better represented than female students with 7.4 per cent). The Abitur, thanks to very little specialization, grants access to all fields of study. Ninety per cent of those holding the Abitur actually attend higher education institutions, thus marking the very close correlation between secondary education of academic type and the opportunities provided by higher education. There are evening and day schools for adults and working youth who intend to acquire the Abitur. In 1969, 2,600 Abitur certificates were granted by such "second way" institutes, a very small proportion when compared with the "first way" through the gymnasium. There exists a general numerus clausus in medicine, dentistry, pharmacy, and psychology; in other areas, such as chemistry and architecture, admission is difficult, but in fact mainly a problem of adequate distribution to various institutions. Another channel is opened for those who want to attend colleges of engineering or other institutions of professional training, which are now being integrated into the comprehensive system of higher education, but for the next years require other qualifications for admission than universities and teacher training colleges. Whereas the gymnasium in its regular form comprises 9 years (based on 4 years of primary schooling so that a 13-year attendance is required for the Abitur) the path to the colleges of engineering and other "Fachhochschulen" is one year shorter and characterized by another curriculum. Applicants have to complete a "Fachoberschule," a new type of upper secondary school established in 1969 and comprising grades 11 and 12. The 11th year is chiefly devoted to practical training, the 12th one to general instruction (including one foreign language) and theoretical courses in the respective field of specialization. This can be engineering, economics and administration, social studies, design, or navigation. Graduates are only prepared for the Fachhochschulen and have no possibility so far of direct transition to universities. It is, however, possible to get admission to

Table 5 1970

1975

1980

1985

Courses qualifying for a vocation part-time (2-3 years) full-time (2 years)

57 15

49 17

43 19

37 21

Courses qualifying for higher education (2-3 years)

14

17

20

22

4

9

12

15

Courses preparing those being not apt for the final certificate for employment (at least one year full time) 10

8

6

5

100

100

100

100

Courses qualifying for higher education and a vocation (2-3 years)

TOTAL

university courses (mostly in the respective field of study) after some semesters at the Fachhochschule or—in any case—after its completion. The enrolment in Fachhochschulen is approximately 85,000 students. The channel, the Fachoberschule, seems to increase at a fast rate. It is estimated that in 1971, 4 per cent of one age group attends such a school. The third major group of students in post-secondary education is attending technical schools (Fachschulen). These schools in general provide a complete vocational training and some practical experience on the job, and train medium-level specialists for industry, crafts, agriculture, domestic science, and social and medical work. Graduates usually cannot go on to higher education institutions. In 1969, approximately 105,000 students were enrolled in technical schools. Lastly there are the almost unlimited facilities of adult education run by communities, industry, trade unions, churches, and private firms (the latter especially offering correspondence courses). These institutions provide general and vocational courses. Some of them issue their own certificates, but there is no comprehensive system of formal and generally recognized qualification which could be compared with patterns in public education. The system of access by streamlined channels will be changed in the future. The Joint Commission for Educational Planning has recommended the development of a new structure of secondary education and a corresponding change of final examinations. The Abitur, closely linked with university admission, and the certificate of the Fachoberschule, linked with the colleges of engineering and similar institutions, will both be integrated into

a new differentiated kind of leaving certificate called "Sekundarabschluss II." The upper level of all secondary schools, whether they are general or vocational (even part-time) ones, will be completed with this certificate, offering numerous possibilities for further and higher education. Practically 90 per cent of an age group will hold the new certificate the quality of which is not dependent on its name but on its contents. Differentiation will depend on the level, the kind, and the mix of courses attended and the subjects chosen by the graduate during his or her school career. In a process of experimentation and permanent reform of curricula and vocational patterns the unnatural, discriminating separation between general and vocational education shall be overcome. The qualification of the leaving certificate is to be expressed by its "profile." There will be, of course, profiles granting access to all fields of study (as the Abitur of today), but, in general, a certain shift towards a qualified admission determined by the special bias of the profile will take place. There is some concern because of the danger of early specialization, but it is hoped that a balanced solution can be found. Quantities are changing too. The joint commission projects the rates of attendance in upper secondary schools (age group 16-18/19) shown in table 5. Quantitative expansion in upper secondary and higher education often is supposed to indicate democratization. In fact the democratizing effect of structural reforms and a new curriculum in a given system are more relevant. One must admit that the educational system of the Federal Republic of Germany, in spite of many positive Germany

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tendencies, cannot yet pretend to be a model of equal opportunities. Grave underrepresentation of major groups of the population (wage earners, farmers, Catholics, and girls) in the upper levels of the system and corresponding occupations is an object of criticism and the concern of reformers. The tripartite system in secondary education, starting with selection and separation at the age of ten, the strong philological-historical bias of the gymnasium, insufficient practical, financial, and psychological encouragement of wage earners to send their children to schools leading up to higher education, and high drop-out rates of children from those families—these are the most important reasons for the unequal participation by various social strata in upper secondary and higher education. In 1965, 30.1 per cent of all students attending the last year of the gymnasium had fathers with university education; the father of 27.6 per cent was a civil servant; 32.0 per cent came from families of employees below managerial status. More than 30 per cent had fathers in professional or liberal occupations. Only 6.4 per cent came from workers' families. Only 37 per cent of students in grade 13 were girls. The situation at universities, of course, corresponds to this picture: in 1966 only 5.7 per cent of all students came from workers' and 2.8 per cent from farmers' families, representing 50 per cent of the population, but 37.4 per cent came from civil servants' families—a group which has always known the chances of a good education and has always been ready to face opportunities foregone, even if the income of the family was relatively small. 36.6 per cent of all university students came from families where at least one parent had attended a university, whereas only 2.9 per cent of all people in employment had university education. As Professor Taylor says in his above-mentioned paper: "In practice it is known that the better off and better educated strata of society give rise to more 'social demand' than the less privileged" (p. 17). This state of accessibility of post-secondary education is also partly a consequence of the length of time to be devoted to obtaining a degree in higher education. Thirteen years at school, 5 years at university and possibly another 18-24 months of preparatory service at modest pay, as for all future civil servants including teachers, are too heavy a burden for many families if a good income can already be earned by a qualified worker or 100 Hermann Granzow

craftsman at the age of 18. Another factor seems to be the difficulty for parents without gymnasium education to help their children with school work. Improvement in this respect must be vast and of financial as well as of structural nature. "" While secondary education has long been free, fees in higher education institutions were abolished in 1970-71, too. Twenty per cent of students at school and 30 per cent of university students receive scholarships. In 1970, 128 million dollars were spent for direct financial support in post-secondary education, as compared to 56 million in 1965. The planned reform of structure (greater permeability, comprehensive systems) and curriculum (greater appreciation of natural science and practical subjects, more possibilities of individual choice of subjects and courses, convergence or even integration of general and vocational elements), better guidance and the above-mentioned substitution of the channelling examination system by a differentiated certificate with various profiles, certainly will result in better participation of all groups of society in upper secondary and higher education. It is also to be hoped that the reforms in higher education itself—new structures and content of courses, shortening of time necessary for certain degrees, greater density of institutions, greater permeability within the system, and a greater diversification to meet the needs of the diversity of students will improve both objective and subjective conditions of access. The main question in future will be whether and how expansion in upper secondary education and the traditional open admission policy in higher education can be permanently harmonized. I have already mentioned that the Joint Commission for Educational Planning is to examine this crucial question in the light of new facts concerning the demand for teachers and the relationships between global manpower demands and demand for highly qualified manpower with post-secondary training. Access to higher education at present is open in every possible way. The grade of accessibility in the long run will depend on political decisions and on the share of resources which will be earmarked for education in a period of growing demands of other sectors.

Some Aspects of Post-Secondary Education in Norway

by Kjell Eide

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The Role and Goals of Post-Secondary Education

Official statements on the goals of post-secondary education are rare in Norway. Statements by policy-makers and institutional representatives indicate, however, that consensus may be reached on such formulations as the following:1 Post-secondary education shall offer opportunities for further personal development to everybody who is capable of benefitting from such education. Post-secondary education shall provide the skills necessary for the proper performance of highly qualified professional functions. Post-secondary education shall train its students for critical and constructive contributions to societal development.2 Consensus regarding such formulations tends, however, to disappear when they are interpreted in more operational terms, or when the relative emphasis on the various goals is brought into the discussion. There is no agreement as to what proportion of an age group can benefit from post-secondary education in its present form, and even less when possible future forms of education at this level are taken into account. The point of view that post-secondary education should simply be the kind of education that suits the students who want to attend, is still seen as rather extreme in Norway, though it may be gaining ground. The traditional links between certain post-secondary studies and specific professions are still dominating expectations among Norwegian students, though practical experience points towards a rapid loosening of such ties. The policy recommended by the recent Royal Commission on Post-Secondary Education is one of deliberate breaking down of such links, which are regarded as the backbone of current rigidities in the professional structure, and seen as a major obstacle to societal development. Yet, the idea that the field of study should not predetermine professional careers, or not necessarily serve as a preparation for such careers, is still mostly felt to be foreign and somewhat frightening. As to the general lip service paid to the critical element in post-secondary training, it undoubtedly covers wide divergencies in the interpretation of what kind of critical attitudes should be aimed at in educational programs. Should the emphasis be on informative criticism, searching for new insights and solutions, or on action-oriented criticism, aiming at societal changes

through access to power positions? Should a decisive distinction be drawn between attitudes of individual students, and the collective role of the institutions training them? Is there a leadership role in society to be played by students, professionals, or post-secondary institutions, or is their function one of serving society as a whole without resort to means of prescriptive authority exertion? The relevance issue is equally controversial when attempts are made on operational definitions. Closer links between post-secondary institutions and predominant forces in our society of today, may make the institutions instruments for the conservation of current power structures, reducing the chances of more basic changes in society. Yet, isolating those institutions from contemporary society clearly reduces their potential as agents for change. Opinions thus differ with respect to both aims and means. The actual role played by different post-secondary institutions in Norway has not been subject to more penetrating examination. In addition, we are currently in a very open situation, in which new institutions are searching for their roles, while the older ones are forced to reconsider theirs. A few years ago, Norway had only two full universities, organized largely according to the traditional patterns of continental European universities. In addition, there were a few specialized professional schools at university level, such as those in engineering, agriculture, business economics, veterinary medicine, and dentistry, and a number of smaller institutions for short cycle postsecondary education, training primary school teachers, social workers, librarians, and so forth. The undisputed institutional leadership rested with the University of Oslo, by far the oldest and biggest post-secondary institution. Presently, the University of Bergen has grown to a size permitting the development of an independent institutional profile. Two new universities have been established. The one in Trondheim is based on an amalgamation of the Norwegian Institute of Technology and a college for advanced teacher training, a constellation calling for new organizational solutions. The other, at 70° north in Tromso, is specifically designed to serve the needs of this distant part of the country, with its particular geographical, economic, and ethnic conditions, requiring a full break with traditional university structures. Furthermore, the last two years have seen the estabNorway

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lishment of six district colleges, providing two to three year post-secondary courses in a wide variety of fields. A total of about a dozen such colleges is foreseen, each with a student population of 2000 to 5000 by the mid-1980s. They offer both professional courses and courses corresponding to traditional undergraduate university studies, as well as courses without specific professional orientation. The district colleges are governed by boards with strong regional representation and their role of serving the local community is stressed. In 15 years, their total enrolment is expected to reach 40,000, as compared to 50,000 in the universities. While the separate professional schools tend to merge with the four universities, existing short-cycle institutions are supposed to become integrated in the district colleges. All the institutions should form a common system, with flexible arrangements for transfer of students, and mutual acceptance of credits won. Adding to all this confusing newness, current government policies heavily emphasize the development of recurrent education, and the role of post-secondary institutions in this context. Already today, the district colleges are encouraged to spend up to 25 per cent of their resources on recurrent education courses. This new dimension of educational tasks has not yet by far become integrated into the regular functioning of post-secondary institutions. These new developments have profoundly disrupted the traditional roles of existing institutions. Until recently, they were largely accepted as performing reasonably well in providing the necessary skills and an appropriate selection for highly qualified professional tasks. Wellorganized professional groups saw their interests served by emphasizing the relevance of their training and of the criteria by which they had been selected, thus forming a tightly knit alliance with 'their' institutions in defending established patterns. So far, the situation of Norwegian institutions differed little from that of similar institutions in other European countries. In certain respects, however, the Norwegian scene showed deviating features. Recruitment of students from lower social strata is higher than in most other Western countries, a consequence of historical and political developments which has made modern Norway a culturally homogeneous and socially egalitarian society, as compared to most other countries. This is evidenced, for instance, by the very low private rate of return on 104

KjellEide

university education, less than 5 per cent in Norway as compared to about 10 per cent in the neighbouring Sweden and Denmark.3 Such limited income differentials, combined with correspondingly small differentials in social status, may explain why more than one-half of secondary graduates qualified for entrance to universities prefer other kinds of further education. Of this proportion, nearly onequarter go to vocational training at the secondary level, partly because short cycle post-secondary education, though absorbing nearly a third, still turns large numbers of applicants away. The universities, where most studies offer open access to secondary graduates, only receive about 45 per cent.4 An illustration of this rather unusual situation as compared to other European countries, is the enrolment in primary teacher training seminars, which in terms of secondary graduation marks shows a better average than the university students who are being trained as teachers for secondary schools. A more basic factor underlying this is a growing distrust in the relevance of university education. This has been sharply brought out by the student revolution, which at this point became very significant because it confirmed suspicions widely held elsewhere in society.5 There had long been sufficient evidence of the inability of most lawyers to grasp the social dynamics underlying legal development, the incompetence of medical doctors in dealing with the increasing volume of psychosomatic cases, the helplessness of engineers in handling social and physical milieus, the failure of subject-oriented teachers in dealing with children, the futility of economists' attempts to analyse essential societal problems within their narrow conceptual framework, and so forth. Furthermore, the increasing influence of technocratic strata has provoked a growing awareness of the expert's tendency to claim access to positions of directive authority, far beyond what his professional authority can justify. The professional value indoctrination, solidly rooted in university education, has become more visible. The sacredness of the Law, the various concepts of the healthy human being cherished by physicians and psychologists, and the biased optimality criteria of engineers and economists have been clearly exposed as invalid justifications of attempts to provide professional answers to political questions. Even the recent attempts to establish an ecological ideology, and the more sophisticated approaches of systems analysis and cybernetics, have been

revealed as systematically biased towards technocratic solutions, subtly reviving the claims for political privileges carried by theologians in historical times.6 This setback has also hit the attempts to build up a platform for "science policy" whereby representation of the scientific community might gain privileged access to political influence. New concepts of research policy are emerging, as evidenced in Norway by the recent research policy program of the Labour Party. Research is here conceived as part of a function of societal self-analysis, penetrating all institutions in the society. In the performance of such a function, there is no particular leadership role to be played by established institutions of research, and their particular value structures cannot be permitted to dominate the total function. Such ideas challenge simultaneously the two predominant trade-offs determining current power positions in the world of research. Firstly, the unquestioned authority of performers of academic research, externally and not least within their own institutions, is clearly based on a traditional structuring of scientific disciplines so as to prevent research findings from getting too close to problems of essential relevance to the rest of society. Such relevance means inter-disciplinarity, which is still subject to severe sanctions by the academic reward system, being quite correctly conceived as a serious threat to established authority positions in the academic community. Secondly, applied research is permitted to operate on an interdisciplinary basis, provided that it is strictly controlled by the predominant interest in the sectors concerned. No independent value structures are allowed to develop in institutions performing such research. The disruption of such established balances is a key element in emerging research policies. It implies more freedom for research institutions and individual researchers to provide informative criticism, but leaves no privileged position for members of the research community to exert directive authority. This corresponds to the policy of breaking down the sharp barriers between established professions, blurring their distinctive "professional profiles" and the consequent "professional" value structures. Even the traditional prerogative of the universities to train all their students as if the main purpose is a competitive race of qualification for a limited number of academic research positions, is endangered by such policies. In Norway, the

district colleges are clearly seen as competitive institutions to the universities, and the particular social structure of the country may make such a policy effective also as a means to promote basic changes within the traditional universities. In all countries, the search for new roles by postsecondary institutions may be seen as a fascinating political game. Its outcome is far from clear in Norway, as the real significance of current changes is not yet fully understood by most of the actors. Even among politicians, the full implications of the policy ideas indicated above are not fully realized. The consistent comprehensive and long-range policies needed for their implementation may, therefore, not be forthcoming. One hopeful aspect of the situation is the existence in Norway of a reasonably well-functioning system of responsible political bodies for decision making. There is no need to search desperately for quasi-professional solutions to basic political problems, as a substitute for a properly functioning political process. There still exists, in Norway, a widespread commitment to the basic idea of democracy, that authority of position shall neither be a prerogative for those commanding authority of precedence, nor authority of knowledge. Such deep-rooted attitudes may prove strong enough to counteract current technocratic tendencies. Furthermore, to Norwegian minds, the post-industrial society is not necessarily a society in which instrumental thinking developed within manufacturing industries has penetrated all other areas in society. There is a growing understanding that if our further societies are to be endurable, they must increasingly be dominated by values traditionally confined to the services, and that such values gradually will have to penetrate even industrial sectors of society. In educational terms, this means that our present emphasis on the output of educational institutions gradually will have to yield to an emphasis on the educational process itself, and the qualitative experiences involved for the true clients of this service function, the students themselves. Education should not become a manufacturing industry, producing changes in students upon specifications given by society, by industry, by teachers, or by parents. Such a view, already politically quite influential in Norway, has profound implications for the role to be played also by post-secondary institutions, and for the more specific goals governing policies in this field. Norway

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The Relationship of Post-Secondary Education to Manpower Planning

The rather confused picture of objectives currently determining education policies in Norway, as outlined in the previous section, also leaves some room for manpower considerations. Such concerns have never, however, played a dominant role in policies relating to the development of post-secondary education. Extensive studies on manpower needs in the 1950s revealed a forthcoming shortage of post-secondary graduates in practically all fields,7 judging from conventional qualification requirements. The prime problem, lacking demand for such education by students, caused by specific and temporary social and economic conditions during and after the war, gradually cured itself without major policy measures specifically aimed at this problem. Since then, manpower forecasting has increasingly fallen into disrepute in Norway, partly because of the obvious failure of available techniques in providing valid information on real needs, and partly because of the political attitude that the future educational composition of the Norwegian labour force might as well be determined by the individuals' choices as by some centrally conceived ideas about what our future economy ought to be like. The existence of "numerus clausus" in a number of fields of post-secondary study has a variety of causes, from institutional inertia to exceptionally high costs or fear of excessive supply of graduates. The existence of specific degrees aimed at particular positions with strictly regulated qualification requirements has in some cases caused quantitative regulations of entry to the corresponding courses (for instance primary school teacher training and training of agricultural extension personnel). In certain other fields such as medicine, strong professional pressure groups have been able to enforce monopolistic policies upon the institutions. At the secondary level, the official Norwegian policy is to provide educational facilities corresponding to the demand by students. Only in exceptional cases is entry to specific vocational courses restricted due to fear of excessive supply. Recent recommendations from the Royal Commission on Post-Secondary Education strongly advocate a similar policy at this level, primarily as an expression of general political principles. However, the commission also holds a strong belief in self-regulatory processes, both on the supply and the demand side of the market, stressing particularly the abundant evidence of adaptation to supply conditions by manifest demand, as 106

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well as the lack of correspondence between the latter and what might be the real needs of the economy. A policy of gradual removal of existing entry restrictions is recommended by the commission, and the present political climate in Norway makes the acceptance, at least in principle, of such a policy by the Parliament likely. It should be emphasized that this attitude does not reflect disinterest in the fundamental question of the relationships between education and economic performance. It does mean, however, that the idea of measuring educational contributions to economic development in terms of the number of people with certain occupational labels, has largely been abandoned. The relevant question is what people are able to contribute to economic performance, and this may depend upon a rather different set of factors: How is a man trained, has he achieved genuine problem-solving ability, has he learned to perform in a team, have his creative abilities been developed, and can he deal with problems beyond the narrow professional skills drilled in during his training? These are essential issues in the context of economic development. Our conventional manpower forecasting techniques tell next to nothing on those points.8

Accessibility

As a rule, access to post-secondary education in Norway requires graduation from general, upper-level secondary institutions (gymnas)9'. The same formal qualifications may be obtained without attendance at such institutions, as is the case with 6 per cent of those obtaining them, presently amounting to about one-quarter of the age group. An exception clause, permitting post-secondary institutions to admit applicants with (undefined) "equivalent" qualifications, has not been used to a significant extent. Current thinking points towards a more liberal interpretation of "equivalent" qualifications, as evidenced by the admittance practices of the new district colleges. A major change of policy in this respect depends upon the universities, as the strict equivalence of real entrance qualifications for different post-secondary institutions is a keystone of policy in this field. There are some signs that the universities are now prepared to go some way in this direction. More important are changes foreseen at the upper secondary level, where a system of comprehensive schools is gradually being introduced. This will inevitably lead to a widening of the qualification basis for entry to postsecondary institutions, to include also elements of vocational training. Though the long-term trend is clearly towards less dependence upon formal qualifications for access, some reluctance is shown towards rapid changes in this direction. The predominant concern here is to avoid a system of differentiated qualification criteria, resulting in the choice of post-secondary education to be actually determined by choices at the upper secondary level, and creating at the same time a ranking system between institutions and fields of study at the post-secondary level. The main current preoccupation is thus with the existing quantitative restrictions to entry, beyond the general qualification requirements. Two prime policy objectives underlie those considerations. Firstly, the monopoly position gained by institutions, or by fields of study, applying quantitative entry restrictions, tends to create a cumulative disequilibrium, whereby a disproportionate number of gifted students and teachers are attracted to such institutions and studies, while the educational monopoly safeguards availability of positions and high income for the graduates. Secondly, the use of secondary graduation marks as criteria for access to post-secondary education is found to have destructive effects on secondary institu-

tions, as pupils' energies are frequently spent in a competitive race for the top marks, to the detriment of more essential educational objectives at this level. The former phenomenon is well known in most countries, and is frequently viewed as a healthy state of institutional competition, from which institutional and professional rankings will emerge, with centres and fields of excellence at the top of the scale. Norwegian policies are not based upon an easy confidence in such competition theories. Differentiation between institutions is aimed at in terms of variations in professional emphasis, but not in terms of levels of quality. Institutions lacking post-graduate courses, such as the district colleges, are integrated into the general postsecondary system through mutual transfer mechanisms, while equivalence in entry requirements is strictly maintained. The idea that scholarly excellence can only be achieved in an intellectually exclusive environment, so eagerly advocated by science policy pressure groups, has never reached far beyond top academic circles in Norway. It is also gradually realized that the monopoly position of certain studies has far-reaching and utterly irrational consequences for the distribution of intellectually gifted students. No convincing reason has been found to justify the disproportionate number of talented youth entering studies which happen to apply quantitative entry restrictions. These self-perpetuating vicious circles which have been permitted to develop are not easy to break, and a remedial policy calls for extensive and sometimes unconventional measures. A corollary is the dimensioning of institutions according to the actual number of applicants.10 No institution—at least among the more attractive ones—must be in a position to use others as their waste baskets. Correspondingly, access to studies with restricted entry must be opened up, in most cases as a gradual process to prevent too great adaptation problems in the labour market. As a part of such a strategy, the Royal Commission on Post-Secondary Education has recommended that admission to such studies be decided by the drawing of lots among applicants satisfying the general entry requirements for post-secondary education, instead of the present selection according to secondary graduation marks. Norway

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New Structures and New Approaches

The latter proposition, unusual as it is, has met considerable resistance, though some institutions are prepared to give the idea a cautious trying-out. The arguments behind the proposal are simple: The studies concerned have no justifiable claim to more than a fair share of talented students. There is no evidence to the effect that applicants with high marks in secondary are more motivated for those particular studies than applicants with inferior marks.n The only reason found for preference of the former is that they are already accustomed to having the first choice, and thus mentally less prepared for rejection. Furthermore, such a selection system would in itself reduce the specific attraction of the studies concerned. And finally, by loosening the ties between accessibility to studies at the post-secondary level and performance evaluation in secondary education, one obstacle is removed for the achievement of a general goal of educational policy; the abolishment of selection for the various social strata in society as a main function of the educational system. While such radical measures are strongly debated, consensus has been achieved on the abolishment of formal entry requirements to recurrent education, also when offered by post-secondary institutions. Provided that an applicant has been thoroughly informed about the qualification level of a recurrent education course, the decision to enter or not is his own. As recurrent education becomes a substantial and integrated part of post-secondary education, the repercussions of such entry requirements on similar requirements for regular studies may be considerable. Such repercussions are also likely to follow from the envisaged expansion of distance teaching through various media. Eventually, changes far beyond those just presented are likely to occur in the accessibility of post-graduate education.

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The most important institutional and organizational innovations currently being introduced into the postsecondary system of Norway have been indicated in the previous sections of this paper. Though greater flexibility in interdisciplinary student transfer and combinations is developing, we have not yet seen the emergence of the organizational matrix patterns which future multidisciplinary approaches will require within the institutions. Nor do we see as yet the full implications of such organizational changes. Another essential institutional transformation may be caused by the development of distance teaching, loosening the conventional tie between being a student and attending an institution. We do not see clearly, however, how such developments relate to another potential future feature of education at this level, the full utilization of student interaction as a pedagogical tool. While doubting the potential for profound efficiency gains through the emerging systems of educational technology, except in terms of fictitious productivity concepts, we have some confidence in student interactions as a still largely untapped source of increased efficiency. Yet, in spite of a few promising experiments, the possible exploitation of this potential belongs to the future. An exception here may be the emerging system of recurrent education, as evidenced by experience from adult education. The most decisive decisions facing Norwegian political authorities in current educational policy may be the proposal that every citizen shall have the right to leave his occupation for certain quotas of recurrent education, while being paid a certain percentage of his salary from the social insurance system. In economic terms, such a reform would have costs of the same magnitude as the recent cut in working hours from 45 to 42 Vz weekly hours, or the proposed lowering of retirement age from 70 to 67 years. In the latter case, the consequences in terms of public finance would also be similar. If the proposals on recurrent education are endorsed, its repercussions on the established educational institutions are likely to be substantial, both in terms of pedagogical principles and as regards the relevance of what is to be taught. However, this too is part of a long-term strategy, the outcome of which is still dubious at many points. Finally, let me comment upon some fashionable "innovations" which are not likely to be introduced in Nor-

way. We have no intention of returning to "market economies" in education. Institutional competition for resources on such grounds would clearly make them fully dependent upon the predominant sources of purchasing power in contemporary society, and thus prevent education from promoting the societal developments wanted by the overwhelming majority of Norwegians. Neither do we contemplate the introduction of special fiscal levies earmarked for educational purposes. Such measures are regarded as reflections of deficient systems of public finance, in which individual sectors of public activities must fight on their own, without proper coordination within the framework of a concerted government policy. To Norwegians, it appears self-evident that if a given priority is attached to education its share of government resources is determined. The possible introduction of fiscal measures related to educational undertakings has no bearing upon the relative priority or the share of resources devoted to education. Viewed from another angle, financial measures have an important role as instruments in educational policy, in terms of transfers between central government and local government, institutions and private individuals. The design of such measures, concerted with legal and informative policy instruments, aims at the achievement of general policy objectives in education, with no particular bias towards fiscal policy. The idea that fiscal levies on educational services should justify an increased share of education in total government resources, appear to us as irrational as the idea that road construction expenditures should depend upon the taxation on automobiles. It would mean a step backwards to more primitive forms of financial policy. Correspondingly, we do not regard the income redistribution effects of education as a particularly interesting phenomenon when viewed in isolation. What matters is that the total redistribution effects of all government programs satisfy our goals in this respect. It would be ridiculous, and utterly irrational, to impose upon each government program the commitment to serve particularly the general goals for income redistribution. The income redistribution effects of post-secondary education in Norway do not correspond to the government's general goals for income redistribution. To achieve such goals, however, the government obviously takes into account the whole range of relevant policy

measures, and if the joint effects of all those measures yield satisfactory result, no reason exists for changing educational policies, provided that they can be justified with reference to other general goals of government policy. As in the case of sources of revenue earmarked for particular purposes, we are faced with the question of finding simultaneous solutions in an operation relating to many goal variables. The introduction of unnecessary constraints into the allocation process is, a priori, irrational, and having largely achieved a political decisionmaking process in which such constraints have been removed, we are not likely to welcome as "interesting innovations" financial measures that would bring them back again.

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Notes 1. I have avoided, in the context, goal formulations relating to noneducational functions of post-secondary institutions. 2. Such formulations may be compared with one of the few semiofficial goal statements that exist, produced by a recent Royal Commission on Post-Secondary Education, but relating only to the new district colleges: /. qualifying matriculation candidates or others with an equivalent educational background for work in their chosen career; 2. qualifying matriculation candidates or others with an equivalent educational background for further studies at a university or college; 3. qualifying students who have already taken more than the matriculation examination, for example part of a university course, for certain vocational tasks; 4. satisfying the need for insight into certain subjects, without it necessarily being the aim to qualify for a career or for further studies. 3. This is not primarily a matter of supply and demand. Judging from market conditions during the last two decades, Norway should have had a higher rate of return on university education than the two other countries. 4. Since the war, this proportion has varied between 35 per cent and 55 per cent. 5. In contrast to the fairly general refusal to accept the strong elitist undercurrents in the student revolution. 6. Excellent examples of such updated blueprints for technocracy are provided by the OECD publication Perspectives of Planning (Paris 1969). 7. Contrary to the predominant ideas in most other countries at that time, the supply of scientific and technical personnel was not regarded as the major problem in Norway. 8. The same, incidentally, applies to such techniques as rate of return analysis and production functions including human capital. 9. Exceptions are a few cases of technical education at the secondary level providing access to particular post-secondary studies. 10. The alternative, arbitrary allocation of students between institutions is difficult in practice, especially when there is a certain division of labour between institutions. 11. it might be added that careful examination of possible admission criteria based on motivation led to the rejection of such criteria by the Commission on Post-Secondary Education.

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Some Aspects of Post-Secondary Education in the United Kingdom

by G. S. Brosan

) \)

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Introduction

For historical reasons there are three separate education systems in the United Kingdom, one for England and Wales, one for Scotland, and one for Northern Ireland. Although they are largely parallel, each has its own traditions and legislative structure. In general, the three central departments, in carrying out their responsibilities for education, do not exercise a detailed control, except in so far as standards are maintained by government inspectors with reporting and advisory functions. Detailed control of education services is otherwise wholly in the hands of local education authorities (corresponding to counties or county boroughs), or of independent governing bodies, in association with teaching staff. By far the largest share of public expenditure on education, excluding universities is borne by local authorities, but qualifies for central government support in the form of grants.1 The three ministers responsible for the central administration of education are: 1. The Secretary of State for Education and Science, with responsibility for universities in England, Scotland, and Wales for primary, secondary, and further education in England and Wales, exercising his functions through the University Grants Committee and the Department of Education and Science. (Responsibility for school education in Wales is to be transferred to the Secretary of State for Wales.) 2. The Secretary of State for Scotland, with responsibility for primary, secondary, and further education in Scotland, exercising his functions through the Scottish Education Department. 3. The Minister of Education, Government of Northern Ireland, with responsibility for primary, secondary, and further education, including universities, in Northern Ireland, exercising his functions through the Ministry of Education, Northern Ireland. There are 46 Universities in the United Kingdom, including the Royal College of Art and the newly formed Open University (see later). While having their individual endowment and income sources reflecting varying degrees of wealth, the universities are mainly supported by central government grants. A separate body, the University Grants Committee, advises all three education departments on the needs of universities (with the exception of the Open University) and the distribution of grants. It is also concerned with university development.2

Stages of Education

In all the three systems there are three stages of education: primary (including nursery), secondary, and further (including higher) education. The first two stages are compulsory between the ages of 5 and 15(16 from 1972-73). The transition from primary to secondary education is usually made between the ages of lOVz and 12, but in some areas middle schools have been established taking children from 8 to 12 or 9 to 13. The third stage of education is voluntary and includes universities, teacher training colleges (known as colleges of education), polytechnics, colleges of further education, and other institutes of adult education. Financial support from education departments, local education authorities, or research councils are available to students at all these institutions. For instance, local authority grants to undergraduates cover university tuition fees and contribute towards term time and vacation maintenance; but they are subject to a means test and are reduced proportionately to the excess of the student's or his parents' income above a certain level. All undergraduate students receive a minimum grant. The term "further education," although loosely applied to cover all post-secondary education, is normally taken to exclude universities and colleges of education. The term "higher education" is generally used to include all students in universities, polytechnics, and colleges of education.

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The Role and Goals of Post-Secondary Education

Secondary education in England, according to the definition one uses, may quite properly terminate for a pupil at the nominal ages of 16, 17, or 18.3 Between 16 and 18 there are a variety of experiences which the pupil may undergo in a wide range of establishments to obtain access to higher education: the institutions in which he learns may be schools or colleges operating under quite different systems. The learning experiences may be fulltime, part-time, or some combination of these such as "block release," they may be work-linked on a sandwich scheme or very far from this. For purposes of the paper the terminal point of secondary education must however be defined; a convenient statement would say that the students must have reached an age of 18 years and possess qualifications such as one or two passes at GCE 'A' Level (together with some 'O' Level passes); an Ordinary National Diploma; or an Ordinary National Certificate. Naturally in specific cases there are many strings attached to the details of the qualifications in order to allow for entry to desired courses of study or for selection into honours or ordinary programs. The advantage of making a definition of this kind in stating the goals of post-secondary education is that it does not become necessary to deal with the vocational goals of non-school training given to young people between the ages of 16 and 18. This is post-secondary in one sense but not in the sense with which we are here concerned. There have been, and remain, two principal branches of higher education in England. The two branches have different origins and different purposes; neither system is monolithic. The first system is that of the traditional university, based on the elegant prototypes of Oxford and Cambridge. To state their (distinctive) role I can do no better than to quote Lord Anna, Provost of University College, London.4 He asserts: "Universities exist to cultivate, train, and exercise the intellect. That is their first and supreme role. A university is dead unless the dons can communicate to their students the struggle and the disappointments as well as the triumphs in that struggle—to produce out of the chaos of human experience some grain of order won by the intellect. Perhaps that is another way of saying that all at the Universitystudents, dons, professors, and above all Rectors—are there to learn. Universities should hold up for admiration the intellectual life as an alternative to the life of politics, affairs, and 114

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business. (My italics, GSB.) They are not ivory towers, yet their concerns are not wordly. They may well suggest that all is not well with the values of the world." In practice the university ideal is achieved by the fulltime degree course, often of honours standard exclusively, in which it is assumed that the student's motivation is his interest in learning the subject for its own sake and how he finally earns his living is a question that is both secondary and deferrable. This statement is not absolute and there are instances of university courses which diverge; but the attitude of study for its own sake is apparent even in apparently vocational courses where a period of pure study is followed by a subsequent period of adaptation of these studies to a profession. The second principal branch of higher education is that of the technical college system. The term is vague, but insofar as it applies to higher education (that is does not apply to the students who are under 18 years of age and do not have the entry qualifications referred to earlier), it is characterized by the assumption that studies are primarily vocationally oriented, that the student's motivation is the profession he intends to follow. For this reason the studies may be either part-time or full-time; of varying length (as distinct from the fixed length of three years for a full-time degree in a university); of varying intellectual depth; and exist in a wide variety of subjects that have not as yet acquired academic respectability. Moreover, students are often given direct experience of professional practice at an early stage of the course, so that the rest of the studies in laboratory and classroom can be seen in the context of what the profession requires. For this reason, there is often very close contact between these higher education institutions and industry. This contact has of course been the subject of criticism on a variety of grounds, and seems to be as inimical to some students in the university sector as it is to some of the staff.

The Bobbins Report

The present situation in British higher education cannot be well understood unless the Robbins Report is taken into account. Assuming as an axiom that "courses of higher education should be available to all those who are qualified by ability and attainment to pursue them and wish to do so," the report revolutionized thinking about the number of places which would have to be made available in the future. Without any lowering of the entry qualifications for higher education or of its standards, the increase in numbers between 1970 and 1980 was calculated to be at least as great as the total provision of places at the time the report was written. The committee repudiated the notion of a limited "pool of ability," that is, that only a small fixed proportion of the population was fit for an elite education. It further stressed the need for the award of degrees to those taking degree-level courses outside universities and for ease of transfer between the different institutions of higher education. Another notable feature of the report was its insistence on establishing a system of higher education which would bring the universities, hitherto separate from the rest of the education system, firmly into the sphere of public responsibility. The effect, however, was not intended to be that all the activities concerned should be planned and controlled from the centre, but that central decisions should be coherent and decentralized initiatives inspired by common principles. The report was backed up by copious statistics. Its main recommendations of relevance here were as follows: 1. Compared with 216,000 students in full-time higher education in 1962-63, places should be available for about 390,000 in 1973-74 and for about 560,000 in 1980-81. This would mean an increase in the percentage of the age group entering higher education from 8.5 in 1962 to 17 in 1980. 2. Closer links between higher education and schools are needed to improve mutual understanding of requirements and methods of fulfilling them. The dominant influence of Oxford and Cambridge should be reduced by especially generous capital grants to other universities. The Universities Central Council on Admissions should cover all universities as well as the colleges of advanced technology. 3. First-degree courses at universities should be more broadly based, but they should not in general be length-

ened beyond three years. The proportion of postgraduate students should be increased from 20 to 30 per cent by 1980. More awards, and also more supervision, should be available for postgraduate work. 4. Teacher training colleges should be renamed colleges of education in order to reflect their wider purpose. They should be increased in size until each normally has not less than 750 students. As well as three-year concurrent courses of education and professional training, they should provide a four-year course leading to both a degree and to a professional qualification. The colleges should be more closely associated both academically and administratively with the universities. Their regional federations with each other and with university institutes and departments of education should be formed into schools of education, each of which should be responsible to the university senate for the award of degrees to college of education students. They should have independent governing bodies related federally to the university. Local education authorities should be represented on them but no longer hold the dominant position. 5. The regional colleges, coming next after the colleges of advanced technology, should develop a wider range of studies. They should mostly continue to be maintained by local education authorities, though some might fedcrate with other technical or training colleges to become universities. Area and commercial colleges should remain under the control of local authorities in order to preserve their close relationship with local industry and commerce. 6. A council of national academic awards should be established with the power to grant honours, pass, and higher degrees to students on approved degree level courses in regional and area colleges. The council should be made up of representatives of these colleges, of the universities, and of industry. 7. Future planning for the recommended expansion of higher education should cover in detail a period ten years ahead. Of the 560,000 places needed by 1980-81, universities should provide 350,000 (118,000 in 1962-63 at the time of the report), thus raising their share from 55 percent in 1962 to 60 per cent in 1980. This would relieve the pressure on schools by increasing the proportion of school leavers entering universities. Many existing universities should be expanded to 8,000 or 10,000 places. A further 30,000 places should be provided in six new universities and 20,000 in some ten regional colUnited Kingdom

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leges, Scottish central institutions, and colleges of education which have attained university status. By 1980-81 there should be 145,000 places for intending teachers in colleges of education and 65,000 places for full-time advanced students in further education (compared with 55,000 and 43,000 in 1962). Higher education for those wanting refresher courses or a second chance should be encouraged. As valuable as the Robbins Report was (being in fact a watershed in British higher education),6 nevertheless some of its assumptions were logically odd. To some extent these portions of its viewpoint have been perpetuated in subsequent discussions and calculations.7 Chiefly, it ignored part-time education whether on its own or in conjunction with some full-time education, took the proportion of school leavers entering higher education as constant, and excluded adult education, retraining, and updating from projections or conclusions. Conversely, it was pre-occupied with school leavers based on the idea that entry to higher education would be exclusively from a particular strata of schools, and perpetuated the status quo in the organizational structure of higher education, with the implications this has for educational opportunity and disincentive. In official British thinking, at least as set out in the Department of Education and Science "Planning Paper No. 2" (HMSO, June 1970), there are three main theoretical approaches to the provision of higher education. The three concepts are interdependent rather than independent, but none is well developed in operational terms. The official document is worth quoting in full: Private demand

Private demand arises from the individual appreciation by each potential student (or his parents) of the benefits which he may obtain from higher education. Each individual may make his own appraisal, objective or subjective, compounding both intangible and tangible benefits. It may include an assessment of the economic gains in later life expected in return for income foregone while studying, as far as his knowledge of the labour market permits. What each individual takes into account cannot readily be ascertained and in general is not subject to government influence in a direct sense (although it may be influenced by improved careers guidance facilities). Private demand has therefore to be forecast

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mainly by projecting the aggregate demand pattern observed in the past, allowing for changes in numbers qualified to enter higher education. Where past opportunities to enter higher education have been greater than current opportunities, it will be natural to consider whether to revert to the earlier opportunity rates and apply them to the projected flow of people qualified to enter. The projection of past experience implicitly makes some allowance for the so-called "generation effect," that is the tendency for parents' aspirations for their children's higher education to rise with the parents' own educational level. The projection necessarily reflects the influence on student demand of the existing structure and financing of the higher education system. While this approach does not make any explicit provision for the economy's requirement of trained manpower, it does make some implicit allowance in as much as private demand for higher education is influenced by impressions of employment opportunities for holders of particular qualifications. Rate of Return Approach

The rate of return approach is one application of the concept that education is a form of investment in human capital, improving the quality of labour resources and hence contributing to economic growth. Attempts to estimate this educational contribution to economic growth in the aggregate have raised formidable technical problems. Rather more directly applicable to educational provision is the disaggregate treatment which measures the rate of return to investment in particular educational qualifications. Such a rate of return may be calculated in either private or social terms. The former expresses the relationship between an individual's extra post-tax earnings arising from education and the costs incurred by the individual in obtaining this education (including income foregone while studying); it may be one of the factors affecting the private demand for higher education discussed above. The social rate of return expresses the relationship between benefits and costs for society as a whole. These two rates will not necessarily coincide and it is the social rate of return which is more relevant to decisions about the public provision of higher education facilities.

Estimates of the social rate of return assume that workers are paid according to their contribution to production, so that the pre-tax earnings of an individual may be taken as representative of his contribution to national income. Differences in earnings attributable to education are thus taken as a measure of the economic benefit of education and compared with the total costs of that education (including foregone earnings), whether privately or publicly financed. To the extent that there are other gains from education besides the direct economic advantages, this approach underestimates the total social benefits of education; allowances would need to be made for these non-economic benefits in any comparison of the rate of return on education with that on other forms of public investment. Within the education sector, the rate of return technique may be used to compare the benefits of different lengths of schooling, or of different types and levels of qualifications or of different subjects of specialisation. The use of rate of return analysis in Britain has hitherto been restricted by lack of data on the earnings associated with educational qualifications, except in a few specialised occupations. But the wide coverage of qualifications recorded in the 1966 Census of Population and the subsequent "followup" enquiry to a sample of the qualified respondents asking for information on their incomes have now begun to provide material for the fuller use of this technique in improving estimates of society's needs for higher education. One of the difficulties in the use of rate of return analysis is to estimate the extent to which higher earnings result from education rather than from superior natural ability, family background or other advantages. Another problem is to make allowance for the fact that earnings differentials reflect not only differences in productivity, but also conventional relativities, professional entry restrictions, and the relatively high proportion of qualified manpower employed in public sector occupations partly isolated from the competitive labour market. An important limitation is that information on earnings differentials is usually obtained by recording at a single date the earnings of qualified people of different ages and then inferring lifetime earnings patterns for the holders of particular qualifications.

Figures for individuals' past earnings are often difficult to establish, and for their future earnings nonexistent, so that the calculated rates of return really reflect the state of the labour market at the time of the income survey. For guidance on educational provision, it is thus desirable to survey earnings over a period of time and to combine rate of return findings with estimates of future demand for particular kinds of educated manpower. Manpower Approach

The manpower approach to society's need for higher education is thus complementary to the rate of return approach. Manpower forecasting in this country has begun with a number of unrelated projections of employment supply and demand for a few qualification or occupational groups—such as doctors, teachers, scientists and engineers—although almost invariably without any reference to the price factor. Similar projections have yet to be made for other fields of qualification. All projections would then need to be reviewed to ensure consistency with each other, for example, to ensure that, on the supply side, projections for particular disciplines can be accommodated within the total qualified manpower supply. On the demand side, adjustment may also be needed for consistency with the expected growth in national income and total labour force and to eliminate distortions where employers have projected requirements without considering associated changes in pay scales. In moving from manpower projections to estimates of the need for particular educational facilities, allowance must be made for the fact that the new supply emerging from the educational system is small by comparison with the total stock of qualified manpower: the latter is also affected by adult retraining, migration, changes in activity rates and mortality. Account should also be taken of changes in the composition of this stock resulting from workers' experience and movement between occupations, as well as of changes in patterns of utilisation and deployment. More study would be needed of occupations where it is difficult to establish a close correlation between the nature of the work and educational qualifications, especially in many management-type posts where the possession of United Kingdom

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Table 1 School Leavers with Given GCE Attainments, England and Wales 1 or more A levels

5 or more O levels

Number (OOOs)

% of age group

Number (OOOs)

3 or more A levels

2 or more A levels

% of age group

Number (OOOs)

% of age group

Number (OOOs)

% of ag( group

Boys 1961 actual 1966 actual 1968 actual 1971 projected 1976 projected 1981 projected

50.7 72.4 72.3 84.4 111.3 147.7

15.6 18.5 20.4 24.8 30.3 35.0

31.1 51.6 53.7 63.7 85.0 115.7

9.8 12.8 15.0 18.6 23.1 27.5

25.8 42.5 44.4 53.1 71.0 96.8

8.1 10.5 12 A 15.5 19.3 23.0

17.8 29.2 30.4 36.3 48.9 66.9

5.6 7.3 8.5 10.6 13.3 15.9

Girls 1961 actual 1966 actual 1968 actual 1971 projected 1976 projected 1981 projected

47.2 64.3 66.8 78.6 103.4 136.7

14.9 17.5 19.9 24.2 29.5 33.9

20.7 35.6 39.6 50.0 69.6 96.8

6.7 9.3 11.6 15.3 19.9 24.1

15.0 26.8 30.0 38.2 53.6 75.1

4.9 7.0 8.8 11.7 15.3 18.7

8.7 15.0 17.0 23.5 33.9 48.1

2.8 3.9 5.0 7.2 9.7 12.0

Including 'O' level passes obtained on 'A' level papers and Grade 1 results in CSE in 1966 and later.

in my view does not adequately come to grips with the qualifications has often been regarded mainly as an indication of general ability. This means investigating real problem facing Britain. Again as an opinion, this can be done only in terms of recognizing the different the potential substitutability of various levels and subjects of qualification; guidance on this may be needs that are imposed on the educational system by provided both by relative earnings data and by society as a whole.8 These include many dimensions such detailed job analysis in relation to qualification conas certification, socialization, and—shockingly perhaps for higher education—a custodial function. They also tent. Where difficult qualifications are found to be may be categorized in two ways which I have called of similar value to employers, the relative costs of matching and monitoring. acquiring them will tend to determine the rate of To take the latter first; there is a need in any techreturn on the respective educational investments. nological society for an agency to exist which is able to The foregoing is a statement of the official position, but

Table 2 Flow of People with GCE A Level Qualifications from Further Education, England and Wales (Thousands) Girls

Boys 1 or more A levels

2 or more A levels

3 or more A levels

1 or more A levels

2 or more A levels

3 or more A levels

1961 actual

3.2

1.8

1.0

1.8

0.7

0.3

1966 actual

8.0

4.3

2.3

5.6

1.9

0.8

10.7 5.2

5.8 3.0

2.9 1.7

8.2 2.9

2.8 1.2

1.2 0.5

1971 (projected)

11.4

6.2

3.5

8.6

3.0

1.5

1976 (projected)

15.5

8.5

4.8

13.8

4.8

2.3

8.0 2.8

26.1 5.1

8.9 2.0

4.4 0.8

1968 TO

(actual)

(Robbins)

1981

(Pr°Jected) (Robbins)

118

G.S.Brosan

26.0 9.0

13.2 5.1

Figure 1 Number of Places in Full-time Higher Education in England and Wales 1961 to 1981 United Kingdom

119

Accessibility to Post-Secondary Education

comment on the performance of society without fear or fervour. This critical role has been played in Britain in the past by the universities; and it is for this reason that the recent (1967) decision to make the Universities Grants Committee responsible to Parliament is so vehemently criticized by university dons.9 There should always be some element in the university which is quite independent of the treasury; in this sense the universities ought always to have a component which is and will remain a bastion of privilege. Society needs, in an economic sense as well as a moral one, the kind of independent comment that comes from the dispassionate analysis given by adherence to Noel Annan's "admiration for the intellectual life." The danger is that this admirable position will be overstated and that the proposition will be accepted that because the monitoring function is both necessary and good, that which is necessary and good is the monitoring function—to the exclusion of everything else. And, patently, this is not so. The matching function has been associated more often with the technical college branch of higher education. Its function, simply stated, is to minimize the differences between the education and training required to carry out tasks in industry and commerce and the skills, knowledge, and attitudes that people have when starting the education. It is in this sense that the role of the university in even vocational courses differs from the role of an institution within the technical college tradition; the university model is often that of dealing with the techniques and concepts without necessarily relating these to the industrial and commercial situation. The criticism of this type of university education by industrialists such as Paul Chambers of ICI are well-documented. Indeed, matching should not be thought of as a sort of crude vocationalism in either conceptual content or in logistic detail. It is no use, in a matching type of education, teaching only present-day concepts; the ability to formulate and evaluate center-concepts must be as effectively inculcated. In terms of numbers, the manpower approaches must be used. \ The growth of numbers of prospective entrants to higher education is given in the tables. Table 1 gives the growth in school leavers with given GCE attainment. Table 2 gives the data for further education students, and figure 1 gives the total places, actual and required, in full-time higher education. 120

G. S. Brosan

The projected growth of the personal demand for postsecondary education in Britain is, by even the most conservative standards, very great; over the next decade it is expected to grow at about 6 per cent per annum, or 70 per cent overall. The dilemma with which Britain is faced is that the GNP is expected to grow by half this amount per annum or about 30 per cent overall; thus study cannot be paid for by the same proportion of the GNP as hitherto. There is wide, although not universal, agreement that entry opportunities should not be diminished. It would be politically questionable to make entry to higher education more difficult; at the same time as the pressures from the expansion of the secondary school system are mounting, it would be a retrograde move (putting it mildly) in educational terms to force higher specialization on the schools to provide more effective means of competition for entry into universities and polytechnics.10 Indeed, the situation is that each set of estimates of student numbers seriously understates the demand for post-secondary education. The Robbins report was an underestimate, but it did give a clear and fair warning that the projections were based on a very modest estimate of successes in GCE "O" and "A" level examinations. The Robbins figures have of course been well passed in practice. The figures given in the DES "Planning Paper No. 2" are similarly likely to be inadequate. This is not only a major compliment to the teachers in the secondary schools, but a major difficulty in that it will inevitably result in a waste of educational talent in some 18 year olds. The reason is simple; the DES figures are a projection of the actual figures of students in higher education. There is no evidence that these figures represent the personal demand, the manpower demand, or any other demand. They represent growth of the actual capacity available. This capacity has been utilized (in conventional terms) with a loading factor of about 98 per cent and there is no simple means of saying how much more could have been utilized. Merely to extend the trend, while reasonable, is not necessarily valid. What is certain is that the capacity was inadequate; the 98 per cent loading factor results not from a deficiency of demand but from the random nature of withdrawals at a stage when it was too late to do other than leave the space vacant. Certainly there were students who were qualified, failed to get entry, were disappointed

or disillusioned, and just walked away. Thus extension of the trend of student numbers already in higher education is to say that some growth of capacity (in relation to an unknown demand) will be maintained. But not even this is certain; there has grown up a serious anti-education lobby. This has made itself manifest inter alia through the publication of the three so-called "Black Papers"11 edited by Professor C.B. Cox and A.E. Dyson (Dyson is Senior Lecturer at the University of East Anglia). The impact of their view is that they assert that there is basically no need to educate so large a proportion of the age group to degree level; that what the country needs is more honest craftsmen (knuckling their foreheads, no doubt), and that in any event with increased numbers standards are bound to decline. Kingsley Amis' bon mot that "more means worse" is an adequate summary. The pattern is of course depressingly familiar; exactly the same arguments were used to oppose the introduction of universal primary education, the spread of literacy, the raising of the school leaving age, and the major growth in secondary education. These arguments seem to ignore factors such as pressures for social mobility; the much greater proportion of the age groups undertaking higher education in nearly all other technological societies; the general impact of degree-level education on decision making in all branches of the economy; and the greatly increased saliency of higher education. Indeed, higher education in the United Kingdom is at the moment one of the most highly politicized areas, but is not necessarily the beneficiary for this reason. In terms of numbers, the "accessibility" for 1969-70 was approximately as follows. Table 3 Student Numbers In 1000s Advanced Colleges further of Open University education education University

Total

Full-time and sandwich

190

83

113

Part-time day and evening

24

116

1

25

166

214

199

114

25

552

386

In this table, the column "Advanced further educa-

tion" refers to work done in a variety of institutions outside universities, such as colleges of technology, polytechnics, and art colleges. The substantial amount of part-time day and evening work provided can be seen; the figure of 116,000 can be broken down into 75,000 part-time day and 45,000 evening. To some extent these figures represent only students who follow courses leading to recognized qualifications such as a Higher National Certificate; that is, which provide for some professional and higher technician education and qualification. In addition to this many universities and polytechnics, to say nothing of the colleges of technology provide a vast array of special short courses. These are of various lengths; they are almost invariably of a post-experience kind, and over half are at postgraduate level in intellectual content. They are courses which have the following roles: the communication of new techniques in the whole range of applied arts and science; critical re-appraisal of methods and theories, including those of social science for example; management type courses, dealing with the skills, knowledge and attitudes required for better management of enterprises; and re-training of people to help counteract redundancy, real or threatened. In 1970-71 it is estimated that there were about 250,000 attending such courses. To this must be added the attendance at the hundreds of adult education institutes throughout the United Kingdom. These adult education institutes are almost exclusively for what may be termed recreational education: beekeeping, navigation for amateur yachtsmen, flower-arranging, and so on, and while the students are decidedly adult the work is not post-secondary in the sense of this paper. One fallacy which has of course been very ably expounded by Burgess (q.v.) is the idea that an increase of accessibility to higher education is a means of redistributing income, albeit in the long term. In the circumstances of Great Britain, the argument runs briefly as follows. It can be shown that the proportion of workingclass students who enter higher education does not increase as the overall numbers increase. Up to the levels so far attained in the United Kingdom, the proportion of middle-class to working-class children remains much the same—it is true however that the sum of these two has shown an increase in comparison to the proportion of upper-class children. It is also true that the community at large subsidizes each student in higher education to United Kingdom

121

Manpower Planning

the extent of some £ 3,000 in total. Most of this money comes from the rates and taxes paid by the numerically much greater number of working-class people. Thus the effect of increase of higher education is at the moment to cause a significant subsidy to be given to middle-class students by working-class parents—hardly that which was intended in the first place!

Manpower planning has never been taken very seriously in relation to the planning of British higher education. As mentioned earlier, there have been several detailed but unrelated studies of some occupational areas. In practice, there are no readily available guides for universities and polytechnics to consult regarding the anticipated growth of even broad areas, let alone specific professions. The one exception to this statement is the highly successful operation mounted on the demand and supply of teachers, where naturally a great deal of demographic data was available at least five years before the demand needed to be met. Thus (with a three-year training period for teachers) it could be met. But in other areas the story has been far from happy. The pressures on higher education during the last fifteen to twenty years have been to increase the numbers of qualified graduate scientists and engineers (QSE). This pressure has been accepted and there is currently some overprovision of places in universities and polytechnics for such work. One result can be seen from the following table: Table 4 Numbers in 1000s QSE QSE Ratio employed as technicians technicians QSE QSE Technicians technicians

Year

QSE

1968

173

24

0. 14

622

4.2

1969

198

43

0.22

721

4.6

1970

234

55

0.24

792

4.4

Of significance is column 4, which shows that the ratio of QSE employed as technicians/QSE is gradually increasing, its present value being about one-quarter. While there is no doubt that the QSE's will carry out the technician tasks at least adequately, the result does not speak well for manpower planning. Indeed, as recently as 1968 the Swann report made several recommendations to improve the flow of QSE into industry, which at that time was supposed to be short of them! The debunking of this QSE lobby which had been carried on for years by the Committee on Manpower Resources for Science and Technology14 was effectively done by Mark Blaug and K.G. Gannicott.15 They showed, for example, that industry's so-called demand for (say) mechanical engineers could be satisfied by people trained in a wide variety of educational disciplines, and hence it made little sense to 122

G. S. Brosan

enquire into the demand for the educational discipline of mechanical engineering. They also showed that in this area at least, demand was fixed without regard to possible supply; that supply was fixed independently of demand; and that there was no common, automatic mechanism for ever bringing the two into equilibrium. There are two practical difficulties in the manpower approach; both, in at least my view, can be remedied. The first is the paucity of actual data. The expenditure on and methodology of manpower planning in the United Kingdom are respectively puerile and naive. There is, at long last, some realization of the deficiency, and it is envisaged that within the terms of reference of the new Department of Trade there will be some effort made at correlating the needed data. There is little doubt that such data can be put into operation. For example, the Battelle Memorial Institute has carried out manpower plans in detail for a population of many hundreds of thousands in Pennsylvania. The establishment of serious institutes of manpower planning on both sides of the Atlantic is also a pointer in the right direction. The second difficulty is that the adoption of manpower planning is said to be in the direction of self-fulfilment of prophecy. That is, it departs from the traditional norm of merely reactive educational planning. Such reactive planning is characterized by simply responding to what is seen to be happening; for example, if there are obviously far too many vacant places in Sanscrit, then offer fewer places next session; if there is evidence that a large number were turned away from Surveying, then increase the intake by some agreed and agreeable percentage. In contrast, the application of manpower planning would in theory arrange for the places to be available in anticipation of the demand. The criticism is simply that —with the genuine and general shortage of places in higher education—such places would be taken up more or less automatically, thereby fulfilling the projection no doubt to the delight of the planners. The problem is to determine to what extent the manpower projection corresponds with the employment demand on graduation. And here we run into other sorts of difficulties. The first defect can—in my view—be overcome by the injection of relatively modest amounts of resource into the overall manpower planning system. There is no doubt that the required brainpower is already available, and so is the data; but the coordination of these requires money and premises an increase in ancillary staff. The

second defect, that of perpetuating a self-fulfilling situation is more difficult, but need not remain so. What is required is a restatement of manpower needs not in terms of the conventional disciplines of the university curriculum, but in terms of the types of activity that people must undertake, no matter what the branch of human endeavour in which they engage. To be specific; in universities and polytechnics we have been training (say) chemical engineers. They all learn about different aspects of this academic discipline. But in the world of work they will engage in activities such as design, sales, research, management, personnel, entrepreneurship, and so on. In each of these they may be interchangeable with graduates from quite different disciplines, as a moment's thought will show. This underlines the difficulties of the situation which require two other types of action. The first is to stop planning higher education on a snapshot of industrial demand; the second is to emphasize the matching function of higher education, that of the application of knowledge. To be fair, the overemphasis on academic values has been increasingly recognized in non-university circles within the last year or so. For instance, Sir William Alexander, secretary of the Association of Education Committee, said in evidence to a parliamentary committee on educational spending16 that a great many university students would be far better off doing a long sandwich course positively directed to career prospects than following conventional courses. Overemphasis on academic values, in his view, has held back the (higher) educational development of the country. To quote, "The time has passed when universities were places of liberal studies, only after which a person thought about what he should do." Similar views have been expressed by others, such as Jo Grimond, MP, basically in order to improve the decision-making ability of the managerial, technologist, and technician people involved.17 One practical difficulty in implementing improved manpower planning which has recently arisen is the comparatively new phenomenon of graduate unemployment. As may have been expected, the anti-education lobby is using this as a reason for further restriction of the expansion of higher education, irrespective of content. There are (as of August 1971) some 5,000 unemployed undergraduates; this is not small but must be set against a total unemployment figure of some 900,000. Un ited Kingdom

12 3

New Structures and New Approaches

The new phenomenon is that for the first time in modern British history there are not enough jobs for the asking for graduates in applied science and technology. Such a situation has been familiar to graduates of (say) art and social science for some many years. Again (and in both cases) the remedy is not in provision of numbers but in the type of education. Arts graduates, inter alia, do not succeed in finding what they consider to be rewarding jobs because their training has not been sufficiently specialized, whereas applied scientists and technologists suffer from a narrow vocational training for vocations that do not exist. In short, whereas on the surface it may seem that manpower planning has not done its sums right, the statement nearer the truth would be that there has hardly been any manpower planning available for making effective decisions, and that such planning has concentrated on numbers to the exclusion of probably the more important factor, the re-orientation of much of higher education away from the mandarin tradition. In short, we need to educate more apprentice industrialists, not more apprentice scholars.

In 1966, the government issued a White Paper setting out a policy for the establishment of 30 new institutions to be called "polytechnics."18 They were formed from existing institutions by amalgamation in many cases, and were originally conceived as having at least 2,000 full-time students, but the figure on further thought has been increased to 7,000. The polytechnics' antecedent colleges were typically colleges of technology, art, and commerce; they emerged, that is, from the technical college sector. The emphasis within them is thus heavily in favour of applying knowledge rather than pursuing knowledge for its own sake. A comparison which can be made, in economic terms, between universities and polytechnics is that of rates of return on investment to society. In a recent report on this topic, Vera Morris and Adrian Zidderman (of the DES and Queen Mary College respectively) have asserted that the following figures apply:19 Table 5 Cumulative cost (from age 15)

Rate of return (%) (with allowance for ability)

Qualification HNC

£

1,198

12.1

HNC to professional qualification level

£

1,919

12.8

First Degree

£

4,053

8.1

Masters Degree

£

8,505

6.2

Doctorate

£ 10,525

5.6

The costs involved are the total institutional expenditure per successful candidate, and thus do not include earnings foregone. The returns are calculated on the probable future earnings at constant prices. The higher rates of return and lower costs of the HNC are obvious. But this coincides with the difference between part-time and full-time education; the institutional cost of a parttime Master's degree in a polytechnic over a first degree is certainly not £4,500. Damage lies however in the easy assumption that the only function of polytechnics is to produce a better rate of return on educational investment; an analogy which calls to mind the optimal strategy for a motor car manufacturer determined by computer methods. The solution was that the manufacturer should make only spare 124

G. S. Brosan

Dimensions of Difference

parts, since these showed the maximum profit. In hard terms the idea of maximizing investment is in line with the economists' classic assumption of ceteris paribus; the probability of technological change has been ignored, as in Keynsian theory. The function of polytechnics, whether dealing with technicians or technologists, is to promote change and enable its diplomates and graduates to apply knowledge. This application must by its nature stop all other things from being equal.

The above arguments, and others which there is not room to state here, lead to the dimensions of difference between universities and polytechnics. These are as follows: Purposes

Universities stand for the preservation of learning and the pursuit of truth for its own sake (learning in universities is autotelic). Polytechnics stand for the application of education, to cause it to be vocationally relevant. People

Universities stand for the nurturing of apprentice scholars (education in universities is reactive). Polytechnics stand for the nurturing of apprentice industrialists (education in polytechnics is proactive). This makes the one elite and the other comprehensive. The polytechnics expect and are glad to deal with the revolution of rising expectations.

Discipline

Universities stand for the viability and inviolability of separate disciplines, irrespective of application. Polytechnics stand for a wholistic curriculum; they are concerned with the unity of diverse disciplines as they are reflected in the real world situations. That is, universities are concerned with stating and solving problems within disciplines whatever the situations involved. Polytechnics are concerned with formulation of problems from situations whatever the disciplines involved. Inquiry

Universities stand for a mode of inquiry which is speculative—that is, beginning with a metaphor, elaborating it, and developing the hypotheses it yields. Polytechnics stand for a mode of inquiry which is problematic—that is, beginning with a problem and searching for a metaphor which in its elaboration will yield a hypothesis for solution. Research

Universities stand for a philosophy of research oriented to be an end in itself, one which has intrinsic value as an activity independent of the results achieved. Polytechnics stand for a philosphy of research oriented to be problem-solving, one which is specific and may happily have wider implications. United Kingdom

125

New Course Patterns

Society

Universities stand for detachment from and independent criticism of society. This is not to assume that universities must always disagree with society. Polytechnics stand for involvement in industry, commerce, and society. This is not to assume that polytechnics must always agree with society. Entry

Universities stand for selective admission of students of 18 years of age or thereabouts academically screened, and committed to courses of full-time study. Polytechnics stand for wider age limits and more catholic conditions; they welcome the part-time student, the mature student, and the student engaged on reeducation.

126

G. S. Brosan

Apart from the polytechnics, the major change likely to occur in the near future is the implementation of the Haselgrave report.20 This will bring together under one umbrella the unduly wide range of craft and technician courses. The implications for post-secondary education are that access will be simplified, and the plethora of differing regulations will vanish. In addition, it will be possible for a new type of degree to emerge; one such has already been approved. This is for the award of a degree after two years of full-time study following on from a suitable technician qualification. The technician qualification itself may have been taken by means of part-time or full-time study; in principle, it may be added to, to earn a degree, also by means of part-time or full-time study. Overall, this implies that the existing distinctions between part-time and full-time, between technician and technologist, will gradually blur. It also means that a student can continue to study by a variety of methods to the limit of his ability; the Council for National Academic Awards has recently conformed to the same policy in respect of honours and ordinary degrees, so that it is possible to obtain a degree by successful completion of a prescribed amount of study, and an honours degree by an additional amount of study. These changes are very exciting; they point the way not only to more equitable —and thereby greater—access, but by stopping repetition, by unifying structure, and by providing rewards which are viable at various terminal points in the progression they will, with intelligent application, enable equivalent costs to be reduced at the same time.

Notes 1. The Department of Education and Science (Curzon Street, London, W1Y 8AA), issues from time to time many excellent books and pamphlets describing various segments and totalities of the British education scene. 2. "University Development 1962-67," Cmnd 3820 (London: HMSO, 1968). 3. "15 to 18", Report of the Central Advisory Council for Education (London: HMSO, 1959). 4. "The Distinctive Role of the University in the Structure of Higher Education," Lord Annan, Standing Conference of Rectors and Vice-Chancellors of the European Universities (Geneva, 1970). 5. "Higher Education," Report of a Committee appointed by the Prime Minister, Cmnd 2154 (The Robbins Report), (London: HMSO, 1963). 6. P. Layard, J. King, and C. Moser, The Impact of Robbins (Middlesex: Penguin Books Ltd., 1969). 7. T. Burgess and J. Pratt, Policy and Practice (Middlesex: Penguin Bqoks Ltd., 1970). 8. Patterns and Policies in Higher Education (Middlesex: Penguin Books Ltd., 1971). 9. "Universities in the 1970s" (London: Association of University Teachers, 1970). 10. "On the Future of Further Education," Coombe Lodge Reports Vol 4, No. 1 (Blagdon: Further Education Staff College, 1971). 11. C. B. Cox and A. E. Dyson, eds., "Fight for Education" (Black Paper No. 1) (London: The Critical Quarterly Society). 12. Unofficial DES figures available in September 1971. 13. "The Flow into Employment of Scientists, Engineers and Technologists" (The Swann Report) Cmnd 3760 (London: HMSO, 1968). 14. "The Employment of Highly Specialised Graduates," Department of Education and Science: Science Policy Studies No. 3 (London: HMSO, 19681. 15. K. G. Gannicott and M. Blaug, "Manpower Forecasting since Robbins," Higher Education Review (Autumn 1969), pp 56-74. 16. Second "Report" from the Expenditure Committee (Education and Arts Sub-Committee) (London: HMSO, 1970-71). 17. "Expensive Failure of Britain's Elite," Jo Grimond MP, The Times, 19 July 1971. 18. Eric E. Robinson, The New Polytechnics (London: Cornmarket Press, 1968). 19. V. Morris and A. Zidderman, "The Balance Sheet of Higher Education," Economic Trends (May 1971). 20. "Report" of the Committee on Technician Courses and Examinations (The Haselgrave Report) (London: Department of Education and Science, 1969).

United Kingdom

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Post-Secondary Education in the USSR

by Bohdan Harasymiw

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Role and Goals of Post-Secondary Education in a Technological Society

In theory the Soviet education system, the most democratic in the world, is open at the post-secondary level to all persons who can qualify for admission. For practical reasons, however, including economic and sociological ones, post-secondary education is not available either to all who are qualified or to all who desire to undertake it. These constraints have produced a situation in which, as Nicholas DeWitt tells us, in order to understand the educational system, we must distinguish between Soviet policy aims and the actual effects of that policy.1

It hardly needs repeating that the goals of post-secondary education in the USSR are subordinated to and form part of the endeavour to create a communist society in that country. Like education in general, it aims to produce what Marxist-Leninist theory considers ideal, the well-rounded individual. This is what one might consider the programmatic aim of Soviet post-secondary education; it is claimed that this is indeed being accomplished." Interesting though it may be from a theoretical point of view, however, this is of lesser concern to our present purpose than the other, more concrete, ones. These are very closely tied to the Soviet Union's practical goals, among them economic growth and power. To achieve and maintain the latter it has been necessary for the educational system to train skilled and specialized manpower for specific functions in the national economy. It has, in other words, been necessary for education to be functional. Furthermore, with the advance of technology this functional education has had to become more and more specialized, thus perpetuating the division of labour, and, ironically, negating the ideal of well-rounded development.3 So it is that post-secondary education in the USSR is closely linked with economic production, both for practical and ideological reasons: to advance the economy, and to overcome the tendency for intellectual work to become more strictly differentiated from physical labour. Policy statements have stressed the intimate association of post-secondary education with economic production and technological development from as early as 1925. Most recently, it has been reiterated in the twentyfourth Communist Party Congress's directives on the 1971-75 five-year plan. 4 One reason for this continual stress is the policy-makers' desire to see higher education serve the needs of rather than becoming divorced from the economy. Secondly, they do not wish the graduates of post-secondary institutions to develop a disdain for physical work, or, in their terms, to develop into a bourgeois intellectual class. Probably under no Soviet leader was this idea of "strengthening the tie between education and production" carried further than when N.S. Khrushchev was in power. One of his surviving reforms is that which gives preference in admission to higher education to applicants with work experience. How worthwhile this reform has been both educationally and economically remains, of course, a moot point.5 If the tie with production is a sine qua non of Soviet USSR

131

post-secondary education, what are the latter's specific tasks? These are set down in quite definite form in governmental decrees, the latest of which lists the following as most important: /. production of highly-qualified specialists who are equipped with theoretical as well as practical knowledge, are schooled in Marxism-Leninism, and possess the approved moral qualities; 2. constant improvement in the training of these specialists, considering the latest technological developments; 3. conduct of such scientific research as will further the development of communism; 4. preparation of good teachers and textbooks; 5. upgrading the qualifications of instructors and of specialists employed in the economy; 6. dissemination of knowledge among the people; and 7. looking after the patriotic upbringing and physical health of students.6 The chief of these tasks is the training of qualified specialists for the Soviet economy. Soviet higher education is, accordingly, arranged by specialities and each one has its main lines of development rather carefully delineated. For example, in the area of technical education, priority in development is being given to the training of engineers in those fields assuring the greatest technical progress and increase in labour productivity. In agricultural education, it is given to training specialists who can be counted on to improve mechanization, intensification, and use of chemicals, to raise productivity, and to make agricultural labour into a form of industrial labour. The development of new specialties based on computer technology is the prime avenue for development of economic education. Medical education stresses both the combined theoretical-practical training of students and the further advance of the life sciences. University education (as opposed to that in specialized institutes) is developing the training of specialists in the humanities as well as sciences, but with particular emphasis on the newest scientific disciplines. Finally, pedagogical training is turning its efforts to the upgrading of teachers' qualifications so they may educate good citizens.7 Thus the demands of technological progress and those of the economic plan determine the character of Soviet higher education and its development: technical and scientific disciplines are given first priority at the expense of humanities and social sciences; the needs of the economy, not the individual, dictate programs taught. Similarly, the overall social goal of communism determines the role of post-secondary education in Soviet society: to 132

Bohdan Harasym iw

train intellectual manpower and to discover and disseminate scientific knowledge, both of the kind which will contribute to progress measured largely in economic terms.

Post-Secondary Education and Manpower Planning

The universal "right" to higher education in the Soviet Union is circumscribed by the requirements of the national (state) economic plan. The plan includes provisions to meet the nation's manpower needs at all levels of skill through the educational system. A generation ago, when the demand for professional manpower exceeded supply, people were encouraged to enter postsecondary institutions. Higher education thus became an individual's most effective means of advancement and the popular demand for it has grown steadily since that time. Consequently, post-secondary education in the Soviet Union experienced, by continental European standards, a relatively spectacular expansion. From the late 1950s, however, by which time supply of professional manpower has outgrown demand, the problem facing planners has been how to produce sufficient manpower with secondary-level skills required by the economy in the face of great popular expectations of a higher education for everyone who wants it.8 The country's economic plan is worked out by the state planning commission (Gosplan), an administrative body under the council of ministers. Its five-year plans which themselves constitute part of a "perspective," twenty-year plan are broken down into annual plans. All of these contain basic indicators regarding the economy's foreseen manpower needs for the given period. Manpower planning proper is a separate undertaking involving three aspects: forecasting manpower needs; planning the training of the required manpower; and planning the employment of graduates. The scope of this undertaking is supposed to ensure against both shortages and oversupply of specialists, although in practice it does not do so. The planning of manpower needs is done by the ministries and other agencies, under whose jurisdiction function higher educational institutions, on the basis of requests from enterprises and other bodies for specialist personnel, subject to ultimate approval by Gosplan. This is geared to the state economic plan: for every one-year period of the latter, manpower needs are forecast five years ahead; for five-year plans, ten years ahead. There are some 400 specialties, grouped in twenty-two categories. Every enterprise maintains a list or nomenclature (nomenklatura), subject to superior approval, of positions that should be occupied by specialists with higher education. Vacancies in such nomenclatures comprise the basis of planning manpower needs, modified by allowance for

those quitting employment, internal migration, and aging.10 To meet the manpower needs so determined, plans are drawn up for the training of required personnel by higher educational institutions. Governmental agencies having jurisdiction over such institutions formulate these plans with the educational establishments taking part. This gives rise to the annual admissions targets, which are elaborated separately for full-time (day), evening, and correspondence instruction by types of specialization. Similarly, the output of graduates, taking account of attrition rates, is planned per calendar year on the basis of information supplied by the schools.11 The placement or employment of graduates is in the hands of Gosplan and the central administrative agencies which operate higher schools. While the state economic plan does not take into account specialists engaged in part-time study (since these are already employed), the manpower plan apparently does, and the nomenclature vacancies are expected to be filled from all forms of higher education. This third part of the plan is worked out on the basis of requests for specialized manpower submitted to Gosplan by republic governments and ministries, the result of which is a country-wide scheme for the employment of specialists drawn up by Gosplan reconciling the various needs. The scheme is then broken down to be handled by the corresponding central agencies in charge of higher education, which finally pass on the lists of specific vacancies to the institutions. In the latter, placement committees are set up to assign graduates to vacancies. Generally, no graduate can be hired without such formal assignment, in which he is obliged to serve for a minimum of three years.12 Despite great popular demand, the policy is not to expand post-secondary education so as to meet these expectations. This is because the chief manpower requirement presently is for persons with secondary rather than higher training. As well as being determined by the profile of levels of specialization needed by industry, agriculture, and science, this situation is aggravated by demographic trends. The Soviet Union's annual rate of population growth has been declining in the past decade,13 and, as the 1970 census shows, this results in a relative diminution of the working-age population. Hence there exists a labour shortage at the same time that more and more people are pressing for admission to higher education. A Soviet commentator writes that: USSR

133

more than 80 per cent of students in the upper classes want to matriculate at a higher educational institution. Actually, scarcely more than a fifth of the 10-year school graduates enter a higher school, or a third of them if one counts the technicians. About half of the secondary school graduates go into production work. Nonetheless, both industry and agriculture are short of labor.15 As a consequence of all this, the Soviet regime is endeavouring to increase the ratio of specialists with secondary education working in the economy to those with higher qualifications. A 1963 decree had established a target ratio of 3 to 1 or 4 to 1 by 1970. By 1965, however, the ratio was actually 3 to 2 (the same as in 1959), and it was then hoped in a decade to improve this to 3.5 to 2. In the next five-year-plan period, 4.5 million personnel with secondary qualifications were trained, as compared to 2.6 million with a higher education, a ratio of 9 to 5. This did not help much to alter the 1965 proportions, for the 1970 census revealed a ratio of 4 to 3.16 The trend, then, seems to be in the opposite direction from that desired: of the employed population, for every 6 specialists with higher education in 1959 there were 9 with secondary training; in 1970, there were 8. Probably the main cause of this boom in specialists trained at the post-secondary level is the great expansion of the system of part-time education. At the moment these personnel represent 6.5 per cent of the employed population, or double the proportion in 1959. Confirmation of the greater rate of growth in the past decade among Soviet specialists with higher education than those with secondary education appears in the following table:17 Table 1 Higher Education

Secondary Specialized Education

Percentage of employed population

Index of growth (1939=100)

Percentage of employed population

Index of growth (1939=100)

1939

1.3

100

11.0

100

1959

3.3

254

40.0

363

1970

6.5

500

58.8

535

As matters stood at the start of the 1971-75 plan, there 134

Bohdan Harasymiw

were in the USSR nearly 8.3 million persons with a higher education (another 2.6 million had some, but not complete, higher schooling), 7.5 million of whom were employed (plus 1.5 million of the others). Slightly more than 13.4 million more had secondary specialized training; of these, 12.1 million had employment. The fiveyear plan made provision for training 9 million more specialists, but Mr. Kosygin did not reveal the intended division between those of higher and secondary qualifications.18 Presumably, it will be much the same as in the plan just ended, since no other drastic changes were announced. This would mean training by 1975 approximately 3 million specialists with higher education, or 15 per cent more than in the preceding plan period. On the other hand, training of specialists with secondary education probably will increase by 33 per cent over the same period in a likely attempt to redress the above noted imbalance. The foregoing illustrates one of the Soviet planners' main problems in manpower forecasting, caused by the force of individual incentive in the drive for a higher education. Another is the inflation of demand for employees with higher qualifications by individual enterprises. In the construction industry, for example, one source reports: "Technicians are requested for slots that could be filled with skilled workers and engineers are slated where technicians would do . . . . There is one technician for each engineer in construction today, when we need three or four, possibly five, technicians to one engineer."19 Other phenomena which play havoc with manpower planning, as another Soviet writer explains, are that firstly, "Some of the graduates of higher and secondary specialized educational institutions are not working in their real specialties in branches of the national economy." Secondly, "A significant proportion of female specialists do not participate at all in social production." Thirdly, "Quite a few persons change their profession after having graduated . . . ,"20The methods for determining manpower needs, he concludes, are not scientific enough. The result is an undetermined amount of unemployment of post-secondary graduates, about which one finds scattered reports in the Soviet press, although no real data are ever given. There is also a certain degree of underemployment, caused by some employers' reluctance to allow young engineers to take responsibility or sometimes by their prejudice against theoretical in favour of practical knowledge.

Accessibility and Costs of Post-Secondary Education

One problem which perhaps does not loom as large for Soviet as it does for Western policy-makers is the brain-drain phenomenon. Because of the USSR's emigration policies, it is extremely unusual for an engineer or scientist to leave that country, except by defection. The problem exists, therefore, in a rather different form. Namely, the country loses all of the specialists which it trains for foreign, especially other socialist and developing, countries. In 1967, some 24,000 foreign students were attending Soviet post-secondary insitutions, twice as many as in 1961. About one sixth of the total number of foreigners graduates each year.21 The Soviet Union even established in 1960 a special institution, the People's Friendship University, to train specialists from developing countries. It accommodates more than 3,000 students.22 The total of foreign graduates, however, is only about one per cent of all graduates of postsecondary education in the USSR, at most two per cent of full-time graduates. In addition to training foreign students who go back to their native countries afterwards, the Soviet Union sends abroad many of its own specialists as part of its technical aid to other socialist and developing states. This should be considered a form of brain-drain, although its extent is difficult to gauge.

Since post-secondary education comprises part of the planned Soviet economy, access to it is rather strictly regulated by the economic plan. Accessibility is determined by what are thought to be the needs of the economy as well as the country's future needs in terms of social structure. In the first two decades of the Soviet regime, preference in admissions to higher education was given to workers, selected locally, so long as they were literate and had "political understanding." By 1936, all post-secondary institutions were admitting students on the basis of common entrance examinations, highest priority being given to those with highest marks. Students completing secondary school with top marks were exempt from writing the entrance examinations.23 Thus, at least in theory, for the next two decades students were admitted on their academic merit. Since 1955, the major innovation has been preferential admission for candidates with work experience or military service. This policy undoubtedly discriminates against applicants who are academically qualified, and forces graduates of secondary schools involuntarily to enter productive employment."4 According to the 1968 admissions rules,25 citizens with a secondary education who have successfully passed the entrance examinations are accepted in post-secondary institutions up to the age of 35 for full-time (day) study. There is no upper age limit for those who wish to study part-time—through evening or correspondence courses. Certain categories of prospective students are admitted without writing entrance examinations (veterans, exservicemen, top graduates of technical schools, and teachers sponsored by educational bodies). When places by these categories have been taken, the remaining applicants are considered for the remaining places by competition, based on their entrance examination results and their work experience. For full-time study, they are divided into two categories: those with at least two years' work experience or military service, and those without. The proportion of places to be filled by these two categories is established according to the ratio of such applicants. Preference is given to leading industrial workers sent to study by their enterprises, and (in certain cases) to rural residents. For part-time study, first priority is given to working people who are intending to study in the same field as their employment, and especially to those designated by their enterprise to study at the postsecondary level. All other candidates receive second USSR

135

Table 2

Total admissions (in thousands) Day divisions Evening divisions Correspondence divisions Day divisions as percentage of total admissions

1940

1950

1960

1965

1966

1967

1968

263.4

349.1

593.3

853.7

897.5

888.1

887.9

902

154.9

228.4

257.9

378.4

427.1

436.9

453.2

501.7

6.6

9.1

77.2

125.2

134.5

135.0

131.8

101.9

111.6

258.2

350.1

335.9

316.2

302.9

400.3

58.9

65.6

43.6

44.4

47.6

49.2

51.0

55.6

Table 3

Table 4 Percentage admitted

Percentage admitted to full-time (day) programs

1928

1.3

1.3

1930

4.1

4.1

1940

8.2

4.7

1955

10.9

6.0

1959

13.4

6.0

priority. In resolving cases where applicants have identical entrance exam results, preference is given firstly to the one with at least two years' experience of work in the intended or a related field of study, then to the one with a better academic record. Actual admissions to higher education since 1940 are shown in table 2.26 The figures reveal three significant trends: 1. the rapid acceleration of intake of students into the system until about 1965, followed by its considerable abatement since then (only 5,000 more students were to be admitted in 1971 than in 1966); 2. a great expansion of the system of part-time, especially evening, instruction, beginning in the 1950s;27 and 3. an absolute decline, following the 1965 peak, in part-time admissions, with a consequent steady surge in the proportion of full-time admissions, following official acknowledgement of the inferior quality of part-time instruction.28 The first of these is a result of declining population growth; the other two, of Soviet policy. Comparison of the figures for actual admissions with those of a relevant age group, or with the number of secondary school graduates, or with the number of applicants, will yield some measure of the demand for and 136

1971 (projected)

Bohdan Harasymiw

Total secondary school graduations Admissions (in (in thousands) , thousands)

Percentage admitted to higher education

Percentage admitted to full-time (day) programs

1950

242

349

144.1

94.3

1955

1,246

461

37.0

20.6

1958

1,573

456

29.0

13.7

1960

1,000

593

59.3

25.8

1965

1,350

853

63.2

28.0

1967

2,400

900

37.5

17.3

expectation of enrolment in higher education. Nicholas DeWitt has estimated that of children who entered elementary school in the USSR in the 1950s, 10 per cent went on to post-secondary education, as compared with 23 per cent in the United States.29 Of the population of seventeen and eighteen-year-olds, he estimated that at best the following percentages were admitted to higher education up to 1959 (table 3).30 Another American scholar, comparing admissions and secondary school graduations, has put forward the proportions shown in table 4.31 If all seventeen- and eighteen-year olds, and all secondary school graduates, then, wanted to enter higher education, we can see that no more than 3 in 5 would have a chance of being admitted and only half would get into the full-time division of a post-secondary institution. It must be borne in mind, however, that the competition for university and institute places is joined by more contestants than those of school-leaving age. It includes

Table 5 1940

1950

1960

1965

1966

1967

1968

1969

2,396

3,861

4,123

4,311

4,470

4,548

2,029

2,138

Number of students (in thousands) (beginning of each academic year) Total

812

1,247

Full-time

558

818

1,156

1,584

1,740

1,890

Evening

27

27

245

569

618

652

670

668

227

402

995

1,708

1,765

1,769

1,772

1,742

Correspondence

Number of graduates (in thousands) (during the calendar year)

126.1

176.9

343.3

403.9

431.8

479.5

510.6

564.9

Full-time

97.8

145.9

228.7

224.8

229.3

249.9

262.2

292.7

Evening

4.4

2.0

15.4

43.5

56.0

65.7

73.3

272.2

23.9

29.0

99.2

135.6

146.5

163.9

175.1

Total

Correspondence

those many who, although they succeeded in passing the entrance examinations, were denied entry because of lack of room and are entitled to compete again for a place. And, admissions in 1950 were presumably bolstered by those whose formal education has been interrupted by the war. The actual demand, therefore, for higher education could better be estimated from comparison of successful examinees and admissions. Unfortunately, no comprehensive data were available to this writer on numbers of students writing and passing entrance examinations.32 We have again to fall back for a general picture on a remark cited earlier made in Izvestiia: one half of secondary school graduates go into specialist secondary education, but more than four fifths aspire to higher education.33 Attitudes of students measured by sampling techniques in various localities in the 1960s confirm this high level of expectation and its low level of realization. For example, in Novosibirsk province in 1963, 80 per cent of secondary school graduates intended to study full time thereafter; 12 per cent hoped to combine study with work. In fact, 44 per cent went on to study full time, 32 per cent went to work, and 3 per cent succeeded in combining work and study. In one of the regions of Sverdlovsk in 1965, 82 per cent of secondary school graduates planned to attend higher institutions; 11 per cent planned to work. A follow-up study indicated that 40 per cent entered post-secondary education, 30 per cent went to work, 8 per cent entered specialized secondary insti-

tutions, and the remaining 12 per cent did not succeed in getting a position, were drafted into the army, or left town. In another district of the same city, 90.3 per cent had plans for full-time higher education; nearly two thirds of these did so. In Sverdlovsk as a whole, half of the secondary school graduates entered a higher institution.34 As one of the sociologists who reported on these findings pointed out, the degree of realization of plans for higher education was undoubtedly higher than the country-wide average because of the cultural advantages which cities enjoy. Thus the entrance examinations in 1968 for Moscow State University were passed by 32 per cent of urban applicants, but only 23 per cent of rural graduates.35 So far as this writer was able to determine, entrance exams cannot be rewritten.36 Once a candidate sits them, the die is cast. More than four and one half million persons (or 187 per 10,000 of population) are studying in Soviet postsecondary institutions at the present time, as shown in table 5.37 By 1980, there will be eight million students at this level. Full-time students account for less than half of postsecondary enrolments and a similar proportion of graduates. The evening and correspondence divisions in Soviet higher institutions thus serve as considerable "safety valves" to relieve the pressure for entry into postsecondary education. Persons studying this way get special leave privileges—up to 40 days extra with pay—from their place of work for study and examination.38 But a USSR

137

student in these is much less sure of completing his schooling and getting a diploma than one who has entered the full-time branch. As can be seen, the part-time divisions, while they have 53 per cent of students under instruction, furnish only 48 percent of graduates. Indeed, the effectiveness of the part-time programs—judged in terms of success and dropout rates, as well as of the quality of instruction—is a matter of acknowledged concern. Studies show that a higher dropout rate is experienced among correspondence students than those in evening classes; and the latter a higher one than for full-time (day) students. In 1968, for example, the dropout rates were 23.5 and 10.8 per cent respectively for correspondence and evening divisions. And, in 1964, of students who had enrolled in correspondence courses six years previously (the normal period for completing a diploma by correspondence), only 46.5 per cent graduated. It is estimated that in fulltime study the dropout rate, by comparison, is only 5 to 7 per cent over the whole five-year course.39 These relatively high failure rates have serious implications for the economics of post-secondary education. Data from the Ministry of Higher and Secondary Specialized Education indicate that the nominal yearly per student expenditure, on the average (excluding outlays for major repairs and capital construction), is 1,066 rubles in the day divisions, 290 in evening, and 85 in correspondence. The actual cost, however, calculated to allow for dropouts, repeaters, and enterprises' outlays on students, of training one specialist by correspondence is 45 per cent of that in the day divisions. Part-time education is not really so much more economical than full-time as appears at first glance. Beyond the extension divisions of post-secondary institutions there exist in the USSR several networks of facilities for non-credit adult education. Of the latter, the two most noteworthy systems are the political education network and the people's universities. Some 13.5 million persons, mostly Communist Party members, were attending the part-time political schools in 196667. The so-called people's universities, begun in 1958, are operated under the auspices of various agencies such as Znanie (the all-union society for dissemination of political and scientific knowledge), the central trade unions' council, the youth league central committee, and the cultural and educational ministries. Representatives of these bodies form a central council to oversee opera138

Bohdan Harasymiw

tions. The whole system of 17,000 "universities" is run on a voluntary basis, with over 200,000 instructors and more than 3 million students at last count. Its aims are the propagation of popular scientific knowledge, promotion of the Marxist-Leninist world outlook, and the spiritual and cultural enrichment of the people as well as, to some extent, upgrading their technical skills. They are expected, however, not to duplicate either the higher educational institutions or the party (political) education network. There are people's universities specializing in culture (for the study of literature and art), pedagogy, health, technology and economics, agricultural knowledge, scientific atheism, legal studies, international relations, and Soviet trade. The first three types account for about 80 per cent of the total. There have been proposals, therefore, to expand the offerings in natural sciences in order to make these adult studies as practically applicable in the economy as the regular educational institutions. 42 The costs of post-secondary education in the USSR are met from three sources: the state budget, nongovernmental institutional funds (such as enterprises, collective farms, public organizations, and cooperatives), and private sources. It was estimated that in 1960, the bulk of expenditures on education (in the broad sense, including science and culture) came from the state budget (10.3 billion new rubles), which represented between 5 and 6 per cent of Gross National Product; nongovernmental institutions provided 18.2 per cent of the total, and private sources contributed less than one per cent. About one-tenth of the state funds were spent on higher educational institutions. In 1968, state budget expenditures totalled 128.6 billion rubles; 13.2 billion rubles were included that year for education (in the narrow sense—formal educational institutions); higher education received 1,917 million, or 1.49 percent of state budget expenditures. Besides the 13.2 billion spent by the state on education, another 4.0 billion, it is estimated, was contributed by nongovernmental institutions. If these expended a similar proportion on higher education as did the state, then the total spent on the latter was about 2.5 billion rubles.43 The Soviet government's remarkable degree of control in the last two decades over expenditures on education as a whole and higher education in particular is evident from table 6.44 While total state budget expenditures tripled between

Table 6 USSR Expenditures on Education (rubles)

1940

1950

1960

1965

1966

1967

1968

17.4

41.3

73.1

101.6

105.6

115.2

128.6

Education (billions)

2.3

4.8

6.9

11.6

12.4

13.0

13.2

Higher education (millions)

273

693

1076

1483

1610

1751

1917

Per student (rubles)

336

556

449

84

390

408

426

-0.3 (?)

0.6

1.6

2.5

2.9

3.2

4.0

5.4

8.5

14.1

15.3

16.2

17.2

State budget expenditures Total (billions)

Expenditures from other sources Education (billions) Total state and other expenditures Education (billions)

2.0

1950 and 1968, outlays on education (of all kinds) did not increase as much. It was obviously possible for the state to hold down its spending on this item only by shifting the burden to non-governmental bodies. The latter's contribution to education has accordingly multiplied more than six times in the same period. Even more remarkable has been the state's ability to keep per student costs of post-secondary education below the 1950 level. This, of course, has been achieved by expanding part-time forms of post-secondary schooling which are much cheaper than full-time. In the period under consideration, the number of correspondence students grew 4.4 times, evening students multiplied 24.8 times, and full-time enrolments rose by the modest factor of 2.5.45 Since its low point in 1965, however, the per student cost of higher education has been climbing, reflecting the levelling off in part-time enrolments as a result of change in policy towards this form of education. Except for the 25 per cent or so of them without stipends (scholarships) and who therefore have to bear the cost of maintaining themselves, the monetary cost of higher education to the student is practically nil by comparison with the sums spent by government and public bodies. There are no tuition fees. Post-secondary education, for those who can gain admission, is indeed a bargain, "one of the most valuable prizes in the gift of the Soviet government."46 The only real cost to the student is the work he must contribute to the economy during his summer holidays, and the three-year appointment to a job he must accept on graduation.

How much does higher education contribute in benefits to the Soviet economy and society? This is a question best answered by an economist, but even an economist must wait for the Soviets to provide the necessary data for such evaluation. So far, there has developed some interest among scholars in the USSR in evaluating the economic benefits of general education, but none yet, to my knowledge, of post-secondary education. Their studies to date claim that 23 to 27 per cent of Soviet national income can be attributed to raising the educational level of the labour force.47 The best that this writer can do in assessing the economics of higher education in the USSR, is to offer two sets of indices which compare the rate of growth in specialist graduations with the rate of growth of state expenditures on higher education, as shown in this table.48 Table 7 1950

1965

Expenditures from the state budget on higher education

100

219

Graduates of higher educational institutions

100

227

Since the rate of growth of graduates has been greater than that of expenditures, it might perhaps be safe to conclude that post-secondary education could be regarded as an economical undertaking. USSR

139

Higher Education and Social Mobility

Discussion of social structure, let alone social mobility, in the USSR is extremely difficult because Soviet data are not readily amenable to meaningful analysis. In the first place, the Soviets divide their society into only three categories: workers, peasants, and employees. Secondly, they often treat social origin as equivalent to social position. Thirdly, as in the 1959 census, they sometimes group workers and employees together, thus reducing even further the number of social categories. These data are not very useful. More detailed information, however, is available on the composition of the labour force, and on this basis one can with caution compare it to the composition of students enrolled in higher education, as in the table below.49 Table 8 Social Percentage of students of Categories given social origin

Percentage of labour force by type of employment

1939

1959

1938, USSR

1958, Moscow

Employees

20.7

21.2

44.5

60-70

Workers

28.1

39.2

33.5

Q

Peasants

46.2

35.3

21.6

0-4D

These data would seem to indicate that children of employees (intelligentsia and white-collar workers) enjoy a certain advantage in access to higher education than do children of peasants and blue-collar workers. No comprehensive data on the social composition of post-secondary students are published, even in terms of workers, peasants, and employees. We can only generalize from a small number of local sociological studies carried out on this question. These indicate that in Sverdlovsk, for instance, the competition for places in higher education was almost equal between children of employees and workers, with peasants' children making up only about 5 per cent of all students. Furthermore, children of employees predominated in the medical and polytechnical institutes; those of workers, in mining, lumbering, and railroading; and peasants' children, in agriculture. A 1963 survey showed that children of specialists (those with higher and secondary specialized education) formed the largest proportion (35 per cent) of first-year admissions to the Urals University, followed by workers' children at 33 per cent, those from (non140

Bohdan Harasymiw

specialist) employees' families formed 19 per cent, and peasants' offspring comprised 4 per cent. The difference in admissions to various faculties that year was also rather remarkable, as the following table shows: Table 9

Percentage of Admissions to Urals University, by Faculties, 1963 Physics

Biology

Mathematics

Specialists' children

58

41.6

31

Employees' children

7.6

12.8

28

There is evidence here of a certain "self-reproduction" of classes: those with higher education reproduce themselves. A survey two years later at the same university indicated an increase in admissions of specialists' children to 38.5 per cent, and a decrease in workers' to 24.4 per cent of the admissions. The 1959 census had indicated the social composition of the region as being 70 per cent workers, 22 per cent employees and 8 per cent collective farm peasants.^0 A survey of 3,000 correspondence students in three universities in 1964-65, showed that persons who could be considered middle class were more apt to take advantage of this form of education to upgrade their qualifications and status than were factory and farm workers. The sample consisted of the following occupations (percentages in parentheses): secondary school teachers (29.4); employees of party, state, soviet, and other organizations (25.3); factory and plant workers (11.4); engineers and technicians (6.1); military servicemen (7.7); collective farmers (2.5); and others (17.6). Comparison of these students' occupations at the time they were admitted and at the time of the survey indicated a movement away from the employee and worker categories to the presumably higher status secondary school teacher and engineer-technician ones. Apparently, then, the higher school provides mobility for those who are already somewhere in the middle of the social ladder. It provides relatively few opportunities to those at the very bottom, the collective farm peasantry. Even the adult education network, the people's universities, have been taken advantage of only to a very small degree by the peasant population. A 1961 census of these institutions revealed 1.5 million in attendance, 39 per cent being workers, 38 per cent employees, 15 per

New Developments

cent students, housewives, and pensioners, and only 8 per cent collective farmers.52 Finally, a study in the city of Kazan has indicated that individuals of peasant origin among non-manual workers had better chances of both higher wages and education than did those of working-class origin, while persons of white-collar origin had the best chances of all.53 This would seem to indicate that the latter group enjoys the greatest mobility among non-manual workers, and that people of peasant origin also have a significant degree of mobility. Persons of working-class origin, on the other hand, are most likely to be in the lowest income group and to have the least education. A certain degree of selfreproduction of classes is again evident: workers tend to remain workers.

In view of the declining population growth rate and the manpower requirements discussed earlier, the Soviet Union has no plans for greatly expanding the system of post-secondary education. Admissions for 1971 were to be about the same as in 1968—approximately 900,000. Increases are, however, planned in financial assistance to students during the 1971-75 plan period. The use of radio, television, and films has increased, especially as a supplement to part-time education. Their use so far in the regular system of post-secondary education seems to have been relatively limited; many people are reluctant to abandon old instructional techniques and to experiment with new ones. Educational television broadcasting began officially only in 1965. Only three Soviet cities have a separate educational channel, and only 20 others carry such broadcasts as part of their television programming. No more than 43 per cent of the primary and secondary schools are equipped with television sets. On the degree of development of this and other media in the higher institutions there are only scattered indications. One source, for instance, says that postsecondary courses in programs of general studies have been televised in the three major cities—Leningrad, Moscow, and Kiev—since 1964. Some institutions have closed-circuit television; its use is not extensive. As for films, there are said to be some 1500 titles for the use of higher institutions. Not only is this an inadequate number, so Soviet critics themselves say, but not enough are being made, and distribution is also a problem because it is in the hands of the central motion picture (feature film) distribution agency instead of the higher education ministry.54 Innovation is a slow process in the USSR. Post-secondary education in the USSR has experienced a tremendous growth, but within government-established limits and for state-directed purposes. It is practically free of monetary costs to the individual, but there is great competition for admission, and the student pays for his education by military service or work before, during, and after his studies. Finally, it provides tremendous opportunities for social mobility, but there are limits to this and already it is noticeable that children of those with higher education have better chances of getting it themselves than do those without. Higher education, then, poses ambiguously as either a major vehicle to the communist classless society or an obstacle to it. USSR

141

Notes

1. Education and Professional Employment in the U.S.S.R. (Washington, B.C.: National Science Foundation, 1961), p. 4. 2. Soviet Education, IV, No. 3 (1962), 35, and No. 7 (1962), 10; and Fred Albin, ed., Education in the USSR, 2 vols. (n.p.: International Arts and Sciences Press, 1963), I, 12-14. 3. De Witt, pp. 6-7. 4. Spravochnik partiinogo rabotnika, Vypusk 9 (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo politicheskoi literatury, 1969), p. 305. 5. For a pessimistic evaluation of the reform's effect on higher education, see Robert J. Osborn, Societ Social Policies (Homewood, 111.: Dorsey Press, 1970), pp. 123-24. 6. KPSS o kul'ture, prosveshchenii i nauke (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo politicheskoi literatury, 1963), pp. 334-36, and Pravda, 11 April 1971 7. V.P. Eliutin, ed., Vysshaia shkola SSSRza 50 let (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo "Vysshaia shkola," 1967), pp. 160 and 162. 8. De Witt, pp. Sand 13-14. 9. L.V. Cherkashin, Planirovanie kul'tumogo stroitel'stva (Moscow: "Ekonomika," 1969), pp. 69-71.

Tropin (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Moskovskogo universiteta, 1968), pp. 156-70. 26. Narodnoe khoziaistvo SSSR v 1967g. (Moscow: "Statistika," 1968), p. 796; Vestnik vysshei shkoly, XXIX, no. 1 (1971), 3-4; and Narodnoe khoziaistvo SSSR v 1968 g. (Moscow: "Statistika," 1969), p. 687. 27. The 1954 decree ordering this expansion is reproduced in KPSS o kul'ture, prosveshchenii i nauke, pp. 397-411, especially 408-10. 28. The turning point was signalled in a decree issued in 1966 and reproduced in Spravochnik partiinogo rabotnika, Vypusk 7 (1967), pp. a'"DLf-64. 29. DeWitt, p. 37, Table I-1. 30. Ibid., p. 262, Table IV-11. 31. Osborn, p. 96, Table 4-1. 32. Regional examples are given in Rutkevich, The Career Plans of Youth, pp. 20-21; CDSP, XV, No. 19 (1963), 3; and Fred Albin, ed., Contemporary Soviet Education (White Plains, N.Y.: International Arts and Sciences Press, 1969), p. 158-59.

12. Ibid., pp. 87-90; De Witt, pp. 360-62; and Spravochnik partiinogo rabotnika, Vypusk 9 (1969), p. 308.

33. CDSP, XXII, 36 (1970), 10. 34. Osborn, p. 129; M.N. Rutkevich, "Sotsial'nye istochniki popolneniia sovetskoi intelligentsii," Voprosyjilosofii, XXI, No. 6 (1967), 20; and Rutkevich, The Career Plans of Youth, p. 19. 35. Osborn, p. 133. 36. Point XII of "Pravila priema . . . ," p. 161.

13. The population increase per thousand of population stood at 17.8 in 1960. by 1967, it was 9.8. Current Digest of the Soviet Press (hereinafter CDSP), XXII, No. 1 (1970), 14.

37. Narodnoe khoziaistvo SSSR v 1967 g., pp. 788 and 797, 1968 g., p. 688; Vestnik statistiki, No. 3, 1970, p. 85, and No. 5, 1970, p. 93; and Vestnik vysshei shkoly, XXVII, No. 8 (1969), 3.

14. In 1959, the population of working age comprised 57.4 per cent of the whole population; in 1970, 54 per cent. Pravda, 1 May 1971.

38. Osborn, p. 126; and International Yearbook of Education, Vol. XXX 1968 (Geneva: Unesco and International Bureau of Education, 1969), pp. 497-98.

10. Ibid., pp. 71-77. 11. Ibid., pp. 83-85.

15. CDSP, XXII, No. 36 (1970), 10. See also ibid., No. 1 (1970), p. 15. 16. KPSS o kul'ture, prosveshchenii i nauke, p. 436; M.N. Rutkevich, ed., The Career Plans of Youth, ed. and trans, by Murray Yanowitch (White Plains, N.Y.: International Arts and Sciences Press, 1969), pp. 14-15; and Pravda, 14 February and 17 April 1971. 17. Pravda, 17 April 1971. 18. Ibid., and 14 February and 7 April 1971. 19. CDSP, XXII, No. 21 (1970), 19. For an earlier report on how such practices affected the whole economy, see Soviet Education, V, No. 5 (1963), 27. 20. Soviet Education, VII, No. 8 (1965), 56. See also Harold J. Noah, ed., The Economics of Education in the U.S.S.R. (New York: Praeger, 1969), p. 13. 21. Soviet Education, IV, No. 3 (1962), 52, and X, No. 10 (1968), 46; and Eliutin, Vysshaia shkola SSSR za 50 let, p. 267. 22. Eliutin, Vysshaia shkola SSSRza 50 let, pp. 268-69. 23. De Witt, p. 246; and KPSS o kul'ture, prosveshchenii i nauke, pp. 383-84. 24. De Witt, pp. 248-52 and 256. 25. "Pravila priema v vysshie uchebnye zavedeniia SSSR," in Spravochnik dlia postupaiushchikh v Moskovskii universitet, ed. by V.I.

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Bohdan Harasymiw

39. Vestnik vysshei shkoly, XXVII, No. 8 (1969), 4; and Soviet Education, XI, No. 9 (1969), 12 and 16. 40. Soviet Education, XI, No. 9 (1969), 16-18. 41. Partiinaia zhizn', No. 18, 1967, p. 51. 42. De Witt, p. 59; CDSP, XV, No. 9 (1963), 29-30; KPSS o kul'ture, prosveshchenii i nauke, pp. 303-307; Spravochnik partiinogo rabotnika, Vypusk 6 (1966), pp. 343-51, and Vypusk 9 (1969), pp. 297-301. 43. De Witt, pp. 61-63; Harold J. Noah, Financing Soviet Schools (New York: Teachers College Press, 1966), pp. 48-76; Narodnoe khoziaistvo SSSR v 1967g., pp. 886 and 888-89. 44. Narodnoe khoziaistvo SSSR v 1967g., and ibid., 1968g. 45. Narodnoe khoziaistvo SSSR v 1968 g. 46. Noah, Financing Soviet Schools, p. 43. 47. Noah, The Economics of Education in the U.S.S.R., pp. 5-6. 48. Narodnoe khoziaistvo SSSRv 1967 g., p. 800; and Soviet Education, XI, No. 9(1969), 15. 49. De Witt, p. 352; and Spravochnik partiinogo rabotnika, Vypusk 3 (1961), 807-17. 50. Rutkevich, The Career Plans of Youth, pp. 145-49. 51. Soviet Education, XI, No. 9 (1969), 14 and 20. 52. CDSP, XV, No. 9 (1963), 29.

53. Soviet Sociology, IV, No. 2 (1965), 6-7. 54. Eliutin, Vysshaia shkola SSSR za 50 let, pp. 225-26; Pravda, 23 July 1970; and CDSP, XXII, No. 34 (1970), 22-23. Nearly every issue of Vestnik vysshei shkoly now carries an article on the utilization of new techniques in the higher school.

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Social Class Competition in American Higher Education

by Andre Daniere

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Introduction: Where the Problem Is Not

For the first time in many years, the United States economy faces a phenomenon which has been endemic in countries at an early stage of their development, but was thought to shrink in direct relation to the development "age" of an economy. There is an apparent surplus of educated manpower, in the sense that holders of academic degrees fail to find the sort of employment they had been led to expect—or lose the sort of employment to which they had become accustomed. To quote a nonscholarly source: "A survey of 140 US colleges and universities indicated that between March 1970 and March 1971, job bids for male B.A.'s dropped 61 per cent, and a staggering 78 per cent for Ph.D.'s."1 This does not mean, of course, that college graduates will idle away the remainder of their years; more will attempt to join graduate schools (especially professional schools), many will accept positions and salaries well below what their colleagues of two years ago could easily command, and some will choose secure poverty for a year or two, seeking their identity or whatever else is out of reach. In short, we will have "underemployment of the educated" (if it can be assumed that an economy employing educated individuals in their expected jobs would be more productive), or "overinvestment in education" (if the above assumption is unrealistic), or, more likely, an overinvestment mixed with misallocation of the available labour force. However, those are pretty strong terms to describe a problem that may be both mild and temporary. For this reason, I prefer to talk of a "spurt of job-upgrading." Job-upgrading is the process by which the annual excess of educated (or trained) members of the labour force over requirements in terms of previous-year qualifications is wiped out. Very simply, the excess supply at any level of educational achievement is hired in preference to individuals of slightly lesser qualification in jobs for which the latter had previously qualified. Once a majority of new employees in a given job classification is hired at the new level of education, this level becomes a requirement and the job has been "upgraded." Because the content of jobs does change, and with it the relation of job performance to education, the precise magnitude of "job upgrading" is difficult to measure. Nevertheless, anyone can identify in the United States Census millions of jobs that did not become substantially more demanding over the last decade, yet have been fully transferred from elementary to high-school graduates or from the latter to college graduates. The real difficulty is not to United States

147

measure but to perceive: because the process has been working so smoothly and continuously through our development history, there has never been a serious gap between what graduates at any level of education had expected and the kind of job they did obtain upon joining the labour force. Older men would grumble that the hiring of college graduates was a waste or worse, for they had found their own high-school degree more than adequate; but there was no real threat as long as experience and acquired power within the organization preserved their competitive advantage. Essentially, therefore, the process has been painless if not enjoyable, and it has contributed to equalizing opportunities by orienting hiring policies towards objective (although continuously changing) criteria. What is unique in the present situation is that a break has occurred in the continuity. The excess supply at various levels of educational achievement is now substantial and is being employed in jobs previously (and simultaneously) held by individuals of much lesser achievement. Apart from the frustrations this situation engenders, it contains evidence of inefficient allocation in the labour market. It is no longer a matter of secular shifts in education requirements that may, or may not, reflect changes in job content, but of the simultaneous utilization of similarly trained people in jobs that have widely different contents and marginal productivities. Whether this constitutes underemployment or overinvestment is not easily ascertainable, but there is no question that the rules of economic efficiency are seriously breached. The more important problem has to do with future evolution: The rate and composition of economic growth, following the present recession, may be such as to absorb what will have been a temporary oversupply; or we may be entering an extended period in which cohorts of graduates will, year after year, find a frustrating gap between expectations and job offers; or we may witness an adaptive reaction on the supply side, in the form of a reduced growth of enrolments. The economical crystal ball is still far too clouded to come up with firm predictions. My feeling, however, is that the growth of traditional higher education in the United States will be curbed, that the growth of employment will catch up with that of the labour force (although with a reduced rate of productivity increase), and that we shall return to an orderly process of job upgrading. In short, the problems this country will face in this area over the coming decade 148

A ndre Daniere

will not be primarily those of underemployment or misemployment of the educated,

Where Serious Problems Exist

One major challenge, to which a good deal of our conference program addressed itself, concerns the establishment of new curricular and career structures in higher education, structures that will respond more flexibly to the changing needs of the labour market and to the changing aspirations of students. There is hard work to be done, but there is also reason to be optimistic as far as the United States is concerned, mostly because the American higher-education system is essentially variegated, decentralized, and competitive. This goes against the grain of current conventional wisdom among specialists of the subject, who are unanimous in bemoaning the identity of goals and methods in all kinds of institutions across the fifty states. As in other matters, however, American self-critics speak mostly from the perspective of their particular ideals and fail to measure contemporary American performance against historical experience or international practice. By any such standards, it is certainly correct to say that the American college provides an unusual variety of educational opportunities and is unusually responsive to the demands of its various clienteles. The problem which this paper is going to explore is no less serious. It derives essentially from certain limits placed on the growth of higher education and, in that sense, represents the obverse of overinvestment and underemployment concerns voiced in earlier paragraphs. It matters little whether these limitations are imposed as a matter of conscious policy (to avoid inefficiencies), or whether they result from certain "natural" forces embodied in the political behaviour of various interest groups. The point is that, contrary to previous American experience, there is no selective cycle of education beyond those accessible to the majority, by which individuals of almost any ability may ensure for themselves an advantaged position in the labour market. There was a time when this could be done by attending secondary school; as secondary schooling became universalized, the four-year college provided the step upward; but the generalization of college attendance will not, in turn, trigger open graduate schools2- in which places are available to any college graduate with enough will and means. Graduate programs, especially in professional areas, will continue to expand, but those who pursue them will remain a minority selected by the college system. This means, in effect, that recognition of educational achievement will have to be obtained competitively within the four-year college cycle, rather than

through the aristocratic process of financing a few more years of study than is generally available to the age cohort. The sociological implications of this change need not be ominous, but they must be examined with care. Sensitivity to alternative enrolment policies must be ascertained before irretrievable errors are committed.

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149

The Closing of a Selection Process

The statement that we shall not witness the growth of an "open" network of graduate schooling which, say, the more persevering third of the age cohort would eventually attend, is certainly open to question. But there is good evidence in its favour, even if most of it is somewhat less than direct. As long as the graduate education we propose is intended as a professional one (professional being understood broadly to include academicians at one end and new types of "community" specialists at the other), we can expect the professions to keep close track of what goes on in the schools and to enforce a high degree of competitive selection among applicants. Positions in the socio-economic hierarchy, therefore, would be determined before graduate studies and fully within the context of college programs. If, on the other hand, we are talking of creating a new cycle of general education, that is, to repeat at a higher level the earlier extension of general studies from high-school to college, the camel's back is very likely to break. A meaningful general-education curriculum could be built for the four-year college, although, perhaps, at the cost of watering down the contents of high-school education; but the formulation of a general-education program for two or three more years (thus reaching into the twentyfifth year of students) overtaxes the imagination. It loses all credence once it is recalled that, even now, a large proportion of college students engage in decidedly vocational pursuits, and a disturbing number of them find their general education redundant and utterly boring. Another kind of evidence is provided by the structural evolution of the American college system. The system is behaving so close to what could be predicted if our hypothesis were correct, and that behaviour is so little consistent with alternative hypotheses, that acceptance of the former is almost inevitable. In short, we have seen emerging a complex process of stratification that "ranks" students according to length of college attendance, type of curriculum adopted (professional versus liberal, honours versus non-honours), selectivity and resource input of the institution attended, and formal or informal grading of performance. Clearly, then, the American college is not just processing students through some standard cycle of general education, leaving the selection of "elites" to further stages. Instead, it systematically and irreversibly separates the entering cohort into groups within which job, income, and power expectations are relatively fixed and uniform. Furthermore, the 150

Andre Daniere

structure appears to be fully internalized by "advantaged" students and their families: the latter are not making use of their power to promote a new exclusive cycle, but play whatever game is still theirs within the college system itself; they shoot for access to a full four years of instruction in a liberal-arts honours curriculum at a prestigious institution. All this is in sharp contrast with what occurred at the secondary-school level in its transition towards universalization. The very rich did, indeed, continue to patronize exclusive private schools that could facilitate access (and success) at the better colleges; the public highschools did also maintain alternative tracks, often quite irreversible, and the accident of residence could, in any case, result in widely different schooling opportunities. But the rich were confident that they could find a "respectable" four-year college for their sons and daughters, as long as the latter's secondary-school experience fell short of delinquency; all high schools were quickly moving to a standard length of study and essentially standard curricula; and the ideal, constantly proclaimed if seldom achieved, was to provide equal services to all pupils in every community. It is obvious from the above that the "revolution" we are describing is by no means a sudden event assignable to, say, the last decade. It is almost as if, from the beginning of higher education in the United States, there was an implicit understanding that "the buck would end" somewhere in the four-year college cycle. The early development of public higher education centred on the training of agriculturists, engineers, health professionals, accountants, teachers, etcetera, thus allowing students down to the lower middle-class to enter the ranks of professionals. Some "emerging" minorities were further able to build their college system in the liberal arts tradition, and thus establish footholds on a higher rung of the social ladder. Clearly, therefore, a hierarchy was being established, with members of different social classes assigned entry into different strata. But at no point was any group pressed by any other. Not only were the new recruits to higher education slated for a finite range of occupations, but there was little chance that they would press beyond (the rate of economic growth and technological change providing a steady flow of new slots), or that they could if they tried (since access to the higher rungs of the establishment was still largely controlled by other than educational criteria).

Social Class Competition in College Education: An Empirical Investigation

The new recruits themselves were still very much part of an elite who needed only to walk into higher education and walk out to a successful career. What has happened in the last decade is, of course, that enormous strides have been made towards universalizing college education, with the result that graduations have outrun the supply of new professional slots, job-upgrading has occurred on a massive scale, and increased reliance has been placed on educational credentials in the recruitment of personnel at all levels. Educational competition between all groups has suddenly become both closer and more open; and the absence of an escape hatch into a further exclusive cycle of higher education is finally acquiring its full significance.

The questions that are raised by the closing of what may be called the "extra-cycle selection process" are numerous, falling into almost every category of concerns shared by students of higher education. The three that I may clarify are the following: /. What are the achievement and earnings expectations of students accepted by the college system into different strata? 2. How do students from different family-income classes (social classes) and of different sex fare under the existing selection process? 3. What can one expect in the latter respect from new or emerging policies (mostly financial policies) affecting the enrolment structure? Some published and some original data presented later indicate, roughly, that different college tracks lead to widely different income expectations; that the system is drawing large new contingents from the low-income group, but tends to drive them into the least promising tracks; that the enrolment, attendance, and achievement patterns of females are rapidly converging towards those established by males; and that the movement towards more equal access is likely to be steady but slow under contemplated policies. This in itself is not big news since, after all, inequalities of access to education are as old as our society and we are only witnessing a shift in their manifestation. But the fact that the battle for social mobility is now fought in a close arena—the college cycle—and that its tracks are steadily becoming less exclusive, may so alter the perceptions, values and opportunities of the various groups that inequalities will be fought or overcome to generate new patterns of educational achievement—and, possibly, a new social equilibrium in the coming decades. The data introduced in this section are, for the most part, original, representing the results of a recent attempt at finding a set of college enrolment and achievement ratios that is consistent with available aggregate series (surveys of the US Office of Education) and least inconsistent with the results of several follow-up samples analysed over the last decade. Surprising as it may be in the land'of statistical compilations, the United States has no official statistics of college enrolment by familyincome and type of institution attended (nor, of course, by the additional variable of measured student aptitude), no reliable and unambiguous statistics of enrolment by income, and not even consistent series of enrolments by broad type of program. Follow-up surveys of college entrants have been few and far between, have never been comprehensive, and have been relatively United States

151

unsuccessful in keeping track of their initial population. The result is that regularly quoted figures concerning, for instance, retention rates in college, are based on information ten years old or older and turn out to be grossly in error (as established by their lack of consistency with related aggregate series). It is nevertheless possible to arrive at reliable parameters by referring to all available sources, and resorting to a form of weighted least-square estimate in which the weights increase with the reliability of the information. Variation of Expected Earnings in Accordance with Type of College Attended

Information in this area comes from independent, published sources, and it indicates that a large variance in future incomes is tied to the type of college program to which a student is exposed. For three classes of four-year institutions, representing three intervals of instructional expenditure per pupil, and with control on five classes of student college aptitude, the following discounted earnings (to age 18 at 6 per cent) expected by male college entrants have been calculated:3 Table 1 Discounted Expected Earnings of Male College Entrants (1965) by College Aptitude of Student and Instruction Cost of Institutions Instruction cost level

Student aptitude

1

2

3

4

A

182,102

196,210

177,865

170,386

-

B

188,247

180,794

157,857

149,827

145,059

168,711

150,341

137,999

128,945

C

5

Separate calculations indicate that, for aptitude groups 4, the discounted expected earnings of males entering a two-year institution (transfer program) were of the order of $125,000. Within that aptitude class, therefore, covering nearly half of the distribution in its middle range, earnings expectations varied from $125,000 for a male entrant in a two-year institution to $170,000 for a male entrant in a top four-year institution, or by a factor of 36 per cent. A range of variation not exceeding 15 per cent was found in another study covering college graduates from four-year institutions employed by a large American corporation.5 However, it is not clear how much of an 152

A ndre Daniere

homogenizing effect the single-employer sampling may have had, and the quality classification of institutions was based on unverifiable judgements of the surveyors. More important, the measures were in terms of graduate, rather than entrant, expectations, and thus failed to incorporate the effect of large variations in rates of graduations among different institutions. There are serious weaknesses in the first study as well, especially its reliance on earnings ratios observed five years after graduation, but the second study provides evidence that early differentials tend, if anything, to grow over the working life of graduates. All in all, there is reason to be confident that the 36 per cent differential measured for the middle range of college aptitude does not represent an overestimate. Clearly, the earnings differential does not tell the whole story. Opportunities differ not only in terms of income but also in terms of occupation, and unpublished evidence from the first study indicates that access to different professions (via professional graduate schools) is highly dependent on the kind of college attended. It should also be made plain that the control by "aptitude" in the above tabulation tends to understate the extent of inequality. The different classes of institutions do not draw randomly from the population of college entrants; rather (see table 2), the established policy is for high-cost institutions (A) to draw most of their students from highaptitude classes and for low-cost establishments (C) to draw mainly low-aptitude pupils. This means that median entrants in class A institutions have discounted expectations of nearly $200,000, while median entrants in class C can count on $140,000, and those in two-year transfer programs no more than $125,000. There is no question, therefore, that the stakes are very high when it comes to gaining entry to the "right kind" of institution. Table 2 Per Cent Distribution of Four-Year College Male Freshmen by College Aptitude and Instruction Cost of Institutions Instruction cost level

Student aptitude 1

A

1.2

B

1.1

C

0.6

2

.

3

4

5

3.6

2.9

0.9

0.2

7.3

18.7

18.0

6.6

5.5

14.1

14.4

4.9

College Enrolment and College Achievement by Family Income Class and by Sex College Enrolment

The estimates presented in this section concern four classes of students grouped by family income quartile. The distribution is that of families with children of highschool and college age. As indicated earlier, the data derive from the recent and continuing analysis of a varied body of data, and are consistent with published enrolment aggregates.7 /. The table below shows the percentage of high school graduates in each income quartile ever enrolled in a degree-credit program (a program normally leading to the Bachelor's Degree, directly or after transfer from the institution), for three separate years. Table 3 Male Income Quartile

Female high

low

1

2

3

4

1

2

3

4

38.9

60.0

68.9

81.0

25.0

36.2

62.6

62.1

1965

46.5

63.2

69.5

82.3

34.7

40.8

46.7

66.5

1970

59.4

68.8

71.4

80.0

48.4

48.4

52.7

69.3

1960

low

high

The clear message from this table is that the lowincome group has been making enormous strides in the last decade, and especially since 1965 when new and (relatively) massive federal programs of student aid began to take effect. It must be kept in mind, however, that these are percentages of high school graduates, not of the whole cohort in each income quartile (at present only 23 per cent of high school graduates issue from the lowincome quartile, while 26.5 per cent come from the high quartile). Another message is that female enrolments are growing very rapidly towards the percentage levels achieved by males. A last and somewhat less striking observation is that male enrolments in the highest quartile have reached a ceiling (the higher rate in 1965 reflects the first impact of military-draft avoidance), and that the growth in middle-income quartiles is rather sluggish. 2. Table 4 contrasts the distribution of first-time

enrolments by aggregate class of institution between the lowest and highest income quartile. It is apparent that the new wave of students from the low-income quartile has been shunted mostly to public two-year institutions, the proportion of males going to four-year institutions (public or private) dropping from 72 per cent to 55 per cent. The use of the term "shunted" is not intended as a disparagement of two-year institutions. They play an indispensable role by bringing both the image and the reality of higher education closer to low-income families, and the stated hope of their promoters is that they will offer the same—and more—opportunities as their four-year counterparts. The point, however, is that they are not doing so at the present time, thus offering second-class citizenship to those who must choose that path. The generalized drop in percentages of attendance of four-year private institutions simply reflects the high relative growth of public higher education during the decade. It is of interest to note, however, that the highincome quartile has shifted heavily towards four-year public education in spite of its stable rate of college enrolment. One of the disturbing results of the pattern of change in the last five years is that the percentage of all students coming from the low-income quartile has actually dropped in four-year public institutions and increased in four-year private institutions. In short, the public systems have "done their bit" towards equalization by pouring out low-income students into the two-year funnel, while private institutions have opened their doors evenly at all levels.8 This is one reason, incidentally, why private institutions have been experiencing financial difficulties. 3. No reliable data are available concerning changes in the distribution of enrolments among different classes of four-year institutions. All that can be presented is a 1965 distribution, the male portion of which is shown in table 5. There is no doubt, therefore, that the family-income advantage persists when classes of four-year institutions are considered, and it is not unlikely that inequalities of access have increased within the public college system (although decreased in the private sector) in recent years. This observation must be tempered somewhat by reference to the systematic selection of higher-aptitude students in higher-class institutions and the higher average college aptitude of college entrants from higher-income United States

153

Table 4 Male High quartile

Low quartile 2-year public

2-year private

4-year public

4-year private

2-year public

2-year private

4-year public

4-year private

1960

24.5

3.5

47.0

25.0 (100.0)

18.5

2.0

34.5

45.0(100.0)

1965

28.0

3.5

48.0

20.5 (100.0)

22.0

3.0

37.0

38.0(100.0)

1970

42.0

3.5

40.0

15.0 (100.0)

27.0

3.0

40.5

29.5 (100.0)

Female

1960

22.0

4.0

49.0

25.0 (100.0)

15.0

4.0

41.0

40.0(100.0)

1965

26.5

4.0

49.5

20.0 (100.0)

18.5

4.5

43.0

34.0(100.0)

1970

37.0

4.0

44.0

15.0 (100.0)

23.0

4.0

46.0

27.0(100.0)

Table 5

Percentage of Students Entering Each Class of Four- Year Institutions, by Male Income Quartile. 4-year private institutions

4-year public institutions

Instruction cost level

All four-year institutions (weighted)

1 low

2

3

4 high

1 low

2

3

4 high

1 low

2

3

4 high

A

3.3

4.9

5.4

10.9

10.7

11.7

13.4

24.0

5.5

7.1

8.5

17.5

B

50.2

50.5

53.1

55.6

31.8

33.7

35.8

40.8

44.7

45.1

46.4

48.1

C

46.5

44.6

41.5

33.5

57.5

54.6

50.8

35.2

49.8

47.8

45.1

34.4

(100.0)

(100.0)

(100.0)

(100.0)

(100.0)

(100.0)

(100.0)

(100.0)

(100.0)

(100.0)

(100.0)

(100.0)

Table 6 Percentage of College Entrants Graduating: At Different Intervals of Years Following First Enrolment (Full-time students only) Male Year after 1st enrolment Entering Class

Female Year after 1 st enrolment

4th-

5th

6th

7th +

4th-

5th

6th

7th +

Total

1954

39

11

4

3

57

Public

41

9

2

2

54

1964

39

13

7

5

64

49

12

5

4

70

1954

58

7

2

2

69

Institution Private

54

6

2

2

64

1964

56

9

4

4

73

Institution

60

10

4

4

78

1954

18

6

2

2

27

4

2

2

26

1964

22

8

3

3

36

2-year Institution

18 24

6

3

3

36

154

Andre Daniere

Total

quartiles. This only explains a fraction of the observed covariance, however, and aptitude differences by income quartile are, in any case, largely the result of earlier educational inequalities. College Achievement

Differences in achievement—meaning, principally, rate of graduation—are evident among entrants from different income quartiles within any class of institutions. Those differences, however, are small relative to those originating from unequal access and will not be reported. Of more interest is the rapid overtaking—and surpassing— of male students by their female counterparts. The table on the following page shows estimates of graduation rates in the eight years following entrance, separately for male and female students and for major groups of institutions. While the most noticeable change is that effecting relative male and female patterns, there is also a tendency for differences between types of institution to diminish over time. Subject to further correction, the above figures serve the incidental purpose of negating a statistic inherited from ancient follow-up surveys and repeated ad nauseam in the literature of higher education, that is that only a third of American college entrants in degreeprograms ever graduate. Corresponding figures concerning retention (as distinct from graduation) over the eight years following entrance indicate spectacular increases in most institution groups towards the standards established by males in private four-year institutions. A good deal of this change, especially for males, is accounted for by the reappearance of students who did not complete a full course of studies in some previous enrolment years and go on repeating the same pattern, with the result that graduation rates fail to increase accordingly (see table 6). Effect of Present and Prospective Government Policies on the Enrolment Structure

To a degree, differences in access between students from different income groups are tied directly to financial ability. Although tuition fees in public institutions are generally moderate and vary little by class of institution attended, large cost differentials occur between attendance at two-year community colleges and four-year state universities, because most students in the first category commute from home and have access to a dense labour market, while most in the second category must live on campus. The lower-grade (lower instruction cost) state

colleges stand somewhere in between. As to private fouryear institutions, the great majority charge annual tuitions between SI500 and $2500, to which must be added board and rpom expenses in the $1000 to $1500 range. Since the private sector has a larger concentration of high-grade (high instruction cost) colleges, we face, over the whole range of institutions, a substantial positive correlation between level of instruction costs and costs of attendance to students. In the year just past, undergraduate students paid over $4 billion in tuitions and fees, or about 40 per cent of the cost of their instruction, and spent an estimated $4 billion on their own sustenance. Financial aid from government and private sources administered through institutions provided them with close to $2 billion, of which half was in the form of loans. Estimates of additional private aid not administered by institutions vary from 0.3 to 0.6 billion. Referring to the relatively progressive schedule of expected family contributions issued as a guide to financialaid officers by the College Scholarship Service,9 and matching family income with average expense at the institution attended for different income quartiles, it is found that students and families were able to pay an aggregate of $5 billion. This means that the amount to be raised by students and their families over their expected contribution was less than $1 billion, representing a relatively small fraction of the total. It is tempting to conclude from these figures that the "great leap forward" in federal student aid programs that occurred in the midsixties (including opportunity grants, work-study subsidies and loan guarantees) has almost closed the financial gap and paved the way to equal opportunities. The fact, however, is that special sacrifices are still required of many families, and that we can only point to the relative financial comfort achieved by students at the particular institutions they attend. There is still reason to believe that financial barriers prevented students in the lower portion of the income distribution from attending more expensive institutions—or from attending any institution at all.10 Of additional interest is the manner in which financial aid is distributed among different income groups and the resulting gaps between aid received and expenses net of family ability to pay. The following figures represent a rough adjustment of earlier estimates appearing in a study of the US Office of Education.11 United States

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Table 7 Average Student Financing, by Family Income Quartile Expenses net of ability to pay

Aid received

Expenditure gap

1 (low)

1600

1500

100

2

1300

670

630

3

750

380

370

140

-

Income Quartile

4 (high)

It is apparent that the maximum sacrifice is demanded of the next to lowest quartile, both the high and low quartile affording a relatively painless experience. While it may be argued that the CSS schedule of expected contributions is not sufficiently progressive and "overtaxes" low-income families, it remains that members of the working lower-middle-class will view this as another display of American society's inclination to solve its problems at their expense. Unless a major revolution takes place in United States fiscality, the likelihood is that further progress in lowering financial barriers will be slow. While much of the future growth of higher education appears to belong to the public sector, there is developing a strong sentiment in favour of higher tuition charges in public institutions. This need not reduce equity, especially if tuitions bear some relation to instruction costs and expected earnings in different classes of institutions, and as long as a widely accessible system of education loans is put into effect. But there is an ever present danger that legislatures will neglect this complementary step. Students of highereducation finance have been advocating for years a federally sponsored system under which loans would be made available to students up to any necessary amount and be repayable as a percentage of effective income over an extended period, thus affording potential borrowers a risk-free opportunity. To this date, however, governments have refused to move, and it has been left to a few private universities to try the plan on a limited scale. Meanwhile, the voluntary effort of colleges and universities to attract and support minority (mostly Black) students continues unabated and the multiplication of two-year community colleges brings higher education ever closer to low-income families. But there is no ap156

Andre Daniere

parent effort either to beef up the funding of two-year institutions and low-grade state colleges, or to recruit more economically balanced classes in the better fouryear institutions. To repeat, some of this has to do with the policy of selecting students of higher college aptitude in higher-spending institutions. It is not even clear, however, that such a policy is economically efficient, so that it can hardly serve as a justification for unequal opportunities. Some reformers place their hopes in a shortening of the college cycle to three years, a span which all institutions could quickly implement whether they are now in the two- or four-year category, and the offering of infinitely variegated programs, not only within the standard college cycle but under whatever sequence and at whatever time in the life of individuals may be most useful. Such a pattern is meant primarily to increase the relevance and productivity of higher education, but one of its by-products could be the blurring and, eventually, the neutralization of the decisive stratification achieved by the existing college system. We must keep asking, however, whether programs "adjusted to individual needs" would not simply protect the preferential access to promising education careers enjoyed by the better supported, better prepared, and better informed students. As demonstrated by the experience of community colleges, it is all too easy for lower-income families to believe, or to be convinced, that their children only need whatever is most understandable and most accessible to them. Different routes are desirable for students of different preparation and motivation, but equity will be poorly served unless these routes exhibit a degree of convergence.

The American College Cycle: Focus of Class Struggle or Melting Pot?

I have no doubt that the identification of likely changes in the social fabric associated with the new educational competition is the task which members of this conference would like to see undertaken. Unfortunately, I am just another victim of traditional higher education, and my expertise does not extend to sociological analysis. In any case, the sociology of American higher education has only recently received a thorough treatment at the hands of Christopher Jencks and David Riesman —one that ought to be definitive at least for one decade. It is remarkable, however, that their chapter devoted to social stratification and mass higher education makes very little of the closure of the "extensive" route to superior educational achievement, although it implicitly recognizes it by emphasizing differential achievements within the four-year, post-high-school cycle. Their treatment of the opportunity structure is essentially linear; that is, the variables selected to measure change are those that have moved slowly and fairly regularly over the last decades, , and there is no inkling that profound qualitative changes may have occurred in more recent years. Without disputing the figures themselves or their interpretation, one must regret that the Jencks and Riesman analysis should have ended on an homily in favor of equality (as contrasted to mobility), rather than with a probe of what the new rules in the mobility game might engender. The few observations I can make are quite impressionistic, and their implications are not pursued beyond the narrow confines of the campus. Upper-class and upper-middle-class students are the most affected by the new situation, since they face a competition unknown to earlier generations. Of all the explanations given for the "turning off' of many students within that group (off traditional goals of professional achievement), few have received less emphasis than the profound insecurity likely to be triggered by this new threat of downward displacement. It is true that the economically advantaged have preferential access to the better types of four-year education, but an increasingly large proportion must be satisfied with a medium brand of instruction, and all must compete for recognition with substantial cohorts of middle-class representatives. The better equipped of the middle class are in the most enviable position, facing a weakened drive for achievement on the part of their upper-class colleagues and receiving little competition from the small contingent of lower-class students found in desirable programs; middle-class students have the

widest berth in programs leading to commercial and technical careers, and the suggestion that blue-collar sons will run the country's business establishments in year 2000 is off by only a few notches. The less able of the middle class and most of the lower-middle and working class members are shunted towards two-year institutions or, with luck, the lower grade of four-year public institutions, where their special needs are supposedly met but where, in fact, they are simply served a traditional curriculum supported by inadequate resources. Because of their blurred perception of relative opportunities in higher education, members of this group have not, as yet, shown evidence of dissatisfaction with the "system," being more disturbed by the inroads of poverty-level students, many of them from previously estranged minorities. They are clear enough about the opportunity structure, however, to resent the even access to all college programs afforded members of the Black community, however small the aggregate enrolment of Black students may remain. As to the latter, their opportunities are being daily extended, but the contradiction of providing compensation for earlier educational deprivation and protecting Black efforts towards communal pride and identity has led to conflicts that are not yet on the way to resolution. Women, meanwhile, are accumulating an educational investment that is rapidly bringing them to equality with men, although they have not, so far, made good their threats of labour-market invasion. It is only a matter of time, however, and the more profound social adjustments of the next decade may have to do with shifts in the sex composition of the professional labour force. Generally, members of all groups are affected by the relatively new element of closed educational competition —whatever protection from it they may still enjoy and however limited their professional objectives may remain. The world may be a shamble, but one must keep asking whether the new impatience with traditional curricula and the new disposition towards social revolution (found in all classes of students, if more predominantly among the upper class) are not, first of all, an expression of insecurity as to future role prospects.l To repeat, the above judgements of the perceptions and drives of different groups are unverified and devoid of professional expertise. My only hope, in uttering them, is that the attention of American students of higher education will be drawn to a component of the contemUnited States

157

porary malaise which they have generally neglected. Parochial as we always are, we seek to understand our university problems independently of world experienceneglecting, in particular, the evidence of long-standing student alienation in all countries where a substantial minority (or a majority) face uncertain professional futures. We summon the threat of atomic annihilation, the Indo-China War, the destruction of the environment, the permanence of social injustice, the survival of unresponsive institutions, the spread of bureaucratization, and we mix in references to fundamental cultural changes that include new levels of maturity, self-identification, and awareness among the young, to explain what may, in fact, be a simple matter of fear in the face of uncertainty. This is not to say that the evolving shape of the world contributes nothing to this insecurity: it is not just a matter of not knowing what one's place will be, but of wondering whether any place can ever be more than a passenger seat (first class or tourist) in a rail-driven conveyance. There is, furthermore, no question that the quality of uncertainties among American students is different from what, say, their Indian counterparts experience: the latter must not only compete more harshly (although within a narrow band of the population), but must also face prospects of extended underemployment. Nevertheless, the process is essentially the same and leads to essentially the same outcomes.15 The real uniqueness of the contemporary American college experience must be found elsewhere. A longcherished American illusion—that of being, if not a classless society, at least one of "open" classes free of fundamental conflict—is being shattered, and a major focus of the reassessment is the college campus, where class meets class in a decisive competition. There is a good chance that the conflict will remain subdued and that its outcome will be a society that is more classless than it ever was in the past. But it is also possible that efforts towards equal access will be slowed or subverted, and that a higher order of class consciousness and conflict will be generated.

Notes 1. Time Magazine, 24 May 1971. 2. "Graduate" schools and "graduate" programs refer to cycles of from one to five years following graduation from a four-year college, and leading to doctoral or intermediate degrees. 3. Adjusted from Daniere and Mechlin: "Direct marginal productivity of college education in relation to college aptitude of students and production costs of institutions," The Journal of Human Resources, Vol. 1, Table 2, p. 55. The five college-aptitude classes represent the following percentiles of an estimated national distribution of male high-school graduates by SAT verbal score: /. Over 98.5 (top 1.5 per cent), 2. 90.0 - 98.5, 3. 70.0 - 90.0, 4. 25.0 - 70.0, 5. Under 25.0 (lowest quarter). The three classes of institutions are defined by the following limits: (Quality class), (Instruction cost/pupil), (Approximate full-time freshman enrolment): 1963-64; A. over $1,900, B. $1,000 - $1,899, C. under $1,000. 1965; A. 50,000, B. 260,000, C. 200,000. 4. All my references to enrolments in two-year institutions concern students taking a degree-credit program, i.e. one intended to allow transfer to the third year of a four-year college after completion of the two-year program. 5. Burton A. Weisbroad and Peter Kanposs, "Monetary Returns to College Educations, Student Ability and College Quality," (Review of Economics and Statistics, May 1968). 6. Daniere and Mechling, op.cit. Table 8, p. 60. 7. The main sources of information utilized are listed below: US Bureau of Census, Current Population Reports, Series P-60. United States Office of Education (USOE), Projections of Educational Statistics (recent years). USOE, Opening Fall Enrollment (recent years). USOE, Special tabulation (unpublished) of institutions by instructioncost-per-pupil. USOE, Retention and Withdrawal of College Students (1957). D.M. Knoell & L.L. Medsker, Factors Affecting the Performance of Transfer Students from Two to Four-year Colleges (CRDHE, Berkeley: Univ. of California, 1964). W.W. Wellingham & Norham Findekyan, Patterns of Admission for Transfer Students (CEEE, 1969). Project Talent (through secondary sources). American Council on Education (ACE): Special tabulation of 1965 follow-up survey of 1961 entering freshmen. ACE, National Norms for Entering College Freshmen (recent years). 8. The proportion of all students from the low-income quartile does remain smaller in private institutions; but the gap is rapidly narrowing. 9. Manual for Financial Aid Officers (annual edition), (New York: College Scholarships Service, CEEB). 10. Jencks and Reisman (op. cit., pp. 107-21) move, somewhat illogically, from the observation that "money is seldom an insuperable problem" to the conclusion that "financial obstacles per se are of marginal importance in blocking the upwardly mobile." 11. Joseph Fromkin, "Students and Buildings" (US Government Printing Office, 1968), Tables A-28 and A-47.

158

A ndre Dan iere

12. Christopher'Jencks and David Riesman, The Academic Revolution (New York: Doubleday & Co., 1968). See especially Chapter 3, pp. 61-146. 13. Emphasis is placed on such measures as years of school completed, entrance into college and graduation, with only minor and cautious references to college program differentiations. 14. It won't do to remark that this has always been a competitive society, so that nothing new has really occurred. The point is that, up to recently, each group knew where its own ball game was held, felt protected from incursions by outsiders, and viewed the passing of its members into bigger leagues as a successful response to "natural" challenges rather than as the realization of a deserved opportunity. 15. New patterns of upbringing and education in the United States may also have weakened the competitive fibre of American youth and, thus, rendered it more insecure in the face of competitive challenges.

United States

159

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Summary of the Presentation by the Speaker from France

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[For reasons alluded to by Mr. Gregoire, no formal paper was requested of France. Matters of post-secondary education prior to 1968, particularly as they relate to the universities, are no longer wholly relevant. The results of the massive reforms of the post-1968 period cannot yet be effectively evaluated. However, the various interventions of Mr. Gregoire revealed to the seminar the essential nature of the educational transition in France, and indicated something of its importance. The editor has attempted to capture the essence of these comments. It is presented here as an addendum to the "country papers"—the expositions of certain developments in the field of post-secondary education.] The cataclysmic events of May 1968 led to a complete reform of the organization of university education in France. Considerable attention has been given to these events, and to the university reforms that followed. On the other hand, another major development in postsecondary education in France has been largely overlooked—the steps that have been taken to establish a basis for "permanent" education. It is to this latter field of development that we may look for the most important trends in French education over the coming decade. With respect to the first of these matters, the importance of the post-1968 reforms can only be understood when comparisons are made with the university system as it existed prior to that time. Until 1968, the French had a uniform, standardized system of university education. In fact, it is suggested that the universities themselves were largely administrative conveniences. Each was directed by a Rector, who was the representative of the Minister of Education, and together all of the institutions were brought into a single system by virtue of their dependence on the regulatory activites of the central government. Even in internal academic matters, the universities could not act in a corporate or cohesive manner. The system is described as "highly compartmentalized." Five major faculties—Letters, Science, Medicine, Pharmacy, and Law—were responsible for specific groups of disciplines, and it was these faculties alone that had any independent corporate life. Each faculty was a closed system. Within it, responsibility for providing educational service was the professor's alone—independent of practically any outside authority or interest. The faculties were "mainly conceived in order to re-

produce themselves." There existed no basis for assimilating community or even student interests into the working of the system—and in 1968 it exploded. President Faure is credited with the remedial legislation which was introduced in November 1968—legislation which, it is said, provided a solution to the political problems which were made evident by (or ensued from) the student revolt, but did not solve many practical problems. One principle of the new legislation is that it has provided for a new degree of independence and autonomy for university bodies in running the institutions and determining their educational goals. At the same time, it is pointed out, this degree of autonomy is relative. All of the money for funding the operations of the universities comes from the state, and "whoever pays must necessarily have the right to control even if in appearance this right is denied." The system remains such, too, that the majority of the professors are still recruited by a national system of selection and are, in effect, made available to the universities by the state. While some of the elements which apparently restrict the autonomy of the universities are reflected in direct or indirect state controls, others derive simply from the attitudes of the universities themselves. They are unaccustomed to the idea of autonomy and its implications and continue to behave as before, as parts of a monolithic system. The universities have so far refused to differentiate between and compete among themselves. A second principle of the new legislation is that it provides a broader basis for participation in university government. Not only are students involved in the management of the universities, but provision has been made as well for participation of persons drawn from outside the institutions. Thirdly, steps have been taken to break down the faculty monoliths. Reflecting a new emphasis on "multidisciplinarity," the former faculties have been eliminated. Sixty-seven new universities have been created, and these offer work in different combinations of disciplines. In some cases only two or three disciplines are offered by a particular university. Despite the course of reform, certain problems remain to be solved by the French universities. Student disorder is no longer a dominant problem, although there is still the student activity and "rumbling" that has always been present in the university. The major problems have France

163

to do with giving effect to the Faure legislation—with making principles into realities. While so many have clamoured for independence as a matter of principle, now that the principle has been granted, there is uncertainty as to how it may be given effect. Discussions are continuing between a government department which wants to hand over certain of its powers to the universities, and the universities which want guidance on how they are to use their new powers. The equitable distribution of government funds between the institutions is another problem to be dealt with. It should be noted, too, that until now, the time available for dealing with substantive problems has been limited. The universities, in the first instance, have had to accommodate themselves to the new framework of university organization. Time has been spent in discussing the new charters and constitutions. Faculty members and students have spent hours campaigning for election. Only now, with these preliminary matters out of the way, is the new apparatus being brought to bear on the rejuvenation of post-secondary education. In looking at the prospective course of this rejuvenation, certain comments have to be made. The objectives of the universities must be more broadly stated to include the social needs of the country. However, the first objective must be to seek new channels of training. The great mass of students throughout the world is interested in getting jobs. This preoccupation with jobs is not new. Throughout the nineteeth and early twentieth century there grew up around the universities "les grandes ecoles," created on the initiative of some government ministry to provide training in specific professions. The 1968 legislation did not deal with these institutions nor with the need for integrating their work with that of the universities. This problem of integration remains. At the same time, the universities have to be guided towards more job-related programs. Last winter the Ministry of Education established a series of working parties composed of representatives of industry and education. These working parties were instructed to attempt to establish profiles of the prospective requirements for specific kinds of skill and knowledge. The reports on these "mainstreams" are now being considered in the universities. A related major problem is that of student guidance. University enrolment, too, has increased enormously. The 640,000 students registered in 1970-71 represented a 480 per cent increase over 1955-56. However, of these 164

France

students, nearly 60 per cent remain in the old literary arts disciplines which do not provide any form of training that conforms with the needs of present-day life. The principle of free access to university for all who have matriculated has been maintained by the 1968 legislation, and unless effective counter-measures are taken there is a danger that this pattern of non-job-oriented registration will persist. It is very clear that a more rigorous process of selection should be established. This does not reflect concern with an excessive total number of students, but rather with the pattern of educational streams that the students are entering. The universities will have to give this problem more attention than has been given to date. The new legislation has given the universities the opportunity to give students a certain amount of guidance, but most of them have not had the time (and many have not displayed an interest) to organize selection and guidance programs. The problem of guidance is not only one of ensuring a better streaming within the university. The whole social emphasis on university entrance and the pursuit of a university education will have to be revised. The baccalaureate, still conceived of only as leading to a university education, is a national institution. To challenge it shows a serious lack of orthodoxy. Another difficulty faced in bringing the university into the context of the real life of the community is purely ideological. As groups, the teachers and the students have a real distrust of economic activity and private enterprise. Those who insist on a vocationally relevant education are accused of wanting to sell out the universities to the forces of capitalism. Finally, some comments on post-secondary development outside of the university structure. Prior to 1969, provision had been made in legislation for the support of continuing adult education. What was provided for was basically a vocational system which would encourage workers, through a system of pay and allowances, in seeking industrial re-education and re-training. In 1969, the employers federation and the main trade unions began a series of talks which led to the signing of an agreement on education on 9 July 1970. This agreement provides a systematic basis for subsidized educational leave from industrial employment. Under the agreement 2 per cent of the wage bill and 2 per cent of the working time is pooled, to be drawn upon for training periods of from eight days to several years, according to

the individual case. Education may be for self-improvement or for industrial re-training. Under this scheme, upward of one million workers will within a short period of time be engaged in some educational program. Legislation is now before the National Assembly which will extend this scheme to a national basis. It is also pointed out that through the various developments in continuing education, it is hoped that two effects will be achieved that cannot be obtained through the university framework as it has existed. The first results from the use of adult education programs to introduce new teaching methods. Paradoxically, methods in adult education are far ahead of those used within the universities or the regular school system. Secondly, it is hoped that another advance will be recorded in associating educational specialists with the real life of the country.

France

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New Structures

The discussion of new structures centred essentially on a rather formal presentation by Professor Smith concerning the development of the Open University in the United Kingdom, and a somewhat less formal, but nonetheless detailed, statement on educational change in the state of New York by Dr. Bearing. At the request of the editor, Professor Smith revised his presentation and it is included as an important element in the rapporteur's summary of the discussions. The transcript of Dr. Dearing's comments has been checked with him and from that transcript a summary statement has been prepared by the editor. Also included in this section, although not prepared for the seminar, is the "Statement of Issues" by the Commission on Post-Secondary Education in Ontario. This study was of great interest to the seminar participants. The questions raised by the commission concerning the future of education and educational planning comprised a valuable part of the discussion.

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Experiment and Reform in the State of New York [based on the comments of Dr. Bruce Bearing, Vice Chancellor for Academic Programs of the State University of New York] While the major portion of the discussion of new structures and approaches centred on the British Open University and the paper presented by Pro-Vice Chancellor Smith, the presentation of Dr. Bruce Dearing, Vice Chancellor for Academic Programs of the State University of New York summarizing some of the experimental programs of that state added a substantial dimension to the discussion. The editor has attempted, in summary form, to recapture the essence of Dr. Dearing's comments. A not unusual pattern of motives has existed behind the state's experimental programs. Not the least of these is the fiscal motive. Despite the fact that New York is a wealthy state with a progressively-minded administration, it does not have the funds necessary to meet the demand for faculty and physical facilities that will be needed to meet the expected enrolment of 75 per cent to 80 per cent of the eligible age group (a figure that has already reached 50 per cent). A second set of motives may be described as being essentially psychological or philosophical. This has to do with a growing sense of the need to accommodate not only those who need a second chance to become students, but also to provide for those who have had the opportunity and have rejected it, or, even those who have dropped out of the university because they have found themselves stifled by its over-structured pattern. A number of attempts to meet the apparent needs of the times have gone wrong. The University of the Air, operated by the New York state network primarily with resources coming from the university, has again indicated that a hundred million dollars can be spent on experimental television with relatively little to show for it. The eye of television is completely merciless when it is on someone who is doing a rather bad teaching job. It is not reasonable to expect a professor to be at one and at the same time a learned man, a skilful expositor, a deeply philosophical person, a great graphic artist, and a brave actor. The New York experience has shown, however, that there are adaptations of the medium that can be made. These require, primarily, the use of trained professional staff to design the programs, to animate the cartoons, to prepare the graphic materials, and sometimes to write the scripts. It may even be necessary to have the words spoken by professional actors. What has been learned also is that it will require major modifications of class-

room procedures if better use is to be made of the University of the Air where, at the present time, generally speaking, the state is not getting a payoff from a great deal of investment. Similar observations are made with respect to oncampus, closed circuit television systems. The campuses have been provided with very expensive, beautifullyappointed learning resource centres, replete with television screens and projection devices of all kinds, and wiring for closed circuit television. These centres have been placed under the supervision of directors and learning resources who have been unable to persuade faculty to change their modes of instruction to make use of these new resources. Some way has to be found to utilize this investment in buildings and specialized facilities. The state has tried the experiment of having an educational development office within the office of the Chancellor in Albany. This experiment, too, has been frustrated because at the level of the Chancellor's office there are no students to expose to the new projects thought up by the television engineers and directors. It is difficult from a remote central position to initiate experiments in education. What has been found in the domestication of technology to the educational process, including programmed learning and computer-aided instruction, is that a very large scale operation is necessary in order to be profitable. The efforts in the use of closed circuit television within campuses, generally, have proved to be merely more expensive than previous teaching devices, with sometimes improved instruction, but without any cost benefits. In the United States, at the present time, it seems more promising to use cassettes rather than broadcast radio. This is partly because the country does not have the same cooperation from the major networks as the United Kingdom receives from the BBC. It is probably also necessary, in the same way, to improve the state of the art of producing video tape cassettes rather than to rely on open broadcast offerings for producing. A wholly different experiment is in its second round, after a disastrous failure in the first one. At Old Westbury, a completely experimental campus was developed, one on which things that nobody else dared were tried. The attempt was made to develop a curriculum largely out of the advice of students and this did not seem to be, really, what would sell. The project failed. It may have New York

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been naive to assume that any single campus could be used as an experimental test bed for a whole system of 69 or 70 campuses. The second round of experiments are to be more modest, based on rather more modest expectations, and will involve the sub-colleges on several campuses rather than the single campus at Old Westbury. Through these sub-colleges, arranged somewhat in the manner of the Santa Cruz pattern, attempts will be made within the structure of established institutions to develop various kinds of independent study options and study-abroad opportunities. At the moment, much attention is being given to the three-year baccalaureate. As a result of the paperback and the electronic revolutions, or merely because of the effects of nutrition, of affluence, or of a variety of elements in their environment, the students who are coming in as freshmen in 1971 are, physically and intellectually, at least a year older than those who came in when our traditional curricula were first developed. In some areas at least, the person going on to university is fairly well versed in general education and is ready to specialize. One effect of the current situation is vast boredom and frustration on the part of the first year student who thought that college was going to be different. He discovers that often it is a repeat, sometimes at a lower level, of something he has already had in his earlier schooling. What is being attempted in the three-year baccalaureate is not so much to compress four years of study into three, but rather eight years into seven. Different schemes are being used to effect the transition through these compressed study programs. Some programs work by accepting students immediately out of the junior (third) year of high school into the freshman year of college; others accept them directly out of the senior (fourth) year of high school into the second year of college with a general education confined to the first rather than the first two years of college studies. Attempts are being made, also, to develop new threeyear college programs, as such. The opinion is that the most logical place for an experiment of this kind to go forward is in an established institution where there are existing libraries, where the institution is very self-confident and where there is a general educational gestalt which forwards and supports independent study and acceleration of the educational process. At the same 170

Bruce D earing

time, it is recognized that it is difficult to change something that is so well established as the college built around the four year program, and to this extent it may be easier to begin a new campus with the idea that the norm is not going to be four years, but rather three. One other abortive experiment was a trimester system, devised to bring directly into the University high school students who by February had become bored with the school routine. The reason this project did not work was that the high-school teachers and principals were quite unwilling to release their best students, the ones they needed for student government, the class play, and so on. Student boredom, the three year baccalaureate, and the trimester system all underline the need for a good deal of exploration and agreement between the university and other educational institutions. The two major ventures presently being undertaken are the development of Empire State College, and the validation of previous learning experiences for university credit. The former is described as an "imitation" of the Open University of the United Kingdom. The purpose of this new, open institution is not only to meet the needs of those who, out of their own ill luck, did not or could not go to a university campus. It is designed also to accommodate those who out of their own independence or out of their own rejection of existing institutional structures would not come to the traditional university, but who still desire either the provision of learning experience or the validation of learning experiences they have had outside the formal educational system. Empire State College, following the pattern of the open university, has gathered together from the state campuses, and from various offices within the central administration of the state system, people of imagination and boldness and capacity to see what can be done, using all of the devices of the media, of correspondence study, of external examination, and so forth, to meet these needs. Considerable reliance is to be placed on study centres similar to those provided with the United Kingdom Open University system. In addition, on established campuses, cadres of tutors and laboratory facilities will be available at off hours to fill in the gestalt of the educational process. In respect of the new educational modes being tried, as the Empire State College develops, the authorities are counting on some methodological "fall-out." It is not only a matter of discovering, when television methods

The Open University of the United Kingdom by R.C. Smith

are used, how bad the level of instruction is and how many things could be done differently in the classroom. Positive discoveries are being made of things that are better than anything tried before—discoveries which can be fed back into the whole educational process. The Empire State College is designed as a truly open university. There is no restriction intended with respect to who may register, though the cost factor may, in fact, mean some selection. It is intended that the programs of the college will be available to anybody from the earliest age of indiscretion to the last stages of retirement. In the first week after the new open university program was announced, approximately 10,000 applications were received, and they have continued in a fairly steady flow. To the planners, this suggests that the opportunities for Empire State College are virtually unlimited. The real problem, it is suggested, will be to screen out the people who are merely hopeful of some magical transformation of their lives from those who have a reasonably clearly defined vocational or pedagogical goal. At the same time that planning for the new college proceeds, another important line of inquiry has been undertaken to determine the feasibility of validating learning experience that has not been the result of organized programs and systems. For purposes of this inquiry, it is being assumed that many people are being educated in ways that have not hitherto been acknowledged. They have not gone to a regular campus, or registered in a regular program of learning, but have undergone their learning experiences in industry, in the military, in Vista, in the Peace Corps, or in similar curricula. There are some people who have followed a kind of curriculum vitae and apologia pro vita sua which should allow them the Ph.D. because they are educated. Hitherto there have not been ways of validating this. The inquiry which is under way involves gathering together information from the Educational Testing Service, the American College Testing Service, the United States Armed Forces Institute, and, a great deal of information on private and public examination and licensing devices. From the study of this it is hoped to derive the sought after modes of evaluation and validation.

Introduction The Open University was established by Royal Charter on the 30th May, 1969, as an autonomous university in the United Kingdom. The actual report,,5 which recommended its establishment and which was accepted by the government of the day, was presented by a planning committee in 1969. For those interested in the history of the concept, a previous paper1 was presented to Parliament in 1966 describing an institution called then "A University of the Air." One of the main objectives of the Open University was to provide a university opportunity to many people in the United Kingdom who had missed their opportunity to go to university at the age of 18, either because of an insufficiency of places, a lack of appropriate qualifications, or because of circumstances at that particular time of their life. To exemplify this, one phrase that has been coined about the university, is that it is "the university of the second chance." In the context of this group of individuals, the post-twenty-one year old age group, it was thought appropriate not to ask for formal qualifications for entry, although the students who did apply were given advice by admissions counsellors who were aware of levels at which the courses were being produced. In seeking to provide higher education for such a clientele, the university broke new ground in two other aspects. Firstly, it had to develop what might be called a multi-media approach. It was to provide learning at a distance by means of a mixture of correspondence texts, local study centres, radio and television. Secondly, the university took the opportunity of producing its courses in a new way, using groups of academics and others, called a course team, rather than one individual, to produce a course. The Educational Provision At the undergraduate level the university provides a program in which students obtain a credit for successfully completing each course. The university then awards a general degree for six credits and an honours degree for eight credits at defined levels. Details of the various patterns of these degrees can be seen in the prospectus of the university or in the B.A. Handbook. A postgraduate program leading to the award of higher degrees is also available (see Postgraduate Prospectus, 1973). Additionally, the university plans to offer post-experience courses for people who might wish to update knowledge in parUnited Kingdom

171

ticular areas. The post-experience courses will be short courses, which in special cases could be part of the undergraduate degree program, aimed at particular sections of the community. The university started with four foundation courses in the four faculties of humanities, mathematics, sciences, and social sciences, and in its second year of operation plans to have an additional foundation course in technology. The university has adopted a credit exemption policy which enables students who have attained recognizable educational levels in other institutions, prior to applying to the Open University, to get a certain number of exemptions. Following on the foundation year courses there are second level courses and planned courses at third and fourth level, of both single discipline and interdisciplinary types. The sixth faculty, the faculty of educational studies, is involved with courses at the higher level, although it does not produce a foundation course. The Educational Package

Each full foundation course consists of thirty-two to thirty-six units, a unit corresponding to one week's work. A student normally has, in each of these units, a correspondence text to work through, a television program to watch, and a radio program to listen to. In later courses the above ratios vary from course to course. In addition to this a student has the opportunity to go to a local study centre (there are some 250 of these throughout the country) each week, or two weeks, either to see a counsellor, who can give him general educational advice, or to meet a tutor, who is available at regular intervals, in his own specialist subject, or to view or hear the program, or to meet fellow students. We expect the student to take about ten hours of his time during each week, of which approximately six are concerned with the reading of the text, about half an hour or so involved with the television program, and about half an hour with the radio program; the rest of the time is spent on visits to study centres and on assignments. These assignments are of two major types: the tutor marked assignment which, as its name suggests, is marked and commented on by a correspondence tutor and computer marked assignments, which are sets of multiple choice questions, marked by the computer at the university. Additionally, at foundation year level, we insist that all students attend a summer school of at 172

R. C. Smith

least one week's duration, which is held at a host university in the United Kingdom. These we have discovered have been a resounding success with students (although very wearing for the staff!). The students are able to make direct contact with tutors and some central academic staff, whom they don't have the opportunity to meet at other times of the year. They come in groups of about 250 for each particular course. There are other facets of particular courses. In the science and technology, intricate home-experimental kits have been developed for the student to use in his own home. The student pays a deposit of £ 10 for using them throughout the year. In the mathematics, the university has put in computer terminals at over a hundred of the study centres, to teach basic computer programming to students in the mathematics foundation course. The Academic Production of the Course

Courses are produced by a course team of academics, which includes a representative from the Institute of Educational Technology and BBC producers. The academic members of a course team may not be wholly from one faculty but may be an inter-faculty group, for example, a course team of which I am chairman has academic members from the faculties of mathematics, and science and technology. The objective in forming a team is to produce material of most benefit and clarity to the students and to get the right, as we see it, academic approach to the particular subject area. In order to achieve this, several drafts are written of each unit and passed around for comment. Some initial drafts are sent to students, called developmental test students, who make their own comments on it and time their work, so that the course team can have an estimate of the actual time taken by students on each section of the text. The television program may be used simply to illustrate the most difficult part of that week's work, or to take the student to some locality or some area of industrial activity which is appropriate to that week's learning situation. For further details of how course teams act in the Open University, I would refer you to two papers by B. Lewis.45 The course team is able, within certain defined limits, to determine the mix of the media being used for the students. Thus there is a budget, to which a course team works, which allows it to determine the number of computer marked assignments, the number of tutor marked

assignments, the lengths of the units, the amount of graphics, the quality of the printing, and so forth, all of these within specified limits. Some Facts and Figures about Student Entry

In the first year of operation, the university received about 41,000 applications and eventually admitted 24,344 students. The data concerning the distribution of the students by age, region, occupation and faculty can be found in Note 2. Although the Open University maintains as far as it can an open admission policy, it has some constraints on its admissions in that it wants to have appropriate proportions in each of the regions and to maintain some sort of equivalence between the numbers in each faculty and the numbers in the occupational groups. One significant feature in its first year of operation was the large proportion of teachers in the occupational groups pattern; although applications for 1972 show that this is less so.3 In 1972 there are some 34,226 applications and the university plans to admit some 20,500 to next year's foundation courses. The drop-out rate is one measure of the success of the system. Since students pay the second part of their fee in the spring, there is a good opportunity to measure this at that time. The results were encouraging in the spring of 1971, for only 21.3 per cent of the students dropped out. Other students dropped one out of two courses, thus reducing the number of student courses to 75.6 per cent of the original total. Conclusion

Summarizing some of the benefits and attributes of the Open University system, some of the important features recognized by many visitors and others who have come to look at the Open University in Great Britain are listed below: /. The system can bring high quality learning material to the individual in his own home or in his local study centre or college. 2. The system is able to avoid the very high capital cost associated with establishing a conventional residential university. 3. It can deploy a relatively small body of academic staff to provide courses for very large numbers of students. This is of particular interest to underdeveloped countries, who find it almost impossible to find the high expenditure required to support an advanced educational system.

4. It can provide an ongoing system of continuing education for adults. There will be a tendency in the future, I believe, for education to be required throughout life rather than at one particular part of life and the Open University system has the sort of system which can satisfy such a demand. 5. The system will provide, as an additional educational resource, a whole range of carefully devised and evaluated learning materials which can be made available to other parts of higher and further educational systems at very reasonable costs. 6. The system, with appropriate modifications and with a more general acceptability in higher education of interchangeability of credits, could be used in close association with existing institutions of higher education, to provide a wider spectrum of opportunity at the higher level. NOTE: For some external comments on the operations of the Open University there is an article by S. Maclure in Change (see Note 7). Notes: 1. A University of the Air, Grand 2922 (London: HMSO, 1966). 2. "Analysis of Applications and Allocations of places for 1971 Courses," Department of Information Services, Open University. 3. "Analysis of Applications and Allocations of Places for 1972 Courses," Department of Information Services, Open University. 4. B. Lewis, British Journal of Educational Technology, No. 1, Vol. 2, pp. 4-11. 5. B. Lewis, British Journal of Educational Technology, No. 2, Vol. 2, pp. 111-24. 6. "The Open University," Report of the Planning Committee to the Secretary of State for Education (London: HMSO, 1969). 7. S. Maclure, "England's Open University: Revolution at Milton Keynes, Change, Vol. 3, No. 2, March-April, 1971.

United Kingdom

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Post-Secondary Education in Ontario: A Statement of Issuesf by the Commission on Post-Secondary Education in Ontario

fThis statement has been reproduced virtually in its entirety except for some minor changes for editorial reasons. The complete statement can be obtained from the Ontario Government bookstore, 880 Bay Street, Toronto 5, Ontario.

One of the impressions that the commission has formed about post-secondary education is that there is abroad an air of genuine doubt about current efforts in postsecondary education. It is not only that the government is unhappy about the costs, that the students rebel, and that the public is bewildered by it all. For the first time, the very foundations of our education, and especially of our educational structure, are being questioned. Perhaps it is not even the questions themselves that are new; what is new, rather, is the earnest sense in which they are being asked. The commission shares many of these doubts and, in particular, is struck by the relevance of the questions which are set out on the last page. Background

On 10 April 1969, the Minister of Education and Minister of University Affairs established a Commission on Post-Secondary Education in Ontario. One of its tasks was to generate public comment and discussion on both the broad and specific issues related to the development of post-secondary education in Ontario. In pursuing this mandate the commission has contracted special studies that will be published as they are completed. This paper describes in broad terms the present situation and poses a number of questions arising from it. Its purpose is to stimulate the public discussion that, hopefully, will take place during the commission's public hearings in late 1970 and early 1971. There seem to be three categories of questions that need exploration: /. What are the salient characteristics of and objectives for our system of post-secondary education? 2. What is the nature of the economics and finance of post-secondary education? 3. What kind of organizational and administrative structure should postsecondary education have? The issues we raise are simple, though the reality they reflect and the solutions needed may be complex. Thus while we ask questions pertaining to specific segments of post-secondary education, we are not unaware of the diversity of the educational and public functions that our institutions perform. Indeed, it is even possible that at least some of these functions may be in conflict with 174

A Statement of Issues

Table 1 Number of Students Attending Post-Secondary Institutions in Ontario Expressed as a Percentage of the 19-21 Cohort and the Freshman Intake Expressed as a Percentage of 19 Year Olds for 1968-69 Type of post-secondary institution attended Colleges of Applied Arts & Technology Colleges of Agricultural Technology Registered Private Schools

Total enrolment in first Percentage post-secondary of 18-21 Freshman program cohort intake

21,843'

Percentage of 19 year olds

4.4

12,575

10.3

6762

.1

356

.3

22,83 13

4.6

Ryerson Polytechnical Institute

5,6704

1.1

2,415

2.0

Schools of Nursing

9,6845

2.0

3,944

3.2

Teachers' Colleges

6

1.8

8,703

7.2

16.6

27,450

22.6

30.6

55,443

45.6

Universities

8,869 82,433 152,006

7

SOURCES: 1 Applied Arts and Technology Branch, Department of Education. 2 Agricultural Education and Research Division, Department of Agriculture. 3 Applied Arts and Technology Branch, Department of Education. 4 Ryerson Polytechnical Institute. 5 College of Nurses of Ontario. 6 Report of the Minister of Education 1968. 7 Report of the Minister of University Affairs 1968-69.

each other. Consequently, it may be impossible to treat, let alone solve, some of these issues in a uniform way. Yet it is not complexity that presents the real difficulty; it lies rather in the very nature of education and its role in our society. Education is of fundamental social, economic, and moral importance to us. It is one of the main bonds of social cohesion. It is believed to be linked both to economic and social welfare; it is—and always has been—an important instrument in the upbringing of citizenry; and it is often considered of intrinsic good in itself. Not surprisingly, therefore, education has been

supported by a whole series of justifications, each reflecting any one, some, or all of its aspects. Inevitably, also, education has fallen a victim to mythologies: it is seen as the guardian and saviour of civilization as well as the embodiment of original sin. And it is this aspect of education—with its roots in emotion as well as in reason —that presents the greatest difficulty. It is our hope that by attempting to state the issues simply and clearly, this difficulty can be more easily overcome. Numbers

Undoubtedly the most obvious and perhaps characteristic element in the development of post-secondary education, in Ontario as well as in Canada, and, indeed, the rest of the world, has been the increase in recent years in the number of students. This increase reflects not only population growth but also an increase in the percentage of the appropriate age groups that continue their education and do so for increasing lengths of time. As table 1 demonstrates, more than 45 per cent of the eligible age group in Ontario already enters some kind of institution of post-secondary education. Indications are that the participation rate will increase. In figure 1 we have projected the post-secondary population along various assumptions of participation rates.

Ontario

175

Figure 1 Post-Secondary Population of Ontario Projected at 40%, 60% and 80% Participation by 18-21 Year Cohort

176

A Statement of Issues

Characteristics

Even such simple numerical illustrations point to the three salient and new characteristics of post-secondary education. First, it has changed in the past 20 years from an enterprise catering to a minority to mass education. Second, the figures point to the prolonged number of sequential years (in practically all cases) that young people spend in educational institutions. Third, it would appear that both the rate of increase in numbers and the absolute numbers will reach peak by year 1981, then level and perhaps even decline thereafter. It is not clear which of these characteristics is most important. The mass nature of the undertaking has financial implications for the government and the taxpayer. It is of deep significance to society and it poses grave problems of administration. The prolonged period of institutional custody (some have said incarceration) has a profound impact on the individual's life, emotionally and intellectually; it raises questions about the social repercussions of the often artificial student way of life, and perpetuates the separation between "school" and "life" well into an adult's life. The demographic prospect puts in perspective the strains and stresses that the rapid increases of the 1960s brought about and points to a considerable lessening of the pace after the year 1976 and a decline after 1981. While the term "mass education" is well suited to describe the numbers of students, it hides, however, the great diversity of institutions and programs in which these students enrol. In Ontario, the system of post-secondary education embraces not only the traditional institutions such as universities and professional schools, but also such educational innovations as the Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology. Moreover, diversity and multiplication of functions have increased even within each institution. The proliferation of programs and schools has been spectacular and matched only by the extension of services that post-secondary institutions are now performing both for the student and the community. Consequently, what we are dealing with is a diversified mass education. This is an important modification; for unless we wish to confuse equality of treatment with uniformity this diversity must be reflected in any public policy and administration. Cost In economic terms, however, this diversity has almost

invariably been purchased at increased unit cost. This is particularly true of graduate, professional, and some vocational training.^ It is, therefore, necessary to understand the economic and financial implications of this diversity and to differentiate between specialization due to the needs of society and mere proliferation due to institutional, professional, and local self-aggrandizement. Indeed, the cost—and the cost structure—of postsecondary education is one of the fundamental problems facing the public today. In Tables 3 and 4 we have endeavoured to illustrate but two aspects of this problem: the increased and increasing proportion of costs of postsecondary education that is being borne by the public purse and the increased proportion of the total public spending that goes to post-secondary education. There are a number of observations to be made about the implications of this increasing public support. Perhaps the most basic is that post-secondary education has become a subject of public policy making.2 The establishment of special governmental departments and bodies to deal with post-secondary education illustrates this involvement. More importantly, however, these governmental organizations extended to post-secondary education those values and controls that go with governmental involvement. In particular, in a democratic society, this means public accountability and its concomitant: public justification of activities and equitable distribution of funds. Public scrutiny, however, also means political involvement—and it is only a matter of a thin line, if not just a question of taste, that in the end separates pandering to political fashions from satisfying social needs. Finally, the increased involvement of government may also mean increased bureaucratization. In many ways, the arrival of mass, diversified, public post-secondary education reflects the dramatic realization of an age-old aspiration: universal educational opportunity for all citizens to the limits of their abilities and interest. But, as is often the case with aspirations, their imminent achievement brings forth questioning both of the ways in which the ends are accomplished and, indeed, of the very ends themselves. Somehow, either because of changing social needs or because of the failure to achieve these social needs more efficiently, there seems to be spreading vague dissatisfaction with our educational system. It is possible that we have expectations of post-secondary education which cannot be realized; it would definitely appear that we have exOntario

177

Table 2

Table 3

Operating Revenue and Student Fees Operating revenue at provincially assisted universities

Year 1963-1964

61,754

Student fees 17,776

Student fees as percentage of operating revenue

1964-1965

80,183

23,191

28.92

106,290

26,371

24.80

1966-1967

150,974

32,232

22.27

1967-1968

211,997

40,008

18.87

1968-1969

281,697

50,536

17.93

1969-1970*

331,991

57,507

17.32

*Estimate

pected it to achieve some social goals that cannot, and perhaps should not, be pursued through our educational system. And if so, our disappointments are not only understandable, they are inevitable. A review of our expectations, therefore, is in order. The Economic Argument

One of the most prevalent, and perhaps most powerful, reasons for increasing the number of years of formal schooling is the belief that additional years of education are of economic benefit both to the individual and to society. Returns on the individual's investment in education—in terms of money and time—are matched by the consequent increases in the contribution the individual makes to the creation of national wealth. Indeed, the educational level of a society is believed to be a significant factor in economic growth. And, in any case, it is argued that even if there is no demonstrable link between education and economic growth, it stands to reason that our modern society needs higher educational levels merely to remain competent and efficient in its dealings with the requirements of a modern technological industry. Failing to keep up with increased technology means being left behind. Finally, a modern society needs a better educated citizenry to cope with the social repercussions of the technotronic age. As with all powerful social beliefs, the belief in economic benefits of post-secondary education is a combinaA Statement of Issues

Institutions Net general expenditure

28.78

1965-1966

178

Grants to Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology, Ryerson Polytechnical Institute and Universities as a Proportion of Net General Expenditure and Gross Provincial Product of Ontario

Capital expenditure

1955

$ 431,294 3.29%

1960

786,288 3.61%

1,839

1,265,534 7.70%

45,600

3,266,500 17.07%

170,000

1965

19703

$

5,600

Operating grants1 $ 8,594 5f 14,194

Gross provincial product 2 $10.9 .13%

26,595

14.7 .19%

51,969

21.0 .46%

387,688 557,688

34.6 1.61%

28,434 97,569

1 Includes student awards. 2 Expressed in billions. 3 Estimates only.

tion of all the above threads—often so tightly woven together as to prevent any possible unravelling. Similarly, it is protected on all sides by the strengths and weaknesses of human nature: by human greed in its appeal to economic benefits; by fear of the future in its implied threat of uncontrollable machinery; by promise of salvation through the saving grace of education. Possibly only experience can correct, confirm, or dispel such powerful beliefs. Yet, there are serious questions about the validity (or future validity) of these claims. For one, there is some dispute about how high the returns on investment in education in fact are.4 For another, even if the past record indicates good returns, there are a number of reasons to suggest that this will change. There are already indications that the labour market for some professions is weakening and that, correspondingly, the economic rewards are likely to be lessened. It is, of course, true that some professions in effect retain complete control of the numbers in their professions and thus are able to extract high returns on their training. Often this is done through high educational prerequisities—linking and justifying thereby high income of members of the professions as a result of the long years of schooling and training. In fact, the high incomes

Table 4

Table 5

Standardized Life-Time Earnings of Certain Professional Manpower, Canada 1956-66

Total Number of Full-Time Post-Secondary Enrolments According to Type of Institution, 1968-1969

Educational level

1

2

3

4

Standardized life-time earnings 1956 1966

B.A. Arts Science Engineering Agriculture

$ 160,091 190,860 191,928 162,153

$ 244,615 268,384 303,435 247,417

M.A. Arts Science Engineering Agriculture

189,845 271,577 306,374 214,756

272,804 339,384 353,183 304,746

Ph.D. Arts Science Engineering Agriculture

244,583 322,615 313,247 260,866

Professional Degrees Architecture Dentistry Law Medicine (a) Gen. prac. (b) Med. specialty (c) Surg. specialty

Types of Institutions

Enrolment

Colleges of applied arts and technology

25,189

Colleges of agricultural technology

676

Colleges of education

2,116

Niagara Parks School of Horticulture

36

Registered private schools

337,735 418,600 429,459 371,950

409,126 355,880 372,204

636,740 499,032 629,857

380,705 458,018 521,120

680,530 875,847 1,001,829

SOURCE: Table 3 from Health Services, Volume 3 of the Task Force Reports on the Cost of Health Services in Canada, Published under the authority of the Honourable John C. Munro, PC, MP, Minister of National Health and Welfare.

may be due more to the limitations imposed on the market forces by certification. We will deal with the issue of the relationship between certification and education later. Suffice it here to say that if there are different returns to different professions for the same number of years at the same institution and if the different returns are due to the influence of certification then we should ask whether there should not be different levels of support—depending on future incomes—and/or whether the licensing monopoly ought not to be deleted. This linkage of economic returns to licensing and to educational requirements is the more interesting because it appears that the public provides the highest support to those who enter the most profitable occupations (see table 5). The public benefits of post-secondary education are equally difficult to ascertain. In the most immediate

22,831

Ontario Fire College

80

Ontario Institute for Studies in Education

287

Ontario Police College

2,574

Ryerson Polytechnical Institute

5,670

Schools for registered nursing assistants

2,350

Schools of nursing

9,684

Teachers' colleges

9,277

Universities

92,625 173,395

sense, it is not enough to point to higher income tax returns as indicators of public benefits; for this claim is subject to the same criticisms as those made against ascribing high private incomes to years of education. It is more reasonable to argue that benefits accrue to the public in the way the members of the profession fulfil social needs through the provision of medical, legal, technical, and educational services. And, in a very general way, this appears a powerful argument. But, as with many generalized arguments, it seems to break down when analysed. It is a matter of considerable doubt whether these social needs are in fact, best satisfied through the existing professional and semi-professional structures; it can even be argued that the increased (and increasing) educational requirements demanded by the existing professional structures and organizations often serve as a barrier to the satisfaction of social needs. Consequently, as more and more professional and semiprofessional organizations and associations demand more and more educational requirements of their wouldbe members, the question of the public benefit that flows from this linkage must surely be raised. Ontario

179

To what extent education contributes to the economic growth and/or to technological advancement is also a matter of dispute. That there appears to be correlation between the levels of education and economic growth (or more accurately, industrialization) is obvious. The distinction between education as a cause and education as a consequence of economic growth however, is less obvious. Moreover, even assuming some causal efficacy in the past, the same relationship may not hold in the future. Finally, it is also possible to view education—or at least misplaced manpower production—as a cause not of economic growth but of stagnation and of social disorder and retardation. It can hardly be argued that any kind of education, of no matter how many additional years, would be necessarily conducive to economic growth. The Manpower Argument

Education is also often seen as an instrument of "manpower planning." The argument here rests on the assumption of a link between the future demands of the labour market and the products of the present educational system. Yet, this linkage is also hard to verify. One difficulty with a manpower-oriented educational system is that manpower planning is notoriously unreliable. This is no fault of those responsible for such planning; rather the trouble seems to lie in the very nature of manpower planning and in the difficulty of establishing any but the most tenuous links between educational requirements and future manpower needs. Certainly the rate of change that our society experienced since World War II would seem to indicate the unpredictable character of these changes, and there is no reason to assume that we are able to predict the occupational structure of our future society with any greater degree of success. It is generally agreed by most observers that the present generation of students will face a labour market made up of a majority of occupations that are presently unknown. Assuming, however, that we could develop better economic and manpower planning skills—and there is definitely room for improvement here—how would these manpower needs be translated into educational requirements? Basically, the problem is how to develop our educational system in such a way as to be able to provide both the immediate application of acquired knowledge and skills and, at the same time, prepare the individual for a lifetime of changes—including occupational 180

A Statement of Issues

changes. Moreover, suppose we ever solve this problem; another would still remain: how to translate that plan into reality. Experience indicates that the students base their future plans, especially educational ones, on current market conditions. Much better vocational and educational counselling would, of course, improve the situation—and we should do all to achieve such improvements —but it would not solve the problem. Fundamentally, therefore, the case for closer coupling of manpower and educational requirements faces political and moral objections: an effective enforcement of such coupling would lead to stricter command-type economic planning and thus to much greater infringement of the individual's freedom of choice than most of us are willing to contemplate. In a sense, this aspect of education illuminates, as perhaps no other facet does, a basic delimma of our present society. We desire to provide as much security for the individual as possible while, at the same time, refraining from encroaching upon his area of individual freedom and responsibility. There are some specific areas in our educational system where this dilemma needs immediate attention. For example, should we allow an unlimited entry into some of our professional schools even though we already know that there is, or that there is about to be a surplus of manpower in this field—thereby expressing our faith both in the functioning of the market mechanism and in human rationality? Or should we impose limitations upon admissions and thus "save" the individual from himself and his possible mistakes? But, assuming we do know what the term "surplus" means (it can mean merely a professional definition in order to safeguard income for the profession as a whole), should it be the government that "saves" the individual from his own inclinations and fulfilment? These are not trivial matters and they should be decided on a matter of principle first before we embark—willy-nilly—upon a course that can lead to some undesirable but predictable ends. For just as often as bad means corrupt good ends, so bad ends can be achieved by perfectly good means. Certification

There already exists, on what seems a large enough scale, an example of what can happen when professional requirements—both in terms of manpower and qualifications—are being set by forces outside the market: the

certification process. For many professional organizations, post-secondary educational institutions serve as the first screening barrier for the entry into the profession. Even the most "general" or "liberal" undergraduate degrees—such as B.A. and B.Sc.—are, in effect, more vocationally oriented than either the mythology proclaims or its beneficiaries admit. In any case, there is an observable historical trend that shows how the various professions have over the years increased their educational requirements as a pre-condition of entry into these professions. At times this increase is justified on the grounds that increased "professional quality" brings about returns in better professional services. Unfortunately, the "profesional quality" is often defined and measured in terms of years spent at school. The result is, of course, a vicious circle that permits the maintenance —or initiation—of high fees for professional services on the grounds of increased number of years spent at school —and the justification of additional years of schooling on the basis of prospective high income. Certification, in fact, is probably one of the greatest causes of rigidity and inequality in education. It is therefore imperative that we take a new look at the need for and justification of certification and its coupling to education. On the one hand, certification is necessary in our society. It would be impossible to rely upon the individual good will of those who provide services and products not to short-change or harm their customers; or to expect society to leave its citizens unprotected. Yet, what society is unwilling to leave in the hands of individual providers of services and products, it often leaves in the hands of professional organizations representing the individual practitioners—presumably on the grounds that the judgement of quality of services can be provided only by the experts—and trusts their self-imposed ethics. But it is presently possible to separate the two basic reasons for certification—protection of the consumer and the necessary professional judgment—to devise a policy that would accomplish both and to prevent any possible abuses.6 Finally, as large organizations, both private and public, become more prevalent in our society, the need for classification, and thus for certification, increases. Because this particular need of mass bureaucracies in mass society has not as yet been met satisfactorily, there is a temptation to use as a proxy the most convenient available paper certification: educational achievements. The

problems facing the post-secondary education system in the area of certification then are as follows: Should admission to professional schools in various individual disciplines be limited in accordance with the wishes of the related professional societies? Should educational requirements for entry to professions be as stringent as they are at present? Should we not strive towards greater occupational mobility by encouraging—or at least facilitating—lateral movements of students, rather than forcing them to "re-do" years of pre- and professional education that have often very little to do with the practice of the profession proper? Indeed, should educational institutions be divorced from the whole certification process? Education and Social Justice

It is our impression that one of the main purposes of post-secondary education has been its use as an instrument of social justice. In particular, this use has been fostered by the notion of post-secondary education as an avenue of upward social mobility and equality. These two aims, though not identical, seem to have been pursued simultaneously, perhaps in the hope that they could be achieved simultaneously. That education and educational achievements have been considered as avenues of social and financial advancement is indisputable; and, to a large extent, the record indicates correlation of educational achievements and improved socio-economic standing. As this became not only apparent, but also, more importantly, accepted as a desirable and efficient way of achieving social mobility, it also became apparent that social justice would demand equal access to such a social escalator. Or, simply, equality of educational opportunity became a social good both because education was considered a "good thing" and because it seemed only fair that all should have the same opportunity for social advancement. The result is that one of the chief challenges facing postsecondary education is universal accessibility—a challenge that can be met only if we are clear as to why it has been posed. Universality of accessibility does not, of course, mean that everybody will or must continue after graduation from high school. What it does mean, however, is that all those who are able, can profit from, and wish to have post-secondary education and training, should have access to such institutions. In turn this gives rise to two Ontario

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additional and important problems: 1. If the aim is affording each individual such access, for how many years should this claim on public funds last? 2. Does universal accessibility also imply not only access to a post-secondary institution but also to any program that the student wishes to pursue? Both of these aspects of universality call for closer examination. As has already been mentioned, the present system of government financing is often justified in terms of economic and social benefits. It also tends to support more heavily those whose post-graduate training will bring in the greatest individual returns. On the one hand, there is no doubt much of this support is due to other social needs: for example, if society needs more doctors, then it may seem reasonable to favour medical schools and support medical education to a greater extent than, let us say, archaeological training. On the other hand, it is equally clear that the prospective doctor's benefit from such support is also much greater than that of any other profession. The first problem then appears to be balancing the value one places on equality of treatment with that of the contribution that one believes doctors make to better public health. Other problems, however, will still remain. One is the question of selection: if we wish to support all students to the limits of their ability in acquiring knowledge and skills, we must determine these limits and provide for the necessary programs in our institutions. How can we do this? Universal accessibility obviously cannot mean universal transferability—either of skills or knowledge. At the same time, as recent US studies show, it is not at all clear that academic achievement—as expressed in school years or marks—is the only reliable or even desirable indicator of such selection. Another problem is raised by the possible conflict between the individual's choice of program and the needs of society. Since most students plan their studies on the basis of the current labour market should public support for these students and programs be forthcoming even in cases where it is clear that the future occupational structure will be unsatisfactorily influenced by such personal decisions? Perhaps the whole view of education as an instrument of social justice should be re-examined. In many ways one could argue that taxation and other fiscal measures are more appropriate instruments for distribution and redistribution of income. Doubts are also raised whether education, in fact, accomplishes such distributive functions; whether 182

A Statement of Issues

it is not merely aiding the middle class to stay the middle class (that is, hampering rather than helping social mobility). In any case, it is arguable whether academic and professional qualifications should be used as a screening mechanism for social mobility. The Example of the USA

The example of the United States is, of course, another influence on post-secondary education in Canada and in Ontario. It is not unusual to see American social and political justifications for education and research policies adopted in Canada (for example, the race with Soviet Union, economic returns to education, and the "more is better" approach to education). Undoubtedly, much of this influence is due to the cultural and economic similarities and ties of the two countries. In any case, the common belief that Canada has experienced many of the same educational developments as the United States is largely correct. Indeed, often merely the argument that the United States was doing it was sufficient to imply that either we had to do the same or that we could not afford not to do the same. Yet there are distinct differences of structure, administration, and policies of post-secondary education between the two countries. In the first place, Canada and Ontario do not have the great privately-endowed institutions of higher education that the United States has. Our postsecondary educational system is overwhelmingly public. Secondly, our governmental structure and styles are different. The cabinet-parliamentary form of government demands different kinds of administrative structure and distribution of power from those of the congressional type. When we talk of control and jurisdiction of governmental bodies in and over post-secondary education, this difference cannot be ignored. Structural differences impose different styles both on those who are participants and those who must plead their cases in the political forum. In addition, while both countries have federal structures, the nature of the respective federalism—and the nuances within it—differ (for instance, the United States federal government has been both much more prominent and purposeful in the fields of education and research than its Canadian counterpart). As a result of these institutional differences, especially in recent years, the policies of the two countries vis-a-vis post-secondary education have differed.

The similarities and differences offer grounds both for despair and hope. In some cases, it seems reasonably clear that the United States' example is being imitated in Canada insofar as the essential character of the universities is concerned. And while Clark Kerr's "multiversity" is still a rare reality its embryo can be seen developing in our own universities. Perhaps the fragmentation of university functions, and the artificial and mechanical character of their existence, merely reflects the modern age—of which the United States is the vanguard—and perhaps, therefore, there is little that the post-secondary educational system can do about it. But perhaps also we can learn from the United States and avoid some of their less desirable tendencies. In any case, because of the very fact that we have only a public sector, the saving aspect of the American educational system, its diversity, may be harder to attain. Our challenge, therefore, springs from a paradox: on the one hand, our system may incorporate, if we are not careful, not only those undesirable elements that we witness in the US public systems, but because we do not have some of their centrifugal influences (such as private schools and separation of power) the effects of those undesirable elements may be much worse in total impact. On the other hand our single public structure allows us to initiate consciously policies and institutions that can safeguard us from the defects of the American developments. The Traditional Functions

So far we have not said much about the traditional purposes of education in general and post-secondary education in particular. One reason for this apparent neglect has been our intention not to elaborate on the obvious. Rather we hoped to draw attention to the ramifications that changes in the enlargement of all the functions have brought about. What qualitative changes in the aims of post-secondary education, for example, take place when the institutions accommodate the majority of young people i-n their age group and all their multifarious demands? To put it more directly, it may well be that while the role of post-secondary education remains much the same—in terms of services provided—the purpose and effects of this role when exposed to mass clientele become different. Thus the institutions may keep transmitting and increasing knowledge but the very fact that those to whom the transmission is being conducted—and with whom new knowledge is being created—form now

much greater numbers, changes the social effects of these activities. It may be that some of the old functions simply cannot be performed in the same way under the new circumstances. Consequently one can ask the following questions: Is research—given its present scope and definition—really as essential a part of all university and college education as it was a few years ago—and is still proclaimed to be? Are all our post-secondary institutions teaching places? How valid are the calls for the safeguard of academic standards through enrolment limitations? Are we really so certain that current selection mechanisms are able to accomplish even our traditional functions? Or are we simply repeating the same slogans that opponents of universal secondary education mouthed only a few decades ago? Measurements

Closely associated with the problems of delineation of functions, both old and new, is the question of educational outputs. The problem is as tough to solve as it is simple to state: we do not know how to measure it. There is a tendency on the part of all service industries paid for through taxation (medical services, governmental services, education—to cite but the most obvious ones) to identify "inputs" with "outputs"—to use the current jargon. In simple terms it merely means that, in the case of education, we are inclined to measure the efficiency and effectiveness of our schools by the number of students and the number of years the students spend in them. The result is that instead of measuring the functioning of our schools, how well they have achieved their goals, we substitute measurements of their activities. To compound the difficulty, more years of education are identified with better education. This is not a call for some simplistic identification of educational "production" or "productivity" with financial or economic indicators or even with some simple educational statistics. Rather, and just as in governmental and health services, we perceive a need to try to identify both the purposes of our activities and ways of ascertaining how these purposes are achieved. What is the reason for the prevalence of the four year degree course? Or, to cite another aspect of the same problem, why are we so loath to assume that one of the main functions of our post-secondary institutions may be custodial—an assumption we readily grant to primary and Ontario

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secondary school systems but are unwilling even to acknowledge at higher levels? Perhaps none of the above problems are susceptible to definite solutions; perhaps they are insoluble. Yet, the very fact that they are being posed—not only by us but by now throughout the western world—underlies the social importance of post-secondary education. And it is this very social importance that demands public discussion. For even if solutions prove elusive our common search will have clarified our purposes and, hopefully, have brought about better public understanding—an indispensable foundation for the support that postsecondary education has already received and expects to receive from the people of Ontario.

In the previous section we have already indicated the increased share the public has assumed of the financing of post-secondary education; the increased proportion of the provincial budget and product that is being devoted to this purpose (see tables 2 and 3). We have cited some projections about future trends in those areas. In this section we would like to address ourselves to some of the problems associated with the economics and financing of post-secondary education. Labour-intensive

There are some characteristics basic to the economics of higher education. One is the labour-intensive character of education. Like most other undertakings of social service—such as health care, governmental services and the like—education seems to depend upon the personal contact among those engaged in it. This means that the technological advances that allowed substitution of machinery for labour in other sectors of the economy have not been applied in education—nor are they likely to be applied for as long as we continue to define our educational efforts in terms of personal relations. But if this is so, then the economic implications of these labourintensive efforts must be recognized—that there is not a great likelihood of increased productivity in education. Consequently, it must be also recognized that the cost of education is bound to rise—even if the labour-intensive sector does not receive any more than the average increase in the productivity of the economy as a whole. For 184

A Statement of Issues

as long as the productivity of labour in education remains the same, and while the rest of the economy increases productivity, even attempts to keep those engaged in the educational enterprise at the same relative level of standards of living will increase the cost of education.8 Indeed, ". . . in every industry in which increases in productivity come more slowly than in the economy as a whole, costs per unit of product must be expected to increase relative to costs in general. Any product of this kind—whether it be a hair-cut, a custom prepared meal, a performance of a symphonic concert, or the education of a graduate student—is bound to become even more expensive relative to other things."9 This argument, in its pure form, assumes that the conditions that now prevail in our educational organizations and structures both fulfil the essential element of educational needs and are not likely to be affected by future technological developments. And nobody, of course, will maintain that there is no room for improvement. Given the widespread dissatisfaction exactly with the increasing absence of the human element in our education systems, it may, in fact, be questioned whether the very goals and nature of our educational institutions have not been, or are not being, subverted. Yet, it is this very definition of ideal educational process in human terms and relationships that is exerting the extraordinary and built-in upward pressure on costs. It may well be, therefore, that one of the prime objectives of society and the educational community should be in the re-examination of this definition. Perhaps there is a way to identify and separate the necessary human element from some of the other elements that go into our educational process. We certainly know that there are two distinct parts to education: a cognitive part that "includes those objectives which deal with the recall or recognition of knowledge and the development of intellectual abilities and skills"; and an affective part which "describes changes in interest, attitudes, and values, and the development of appreciations and adequate adjustment."10 At the very least, an effort should be made to separate—for analytical purposes—our educational goals (or outputs) from our educational processes. At present, as we have already indicated, there is only too great a temptation to identify—and thus to confuse—our goals with our processes. Let us, however, suppose that while we may not have achieved the best of all possible ends and means of education, we are not doing too badly (that is, so to speak,

that society is reasonably happy with the fruits of its labour and merely wishes to increase its yield). Where, then, are the fields that can be improved to give higher yield, without changing the fruit they bear? There are, we think, two aspects of this problem: one lies in the implications of introducing technological tools into education thus increasing productivity; the other is the degree to which present institutional and professional structures and practices prevent improvement in productivity. Technology and Education

There is, of course, no neat way to separate technological tools (such as TV and computer assisted instruction [CAI]) from the content of education. Nor are we very clear about the implications that the use of new techniques may have for our educational ends. We are also aware of the temptation and fascination that electronic gadgetry has for those who are incompetent in both education and the gadgetry. There are, alas, too many cases where this fascination produces a hypnotic state of mind and of budgets—without any corresponding benefits to students. It is, therefore, advisable to be clear about the implications of technological advances. In economic terms, some of the following observations are likely to be significant. First of all, in the case of TV, a much better definition of the type and character of educational programs will be necessary. Obviously, simple filmed lectures are failures. Secondly, it should be realized that while the use of TV may bring about potential future savings in operational grants, these savings are likely to be purchased at a high current capital cost. Thirdly, it is not at all clear that the highest unit cost educational programs will benefit from an increased use of TV or other technical tools. Graduate, professional, and some technical training—as presently defined—are the highest users of labour. Consequently the introduction of such technologies has to be measured not against the total cost of education, but against those programs that already have the lowest unit cost (for example, large scale classes in undergraduate arts and science) and here it may be cheaper to have a living professor rather than one in living colour in front of the class. Finally there is the real possibility that any advances in these areas will not be used as substitutes but as additions to costs. As such they may be viewed as improvements on the quality and effectiveness of education but purchased at increases in the unit costs. And given

our assumption of "best of all possible worlds" we also have to assume the present institutional and professional arrangements—arrangements that have not so far displayed any great proclivity towards creative innovations. Structural Problems

Indeed, it may well be the critical examination of current organizational and professional structures that would provide the most productive aspect of our search for economies in education. The question here is whether our institutional and professional arrangements, as they now exist, fulfil their proper tasks and are flexible enough to accommodate the necessary changes. More specifically, one could ask what are the rigidities within the system that resist change. For example, the professional education and training that is now being pursued at our post-secondary institutions is influenced—if not outright determined—by outside professional associations. It is not always apparent that this arrangement leads to the most economical use of educational resources. Often, even if the educational institutions would like to initiate changes in their curriculum, they are deterred from doing so by fears, either real or imaginary, of prejudicing the employment opportunities of their students. In addition, there are some inherent rigidities within the institutions themselves. Thus university professors, as members of their profession and as members of the self-governing academic community, in fact determine their own conditions of employment. As a result—and again not unlike some other professions—the definition of what constitutes "work" is left in the hands of those who are employed by the institution. In particular, this is apparent in two areas: teaching loads and research. When professors negotiate their salaries with institutional representatives—be they the administration or members of the Board of Governors—it is always only in terms of how much more salary and fringe benefits they will receive. Seldom, if ever, is there negotiation about the performance of the professors. This is assumed to be an academic matter and thus in the hands of the academicians alone or in combination with the academic administrators. If, as it is often argued, to be a professor means to be engaged in teaching and research, then it is the professors themselves who decide what this means (for example, what is the "correct" proportion between teaching and research). The result, over the past number of years, has been the lowering of teaching loads for Ontario

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faculty members and an increase in the allotment of time to research. Other professions, of course, also leave the "conditions of employment" either in the hands of their professional organizations or individual members. The difficulty with professors—as, indeed, it is becoming clear with other professions similarly funded—is that they are salaried professionals. Hence even the restraining element of fees based on services is absent—and the public has to assume that the salaries are commensurate with the services. This may or may not be the case. For example, it may lead to the following absurdity: because the professors define their profession as part teaching, part research, and because their numbers depend on the numbers of students, we are faced with a deterministic relationship between research and the number of students. Even if one assumed that all research is good (or at least equally good) it seems inappropriate to have research efforts determined by the number of students. And, of course, it is this rigidity in the definition of a professor (and behind it, in the definition of all Ontario universities as equal institutions) that magnifies the labour-intensive cost structure spoken of previously. Under these conditions it is not reasonable to expect an eager adoption of labour saving devices. Another inherent institutional rigidity is the usual definition of a degree program and the concomitant tendency towards proliferation of course offerings. There is a bewildering array of programs and courses offered in our post-secondary institutions. It is often very difficult to discover the rationale behind the course and time requirements of degrees and diplomas. Why is it necessary to assume that the degree or program in all disciplines and subjects must take an identical period of time? Why is it that a degree or diploma in one discipline can be obtained from a menu of x number of courses while in other disciplines it takes only one-half of x or 2x? Why, indeed, is the same degree or diploma obtained by a choice of different kinds and numbers of courses in different institutions? The reason why we ask these questions is not in order to criticize the diversity, but to point out how difficult it is to explain the multitudes of functions and purposes by one educational or philosophical justification.'' It is debatable whether the educational world was ever so simple that it could be explained in terms of a single educational philosophy alone. Yet, one is under 186

A Statement of Issues

the impression that university and professional education—and that was practically the whole field—did share many common assumptions and aims. Whether we can recapture or recreate this sense of common purpose is not certain. It is, however, one of the chief preoccupations of the commission and, in particular, two of its committees (those on aims and objectives and on learning and teaching) at least to attempt such a task. It is our intention to share the result of the work of these two committees with the public in the near future. A final, large component part of cost that springs from rigidities is research. We have already pointed out how the amount of research that is being pursued is largely determined by the number of students and by the job definition of a professor. In Canada, the total cost involved in this rigidity is hidden from the public view due to the way we finance our research. The Federal Government and its agencies support research by providing direct grants to researchers. But because practically all non-governmental and nonindustrial research is being carried out at the postsecondary institution, the provinces pay for that portion of research support which the researchers need in terms of time and indirect, overhead costs. What that proportion of the indirect cost amounts to is not clear, but speculations range from 35 per cent to 200 per cent of the direct grant. 12 From the economic point of view, this situation is less than desirable for a number of reasons. First of all, such an arrangement hides the total cost of research. Secondly, as with all cost-sharing arrangements, it obscures responsibility and accountability not only for the kind of research but also for the efficiency with which that research is being carried out. Finally, the internal allocation of funds makes accountability by the institution to governmental authorities, and thus to the public, difficult. The chief obstacle here is the mixed nature of university employment: teaching and research (and/or supervision of research), it is maintained, are indissolubly mixed in the academic profession. It is an arguable position. It seems to presuppose certain uniformity of function and services of the universities and thus of conditions of employment. Yet, it is plausible to envision a spectrum of post-secondary institutions ranging from the purely teaching kind to purely research-oriented organizations. Obviously, in such a system, the employment conditions differ on the basis of separation of their teaching and

research functions. It is possible that it is the undifferentiated classification of our Ontario universities that obscures the real division of graduate and undergraduate education—and the resulting economic implications. For it seems to be the graduate school that is expensive, not the undergraduate programs. 25.7 per cent ($77,904,846 in 1969-70) of the basic operating income of the universities was generated by 11.4 per cent of the student body —the 12,000 graduate students.13 Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology

Much of the above observation does not apply to community colleges. As we understand it, it was the intention of the planners of the community colleges to fill the need for specifically non-university post-secondary type of education closely linked to the community and without regard for the traditional academic accoutrement. We shall ask later some questions about these aims and their realization; right now our concern is with the economic aspect of the community colleges and here we would like to point out a fallacy in a frequently unexpressed assumption about the costs of programs in the community college—i.e., technical education or, even more generally, non-university education is cheaper than that provided by the universities. Often, regrettably, this assumption is a reflection of another assumption about the community colleges: that they are inferior educational institutions (and hence, presumably have lower unit costs). Both of these assumptions are wrong. There is, of course, no reason to view the community colleges as inferior. And there is a good deal of evidence to suggest that many of their programs are no less expensive than the comparable years at a university. There is no reason why they should be less expensive: the technical equipment and the individualized attention required by many of the community college programs fully justify such expenditures. It is, after all, hard to see how heavily capitalized and mechanized industries could use students from backward schools. To consider, therefore, education in community colleges as an inferior or less costly alternative is not only to misjudge their costs, but to miss the main thrust and importance of the concept as well. The Question of Size

One economic problem facing all institutions of postsecondary education is the question of size. How large must a college or university be in order to be able to offer

all the services and programs necessary to fulfil its mission at a reasonable unit cost? Undoubtedly, the effects of economies of size have to be taken into consideration; the more so as the students, their parents, as well as the employees, expect the institutions to provide not only the benefits of an intimate college but also the services of a large-scale organization. Assuming these demands to be educationally and socially justifiable, what must the minimum size of the institution be in order to provide them at reasonable cost? Again, this is not a call for a search for "the optimum" size of institution—experience would seem to indicate such a search to be futile—but to draw attention to the very important relationship between size and the cost of services. A problem closely allied to the question of the institutional size is the total demand made on the post-secondary educational system of the province. Here the answer depends on the demographic prospect. And while population projections are always subject to dispute, we believe that those provided in figure 1 are sufficiently accurate to warn us about the forthcoming decline in the rates of growth and, later, in the absolute numbers for possible school population. Indeed, it could be that no new institutions will be necessary to accommodate Ontario's educational needs in the foreseeable future. Students' Share of Cost

An aspect of educational cost that is often overlooked is the portion that students contribute to their education. In the most immediate sense, this means the fees and direct outlay that students and/or their parents incur when attending school. As a share of the total direct cost, this contribution, as we have shown, has been declining. A larger element in the students' cost is their foregone earnings. It has been calculated that this portion of cost exceeds that of the "direct" expenditures by the public.14 In a strict economic sense there is undoubtedly much force in including the foregone earnings as part of the cost—especially when one wishes to view expenditures on education as investment. Calculations so based will, by necessity, show that the "rate of return" on such investments is much lower than is usually assumed.15 Moreover, if we are really interested in the economic benefitin some measurable return on expenditure—the foregone earnings cannot be ignored, if only to achieve a better picture of the economics of education. Finally, and partly as a result of our disregard of this cost, we tend to Ontario

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maximize the wrong kind of savings: by considering students' time as "free" we often sacrifice it—squander it—in order to achieve economies of other, less valuable, cost elements. The consideration of students' foregone earnings, therefore, is an important element in the appreciation of the total cost of education. And yet it seems slightly artificial. There is suspicion that to speak of foregone earnings as costs is to imply some deprivation on the part of the students. This is hardly the case. Neither in their style of living, nor in the immediate benefits received, do students appear to suffer. While on strictly technical grounds this consideration does not alter the case, it does baffle common sense. "Consumption" or "Investment"?

It may well be that the source of the confusion lies not in how we arrive at the cost of education, but how we view that cost. If, as has been the fashion for the past ten to fifteen years, education is considered an investment., then the total costs become very relevant.16 If, however, education is considered as "consumption," then perhaps the students' share is less important. This division of educational costs into "investment" and "consumption" introduces an element of spurious clarity into very murky reality. Moreover, the words carry ideological and moral overtones ("investment is good," "consumption is bad"; therefore, the public ought to subsidize "investment" and ignore "consumption"), that may be more dangerous to clear thinking than the apparent technical precision of a jargon. Finally, it tends to force any public discussion about the merits of post-secondary education into a narrow channel and precludes the consideration of other issues (largely, we suspect, again due to the apparent "concreteness" and clarity of the terms used). Financing: Who Pays for What?

The need for broader consideration is nowhere more apparent than in a discussion of the financing of postsecondary education. Indeed, here the danger is the exact opposite: to give way to the temptation of meaningless generalizations. We would, therefore, like to pose only two questions: /. how should the burden of the financing of post-secondary education be shared—that is, how much of it should be paid by the government and how much by the individual; and 2. how should the distribu188

A Statement of Issues

tion of the burden be administered—that is, in the case of the public's share, should it be channelled through institutions or through students? Level of Support

Another question ought to be asked: what level of support (expenditure, cost) should our society provide for post-secondary education? We have postponed posing this question for a number of reasons. First, and in spite of all claims to the contrary, we believe that the basic issues facing post-secondary education in Ontario are not financial, though they certainly have financial implications. Rather, it seems imperative to us that the debate should centre on the functions and performances of our post-secondary institutions—where the problems lie. Secondly, projections of total costs always hide the assumptions upon which they are based and that almost invariably means the acceptance of the present status quo. Undoubtedly, a "present-state-projected" type of prognostication is a plausible scenario for the future. Indeed, it may, in the end, turn out to be the most compelling one. But even so, the justification should be re-examined. Thirdly, it is exactly in the area of predicting "levels of support necessary for . . ." that mythologies and monies mix most easily. We wish to avoid the danger at present. Finally, it seems possible that the best way of approaching the desired level of support is through analysis of who should pay for it—regardless of the amounts. Consequently, we have postponed the question of absolute levels for later discussion. Basically there are only two possible directions that financing of post-secondary education can take: either the students (and/or their parents) assume a greater proportion of the cost of their education or the state continues expanding its contribution. Theoretically, such direction could lead to the total transfer of costs either to the students or to the state. In practice, of course, neither of these directions is likely to be pursued to its logical conclusion.17 Yet unless we discover some principles, some reason for division of costs, our attempts to find a sound scheme of financing will be futile. In order to do so, we have to consider the implications of the two possible directions. Should Students Pay More?

Shifting the burden of cost to students has many attractions. Much of the mythology that surrounds post-

secondary education would be exposed to the harsh realities of the marketplace: the monetary and prestige returns would now be purchased at the student's own cost; the institutions would be forced to charge to educational services only those functions indispensable to that service—that is, resolving in practice the all but rhetorically insoluble problem of balancing research and education; it would give both the students and the institutions powerful incentives to be "relevant" to the needs of the students and, thus, perhaps to society; and, it would help us to discover the real cost of education—together, perhaps, with some real checks on these costs.18 Combined with a scheme to subsidize those whose income (or parental income) justifies subsidies, such a shift in burden could be attractive also on the grounds of equity. As it is, we are not yet certain whether the middle and upper income groups do or do not reap an unwarranted advantage for their children through the present form of financing. Put more positively, it is plausible to argue that while we now support those who have achieved most academically, we are ignoring at least some of those who would possibly benefit most from further education. Since academic performance is often a reflection of socio-economic background, such differentiation has obvious class implications. In this connection, it is worthwhile to recall that it has been only recently that we have begun to support students on the basis of financial need (bursaries, loans, grants), rather more than on the grounds of their academic merit (scholarships and fellowships). Indeed, it has been the recognition—and declared policy—of the Ontario government that all qualified students should find places in post-secondary educational institutions that has led to the vast increase in the governmental share of costs. And given the investment already made, it is dubious that any extensive shift in the burden of costs will occur—if for no other reason than that government is unlikely to hand over its investment without strings attached, or, for that matter, that it even could or should do so.

ter. It is worthwhile, before answering this question, to pause and reflect on the reasons for employing the services of the state in other areas. For example, it is clear that in some fields, such as administration of justice, defence, and collection of taxes, there are no alternatives to the state. In other areas, while there may conceivably be alternatives, we have decided, as a matter of public policy, that the state should perform the task: highways and primary and secondary education, are illustrations of these areas. These fields are occupied by the state on the grounds of indispensability to the welfare of society. Finally, the state becomes directly involved in areas where notions of social justice demand such participation: medicare and pensions fall into this category. These categories expanded, we suspect, largely as a result of a shift in public philosophy: the state ceased to be viewed merely as a necessary evil and began to be looked upon as an essential instrument in the pursuit of positive social goals. Undoubtedly, many benefits accrued both to society and to the individual from such a shift. And yet, suspicions prevail—or are beginning to be rekindled—that if the old view of the state's activities was unacceptable, our all too eager embracing of the state as a saviour is also full of pitfalls. The moot question about the financing of postsecondary education, therefore, is whether a shift towards still greater participation of the government would lead to some of the undesirable consequences of public enterprises. Furthermore, given the inevitability of such participation, how can we minimize such risks without, at the same time, obviating the reasons for state intervention? The difficulty lies in reconciling the various conflicting pressures implied within such scope. Almost certainly, no single and simple scheme of financing is likely to be applicable to the whole spectrum of post-secondary education. What follows, therefore, is exploration of alternative policies that could be employed both to increase the financial participation of the student in his education and to minimize the bureaucratic dangers.

Should the Taxpayer Pay More?

If anything, therefore, there seems to be more reason to assume that the state will continue to provide resources for post-secondary education. Whether these should be provided at an increased rate and cover an increasingly large proportion of the cost, is another mat-

Definition of Costs

There are two main aspects of the problem at hand: one is the question of what kind of costs we are trying to attribute to the student and, if we wish to help him to meet these costs, on what basis will we do so. The total Ontario

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cost of education to a student can be broken down into three components: one is the cost of fees, books and equipment; second is the cost of living while attending school; and third is the cost of the educational and social services that the school provides (fees, of course, can be viewed merely as that part of these costs that are being passed on to the student). In the past, it has been assumed that the total cost of attendance at a post-secondary institution should be borne by the student and/or the parents. Progressively, however, the component parts have been separated and their costs distributed between the student and the taxpayer. By now the state covers by far the greatest portion of the educational and social services costs (through operational and capital grants) and it is increasing its contribution to the other costs (through holding fees down and by providing subsidized loans and bursaries to the students). Public Nature of Education

The absorption of the educational and social services costs at the post-secondary level by the state follows, more or less, the philosophy that underlies the provision of similar services at the primary and secondary school levels: the services are provided by the state but the upkeep of the children is the responsibility of the parents. Due to the differences in the age of students, location of the institution, and tradition, however, parental support of students at post-secondary institutions is deemed insufficient and/or undesirable. Consequently, the taxpayer is being increasingly pressured to provide either direct assistance to students to cover their living expenses or to subsidize loan schemes.19 Whether the difference in the age of students justifies such pressure is arguable. If anything, the age factor should lead to exactly the opposite conclusion: if a person is an adult, he should have the responsibilities of an adult. And if so, then geographic accessibility should not play a greater role either. This leaves tradition as the only argument for such support. The main ingredient here is the inherited assumption that students are different, and ought to be treated differently, from other young people of the same age. This tradition is, in a most blatant way, a remnant of an aristocratic and elitist society. It is difficult to see how a democratic society can accept this special subsidy to a group of people who, by all other indications, are already the beneficiaries of above average income parents, 190

A Statement of Issues

generally of better social and cultural environment, and with better future prospects than most of those who do not attend a post-secondary institution. If therefore, we assume free and easily available educational services at a tertiary school level, should the support of the cost of living while going to school be left to the individual and his parents? Equality of Opportunity

The mere availability of educational resources does not guarantee equality of opportunity: the socio-economic position of the parents determines much more, to the point of even entertaining the idea of going to a postsecondary institution. Hence, it is argued, the state should provide additional incentives and support for those with less favoured backgrounds. Here, we are back to the notion discussed earlier: the propriety of the educational system as an instrument of social justice. There may be other, more appropriate instruments by which our social goals may be attained. Moreover, it is open to question, given the age and, increasingly now, the marital status of the student, whether parental income or capital holding should be of consideration. But if it is considered, then we should be prepared to utilize some form of means test that would ascertain the true socioeconomic position of the parent. The most serious drawback of this scheme is that it does not take into account the various lengths of postsecondary schooling demanded by different professions and vocations and thus of the different costs. Moreover, both length and cost are greatest in professions with the highest incomes. It would, then, seem sensible to contemplate two possible alternatives: one, to limit the free, public-supported educational services to a pre-determined number of years—that is, in effect, prolong the opportunity for universal public education by, say, two or three years20 and then charge the full cost to the users for additional years; or two, to charge the full cost of post-secondary education to students from the very beginning. Obviously, such transfer of costs could not be accomplished without accompanying schemes to satisfy other social values, in particular, equality of opportunity. A number of schemes have been recently suggested that would link loans for students to their future incomes, thus accommodating both our desires for equality of

opportunity and for an equitable distribution of costs. Basically, the idea is to establish a system of loans that would be available to students and repayable through an income tax supplement. In this way the payments would be related to income and repayable over a stipulated period of time. Thus instead of repaying the loan, the student would contract to pay back a fixed percentage of his income per $ 1,000 of debt each year for, say 15 years. If he is not able to repay within the specified time, then the loan becomes a forgivable grant. The government would finance such a scheme for yearly borrowing.21 The advantages of this type of scheme are many and are easily discernible: it is partly, or even largely, a selfsupporting scheme, amortized over a long period; it makes the student pay for his education and it relates its cost to his future income; it would abolish the privileged position of the student in our society; and, to some it would be advantageous because it would free postsecondary education from its dependence on the government. Furthermore, it would shift the financial burden from present to future generations—to those who benefited from education in the first place. The pension-type of financing would also lessen current and prospective public expenditures. Similarly, by linking repayments to income the scheme would mutualize the cost in a more equitable way. Finally, by channelling a greater part of the financial resources needed for post-secondary education through the student, institutions could charge the full cost to him and thus introduce an element of "economic rationality" into this area. The scheme also has drawbacks: it would not necessarily increase educational opportunity for children of less privileged groups (the emotional barriers to heavy and prolonged indebtedness would remain); and it would force young women to bring into their marriages "negative dowries." Most importantly, however, it is not at all certain that the exclusion of government from this educational field would really be possible or even desirable. It would also tie attendance at post-secondary institutions strictly to financial considerations—with implications that demand greater thought than the schemes have been given so far. It is also an undesirable fiscal practice to have specially designated taxation—it not only complicates, it positively limits the social utility of taxation. Finally, it is not unlikely that government would be tempted—if not forced—to use the loan re-

quirements for short-term manpower planning.

no

Evaluation

In judging the viability and desirability of any type of the above schemes, it may be worthwhile to articulate the yardstick of evaluation. From the public point of view, this evaluation must contain at least two elements: the principle of equity and accountability for costs. In other words, public funds must be distributed equitably and with maximum efficiency. The former has two aspects. In the first place, financial resources should be available to students in such a way as to facilitate accessibility to further education. Even if it is recognized that financial barriers are not the only ones to determine accessibility to post-secondary education, the purpose of any financial scheme must be to lower and, preferably, eliminate these barriers. Secondly, the distribution of funds must in some way be commensurate with benefits received. Post-secondary education encompasses a wide spectrum of programs with large variations in time requirements. Obviously, therefore, the question of length of time of public support and the individual benefits must be assessed. If the support is for "consumption," then it should be available equally to all; if it is for "investment," then the returns to the individual have to be considered. Equally important, any scheme of public support must be conducive to some form of cost accounting and accountability. Evidence suggests that ad hoc or open-ended schemes are open invitations to cost escalation. The best way to prevent this abuse would be to develop a system that would be tied to some form of measurable output of specified services. In its absence, and in the light of the propensity of educational systems to substitute "inputs" for "outputs," there may be a need for greater cost control of the "inputs." And, of course, this can be accomplished best when the financing is direct through the institutions themselves. Many of the problems dealt with in this and foregoing sections spring from our basic desire to use the educational system as an instrument for achieving other, social goals. Not surprisingly, some of these goals run counter to each other; others may be even detrimental to the educational process itself. It is, however, only society, with the government as its agent, that can resolve and settle these conflicting aims—and more likely than not facilitate the solution through financial arrangements. Ontario

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Consequently, and because of the profound direct involvement of government in post-secondary education already, a certain portion of funding will likely continue to be provided directly through institutions. We shall discuss the non-economic aspects of the government's involvement—and the need for such involvement—later; here we would only draw attention to the great social and economic significance of educationl institutions. Both the cost of education and its responsiveness to social needs are of concern to the government. This concern would remain even if the government did not provide support from public funds. It is not unreasonable to expect, therefore, that the financial arrangements reflect this concern. Direct funding of institutions seemingly provides one of the best ways to satisfy both society's needs and governmental policy. The Institutional Framework

If money and financing form the blood and veins of postsecondary education, the structure forms the skeleton. It is a matter of little dispute that the skeleton belongs to a giant; it is more difficult to decide whether the giant is friendly or a monster (or, as one commissioner put it, "a dinosaur on wheels"). A mere enumeration of the kinds of institutions is lengthy: Ontario has 16 universities; 20 colleges of applied arts and technology (in at least 54 locations); 11 teachers' colleges; 4 colleges of agricultural technology; 62 schools of nursing; 2 police colleges; 1 fire college; 1 school of horticulture; 1 polytechnical institute; 1 college of art; and the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education.23 In total, 173,395 full-time students attended these institutions in the academic year 1968-69.24 They were offered 645 programs leading to 452 degrees, diplomas, certificates, and so on.25 In addition, an estimated 106,520 students attended postsecondary institutions on a part-time basis. The total bill to the treasury of the province of Ontario, according to public accounts for 1968-69 was $604,357,376.4126 The roots of all this diversity are historical: some of these institutions have been established by public spirited parochial and community leaders; others have reflected a more conscious response of government to the perceived educational and occupational needs; and still others have grown out of—or at the insistence of—professional societies. The great services that the whole spectrum of post-secondary education contributed to Ontario and to Canada are plain to see and need no elaboration. 192

A Statement of Issues

The Involvement of Government

Recently, as we have pointed out, more and more of these accomplishments have been achieved through greater and greater governmental support. Not surprisingly, both the diversity of educational establishments and the increased financial contribution is reflected in the numbers of provincial government organizations involved in post-secondary education. In fact, the $600 million contributed by the Ontario government in 196869 to this educational sector was distributed through 18 government departments and 1 agency.27 And while not all provincial departments and agencies participate in the administration of post-secondary education directly, many of them do. Consequently, one of the main issues facing the commission is to examine the present governmental administrative system dealing with postsecondary education and, if necessary, recommend reorganization. In this section we would like to discuss our perception of some of the revelant values and principles underlying the government administration of post-secondary education. The problem here is no different from any other public undertaking: how to reconcile our desire for the protection and enlargement of an individual's freedom with the equally necessary requirement of public accountability for public funds and the satisfaction of public needs. Or, to put it into more specific language, what are the essential organizational and policy matters in which the government must participate in order to protect the public interest? To what extent is this participation inimical to other principles, such as individual freedom of choice, institutional independence, and academic freedom? Even more specifically, are the various educational institutions so differentiated as to justify different governmental structures? Are there policies and organizational alternatives to the present system? Structurally, the possibilities appear to be as follows: /. All post-secondary institutions should be serviced and administered by one government department; 2. All educational activities, from kindergarten to post-doctoral research, should come under one department; 3. There should be established, in addition to the already existing departments of education and of university affairs, a third department entrusted with the administration of the colleges of applied arts and technology, including presumably, some of the other vocational schools now administered by other departments; 4. The existing

structure should be left intact. There are good arguments to be made for all four suggestions. The commission is looking forward to hearing them all. But whatever form is preferred, there are still some questions of government organization that have to be raised. One deals with the existence of advisory bodies in post-secondary education. At present, there are two main advisory bodies dealing with postsecondary education and a number of other government committees that are, in one way or another, also directly involved. The Committee on University Affairs is an advisory committee to the Minister of University Affairs, with very broad terms of reference on matters pertaining to the 14 provincially assisted universities, including 4 colleges affiliated with two of these universities, the Ontario College of Art, the Bar Admission Course, the Art Gallery of Ontario, the Royal Ontario Museum, and the Royal Botanical Gardens. The Committee has emerged as a vital body in the decision making process. It has been responsible for the recommendation of major new policies that are now being followed in Ontario, for example, formulae for operating and capital financing. A comparable body, the Council of Regents, has been established by the Minister of Education to advise him on matters pertaining to the colleges of applied arts and technology. The Council, however, has terms of reference that are more explicit (for example, it advises the Minister of Education on salary and wage rates for all employees in the colleges). Of the other committees and government bodies dealing with post-secondary education, the most important ones are those attached to the Department of Health, especially the Ontario Council of Health and its subcommittees and the Ontario Hospital Services Commission. The Senior Coordinating Committee for the Health Sciences, an inter-departmental committee of senior civil servants involved in health science education, is another important body. Relevant Questions: Structure and Jurisdiction

This is by no means a complete list but it serves to illustrate the administrative complexity that has grown around post-secondary education in Ontario. Some of this complexity has grown out of the obvious need to coordinate the activities of the various government departments in this field; some of it is due to the equally

obvious necessity of having specialized but representative bodies to advise the government in their particular area of interest. The questions that concern the commission here are numerous: What role should the advisory bodies play? What should be their relationship with the permanent civil service personnel in their departments? Should there be advisory bodies for each segment of postsecondary education? Or should there be only one—or one in addition to those already existing—that covers the whole spectrum of post-secondary education? How should such bodies be composed and how should they operate? Should their terms of reference be broad or narrow? Should they have any executive functions? What should their relationship be to the institutional and professional organizations? To a large extent, the government structure must reflect the institutional framework of Ontario post-secondary institutions. For example, is the idea of "the University of Ontario"—as recommended by the Spinks' Committee—dead?28 If not, how would it fit into the general framework of the postsecondary educational system in Ontario? If it is dead, are the arguments that led to its recommendations still valid? What about the role and jurisdiction of the already existing institutions and their associations? Should we rely upon voluntary cooperation both among similar institutions and between the various kinds of institutions? What should be the role of professional and interest organizations—for example, the role of faculty and student associations? How should conditions of employment in post-secondary institutions be arranged? Structures and organizations are only one aspect of the problem facing us. Of equal importance are the questions pertaining to the jurisdiction of direct governmental involvement and to the kind of policies pursued by the administrative structures within their jurisdiction. There are two considerations affecting the extent of government jurisdiction. One is a matter of administrative efficiency: how to reconcile the forces of centralization with those of decentralization. Here the need for control of policy matters affecting public interest must be weighed against the bureaucratic propensity to confuse control with direct administration. Secondly, there is always the danger that the centralized machinery will choke to death the very purposes for which the institutions have been established. It will be disastrous if, in our attempts at coordinating, planning, and accountability, we were led to the imposition of bureaucratic rationality Ontario

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and uniformity upon what we like to think is a vital and diverse enterprise.29 Formula Financing and Master Plan

Perhaps there are some policies that would lessen the centralizing bureaucratic danger. For example, it seems fairly clear that the employment of formula financing can achieve considerable cost control without any direct budgetary—and thus bureaucratic—review. There is little doubt that the employment of formula financing in Ontario has already demonstrated its virtues both to the government and to the universities by putting a brake on cost escalation without resorting to the unhappy and unnecessary line-by-line budgeting procedure of many state systems in the United States. But while formula financing prevents financial irresponsibility and assures equitable and sufficient distribution of public funds, it does not guarantee desirable future developments; it merely pays for services delivered. And it is in the nature of all institutions to rely upon established programs and guaranteed support rather than to risk possible losses through innovations. One way to correct this deficiency in formula financing without destroying its effectiveness is to develop a master plan covering all post-secondary institutions in Ontario and use formula financing within the broad outlines of such a plan. Indeed, one of the most promising avenues which the commission would like to explore is the possibility of developing such a master plan. But before doing so, the nature and characteristics of such a plan should be thoroughly debated. Too often the use of a "master plan" has led to rigidities and even greater bureaucratic control than was the case previously. Obviously, in such cases, the very purpose of planning was defeated by the straitjacket effect of the master plan. What, then, should be the content of a master plan? How detailed, how structured, and how enforced should such a plan be? And how should it be developed? It should also be realized that the development of such a plan seldom results in an immediate reduction of costs; what it does do, however, is prevent future unwarranted expenditures, provide for better satisfaction of future needs and avoid raising false hopes. Frequently, also, many call for better planning in the hope—at times even articulated—that such activities will free us from making some very difficult choices and avoid conflicts. This is a false hope. At best, planning facilitates the resolution of 194

A Statement of Issues

these conflicts by providing a procedure for such resolution. But the decisions still have to be made. An illustration of both the difficulties of planning and of the need for articulated policies is the question of selection, or screening, of students for the different kinds of post-secondary institutions. On what basis should we advise and counsel our students to make decisions in this area? It is an unshakeable conviction of the commission that advice and counsel are the appropriate means for informing the individual of the possibilities before him, although the decision must rest with him alone. It is not at all certain that the series of tests and examinations that now form the basis for our selection process are the only ones possible or even desirable. One of the problems with our selection mechanism is that it tends to enforce any institutional rigidities that have crept into our system. It is clear that the selection mechanism is devised to help the institutions, not the students. And, of course, there is the whole problem of relating academic and intelligence tests to socio-economic factors. The particular problem may have some urgency in it. With the high schools moving towards unstructured curricula and abandoning channelling of students into rigid streams; with the possible elimination of Grade 13 and of departmental examinations—the preconditions and guideposts of the past selection process—the question of selection and admission policy will have to be dealt with as soon as possible. It is dubious whether replacement of the old departmental examinations by admission tests would be the best solution. Keeping in mind our desire to make the whole post-secondary educational structure as flexible and as open to mobility as possible, how then should we advise our students? Planning, formula financing, and selection procedures are only some of the policies that complement any administrative organization. In the final analysis, however, the basic problem lies neither with the administration nor policies but with the kind of educational institutions we wish to have. Although there has been a great deal of discussion recently about the "role of the university (or college)" in our society, there is not much evidence that some of the tougher issues have been faced in earnest. Behind and below the philosophical issues lie such important questions as: Is there a difference between universities and community colleges? And, if so, what are these differences? Are we not, for example, in our attempt to differentiate community colleges from univer-

sides, running the risk of creating a "binary" system of post-secondary education—a system that will accentuate rather than diminish the phony prestige differentiation? And how do we really solve the problem that links professional organizations, educational institutions, and the certification process into such a seemingly unbreakable chain? Are there any arguments for increased flexibility within each occupational structure—and if so, should these not be reflected in our educational structures? How, in fact, can our desire for specific functions and flexibility be accommodated at the same time? Within the issues of the administrative structure of post-secondary education, therefore, hide a number of other issues: the functions and purposes of institutions; the policies and structures of government bodies dealing with post-secondary education; and the interplay not only of the institutions and the government but of all other segments of our society directly affected by postsecondary education: industry, professional organizations, and other government bodies. And because it affects them all, we hope that they will all help us find solutions not only to the issues discussed in this document but also to those posed in our opening section. Terms of Reference

A Commission on Post-Secondary Education in Ontario was appointed, effective 15 April 1969, to advise the Minister of Education and Minister of University Affairs under the following terms of reference: It shall be the responsibility of the commission: /. To consider, in the light of present provisions for university and other post-secondary education in Ontario, the pattern necessary to ensure the further effective development of post-secondary education in the province during the period to 1980, and in general terms to 1990, and make recommendations thereon. 2. In particular, but not to the exclusion of other matters, to study and make recommendations on: the educational and cultural needs of students to be met at the post-secondary level in Ontario, including adult and continuing education; the patterns of student preference and demand in postsecondary education, especially as they are influenced by social and economic factors and in the light of possible changes in primary and secondary education; the number of students for whom provisions should be made in various types of institutions and programs;

the type, nature, and role of the institutions required to meet the educational needs of the province with particular reference to existing institutions and their ability to meet present and future demands; the facilities required to meet needs, including specialized facilities such as research laboratories, libraries, and computer facilities; the need for and nature of centralized or shared facilities and services; the functions and interrelations of the bodies and institutions involved in the administration and development of post-secondary education; the principles that should govern the transfer of students among different types of institutions; the costs, allocation of resources, and methods of financing for post-secondary education in Ontario as related to the attainment of equality of educational opportunity and as related to the resources of the province. 3. To provide full opportunity for all interested individuals and organizations to express opinions and offer discussion on both broad and specific issues related to the development of post-secondary education in Ontario. To ensure the attainment of this objective, the commission should invite written briefs, hold public meetings, and publish the results of studies and recommendations initially in draft form so as to generate public comment and discussion. Some Questions Posed to Stimulate Debate

/. Why do we keep piling one year of schooling after another upon our students? Why is it necessary to have up to twenty years of continuous schooling. Why not break it up and, if necessary, space the years over a lifetime? What, indeed, are the emotional and social costs we are imposing upon our youth and ourselves when we, in fact, "conscript" them into our educational institutions (or, as some observers have it, "minimum security prisons") for so many years? By tolerating and encouraging forms of master-apprentice and officer-cadet types of relationships for young men and women in our educational institutions, are we not doing something to our social fibre as well? 2. Why is it necessary to assume that "learning" takes place only when institutionalized? Why would it not be possible to have, in place of segregated and fragmented institutions, a plethora of educational services available to all, at any age? Is going to x number of theatre performances less "academic," less for "credit," than attendOntario

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ing one course in English offered by a university or a college teacher? Is "research" possible only at the graduate level? 3. Why should professional associations be allowed to stipulate formal educational requirements instead of administering tests regardless of educational backgrounds? Why should there be any formal links between educational requirements and occupations? Why, indeed, do we use degrees and diplomas for certification purposes? And if we must, why not issue such degrees and diplomas for only a limited period—say for five or ten years? After all, why should one certification last for a whole lifetime? 4. Is there any justification for the "academic year"? Do we still believe that students must go back to the farms to help with the harvest—hence the need for free summers? Why is the trimester the only alternative? Why not two six-month periods of schooling? 5. What are the true implications of universality for postsecondary education? Even if it is assumed that universality does not mean attendance by all but merely an equal opportunity of access for all, how "far up"—for how many years—should this be? All the way to the Ph.D? Why should society invest this kind of money in one person and not in another? Merely because one is being "educated"? 6. Do our post-secondary institutions really contribute to a better, fuller, life? Or should we, perhaps, be asking the same questions about "more" education as are beginning to be asked about "greater" economic growth? It is dubious whether the commission will ever arrive at answers to these questions; it is equally questionable whether any reasonable and realistic answers can be found by considering merely the financial and organizational issues, important though they may be. But if we are to have a debate over post-secondary education, it should be on issues that are fundamental to the quality of life in Ontario. Only after a basic appreciation of the present reality and beliefs can we be prepared not only to anticipate the inevitable but also to facilitate the desirable. Finally, it is clear that if the commission is to be at all successful in its task, it must have the help of the people of Ontario. It is our hope that via briefs, public hearings and other fact finding, Ontario citizens will engage in a fruitful public debate with the commission. Our interim 196

A Statement of Issues

statement is meant as an invitation to such a debate. Notes 1. The commission intends to publish a study on the comparative costs of programs offered by Ontario post-secondary institutions in the near future. 2. This has not always been the case, as a recent study concluded after surveying university-government relationships since 1791. "Throughout the years the major emphasis of government, reflecting the attitude of Ontario society in general, has been on other, more fundamental aspects of life. As a result, probably the single most dominating characteristic of university-government relationships has been a high degree of indifference shown by the people of the Province, and thus by its government, toward higher learning." The Role of the Provincial Government in the Development of the Universities of Ontario 17911964. Edward E. Stewart. A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Education at the University of Toronto, 1970, p. 525. 3. A good illustration of recent justifications has been provided by the Bladen report, see Financing Higher Education in Canada, being the Report of a Commission to the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada, published for the AUCC (University of Toronto Press and Les Presses de 1'Universite Laval, 1965), pp. 5-6. 4. See David A. Dodge and David A. A. Stager, "Returns to Graduate Study in Science, Engineering and Business," Working Paper, Institute for Quantitative Analysis of Social and Economic Policy, University of Toronto Press, 1970. 5. cf. Report of the Committee on the Healing Arts: "Throughout our investigation of the educational requirements for the various health groups reported in Volume 2, the Committee has been conscious of a persistent tendency for these requirements to increase. . . . But sometimes, too, it was difficult to avoid the suspicion that these proposals [for increased educational requirements] could be attributed to the measures of prestige and exclusiveness higher educational attainments were expected to confer upon the members of the occupation concerned." Vol. 3, p. 94. 6. There have been two recent reports dealing with these issues; Report Number One of the Royal Commission Inquiry into Civil Rights and the Report of the Committee on the Healing Arts. Both reports stress that "the granting of self-government is a delegation of legislative and judiciary functions and can only be justified as a safeguard to the public interest." (The Royal Commission, Vol. 3, p. 1162; see also the committee's Report, Vol. 3, p. 51.) Both reports also were unhappy with the present structure and recommended changes. The Committee also found that "the history of the regulatory bodies in Ontario abounds in decisions, policies and regulations of a truly or apparently restrictive practice nature. Our examination of the practices of the profession discloses an inclination on the part of the statutory governing body to see itself as the defender of the interests of its members. . . .' Vol. 3, p. 43. 7. Although written only five years ago, the following quotations from the Bladen Report are a good illustration of such quickly shifting justification: "In Canada the influence of the United States is felt through close association, and high level pronouncements reinforce

that influence. President Kennedy's message to Congress in 1963 struck a responsive chord: This nation is committed to greater advancement in economic growth; and recent research has shown that one of the most beneficial of all such investments is education, accounting for some 40 percent of the nation's growth and productivity in recent years. In the new age of science and space, improved education is essential to give meaning to our national purpose and power. It requires skilled manpower and brainpower to match the power of totalitarian discipline. It requires a scientific effort which demonstrates the superiority of freedom. And it requires an electorate in every state with sufficiently broad horizons and sufficient maturity of judgment to guide this nation safely through whatever lies ahead.

President Johnson's education message to Congress in 1965 was almost as exciting to Canadians as to Americans, for it indicated the scale of aid to education which any country that hoped to compete with the United States in the modern world must be prepared to undertake." "In the United States federal support for higher education has been justified, in part, by its contribution to national security as well as national wealth. This policy is declared in section 101 of the National Defense Education Act as amended in 1963: The Congress hereby finds and declares that the security of the Nation requires the fullest development of the mental resources and technical skills of its young men and women. The present emergency demands that additional and more adequate educational opportunities be made available. The defense of this Nation depends upon the mastery of modem techniques developed from complex scientific principles. It depends as well upon the discovery and development of new principles, new techniques, and new knowledge. We must increase our efforts to identify and educate more of the talent of our Nation. This requires programs that will give assurance that no student of ability will be denied an opportunity for higher education because of financial need; will correct as rapidly as possible the existing imbalances in our educational programs which have led to an insufficient proportion of our population educated in science, mathematics, and modern foreign languages and trained in technology.

Canadians identify themselves with these aims and share them enthusiastically." Financing Higher Education in Canada, being the Report of a Commission to the Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada, published for the AUCC (University of Toronto Press and Les Presses de 1'Universite Laval, 1965). 8. This argument was originally developed by W.J. Baumol and W.G. Bowen, in Performing Arts: The Economic Dilemma, (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1966), especially Chapter 7, pp. 161 ff, and applied to education by William G. Bowen in The Economics of the Major Private Universities, (Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, 1968). See especially pp. 13 ff. 9. William G. Bowen, op. cit., p. 16. And he draws another interesting corollary to this fundamental point: "That is, the faster the overall pace of technological progress and capital accumulation, the greater will be the increase in the general wage level, and the greater will be the upward pressure on costs in industries in which productivity is more or less stationary." Loc. cit. This argument, however, seems to imply that no portion of the increased productivity in those industries that experience technological progress and capital accumulation is attributable to the barbers, chefs, musicians and graduate students. It

is not inconceivable that, viewed as a whole, the existence of this "unproductive" sector in our society does not only add to the pleasure of life but is also essential to the increases in productivity in the rest of the economy. 10. Benjamin S. Bloom, ed., Taxonomy of Educational Objectives (New York: David McKay Co., 1969), Vol. I, p. 7. 11. "The crucial issue is the character of the curriculum. What, one asks, is it meant to accomplish? Who is it for? Because education is necessarily a process in which older people instruct the young, there is a tendency for education to hanker after the past. In universities, this means that an influential part of the modern university's intellectual force is dedicated to the view that the best teachers are scholars—and that the best scholars are also good teachers—and also to the belief that all students should hanker after being scholars. Only a little reflection will show that this is a passing fancy. No medieval university would have fallen for such conceit. The monks seem to have been quite happy training soldiers. Only in the comparatively recent past have so many teachers been needed that universities were able to pretend again that all students would eventually earn a living teaching other students. The result is that the great flowering of modern scholarship which more and better people have made possible has been accompanied by an excess of dullness and a sense of isolation. The problem now is to find more useful things to teach, not necessarily to promote a juvenile version of grown-up research." Nature, Vol. 227, July 25, 1970, editorial. 12. The University, Society and Government; The Report of the Commission on the Relations Between Universities and Governments (Ottawa: The University of Ottawa Press, 1970), pp. 168 ff. 13. This amount does not include either extraformula support or direct support of research. 14. cf. H. R. Bowen, The Finance of Higher Education (Berkeley, California: Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, 1968), p. 7. 15. David A. Dodge, and David A. A. Stager, op. cit. 16. A good illustration of this is the following statement from the Parent report: "A significant conference held at Bellagio, Italy, in 1960, faced the following conclusion: Hence the development of education is partly the consequence of society's growing wealth. The increased product of an expanding economy makes possible the development of education by making the necessary resources available. Yet, education is at the same time an essential factor of economic development. Until the present education has above all been viewed as chargeable to consumption. In the future it must above all be regarded as an investment.

Here is a complete change in point of view. Technological society, by its very nature, will require large sums for educational purposes; these, however, are investments rather than expenditures. For education will be a condition of the progress and survival of any country." Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Education in the Province of Quebec, Government for the Province of Quebec, 1963. Vol. 1, pp. 63-64, citing from Certain Economic Aspects of the Development of Education in Europe (Paris: International Universities Offices, 1961), p. 11. 17. Interestingly, it is less "extreme" to think of the state as the sole bearer of costs than the alternative possibility. 18. All this, of course, assumes many things. For one, it assumes that

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the institutions would not form some kind of a cartel and charge monopoly prices or at least exercise some form of "price leadership" policy. Since they already possess such a monopoly in academic degrees, diplomas, and certificates, it is not inconceivable that they would be tempted to exploit such an advantage. 19. The analogy between post-secondary education and elementary and high school levels may be contested (university attendance is still considered a "privilege" by some; others argue that the qualitative differences are too great to make this analogy, etc.) but surely the overriding characteristic is the public nature of our post-secondary system. We are, in effect, dealing with a tertiary level of public education. 20. An interesting, though perhaps unreal, question would be whether the universality then should not be enforced by compulsory attendance. 21. For a brief history of these schemes see Gail C. A. Cook, David A. A. Stager, "Contingent Repayment Student Assistance Programs: A Simulated Analysis," Working Paper Series Number 7004, Institute for the Quantitative Analysis of Social and Economic Policy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, August, 1970), pp. 1-4. 22. A simpler and more primitive variant of the above schemes is the Educational Opportunity Bank—a proposal that relies more on traditional bank-loan financing. Though superficially similar to the Contingent Repayment Student Assistance Program outlined above, it has all of the latter's drawbacks, fewer advantages, and would demand heavy initital capitalization. 23. See table 5 for complete listing. 24. Some of these have been of less than full academic year's duration; e.g., those attending manpower retraining programs full-time or schools for registered nursing assistants. 25. This figure does not include the private theological schools. 26. The 1969-70 estimates provided for $712,837,600 for similar services. The amount excludes the direct contribution of the federal government and its agencies. 27. Again, this excludes the Federal Government's involvement. According to the Report of the Secretary of State, 10 federal departments and 9 federal agencies disbursed money to universities alone. Federal Expenditures on Post-Secondary Education 1966-67, 1967-68, Report No. 2, (Ottawa: Education Support Branch, Department of the Secretary of State, 1969). 28. Report to the Committee on University Affairs and the Committee of Presidents ofProvincialfy-Assisted Universities of the Commission to Study the Development of Graduate Programmes in Ontario Universities, Toronto, 1966, p. 80. 29. cf. The experience of European universities as described by Joseph Ben-David in Fundamental Research and the Universities: Some Comments on International Differences, OECD (Paris, 1968), especially pp. 45-46 and 90.

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A Statement of Issues

Summary of the Discussions

by T. H. McLeod

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The Costs of Post-Secondary Education in a Technological Society

At the outset, it seems desirable to indicate, however hastily, the framework within which discussion moved. The idea of "cost" as it related to the substance of the material before the seminar, and, for that matter, to the mood of the seminar, was not interpreted in any narrow fiscal-accounting sense. Comparatively little attention was given to cash flows or to cost data, to contemplation of cost-benefit ratios, or to organization efficiency as such. There was no suggestion that these matters rank too low to be explored in discussions of "higher" education. However, some definition had to be made of an area of discussion, manageable within the limits of the time available, and appropriate to a group of individuals whose interests and background, for the most part, indicated a greater concern for academic planning and program development than for public finance or institutional management. "Cost" for purposes of these discussions was given a broad social connotation. The source, nature, and level of social expectations as these are reflected in demands for educational opportunity; the pressures these demands create on the allocation of society's scarce resources; the changing climate of opinion in which the various communities make their choices and express their social preferences when dedicating public resources; the alternative programs and structures which might serve either to decrease the demands on the educational sector or, alternatively, to improve delivery of educational services to those demanding educational opportunity; the dynamics of adjusting educational programming to the requirements of a new kind of society—these, rather were the areas of discussion. Not that definitive answers were found—or even sought, on these matters of great moment. It was not the intention of the seminar to arrive at any consensus, to establish areas of agreement, or to draft recommendations. The objective sought was to provide an opportunity for an exchange of ideas and opinions among a diverse group of individuals whose major, if not only, common characteristic is the influence they exert in their home communities, on the policy decisions that are made with respect to educational development. A second general observation must be made about the handling of the topic—this time with respect to the interpretation of the phrase "post-secondary education." It seems evident that in its initial conception this phrase was designed to suggest the full range of post-secondary

educational opportunities. In greater part, the discussions centred around the problems and the prospects of the universities, and this despite strong but sporadic pleas on behalf of other tertiary institutions. While there seemed to be general recognition of the need for a full examination of new approaches to educational programming and institution building, investigation tended to concentrate on the university and its affairs (although, it should be noted, that when used as a generic term, applied to a fairly wide range of institutional types, the word "university" did seem to assume remarkable elastic qualities). Basically, the discussions were designed to explore four broad areas of concern, illuminated by the theme papers in this book. Discussions of these agenda items were not designed to be, nor could they be mutually exclusive (though the heroic efforts of the co-chairmen, managed to hold the repetitive elements of the discussion to a decent minimum). However, for purposes of clarity and the maintenance of sanity I will endeavour to present a more reasonably ordered and logically structured pattern of discussion than did take place. As a prelude to a more detailed account of the explorations of the individual agenda items, some word should be said of dominant themes—or, maybe the more appropriate term is dominant moods—which were evident throughout the discussions, providing a kind of tacitly accepted backdrop for the more specifically directed comments. The first such element was presented in an encapsulated form by a seminar member who prefaced his comments with the observation that "the honeymoon is over." (Another expressed the opinion that "education is in retreat.") Although it seems obvious from the discussion, as well as from the theme papers, that the effects of the post-sputnik psychosis have been felt unevenly throughout the non-Communist industrial community, there has been for some time a prevalent, and for the most part unquestioned belief that education is a good thing and more education is even better. The dominance of this belief has, until recently, been reflected in an apparently infinite willingness on the part of these communities to commit their resources to the support of education as the highest social priority (though there may be some disagreement as to the extent to which the matter has previously been examined as a problem in rational allocation). Summary of the D iscussions

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For a variety of reasons, the hand that has been so open shows signs of closing, although it does not necessarily follow that what was described by the US members of the seminar as "the taxpayer's revolt" is a universal feature of the western educational world. Comments on the French and German scenes would indicate that it is not. However, there can be no doubt that educational programs and institutions generally, and in particular those existing at the university level, have entered a new period of critical appraisal of their works. To quote President Murray Ross, the universities "have moved into the public domain" and are now open to public scrutiny. If one had to estimate degrees of discomfort with this new and apparently permanent state of affairs, it would have to be said that it is the North American universities which feel the new condition most intensely—even after they have adjusted their thinking to a new acceptance of the logical distinctions between academic freedom and institutional autonomy. The European universities have obviously had a longer tradition of accommodating their affairs to the demands of public policy. They have never had to face the full implications of a policy of "universal accessibility"—though it is obvious that UK discussants relished no more than the Americans the prospects of increasing financial stringency. To some extent France and Germany, with a new order of planned educational development in prospect appear to be less involved with any immediate spirit of retrenchment. A second element of the background mood, closely related and possibly contradictory to the first (though not perversely so), was reflected in a variety of expressions of optimism about the continued willingness of the various communities represented to continue to produce the resources required for further expansion and development of post-secondary educational programs. The consensus would seem to be that, though statistically the prospective performance may be less spectacular than that of the immediately preceding decade and a half, the development of educational programs will continue apace, and public participation in these programs will continue to increase markedly. The common opinion within the seminar seemed to be that, despite the new found fiscal awareness of the various communities with respect to education, the priority of education remains high, and the necessary resources will be forthcoming. There is certainly ample evidence that the question of 202

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the total amount of public funds being made available for education in relationship to other social expenditures may be a matter of considerable concern. However, there seems to be even graver concern with the direction of educational expenditures, and with their effectiveness, however measured. The distribution of funds within the post-secondary education sector, it seems agreed, will undergo (in fact has started to undergo) substantial changes. The preferred position which the universities have previously held in the sector will change, and may change substantially. However, the change in the comparative position of the universities in the post-secondary sector cannot, of itself, be taken as an indication of an overall deterioration of the position of education in the regard of the tax-paying public. There was no immediate tendency on the part of seminar members to equate this prospective change in the distribution of post-secondary funds, and in the relative positions of institutions and programs within the post-secondary sector, with any necessary deterioration in the quality of educational programming—even though it has been frequently argued publicly that such an outcome is self-evident. The general mood of the seminar appeared to be one of caution in assessment in the matter. The quantity and quality of educational programming and service that can, and should be expected of the universities or any other specific group of institutions is obviously a function of the course of development, now only partially seen, of the full spectrum of post-school programming. Given an extension of the total range of post-secondary educational opportunities and the provision of viable alternative programs, the pressures at any particular point within the institutional structure will change, and may change drastically. Individual institutions because of their more restricted but more clearly defined role, may be able to perform more effectively than in the past when energies and resources, for lack of suitable alternative educational opportunities, have been so widely distributed and even dissipated. The general tendency of the seminar in this whole matter was to direct its attention to the more effective programming of educational opportunity over what has been described here as "the full spectrum of post-school educational requirements," rather than to concern itself to any marked degree with the search for financial savings through administrative efficiency or program retrenchment. It is not that the seminar approached its

deliberation on these matters in any Omar Khayam sense of "taking the cash and letting the credit go"—although the few voices that were raised in support of seeking a solution to the educational problem through retrenchment made little impact on the proceedings. Generally, the spirit of the discussions indicated a fundamental assumption that the basic problems, even at this stage of unprecedentedly high levels of educational expenditure, are less related to saving money in the bald fiscal sense, than to ensuring, through full and imaginative educational planning, the maximum return in educational opportunity on the social investment being made. This leads to yet another theme in the "background music"—the need for a new level of intensive, overall, educational planning. In one way or another, almost all of the participants referred to this subject—and some viewed almost wistfully the French and German situations in which such overall planning seems to be moving into high gear. Although it was the subject of recurrent comment, the topic was really not met head-on. Generally, the impediments to such overall planning commanded more attention than did planning ;tself; and here there seemed cause for joining in Common complaint. A number of the countries represented—West Germany, Australia, the United States, and Canadabeing countries with federal constitutions, emphasized the degree to which major steps towards overall educational planning may be thwarted by constitutional provisions which distribute between different jurisdictions the powers over educational programming and over such related matters as finance, and radio and television broadcasting. Only in West Germany, at the moment, does there appear to be evidence of any substantial progress towards finding, within the framework of its constitution, an organic basis for approaching the problems of educational planning and programming on a broad national level. However, no indication was given that the absence of constitutional constraint necessarily paves the way for effective planning. Countries that do not have a federal constitution indicated little more in the way of effective planning than those with one. There exists, quite apart from any constitutionally established divisions, a congeries of competing interests, powers, and traditions which have effectively produced educational systems oblivious to the influences pressing for planning on a

more extensive scale. Much of the difficulty is inherent in the system itself—in its pattern of institutionalized compartments and levels—wherein with rare exceptions the individual elements seem more inclined to compete with one another for financial support and prestige, than to complement and support one another in any grand design of educational opportunity. From the last observation stems a further comment on those general propositions, enunciated or implied, which seemed to form the background of enquiry into more specific matters. Surprisingly little faith was placed in the abilities of established institutions either to substantially reform themselves, or to promote substantial and meaningful change in the system. Members of the seminar commented upon the essentially conservative attitudes which appear to inhere in our educational institutions—attitudes which bespeak their inability to accommodate themselves to change much less to act as the agents of change. And of these institutions, a majority opinion would surely hold that the most conservative and status conscious are the universities themselves. This point of view would seem to gain substantial support from a review of the papers prepared for the seminar. Most of them provide some account of one or more major changes that have taken place or are taking place in national education systems—in France, in Germany, in Australia, or in the United Kingdom. In each instance the effective generating influence came from outside of the system—a Robbins Commission or its counterpart, an act of a parliamentary body, or in the case of France, an open revolt. In only one instance, that of the state of New York, did the system appear to be somewhat involved in the reforming process, and even here the effective inspiration seems to have been provided more by the government than by the institutions. Indeed, on balance it would have to be said that the members of the seminar did regard the existing institutions as being impediments to effective educational change. Finally, throughout the discussion, there was a constant awareness of THE PUBLIC—although there was no evident consensus of what to do for, with, or about it. Certainly, there was general acceptance of the idea that the whole context within which the educational debate takes place has changed. It is no longer a debate restricted to the ranks of the professors and the professional pedagogues; nor is it even a privileged discussion, with Summary of the Discussions

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or without a log, between master and pupil. It is a community conclave, and often a shrill one, as education has become socialized. In the instance of countries such as France and the United States, it seems to have taken marching in the street or into the president's office to demonstrate the reality of the changed climate. Other countries without having been bathed either in blood or in rhetoric have managed to get the point, possibly by close observation of the experience of others. Much of the discussion conceived of education as a social tool—a device for securing one or more ends within the grand design of social policy. At the level of public policy as it may be formally reflected in statutes and decrees—whether directed toward the conquest of space, hunger or the ideological enemy—education has increasingly been regarded as a tactical weapon in the armory of social progress. Whether or not this is an appropriate public view of education; whether or not disillusionment with the view and with its results is at the root of much of what the contemporary educationalist regards as his troubles are, for the moment, peripheral questions. Education is no longer regarded as a private right, but has become a public good. Any such view drastically changes the role of the individual member of the public in educational matters. From a passive observer of the educational scene, only occasionally and selectively affected directly by its workings, he has become an active participant in its affairs and a potential consumer of its wares. As the move proceeds towards what one State describes as "educational opportunity for 100 per cent of the population," the potential role of the individual becomes, increasingly, the realized one. The consumer must, then, become increasingly vocal in expressing his desires and his tastes. His role in the prospective scheme of things seems to be, generally, an unexplored one—determined so far more by assumption than by fact or logic. Herein probably lies an approaching struggle between the educator, particularly the educator-planner, and his community. There remains a strong, traditionalist strain within the educational community which finds it difficult to concede that the average citizen can either perceive his true needs and tastes, or effectively articulate them if he could. At the other extreme is the opinion of those who readily propound the thesis, on the grounds of democracy, if not on the grounds of market practice, that "the consumer is al204

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ways right." It is not really apparent at what point in the scale resolution of the difference of opinion is going to be found. It is a certain thing that the consumer with his new found voice is going to have his say. It would seem most likely that if he cannot effectively have that say within an existing institutional framework with which he is familiar, he will seek to get it in some other framework which it is within his power as a consumer-voter to contrive. Herein lies considerable food for solemn thought on the part of the educational planner. The novelty of the current situation however lies not only in the new role of the average citizen as a consumer with a considerable appetite for educational services. With the removal of education as a public good into the public domain the basis for financing education has shifted. The citizen-taxpayer has, willy-nilly, become the patron of education and of all the things that go along with it. Further, the annual bill that he has to pay in this role has been for some time, and promises to be for some time yet to come, a constantly increasing one. With a substantial and increasing portion of his income committed to the support of education, it is not surprising that he believes that he has acquired the right to question and even to be indignant about the way in which expenditures are being made in his name. That there should be confusion and conflict in the behaviour of the individual as he lives out these sometimes opposing roles is in no way remarkable. The future course of development of post-secondary education depends upon how this conflict is resolved—which role is to predominate—which set of attitudes is to prevail. It can only be deduced from the general tenor of the discussions, but it would seem to have been the general opinion of the seminar members that despite concern with the rising costs of education and despite disillusionment in respect of many of the grander claims made in its name, the pressure of the increased demand for educational services will continue to prevail over concern with their cost. This will not be the last seminar to concern itself with the rising costs of education.

The Role and Goals of Post-Secondary Education

In the papers prepared for the seminar an imposing array of statistical data was adduced, indicating that by a variety of absolute measurements—annual total outlays, per capita expenditures and tax levies, per student costs, and so forth—the costs of education have risen continuously over the past two decades, and, for the most part, they have risen spectacularly. These numerical absolutes have their own power to arouse concern and alarm if only because "big numbers" are in themselves awesome things. Such concern is not unwarranted. It is almost axiomatic that within any given system of allocations, internal economies within the system are likely to be possible, and the higher the level of the allocation the more numerous and sizeable these possibilities are likely to be. Any pool of resources can be organized and utilized in a variety of ways—even in pursuit of the same ends— and certain combinations, according to some measures of output, will be more productive than others. This is the eternal pursuit of management: to find the pattern of resource use which will optimize the return to the resources committed to the enterprise. But too much should not be made of this managerial preoccupation. No matter how such calculations may be worked out, they can provide only a partial answer, if that, to the prior and more fundamental questions that have to do with the adequacy and viability of the goals that are being sought, and the extent to which such goals are, in fact, being realized. It is this second and more basic order of concern that for the most part occupied the attention of the seminar, although the distinction was not clearly made. There was, throughout the discussions, a persistent argument by some that these two orders of measurement could be brought into effective relationship by the return, essentially, to a free market for post-secondary education and a relatively unimpeded price system. The indicators used by the educational administrator or entrepreneur although derivative, would provide better measures of policy adequacy and the appropriateness of resource allocation than are now available. The larger number of participants seemed to back away from any strong support of a distinct separation of the two orders of measurement in the discussions, and of emphasizing the social and judgemental aspects of the prior, policy issues. This both extended the framework of the discussion and made its outcome considerably more indeterminate, though not necessarily less useful,

than would have been the case had attention been confined to the more limited range of managerial calculation. The goals of education could not be simply assumed as providing parametric functions for management. The goals, themselves, had to be examined in terms of both their worth and their derivation. It was readily agreed that while it may be appropriate to speak of the role of post-secondary education in a technological society, it is difficult to ascribe to education, as such, any specific, internally-generated goals which are uniquely its own. To the extent that there are goals for (rather than of) education, these are derived from the value structures of the particular societies and interests being served, and reflect their objectives and ideals. Further, it was observed, over time, different interests have predominated in respect of education and as education has become increasingly socialized the predominant interest (and, hence, value structure) has become increasingly public and generalized in nature. Although there was some evident difference of opinion as to what precise steps in the historical progression might be described and what each meant, the broad lines of the progression were reasonably clear. The effective dominant interest in education—particularly postsecondary education—has shifted from being that of an intellectual elite, which was virtually co-terminus with the academic community itself, to the ever-broadening base of interest and demand that is the full public domain. At the one end of the historical range, the objectives were teaching and research, concerns almost wholly internal to the academic world itself. At the other and, current end of the range, the demand for service and relevance have called into question the whole institutional and programmatic structure of education. We have seen introduced new demands for direct public participation in educational matters that until recently were likely to have been considered the private preserve of the professional pedagogue. New goals articulated for education—as "an instrument of social justice" or "an instrument of manpower planning" (both phrases being taken directly from the Ontario "Statement of Issues")— are in no way unique to education or the concerns of the academic community. In this broad, but not perjorative sense, education may be regarded as a tactical device, to be used more or less purposefully by a community to secure its philosophical and political ends. This suggests that the basic decisions Summary of the Discussions

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with respect to educational issues, and appropriately so, are public and political, rather than privileged and academic. It is this derivative aspect of educational programming, the fact that its functions are derived from broad and changing social objectives externally formulated and articulated, that makes the problem of educational planning both hazardous and frustrating— even more so according to the strength of that tradition (which some might describe as a myth) which would place autonomous education beyond the reach of social and political intervention. In approaching the problem as one of function (derivative) rather than of goals, a useful distinction was made by one member of the seminar who spoke of "the matching function" and the "monitoring function" of education. By the former, he meant those functions which have to do with matching or meeting the needs of society —a function most clearly expressed in society's demand for trained manpower, and the matching efforts of the educational system to produce. In historic terms this is the service function of the university; the one which on the one hand most clearly indicates the interdependence of education and the community and the same responsiveness of the educational system to social need and demand, and, at the same time, it is at the heart of the whole range of disputes about the legitimacy of many educational activities, and of much of the struggle that goes on for status within the hierarchy. Persistent suspicion of the matching or service function inheres in some corners of the educational community for two reasons. The first and most obvious argument has to do with the "level" of particular studies and the sophistication of their techniques. It is from the conception of appropriateness of these that the effective scale of their relative academic importance and worth is derived. But, in fact, the matter seems to go beyond this, and into the heart of the whole business of responsiveness—the suggestion being that the view that the task of the educational system is to meet the needs of society is in itself an indication of undue readiness to compromise stan^^ids in educational matters. The question of how public need may best be determined received some, but hardly definitive, attention by the seminar. Generally, it seemed to be accepted that the pressures of public need now have ample outlets and are easily discerned by the educational planner and programmer. If the first function—the matching function—requires 206

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extensive involvement of the community and the educators in educational affairs, the second—the monitoring function—requires complete academic independence. The monitoring function, as described, entails "standing back, looking at what is going on, and commenting on it." It is the essential function of acting as the community light and conscience and it acquires added importance as other traditional monitoring systems in society lose, as many seem to be doing, their force and their effect. The performance of this function requires complete freedom from external influence and control, and provides the academic community with its sense of a higher mission. In accord with this function the values must be internally defined, prescribed, and evaluated. However, the monitoring function can be effective only to the extent that the particular society in question is willing to be monitored. One related aspect of the discussion which received inadequate attention was that which has to do with the role which education, particularly in institutions of higher learning, plays in the value-forming process itself. To limit the discussion to the ways in which educational institutions accommodate themselves to the values and needs of the surrounding society tends to over-emphasize their passivity and to obscure a reciprocal social reaction that is involved. These institutions are more than the victims of social circumstances. The educational process must work to shape and to modify the whole value structure of the society within which it exists. Whether it does so substantively, or by providing new techniques of analysis, or simply by creating a climate of critical awareness does not make too much difference. The impact is real. This reciprocal reaction should have particular meaning in societies where mass education succeeds in producing a community that is increasingly sophisticated in its tastes and in its powers of discrimination, and increasingly self-confident and articulate in expressing its opinions. This cumulative impact of educational endeavours on value structures and priorities does not seem to have received the consideration it merits. Of these broadly conceived functions of education, comparatively little was said of anything other than the matching function. Possibly this was because of an inarticulated assumption that the functions of education which have to do with the formation and protection of the value systems of society are the concern primarily of only one segment of the post-secondary sector—the uni-

versities. If so, the position is, to say the least, debatable. However, preoccupation with the matching function and the responsiveness of educational institutions to social need is understandable. It is undoubtedly in this area of their regard for education that the various communities have developed their greatest expectations, placed the greatest demand pressures on their educational system, committed the most substantial social investments, and exposed themselves to the greatest disappointments. The one comment that "education is in retreat" may state the case too strongly but it is certain that education is everywhere subject to the critical gaze of a questioning if not disillusioned public. And much more is at issue than pot on the campus and long hair in the classroom, even though these may be visible symbols that can be readily identified and attacked (even if they cannot be as readily understood). While throughout the discussions there was general agreement that the goals of education in any particular community are derived from the structure of values and objectives of the community itself, it was not agreed that this implied that the role of education and the educational planner was simply to mirror these values. It was suggested in a variety of ways that a substantial area of freedom exists within which the planner must exercise considerable judgement as to what response, if any, should be made to various indications of a societal need. It was recognized that the need of a society is not selfevident. Despite any readiness to respond to public need, there is no mechanism that tells, unequivocably, what the public need is. There is also the question of who is best able to do the interpreting. Arguments were presented that considerably more could, and should, be discovered by direct recourse to the public itself, by examining its views of its needs. Such arguments assume that a sufficient degree of sophistication exists within "the public" (in fact, there are many publics) to enable it to diagnose its own real needs and to articulate them. Against this was set the view that the public voice is not a learned thing, and that the educational planner should be cautious in responding to it. This more than implies that one of the chief functions of the educator is to make the necessary judgements on the community's behalf, bearing in mind that the educational system itself may determine the standards of performance which are appropriate to whatever educational programs are provided.

For the most part, there was no evident desire to pursue what is essentially a philosophical argument. Recognizing the difficulties that exist in identifying social need in all of its various manifestations, it is still possible to accept that need exists and that its dominant elements are sufficiently clear to provide a base for establishing educational policies and launching programs. What was of greater concern was the problem of evaluating the effectiveness—primarily in social terms— of the responses that have been made to these needs, however accurately "need" may have been interpreted. The dominant voice in this portion of the discussion was that of the economist with his concern with resource allocation and opportunity costs. The arguments were concise. The massive public subsidies to education make it necessary to validate the goals of education. Within the private economy such a matter is not a consideration, if only because it can be assumed that each decision to contribute to the system must correspond to some satisfaction received, or contribution ceases. By definition no persistent imbalance can exist. It is probably the undeniable simplicity of the scheme which renders so attractive the proposition that the current burdensome debate about educational costs could be determined with satisfaction and justice to all by a return to market conditions in the purveying of educational services. Setting aside this particular proposition if for no other reason than that any major return to an approximation of free market conditions is for a variety of social and political reasons most unlikely, the underlying concern of the economist for optimization resource use remains a legitimate one. To begin with, the consumer-taxpayer in the public educational system is not free to withdraw from the market when he wishes to cater to other tastes or preferences. Since individual judgement is suspended, social judgement must be exercised to determine whether or not returns are commensurate with contributions. There were strong suggestions that the judgement is likely to be faulty. The idea of social investment is one which has characterized much of the debate. Such an idea suggests a social return—a return beyond that received by the individual beneficiaries of the educational system. This social return accrues to the whole society—somehow making the whole greater than the sum of the parts. It is this contended added increment of return to society which is often used to justify the public subsidy to education. The usefulSummary of the Discussions

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ness of the proposition can be challenged on a number of counts, not the least of which is the merit of attempting to clothe what is obviously a matter of broad social philosophy in the garb of a prudential business calculation. However, the economist seems inclined to eschew this argument and rather to challenge the proposition on its own terms. The questions raised have to do with identification as much as quantification. Firstly, while it is assumed that there are unique social benefits to education for which society justifiably may be expected to pay a premium, such benefits have never been clearly identified or defined. No orders of magnitude, much less cash equivalents, have been established for them. That is, no factual basis exists to the economist for a very freely used justification for an expensive social policy. The real argument of the economist, however, is not restricted to the narrower aspect. These issues, which might in some ways be regarded primarily as issues of accounting neatness, identification, and quantification are simply prerequisite to an effective evaluation of the opportunity costs of educational expenditures. The key issue to the economist has less to do with absolute levels of expenditure on education than it has to do with comparisons of benefits derived from these expenditures and the benefits that would be derived if the sums were spent to achieve other social purposes. Can the same objectives be attained by other means or with other programs which do not require such a great sacrifice of alternative opportunities? Are there other objectives and related programs where the dedication of the same resources would produce a higher level of total satisfaction? There is small comfort in recognizing that such questions cannot at the present time be answered. In the words of one seminar member, "the education establishment has failed to justify its expenditures." This critical evaluation was not limited to the intractable problems of cost-benefit measurement. Some academicians voiced their criticism of the undue readiness of educators and education planners to assume responsibility for acting as society's agent in solving an ever-widening range of social problems. One member volunteered the comment: "If the university takes into itself all of the ills of society, and tries to solve them with its own resources, it is doomed to confusion." It is not the university alone that is culpable in this matter of regarding education as the new antidote to be applied in massive 208

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doses to society's various ills. One point of view favoured a less enthusiastic conception of education's potential and a more limited and relaxed conception of its role. It suggested the need, for positing more realistic goals in the light of all of the constraints of time, resources, and capacity that surround the educational system: for example, the avoidance of some of the major disrupting gaps between society's needs and capacities, and a greater emphasis upon the few real benefits the student may be expected to derive from the educational process. Simply stated, it was held that "it should be realized that there is only so much that education can do" and that what it should do for the student is "to make his experience fulfilling, and make it enriching, developing in him some skills and sensitivities and disciplines that will serve him the course of his life." Even this seems a sufficiently tall order. A related point of view held that by our preoccupation with the wide-sweeping claims concerning the social responsibilities of education, we are in danger of obscuring the need for regard for the individual, his selfrealization and self-actualization. Superficially, such a contention may sound like a plea for a return to the "old time religion" which made it possible to hold a simpler view of the task of education—essentially to teach, and hopefully by teaching to exercise and improve men's minds. The plea, however, was not based on any perverse antiquarianism. The course suggested was not one designed to avoid the hard questions of the economist by a return to a pre-existing state. It was the prospective and not the retrospective element that dominated—the prospects of a post-industrial society and what it holds out in the way of new social values for a new demand upon the educational system—post-secondary and otherwise. The problem was seen in a variety of ways, but all had to do with the future shape of the world of work and man's relationship to it. In one instance, it was held to be a matter of recognizing the growing inapplicability of the "work ethic." This case was stated in terms of concern for "the serious implications in shifting from [a personal] identity with work, to some concept of humanly significant activity." The latter may not and need not have any direct relationship to the world of production as we have known it. In this vein, one unchallenged comment reminded the seminar of the plight of those who could not only find no market for the skills in which they were

trained, but could not likely be provided with alternative skills which were marketable. A second related strand in this'-line of thought was concerned with increasingly lengthy postponement of entry to the labour market which is faced by the new generations of students. This case may be paraphrased thus: One of the goals of a society is to provide for all its people. We have no choice but to take care of young people until society is ready for them. If our society does not want to use our young people, or if it is not organized to use them, then it must make alternative provisions for their welfare. If they cannot, because of the nature of the organization of the system of production, gain experience directly in the world of work, then provision has to be made for them to secure it vicariously and in some large part this must be through the educational system. A third comment was related more directly to the operations of the labour market, and the prospective deficiencies and surpluses in skilled and professional manpower. It recognized the role that the educational system has assumed increasingly for providing a skilled and educated labour force according to the pattern of society's demand for such manpower (a role that is explored more fully in the next section of this report). The contention is that because of changes on both the demand and the supply side, the gaps in the market with which the education system has concerned itself are in most countries tending to close, or even cease to exist. (This does not appear to be the case in West Germany or Australia, but the contention was certainly not argued with respect to the other countries immediately under consideration.) The prospect, again, is of increasing numbers of people on the labour market with no available job. These prospects raise the question of the future direction of post-secondary education (and probably the universities in particular) and the great claims that it exercises on public resources. The alternative to its economically-oriented bias would seem to be a return to concern with matters related to social and intellectual development. It is not that these matters represent a lower level of justifiable claims on public resources, or that accommodation to the prospective state of the labour market implies, as one seminar member contended, the conversion of educational institutions to "academic play pens." Indeed, the operation may even legitimately be given the more exalted status suggested by the com-

ment that "the more basic objective of some of the school of thought is the setting up of a cultural model for a technological society." It would certainly appear that concern with cultural models for tomorrow rather than continuation of the utilitarian models of yesterday is more the order of current business. This can scarcely give comfort to the allocation-conscious economist who is already faced with enough things that he can't measure. Finally, some comment is in order on uses of education which have little to do with the manpower situation or the state of the industrial-economic complex. In the Ontario "A Statement of Issues," the comment is made: "It is our impression that one of the main purposes of post-secondary education has been its use as an instrument of social justice. In particular . . . as an avenue of upward social mobility and equality." A variant on this statement was repeated with emphasis in the seminar: "The demand for higher education comes largely because higher education as we know it now is essentially an instrument of social mobility. It is clear also that increasingly those who are not alienated from the 'system' will want to secure whatever advantages education has to offer in this respect." The social mobility factor is one which would appear to operate independently of particular social structures in all but the most rigorously stratified societies. It seems likely, too, that the goal is a social one existing independently of the state of economic and technological development. Indeed, it may be argued that the disappearance of the technological society that has been known will remove one set of mechanisms for satisfying the desire for improved status and position. The pressures on education as a means of finding these satisfactions can only increase. Although it might be construed as such, the matter is not one of worthiness or unworthiness of motives. It is not a race to nowhere in the search for status. If such were the case,Professor Daniere's paper would demonstrate that the race, worthy or not, is a futile one. The various modes of organizing and financing educationeven within the system dedicated beyond all others to equality and mass opportunity—build in their own devices for differentiating between groups. As will be indicated more fully in the section on accessibility, responses of various communities differ, depending on such variables as the definition of equality of opportunity, and on acceptance of elitest conceptions of class distinctions. Regardless of how the social drive is Summary of the Discussions

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Education and Manpower

defined and its impact borne, it appears to be almost universally present in the Western community. It represents one of the major supports of the spiralling allocations to education, and may well prompt continuation of the spiral. Ancillary to the discussion of individual drives in pursuit of social mobility, is that drive of more or less isolated groups seeking what was described as "social lift," or professional advancement. Within appreciably different social and education contexts the same phenomenon has been noted. Pressure has been placed upon educational systems to meet the requirements of occupational groups seeking to enhance their exclusiveness and improve their status by amending the educational conditions of entry to and certification in the occupation. The matter is not only one of raising the educational requirements for entry to or continuance in established occupational groups—normally justified as improving the standards. Whole new occupational groups are discovered and provided with a professional or quasiprofessional status that must be surrounded with its own educational rituals. Not only responsibility for particularized educational and training programs, but much of the apparatus of recruitment and selection passes into the hands of the educational systems. This proliferation of responsibilities handed to the educators is, one must suppose, matched in part by the increase in the number of entrenched interests (and in the depth of their trenches) who are ready to support their cause. As a closing note to this particular phase of the discussions, it was emphasized that this whole business of the functions of and commitment to education requires constant and continuous review. As one member phrased it elegantly, "We had better keep looking back at our own navels"—a feat that would be more than interesting.

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In considering the topic of manpower and post-secondary education, seminar members seemed to accept that it is an elemental function of the system to provide certain strategic categories of manpower needed by the community. Attention centred rather on the means of doing this and on the implications of such an undertaking to the community and to the educational system. The work of the seminar did not proceed far enough to affect the myth that surrounds much of the discussion of these matters. However, a critical view was taken of a situation in which facile arguments may be used to justify the channelling of increasing amounts and proportions of public resources into educational systems. As in earlier discussions, the proposition was stated that the nub of concern is the size of the public commitment, the rationality with which the commitment is entered into, and the return received by the public on the allocation of its scarce means. Of these related matters, the size of the commitment (a matter which probably received its greatest attention in the later discussions of accessibility) was, at most, a source of unease. Rather than being concerned with the magnitude of the public outlays on education, the seminar addressed itself to the rationale supporting the educator's claims for public resources, and the benefits derived from their use. On the surface, at least, it would appear that it is in the matter of providing needed manpower that the cost-benefit relationship in education is most clear. It has been commonly accepted as axiomatic that "more education"—whether expressed as a function of the numbers exposed, or of intensity or the area of exposure—is of itself a good thing. Improvements in the quantity and quality of the available pool of manpower is equated automatically with improvement in economic performance and increases in economic abundance. Or so conventional wisdom would have it. Any such presumption received short shrift from the seminar, and with it the suggestion that more education necessarily means more of everything else. The economists present indicated considerable disbelief that there exists, at least at the present time, any demonstrated close correlation between aggregate measures of productivity and those of quantity of education. In fact, some of the data presented indicated a problem in correlation that is at least bemusing, to the extent that it indicates that the adjustment of the labour market and the econ-

omy to quantities of trained manpower is a social as much as it is an economic phenomenon. Comparative figures presented indicate that while the USA enjoys twice the income (comparatively) of Europe, its labour market absorbs, proportionately, five times as many university graduates. On a similar basis of calculation, Japan generates only half the income of the European countries, but its economy absorbs three times the number of graduates. These figures indicate, at least, the need to exercise caution in any attempt to draw a straight line between required educational levels and aggregate economic performances. To demonstrate that there is no necessary or immediate relationship between general increases in educational opportunity and increases in the productivity and aggregate income of the community does not deny the case for increased expenditures on education. It does not even destroy the idea of a manpower need that can best be met by appropriate educational programming. However it does remove the matter from the realm of universal truth and locate it on the more modest ground of structures and requirements of existing technological and economic systems. It suggests that to the extent that the post-secondary system has a responsibility for producing manpower, this responsibility relates to particular patterns of need. There is an internal structure to the manpower system that can be perceived, described, and consciously provided for through some type of manpower planning. The seminar did not attempt to establish a set of definitions that could be commonly accepted as the starting point of its deliberations. "Planning" in general and "manpower planning" in particular were, to each speaker, essentially what he (and some times he alone) conceived them to be. It is rather surprising that under such circumstances, the record does indicate a reasonably coherent pattern of discussion. However, the seminar did not clearly distinguish the conceptual difference between the more or less intellectual business of detecting the pattern of requirements and forecasting the needs of the economy for trained manpower, and the operational business of ensuring the appropriate preparation of the required categories—but this is not unusual in discussions of planning. From the outset, it was conceded that manpower forecasting is an unusually hazardous undertaking. It was pointed out that in a number of instances, national and

international agencies with an interest in planning have abandoned earlier commitments to manpower forecasting and planning. The problems are rather fundamental. To paraphrase one of the economists, the theoretical basis for such forecasting, particularly in the longer run, is exceedingly weak, and can hardly be defended in economic terms. Those responsible for university planning pointed out that the very nature of the manpower equation demands the long-run view if only because of the lead time that is essential in planning for it and providing the responses (in terms of capital, teaching programs, and ever new institutions) that are appropriate to any major changes in the pattern of manpower requirements. This required lead time could be as much as twenty-five years—a longer period of time than could be accurately forecasted in any except the most stable circumstances. Even in the shorter run, the circumstances surrounding manpower forecasting are not stable, as pressures as disparate as individual taste, social pressure, or technological change may, in all but the shortest periods of time, radically alter the whole matrix of manpower needs. If attempts at describing the shape of the future in terms of the composition and structure of its required labour force (assuming that everyone who gets paid for expending his energies is part of the labour force) are beset by almost insuperable difficulties, the problem is even graver when the attempt is made to prescribe the training patterns and the academic regimens that will be appropriate to, if not necessary for, each of the compoment elements within that structure. As was pointed out repeatedly in the discussions, it is this latter consideration which places the whole matter of manpower forecasting in double jeopardy. Just as the problem of describing the structure of tomorrow's job market is surrounded by a ferment of change, so the problem of prescribing appropriate training systems in terms of content and method are subject to their own unpredictable dynamics of educational growth and development. However, in respect of the matter of manpower planning, it was not only on the conceptual side that the seminar encountered grave difficulties. Even if the forecasting problems alluded to previously were overcome, and the various "slots" in the matrix of the manpower structure could be defined, classified, and translated accurately into future requirements with some precision, the task of filling those slots (of performing the matching Summary of the Discussions

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function, as it is described in the preceding section) would remain a difficult, if not an impossible one. A variety of views were expressed in the seminar as to why this is inevitably so. The various possible modes of performing this matching function, as these were discussed by the seminar, can, for purposes of this summary, be reduced essentially to three. The first of these is to provide for matching manpower requirements with the necessary personnel by direct government action taken, presumably, in accordance with a plan. Setting aside any difference of opinion that might exist as to the extent to which the manpower program of the USSR represents a truly closed system it can be accepted that in achieving its manpower objectives the country has relied to a greater extent than have most other countries on administrative decree. The USSR experience is outlined in Professor Harasymiw's paper. Despite such attractions as this approach might have as a most logical approach to realizing planning objectives, it appeared as something much less than flawless in the eyes of the seminar members. Their reservations had little to do with the horrendous administrative problems of any such scheme—grounds usually regarded as sufficient for terminating further consideration. In the first instance, attention centred on the logical inadequacies of such a system. It was pointed out early in the discussion that to demonstrate success in matching the forecast of manpower requirements with people trained according to the projected pattern of need indicates only the ability to control effectively the disposition of resources according to a preconceived plan. It does not necessarily indicate any improvement or prospect for improvement in economic performance. Indeed, it was suggested, any such indicator rather than providing a measure of apparent success may merely obscure underlying imbalances and destroy the flexibility required to remedy them. There is nothing in the literature or in logic to indicate that the USSR has been exempted from those disabilities in perceiving the shape of the future which plague everyone else. One knowledgeable contributor to the discussion suggested, as a point in fact, that the USSR planning figures are more the result of "administrative tugging and hauling" than of applied science. The suggestion was not regarded as being out of the way. There is little that was brought before the seminar that would indicate that the USSR is unaware of the logical 212

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difficulties of its position as expressed here, or that its dedication to an ideology of planning is not in reality tempered by a substantial element of pragmatism. It seems evident that not only have the Russians sought accommodation with the technical realities of accurate and adequate forecasting, but also with elements of human reaction and response such as the pursuit of career opportunities for motives other than those provided for in the plan model; the search for status and social mobility through proven intellectual attainment; the lack of regard for educational opportunities which may be viewed as socially inferior; and so forth. At the other end of the range of possible methods for securing the required pattern of manpower resources is that of placing reliance upon the operation of an unimpeded, free market. Some of the economists present opted for this approach, though as with the Russians, it was evident that their ideological enthusiasm was substantially tempered by a sense of realism. Their line of reasoning, to which we will return, was dictated by a sense of dissatisfaction with the allocation system that is characteristic of the countries represented at the seminar —a system that contains some elements of both the state administered and the free private choice approaches, and one which some of those present seemed to view as containing the worst features of both. Again, it must be emphasized that there was no clear distinction made between those inadequacies in performance which follow directly from inadequate forecasting and those which follow from operational failures to respond appropriately to the forecasts. The broad outlines of the current western system are easily drawn—and, in some respects the result may too readily be taken as a caricature. The concern of the public with the augmentation of its available pool of manpower resources (as tactical weapons to be used in pursuit of economic ends) is such as to lead it to accept the direct participation of government in manpower development as a matter of public policy (a public philosophy in no way at odds with that of the communist world). This must be coupled with the pervasive faith which the public has held in education as the supreme device for developing the manpower the economy requires. Direct intervention by government, particularly in anything that might be regarded as "higher" education, is not usually regarded as good democratic form. Western governments have generally sought to act in-

directly. For the most part they have contented themselves with providing the fiscal means that will allow other public-spirited, if not public, agencies to make the necessary choices and the interventions which governments, for a variety of reasons, decline to make. The result is a situation in which it has been left to the educational system, particularly the tertiary institutions, to determine the pattern of educational opportunities that will be made available in response to whatever manpower needs are declared or perceived. And it is left to the students, except in a few career areas, to determine how those opportunities will be used. The possibilities of distortion and perversity within this total system are evident, and the mind does boggle a bit at its potential for absurd consequences. Some of these have been realized, and have been readily seized on to support claims for basic changes in the rules of the game. Much of the critical comment in the seminar centered on the apparent inability of the institutional structures of tertiary education—particularly the universities—to act as effective agents in developing and rationing appropriate educational opportunities. A variety of reasons were given for this being so. The decision-making machinery of the university is not demonstrably suited to producing quick decisions or to facilitating ready change. In its attitudes it tends to be contemplative, if not retrospective. Its academic employment procedures, emphasizing professional tenure, militate against the alteration and make virtually impossible the dismantling of established programs. Yet manpower development programs require a marked readiness to adjust to change. The disabling qualities of traditional institutions may have been overcome by the creation of new ones, designed to perform in a manner in which the older institutions did not or could not perform. To this extent some new element of flexibility has been introduced into educational systems. However, a nasty suspicion seems to prevail that these new institutions may develop decisionmaking processes as cumbersome as those which now characterize the higher reaches of education. Much, too, was said of the predominant tendency of these structures —again, particularly the universities—to concern themselves primarily with their own internal affairs and to be concerned only secondarily with external considerations. The opinions expressed were meant simply to voice the existing state of affairs. This was done most clearly in one broad statement of the situation in which it was

pointed out that the university is actually engaged in a cluster of joint activities, of which only one is responding to the manpower needs of the community. Simply establishing priorities for each separate activity would not alleviate the difficulty. In many instances the activities are so completely interrelated that the disassociation of one from another is impossible. Decisions made in the light of the whole of the cluster may not be the most suitable ones when measured against the needs of any individual activity. Put differently, something must suffer—and given the total pattern of circumstance (and in particular the almost universal inadequacies of definition and designation of what manpower requirements are, much less what they are likely to be, and how they should be met), it is not surprising that the educator's devotion to tending to manpower needs is substantially less than total. The most critical part of the whole discussion rests with the suggestion that the post-secondary systems (and again, chiefly the universities) have derived considerable financial benefits as a result of the public's enthusiasm for having a task performed which that public is just now discovering these systems are ill-suited to perform—and the possible consequences of this situation are at least thought-provoking. It is not possible to move on from this point without referring to the peculiar role attributed to the professions and professional organizations by the seminar. In all, the comments were most critical. Concern was with the extent to which, wittingly or otherwise, the professional groups may act to distort the manpower scene, in respect both of total requirements and of training. Some reference was made to the extent to which their close association with the educational institutions has enabled professional groups to influence in their own interest, such matters as course structure and development, admission standards, student intake, and similar matters. Observations were made, too, with respect to the ability of the professions to regulate entry to their ranks either directly by restriction of numbers, or indirectly by altering standards for admission—particularly educational standards. On a number of occasions, note was taken of the anxiety of new occupational groups to move into the charmed circle of associations legally recognized as having professional standing, and of the tendency of such associations to maintain a constant pressure for added educational qualifications (in some instances well beyond the actual needs for practice in the profession) Summary of the Discussions

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as a means both of restricting entry and gaining social status. The professions were referred to as the most conservative, if not the most obstructive element in the whole manpower development scheme. There were frequent suggestions that in future educational planning, the relationship between the professions and the educational institutions requires a great deal of reconsideration. If it is possible to criticize the existing approaches to manpower development because of educational institutions' sluggish and often perverse responses to public need, it is equally possible to criticize them on the grounds of the unpredictability of student response to such opportunities as are offered. Yet, on the whole, the seminar evidenced considerable sympathy for the students and the problems they face in making their career choices. The weakness of known forecasting techniques has already been mentioned. If the resulting forecasts provide an inadequate basis for public decision-making, they are obviously no more useful when it comes to supporting private decisions. But short even of any reliance on sophisticated forecasting, it was pointed out repeatedly, what factual information is available concerning economic trends, the numbers actually occupying positions in occupational areas, the number of trainees "in the pipe-line," and so forth, is not readily accessible to students to assist them in making more rational and effective career choices. And some calculations useful in choosing a career are easily overlooked or impossible to make: calculations concerning the value of income foregone in choosing to attend school, or in choosing among the programs school offers; estimating the relative amount by which prospective income may be augmented by the selection of various career possibilities. It was pointed out, too, that prospective earnings is not the only factor involved in the students' selections of study programs—individual taste and social pressure exert influences which, in the narrower manpower sense, may be considered distracting. Further, as the market shows increased inability for whatever reason, to absorb the trained personnel that the system produces, there is bound to be increasing scepticism of the merits of adhering to anything other than the dictates of the inner voice in making career choices. Despite this listing of the apparent weaknesses of an allocation system that rests as much as this one does on uninformed (or undisciplined) consumer taste, the seminar did not view the system at all unkindly. The com214

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ment was repeated that "the results of collective choices of students in fields where they have been free to choose" have on balance at least been better than those which have been realized when taking direct public action based on any forecast we have been able to make. A number of comments were made which indicated a strong belief that one answer to this quandary of rational choice would be found in vastly improving the flow of information into the hands of students at the point in their lives when they are making strategic career choices. In this respect, too, much was said about the necessity of structuring educational systems and programs in such a way as to avoid the situation in which a student is locked into an unfortunate career pattern because of a premature or incorrect choice. It was suggested that administered systems (and there was some suggestion that the communist countries were not the only ones with such systems) lead inevitably in this direction, carrying with them a hidden cost of manpower planning both to the society and to the individuals forced to live out the results of mistaken choices. Whether this "locking in" is the result of the errors of a fully administered manpower system (such as the USSR system tends to be) or of the rigidities of a traditional system such as the British where, one commentator suggested, the effective decisions in manpower planning are made by children of 14, does not make that much difference. In addition to the plans made for more effective information systems that would get better career data into the hands of students at the right time there were pleas for the construction and maintenance of educational (training) systems that are not rigid in their response to apparent manpower needs. The futility of conceiving career opportunities in terms of narrowly defined occupational activities associated with equally narrow preliminary training routines seemed self-evident. Although it was by no means clear from the discussion in the seminar how the members would restructure the system to provide for the breadth and flexibility they saw as necessary, some broad common approaches did emerge. The seminar generally thought that generalized educational programs designed according to the broad functions the future society will need performed were necessary. Specific task or skill training should be related to actual performance on the job. But most important, the whole system will have to be geared to provide for recurrent education—retraining at all levels and at all times in life

in accordance with changed requirements in the functions to be performed. A further and somewhat unusual comment was made, which deserves to be noted specifically. "In principle there is no reason to say that it is any better to plan for education according to some ideas we might have about what our economy should look like ten or twenty years from now than it is to turn the whole thing around and plan our economy according to the educational choices that we will make over the next ten or twenty years. In principle the two propositions are equal. The choice is a political matter." This observation deserves a great deal more reflection and consideration than the seminar was able to give to it. The apparent imperfections of administered manpower systems led a number of those participating in the seminar (chiefly, the economists) to call for a return to something approaching a free market. The outlines of the essential conditions for a free market, however, remained as blurred as the essential conditions for an administered one. But the opinions expressed did reflect a number of concerns. Not the least of these was the concern with the overwhelming element of public subsidy that is provided for what are essentially private benefits —it again being argued that "social" returns to society beyond those accruing directly to participating individuals do not exist. The benefit principle of assessment should, therefore, prevail, and those who are the direct beneficiaries of the system should pay according to the advantages obtained. The individual should, further, be aided in achieving greater rationality in his career choices because the price tags (fees) associated with alternative career choices would reflect the costs of providing the educational services required. Students could be expected to buy only the kind and the amount of educational service they want (as they would buy any other service) and the general community thus would be led to allocate its resources in accordance with a rational pattern of consumer choice rather than the presumably less rational principle of administered decision with its builtin potential for conflict and perversity. To the extent that there was any "hard line" taken in the initial phases of the discussions of this idea, it melted fairly rapidly. Even the market-oriented economists seemed inclined to settle for an approximation of real market conditions particularly as these related to establishing the true cost of providing service as the basis of

the fee structure, incorporating a large element of the benefit principle in the direct charges to the student, and seeking something nearer to that state of complete knowledge that is assumed to exist in the perfect market. The arguments against a pure market approach were varied. One commentator expressed considerable doubt as to the logic of the view that the rationing of educational opportunity according to the purse would be less perverse than any other scheme of rationing. It would merely remove an element of human responsibility. Another suggested that the particular market is a "bad" market in that the consumers, the students, are not likely to act in accordance with any principle of selfinterest that the economist finds useful as guiding market choices. Yet another doubted the ability of the existing market with its built-in rigidities (particularly those which result from the restrictive practices of some professions and occupational groups) to attain the kind of indicative and predicative usefulness that the free market proponents assume. It was also pointed out that if the institutional structure of education with its own internal rigidities, such as the faculty tenure system, lacked the facility to respond readily to changes in plan direction, it was not likely to possess greater flexibility in the face of changed (and possibly even more whimsically so) market demands. The major flaw in the approach in its pure form derives, however, from the situation depicted by one of the seminar members when introducing the free market idea, in which the educational system is required to discharge a variety of functions, of which providing manpower for the economy is only one. The system performs diverse functions some of which can be described and evaluated only in social terms. To a large extent these have popularized the cause of education, and sustained the community's enthusiasm for supporting its educational institutions. Besides, there is as yet no convincing evidence that the sum total of individual choice, even when made more rationally than at present, would in fact yield either the manpower or the pattern of resource allocation that society generally through its political devices suggests that it wants. In the final analysis, the pleas for a market approach emerged less as a call to revolt against the encumbrances of public policy and administered manpower development schemes than as a contention that greater emphasis should be placed upon the element of individual choice Summary of the Discussions

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that remains an essential part of the present scheme. The conception of "indicative planning" seemed to provide the necessary refuge for all concerned in the discussion. The hope was expressed that conditions could be created in which trends and tendencies in economic change might be more clearly indicated and a more satisfactory informational base established to guide the choice of the individuals who must accommodate themselves to those changes. The report of this portion of the discussions cannot be concluded without reference to an underlying unease which questioned the ability of the present technologicalindustrial society to absorb the quantities of manpower that the educational and training systems can now provide. The question becomes one of whether or not, on any basis, discussions of manpower needs and the responses of educational institutions to those needs have not become highly academic. Within the experience of the countries immediately represented in the seminar discussions there were evident dissimilarities but these reflect largely dissimilar stages of development. The situation as described by one member, seems characteristic: in most of the industrialized countries in general we are providing, or are in sight of providing most of our manpower needs. What problems remain in this area are largely residual ones. At the same time, governments have increasingly established open door policies for their educational institutions. These have become (and will deliberately become more so) users of manpower, rather than producers. At this stage the arguments for regulating the flow of resources into education cease to be guided by essentially economic considerations and become rather related to questions of public policy. The prior question is simply the extent to which the community wants to give its members whatever benefits there are in higher education. Furthermore, the choices made in this respect are made more as a condition or result of affluence than as any intended contribution to it. Education becomes a means for distributing rather than for creating economic surpluses.

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Most pertinent to the discussions of the functions of and the objectives for education which have provided the subject matter of the immediately preceding sections, are those questions related to accessibility. Who is to be and (who is not to be) "elected" to participate in a developmental process which holds such a promise of great personal consequence? How is such an election to take place? To the extent that education is the key to a meaningful slot in society—meaningful in terms of economic satisfactions and social status—the question of how educational opportunities are to be allocated or rationed becomes a question of major consequence. There is raised, too, a host of collateral issues having to do with conceptions of "right" and "privilege." It is easily perceived that these are questions with a political rather than a pedagogical complexion. (As is the direct connection between the growing egalitarian concern which has made accessibility a fundamental issue in education, and the politicization of the whole educational debate.) No one in the seminar argued that the matter of access was not properly regarded when it was described and dealt with as a political question. It is in this matter of the responses of the various communities represented at the seminar to the pressures for access to educational opportunities that the differences between these systems were most evident. Even here, the differences were not as pronounced, or the philosophical bases for the different responses as readily definable, as might have been expected. In general, all seem to have reacted to (and are continuing to react to) similar pressures, the relative acuteness of which reflect differences in stages of national economic maturity and sophistication rather than fundamental differences in the societies involved. For the most part, responses have followed a similar pattern, meeting the pressures by a continuous extension of educational opportunities—multiplying existing institutions and programs, and creating many new ones. At an early stage in the discussion, it was suggested that "accessibility" has meaning only when the term is associated with specific modifiers, and is considered as accessibility for what? to what? and by whom? Much of the contemporary debate, and probably its most acrimonious portion, has ranged around the last two questions— to what? by whom?—as though the problem was essentially one in mathematics. While the question "for what?", at least in its rhetorical form, has been frequently

raised, the evidence is that it has generally been assumed that its answers are self-evident. This seminar did attempt to give more than the usual attention to the questioner what?—and in doing so, elaborated still further on what emerges in retrospect as a dominant theme of the seminar: the radically altered context for educational planning that is the inevitable concommitant of the post-industrial society that technological change is making a reality. Some of the seminar's conceptions of the shape of things to come have been dealt with in the preceding sections. It is obvious, for example, that much of the adjustment required by changing and broadening ideas of accessibility is taking place on the supply side of the equation, as the various communities increase, according to their own recipes, the number and the variety of educational opportunities available. Certainly this marked increase in the aggregate number of educational opportunities must change the thinking about the need for and modes of rationing such opportunities. To this aspect of the discussion the report will return. What may be more apposite to the current discussions of accessibility is that portion of the seminar's deliberations which dealt with prospective fundamental changes on the demand side and bear directly on the "for what?" The essence of the case was put with some elegance by one member of the seminar when he suggested that in the new order of things, the advantaged and the disadvantaged may at last be put on a similar footing, at least to this extent, that neither will have a function in society in the sense in which that term has hitherto been understood. Individual significance and worth have long been established according to the functions performed—what people do or what they produce. Education has been "the ticket" to function—not only in providing the means of access to function, but in providing the readiest and the most socially acceptable proof of the right to be wherever one has managed to get in the functional scheme of things. Indeed it has come to be regarded almost as a pre-paid ticket to status and to income, those most immediately recognizable badges of social worth. The competition for whatever educational opportunities the system has made available (and the issue of accessibility to these opportunities) has reflected a common conviction that there exists a direct positive relationship between the level of educational attainment and the degree of functional success.

Technology appears to be altering this scheme as it destroys the possibility of viewing function as the direct mirror-image of vocational activity. Progressively the tasks, the symbols of function, that people have been trained to perform are likely to be performed by what one seminar member described as non-people. Work seems destined to lose its meaning as a human preoccupation. As yet, little appears to have been suggested in the way of socially accepted alternative devices for sifting and sorting the species into social categories. This, however, is another realm of discourse. In the event that education as the guarantor of access to work (properly striated and socially classified) also loses this particular aspect of its significance—and an overwhelming aspect it has been, too, in terms of its effect on the elasticity of the public purse strings, the whole context of the discussion of accessibility must shift radically. The seminar may have been remiss to this extent, that having recognized the nature of the compelling problem that now faces education and educators, it persisted rather, for the most part, with the discussion of education in its most recent and more static context. Although a number of references were made to the emerging pattern of the world of work (or lack of it) in the discussion, it tended to be a tangential matter. The challenge, as expressed by one seminar member, was really not met: we need to be thinking about the human dimensions of education, not simply manpower or the ability to perform functions which can be conceived and planned for and programmed ahead of time; we need to plan for human power in a situation in which if people are to exist at all they will have to exist in some other terms of human significance than what they do or what they produce. However, even concern with the question access for what? cannot shift the debate completely to the new kind of social structure that is in prospect. As yet, the preponderance of the old remains. With it remain the pressures on education to provide the magic tickets—and in a fluid, democratic society to provide them on a mass basis. Questions of openness and universal accessibility remain firmly latched to normative conceptions of the availability of economic and social rights and privileges in a democratic society—and the/or what? must continue to be seen in this light. Even in the more immediate context of the debate, some overall notes of warning were sounded concerning the experiences of "rage and frusSummary of the Discussions

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tration" which are showing signs of developing as a response to unrealized expectations. Education, as the guarantor of access to that society in which everyone enjoys economic and social returns above the average, has been over-sold. It is not the philosophers stone. That it may all too often have been regarded—and even held out—as such, may provide one of the greatest barriers to the ready adjustment of the community's view (and the community's pocket-book) to the educational needs of the new post-industrial society. The question of access for what?, as it centres either on those aspects which have to do with manpower training, or more broadly, on matters of social mobility and quality, raises the question "access to what?" Insofar as it is a matter of providing the trained manpower required to fill the vocational slots created by the workings of the socio-technological complex, the problem is essentially a mechanical, if not a simple one. It is a matter of assessing, even crudely, the required educational component of the system and then providing the institutional framework necessary to provide that education. It may be argued that, in varying degrees, the different communities have responded at different paces to the apparent needs of the system. And there is evident in these responses a startling range of interpretations and misinterpretations of the amounts and kinds of education variously appropriate and required. However, it cannot be argued that there has not developed over time in each of the communities represented at the seminar, an imposing array of institutions and programs designed to fit people to the apparent patterns of the manpower markets. The preceding section of this report, though devoted to matters not directly concerned with accessibility as such, has much to say concerning the effectiveness of the educational planners in making adequate provision for these needs. Even with all of this, however, among the failures most frequently attributed to "the system" are those having to do with the alleged neglect of one or another occupational opportunities. But it was only tangentially that the seminar dealt with these aspects of the accessibility issue. Rather, discussions centred around the nature of the promise, and the social implications of that promise, that is made when a social responsibility for making educational opportunity generally accessible is accepted. The problems are clearest in the instance of the American 218

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experience with its apparent, commitment to the proposition that admission to higher education is a right to which the system must be adjusted. Against this may be set what are the apparently more restrictive systems of the United Kingdom and Germany which are avowedly more elitist or at least less democratic in any universalist sense in their provisions for broadly based educational opportunity. And yet, when, to paraphrase one member of the seminar, a start is made to separate the myth of accessibility from its reality (and only a start was made), nothing in this area is quite what it seems to be. The seminar spent no time exploring such ideas as chimerical as "universal accessibility," nor did it even discuss what such a concept might possibly mean. At the same time, it readily recognized that even the most egalitarian educational system, that of the United States, does not and cannot proffer the promise of identical educational opportunity to all who wish to and are qualified to pursue a higher education. Again, a rereading of Professor Daniere's paper is in order in this respect. Particularly noteworthy is his conclusion that even this system, avowedly open and egalitarian, has produced its own kind of hierarchy which bespeaks its own kind of elitism. His suggestion that this appears to be inevitable was not challenged much less controverted. At the other end of the scale, those European systems which have been traditionally regarded as elitist contain a substantial element of democracy—in some respects, possibly, a greater element than the professedly democratic North American systems. Their case may be best viewed in the light of the comments of one of the UK commentators who said in effect: The UK recognizes no such overriding "right" to access to higher education as do the American systems. A political judgement is made in respect of the amount of resources that can be put into education, which in turn determines the number of places to which access may be gained. Having done that, you ensure that the rationing of these places is not dominated by income or other irrelevant factors. In other words, it is suggested, there is equality in terms of possibility of access, the governing factor being merit. On this basis the British recognize as public policy what Professor Daniere suggests works out in practice in the United States—a hierarchical educational system which reflects the principle of meritocracy. Further, in recognizing this hierarchy the British (and more generally the Europeans) would suggest that they

give open and due regard to other realities which may well be obscured by the openness of the American institutions. The first is that they are better able to maintain high standards of quality in educational programming. This aspect of the matter was not pursued to any extent, but the record does indicate some tendency on the part of European spokesmen to equate mass access with dilution of educational standards. Despite the caveats registered by some of the American spokesmen to the contrary the European case is not insupportable. Certainly the question of access to what? must raise issues as to the desirable level and the maintainable level of educational fare which the candidates, and society, are entitled to expect to be provided. Another aspect of access which the European members of the seminar were more inclined to probe than were others was the question of wastage. Implicit in their comments was the suggestion that the principle of openness may be mitigated if it does not include within it the right to a reasonable expectation of successful completion of the educational programs to which admission has been gained. Access to a high possibility of failure appeared to the Europeans present to be a right of dubious value. A comparison of failure rates among the various systems might well lead one to wonder at the rate at which the unsuccessful must be extruded to make the North American system work. It was argued that wastage at any level represents a higher economic and social cost than is usually recognized. European concern with wastage begins when the attrition rate exceeds 5 per cent. American experience seemed to suggest a regular North American rate of from four to six times that figure. Again, the European argument had considerable merit. In a similar vein, the question of access was placed in the context of the relationship between educational opportunity and employment prospects. One member of the seminar stated the case in approximately this fashion: any policy of access must be in the interests of those admitted. It cannot be in the students' interests to be admitted (however openly) to courses leading to unemployment, underemployment, or inadequate employment. The implication of this position, clearly, is that access to educational opportunity is a direct function of manpower planning and the apparent or declared matrix of manpower needs. The challenge of the statement was not taken up beyond those comments recorded in the

preceding section on education and manpower. The discussions of "access to what?" were not completely dominated by consideration of the relative ease or difficulty with which admission may be gained to university, as a right or otherwise. The answer to any problems there may be in respect of access to educational opportunity does not lie wholly in the proliferation of university places—though in the instance of every country represented in the discussions such a proliferation has taken place. The prior question now, in all of these countries, may well be to what effect the proliferation has taken place. In each of the countries represented there has taken place some substantial expansion in the number and kinds of educational opportunities available in the tertiary system, outside of the regular university systems. The extent to which the expansion may effectively ease or even alter the pressures for greater and freer access to the universities appears for the present at least, to be conjectural. If there was predominant opinion in the seminar, it would be that a belief in the need for a university education has been so effectively built into the general conception of the status structure that there is no ready alternative means of access to equivalent social standing—at least in the field of educational opportunity. Indeed, there was the suggestion made by some seminar members that the creation of such new institutions as the community colleges may build into society social stratification based upon an educational caste system. Contrary to such doleful prophecies, there was some evidence of the success of some communities in developing within the framework of their tertiary systems new, alternative institutions which have escaped stigmatization as inferior or second-class. For example, the Australian Colleges of Advanced Studies would seem to have established their legitimacy within that country's system, as providing a socially acceptable alternative route to educational fulfillment. It would be difficult to express any definitive judgement on these matters at the present time. It is not only that the major determinant is essentially a changing social attitude, but despite past experience with such institutions as junior colleges which were merely satellites in the university system, these schools—community colleges, colleges of further education, colleges of advanced studies, whatever—are comparatively new. Their roles, particularly in the field of general education, are Summary of the Discussions

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largely undefined. As long as they are subject to the obvious growing-pains of their current stages of development they will be viewed with uncertainty or suspicion. However, the main variable in the piece, while noted from time to time in the discussions of the seminar, was probably not given the full searching scrutiny it required. That variable is represented by the changing "clientele" for educational opportunity. The who of the question access for whom? may well be the most dynamic element in the whole discussion of accessibility. Generally speaking, the seminar members gave little recognition to the more radical formulations of the "universal accessibility" doctrine. Any bias evident was in the direction of the formulation of the seminar member who contended that the discussion should not persist in the suggestion that what was at issue was admission of 100 per cent of the population to the universities. Rather, it was contended, the universities are elitist, they have to be elitist, and the only question is whether or not the right elite is getting to university. While any such stern formulation might not have been acceptable to all members of the seminar, it did serve to emphasize key problems in ensuring that the right elite is not impeded in its access to higher education. In this regard, a variety of conditions which "distort the market" were suggested and examined with varying degrees of intensity. A summary list of these would include: lack of understanding (and lack of the ability to create that understanding) of the need for accessibility; imperfect knowledge of available educational opportunities and of the full implications of these opportunities; differences in motivation in responding to opportunities even when known; inability or lack of desire to compete for educational advancement; differences in cultural background —sometimes, though not always, related to cultural deprivation; similarly differences in taste in choosing paths for career development; discriminatory practices of some communities, institutions, and professions; and so forth. In one way or another, each of the influences listed represents a possible impediment to rational career choices. Each can serve to exclude from the educational system individuals who are appropriately part of the elite, while allowing for the admission of others who are not. Attention centred, however, on two influences other than those listed above. These, it seemed to be accepted, were the ones which worked most effectively to cloud the 220

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whole matter of accessibility. The first of these to be examined was the pervasive influence of what happens at the lower levels, particularly the secondary level, of the school system. Any consideration of accessibility must comprehend certain patterns that evolve at these lower levels, because they will determine the effectiveness of any provisions that are made for access to tertiary programs. The most obvious influence of the lower system lies in the extent to which it encourages or discourages the continuation of students in the educational stream. According to the retention rates that prevail within any system, the corps of eligibles for continuation beyond the secondary level will represent a large or small proportion of the community. In effect, a preliminary screening takes place and this with no necessary regard for intellectual capacity. Beyond this point the ease or difficulty with which these eligibles find their way into tertiary programs may or may not reflect genuinely open (or closed) accessibility. A second element of secondary education which may seem to prejudice the real effectiveness of admissions policies at the post-secondary level is the high school streaming process. Whether by design, as in the instance of countries where there is a deliberate selection and direction of students towards differing goals and programs, or by the accident of choice as in countries where students are offered a cafeteria selection of diversified courses and programs, the choices made by or for the student at the lower school level are likely to render inaccessible some range of post-secondary educational alternatives. Again, recent educational developments reflect serious attempts on the part of educational planners in most countries to provide "second-chance" opportunities for those who have been derailed by the course selection processes of the educational system. The most serious attempts made at meeting these problems have entailed the creation of new non-university institutions, offering both vocational and general education programs that are designed to meet the needs of those who for one reason or another have not established the prerequisites for university admission. There is no doubt that those programs do create new and accessible opportunities for a wide clientele that previously had little chance of continuing with any type of study program. Even at the university level there is evidence of a marked change as new channels into the realms of higher education are being opened for the drop-out and

for the student who has entered the wrong program stream. Mature student admissions policies, equivalent standing programs, and similar devices are increasingly common instruments for returning to the educational stream, even at the university level, many who even in the recent past would have found themselves excluded because of some inadequacy at the lower school level. It would be incorrect to assume however, that there exists as yet any great fluidity in this return to the university level. In the minds of many, the alternative "secondchance" opportunities are unfortunately identified as second-class opportunities, and still do not provide for equality of access. The second set of major influences which was isolated as bearing most in answering the question access for who? was economic. It would have been difficult to find any member of the seminar who would have argued that access to educational opportunity should be regulated by the relative affluence of the candidates. Even those who argued for the restoration of some substantial element of free market forces to the world of education, were not arguing any such case. In general, however, the discussions of the economic aspect of accessibility revolved largely around three themes. The first of these had to do with the "economics of student participation," and related to "what every youngster should know" about the economies of career choices. Here the problem is one of establishing a sounder basis for student choice by providing a more effective costing of career alternatives—a costing that would among other things clearly demonstrate the relative income gains and losses involved in educational choices. In part, the problem is that of including a "long-run" point of view into circumstances where people are compelled by "short-run" phenomena. The second theme had to do with the social implications of educational finance policies. It was suggested by some members of the seminar that there might be a tendency to confuse the general redistribution objectives of social policy with the objectives being sought in financing student access to education. This confusion is brought out most clearly in bursary and loan programs where eligibility is determined essentially on a means-test basis (and usually not only the means of the student but also the means of the students' parents). The argument for such a policy is essentially the redistributive one common to much of public finance. It disregards all of the

other influences on student choice, including the desire to be free of parental support and influence. This may demonstrate the irrationality of attempts to reach two goals with a single policy: in this instance the goals of income redistribution and student equality. Insofar as the causes of accessibility and quality of student opportunity are concerned, it was held that public policy should opt in the first place for those policies which support the idea of student equality. Finally, in respect of the economic aspects of accessibility the seminar gave some attention to policies and programs for student support. A great deal of the familiar—by now, almost traditional—ground was traversed. The issue of loans versus grants was discussed, with the customary observations concerning the desirability of provision being made for some direct contribution (repayment) by the beneficiaries of public aid programs. The matters of the instruments to be used for recovery and the amounts to be recovered received less attention, although the expected comparisons were made between systems which would provide for direct repayment and others which would provide for some form of recovery through an appropriately designed (or jiggered, depending on your point of view) tax system. What did seem evident from the discussion was that North American student aid systems are, comparatively, not as well designed for their purposes as are the systems of other countries represented. The opinion was expressed that despite the variety of devices that have been called into play, there remains much in the American systems that is ineffective. It was suggested that in part the defects of these programs arise from a failure to contemplate and compensate for the full costs of education, including the income foregone. It was also contended that the fragmentation of programs, in terms of source, direction, and type of aid, made it extremely difficult for the individual student "to put it all together" for his own purposes. However, the major weakness of these systems insofar as matters of accessibility and student assistance are concerned, was felt to be that so much of the public support which is presumed to go into the provision of opportunities for students is paid directly to educational institutions rather than to the students. The student benefit is indirect and derivative rather than direct—and there seemed to be a suspicion that the resulting student share and its usefulness, are considerably less than is generally thought to be the case. Summary of the Discussions

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Probably the dynamic elements in this whole question of who? are less related to the operations of the lower school system or the distributive effects of the economy than they are to the social changes which are explosively broadening the spectrum of eligibles. The problem of providing educational opportunities no longer relates only to the needs of a limited number of people for a limited period of time at a particular juncture in their lives. Access or lack of access to educational institutions or programs can no longer be thought of in these more traditional terms, but must be placed in a wholly different context. From time to time throughout all of the seminar discussions, different elements of this emerging educational environment were isolated, sometimes to illustrate or emphasize a point, sometimes for discussion on their own merits. Again, neither the time nor the purpose of the seminar allowed for any attempt at a definitive delineation of what tomorrow's pattern of educational opportunities (and, hence tomorrow's problems of accessibility) will look like—except that it will look substantially different from today's. A wide variety of factors, again on both the supply and the demand side of the equation, are coming into play. New technologies which make possible revolutionary changes in the teaching situation; modes of instruction which make it possible to reorder and redirect the whole institutional paraphernalia of instruction and learning; the cumulative demands for more and better educational opportunities from a society that becomes increasingly sophisticated under the influence of whatever devices of mass education now exist; the requirements for "second chance" education that arise from concern over social deprivation or merely out of concern for fair play; the technological need for systems of "recurrent" education in a situation in which the training-learning period is stretched out over the larger part of the individual's productive life; the likelihood that education will be viewed increasingly as a desirable consumers' good in a technological society that seems likely to progressively restrict or destroy alternative possibilities for creative use of time. The possibilities—and the demands—of this new framework seem inexhaustible. The seminar may be excused for not attempting to draw the definitive model of the future. To think of accessibility in these terms, and these are the terms in which thinking and planning must be done, 222

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is enough to give the average policy maker a nervous twitch in the pocketbook. It has to be reemphasized as it was throughout the discussions that the extent to which new possibilities will be explored, new opportunities created, new demands met, and new resources allocated depends on decisions which are political in nature. Throughout the seminar full recognition was given to the evidently increasing sensitivity of the policy makers to the seemingly insatiable demands made in the name of education. Equally, recognition was given to the fact that education must take its place in the full order of social priorities of governments. To this extent the seminar was cautious but by no means pessimistic about the willingness of the western communities to provide the resources—even in increasing amounts and proportionsrequired to meet the emerging pattern of educational needs.

Resume des discussions

par T.H. McLeod

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Le cout de I'enseignement post-secondaire dans une societe technologique

Tout d'abord, il convient de preciser, brievement dans quel cadre le debat s'est situe. La notion de cout n'a pas etc definie, aux fins du colloque, selon le sens etroit d'une comptabilite, ni pergue comnie telle durant le debat. Les questions de tresorerie ou d'elements de cout, de rapport cout-benefice ou d'organisation rationnelle, n'ont que relativement peu retenu 1'attention: non que ces sujets fussent juges indignes d'etre etudies a propos de I'enseignement dit superieur cependant, il fallait bien circonscrire un champ de debat que Ton put explorer dans les delais fixes et qui convint en meme temps a des participants enclins, pour la plupart, par leurs connaissances et leurs preoccupations, a s'interesser davantage a la planification des etudes et a 1'elaboration de programmes plutot qu'aux finances publiques ou a 1'administration des institutions. Au sens du debat, la notion de cout a etc prise dans une acception sociale large. Ainsi, les questions examinees ont ete: 1'origine, la nature et le niveau des exigences de la societe qui se traduisent par la demande d'acces aux etudes; les pressions que cette demande exerce sur la repartition des maigres ressources de la societe; la transformation du climat d'opinion publique dans lequel les diverses collectivites exercent leurs options et expriment leurs preferences sociales en allouant les deniers publics; les alternatives—programmes et structures— qui permettraient, soit de reduire la demande d'instruction, soit d'ameliorer la prestation du service de I'enseignement pour ceux qui en reclament le benefice; enfin, la dynamique de 1'adaptation des programmes d'enseignement aux besoins d'une societe nouvelle. Non certes que Ton ait trouve a ces questions lourdes de consequences des reponses definitives, ni meme que 1'on en ait cherchees: 1'objet du colloque n'etait pas de parvenir a un accord general, ni de degager un terrain d'entente, ni de rediger des recommandations. Son but etait d'offrir I'occasion d'un echange d'idees et d'opinions a un groupe de personnes dont la principale caracteristique commune, sinon la seule, etait 1'influence qu'ils exercent, chez eux, sur 1'etablissement d'une politique relative au developpement de I'enseignement. Une seconde observation generate s'impose quant au traitement du theme, cette fois sur le sens attribue a 1'expression "enseignement post-secondaire". II parait evident qu'a 1'origine ce terme devait couvrir toute la gamme des possibilites de formation post-scolaire. Or, la plus grande partie du debat a porte sur les problemes et

les perspectives de 1'universite, malgre des rappels fermes, mais sporadiques, de 1'existence d'autres institutions du troisieme cycle. Tout en s'accordant a reconnaitre qu'il faudrait etudier a fond des conceptions nouvelles de programmes d'enseignement et de formation des institutions, le colloque s'est surtout interesse a 1'universite et a ses problemes (encore convient-il de signaler que le terme "universite", employe dans une acception generique et applique a une gamme assez etendue d'institutions, semble doue d'une elasticite remarquable). Le debat devait fondamentalement explorer quatre grands secteurs, illustres par les documents de base que Ton trouvera dans ce livre. Les diverses questions a 1'ordre du jour ne devaient ni ne pouvaient etre etudiees isolement les unes des autres (les presidents conjoints ont tout de meme heroiquement reussi a limiter les elements repetitifs du debat a un minimum raisonnable). Toutefois, pour presenter au lecteur un compte rendu clair et sense, le rapporteur s'efforcera d'exposer les idees exprimees dans un ordre plus ratiohnel et selon une logique plus rigoureuse que ne le permettait le debat lui-meme. En guise de preface a un compte rendu detaille des travaux consacres aux differentes questions de 1'ordre du jour, il y aurait lieu d'indiquer quels themes—ou peutetre serait-il plus juste de parler de climats—ont domine les debats, constituant une sorte de toile de fond tacitement acceptee sur laquelle se detachent les interventions de detail. Le premier element a ete presente de maniere lapidaire par un participant qui a declare d'emblee que "la lune de miel est terminee" (selon un autre, "I'enseignement bat en retraite"). S'il ressort clairement des debats aussi bien que des documents de base que les effets de la psychose post-spoutnikienne se sont fait sentir inegalement a travers la societe industrielle non communiste, 1'idee que 1'instruction est un objet desirable, dont 1'abondance ne nuit pas, s'est imposee depuis assez longtemps et n'a guere ete contestee. Son emprise se traduisait, jusqu'a une epoque recente, par une generosite apparemment infinie de la societe envers I'enseignement, auquel elle accordait la plus haute priorite dans 1'attribution de ses ressources (il pourrait cependant y avoir quelques divergences d'opinions sur la mesure dans laquelle la question avait ete instruite au prealable pour une repartition rationnelle de ces ressources). Pour toute une serie de raisons, la main qui avait ete si ouverte parait se fermer. II ne s'ensuit pas necessaireResume des discussions

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ment que la "revoke du contribuable", selon 1'expression des participants americains, soit un phenomena commun a 1'ensemble du monde occidental de 1'enseignement: il semble au contraire, d'apres ce qui a etc dit sur la France et PAllemagne, que ce ne soit pas le cas. II n'en reste pas moins indeniable que les programmes et institutions d'enseignement de maniere generate, et le niveau universitaire en particulier, connaissent une phase nouvelle d'examen critique. Pour citer le President Murray Ross, les universites "sont entrees dans le domaine public" et sont a present exposees a 1'attention publique. S'il faut apprecier la gravite relative de ce mal nouveau et apparemment chronique, il faudrait dire que ce sont les universites d'Amerique du Nord qui en sont le plus douloureusement atteintes—meme apres s'etre resignees aux distinctions logiques entre la liberte de 1'enseignement et 1'autonomie de 1'institution. Les universites europeennes, elles, ont naturellement une tradition plus longue dans 1'art de s'adapter aux exigences de Pinteret public. Elles n'ont jamais eu a faire face a toutes les consequences d'une politique d' "accessibilite universelle"— il n'en est pas moins evident que les participants britanniques n'etaient pas plus heureux que leurs collegues americains des perspectives d'une plus grande rigueur financiere. Dans une certaine mesure, la France et PAllemagne, a la veille de connaitre un ordre nouveau de developpement planifie de 1'enseignement, semblent moins visees dans Pimmediat par des menaces de restrictions. Un deuxieme element de "climat" est etroitement lie au premier et va peut-etre en sens contraire (sans pousser jusqu'au reproche). II ressort de plusieurs declarations optimistes, selon lesquelles les diverses societes representees resteraient disposees a fournir les moyens de continuer a developper 1'enseignement post-secondaire. De 1'avis general, celui-ci, sans egaler statistiquement 1'essor spectaculaire des quinze dernieres annees, poursuivra neanmoins son expansion et beneficiera de plus en plus sensiblement des deniers publics. Les participants ont paru s'accorder a croire que les diverses collectivites, tout en prenant conscience des possibilites fiscales de 1'enseignement, persistent a y voir un secteur prioritaire et lui consentiront les credits necessaires. Certes, il y a tout lieu de penser que la question du montant total des fonds publics alloues a 1'enseignement, en proportion d'autres depenses sociales, peut etre un grave sujet de preoccupation. II semble toutefois que 1'on se preoccupe davantage 226

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encore de la destination des depenses d'enseignement et de leur efBcacite si mesuree qu'elle soit. II parait acquis que la repartition des credits au sein du post-secondaire subira des modifications considerables, et commence d'ailleurs deja a les subir. La situation privilegiee dont jouissait Puniversite dans ce secteur va changer, et peutetre enormement. Toutefois, la fin de la suprematie de Puniversite dans le post-secondaire ne saurait, a elle seule, s'interpreter comme 1'indice d'une disgrace generale de 1'enseignement aupres des contribuables. Les participants au colloque n'ont pas eu tendance a considerer que cette redistribution future des credits et des roles respectifs des institutions et des programmes post-secondaires ne pourrait manquer d'entrainer immediatement une deterioration du programme d'enseignement—argument pourtant souvent brandi devant le public comme une evidence. Le colloque s'est garde, en general, de tout jugement hatif a cet egard. Le nombre et la qualite des programmes et des services d'enseignement que Pon peut et que Pon doit attendre de Puniversite ou de toute autre institution dependent manifestement de Pevolution ulterieure, encore imprecise, de toute la gamme des programmes post-scolaires. Si Pon ouvre Peventail des possibilites tout en creant des programmes "de deroutement" viables, les pressions qui s'exercent aux differents points de la structure s'en trouveront modifiees, peut-etre radicalement. Les divers etablissements et institutions, du fait de leur role plus limite mais aussi plus clairement defini, pourraient alors mieux s'acquitter de leur tache qu'auparavant, ou 1'absence de toute autre structure parallele les obligeait a eparpiller et meme a gaspiller leurs energies et leurs ressources. Dans ce contexte, le colloque s'est surtout interesse a la possibilite d'ameliorer les moyens deployes pour couvrir ce que Pon a appele "gamme complete des besoins d'enseignement post-scolaire" plutot que de chercher des moyens d'economiser en rationalisant les methodes administratives ou en compressant les programmes. Non que le colloque se soit montre enclin a tuer la poule aux oeufs d'or—encore faut-il noter que les quelques voix qui se sont elevees en faveur d'une solution au probleme de 1'enseignement par voie de compression n'ont guere trouve d'echo—mais dans 1'ensemble, Pesprit du debat a etc domine par une hypothese fondamentale: a savoir que les problemes essentiels, meme a ce stade de depenses sans precedent pour 1'enseignement, consistent moins a economiser materiellement, qu'a assurer, par une plani-

Cette derniere observation nous amene a une autre fication complete et eclairee, le rendement maximal, remarque sur ces propositions generates, exprimees ou sous forme de possibilites d'education, de 1'investisseimplicites, qui paraissent avoir servi de toile de fond a ment social opere. voir le peu de confiance marque aux institutions etablies Voila qui nous amene a un autre theme de cet pour s'amender d'elles-memes ou pour encourager une accompagnement musical: la necessite d'une planificareforme fondamentale et reelle du systeme. Les particition intensive, globale, de l'enseignement. Sous une pants ont evoque les attitudes essentiellement conservaforme ou une autre, tous les participants ont aborde ce trices qui semblent inherentes a nos institutions d'ensujet—certains considerant presque avec une pointe seignement, attitudes qui temoignent de leur incapacite d'envie la situation de la France et celle de 1'Allemagne, a s'adapter au changement et a fortiori a etre facteurs de ou une entreprise de cette nature semble s'intensifier. changement. Et parmi ces institutions, la majorite deEvoquee plusieurs fois, la question n'a pas etc vraiment cernerait certainement la palme du formalisme conserapprofondie. vateur aux universites elles-memes. Dans Pensemble, les obstacles a une initiative de Ce point de vue semble etaye par la lecture des docuce genre ont retenu 1'attention plus que la planificaments presentes au colloque: la plupart rendent compte tion elle-meme, et sur ce point il semblait qu'il y cut des changements fondamentaux qui sont intervenus ou raison de faire cause commune. Un certain nombre de sont en cours dans les divers systemes nationaux: en pays representes—1'Allemagne occidentale, 1'Australie, France, en Allemagne, en Australie ou au Royaumeles Etats-Unis, et le Canada—etant dotes d'une constituUni. Dans chaque cas 1'impulsion proprement dite est tion a caractere federal, ont souligne combien toute venue de 1'exterieur du systeme: la commission Robbins tentative serieuse de planification totale de l'enseigneou son equivalent, une loi votee par un parlement ou ment pouvait se heurter a des dispositions constitutionnelles qui attribuent a des juridictions differentes la encore, en France, une revoke ouverte. II n'y a eu qu'un definition des programmes de l'enseignement et des seul exemple, celui de 1'etat de New York, ou le "sysdomaines connexes, tels que les finances, la radiodiffuteme" soit intervenu dans le processus de reforme, et sion, et la television. L'Allemagne federate semble acmeme la 1'inspiration effective semble avoir emane plutuellement etre seule a constater quelque progres sensible tot du gouvernement que des institutions. En verite, dans la recherche—dans le cadre de la constitution— et tout compte fait, il faut bien dire que les participants d'une base organique de solution aux problemes de la au colloque ont considere les institutions actuelles comme planification et des programmes de l'enseignement sur des obstacles a un veritable changement de l'enseignement. une echelle nationale. Rien cependant n'indique que 1'absence de contraintes Enfin, tout au long du debat s'est manifested une constitutionnelles ouvre necessairement la voie a une conscience constante du PUBLIC—sans que 1'on puisse planification efficace. Certains pays sans constitution nettement degager ce qu'il y aurait lieu de faire pour lui, federate ne sont guere plus avances que les autres dans avec lui ou de lui. II est certainement admis que tout le ce domaine. II existe, en dehors de toute division d'oricontexte dans lequel se situe le debat sur l'enseignement gine constitutionnelle, un amalgame d'interets rivaux, a change. II ne s'agit plus d'une polemique reservee aux de pouvoirs et de traditions contradictoires en concurprofesseurs et aux pedagogues professionnels, ce n'est rence qui secretent effectivement des structures d'enseigne- pas non plus une discussion, ofHcielle ou non, entre ment qui se sont revelees en grande partie refracmaitre et eleve, mais une assemblee pleniere ou participe taires aux tentatives de planification sur une echelle la collectivite tout entiere, et souvent une assemblee plus vaste. Beaucoup de difficultes sont inherentes au houleuse maintenant que I'enseignement s'est socialise. systeme lui-meme: sa structure de compartiments et de Dans le cas de pays comme la France et les Etats-Unis, niveaux institutionalises, ou, a de rares exceptions pres, il semble qu'il ait fallu des manifestations dans la rue ou les elements individuels semblent plus enclins a se concur- dans les bureaux des recteurs pour prouver la realite du rencer les uns les autres pour obtenir credits et prestige changement de climat. D'autres n'ont pas eu besoin de qu'a se completer et a s'appuyer mutuellement au serbain de sang ou de boue pour entendre raison, peutvice d'une noble cause de diffusion de l'enseignement. etre ont-ils tire des legons de 1'experience des autres. Resume des discussions

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Une bonne partie du debat oral et des analyses ecrites a presente 1'enseignement comme "instrument social"— un moyen d'atteindre une ou plusieurs fins s'inscrivant dans un dessein d'ensemble de la politique sociale. Au niveau de la politique des pouvoirs publics telle qu'elle ressort officiellement des textes legislatifs et reglementaires—qu'il s'agisse de la conquete spatiale, de la lutte contre la faim ou centre 1'ennemi ideologique—1'enseignement est de plus en plus considere comme une arme tactique dans 1'arsenal du "progres social". Cette conception de 1'instruction est-elle appropriee au niveau des pouvoirs publics? La deception que provoquent cette notion et ses resultats apparents (ou leur absence) est-elle ou non a 1'origine d'une grande partie de ce que Peducateur contemporain considere comme ses difficultes? Ce sont la des questions discutables, mais pour le moment hors du sujet. Pour 1'instant 1'instruction n'est plus tenue pour un droit prive: elle est devenue un bien public. Une telle conception ne peut manquer de transformer radicalement le role de chaque membre de la collectivite qu'est "le public" en matiere d'education. De spectateur passif devant un systeme d'enseignement dont le fonctionnement ne le touche directement que de loin en loin, et selectivement, il est devenu protagoniste, participant activement a sa bonne marche, et consommateur en puissance de ses produits. Au fur et a mesure que Ton s'oriente vers ce qu'un etat appelle "Pacces a 1'enseignement pour 100 pour cent de la population," le role potentiel de Pindividu tend de plus en plus a se realiser. Le consommateur doit manifester de plus en plus clairement ses desirs et ses gouts. Son role dans les structures de Pavenir ne semble guere avoir etc etudie—il a jusqu'a present etc suppute plutot qu'etabli sur une base objective ou logique. Voila probablement les premices d'un conflit qui risque d'opposer Peducateur, et en particulier Peducateur-planificateur, a la collectivite. II reste un fort courant traditionnaliste dans les milieux de Penseignement, pour qui il est peu concevable que le citoyen moyen puisse, soit percevoir ses propres besoins et gouts veritables, soit les exprimer convenablement a supposer qu'il les connaisse. A Pautre pole se trouvent les tenants de la these, inspiree de la democratic, sinon de la pratique du marche, que "le client a toujours raison." On ne voit guere a quel point intermediaire de cette gamme se realisera Paccord entre des avis aussi divergents. Ce qui est certain, c'est que le "consommateur" qui 228

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vient d'obtenir voix au chapitre saura s'y faire entendre. Et s'il n'y parvient pas dans le cadre des institutions qui lui sont familieres, il aura vraisemblablement recours a tel ou tel autre moyen dont il dispose en qualite de consommateur-electeur. Voila un sujet de meditation riche et profond pour le planificateur de 1'enseignement. La nouveaute de la situation actuelle ne tient pas seulement au role nouveau du citoyen moyen devenu consommateur avide d'instruction. L'enseignement etant entre dans le domaine public et devenu un bien public, la base de son financement se deplace: le citoyencontribuable se retrouve, bon gre, mal gre, mecene de 1'enseignement et de ce qui s'y rattache. En outre, la facture qu'il doit acquitter chaque annee a ce titre s'alourdit constamment depuis un certain temps et promet de continuer encore a le faire. Une partie considerable, et toujours plus grande, de son revenu etant consacree au financement de 1'enseignement, il n'est pas etonnant qu'il juge avoir acquis un droit de regard, et meme de critique, sur la maniere dont on depense en son nom. Que le comportement de Pindividu appele a assumer ces roles parfois contradictoires soit marque de perplexites et de conflits, cela n'a rien d'etonnant. L'evolution future de 1'enseignement post-secondaire depend de la maniere dont ce conflit sera resolu—quel role Pemportera, quelles attitudes domineront. On ne peut que deduire des tendances generates du debat, mais les participants au colloque semblent s'accorder a penser que malgre la preoccupation que suscite le cout de plus en plus lourd de 1'enseignement, malgre la deception provoquee par les promesses grandiloquentes faites en son nom, la pression grandissante de la demande d'instruction continuera a Pemporter sur la preoccupation de cout. Ce colloque ne sera pas le dernier a s'etre penche sur le cout croissant de 1'enseignement.

Le role et les buts de I'enseignement post-secondaire

Les documents presentes au colloque contenaient d'impressionnantes statistiques, d'ou il ressortait que, mesure a divers criteres (depenses totales annuelles, depenses et impots par habitant, cout par etudiant, etc.), le cout de I'enseignement n'a cesse d'augmenter ces vingt dernieres annees et, dans la plupart des cas, de fagon spectaculaire. Ces statistiques sont inquietantes et alarrnantes en ellesmemes, ne serait-ce que parce que "les gros chiffres" en imposent toujours. Cette preoccupation est injustifiee mais il va presque de soi que dans n'importe quel systeme budgetaire on peut probablement realiser des economies a Tinterieur du systeme et que plus le budget est important, plus ces possibilites d'economies ont des chances d'etre nombreuses et considerables. N'importe quel ensemble de ressources peut etre ordonne et utilise de diverses manieres—meme pour atteindre les memes buts—et certaines combinaisons, selon tel ou tel critere de production, se reveleront plus fructueuses que d'autres. G'est 1'eternel souci des administrateurs: trouver le mode d'utilisation des ressources affectees a 1'entreprise qui en obtienne le rendement optimal. Mais il ne faut pas se laisser obnubiler par cette preoccupation de gestionnaire. Quelle que soit la methode de calcul adoptee, elle ne peut fournir qu'une reponse partielle, au mieux, aux questions prealables et plus fondamentales que sont la validite et la viabilite des buts proposes et la mesure dans laquelle ceux-ci sont effectivement atteints. C'est de ce second ordre de preoccupation, plus fondamental, que le colloque s'est inquiete, encore que la distinction n'ait pas etc rigoureusement respectee. Tout au long du debat, certains ont soutenu que ces deux ordres de mesure pourraient tres bien s'associer si 1'on revenait, essentiellement, a la conception du marche libre de I'enseignement post-secondaire et a un systeme de prix relativement degage d'entraves. Les indices utilises par 1'administrateur ou le "chef d'entreprise" d'un etablissement d'enseignement, bien que valeurs derivees, permettraient d'apprecier convenablement si une politique est judicieuse, et les ressources bien employees. On peut maintenant se les procurer. La plupart des participants se sont refuse a soutenir fermement une nette separation des deux ordres de mesure dans les discussions en mettant 1'accent sur les aspects sociaux et categoriques des questions politiques prealables. Gette attitude elargissait le cadre du debat, tout en rendant ses conclusions sensiblement plus im-

precises, mais non pas necessairement moins utiles, que ce n'aurait ete le cas si 1'attention du colloque s'etait limitee aux horizons plus restreints des calculs d'administrateurs. On ne pouvait simplement poser en hypothese que les buts de I'enseignement fournissaient des fonctions-parametres a 1'administrateur: il fallait considerer les buts eux-memes sous Tangle de leur valeur et de leur origine. If fut facile de reconnaitre que Ton peut a bon droit parler du "role" de I'enseignement post-secondaire dans une societe technologique; il est difficile d'attribuer a I'enseignement en soi des buts precis, qui lui soient essentiels et specifiques. Dans la mesure ou il tend vers des buts (qui ne lui sont pas inherents), ceux-ci emanent de la structure des valeurs de la societe et des interets au service desquels il se trouve, et dont ils refletent les objectifs et les ideaux. En outre, a-t-on fait valoir, des interets divers ont domine I'enseignement au cours des ages, et au fur et a mesure que celui-ci se socialise, 1'interet predominant (et par consequent la structure des valeurs) glisse de plus en plus vers un caractere public et generalise. Malgre des divergences d'opinion manifestes quant a la definition des differentes etapes de progression historique et a la signification de chacune, les grandes lignes d'une progression apparaissent assez clairement. L'interet qui domine effectivement I'enseignement—en particulier I'enseignement post-secondaire—s'est deplace de 1'elite intellectuelle qui se confondait pour ainsi dire avec le milieu universitaire lui-meme, vers une base, une demande, de plus en plus large, qui represente la totalite du domaine public. A une extremite de 1'echelle historique les objectifs etaient I'enseignement et la recherche, preoccupations presque entierement internes au monde universitaire lui-meme. A 1'autre extremite, 1'actualite, ou les preoccupations de "service" et de souci des realites sociales ont remis en cause toute la structure des institutions et des programmes de I'enseignement. Nous avons vu apparaitre des exigences nouvelles: la participation directe du public aux affaires de I'enseignement, qui jusqu'a recemment auraient probablement ete tenues pour domaine reserve au pedagogue professionnel. De nouveaux objectifs proposes a I'enseignement par ceux qui y voient "un instrument de justice sociale" ou "un instrument de planification de la main-d'oeuvre" (ces deux expressions etant empruntees a un "Expose des questions ["Statement of Issues"] de l'Ontario")—ne Resume des discussions

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sont absolument propres a 1'enseignement ni aux preoccupations des milieux universitaires. Dans ce sens large, mais non pejoratif, 1'enseignement peut etre considere comme un moyen tactique, destine a etre utilise plus ou moins deliberement par une societe donnee pour atteindre ses buts philosophiques et politiques. Cela veut dire que les decisions fondamentales quant aux questions d'enseignement, et ce n'est que juste, relevent du domaine public et politique et non d'un secteur privilegie et universitaire. C'est cet aspect "derive" de la programmation de 1'enseignement, le fait que ses fonctions decoulent d'objectifs sociaux ambitieux et mouvants, formules et articules de 1'exterieur, qui rend le probleme de planification de 1'enseignement a la fois dangereux et decevant—et d'autant plus qu'il faut remonter le courant d'une tradition (ou d'un mythe, selon certains) qui voudrait mettre 1'autonomie de 1'enseignement a 1'abri de toute intervention sociale et politique. En abordant le probleme sous Tangle de la fonction (derivee) plutot que sous celui des buts, un membre du colloque a fait une distinction utile entre la fonction d'adaptation et la fonction de controle ("matching function and monitoring function"). La premiere couvrirait, les activites qui consistent a s'adapter ou a repondre aux besoins de la societe. Elle apparait le plus nettement dans la demande de main-d'oeuvre qualifiee que presente la societe et que le systeme d'enseignement s'efforce de satisfaire. Du point de vue historique, il s'agit de la fonction de "service" de 1'universite. D'une part, c'est en elle que se montre le mieux 1'interdependance de 1'enseignement et de la collectivite, et la sensibilite du systeme d'enseignement aux besoins et a la demande de la societe. En meme temps, cette fonction se trouve au coeur de toute une querelle de "legitimite" que font naitre bien des activites de 1'enseignement, et d'une bonne partie des rivalries de prestige dans la hierarchic. La mefiance persistante qu'inspire la fonction d'adaptation ou de service a certains elements du milieu de 1'enseignement est imputable a deux motifs. Le premier, et le plus evident, tient au "niveau" de certaines etudes et au raffinement de leurs techniques. C'est la conception de la "convenance" de ces etudes qui leur donne leur importance relative dans 1'Universite et leur "valeur". Mais en fait, il semble qu'il faille aller plus loin que cela, et atteindre le fond meme de la question de "sensibilite" —sous-entendu: le sentiment que 1'enseignement se doit de repondre aux besoins de la societe trahit deja une 230

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regrettable propension a accepter des compromissions de qualite. La question de savoir ce qu'est un besoin public et comment le determiner de la meilleure maniere a etc abordee, mais non epuisee. D'une maniere generate, il semblait que 1'on s'accordat a reconnaitre que le public a maintenant les moyens de faire connaitre ses besoins et que ceux-ci sont aisement reconnus par le planificateur et le responsable des programmes. Si la premiere fonction—la fonction d'adaptation— exige une participation poussee, sinon totale, de la collectivite et des enseignants aux affaires de 1'enseignement, la seconde, la fonction de controle, reclame une independance totale de 1'universite. Telle qu'elle a etc decrite, elle implique que 'Ton se tienne a 1'ecart, en regardant ce qui se passe et en commentant 1'evenement." C'est la fonction essentielle de lumiere et de conscience de la collectivite, et elle prend encore plus d'importance au moment ou d'autres dispositifs traditionnels de controle de la societe s'affaiblissent et se relachent, comme beaucoup semblent le faire. Cette fonction exige la plus entiere liberte par rapport a toute influence de controle externe et donne a 1'universite son sentiment d'une mission superieure. Dans ce domaine, les valeurs doivent etre definies, prescrites et jugees de 1'interieur. II convient cependant de relever que la fonction de controle ne peut etre vraiment efficace que dans la mesure ou la societe en question accepte de se laisser controler. Un aspect connexe du debat n'a pas etc suffisamment approfondi: a savoir, le role que 1'enseignement, en particulier 1'enseignement superieur, joue dans le processus de formation des valeurs lui-meme.Pour limiter la discussion aux moyens par lesquels les institutions d'enseignement qui s'adaptent aux valeurs et aux besoins de la societe ambiante, risque d'exagerer leur passivite et de masquer la reciprocite de la reaction sociale qui intervient. Ces institutions sont plus que les victimes des circonstances sociales. Le processus d'education doit contribuer a former et a modifier toute la structure des valeurs de la societe dans laquelle il s'insere. Qu'il le fasse directement, ou en offrant de nouvelles techniques d'analyse, ou simplement en creant un climat de sensibilite critique, peu importe. L'effet, lui, est reel. Cette interaction devrait avoir une signification particuliere dans des societes ou 1'education "de masse" reussit a "produire" une societe de plus en plus raffinee dans ses gouts et dans ses facultes de jugement, et aussi de plus en plus sure d'elle-meme et capable d'exprimer ses opinions. Cet

effet cumulatif de 1'enseignement sur la structure et Pechelle des valeurs ne semble pas avoir retenu toute 1'attention qu'il merite. Parmi ces fonctions de 1'enseignement congues au sens large, le debat s'est relativement peu attache a autre chose que la fonction d'adaptation. Peut-etre faut-il 1'imputer a une hypothese inexprimee: que les fonctions de 1'enseignement qui sont liees a la formation et a la protection des systemes de valeurs de la societe ressortent exclusivement a un seul secteur de 1'enseignement postsecondaire, a savoir PUniversite. En ce cas, cette these serait pour le moins discutable. II est toutefois comprehensible que Ton se preoccupe de la fonction d'adaptation et de la maniere dont les institutions repondent aux besoins de la societe. C'est sans contredit 1'aspect de 1'education dont les diverses societes attendent le plus, pour lequel elles exercent les plus fortes pressions sur leur systeme, consentent les investissements sociaux les plus considerables et s'exposent aux plus grandes deceptions. Pretendre que 1' "education bat en retraite" est peutetre exagere, mais il est certain que partout 1'education s'attire le regard critique d'une opinion publique sceptique, sinon desenchantee. Et il s'agit de bien plus que de marijuana a Puniversite et de cheveux longs dans les salles de classe, encore que ce soient la des symboles visibles, faciles a reconnaitre et a attaquer (bien que Ton ne puisse pas les comprendre tout aussi aisement). L'idee que les buts de 1'education dans une societe determinee ressortent de la structure des valeurs et des objectifs de cette societe a bien etc admise par tous les delegues tout au long du debat. En revanche 1'accord a etc beaucoup moins marque sur la mesure dans laquelle il s'ensuivait que le role de 1'enseignement et de la planification consistait simplement a refleter ces valeurs. II a etc indique, de plusieurs manieres, qu'il existe une part considerable de libre arbitre ou le responsable de la planification doit juger par lui-meme de la reponse qu'appellent les diverses indications d'un "besoin" de la societe. II a etc reconnu que le besoin d'une societe n'est pas une evidence. Si dispose que 1'on soil a y repondre, on ne peut le determiner mecaniquement et sans risque d'erreur. II reste aussi a savoir qui est le mieux en mesure de se livrer a cette interpretation. II a ete avance, arguments a 1'appui, que 1'on pourrait, et que 1'on devrait meme, recourir davantage, directement, a 1'opinion publique elle-meme en etudiant ce qu'elle estime etre ses besoins. Une telle these suppose que 1'opinion publique est suffi-

samment eclairee (en fait il y a beaucoup d'opinions publiques) pour diagnostiquer ses propres besoins reels et pour les exprimer. II a ete repondu a cela que 1'opinion publique n'est guere instruite, et que le responsable de la planification devrait user de prudence en lui repondant. En fait, ce point de vue implique que 1'une des principales fonctions de Peducateur est de juger au nom et pour le compte de la societe, en tenant compte egalement de ce qu'il incombe au systeme d'enseignement lui-meme de determiner les normes de performance appropriees aux programmes etablis. Dans Pensemble, les participants n'ont pas marque le desir de poursuivre un debat de nature essentiellement philosophique. Tout en reconnaissant qu'il est difficile d'identifier le "besoin social" sous toutes ses manifestations diverses, on peut cependant admettre qu'il existe et que ses elements dominants sont assez clairs pour servir de base a des politiques d'enseignement et a la mise en oeuvre de programmes. II y a plus grave: comment apprecier—surtout du point de vue social—les reponses a ces besoins, meme si ceux-ci ont ete tres exactement interpretes. La voix qui a domine le plus nettement ce debat a ete celle de Peconomiste, preoccupe de la repartition des ressources et du cout des diverses options. L'argumentation en a ete concise: Pinstruction recevant une subvention massive des fonds publics, il faut en justifier les buts. Dans Peconomie privee, cet aspect n'entre pas en ligne de compte, ne serait-ce que parce que Pon peut supposer que chaque decision de payer correspond a une satisfaction que Pon retire du systeme, faute de quoi les paiements cessent. Par definition, il ne peut exister de desequilibre persistant. C'est probablement Pindeniable simplicite de cette idee qui rend si attrayante la proposition que le debat actuel, si difficile, sur le cout de 1'enseignement, pourrait trouver une solution satisfaisante et juste pour tous dans le retour aux conditions de marche pour la prestation des services de 1'enseignement. Laissarit de cote cette proposition, ne serait-ce que parce qu'un tel retour a un semblant de marche libre est extremement improbable pour toute une serie de raisons sociales et politiques, il reste que le souci de Peconomiste d'optimiser Putilisation des ressources est legitime. Pour commencer, le consommateur-contribuable du systeme d'instruction publique n'est pas libre de se retirer du "marche" s'il desire satisfaire d'autres gouts ou interets prioritaires. Comme le jugement de Pindividu est susResume des discussions

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pendu, c'est le jugement de la societe qui determinera si les avantages obtenus correspondent bien au prix paye. Ce jugement, a-t-on fait valoir, risque fort d'etre erronne. L'idee de 1' "investissement social" a domine une bonne partie du debat. Une telle idee renvoie a un "rendement social" depassant 1'avantage que retirent individuellement les beneficiaires de I'enseignement. Ce "rendement social" profite a 1'ensemble de la societe—le tout devenant en quelque sorte plus grand que la somme des parties. Get element supplemental est souvent utilise pour justifier la subvention de 1'instruction par les deniers publics. La validite de cette proposition peut etre contestee a bien des egards, ne serait-ce que parce qu'elle essaie de deguiser une realite qui releve manifestement des principes sociaux generaux sous 1'apparence d'un calcul commercial avise. Toutefois I'economiste semble enclin a negliger cet argument et a contester cette proposition sur ses merites propres. Les questions posees portent sur le definition aussi bien que sur la quantification. Tout d'abord, on part de 1'hypothese que 1'instruction presente des avantages particuliers pour la societe et qu'il est done legitime de demander a celle-ci d'en assumer les frais. Or ces avantages n'ont jamais etc clairement decrits ou definis. Jamais on n'a etabli leur ordre de grandeur, ou a fortiori leur contrevaleur en numeraire. Pour I'economiste, 1'une des justifications les plus couramment utilisees pour defendre une politique sociale couteuse est depourvue de tout fondement objectif. Toutefois, la veritable querelle de I'economiste ne se situe pas dans une optique etriquee. Ces questions, ou 1'on pourrait a certains egards, voir surtout le reflet d'un souci de nettete comptable pour la definition et la quantification, sont simplement des conditions prealables a une evaluation rationnelle des couts de 1'education. Le point crucial, aux yeux de I'economiste, est beaucoup moins le chiffre absolu des depenses au titre de I'enseignement que la relation entre les avantages que procurent ces depenses et ceux que 1'on obtiendrait si ces sommes servaient a satisfaire d'autres besoins sociaux. Pourraiton atteindre les memes buts pas d'autres moyens, ou a 1'aide d'autres programmes qui n'exigent pas d'aussi grands sacrifices dans d'autres secteurs? Existe-t-il d'autres buts et programmes qui, dotes des memes ressources, procureraient un niveau de satisfaction totale superieur? Le fait qu'il nous soil actuellement impossible de repondre a ces questions n'.est pas une bien grande consolation. Selon 1'expression d'un participant, "1'edu232

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cation n'a pas reussi a justifier ses depenses." Cette evaluation critique ne se limite pas aux problemes insolubles de mesure de la rentabilite. II s'y ajoute des griefs theoriques portant sur le fond, des griefs relatifs a la regrettable propension des enseignants et des responsables de la planification a se charger de la responsabilite de mandataire de la societe pour resoudre une serie sans cesse croissante de problemes sociaux. L'un des participants a declare: "Si 1'universite se charge de tous les maux de la societe et essaie de les guerir avec ses propres ressources, elle est condamnee a la confusion." L'Universite n'est pas seule coupable de considerer 1'instruction comme la panacee nouvelle, applicable a dose massive aux divers maux de la societe. Pour tel participant, la vocation de Penseignement devrait etre moins ambitieuse, plus restreinte et plus sereine. II faudrait fixer des objectifs plus realistes, compte tenu de toutes les contraintes de temps, de ressources et de capacite que supporte le systeme d'enseignement: par exemple, il conviendrait d'eviter certaines disproportions nefastes entre les besoins et les possibilites de la societe, et de mettre davantage 1'accent sur les quelques avantages reels que 1'etudiant peut attendre de son education. En termes simples, "il faut se rendre compte qu'il y a des limites a ce que peut faire 1'education" et que ce qu'elle devrait faire pour 1'etudiant, c'est "rendre son experience epanouissante, enrichissante, developper en lui certaines aptitudes, sensibilites et disciplines qui lui serviront dans la vie." C'est deja tout un programme. Selon un point de vue voisin, notre preoccupation pour les declarations fracassantes relatives aux responsabilites sociales de 1'education risque de nous faire perdre de vue la necessite du respect de la personne humaine et de 1'epanouissement de sa personnalite et de ses capacites. Superficiellement, ce debat ressemble peut-etre a un plaidoyer pour le retour a la "religion du bon vieux temps," qui permettait d'avoir une conception plus simpliste de la mission de 1'education, a savoir, essentiellement de dispenser un enseignement, en esperant que celui-ci exercera et enrichira 1'esprit des hommes. Neanmoins ce plaidoyer ne s'inspire pas d'un conservatisme diabolique. II ne s'agit pas d'esquiver les dures questions de I'economiste en revenant a un etat anterieur de la societe. C'est 1'element de prospective, et non de retrospective, qui domine: les perspectives d'une societe post-industrielle et ce qu'elle represente comme valeurs sociales nouvelles, ce qu'elle attend de nouveau du sys-

teme d'education, post-secondaire ou autre. Le probleme a etc examine sous plusieurs angles, tous lies cependant a 1'avenir du monde du travail et aux rapports de Phomme avec lui. Pour 1'un des participants, il s'agissait de reconnaitre Pinadequation croissante de la "morale du travail." II se montrait preoccupe des "graves" repercussions du passage d'une identification au travail a une notion d'activite a signification humaine." Celle-ci pourrait se passer et n'a aucun besoin d'un rapport direct avec le monde de la production tel que nous Pavons connu. Lorsqu'un orateur a rappele la triste impasse ou se trouvent ceux qui non seulement ne trouvent pas de debouche pour exercer la profession qu'ils ont apprise, mais ne peuvent probablement meme pas en apprendre une autre pour laquelle il y en aurait, il n'a pas ete contredit. Dans le meme ordre d'idee, on a evoque le probleme connexe de Pentree differee (et de plus en plus longtemps) des nouvelles generations d'etudiants sur le marche du travail. La situation peut etre presentee comme suit: "L'un des buts de la societe est de fournir un gagne-pain a tous. Nous n'avons pas le choix: il faut nous occuper des jeunes jusqu'a ce que la societe soit prete a les accueillir. Si elle ne veut pas utiliser les jeunes, ou si elle n'est pas organisee de maniere a pouvoir les employer, alors il lui appartient de prendre d'autres dispositions pour assurer leur bien-etre. Si la structure du systeme de production les empeche de prendre de Pexperience directement dans le monde du travail, il faut prendre d'autres dispositions pour qu'ils puissent Pacquerir indirectement, et cela en grande partie grace au systeme d'education." Une troisieme observation a porte plus concretement sur le marche du travail et sur les possibilites de penurie ou de plethore de main-d'oeuvre qualifiee et professionnelle. L'orateur reconnaissait que le systeme d'education a accepte un role de plus en plus grand dans la formation d'une main-d'oeuvre qualifiee et instruite conformement aux tendances de la demande de la societe (role qui est etudie plus a fond dans le prochain chapitre de ce rapport). Par suite de changements intervenus tant du cote de Poffre que de celui de la demande, les lacunes du marche dont se preoccupait le systeme d'education sont en voie de disparition dans la plupart des pays. (Ce ne semble pas etre le cas pour PAllemagne occidentale et PAustralie, mais cette these n'a certainement pas ete contestee pour les autres pays etudies.) La encore, s'ouvrent

des perspectives d'une population de plus en plus nombreuse sur un marche du travail qui ne lui offre pas de debouches. Toutes ces perspectives posent la question de la direction que doit prendre a 1'avenir Penseignement postsecondaire (et probablement les universites en particulier) et de la lourde charge qu'il represente pour les deniers publics. Si Pon ne considere pas la question sous Pangle economique, il faut en revenir a un souci de developpement social et intellectuel. Non que celui-ci ait un titre moindre a presenter sa creance sur les fonds publics, ou qu'il faille, pour s'adapter aux tendances du marche du travail, transformer les etablissements d'enseignement en "pares a bebes pour universitaires." A vrai dire, Poperation pourrait meme etre legitimement anoblie en ce sens que "Pobjectif le plus fondamental pour certaine ecole de pensee est la creation d'un modele culturel a 1'intention d'une societe technologique." II semble bien certainement que la preoccupation de modeles culturels pour demain plutot que la reconduction de modeles utilitaires d'antan s'inscrive tout-a-fait dans la tendance actuelle. Voila, evidemment, qui ne consolera guere Peconomiste soucieux d'une affectation rationnelle des ressources, et qui doit deja compter avec suffisamment d'imponderables. Enfin, il y a lieu de faire une place a certains aspects de Putilite de 1'instruction qui sont etrangers a la situation de Pemploi ou a Petat du complexe industrioeconomique. On trouve ainsi dans le "Statement of Issues" de POntario: "Nous avons Pimpression que Pune des principales fins de Penseignement post-secondaire a ete son utilite comme instrument de justice sociale. En particulier . . . comme moyen de mobilite, de progression et d'egalisation sociales." Une variante de cette declaration a ete repetee avec force lors du colloque: "La demande d'enseignement superieur provient en grande partie du fait que celui-ci, tel que nous le connaissons actuellement, est essentiellement un instrument de mobilite sociale. II est clair egalement que ceux que le systeme ne s'est pas aliene souhaiteront de plus en plus s'assurer les avantages que Peducation peut offrir a cet egard." La montee sociale semble se dessiner independamment des diverses structures, sauf dans les societes les plus rigoureusement stratifiees. II semble probable, egalement, qu'il s'agit d'un but social independant de Petat de developpement economique et technologique. En verite on peut avancer que la disparition de la socieResume des discussions

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te technologique que nous avions connue supprimera un jeu de mecanismes permettant de satisfaire le desir d'avancement professionnel et de progression sociale. On demandera sans doute de plus en plus ces satisfactions a 1'education. Bien qu'on puisse le concevoir sous cet angle, la question n'est pas de savoir si ces motifs sont ou non valables. II ne s'agit pas d'une course vers nulle part, a la recherche d'un prestige. Si tel etait le cas, on peut demontrer, comrne 1'a fait le professeur Daniere dans sa communication ecrite, que cette course, valable ou pas, est vaine. Les divers modes d'organisation et de financement de 1'enseignement—meme dans le cadre du regime qui s'attache plus que tous les autres a faire regner 1'egalite et a donner ses chances a la masse de la population— secretent leurs propres mecanismes de differentiation entre les groupes. Ainsi que nous le verrons plus en detail dans le chapitre consacre a 1'accessibilite, les reactions des diverses societes different les unes des autres, selon des variables telles que la definition de Pegalite des chances, les conceptions plus ou moins elitistes des distinctions de classe. Quelle que soit la definition de ce dynamisme social et ses effets, il semble presque omnipresent dans la societe occidentale. II represente 1'un des principaux appuis de la spirale des credits a 1'enseignement et pourrait fort bien inciter les pouvoirs publics a continuer dans cette voie. Aux aspirations individuelles a la mobilite sociale s'ajoutent celles de groupes plus ou moins isoles desireux de promotion sociale ou d'avancement professionnel. Dans des contextes sociaux et intellectuels sensiblement differents, on retrouve le meme phenomene. Les systemes d'education ont etc mis a contribution pour repondre aux desiderata de groupes professionnels qui souhaitaient accentuer leur caractere exclusif et gagner en prestige en modifiant les normes des etudes requises pour acceder a la profession et obtenir le droit de 1'exercer. II ne s'agit pas simplement de relever le niveau d'etudes exige pour acceder a une profession etablie ou continuer de 1'exercer—ce qui est normalement justifie par le motif d'une amelioration de qualite. Mais bien plus: des groupes professionnels entiers apparaissent, se parent du prestige des professions liberates ou assimilees, qui doit s'entourer de ses propres rites d'enseignement. Non seulement le systeme d'education devient respon234

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sable des programmes de formation theorique et pratique bien definis, mais il prend en charge aussi une bonne part du mecanisme de recrutement et de selection. Cette proliferation des responsabilites confiees aux educateurs s'accompagne en partie, il faut le supposer, de la multiplication (et du renforcement) des interets acquis tout devoues a leur cause. En conclusion de cette phase du debat, il a etc souligne que toute la question des fonctions et des obligations de 1'enseignement doit rester constamment a 1'etude. Pour reprendre 1'expression imagee d'un orateur: "II faut toujours en revenir a se contempler le nombril"—ce qui n'est pas depourvu de perspectives philosophiques.

Education et main d'oeuvre

En etudiant le sujet de la main-d'oeuvre et de 1'enseignement post-secondaire, les participants ont semble accepter le fait que 1'une des fonctions elementaires du systeme est de fournir a la societe certaines categories (strategiques) de main-d'oeuvre dont elle a besoin. Le colloque s'est plutot efforce de determiner par quels moyens 1'equation pourrait etre rationalisee et quelles en seraient les consequences pour la societe et pour le systeme d'enseignement. Les travaux du colloque ne sont pas alles jusqu'a arracher le voile de mythe qui enveloppe une bonne part des debats sur ce sujet. Toutefois, le colloque a critique une situation ou Ton peut user d'arguments faciles pour justifier 1'octroi a 1'enseignement de sommes croissantes et d'une proportion grandissante des ressources publiques. Gomme il a etc dit lors de debats anterieurs, le point crucial est 1'importance des fonds publics engages, la rationalite de la decision de les engager, et le rendement qu'obtient la societe de cet investissement considerable pour ses moyens limites. Parmi ces questions, solidaires les unes des autres, 1'importance des sommes engagees n'a guere suscite qu'un peu de gene. Cette question a probablement etc examinee le plus a fond un peu plus tard, dans le contexte de 1'accessibilite. Le colloque s'est moins soucie de la proportion des depenses publiques allouee a 1'enseignement que des raisons invoquees par 1'enseignement pour demander des subventions publiques, et des avantages que procure leur utilisation. De prime abord, au moins, il semble que le rapport de rentabilite de 1'education apparaisse le mieux dans la "production" d'une maind'oeuvre necessaire. II est couramment admis qu'"abondance d'instruction ne nuit pas"—qu'il s'agisse du nombre de sujets qui la regoivent ou de son intensite, ou encore du secteur interesse. Toute amelioration de la quantite et de la qualite des ressources humaines disponibles augmente automatiquement le rendement economique et la prosperite de la societe. C'est en tout cas ce que pretend la sagesse conventionnelle. Le colloque n'a pas tarde a faire justice de cette proposition, comme du corollaire que 1'abondance d'instruction est necessairement synonyme d'abondance de tout le reste. Les economistes presents ont fortement mis en doute que 1'on puisse prouver une correspondance etroite, du moins a 1'heure actuelle, entre des mesures totales de la productivite et de 1'instruction. En fait, certaines des

donnees presentees indiquent un probleme de correlation qui laisse pour le moins reveur: il en ressort que 1'ajustement du marche du travail et de I'economie aux effectifs de main-d'oeuvre qualifiee est un phenomene social autant qu'economique. D'apres les chiffres comparatifs presentes, si les Etats-Unis ont un revenu double de celui de 1'Europe (relativement), leur marche du travail absorbe, toutes proportions gardees, cinq fois plus de diplomes des universites. Selon une base de calcul analogue, le Japon, a revenu inferieur de moitie a celui des pays europeens, absorbe trois fois plus de diplomes. Ces chiffres indiquent, en tout cas, qu'il faut etre prudent dans toute tentative pour etablir un rapport direct entre les niveaux d'instruction requis et 1'ensemble des performances economiques. Demontrer qu'il n'existe aucune relation necessaire ou immediate entre un accroissement general des possibilites d'education, et une elevation de la productivite et du revenu total de la societe, cela ne suffit pas a faire condamner 1'augmentation des depenses au litre de 1'education. Cela ne detruit pas 1'idee d'un "besoin en main-d'oeuvre" auquel il est le plus indique de repondre positivement a 1'aide de programmes d'enseignement. Cette demonstration fait tout de meme descendre la question de la hauteur des verites universelles pour la replacer sur le terrain plus modeste de systemes technologiques et economiques, avec des structures et des exigences plus ou moins definissables. Bref, elle permet d'entrevoir que dans la mesure ou le systeme de 1'enseignement post-secondaire est charge de "produire" de la main-d'oeuvre, cette responsabilite est liee a certains schemas de besoin. II existe une structure interne du "systeme de main-d'oeuvre" qui peut etre pergue, decrite et consciemment prise en consideration par le moyen d'une "planification de la main-d'oeuvre". Le colloque n'a pas cherche a etablir des definitions qui pourraient etre couramment acceptees comme point de depart de ses deliberations. "La planification" en general, et "la planification de la main-d'oeuvre" en particulier ont etc comprises par chaque orateur essentiellement dans 1'acception qu'il lui donnait lui-meme (et parfois tout seul). II est assez surprenant que dans ces conditions le debat ait etc aussi coherent. Cependant, le colloque n'a pas apergu bien clairement de difference conceptuelle entre la tache plus ou moins intellectuelle qui consiste a deceler une structure de besoins et a prevoir les besoins de Peconomie en main-d'oeuvre qualifiee, d'une Resume des discussions

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part, et d'autre part, la tache pratique qui consiste a assurer la preparation appropriee des categories requises —mais cela n'a rien d'inusite dans un debat sur la planification. D'emblee, il a ete admis que la prevision de maind'oeuvre est une entreprise extraordinairement aleatoire. II a ete observe que dans un certain nombre d'exemples, des organismes nationaux ou internationaux s'interessant a la planification ont renonce a mener a bien des programmes de prevision et de planification de la maind'oeuvre qui leur avaient ete confies. Les problemes sont vraiment fondamentaux. Pour paraphraser 1'un des economistes, la base theorique d'une telle prevision, en particulier a plus long terme, est extremement faible et ne peut guere se defendre sur le plan de Peconomie. Les responsables de la planification universitaire ont fait valoir que la nature meme de 1'equation de maind'oeuvre exige des perspectives a long terme, ne serait-ce que du fait du "temps d'amorgage" qui est indispensable pour planifier et prevoir les repercussions (en capital, programmes d'enseignement et institutions toujours nouvelles) qui sont associees a n'importe quel changement majeur du tableau des besoins en main-d'oeuvre. Get amorgage peut demander 25 ans—soit une duree qui depasse de tres loin les possibilites d'une prevision precise, sauf dans les conditions les plus stables. Or meme a plus court terme, les previsions de main-d'oeuvre ne sont pas stables: des forces aussi heterogenes que les gouts individuels, les pressions sociales ou le changement technologique peuvent bouleverser completement et tres vite tout le tableau des besoins en main-d'oeuvre. S'il existe des difficultes presque insurmontables a decrire la composition et la structure de la main-d'oeuvre requise a 1'avenir (a supposer que tous ceux qui sont payes pour leur deploiement d'energie fassent partie de la main-d'oeuvre) le probleme s'aggrave encore si 1'on s'efforce de prescrire les structures de formation et les disciplines universitaires convenables, sinon necessaires, pour chacun des elements qui composent cette structure. On 1'a repete a plusieurs reprises, c'est cette derniere consideration qui place toute la question de la prevision de la main-d'oeuvre entre deux feux. Tout comme la structure du marche du travail de demain est sensible au ferment du changement, de meme la creation d'appareils pedagogiques appropries quant au contenu et a la methode est sujette a sa dynamique propre, imprevisible, de croissance et de developpement de 1'education. 236

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Toutefois, pour ce qui est de la planification de la main-d'oeuvre, ce n'est pas seulement sur le plan theorique que le colloque s'est heurte a de graves difficultes. Meme si les problemes de previsions auxquels nous avons fait allusion etaient resolus, et que Ton puisse definir les differentes cases de 1'organigramme de la main-d'oeuvre, les classer et les traduire exactement en besoins futurs avec quelque precision, il resterait difficile, sinon impossible, de remplir ces cases, c'est-a-dire d'assumer \afonction "d'adaptation" decrite au chapitre precedent. Les participants ont avance toute une serie d'explications du caractere ineluctable de ces difficultes. Les divers modes possibles d'execution de cette fonction d'adaptation ont ete examines par le colloque et peuvent se resumer a trois, essentiellement. La premiere possibilite consiste a harmoniser Poffre a la demande par ukase, c'est-a-dire par une intervention directe des pouvoirs publics, fondee probablement sur un plan. Abstraction faite des divergences de vues que Ton peut avoir quant a la mesure dans laquelle le programme de dotation en personnel existe en URSS represente un systeme vraiment ferme, on peut admettre que pour atteindre ses objectifs en ce domaine, ce pays a eu recours a 1'intervention administrative dans une plus large mesure que la plupart des autres. Les resultats obtenus en URSS sont exposes dans la communication du professeur Harasymiw. Malgre les attraits que peut presenter cette methode, la plus logique pour atteindre des objectifs de planification, les participants 1'ont jugee loin d'etre ideale au colloque. Leurs objections ne se sont guere arretees aux effroyables problemes administratifs que peut presenter une procedure de ce genre—et qui sont generalement juges motifs suffisants pour ne pas donner suite au projet. D'abord, 1'attention a porte sur les illogismes du systeme. Au debut du debat, il a ete observe que le fait de reussir a apparier les previsions de besoins en maind'oeuvre avec des effectifs formes conformement aux besoins projetes ne prouve que la capacite de controler efficacement le deploiement des ressources selon un plan congu d'avance. Cela n'indique pas necessairement une amelioration ni une perspective d'amelioration du rendement economique. En verite, a-t-on avance, un indice de cette nature, loin de mesurer le succes apparent, risque fort de masquer simplement des desequilibres sous-jacents et de detruire la souplesse necessaire pour y

remedier. Rien n'indique, dans les documents publics ni en logique, que 1'URSS ait etc preservee de cette incapacite a discerner 1'avenir dont souffrent tous les autres pays. En fait, un participant bien informe a indique que les chiffres de planification de 1'URSS sont le fruit des efforts laborieux d'une administration sollicitant des chiffres plutot que de donnees scientifiques. Cela n'a pas paru invraisemblable. A la connaissance du colloque, il n'y a guere lieu de penser que TURSS meconnaisse les difficultes logiques de sa situation, telle que nous 1'avons decrite ici, ou que son engagement envers une ideologic de planification ne soit en realite temperee d'une dose considerable de pragmatisme. II semble evident que non seulement les Sovietiques ont cherche un accommodement avec les realites techniques d'une prevision exacte et appropriee, mais aussi avec les elements de reaction et de reponse humaines tels que la recherche d'une possibilite de carriere pour des motifs autres que ceux que stipule le modele du plan, la recherche de prestige et de mobilite sociale grace a la reussite intellectuelle reconnue, le manque d'interet pour des options educatives assimilees a un rang social inferieur, etc. A 1'autre extremite de la gamme des methodes possibles qui permettraient d'obtenir le tableau d'effectifs requis, on trouve les partisans du marche libre, fonctionnant sans entraves. Certains des economistes presents ont opte pour cette solution; toutefois, comme pour les Sovietiques, il etait evident que leur enthousiasme ideologique etait sensiblement tempere par le sens des realites. Leur raisonnement, auquel nous reviendrons, etait dicte par un sentiment de mecontentement a 1'egard du systeme de repartition des ressources qui est caracteristique des pays representes au colloque: systeme qui contient certains elements aussi bien des solutions "interventionnistes" que "du libre choix individuel", et qui, de 1'avis de certains participants, allie les pires defauts des unes et des autres. Encore une fois, il faut souligner que Ton n'a pas distingue clairement entre les pietres resultats qui sont directement imputables a un defaut de prevision et ceux qui proviennent d'une defaillance d'execution au niveau de la reponse aux previsions. II est facile d'esquisser les grands traits du systeme occidental actuel—et a certains egards, le resultat peut aisement passer pour une caricature. L'inquietude des populations pour 1'augmentation de leurs ressources humaines (comme armes techniques utilisables pour

atteindre des objectifs economiques) est telle qu'elles sont pretes a accepter la participation directe des pouvoirs publics a la formation de la main-d'oeuvre comme affaire d'interet public (philosophic qui n'est pas du tout contraire a celle du monde communiste). A cela s'ajoute une foi tenace du grand public en 1'instruction comme moyen de predilection de former la main-d'oeuvre que reclame 1'economie. L'intervention directe des pouvoirs publics, surtout dans tout ce qui peut etre tenu pour enseignement "superieur" n'est generalement pas jugee conforme au bon gout democratique. Les gouvernements occidentaux ont en general prefere 1'action indirecte. Pour la plupart, ils se sont contentes de fournir les mecanismes fiscaux qui permettent a des organismes d'interet public, sinon de caractere public, de prendre les options et mesures necessaires que les gouvernements refusaient de prendre eux-memes pour diverses raisons. II en resulte une situation ou Ton confie au systeme d'enseignement, et en particulier aux etablissements du troisieme cycle, le soin de determiner le schema des possibilites d'instruction qui seront ouvertes en reponse aux besoins, declares ou ressentis, de main-d'oeuvre. Et il appartient aux etudiants, sauf dans quelques carrieres, de determiner comment utiliser ces possibilites. Les risques de distorsion et de contradictions malignes que presente cette formule sont evidents, et 1'on fremit de penser a son potentiel de consequences absurdes. Certaines se sont realisees, et Ton n'a pas manque de s'en emparer pour revendiquer des changements fondamentaux aux regies du jeu. Une bonne partie des critiques formulees pendant le colloque se sont axees sur 1'apparente incapacite des structures institutionnelles de 1'enseignement du troisieme cycle—et en particulier I'universite—a jouer un role actif pour elaborer et "rationner" les possibilites d'education. Cette situation a etc expliquee de plusieurs fagons. Les mecanismes de decision de I'universite ne se revelent guere propices a des decisions ni a des changements rapides. L'universite a des tendances contemplatives, sinon retrospectives. Ses methodes de recrutement font la part belle a 1'anciennete, ce qui milite centre le changement et rend pour ainsi dire impossible la suppression de programmes etablis. Or, les programmes de formation de la main-d'oeuvre exigent une grande disposition a s'adapter au changement. Les defauts des institutions traditionnelles ont peutetre etc surmontes par la creation d'etablissements nouveaux, congus pour fonctionner selon des modes que Resume des discussions

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refusaient—ou ne pouvaient accepter—les plus anciens. Dans cette mesure, un element de souplesse s'est introduit dans le systeme. Toutefois, il y a tout lieu de craindre que ces nouvelles institutions adoptent des mecanismes de decision qui ne seront pas moins lourds que ceux qui caracterisent actuellement les niveaux superieurs de 1'enseignement. On a beaucoup parle aussi de la tendance qui predomine dans ces etablissements—la encore, surtout a 1'universite—a s'occuper surtout de leurs affaires internes en ne se preoccupant des considerations exterieures qu'a titre secondaire. Les opinions exprimees voulaient simplement decrire ce qui leur parait etre la situation objective actuelle. Geci s'est exprime le plus clairement dans un expose general ou Ton a fait observer que 1'universite se trouve prise dans un faisceau d'activites concurrentes, dont une seule consiste a repondre aux besoins en main-d'oeuvre de la collectivite. Etablir simplement un ordre de priorite pour chaque activite ne diminuerait pas les difficultes. Dans bien des cas, elles sont si completement interdependantes qu'il est impossible de les dissocier les unes des autres. Des decisions prises en fonction du faisceau entier peuvent n'etre pas les plus judicieuses du point de vue de telle ou telle activite. En d'autres terrnes, il faut sacrifier quelque chose—et etant donne 1'ensemble des circonstances (et en particulier 1'absence presque universelle de definitions et de designations satisfaisantes de ce que sont les besoins en main-d'oeuvre, et a plus forte raison de ce qu'ils deviendront probablement et de la maniere d'y repondre), il n'est pas surprenant que 1'enseignant ne se consacre pas totalement, tant s'en faut, a satisfaire les besoins en main-d'oeuvre. La partie la plus critique du debat a porte sur la these selon laquelle 1'appareil de 1'enseignement post-secondaire (et la encore, surtout les universites) a retire un profit financier considerable de 1'enthousiasme marque par la population a lui confier une mission que, comme elle commence a le decouvrir, cet appareil est mal prepare a assumer, et les consequences de cette situation sont pour le moins matiere a reflexion. II n'est pas possible de passer sous silence le role particulier que le colloque a attribue aux professions liberates et a leurs organisations. A tout prendre, les commentaires ont etc extremement critiques. Le colloque s'est demande dans quelle mesure les groupes des professions liberales peuvent intervenir, deliberement ou non, pour fausser le tableau tant du point de vue des besoins totaux que de la 238

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formation de la main-d'oeuvre. Dans quelle mesure les liens etroits qui les unissent aux etablissements d'enseignement leur ont-ils permis d'exercer une influence favorable a leurs interets sur des questions telles que la structure et le developpement des programmes, les conditions d'admissibilite, les effectifs des cours, etc. On a evoque egalement les possibilites offertes aux professions liberales de limiter Faeces a leurs rangs, soit directement par numerus clausus, soit indirectement en modifiant les normes d'admissibilite—en particulier le niveau des etudes requis. A plusieurs reprises, il a etc note que de nouveaux groupes professionnels souhaitent vivement entrer dans le cercle magique des professions legalement reconnues nanties de prestige professionnel, et que ces groupes ont tendance a exiger constamment des qualifications supplementaires sous forme d'etudes (dans certains cas, en depassant de loin les besoins reels pour 1'exercice de la profession) afin de limiter leurs effectifs tout en acquerant un prestige social. Les professions liberales ont etc qualifiees d'element le plus conservateur, sinon reactionnaire, de tout le schema de formation de la main-d'oeuvre. II a etc suggere a maintes reprises que dans la planification de 1'enseignement pour 1'avenir les rapports entre professions liberales et etablissements d'enseignement auront besoin d'etre repenses en profondeur. S'il est possible de critiquer les methodes actuelles de formation de la main-d'oeuvre a cause de la lenteur habituelle et souvent de 1'esprit bute que montre 1'enseignement a repondre a un besoin public, on peut dire egalement qu'elles echouent a cause de 1'imprevisibilite de 1'accueil que les etudiants reservent aux options qui leur sont offertes. Cependant, dans 1'ensemble, le colloque a manifeste beaucoup de sympathie pour les etudiants, et pour leurs difficultes a choisir une carriere. Les faiblesses des techniques de prevision connues ont deja etc evoquees. Si les previsions qui en resultent ne constituent pas un element d'appreciation valable au niveau des pouvoirs publics, elles ne sont evidemment pas plus utiles a celui des decisions individuelles. Mais, meme abstraction faite de methodes perfectionnees de prevision, a-t-on souligne a plusieurs reprises, il existe des elements d'information sur les tendances economiques, le nombre de personnes qu'emploient les divers secteurs professionnels, les effectifs en cours de formation qui se preparent a entrer sur le marche du travail, etc. Ou il n'est pas facile aux etudiants de se les procurer pour

eclairer leur decision afin de faire un choix plus rationnel et plus approprie. Certains calculs qui faciliteraient le choix d'une carriere sont aisement negliges, ou il est impossible de les faire: par exemple, la valeur du manque a gagner que represente la frequentation d'une ecole ou le choix entre les programmes ofFerts; 1'evaluation de la difference entre les remunerations que 1'on peut attendre selon la carriere choisie. II a etc indique, egalement, que les considerations de carriere et de revenu ne sont pas les seuls facteurs qui interviennent dans le choix d'une discipline: les gouts individuels et les pressions sociales exercent des influences qui, du point de vue strict du marche du travail, peuvent etre tenues pour non pertinentes. En outre, devant un marche qui, pour une raison ou une autre, se montre de plus en plus incapable d'absorber la main-d'oeuvre qualifiee que produit le systeme, il ne peut manquer d'apparaitre un refus de plus en plus marque d'ecouter autre chose que des "voix interieures" pour decider d'une carriere. Malgre cette liste des faiblesses apparentes d'un mode de repartition qui repose autant que le notre sur les gouts mal informes (ou indisciplines) du consommateur, le colloque ne s'est pas montre severe a 1'egard du systeme. II a etc repete que "les resultats des choix collectifs des etudiants dans les domaines ou ils etaient libres de choisir" ont dans Pensemble, au moins, etc meilleurs que ceux qui ont etc obtenus par la voie d'une intervention directe des pouvoirs publics sur la base des previsions que 1'on avait pu etablir. II ressort de plusieurs interventions que les participants croyaient fermement qu'une solution a ce probleme de choix rationnel consisterait a ameliorer (considerablement) les elements d'information dont disposent les etudiants au moment ou ils doivent prendre une decision lourde de consequences sur le choix de leur carriere. On a beaucoup parle aussi, a ce sujet, de la necessite de structurer les systemes et les programmes de maniere a eviter qu'un etudiant se trouve bloque dans une carriere inappropriee par suite d'un choix premature ou malheureux. II a etc avance que les systemes dirigistes (et 1'on a donne a entendre que les pays communistes n'etaient pas les seuls a en avoir) menent ineluctablement vers de telles situations, qui impliquent un cout cache de la planification de la main-d'oeuvre, tant pour la societe que pour les individus qui se trouvent obliges de supporter les consequences d'un choix regrettable. Que ce "bloquage" resulte des erreurs d'un mode de planifica-

tion de la main-d'oeuvre entierement dirigiste (comme tend a 1'etre celui de 1'URSS ou des rigidites d'un systeme traditionnel, comme en Grande-Bretagne, ou, selon un participant, les veritables decisions de planification de la main-d'oeuvre sont prises par des enfants de 14 ans, cela ne change pas grand chose. En plus des projets d'ameliorer les moyens d'information pour mettre des donnees plus valables entre les mains des etudiants au moment opportun, il a etc envisage de concevoir des structures d'enseignement (ou de formation professionnelle) qui ne soient pas trop rigides dans leur reponse aux besoins apparents en maind'oeuvre et qui conservent cette souplesse. La futilite d'une definition etroite des possibilites de carriere—sous forme d'activites professionnelles strictement definies, precedees d'une formation professionnelle aux mecanismes tout aussi etroits—a etc jugee evidente. Sans qu'il apparaisse tres nettement comment les participants restructureraient le systeme pour assurer 1'ouverture et la souplesse necessaires, certaines grandes lignes communes se degagent neanmoins du debat. Le colloque preconisait dans son ensemble que les programmes dispensent une formation generale et soient congus dans 1'optique des principales fonctions que demandera la societe de 1'avenir. L'apprentissage des taches ou des metiers proprement dits devrait correspondre aux conditions reelles de travail. Mais ce qui est plus important: tout le systeme devra etre amenage de maniere a permettre la "formation permanente", un recyclage a tous les niveaux et a tous les ages pour tenir compte des besoins changeants des fonctions assurees. Une autre observation, assez curieuse, merite d'etre citee. "En principe, il n'y a aucune raison de croire qu'il est preferable de planifier 1'enseignement selon certaines idees que nous pourrions avoir sur ce que devrait etre notre economic dans dix ou vingt ans, plutot que de renverser les donnees du probleme et de planifier notre economic en fonction des choix que nous ferons pour 1'enseignement dans les dix ou vingt prochaines annees. En principe, les deux propositions sont egales. Le choix releve de la politique. " Cette possibilite merite beaucoup plus de reflexion et d'attention que le colloque n'a pu lui en accorder. Les imperfections apparentes des systemes de maind'oeuvre organisee ont amene plusieurs participants (surtout les economistes) a demander le retour a une sorte de marche libre. Les conditions fondamentales d'un Resume des discussions

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marche libre sont cependant restees aussi vagues que celles d'un systeme dirigiste. Mais, les opinions exprimees ont reflete plusieurs soucis, dont le moindre n'est pas 1'inquietude devant la part exorbitante des fonds publics subventionnant un interet essentiellement prive. La encore, il a etc maintenu que la societe ne retire aucun profit de 1'avantage qu'obtient directement le particulier. C'est done le principe du paiement par les interesses qui devrait s'appliquer, et les beneficiaires directs du systeme devraient payer en fonction des avantages qu'ils en retirent. En outre, il faudrait aider 1'etudiant a rationaliser davantage son choix de carriere puisque le "prix de vente" (droits de scolarite) des differentes options de carriere correspondrait au "prix de revient" des services d'enseignement necessaires. Les etudiants n'"acheteraient" que le type et la quantite de "service d'enseignement" qu'ils desirent (comme ils le feraient pour n'importe quel autre service) et la societe dans son ensemble serait alors en niesure de repartir ses ressources selon un schema rationnel de choix du consommateur plutot que selon le principe (probablement moins rationnel) d'une decision dirigiste comportant un element inherent de possibilites de conflit et de braquage. Ce qu'il pouvait y avoir de fermete dans les positions initiales prises devant cette idee s'est rapidement estompe au cours du debat. Meme les economistes preoccupes de marche se sont montres disposes a accepter des conditions simplement un peu plus voisines des "conditions d'un marche reel", en particulier lorsqu'il s'agissait d'etablir le cout reel du service comme base de la structure des droits de scolarite, en faisant intervenir un element du principe de 1'avantage pour temperer le montant a la charge de 1'etudiant et en cherchant a se rapprocher un peu de 1'etat de connaissance totale qui est cense exister dans le marche parfait. Les arguments invoques centre une optique axee sur le marche etaient varies. Un orateur a vivement conteste que 1'on puisse defendre en logique un rationnement des possibilites d'instruction fonde sur les moyens financiers de preference a quelque autre critere. Gela aboutirait seulement a supprimer un element de responsabilite humaine. Un autre orateur a fait valoir que le marche en question est un "mauvais" marche parce que les consommateurs (les etudiants) n'agiront probablement pas conformement aux principes d'interet personnel qui sont si utiles a 1'economiste pour orienter des choix de marche. Un autre orateur encore a mis en doute 240

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que le marche actuel, avec ses rigidites inherentes (en particulier celles qui resultent des pratiques restrictives de certaines professions liberates et groupes professionnels), parvienne a acquerir la valeur d'indication et de prediction que presupposent les partisans du marche libre. II a etc signale en outre que si la structure institutionnelle de 1'enseignement, avec ses rigidites internes propres, comme le systeme d'anciennete des professeurs, ne pouvait repondre facilement a des changements d'orientation du plan, il etait peu probable qu'elle aurait plus de souplesse devant les changements (peut-etre encore plus capricieux) de la demande du marche. L'inconvenient majeur de cette theorie, dans sa forme pure, est cependant lie a la situation decrite par 1'un des participants lorsqu'il a presente 1'idee du marche libre: 1'enseignement doit s'acquitter simultanement de missions multiples, et non pas seulement de fournir de la main-d'oeuvre a 1'economie. Le systeme remplit diverses fonctions, dont certaines ne peuvent se decrire et s'evaluer que sur le plan social. Dans une grande mesure, elles ont popularise la cause de 1'instruction et entretenu la bonne volonte de la societe a subvenir aux besoins de 1'enseignement. De plus, il est loin d'etre prouve que la totalite des choix individuels, meme s'ils s'operent plus rationnellement que ce n'est actuellement le cas, produiraient effectivement, soit la main-d'oeuvre, soit le schema de repartition des ressources que la societe dit desirer generalement par le truchement de ses institutions politiques. En derniere analyse, les appels en faveur de la theorie du marche se sont presentes, non pas tant comme des appels a la revoke contre les lourdeurs des plans dirigistes fondes sur 1'interet public, que comme une invitation a mettre davantage 1'accent sur Pelement de choix individuel qui reste une partie essentielle du plan actuel. La conception de "planification indicatrice" a paru offrir le refuge necessaire a tous les participants au debat. Ceux-ci ont exprime 1'espoir que 1'on pourrait instaurer des conditions dans lesquelles les tendances de changement de 1'economie apparaitraient plus clairement et ou Ton disposerait d'une base d'information plus satisfaisante pour orienter le choix des particuliers qui doivent s'accommoder des changements en question. Le compte rendu de cette partie du debat ne serait pas complet sans 1'evocation d'un malaise sous-jacent, cause par 1'incertitude que la societe technologico-industrielle actuelle puisse absorber la quantite de main-d'oeuvre

Accessibility

que les systemes d'enseignement et de formation professionnelle peuvent maintenant lui fournir. La question revient a savoir si les debats consacres aux besoins en main-d'oeuvre et a la reponse des institutions d'enseignement ne sont pas devenus, sur n'importe quelle base, extremement theoriques. D'apres 1'experience des pays representes au colloque, il existe des differences manifestes, mais celles-ci traduisent des stades de developpement tres differents aussi. La situation decrite par un participant semble caracteristique: dans la plupart des pays industrialises, en general, nous couvrons nos besoins en main-d'oeuvre ou prevoyons de les couvrir prochainement. Les problemes qui subsistent dans cette sphere sont en grande partie residuels. Simultanement, les gouvernements ont de plus en plus etabli une politique de porte ouverte pour leurs etablissements d'enseignement. Ceux-ci sont devenus (et il est probable que ce caractere s'accentuera deliberement) des utilisateurs plutot que des producteurs de main-d'oeuvre. A ce stade, les arguments qui militent en faveur d'une regulation des ressources consacrees a 1'enseignement cessent de s'inspirer de considerations essentiellement economiques et s'apparentent davantage aux notions d'interet public. La question prealable est simplement de savoir dans quelle mesure la collectivite souhaite offrir a ses membres les avantages que peut representer 1'enseignement superieur. De plus, les choix operes a cet egard dependent ou resultent davantage de la prosperite qu'ils ne refletent 1'intention de contribuer a celle-ci, autrement dit, I'instruction devient un moyen de distribuer plutot que de creer des excedents economiques.

Les questions relatives a 1'accessibilite sont tres liees a toute etude des fonctions et des objectifs de 1'enseignement qui ont fait 1'objet des chapitres precedents. Qui sera (ou ne sera pas) "elu" a participer a un processus de developpement qui comporte des promesses d'une aussi grande importance pour Pinteresse? Comment se fera cette election? Dans la mesure ou I'instruction est la cle d'une place de choix dans la societe—du point de vue des satisfactions economiques aussi bien que du prestige social—la question de savoir comment distribuer les moyens dont on dispose, ou comment les rationner, devient lourde de consequences. II se pose aussi une foule de questions subsidiaires, liees aux notions de "droit" et de "privilege". II n'est pas besoin d'etre grand clerc pour comprendre que ces questions relevent de la politique plutot que de la pedagogic (ou pour percevoir le lien direct entre un souci croissant d'egalitarisme qui a transforme "1'accessibilite" en question fondamentale pour 1'enseignement, et a politise tout le debat sur les institutions). Aucun participant au colloque n'a pretendu que la question de I'acces aux etudes ne pouvait legitimement etre qualifiee de politique et traitee comme telle. C'est dans la maniere dont les diverses collectivites representees repondent aux pressions portant sur 1'acces aux etudes qu'apparait le plus nettement la difference entre les systemes. Encore ces differences n'etaient-elles pas aussi accusees, ni leurs bases ideologiques aussi clairement definies que Ton aurait pu s'y attendre. D'une maniere generale, toutes semblent avoir reagi (et reagir encore) a des pressions analogues, dont 1'acuite relative correspond en grande partie a des differences nationales de maturite et de raffinement economiques bien plus qu'a des differences liees aux societes en cause. La plupart des reponses a ces pressions ont suivi un modele analogue: un developpement continu des possibilites d'education, par la multiplication des institutions et programmes existants et la creation de moyens nouveaux. Au debut du debat, il a etc avance que "1'accessibilite" n'a de sens que dans un contexte relatif: accessibilite pour quoifaire? a quoi? et de qui? Une bonne partie du debat, et probablement la plus vive, a porte sur les deux dernieres questions: a quoi et de qui, comme s'il s'agissait d'un probleme de mathematiques. Certes, la question pour quoifaire?, du moins dans sa forme rhetorique, a etc souvent posee, mais en fait on a generalement assume que la reponse (ou les reponses) allai(en)t de soi. Le colloque s'est efforce neanmoins d'accorder plus Resume des discussions 241

d'attention qu'il n'est coutume a la question du "pour quoi faire?" et, ce faisant, il a developpe encore ce qui parait (en retrospective) avoir etc un theme dominant du colloque: le contexte foncierement different de la planification de 1'enseignement, consequence ineluctable de la societe post-industrielle que 1'evolution technologique realise. Nous avons traite dans les chapitres precedents de certaines idees des participants sur les realites de 1'avenir. II est evident, par exemple, qu'une grande partie de 1'ajustement exige par 1'evolution et 1'elargissement des idees sur 1'accessibilite se produit au niveau de 1'offre (et il continuera probablement d'en etre de meme), les diverses collectivites multiplient et diversifient diligemment, chacune en suivant sa propre recette, la gamme des moyens d'enseignement. Cette multiplication marquee du total des moyens d'enseignement ne peut manquer de modifier 1'attitude que 1'on prend envers leur necessite et leur mode de rationnement. Nous reviendrons a cet aspect du debat. Ce qui se rapporte plus directement a notre theme actuel de 1'accessibilite, c'est la partie des travaux du colloque qui a porte sur les changements fondamentaux prevus au niveau de la demande qui ont des repercussions directes sur le pour quoi faire? La situation a etc decrite, non sans elegance, par un participant, selon qui, dans le nouvel ordre des choses, les "favorises" et les "defavorises" pourraient enfin etre mis sur le meme pied, du moins dans la mesure ou ils n'auront, ni les uns, ni les autres, de situation dans la societe, dans le sens qui a jusqu'a present etc donne a ce terme. L'importance et la valeur de 1'individu ont longtemps etc determinees par la situation qu'il occupait—ce qu'il fait, ou ce qu'il produit. L'instruction est devenue un "billet" donnant droit a une situation, non seulement en offrant le moyen, mais en constituant aussi la preuve la plus commode et la plus acceptable, socialement, du droit de se trouver la ou Ton a reussi a s'inserer dans la structure fonctionnelle du monde. Bien plus, on en est venu a la considerer comme un billet paye d'avance, donnant droit a un certain rang social et a un certain revenu, ces insignes les plus immediatement visibles de la valeur sociale. La concurrence autour des possibilites d'instruction que pouvait offrir le systeme (et la question de Paccessibilite a ces possibilites) ne reflete en grande partie que la conviction commune qu'il existe bien une relation positive directe entre le niveau d'instruction et la reussite sociale. La technologic semble changer ceci en empechant 242

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progressivement de considerer la situation comme le reflet direct d'une activite professionnelle. Peu a peu, les travaux, symboles de situation, que les humains avaient appris a executer, seront probablement executes par ce qu'un participant a appele des non humains. Le travail parait destine a perdre son sens comme preoccupation de 1'homme. Jusqu'a present il ne semble guere que 1'on ait trouve d'autre moyen socialement acceptable pour trier et classer 1'espece humaine en categories sociales. Mais cela nous entraine dans un autre debat. En 1'occurrence 1'instruction, garante de Faeces au travail (dument stratifie et socialement hierarchise) perd elle aussi au moins cet aspect particulier de sa signification—et c'est vraiment un aspect impressionnant a en juger par son effet sur la generosite des pouvoirs publics. II faut deplacer, et fondamentalement, tout le contexte du debat sur 1'accessibilite. Le colloque a peut-etre failli a sa tache dans la mesure ou, ayant reconnu la nature du probleme imperieux que doivent resoudre 1'enseignement et les enseignants, il a poursuivi plutot son debat sur 1'enseignement dans son contexte plus statique de juste avant cette decouverte. Malgre plusieurs evocations des nouveaux schemas qui se dessinent dans le monde du travail (ou de son absence), ce sujet est reste marginal. La gageure, exprimee par un participant, n'a pas etc vraiment relevee: nous devons reflechir aux dimensions humaines de 1'instruction, non pas simplement a la main-d'oeuvre ou a 1'aptitude a executer des fonctions qui peuvent etre congues, planifiees et programmees d'avance; nous devons dresser des plans pour 1'energie humaine dans une situation ou, pour exister, les hommes devront se trouver une autre signification humaine que la definition par ce qu'ils font ou ce qu'ils produisent. Cependant meme 1'inquietude que souleve la question acces pour quoi faire? ne peut deplacer completement le debat vers le nouveau type de structure sociale dont s'ouvrent les perspectives. Jusqu'ici, le passe conserve son emprise. Et avec lui subsistent les pressions exercees sur 1'enseignement pour qu'il delivre les billet magiques —et dans une societe fluide, democratique, qu'il les delivre en quantites massives, et meme a tous. Les questions d'ouverture et d'accessibilite universelle restent fermement ancrees a des conceptions normatives de I'acces aux droits et aux privileges economiques et sociaux dans une societe democratique—et la question pour quoi faire? doit continuer a se situer dans ce contexte. Dans le debat

lui-meme, quelques cris d'alarme se sont eleves au sujet de la "colere et de la frustration" qui commencent deja en reaction d'esperances deques. L'on a trop vante les merites de 1'instruction comme garantie d'acces a une societe ou chacun jouit d'avantages economiques et sociaux superieurs a la moyenne. Ce n'est pas la pierre philosophale. Le fait qu'on 1'ait trop souvent tenue, et meme presentee, comme telle pourrait deja constituer 1'un des plus grands obstacles a I'adaptation des idees (et du portefeuille) de la collectivite aux besoins de la societe post-industrielle nouvelle en matiere d'enseignement. La question acces pour quoifaire?, axee soit sur les aspects relatifs a la formation de la main-d'oeuvre, soit, plus largement, sur des questions de mobilite sociale et de qualite, pose la question acces a quoi? Comme le probleme se resume en la formation de la quantite de maind'oeuvre specialisee necessaire pour remplir les creneaux professionnels que cree le fonctionnement du complexe socio-technologique, il est essentiellement mecanique, sinon simple. II s'agit d'evaluer, meme grossierement, 1'element du niveau de formation requis par le systeme, puis de fournir le cadre institutionnel necessaire pour dispenser cette formation. On peut arguer qu'a des degres variables, les differentes collectivites ont repondu plus ou moins rapidement aux besoins apparents du systeme. Ces reponses refletent une gamme etonnamment etendue d'interpretations et de malentendus sur les besoins quantitatifs et qualitatifs en matiere d'enseignement que les uns ou les autres jugeaient appropries ou manifestes. Ce que Ton ne peut affirmer, en revanche, c'est qu'il ne soit pas apparu, peu a peu, au sein des collectivites representees au colloque, un complexe imposant d'institutions et de programmes cougus pour adapter les populations aux tendances apparentes des marches du travail. Le chapitre precedent, bien que consacre a des sujets qui ne concernent pas directement 1'accessibilite en soi, a longuement traite de 1'efHcience des planificateurs de 1'enseignement a repondre convenablement a ces besoins. Malgre tout cela, parmi les "echecs" les plus frequemment reproches au "systeme," il faut ranger le pretendu delaissement de telle ou telle autre possibilite de carriere. Cependant, le colloque ne s'est interesse que marginalement a ces aspects de la question de 1'accessibilite. Les debats ont bien plutot porte sur la nature de la promesse, et ses implications sociales, qui est faite lors-

que Ton accepte une responsabilite sociale de rendre les etudes accessibles au plus grand nombre. Les problemes sont frequents dans le cas de Pexperience americaine, avec sa these que Faeces a 1'enseignement superieur est un droit dont le systeme doit s'accommoder. A cela on peut opposer les systemes apparemment plus restrictifs du Royaume-Uni et d'Allemagne, qui sont de leur propre aveu plus elitistes, du moins democratiques au sens universaliste, dans leurs conceptions de Pelargissement des possibilites d'acces aux etudes. Et cependant, lorsque, pour reprendre 1'expression d'un participant, on commence a vouloir separer le mythe de 1'accessibilite de sa realite (et 1'on n'a fait que commencer) rien dans ce domaine n'est tout-a-fait ce qu'il parait etre. Le colloque n'a pas perdu de temps a etudier des idees aussi chimeriques que "1'accessibilite universelle", ni meme ce que pourrait vouloir signifier une telle notion. II a en revanche volontiers reconnu que meme le systeme d'enseignement le plus egalitaire, celui des Etats-Unis, n'offre et ne peut offrir la promesse de chances identiques de formation a tous ceux qui desirent faire des etudes superieures et qui en sont capables. La encore, il s'impose de relire la communication du professeur Daniere. II est particulierement interessant de noter sa conclusion: meme ce systeme, malgre sa volonte d'ouverture et d'egalitarisme, a produit son type de hierarchic, qui traduit son type d'elitisme. Lorsqu'il a avance que c'etait inevitable, il n'a pas etc contredit, a plus forte raison n'a-t-il pas declenche de controverse. A 1'autre extremite de 1'echelle, les systemes europeens, traditionnellement considered comme elitistes, contiennent une bonne part de democratic et, a certains egards elle est peut-etre meme plus grande que celle contenue dans les systemes nord-americains qui se professent democratiques. Leur situation se presente le plus nettement dans 1'intervention de 1'un des participants du Royaume-Uni, qui a declare en substance: le RoyaumeUni ne reconnait aucun "droit" primordial d'acces aux etudes superieures comme le font les Etats-Unis. Une decision politique determine la somme des ressources a consacrer a 1'enseignement, dont depend le nombre de places auxquelles on peut donner 1'acces. Apres quoi, on s'assure que la repartition des places n'est pas dominee par le revenu ou d'autres facteurs non pertinents. En d'autres termes, laisse-t-on entendre, 1'egalite regne au niveau des possibilites d'acces, le facteur determinant etant le merite. Sur cette base, les Britanniques reconResume des discussions

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naissent sous forme d'intervention des pouvoirs publics ce qui se produit en pratique aux Etats-Unis, selon le professeur Daniere, a savoir un systeme d'enseignement hierarchique, qui reflete un peu plus le principe de la meritocratic. En outre, en reconnaissant cette hierarchic, les Britanniques (et plus generalement les Europeens) tiendraient dument et franchement compte d'autres realites qui pourraient bien etre masquees par 1'ouverture des institutions americaines. La premiere est qu'ils sont plus en mesure de maintenir un niveau eleve dans les programmes d'etudes. Get aspect de la question n'a guere ete approfondi, mais il semble effectivement que les orateurs europeens aient eu tendance a considerer Faeces de la masse a 1'enseignement comme synonyme de baisse du niveau de celui-ci. Malgre les protestations des orateurs americains, les theories europeennes ne sont pas depourvues de fondement. Bien certainement, 1'acces a quoi? doit poser des questions quant au niveau souhaitable et au niveau realisable de 1'enseignement que les candidats et la societe sont en droit d'attendre. Un autre aspect de Faeces qui a suscite 1'interet des participants europeens a ete la question du gaspillage. Leurs interventions laissaient entendre que le principe de 1'ouverture pourrait etre mitige s'il ne comportait pas un droit a des esperances raisonnables au terme des etudes auxquelles on a eu acces. Le droit d'acces a une forte possibilite d'echec paraissait aux Europeens presents d'un interet douteux. Une comparaison des pourcentages d'echec entre les differents systemes pourrait fort bien amener a s'emerveiller du pourcentage auquel il faut que les recales soient exclus pour que le systeme nord-americain puisse fonctionner. On a argue que le gaspillage a n'importe quel niveau represente un cout economique et social plus eleve qu'on ne le reconnatt generalement. Les Europeens commencent a s'alarmer du gaspillage quand le pourcentage d'abandon depasse 5 pour cent. Ou selon 1'experience americaine, il semble que le pourcentage nord-americain ordinaire soit le quadruple ou le sextuple. La encore, le point de vue europeen n'est pas depourvu d'interet. Dans une veine analogue, la question de 1'acces a ete placee dans le contexte des rapports entre les possibilites d'etudes et les perspectives d'emploi. L'un des participants au colloque a presente la situation a peu pres comme suit: toute politique d'acces doit etre dans 1'interet de ceux qui sont admis. II ne peut etre dans 1'interet 244

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des etudiants d'etre admis (si librement que ce soit) a des etudes debouchant sur le chomage, le sous-emploi, ou un emploi insuffisant. Le corollaire de cette attitude est clairement que Faeces aux possibilites d'etudes est fonction directe de la planification de la main-d'oeuvre et du moule, apparent ou affiche, des besoins en main-d'oeuvre. Cette declaration n'a pas ete contestee plus violemment que par les interventions dont il a ete rendu compte dans le chapitre precedent sur 1'enseignement et la maind'oeuvre. Le debat sur Vacces a quoi? n'a pas ete entierement domine par la consideration de la facilite ou de la difficulte relative d'entree a Funiversite, qu'il s'agisse d'un droit ou non. La reponse a n'importe quel probleme qui puisse se poser pour Faeces aux etudes ne se trouve pas entierement dans la multiplication des places a Funiversite—encore que dans tous les pays representes il y ait eu une telle proliferation. La question la plus urgente, maintenant, dans tous ces pays, est peut-etre de savoir a quoi a servi cette proliferation. Dans chacun des pays representes il s'est produit un developpement marque du nombre et des types de moyens d'enseignement de troisieme cycle, en dehors du systeme universitaire ordinaire. La mesure dans laquelle ce developpement pourrait alleger ou meme modifier les pressions tendant a obtenir un acces plus large et plus libre aux universites semble pour le moment en tout cas, reposer sur des conjectures. Si un avis a predomine le colloque, ce serait que la foi en la necessite d'etudes universitaires impregne si bien toute la structure sociale qu'il n'existe pas d'autre voie d'acces a un prestige social equivalent du moins pas par 1'enseignement. Certains participants sont alles jusqu'a dire que la creation d'institutions nouvelles, telles que les "community colleges" pourrait doter la societe d'un element important de stratification sociale fondee sur un systeme de castes d'enseignement. Contrairement a ces sombres proprieties, quelques collectivites semblent avoir reussi a constituer dans le cadre du troisieme cycle des institutions nouvelles (et de "deroutement") qui ont echappe aux stigmates d'enseignement au rabais ou etudes de second ordre. Par exemple, les "Colleges for Advanced Studies," en Australie, paraissent avoir etabli leur legitimite au sein du systeme de ce pays, en offrant une voie de rechange pour atteindre le plein developpement intellectuel. II serait difficile de porter un jugement definitif sur ces questions a Fheure actuelle. Non seulement le principal

facteur determinant est-il essentiellement une nouvelle attitude sociale; mais malgre 1'experience d'institutions telles que les "junior colleges" qui etaient de simples satellites du systeme universitaire, ces ecoles, "community colleges", colleges d'enseignement superieur, etc.— sont de creation relativement recente. Leur role, en particulier dans le domaine de la formation generate, est en grande partie encore mal defini. Tant qu'elles passent par 1'age ingrat que represente manifestement leur stade actuel, elles seront regardees avec incertitude, ou avec mefiance. Toutefois, la principale variable, mentionnee a 1'occasion au cours du colloque, n'a probablement pas regu 1'examen attentif et exhaustif qu'elle meritait. Cette variable est la "clientele" changeante qui est avide d'instruction. Le qui de la question acces pour qui? pourrait bien etre 1'element le plus dynamique de tout le debat sur 1'accessibilite. Dans 1'ensemble, les participants ne se sont guere attardes aux formes les plus extremes de la doctrine de 1'accessibilite universelle. S'ils avaient une preference, elle allait a 1'attitude selon laquelle le debat ne devrait pas se fonder sur 1'hypothese qu'il s'agit de laisser entrer 100 pour cent de la population dans les universites. Les universites sont elitistes, elles se doivent de 1'etre, et la seule question est de savoir si c'est la "bonne" elite qui entre a 1'universite. Si une affirmation aussi dure 'n'etait pas du gout de tous, elle a neanmoins permis de souligner des problemes cruciaux qui se posent pour veiller a ce que la "bonne" elite ne soit pas ecartee de 1'enseignement superieur. A ce sujet, une serie de facteurs qui faussent le marche ont etc evoques et etudies avec plus ou moins d'attention selon le cas. Pour en dresser une liste sommaire, citons notamment: Pincomprehension que rencontre le besoin d'accessibilite (et la difficulte de la dissiper); le defaut d'information sur les possibilites d'etudes offertes et toutes leurs consequences; la difference (voire 1'absence) de motivation pour profiler de ces possibilites, meme lorsqu'elles sont connues; 1'impossibilite ou le refus de participer a la melee pour la course aux etudes; les differences de milieu culturel—parfois liees a 1'indigence culturelle, mais pas toujours; de simples differences de gout dans le choix des voies; la discrimination exercee par certaines collectivites, institutions ou professions, etc. D'une maniere ou d'une autre, chacun de ces elements represente un empechement possible a des choix de carriere rationnels. Chacun peut exclure du systeme des

sujets qui font legitimement partie de 1'elite, et y faire penetrer d'autres, qui n'en sont pas. Toutefois, le colloque s'est surtout interesse a deux autres influences, qui ne figurent pas sur la liste precedente: celles, semble-t-il admis, qui contribuent le plus a obscurcir la question de 1'accessibilite. La premiere est 1'influence puissante de ce qui se produit aux niveaux inferieurs, en particulier au secondaire, du systeme scolaire. Toute consideration de 1'accessibilite doit inclure certains schemas qui se dessinent a ces niveaux inferieurs, parce qu'ils determinent en grande partie les resultats des dispositions qui peuvent etre prises pour Faeces au troisieme cycle. L'influence la plus evidente du systeme inferieur reside en la mesure ou il encourage ou decourage les eleves a poursuivre leurs etudes. Selon les effectifs qui poursuivent leurs etudes dans un systeme donne, le nombre des candidats susceptibles de continuer au-dela du secondaire representera une proportion plus ou moins grande de la collectivite. En fait, il se produit une selection prealable, qui ne tient pas necessairement compte des capacites intellectuelles. A partir de la, la facilite ou la difficulte des "admissibles" a faire leur chemin dans les programmes du troisieme cycle peut refleter le degre d'accessibilite mais ne lui correspond pas necessairement. Un second element de 1'enseignement secondaire qui peut sembler prejuger 1'efficacite reelle des politiques d'admission au niveau post-secondaire est le "triage" opere au niveau des ecoles secondaires. Que ce soit intentionnellement, comme dans les pays ou les eleves sont selectionnes et orientes deliberement vers des disciplines et des etudes differentes, ou par choix accidentel, comme dans les pays ou les eleves se trouvent devant un "libre service" de cours et d'etudes, les options exercees par ou pour 1'eleve a ce niveau lui interdiront, tres probablement, toute une serie de possibilites d'etudes postsecondaires. La encore, des evenements recents montrent que les responsables de 1'enseignement de la plupart des pays s'efforcent de donner 1'occasion d'une nouvelle chance a ceux qui se sont fourvoyes dans le choix de leurs etudes. Les tentatives les plus serieuses pour resoudre ces problemes ont conduit a creer de nouvelles institutions non universitaires, dispensant une formation professionnelle aussi bien que generale, congues pour repondre aux besoins de ceux qui, pour une raison ou une autre, ne remplissent pas les conditions d'entree a 1'universite. Sans Resume des discussions

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aucun doute, ces programmes ouvrent bien des possibilites nouvelles et accessibles a une vaste clientele qui n'avait guere de chance auparavant de poursuivre des etudes. Meme a 1'universite, on constate un changement marque au fur et a mesure que 1'enseignement superieur ouvre des portes nouvelles a ceux qui avaient prematurement abandonne leurs etudes ou pris une mauvaise direction. L'admission d'etudiants plus ages, des equivalences et des moyens analogues se repandent et permettent de reprendre leurs etudes, meme au niveau universitaire, a nombre de ceux qui, tout recemment encore, se seraient trouves exclus a cause de quelque insuffisance au stade du secondaire. II serait toutefois errone d'en conclure qu'il existe une grande fluidite dans ce retour au niveau de 1'universite. Dans beaucoup d'esprits, ces occasions de seconde chance font malheureusement figure de possibilites de second ordre, et ne constituent toujours pas une egalite d'acces. La seconde des grandes influences, qui pese le plus lourdement sur la reponse a la question acces pour qui?, est d'ordre economique. II ne se serait trouve aucun participant pour affirmer que 1'acces aux etudes devrait etre regi par le degre de fortune du candidat. Meme les partisans des principes du marche libre pour 1'enseignement ne defendaient pas une telle these. D'une maniere generale, cependant, les debats sur 1'aspect economique de 1'accessibilite ont en grande partie porte sur trois themes. Le premier se rapportait a 1'economie de la participation de 1'etudiant. II s'agissait, a vrai dire, de "ce que chaque jeune devrait savoir" sur 1'economie des options de carriere. Le probleme consiste en grande partie a donner a 1'etudiant des elements d'appreciation plus sains pour 1'eclairer dans son choix, en lui presentant un devis plus circonstancie des options, en lui indiquant, entre autres, les possibilites de gain et de manque a gagner selon les etudes choisies. La difficulte est en partie de faire adopter une optique a long terme dans des circonstances ou Ton a tendance a obeir a des phenomenes a court terme. Le deuxieme theme est lie aux implications sociales des politiques du financement des etudes. Certains participants ont avance que 1'on a peut-etre tendance a confondre les objectifs generaux de redistribution de la politique sociale avec ceux que vise la subvention des etudes. Cette confusion apparaitrait avec le plus d'evidence dans les programmes de bourses et de prets, dont 1'attribution est determinee surtout par le critere de 246

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revenu (et generalement non seulement celui de 1'etudiant, mais aussi de ses parents). L'argument qui milite en faveur de cette attitude est essentiellement 1'idee de la redistribution qui est commune a une grande partie du financement public. II neglige toutes les autres influences auxquelles est soumis le choix de 1'etudiant, y compris le desir de se liberer de 1'aide et de 1'influence des parents. Cela demontre I'irrationnalite d'une tentative d'atteindre un objectif double avec un moyen unique: en 1'occurrence, la redistribution des revenus et 1'egalite des etudiants. En ce qui concerne les causes de 1'accessibilite et de 1'egalite des chances offertes aux etudiants, il a etc considere que les pouvoirs publics devraient opter d'abord pour les mesures qui favorisent 1'egalite des etudiants. Enfin, pour ce qui est des aspects economiques de 1'accessibilite, le colloque a etudie les mesures et les programmes d'aide aux etudiants. Le debat a couvert un terrain familier, deja presque traditionnel. La question des avantages comparatifs des prets et des bourses, avec les observations habituelles sur 1'opportunite de prevoir une contribution directe des beneficiaires (par remboursement) aux subventions publiques. Le colloque s'est moins interesse aux moyens de recouvrer ces contributions et a leur montant, encore que 1'on ait fait les comparaisons attendues entre les formules qui prevoient le remboursement direct et celles qui se fondent sur un recouvrement par Pintermediaire d'un regime fiscal congu (ou "pipe", selon le point de vue) en consequence. Ce qui est clairement ressorti du debat, c'est que les regimes d'aide aux etudiants d'Amerique du Nord sont relativement moins bien adaptes a leurs fins que ceux d'autres pays representes. Malgre la variete des moyens mis en oeuvre, il subsisterait bien des imperfections dans le systeme americain, dues en partie a ce que Ton n'y a pas envisage, et compense, la totalite des couts de 1'enseignement, y compris 1'element du renoncement a un revenu. En outre, la fragmentation des programmes, selon la source, la destination et la nature de 1'aide, compliquerait a 1'extreme la tache de 1'etudiant qui doit trouver une solution a son cas particulier. Toutefois, la principale faille de ces systemes du point de vue de 1'accessibilite et de 1'aide aux etudiants, a ete imputee au fait qu'une si grande partie des fonds publics qui sont censes ouvrir des possibilites aux etudiants est en fait versee directement aux etablissements et non aux etudiants. L'avantage, indirect et subsidiaire, pour 1'etu-

diant, et son utilite, seraient considerablement moindres qu'on ne le croit dans 1'ensemble. Les elements probablement les plus dynamiques dans toute la question du pour qui? tiennent moins au fonctionnement du systeme scolaire ou aux effets distributifs de 1'economie qu'aux changements sociaux qui font exploser la gamme des "admissibles". Le probleme de 1'ouverture de possibilites d'etudes ne porte plus sur les besoins d'effectifs limites, pour une duree limitee, en un moment donne de leur existence. L'acces—ou le defaut d'acces—aux institutions ou programmes d'enseignement ne peut plus se concevoir en ces termes traditionnels: il faut le placer dans un contexte entierement different. De temps a autre, au cours du debat, differents elements de ce nouveau milieu qui commence a apparaitre ont ete signales, parfois pour illustrer ou souligner une these, parfois pour etre examines en eux-memes. Une fois encore, ni la duree ni Pobjet du colloque ne lui permettaient de brosser le tableau definitif de 1'enseignement (et par consequent des problemes d'accessibilite) de demain—au-dela de 1'idee que ce tableau sera tres different de celui d'aujourd'hui. Des facteurs tres divers interviennent, tant du cote de 1'offre que de celui de la demande. De nouvelles technologies donnent les moyens de revolutionner la pedagogic; des modes d'instruction permettent de reorganiser et de reorienter tout 1'appareil institutionnel de 1'enseignement; une societe de plus en plus exigeante sous 1'influence des moyens actuels d'education de masse reclame de plus en plus de moyens d'instruction, et toujours meilleurs; la necessite d'etudes de "seconde chance" s'impose, fruit d'une preoccupation pour les socialement desherites, ou simplement d'un souci d'equite; la technologic demande des moyens de "recyclage" dans une situation ou la periode de formation et d'apprentissage se poursuit pendant la plus grande partie de 1'existence de 1'interesse; 1'instruction apparaitra probablement de plus en plus comme un bien de consommation convoke dans une societe technologique qui semble devoir restreindre ou detruire progressivement les autres utilisations creatrices du temps. Les possibilites—et les exigences —de ce nouveau cadre semblent inepuisables. On comprendra que le colloque n'ait pas cherche a en dessiner de modele definitif pour 1'avenir. Penser a 1'accessibilite en ces termes, et ce sont bien eux qui doivent presider a la reflection et a la planifica-

tion—suffit a donner au responsable moyen de la politique un penible tic nerveux du portefeuille. II faut le souligner encore, comme on 1'a fait au cours du debat: 1'etude des nouvelles possibilites, la creation des nouvelles chances, la satisfaction des nouvelles exigences, 1'attribution des nouvelles ressources, tout cela depend de decisions de nature essentiellement politique. Tout au long du colloque, il a ete parfaitement reconnu que des responsables politiques manifestent une sensibilite croissante aux demandes apparemment insatiables qui sont presentees au nom de 1'enseignement. II a ete reconnu aussi que 1'enseignement doit prendre sa place dans 1'ordonnance des priorites sociales des pouvoirs publics. Dans cette mesure, le colloque s'est montre prudent mais absolument pas pessimiste a 1'egard de la generosite des societes occidentales auxquelles on demande les ressources meme croissantes dans leurs montants et leurs proportions necessaires pour repondre aux besoins qui apparaissent dans 1'enseignement.

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