Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand. The Making of Banharn-buri 9780877277835, 9780877277538
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Political Autho ProvincialIdent inThailan
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Yoshinori N i s h i z a k i CORNELL SOUTHEAST ASIA PROGRAM PUBLICATIONS
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
Cornell University
Yoshinori Nishizaki
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand The Making of Banharn-buri , ,
Southeast
.
.
Asia Program
C
Publications
Southeast Asia Program Cornell University Ithaca, New York 2011’
Editorial Board Benedict R. O'G. Anderson Anne Blackbum Thak Chaloemtiarana Tamara Loos Keith Taylor Marina Welker Andrew C. Willford Cornell Southeast Asia Program Publications 640 Stewart Avenue, Ithaca, NY 14850-3857 Studies on Southeast Asia No. 53 © 2011 Cornell Southeast Asia Program All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, no part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the Cornell Southeast Asia Program. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: he 978-087727-783-5 ISBN: pb 978-087727-753-8 Cover: designed by Kat Dalton; photograph by Yoshinori Nishizaki Index: compiled by Paula Douglass
Table of Contents List of Tables, Figures, and Maps
vii
List of Respondents
ix
Acknowledgments
xv
Map of Thailand
xviii
Preface
1
Chapter 1, Rethinking Domination in the Thai Countryside The Dominant Plot in Rural Thai Politics Toward Another Plot Chapter Overview and Sources
7 10 19 29
Chapter 2, Recalling and Representing the Backward Past From (Putative) Glory to Backwardness Taking the "Developmental" State to Task Belittling Suphanburi: Negative Provincial Identity Prelude to Banharn’s Emergence
33 33 42 51 55
Chapter 3, The Rise of a Local Hero Striking it Rich in Bangkok Donation after Donation Restoring Suphanburi's Honor and Glory Tide of Popular Support Coming to Power
57 58 62 71 75 79
,
Chapter 4, Influx of State Development Funds Institutional Setting: The Patrimonial-Democratic State Road Construction School Construction •Endorsing the Parochial Provincialist
85 86 88 101 108
Chapter 5, Local Bureaucrats Disciplined Surveillance over Development Projects The Habitual Compliance of Civil Servants Support for the Fussy Manager
115 117 126 129
vi
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
Chapter 6, Imagining Banharn-buri at the Grassroots Level Signboards Ceremonies The Image of Banharn-buri
139 140 148 163
Chapter 7, Pride in Imagined Banharn-buri Non-Suphanburians' Admiration and Envy Praising Suphanburi's (Putative) Superiority Development Is in the Eye of the Beholder
165 166 170 177
•
Chapter 8, Defending the "Bad" Politician Is Banharn Corrupt? Has Banharn Failed,to Industrialize Suphanburi and Address Poverty? Feeble Political Opposition The Future of Banharn-buri: Withering Away?
181 181 187 193 199
Chapter 9, Banham in Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives Taking Collective Pride Seriously Comparative Cases Concluding Thoughts: "Ignorant Rural Thais" Revisited
205 205 213 231
Select Bibliography
237
Index
247
List of Tables, Figures, and Maps List of Tables 3.1 3.2 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 6.1 6.2 8.1
1
Ceremonies to Commemorate Banham's Donations to Schools 1969-77 Chronology of Banham's Contributions to Local Development, 1966-77 Party Affiliations of Suphanburi's MPs, 1976-2001 Highway Construction Projects for Suphanburi, FY1966-1980 A Comparison of the Length of Highways, 2001 A Comparison of the Quality of Highways, 2001 The Length of Asphalt/ Concrete Feeder Roads, 2002 Number and Density of "Banham Signboards," by District, 2004 Number of Development Ceremonies held by Banham, 1966-2002 Votes for Banham, 1976-2007 •
67 76 88 92 96 99 100 145 150 197
List of Figuresand Maps Unless otherwise indicated in the text, all photographs are by the author. Map of Thailand, showing Suphanburi 1.1 Map of Suphanburi and its Districts 1.2 Causal mechanism of Banharn's domination 2.1 Per capita Construction Funds Allocated by Ministry of Education, 1961-72 2.2 Road Networks in Suphanburi and Neighboring Provinces, 1967 2.3 Villagers building a road 2.4 Villagers digging an irrigation ditch in Muang District 3.1 A newly built hospital ward named after Banharn 3.2 Banharn and Jaemsai making a donation to the royal couple 3.3 Mon tribe schoolchildren at Pratheep Schdol 3.4 A pro-Banham rally, 1976 4.1 A highway under construction 4.2 Highway Construction Funds for Suphanburi, FY1981-2000 4.3 A Comparison of Highway Construction Funds, FY 1985-1997 4.4 Map of Highways in Suphanburi, 1968 4.5 Map of Highways in Suphanburi, 1975 4.6 Map of Highways in Suphanburi, 2002 4.7 Lamp poles along a highway 4.8 School Construction Funds for Suphanburi, 1989-2002
xviii 8 25 37 38 45 46 64 69 71 82 91 93 94 97 97 98 101 102
viii 4.9 5.1 52 5.3 5.4 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9 6.10 6.11 6.12 6.13 6.14 6.15 6.16 6.17
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand Provincial Population and School Construction Funds, FY1995-2001 Banharn inspecting temple renovation Banham picking up rubbish on the road Banham chairing a meeting with civil servants Banham giving an order to a civil servant A signboard thanking Banharn for a road construction fund The "Silpa-archa Building" at Wat Phiham Daeng Primary School A signboard at Wat Phiham Daeng Primary School Geographical Distribution of "Banham Signboards" in Suphanburi Geographical Distribution of "Banham Signboards" in Muang Municipality Subdistricts where Banharn held development ceremonies before 1976 Subdistricts where Banharn held development ceremonies by 1988 Subdistricts where Banharn held development ceremonies by 2003 Program for an Opening Ceremony Signboard announcing Banharn's visit A newly constructed school building Villagers form long lines to welcome Banharn Banharn receives flowers from villagers Banharn officially opens a new building An unveiled school signboard Monks chant a pali verse Villagers listen and pray-
103 120 121 123 127 141 144 144 146 147 151 152 152 154 156 156 157 158 159 159 160 160
List of Respondents • The number that appears in a bracket after each respondent in the text, e.g., (#1), corresponds to the number in the first column below. • "Age group" and "Occupation" were applicable at the time of interviews. • "Place of residence" refers to the district where each respondent resided in Suphanburi at the time of the interview. In the cases of respondents who lived outside Suphanburi, the names of provinces where they were born and resided are indicated (marked with *). • Bangkok-based civil servants are not included on the list. Also excluded are the people who requested absolute confidentiality. Interview dates for these people are given in the text. Place of Date of Residence tnterview(s)
•#
Age Group
Sex
1
15-19
M
student
Muang
Oct 99
2
15-19
M
student
Phayao *
Feb 07
3
20-29
M
janitor
Muang
Nov 99
son of #34 studies at Chiang Mai Univ from farmer's family
4
20-29
F
college student
Sam Chuk
Feb 00, Apr 00
from farmer's family, friend of #14
5
20-29
M
barber
U-Thong
Oct 99
6
20-29
F
housemaid
Muang
Mar 00
7
20-29
F
photocopier
8
20-29
M
9
20-29
from farmer's family husband is an electric appliances repairman from farmer's family; works in Bangkok from shrimp farmer's family; boyfriend of #10 civil service intern
10
Occupation
Feb 02
M
restaurant waiter college student
Song Phi Nong Bang Pla Ma Muang
20-29
F
hotel employee
U-Thong
Apr 02
11
20-29
M
unemployed
Muang
Feb 02
12
20-29
M
security guard
Muang
Jan 02
13
20-29
F
waitress
Sri Prachan
May 04
14
20-29
F
college student
Feb 00
15
20-29
F
Sri Prachan Bang Pla gas station clerk Ma
Jul 99
Feb 02
May 02
Remark
college graduate BA from Ramkhamhaeng Univ, Bangkok from farmer's family; formerly construction worker husband is a trader in general merchandise friend of #4 parents are shrimp farmers
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
X
16
20-29
F
hotel receptionist
17
20-29
F
clerk
18
20-29
F
student
19
20-29
F
college student
20
30-39
M
21
30-39’
M
22
30-39
F
petty merchant
23
30-39
M
unemployed
Song Phi Nong Song Phi Nong
24
30-39
'M
petty merchant
Don Chedi
Dec 99
25
30-39
F
petty merchant
Muang
Apr 02
26
30-39
F
food stall owner
U-Thong
27
30-39
F
civil servant
Muang
Jan 00, May 02
from farmer's family
28
30-39
F
civil servant
■Muang
Mar 02
husband is from Kampheng Phet Province
29
30-39
M
noodle vendor
Nong Ya Sai
Dec 99
from farmer's family
30
30-39
M
motorcyclist for hire
Dan Chang
Dec 99
from farmer's family
31
30-39
M
schoolteacher
Muang
Feb 02
32
30-39
M
Sam Chuk
Dec 99
33
30-39
M
policeman internet cafe manager
Muang
Apr 02
34
30-39
M
clerk
Muang
Oct 99
35
30-39 , M
security guard
Muang
Mar 02
36
30-40
M
security guard
Muang
Apr 02
37
30-39
F
civil servant
Muang
Apr 00
38
30-39
M
civil servant
Saraburi *
Dec 99
39
30-39
F
factory worker
Saraburi *
Feb 00
40
30-39
F
janitor
Saraburi *
Feb 00
41
30-39
M
merchant
Phayao *
Dec 07
42
30-39
M
civil servant
Ayutthaya*
Mar 00
contractor/ .village head construction worker
Mukdaharn Nakhon Pathom * Kanchanaburi *
Apr 02 Feb 00 Mar 00
Phayao *
Feb 02
Muang
Dec 99
Muang
Oct 99, Mar 02 Mar 02 May 02
Jan 00, Apr 2000
college graduate college graduate worked in Bangkok brother works in Suphanburi lived in Suphanburi for 3 years MA from Florida International Univ from farmer's family; born in Song Phi Nong husband is a farmer; neighbor of #52 formerly wage worker in Bangkok family grows rice; son attends technical college long-distance university student 12 years of education; married to company employee
has lived in Buriram Province for 1 year . daughter attends university in Bangkok BA from Ramkhamhaeng Univ, Bangkok from a farmer's family; father of #1 from farmer's family; 9 years of education from farmer’s family; 6 years of education secretly hates Banharn) works in Provincial Office of Public Works works as a motorcyclist for hire on weekends husband is long-distance truck driver deals in shoes & accessories; 9 years of education from farmer's family in Ayutthaya
List of Respondents
xi
from farmer's family; lost Oct 99, Dec 99, Jan job after 1997 economic 00, Apr 00 crisis
security guard
Bang Pla Ma
40—49 F
fanner
Muang
May 02
niece of respondent #104
45
40-50
F
farmer
Muang
May 02
46
40-49
F
civil servant
Muang
Jan 02
47
40-49
M
noodle vendor
Song Phi Nong
Mar 00
sister of #44 niece runs a restaurant in California family grows corn and vegetables
48
40-49
F
lottery ticket seller
Muang
Jan 00‘
from farmer's family
49
40-49
M
car mechanic
Muang
Sep 99
50
40-49
M
bank teller
Dan Chang
51
40-49 , M
drinks vendor
Sam Chuk
Jun 04
52
40-49
F
farmer
Song Phi Nong
Mar 02
son attends university in Nakhon Fathom from farmer's family; graduate of technical college from farmer's family in Derm Bang Nang Buat 4 years of education; neighbor of #22
53
40-49
F
farmer/street cleaner
Muang
Jun 02
5 years of education
54
40-49
F
farmer
Sri Prachan
55
40-49
F
car dealer
Muang
56
40-19
F
farmer
Song Phi Nong
Apr 02
57
40-49
M
Muang
Dec 99
58
40-49
' F
Dec 99
59
40-49
F
civil servant
Muang Song Phi Nong
thinks Banharn is authoritarian MA from Mahidol Univ
May 02
close friend of #58
60
40-49
M
civil servant
Dec 99
parents couldn't afford his university education
61
40-49
F
farmer
62
40-49
M
63
40-49
M
security guard food stall owner
64
40-49
M
drinks vendor
65
40-49
M
66
40-49
67
43
40-49
44
M
primary school master civil servant
Don Chedi
husband is a farmer; does odd jobs on the side Mar 00, "uncle i s a well-known "X Mar 02 ’ Jocal Sino-Thai capitalist J May 02
7 years of education
Song Phi Nong Sri Prachan
Apr 02
neighbor of #91
Nov 99
Muang
Mar 00
Muang
Jan 00
Muang
Mar 00
Mar 00
works at Provincial Court wife front Chainat Province wife from Kampheng Phet Province went bankrupt after economic crisis of 1997 from farmer's.family husband runs a stationery shop from farmer's family in Dan Chang family owns a local contracting co.
Feb 00
now works in Suphanburi
M
former contractor schoolteacher
Sam Chuk
40-49
F
schoolteacher
Muang
68
40-49
M
civil servant
U-Thong
69
40-49
M . civil servant
70
40-49
M
chauffeur
. Jan 00
Nong Ya Sai Phetchaburi *
Feb 02 Feb, Mar 00 Jan 00
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
xii
71
40-49
M
civil servant
Kanchanaburi *
Mar 00
72
40-49
F
merchant
Lopburi *
Oct 99
73
50-59
F
drinks vendor
Deed
74 ' 50-59
M
car mechanic
Sri Prachan Song Phi Nong
75
50-59
F
civil servant
Muang
Jan 02
76
50-59
M
policeman
Feb 00
77
50-59
F
farmer
Mar 00
neighbor & friend of #96
78
50-59
F
farmer
U-Thong Bang Pla Ma Song Phi Nong
works in Provincial Office of Highways deals in general merchandise husband is a farmer graduated from technical college born in Lopburi; has lived in Suphanburi for 30 years from farmer's family
79
50-59
M
schoolteacher
Muang
80
50-59
M
81
50-59
F
newspaper reporter civil servant clerk
82
50-59
F
civil servant
Muang
83
50-59
M
civil servant
Muang
84
50-59
M
petty merchant
Muang
85
50-59
F
schoolteacher
Muang
86
50-59
M
farmer
Derm Bang Nang Buat
87
50-59
M
farmer
Dan Chang
88
50-59
M
schoolteacher
Muang
89
50-59
F
civil servant
Muang
90
50-59
M
noodle vendor
91
50-59
F
farmer
Song Phi N»ng Song Phi Nong
92
50-59
M
civil servant
Phayao *
Jan 07
93
60-69
M
merchant
Bangkok *
May 04
94
60-69
F
retired schoolteacher
Muang
Nov 99, Dec 00
95
60-69
M
retired civil servant
96
60-69
F
farmer
Muang Muang
Muang Bang Pla Ma
Apr 00
originally from Bang Pla Ma; 4 years of education teaches at the largest Feb 00 primary school in Suphanburi used to work for Thai Apr 02 Rath newspaper Dec 99, Jan 4 years of education; 2000 daughter is BA holder born in Ayutthaya; antiApr 02 Banharn < 'anti-BanharrT) Jan 02 son attends the best Feb 00 secondary school in Suphanburi bom in Sam-Chuk; has Nov 99, relatives in Ayutthaya Mar 00 Province daughters live in Singburi Dec 99 and Chainat Provinces sister and daughter live in Feb 02 surrounding provinces Jan 02 from farmer's family works in the Provincial Mar 02 Office of Education Jun 02
Dec 99
formerly a farmer
Apr 02
neighbor of #61
I will provide many descriptive details, but I will make every broad conceptual argument. argument. ) in ways that illustrate and support my broad 1 73
See and Vu, Asia in in Political Political Science. Science. See also Kuhonta, Kuhonta, Slater, Slater, and Vu, eds., eds., Southeast Southeast Asia
I
Chapter Chapter Two Two
Recalling Recalling
and Representing Representing and Backward Past Backward
the the
Like Rome, Banharn's dominance was not built in a day. It is the historical has done for Suphariburi's Suphariburi's' development since the mid-1960s, product of what he has decade before he was first elected to parliament in 1976. In explaining more than a decade their support for Banham, many Suphanburians and describing Suphanburians begin by recalling and this period. accounts of what their province used used to be These people do not give positive accounts like. Their narratives typically deplore the "perennial" conditions of Suphanburi's period backwardness. Many elderly people who lived through |j the pre-Banharn period commonly use one expression to depict and belittle the past: past: "There was nothing but jungles" (mH (mzr tae pa) in Suphanburi. This terse statement captures the Suphanburians' negative apprehension of the not-so-distant past, since the word pa (jungles) is wilderness or lack closely associated in the Thai discourse with socially stigmatized wilderness of civilization.1 One middle-ranking middle-ranking civil servant (#46) offered an 'amusing analogy: "Suphan was to Thailand what Kansas is to America now. It had nothing at all. If Suphan?,’ you you had shown a map of Thailand to any Thai and asked, 'Where is Suphan?/ would have gotten an answer, 'I don't know.' How How many Americans Americans know exai exactly .ctly where Kansas is? Not many. Suphan was was like that." So, why was Suphan like that, I asked. The civil servant replied, "The government wasn't (interested in developing Suphan." A sense of resentment was palpable. Suphanburi, according to this respondent and many others, was backward and socially obscure because of the tire central state. This is the recent past of Suphanburi that they evoke, reflect on, and temporal contrast to, or a foil for, the present deplore as a temporal present that Banharn has constructed. | This chapter first describes the socioeconomic conditions that Suphanburians experienced before the 1960s—the conditions that have shaped their negative then snow show how Suphanburians characterizations and memories memories of the past. I will then blamed, arid still blame, those conditions squarely on the failure of the central "developmental" state. state. From (Putative) Glory to Backwardness
pride of place in the national historiography of preSuphanburi occupies a pride preeighteenth-century Siam. That is, at least, what Suphanburians Suphanburians (or Thais in general) believe or have been taught to believe. U-Thong, which corresponds roughly to one of the districts in present-day Suphanburi, is said to have been a major principality in 1
Philip Stott, "Mii'ang "Mii'ang and Pa: Thailand," in Thai Philip Pa: Elite Views Views of Nature in a Changing Thailand," Constructions of Knowledge, ed. ed. Manas Chitakasem and Andrew] Andrew! Turton (London: School School of Constructions Studies, University of London, 1991), 1991), pp. 142-54. 142-54. Oriental and African Studies,
34
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
the Buddhist Dvaravati civilization that flourished in the lower Chao Phraya delta between the sixth and tenth centuries. centuries. Over the next few centuries, centuries, the adjacent between Suphanburi became a new major principality in the area. Although Suphanburi Suphanburi, was subsequently subsequently incorporated into the Kingdom of Sukhothai that emerged in the upper mid- thir teen th century, this subordination was Chao Phraya delta in the mid-thirteenth was nominal. When King Ramkhamhaeng, a powerful warrior king who had held the Sukhothai together, died in 1298, Suphanburi asserted its virtual independence. Then, Kingdom together, in 1351, Prince U-Thong, who who was was married to a daughter of Suphanburi's ruler, principalities to establish the Kingdom of Ayutthaya. After united several towns and principalities arose between Suphanburi and another U-Thong's death in 1369, an internal conflict arose principality, Lopburi, but the ruling family of Suphanburi succeeded in achieving achieving dominance over Lopburi in 1409. Over the next century or so, the Ayutthaya Kingdom expanded its domain domain to include include not only Nakhon Si Thammarat in the was a major south but also Sukhothai and Angkor to the north and east. 2 Suphanburi was principality in this prosperous kingdom. Suphanburi's supposed glory reached its peak in January 1593, when the Naresuan (reign: 1590-1605) of the Ayutthaya Kingdom, riding an legendary King Naresuan elephant, valiantly routed and repelled the invading Burmese army.. This battle, fought in what is now the Don Chedi District of Suphanburi, is eulogized and romanticized in Thai historical discourse discourse as the laudable manifestation of Siamese bravery and unity, and it has has become the subject of numerous well-known nationalist sagas, dramas, and movies, such as Luang Wichit Wathakan's Blood of Suphan. As the Ayutthaya Kingdom further prospered after the battle, Suphanburi, as one well-respected "amateur" local historian, Manas Ophakul Ophakul (1919- ), puts it, enjoyed "more glory [run rueng] and splendor [or ar] than any other town" in the glorious past continues to kingdom.3 This invented, mythical image of Suphanburi's glorious hold hold much emotional appeal for Suphanburians today, as exemplified by the officially endorsed endorsed provincial " the town of heroic provincial slogan that upholds Suphanburi as "the elephant-riding (miiang yutthahatthi). elephant-riding battles" (muang however, did not last too long. In 1767, Burma Suphanburi's "golden age," however, attacked Ayutthaya again, this time successfully, and set it on fire. During and after the "people left Suphanburi to live elsewhere," causing it to lapse into a tire war, "people desolate town. Suphanburi thus "lost its old glory" and was left "in ruins" (rok rang), as Manas lamented in his newspaper account.4 If "Burma" conjures up negative as images for many Thais at present, it is all the more so for Suphanburians. "If not for 2
See Charnvit Kasetsiri, The Rise of Ayudhya: A History of Siam in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1976), pp. 16-25, 52-53; David Wyatt, Thailand: A Short History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1984), pp. 25-26, 64-65; and Waruni Osatharom, Muang Suphan bon Sen Thang kan Plian Plaeng Thang Prawatisat: Phuthasatawat thi 8— Ton Phuthasatawat thi 25 (Bangkok: Thammasat University Press, 2004), S—Ton pp. 69-144. 3 Suphanburi Sam, December 25, 1987, p. 6. Although many Suphanburians refer to Manas Manas as an historian, he has never received advanced training to practice the profession. Nonetheless, he has contributed many commentaries on Suphanburi's history to local newspapers. He he might be considered a spokesperson spokesperson for ordinary Suphanburians whose .views he shares, or as a local intellectual who has shaped their views. As an aside, Manas is the father of Ad phitea Carabao, a nationally famous Thai singer of the so-called "songs for life" (phlaeng, phuea cheewit)—songs that critically address a myriad of social and political problems problems in Thailand, such as corruption, military rule, and farmers' poverty. sucli 4 Ibid.
Recalling and Kepresenfm# Representing the Backward Past
35
Burma/' one college student (#4) said with a straight face, "Suphanburi might be the Burma," capital of Thailand now." now," Suphanburi's decline continued after the new dynasty, the present-day Chakri dynasty, was established established in Bangkok in 1782. When King Chulalongkorn (reign: 1868-1910) and and Minister of the Interior Prince Damrong reorganized Siam into eighteen new administrative administrative units, called monthon, in 1892, Suphanburi, due to its sparse population, was was simply incorporated into the Nakhon Chaisri monthon along with a few other towns. It was was only in 1910 that Suphanburi was was upgraded to provincial status. The Chakri dynasty spent far more of its resources on Bangkok and the court than on rural development. tire development The royal expenditures, which amounted to nearly 11 percent of the national budget, were "four times the amount spent on education and five times the amount spent on roads." 5 The jThe development development of the countryside, including Suphanburi, took a back seat. The 1932 coup, which' abolished abolished absolute absolute monarchy, monarchy, did not alter this pattern of uneven development. In subsequent years, the urban-rural disparity widened further.6 As a result, by the middle of the twentieth century, Suphanburi, a thriving thriving town in the mythical past, had become typical of neglected provinces provinces in the Thai countryside. In several respects, was actually worse off than many other provinces. Even the rise of tire Suphanburi was the much-touted "developmental" "developmental" authoritarian state in 1957 did did little to improve such conditions in Suphanburi (as explained below). This gave rise to tire the negative, politicized perceptions perceptions of the the past that many many Suphanburians Suphanburians share politicized share today. Those perceptions are not groundless. Suphanburi's relative backwardness was reflected, first of all, in its preponderantly agriculture-based economy. In 1974, for instance, agriculture accounted for 60.5 percent of Suphanburi's GPP (Gross Jat that time, only twelve Provincial Product). Of the seventy provinces in Thailand |at relied more heavily on agriculture. In contrast, the wholesale and retail trade sector constituted a mere 5.3 percent of Suphanburi's GPP—the GPP—the second lowest lowest figure skewed reliance on agriculture agriculture among all the provinces in the country.7 Suphanburi's skewed was also reflected in the minuscule minuscule size of its its urban population. population. In 1968, only 4.2 percent of Suphanburians lived in commercialized municipal municipal areas. This figure was the eighteenth eighteenth lowest | lowest in the country.8 ■ Another indication indication of Suphanburi's backwardness was the tire scarcity of public health facilities. In 1960, Suphanburi had only one public hospital, Chaophraya Yommarat Hospital (built in 1926), for a population of nearly nearly 500,000. Professional Professional medical care was was deficient. Although rural Thailand in general had difficulty stemming the outer migration of qualified doctors into Bangkok, this was "a problem especially for Suphanburi," as one local newspaper commented. As of 1963, only three Suphanburi-born doctors had returned home home after finishing their studies in 5
Benjamin Batson, Batson, The End of the Absolute Monarchy in Siam (Singapore: (Singapore: Oxford University Ij' Press, 1984), pp. 17-18. 6 See John Girling, Girling, Thailand: Politics and Society (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Cornell University Press, 1981); James James Ingram, Economic Change in Thailand, 1850-1970 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1971). |I 7 National Economic Economic and Social Development Board, Phalitaphan Phak lae Changwat 2521 (Bangkok: NESDB,1979). [| 8 Wilai Wongserbchart, Darawan Jiampermpoon, and Mayuree Nokyoonthong, Prachakon khong Prathet Thai: Satiti nai Chuang 25 pii (2511-2535) (2511-2535) (Bangkok: Institute of Population Studies, Chulalongkorn University, 1993), pp. 11-15.
36
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
Consequently, in 1963, there were only twelve doctors Bangkok.9 Consequently, doctors and ten nurses in Suphanburi.10 The ratio of doctors and nurses to the provincial population (1: 8,356) the central-region provinces. provinces.11 was the second worst among tire Evidence suggests suggests that insufficient state funds were responsible -for for poor public health conditions. conditions. In 1963, the Ministry of Public Health allocated more than 35 million baht (US$1 equaled equaled approximately 21 baht at the time) for 120 public health health center in Suphanburi received 50,000 baht, facilities nationwide but only one health or 0.14 percent of the total budget. In contrast, tire the provinces provinces adjacent to Thani — Suphanburi—Nakhon Fathom, Ayutthaya, Ang Thong, Singburi, and Uthai Thani— obtained 900,000, 160,000, 230,000, 120,000, and 800,000 baht, respectively.12 The contrast becomes even more striking when when we factor in the provinces' provinces' populations to compute their respective per capita funding: 0.085 baht (Suphanburi), 2.05 baht (Nakhon Fathom), Pathom), 0.3 baht baht (Ayutthaya), 1.03 baht (Ang Thong), 0.7 baht (Singburi), and and, 4.85 baht (Uthai Thani). Even this disproportionately small share of public funds was actually a vast improvement over 1962, when the health ministry expended over nationwide without channeling any of it to Suphanburi.13 25.7 million baht nationwide were diverted tlie expense Apparently, state resources were diverted to other provinces at the expense of Suphanburi. provinces in Thailand, Schools, too, were in short supply. In 1967, of all the provinces Suphanburi had die the ninth worst ratio of primary (n = 406) and secondary (n -= 8) schools combined to the provincial population (1: 1,433). Again, all the other central region provinces had a much better ratio. The number of students, especially secondary school students, was correspondingly low. In 1967, there were were only 2,466 secondary school students in Suphanburi. Comparable figures for Ayutthaya, Ratchaburi, and Lopburi—the provinces with a smaller population than Suphanburi —were much higher. 14 In addition, the eight secondary schools in Suphanburi—were district.of Muang. The extremely poor Suphanburi were concentrated in the central district.of road system in in Suphanburi (see below) made made it time-consuming and costly for road students living far from the central district to commute to school.15 Thus, many central district children living in remote villages had to give up on pursuing secondary school education. As in the case of public health, inadequate state funding was to blame for the relative lack of schools. In 1964, for example, the Ministry of Education (MOE) allocated over 82.4 million baht for building or expanding two hundred schools nationwide, but only one one school in Suphanburi nationwide, Suphanbtiri received any money—just 130,000 9
Khon Suphan, October October 30, 1963, p. 5. See Khon Suphan, October 20, 1963, p. p. 5; and National Statistical Office (NSO), Statistical Yearbook Thailand 1970-1971 (Bangkok: (Bangkok: NSO, 1972), p. 42. 11 Uraiwan Kanungsukkasem, Comparative Population and Health Statistics for Thailand: Regional and Provincial Levels (Bangkok: Mahidol University Institute for Population and Social Research, Research, 1983). 12 541-72, Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2506, 3,3 (1962): 485-527, 541-72. 13 Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2505, 3,3 (1961): 425-56, 467-504. 14 NSO, Statistical Yearbook Thailand 1970-1971, pp. 115, 118-20. 15 15 (May-June 2001), p. 5. See also also the 'editorials Chart Thai (CT) Party, Chart Thai Samphan 13 (May-June editorials Schools in. in.the titled "Aren't the Schools the Countryside Good?" in Khon Suphan, December December 30, 1969, p. 5; and Khon Suphan, January 10, 1970, p. 5. 10
17
Recalling and and Representing the Backward Past
37
baht, or 0.16 percent of the budget. budget?166 Suphanburi was the most disadvantaged central region province in the allocation of MOE funds (figure 2.1), 2.1). !
400 350 300 250 ■w w 45 A
at a
200 150 100 50 0
Province
Figure 2.1 Per Capita Construction Funds Allocated by the Ministry of Education: A Comparison Comparison of Suphanburi and its Neighboring.Provinces, 1961-72 17
Roads were inadequate and of poor quality, too. This| This was, in fact, what most Suphanburians cite as the most notorious mark of Suphanburi's backwardness in the the Chakri dynasty was founded in] in! Bangkok, the strategic recent past. past. After tire importance of Suphanburi declined in relative terms. To protect the new capital from future attacks by Burma, the new ruling court devoted resources to building roads in the provinces situated directly between Bangkok and Burma. Located off this vital strategic route, Suphanburi's benefited little from the court's expenditures on road construction.188 This "benign neglect" by the state continued well into the twentieth construction? century, (status in 1910. century, even after Suphanburi was upgraded to provincial status example, there was no road connecting Suphanburi to Bangkok, Before 1956, for example, or even to its neighboring provinces. Suphanburi was effectively isolated from the ambitious eighteen-year outside world. In 1936, the government formulated an ambjitious eighleen-year road construction project, under which all provinces, including including Suphanburi, were to be 16
Ngop-pramam 2508, 3,3 (1964): 890-92; and National Economic See Budget Bureau, Ekasam Ngop-pramarn Development Board (NEDB), The National Economic Development Plan, 1961-1966: Second Phase, 1964-1966 1964-1966 (Bangkok: (Bangkok: NEDB, 1964), p . 140. I 17 Sources: Compiled from Budget Bureau, Ekasam Ngop-pramarn 3,6, various years (1960, 1970— 1970Compiled Ngpp-pratnarn 3,3, various (1961y66); Budget Bureau, Ekasam 71); Budget Bureau, Ekasam Ngpp-pramarn various years (1961---66); Ngop-pramam 2511 3,4 (1967); Budget Bureau, Ekasam Ngop-pramarn Ekasam Ngop-pramam Ngop-pramarn 2512 3,8 (1968); Budget Bureau, Ekasam Ekasam Ngop-pramarn 2513 4 (1969). | 15 10 Waruni, Muang Suphan, p. 190. I
19 21
38
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
linked by roadways standstill with the roadways to Bangkok, but the project came to a standstill 1 outbreak of the Pacific War.19 talked to deplored the shortage shortage outbreak ’ Many elderly people I talked saying forcefully that it made made Suphanburi a veritable "closed town" (muang of roads, saying pit).20
Ang Ang Thong Thong Suphanburl Stiphanburi
Nakhon Nakhon Palhom Palhom
\ 1 \ \
X. Xi,
J j 1j .1
Ak
Gulf a If of J*®' of Thailand Thailand ■ ■ -pW Sift wr
i'X
4 , ’Of
■,X 4
I
"j MYANMAR**, MYANMAR
X;
0
50:
m? 100 1
-150, k m
'A
Figure 2.2 Road Networks in Suphanburi and Neighboring Provinces, 1967 21
In the absence of roads, the only way to get to Bangkok was was to row a boat boat along along Suphanburi)—a means of transport that the Tha Chin River (which flows through Suphanburi) 19
See Ichiro Kakizaki, "Rikken Kakumeigo no Tai Tai ni ni okeru okeru Douroseibi (1932-1941): Saisho no Douro Kensetsukeikaku Kensetsukeikaku no no Sakutei," Tonan Ajia Kenkyu 39,4 (2002): 488, 490; and Ichiro ni okeru Kakizaki, "Sengo Hukkouki Tai ni okeru Douro Setsubi (1945-1957): Teikikaku Douro kara Kokikaku Douro he," Asia Keizai 48,3 (2002): 6. 20 April 1, 2003, p. p. 4, where the same expression is used to describe describe See also Khon Suphan, April Suphanburi's past. past. 21 Department, National Source: Drawn by the Cartography Department, National University University of Singapore. This is a simplified version of the map in simplified in NEDB, The The Second National Economic Economic and Social Development Plan, 1967-71 (Bangkok: (Bangkok: NEDB, 1967), page number unspecified. Development unspecified.
*
Recalling and Representing the Backward Past
39
the rainy rainy season. take two to to three days days— was available only during the season, 22 The trip would take — a condition condition that had had changed French missionary had to changed little since 1843, when a French spend traveling from Suphanburi Suphanburi to to Bangkok.23 In In the mid-1920s, mid-1 920s, Suphan spend four days traveling Phanit, local company run by two two brothers of the tenth governor of Suphanburi, Suphanburi, Yi Phanit, a local operating a motor-powered motor-powered boat, which made the Kanasoot (term: 1911-23), started operating more convenient gave many Suphanburians Suphariburians to "see trip to Bangkok more convenient and gave a chance to civilization of the capital city" for the first time. 24 Nonetheless, the trip still took some (b. 1929; #103) jokingly jokingly recalled recalled his childhood fifteen hours. One Sino-Thai merchant (b. trip to and from Bangkok: Bangkok: "I was exposed exposed to to intense sunrays for so so many many hours boat trip head and face brown, like a roasted duck. duck. When When I came back that my head face got scorched brown, mother asked asked me, 'Who are you?'" home, nobody could recognize me. Even my mother ,♦ To remedy such conditions, the postwar government, government, led by Field Marshal Marshal Phibun Songkhram, set out to to build ka highway highway between Suphanburi and Bangkok in in however, 1950. 25 The construction was finally completed in 1956. 26 The new highway, however, did Suphanburi to to Bangkok Bangkok directly. directly. The route was via Nakhon Nakh on ‘Fathom, Path om, a did not link Suphanburi situated west west' of Bangkok. Therefore, Therefore, Suphanburians Suphanburians had to to take the long province situated way around to to this this province first before reaching reaching Bangkok (figure (figure 2.2), a trip that to eight eight hours. hours. To travel travel to neighboring neighboring Ang Ang Thong, a province situated situated took seven to fewer than thirty kilometers kilometers east of Suphanburi, ordeal. The fewer Suphanburi, involved an even worse ordeal. only "modern" way to get to Ang Ang Thong was to to take what many Suphanburians Suphanburians only "modern" way viewed as a ludicrous detour: go go first to to Bangkok via Nakhon Pafhom, and then to Ang Ang Thong. This route was some some 250 kilometers long. Thus, it was travel north to extremely inconvenient to venture anywhere anywhere outside outside Suphanburi. Suphanburi. extremely inconvenient inferior quality. It was was made of gravel gravel or Furthermore, the new highway was of inferior laterite construction material of the poorest quality. When it rained, the laterite (luuk rang), a construction road would would turn muddy and slippery, hampering the movement movement of vehicles. 27 This road roads that the National Economic highway was therefore one of the many roads "poor in in quality" and "causejd] "causejd] many Development Board (NEDB) admitted was "poor districts to be be cut off from communication rest of the country, country, especially districts communication with the rest 28 rainy season." 23. highway was paved paved with during the rainy It was only in 1966 that the highway 29 asphalt. asphalt. 22
Manas Ophakul, Ophakul, Prawat Luang Phor Tor Wat Wat Jampa (Suphanburi: n.p., n.p., 1995), p. 26. It was because because water transport was available that the government had accorded low low priority priority to road construction Suphanburi. Kakizaki, Kakizaki, "Rikken "Rikken Kakumeigo Kakumeigo no Tai ni ni okeru okeru Douroseibi," Douroseibi," p. construction in Suphanburi. 497. 23 Jean-Baptiste Pallegoix, fean-Baptiste Pallegoix, Description of the Thai Kingdom or Siam: Thailand under King Mongkut, trans. Walter Tips Tips (Bangkok: (Bangkok: White Lotus, 2000), p. 51. trans. 24 Sarn, December 25, 1987, 1987, p. 6; and Manas, Manas, Prawat Luang Phor Phpr Tor Wat Wat Jampa, Jampa, See Suphanburi Sam, pp. 9, 13-14. 13-14. 25 See Khon Suphan, 2003, pp.. 4; and Kakizaki, "Sengo Suphan, April 1, 2003, "Sengo Hukkouki Tai ni okeru Douro Setsubi," Setsubi," pp. 9, 16. 26 Khon Suphan,January 18, 1966, p. 1. 27 Suphan, October 25, 1963, 1963, p. 5. Khon Suphan, “ NEDB, The National Economic Development Plan,1961-1966, 1961-1966, p. 107. 29 See See Khon Suphan, Suphan, January 18, 1966, p. 1; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2504, 3,2 (1960): Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2506, .3,2 (1962): (1960): 693; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn (1962): 923, 932, 935; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramam Ngop-pramarn 2507, 2507, 3,3 (1963): 355; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2508, 3,2 (1964): 392-393; 392-393; and Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2509,3,3 (1965): 455, 460.
40
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
In reviewing its own performance in 1965, the NEDB proudly announced that 60 percent of all the highways highways nationwide (9,492 kilometers) had been paved with with asphalt or concrete.30 Suphanburi, however, accounted for only 1.2 percent of those surfaced roads. This condition hardly improved in subsequent years, thanks thanks to the inequitable inequitable distribution of state funds. Between 1966 and 1971, for instance, Suphanburi accounted for a mere 0.9 percent of road construction funds dispensed dispensed by the Department of Highways (DOH) nationwide.31 By 1976, the DOH had surfaced 16,244 kilometers kilometers of roads nationwide with asphalt or concrete, but Suphanburi had only four asphalted asphalted roads, with with a combined length of less than 170 kilometers.32 If the presence presence of roads is a yardstick of "civilization," 33 there is good reason to believe that Suphanburi was one one of the least civilized provinces in which over nine hundred villages existed in physical Thailand. It was a province in -which isolation from each other, and residents of those villages had relatively weak emotional bonds with each other. Because good roads were scarce, communist and other illicit activities were rife. Inaccessibility by road meant ineffective state penetration and surveillance, and thus* thusplenty of space existed in which outlaws could could operate with impunity. Despite the often-touted administrative reforms initiated initiated by King Chulalongkorn in the late readied the far-flung nineteenth century, the power of the central state had not reached comers of Suphanburi. To the extent that road density is an indicator of the state's state's the least ability to extend its authority over distance,34 Suphanburi was one of tire least governed provinces. The Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) capitalized effectively governed on the attendant "breathing space" in Suphanburi to plot plot armed uprisings, prompting provincial provincial police to make a total of thirty-eight well-publicized arrests of local CPT leaders (including nationally famous Ruam Wongphan) province in Wongphan) in the province the 1960s.35 Despite the state's massive counter-insurgency operations, however, the chagrin of state CPT managed to expand. In 1969, the CPT announced, to the chagrin officials, that it had successfully infiltrated thirty-four Thai provinces, including Suphanburi.36 30
NEDB, Performance Evaluation of Development in Thailand for 1965 under National Economic Development Plan, 1961-1966 (Bangkok: NEDB, 1966), pp.. 42, 42. 31 Yoshinori Nishizaki, "Suphanburi in the Fast Lane: Roads, Prestige, and and- Domination in Provincial Thailand," Thailand," Journal of Asian Studies 67,2 (2008): 442. 32 N gap-pramam 2513, See Khon Suphan, January 18, 1966, p. 1; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramam 251-3, 3 (1969): 50; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2514, 3,4 (1970): 387; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngoppramarn 2515, 3,4 (1971): 382; DOH, DOH, Rai-ngan Prachampii 2519 (Bangkok: DOH, 1977), p. 116; and DOH, Rai-ngan Prachampii 2528 (Bangkok: (Bangkok: DOH, 1986), p . 79. 33 Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1976), p. 208. 34 feffrey Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Princeton University Press, 2000), pp. 84-87, 161-63. 35 See Khon Suphan (February 25, 1962, p. 1; February 28, 1962, p. 1; March 25, 1962, pp. 1, 8; March 30, 1962, p. 1; January 24, 1967, p. 1; October 20, 1967, pp. 1, 8; and February 19, 1968, p. 1); David Wilson, "Thailand: "Thailand: Old Leaders and New New Directions," Directions," Asian Survey 3,2 (1963): 83; and Donald Weatherbee, The United Front in Thailand (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina, Institute of International Studies, Studies, 1970), p. 24. 36 Morell and Chai-anan Samudavanija, Political Conflict in Thailand: Reform, Reaction, See David Morell Revolution (Cambridge, MA: MA: Oelgeschlager, 1981), p. 83; and Weatherbee, Weatherbee, The United Front in Thailand, p. 5.
38 37
Recalling and Representing the Backward Past
41
tarnished the image of Suphanburi (as well as The CPT's announcement severely tarnished tlie thirty-diree provinces), given the fact that the military regime had the other thirty-three effectively played up communism as "the "the epitome of un-Thainess" or an evil diat that the revered monarchy and the existence of Thailand? Thailand.377 Consider, Consider, for jeopardized the example, die the implications of die following public statement made in 1967 by Phat Bunyaratphan, former governor of Suphanburi (1957-66) and dien-director of the Board of Communist Suppression Suppression in die the Northeast Region. He explained die the cause of in rural Thailand as follows: the growing communist insurgency in Those who are easily deceived into joining the communists are mostly die Hie people in remote backward areas or in places far away from developed developed societies. They are too stupid [AWao] [khlao] to perceive imminent dangers around them. They don't feel somebody [a all the -changes changes taking place in die the present world. Therefore, if somebody bad, they drift away [to that communist] lures diem them into doing something bad, widi fire [samtten ron duay person], just as wax melts away with [sarnnen khi phuerig phuehg thi thunk ran 8 /ai]? fail 3*
Aldiough not targeted specifically at Suphanburi, Phat's Although Phat's comment was based on his long, previous experience in the province. His His logic served, served, by implication, to project Suphanburi in a negative light: Only backward provinces inhabited by were falling prey to communism, communism, and Suphanburi was one of those "stupid" people were provinces. Living in a backward province was thus problematized and socially stigmatized via association with communism, die the enemy of the Thai Thai nation. Accordingly, many villages in Suphanburi became the objects of frequent visits and "experts" from abroad, who were all a inspections by state officials and development "experts" mission to ameliorate Suphanburi's "backwardness." 39 roads made conditions ripe for other illegal activities, such as The absence of roads drug-dealing, illegal distilling as evidenced drug-dealing, distilling of alcohol, and gambling, gambling, as evidenced by numerous police raids in the 1960s and 1970s.40 Armed robbery was the the most rampant crime. It town, and Suphanburians in general felt even was "an "an everyday occurrence in town, Indeed, Suphanburi had long long been notorious as "the "the town inured to it." 41 Indeed, town of bandits." In a major campaign conducted in the 1880s, the military arrested as many many as 300 bandits in Suphanburi, but the campaign failed to root out banditry. In tire the late 1890s, a notorious bandit named Aisua Thuam emerged to control much of Suphanburi. Mahesuan, and Suea BaiFrom 1941 to 1945, three major bandits—Suea Fai, Suea Mahesuan, exploited wartime economic chaos to rise to positions positions of dominance, and they 37
Kasian Techapira, Commodifying Marxism: The Formation of Modem Thai Radical Culture, 192719271958 (Kyoto: Kyoto University Press, 2001), p. 190. 38 Khon Suphan, February February 14, 1967, p. 4. 39 See various reports in in Khon Suphan (March 30, 1969; October October 10, 1970; April 10, 1972; March November 1, 1980; and’ and'December 20, 1975; June 20, 1975; November December 30, 1980). 40 the reports in Khon Suphan (November 25, 1961; December See tine December 15 and 20, 1961; February 25, 1962; April 10, 1962; December December 5, 1962; March 25 and 30, 1963; August 15, 1963; September 15, November 5 and 15, 1963; April 25, 1964; June 10, 1964; September 1, 1963; October 25, 1963; November 1964; August 30, 1966; April 25, 1967; July 30, 1967; June 20, 1968; July 10, 20, and 30, 1968; November September 20, 1968; March 20, 1970; May 30, 1970; April 10, 1971; August 10, 1971; November September 20, 1974; October 20, 1974; April 10, 10, 1971; July 10 and 20, 1974; August 30, 1974; September September 20, 1975; and June 1975; May May 30, 1975; July 20, 1975; August 10, 1975; September June 10, 1976). 41 Suphanburi Sarn, Sam, December December 25, 1987, p. 12.
42
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
deplored the reigned supreme for the next two or three decades. 42 One newspaper deplored high incidence of armed robbery with an exaggerated remark: "When it comes to bandits [jon phu rai],Suphanburi Suphanburi is No. I." 43 Suphanburians, therefore, had to take unusual care to protect themselves. As one elderly elderly man ruefully recalled, "Anybody "Anybody who went outside home without arming considered as a show-off [for demonstrating reckless bravery]. himself was considered truncheon or a knife, or he was considered considered as foolhardy."44 Everybody had to carry a truncheon A former member of parliament (MP) from Suphanburi, Dr. Bun-uea Prasertsuwan (b. 1919), similarly recollected: "Civil servants who who were were assigned to Suphanburi had to learn how to shoot shoot guns because it was swarming with notorious gangs." 45 The local historian, Manas, recalled that many Suphanburians made it a point to carry "earthenware pots" with them as protective weapons whenever they went outside.46 Thus, ordinary Suphanburians lived their daily lives in fear of banditry, according to one newspaper editorial published in 1987. On the other hand, hand, "people in other continued, "never felt the same same way as Suphanburians, provinces," the editorial continued, because their provinces did not have robbery7 cases. Only in Suphanburi were there tire unruly and robberies." 47 Overstated as that may be, these recollections reveal the even lawless impressions impressions that Suphanburians had, and continue to have, of their province. Thus, by the mid-twentieth century, Suphanburi had become what might be called a stagnant and rough backwater. The so-called golden days of the Ayutthaya period, period, in which Suphanburi supposedly enjoyed "more glory and splendor than were a thing of tire distant past. any other town," 48 were past. In absolute or objective terms, Suphanburi Suphanburi may not have have been the most disadvantaged or backward Thai province, but it was one of the worst off. According to the many many Suphanburians I talked to, this condition was not the result of natural historical evolution; instead, they attributed —and —and still attribute —it to the discriminatory "developmental" central state, as the accounts in the next was the alleged alleged culprit culprit behind section indicate. In other words, words, the Thai state was Suphanburi's backwardness. Taking the "Developmental" "Developmental" Taking
State to to Task State
The "state" is a concept reified by social scientists to refer to the locus locus of political and economic power. In the minds' the geographical minds* of ordinary people people living at tire 42
See Khon Suphan, August 1, 1993, p. p. 3; Manas, Prawat Jampa, p. 28; Pasuk P rawat Luang Phor Tor Wat Jatnpa, Phongpaichit and Chris Baker, Thailand: Economy and Politics (New York, NY: Oxford Phongpaichit University Press, 1995), pp. 218-19; and Tej Bunnag, The Provincial Administration of Siam, 1892-1915 (Kuala Lumpur; Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 102. A Thai movie in 2000, Suea Fai's right-hand man. "Tears of the the Black Tiger," featured Suea 43 K/ion October 20, 1963, p. 5. Khon Suphan, October 44 Khon Suphan, December 1, 2002, p. 4. 45 43 Association of Suphanburians, Hoksip PH Pit Satnakhotn Samakhom Chao Suphanburi (Suphanburi: (Suphanburi: Association Association of Suphanburians, 1996), p. 123; CT Party, Chart Thai Samphan 13 (May-June 2001), p. 5. 46 Manas, Prawat Luang Phor Tor Wat Jampa, p. 28. 47 Suphanburi Sam, December December 25, 1987, p. 12. 48 Ibid., p. p. 6.
Recalling and and Representing Representing the the Backward Past Past
43
periphery periphery of any country, country, however, the "state" is little more than a distant, abstract, abstract, and. invisible Goliath located in, and associated with, the capital city, amorphous, and where faceless "big shots" make important decisions. Yet,, somewhat paradoxically, Yet,;somewhat at the same time the "state" exists vividly in the eyes, ears, and bodies bodies of these ordinary people. Local people construct or imagine the "state" on the basis of what they hear, see, and (are made to) do firsthand in the course of their daily lives and interactions with rank-and-file agents of the state. The otherwise intangible "state" thus consists of various images created by the concrete (behavior, < behavior, practices, and words of local-level officials.49 As James Scott aptly put it, "No abstract force, collectivity, or system ever arrives at the tire door of human experience, except as it is carriers/"50 The state is a prime prime example of mediated by concrete, particular human ‘'carriers.'" such collective entities. ,( provincial Thailand, the images of the state have not been positive. Ordinary In provincial villagers have traditionally regarded local-level state :officials as undesirable undesirable characters—arrogant, insensitive, dishonest, inefficient, unresponsive, lazy, slow, irresponsible, insincere, haphazard, untrustworthy, and sb on. Suphanburians are among the many rural-based Thais who have held civil servants in such low regard. Such negative perceptions have deep historical roots, but they were quite likely reinforced during the heyday of the "bureaucratic polity" polity" in the 1950s-70s, when 'in Thailand. Thailand.51 Standard civilian and military bureaucrats monopolized power -in accounts have it that the Thai version of the "developmental" authoritarian state emerged in 1957, when Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat assumed assumed power. In subsequent subsequent emerged years, Sarit (prime minister, minister, 1958-63) and his successor,; Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachon (prime minister, 1963-73), undertook massive rural infrastructure development by relying on Western-educated technocrats and by receiving hefty financial support from the United States and the World Bank. Bank,52 Thus, during this period, period, the ideology of "development" "development" spread rapidly throughout rural Thailand. Thailand. 53 conspicuous for its relative And yet the supposedly "developmental" state was conspicuous absence in Suphanburi. Suphanburi. As one street peddler of soft drinks in Sri Prachan Frachan District (b. 1948, #73) recalled, "[Sarit] developed rural areas, mainly in Isan [northeastern [northeastern Thailand]. He built, many things there, such as roads. But Suphan [Suphanburi] [Suphanburi] got fewer. While he was prime minister, Suphan didn't change much. Yes, he he was a rural 49
See Akhil Gupta, "Blurred Boundaries: Boundaries: The Discourse of Corruption, the Culture of Politics, and the Imagined State," American Ethnologist 22,2 (1995): 375-402; Joel Migdal, State in Society: Studying How States and Societies Transform and Constitute One Another (New York, NY: Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 15-23; and Timothy Mitchell, Colonising Egypt (Berkeley, CA: University University of California Press, 1991). 50 James to 'Moral Economies, State Spaces, and Categorical Violence,"' Violence/" James C. Scott, "Afterword to 1 American Anthropologist 107,3 (2005): 398. J ' 51 Fred Riggs, Thailand: The Modernization of a Bureaucratic Polity (Honolulu, HI: East-West Center Press, 1966). 52 Thak Chaloemtiarana, Thailand: The Politics of Despotic Paternalism, rev. rev. ed. (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Southeast Asia Program Publications, 2007), pp. 147-77. |j 53 Many villagers heard the word for the Sarit popularized the word "development" (phattana). Many minister. Ratana Boonmathya, "Contested Concepts of first time while Sarit was prime minister. Development in Rural Northeastern Thailand" (PhD dissertation,] University of Washington, Seattle, WA, 1997), p., 68. While itit sounded alien to most Thais a t first, the word soon Seattle, soon became widely known, known, thanks to the sheer frequency with which Sarit used itit in public. For example, in his annual' state address in in 1963, he used the word twenty-six times. Akira Suehiro, Tai: Kaishatsu to Minshushugi (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1993), p. 38.
44
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
developer, provinces Thus, Thus, from the perspective perspective of ordinary developer, but only for some provinces." Suphanburians, was a yawning gap between between what what the state publicly pledged to Suphanburians, there was do and what what it actually did. did. This gap gap led many Suphanburians to lower their already do and state. low opinions opinions of the state. The Unfeeling State
foremost, Suphanburians supposedly "cash-awash" state First and foremost, Suphanburians criticized the supposedly needed local development development projects—a for failing to allocate sufficient funds for badly needed that had had a firm factual basis, given given the unfair distribution distribution of state perception that shown earlier. earlier. For example, in the early 1960s, the paving paving of the resources, as as shown seventy-nine-kilometer provincial highway highway between Suphanburi and Nakhon seventy-nine-kilometer Pathom— the only road road to Bangkok at the time—was time—was a major concern to Fathom —the Suphanburians. Although Although Prime Minister Sarit approved this this surfacing project in in Suphanburians. unexplained "budgetary crunch" crunch" before the end end of mid-1962, it was frozen due to an unexplained news caused caused great disappointment among Suphanburians, Suphanburians, leading leading the the year. This news newspaper, Khon Suphan, to mourn in a front-page headline: headline: "Suphanburi "Suphanburi Has Has local newspaper, Hope Yet to Get an Asphalt Asphalt Road." 54 In mid-1963, Khon Suphan's reporters asked asked No Hope then-Deputy Prime Minister Minister Thanom Thanom when when the surfacing project would would be revived. revived. then-Deputy did revive the project, but during "Soon" (nai mai cha) was the response. 55 Thanom did he allocated allocated only three three million baht baht for for it. it. This sum was was enough the next two years, he one-third of the highway. to surface just a little over one-third highway. A Khon Suphan reporter bewailed the situation, situation, writing writing that the requested budget for Suphanburi "was much that only three million was left." He concluded with with bitter curtailed so much resignation: "Suphanburians must temper resignation: "Suphanburians temper their hopes of seeing the entire highway highway paved with asphalt" and "wait longer." 56 paved state funds, villagers in various parts of To compensate for the paucity of state Suphanburi had to carry out, out, literally, dirty and backbreaking backbreaking development development projects Suphanburi had own simple simple tools and money (figures 2.3 and 2.4). One example of by using their own such grassroots such grassroots development development projects was was the construction of an unsurfaced length and,one meter in width, width, in Don Tarl, Muang Muang District, footpath, 156 meters in length work despite the fact that the state had had in 1974.57 The villagers had to do this work accorded "top priority" accorded "top priority" to road road construction construction in the countryside.58 In his conversation conversation with me, a former village head head of Don Tarl (#105), now over eighty eighty years years old, used with pithy, resentful resentful sentence sentence to explain explain the circumstances circumstances under under which he was was one pithy, compelled compelled to mobilize his villagers, both -young young and old, male and female, to build the rudimentary road on their own: thueng” (The budget [of the state] own: "Ngop mai thueng" state] didn't elaborated on the unresponsive unresponsive and and tightfisted nature of the didn't reach [us]). He elaborated "developmental" state and "developmental" and its officials: 54
December 10, 1962, p. 1. Khon Suphan, December September 30, 1963, p. 1. Khon Suphan, September 56 October 15, 1963, p. 5. For similar See Khon Suphan, October October 10, 1963, p. 1; and Khon Suphan, October accounts, see Khon Suphan, January January 30, 1964, p. 1; Khon Suphan, February February 5, 1964, p. 12; Khon April 15, 1964, pp. 1, 12; and Khon Suphan, May 2, 1967, pp. pp. 1, 7. Suphan, April 57 June 10, 1974, p . 1. Khon Suphan, June 58 NEDB, The National Economic Development Plan, 1961-1966, p. 107. NEDB, The 53
59
Recalling and Representing the Backward Past
45
At the time, there was no road at all around here. So, the villagers had lots of going to the market to buy and sell 'things. So they asked me trouble even just going again and again to do something about it. I contacted the District Office several several build a road].- Each time, I was told, "The “The budget isn't times to ask for money [to build sufficient." I said, "Not sufficient budget? I heard that the province province received several million baht for local development. Why not give our village some of it?" up, Their answer was, "We decide how the money is used." So, in the end end I gave up, and I went around the village, asking people: "If they aren't going going to build a road for us, why not do it on our own?" own?" Most people agreed because a road was so important to us. So, people around here [mostly farmers] took turns to help help ft build a road together. together. It was very tiring. Another elderly man in the same village (#99) gruffly recalled that, while this laborious laborious and protracted work was under way, the localj local]civil servants acted as if they were were "gold that does does not know hotness" (thong {thong mai> mai\ run rorri) rorn)—a Thai idiom idiom describing coldhear ted indifference to other people's hardships. hardships. describing coldhearted'indifference
Eg
g
* n *I ’
§5 Figure 2.3 Villagers building a road on their own with simple tools Note: The third adult from the left is the former village head I interviewed 59
Stories of other infrastructure-building works undertaken by Suphanburi's villagers abound. In 1968, some four hundred villagers in Nong Ya Sai subdistrict got ditch. 60 In the same year, villagers of together to dig a twenty-kilometer irrigation ditch. another subdistrict, subdistrict, Kho Khok Tao, built a primary school classroom by "depending 59 60
Source: Khon Suphan, June 10, 1974. Khon Suphan, September 10, TO,1968, p. 1.
; r i
II
63
46
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
own labor" labor" and assistance from the tire state," state." The local on their own and "without any budgetary assistance construction funds from the villagers.61 Although the temple abbot scraped scraped up the construction Development Plan (1967-71) increased expenditures for second National Economic Development education by some 4 percent percent (relative to the first plan), the state funds apparently education who needed needed them. them.62 failed to reach the people in Suphanburi who •A
ST* SO •■7• V - 1 . 2
I: i f iz/ - 5 '
'W.&j
i.5 '’’ni
ggaBgjg ■JS?2zS3
Figure 2,4 Villagers digging an irrigation ditch in Muang District 63
These works works were were truly truly collective projects involving almost everyone everyone in a given local community. community. Villagers representing different occupations —farmers, landlords, landlords, contributed their manual labor. merchants, schoolteachers, students, and others—all contributed in A good case in point was the construction of an unpaved road, three kilometers in meters in in width, width, in Don Kam Yan, Muang Muang District, in in May 1968. The length and six meters subdistrict chief mobilized some some one thousand thousand villagers, including including women women and and for this work. LandlordsLandlords, and other well-off villagers supplied a grader grader and children, for three tractors. Those who did not engage in physical labor —presumably the sick and the old—cooked simple lunches and served them to the workers. The construction villagers' own pockets. "Free riders" expense of 20,000 baht came entirely from the villagers' not tolerated; they faced severe severe village-level sanctions, such as ostracism. ostracism.64 were not It would be a mistake to interpret all these local development development works, as as some might do, 65 as cooperative ventures that demonstrate the villagers' timescholars might 61
Khan Khon Suphan, June June 20, 1968, 1968, p. 1. For accounts of other development development works by villagers, villagers, see various reports in in Khon Suphan (February (February 5, 1962; April April 5, 10, and 25, 1962; May 10, 1962; June June 15, 1962; March 14, 1967; April 4, 1967; June 28, 1968; February February 28, 1970; June June 10, 1970; June 20, 1972; May December 20, 1975; and August May 10, 1973; November November 30, 1975; December August 20, 1976). 62 NEDB, The Second National Economic and Social Development Plan 1967-1971 (Bangkok: (Bangkok: NEDB, NEDB, 1967), p. 195. 63
Source: Khon Suphan, June 20, 1968. Khon Suphan, May May 20, 1968, pp. pp. 1, 8. 65 Village Economy in the Past (Chiang Mai: Mai: Silkworm, Silkworm, 1997). Chatthip Nartsupha, Nartsupha, The Thai Village
64
1
Recalling and Representing the Backward Past
47
norms of self-reliance, mutual help, and public-spiritedness, and the honored norms consequent superfluity of the modem intrusive state. state. Such interpretations interpretations consequent romanticize or gloss over the sheer amount of time, labor, and and material resources romanticize were required of villagers. For. For example, example, the construction construction of one simple, simple, that were and four meters wide; in Pho Phraya Phraya of Muang urisurfaced road, 2.5 kilometers kilometers long and twenty>years (!) to complete. complete.66 District, took as many as twenty-years were involved in this kind of work have nothing nothing but bitter bitter The villagers who were grassroots projects were. Out of memories; they all remember how onerous these grassroots newspaper columnist once wrote wrote about the villagers who who were sympathy, a local newspaper bridge in U-Thong District "with their clothes and and faces dirtied with building a small bridge and the columnist columnist sarcastically exhorted exhorted the "big shots shots in mud and sweat," and dig together with these villagers to io accumulate [Buddhist] [Buddhist] Bangkok" to "come and dig was simple and clear: "Put yourself in in merit." 67 The message to central state officials was our position, and you'll know how arduous this task is." There is little room for romanticism in this kind kind of poignant account. Villagers Villagers' toiling together for the romanticism benefit of their community under the scorching sun over a long period of time should not make volunteerism volunteerism an inherent feature of deserve our admiration, but we should development works works village life. If villagers in Suphanburi "volunteered" to carry out development state failed ;to jto make adequate adequate funds on their own, it is only because the central state and put the burden of development on their shoulders. Plainly, the available and was unable or unwilling unwilling to do. 68 And And in the villagers were forced to do what what the state was development on behalf of the "developmental" state, the villagers act of undertaking development were acutely acutely (through bodily pain) made to realize its impassive and unsympathetic nature. ' The Crooked State If
shortage of funds at the local level was corruption, which One major cause of the shortage pervaded the developmental developmental state. stated Political corruption was was Suphanburians thought pervaded in their province province not anything new to Suphanburians; it had been a serious problem in century. When Minister of Interior Interior Prince Damrong since at least the late nineteenth nineteenth century. petitions against against visited Suphanburi in 1892, villagers submitted "countless petitions misgovernment" to him. Damrong subsequently sacked Suphanburi's governor for misgovernment" being corrupt. Damrong Damrong also referred to the provincial nobility of Suphanburi as "an "an assembly of crooks" that hampered hampered effective local administration.69 66
pp. 1, 12. Khon Suphan,June 10, 1971, pp. ( Khon Suphan,May 10, 1973, p. 2. 68 conducted in another Thai province, Khon Kaen, lends lends additional support to my A study conducted interpretation here. here. This study found that, while supporting the cause of development development in in principle, few villagers wanted to sacrifice their own own time and, money for it. Plainly, they wanted public development wanted development works, but not if they had to contribute to them. Ratana, "Contested Concepts of Development in Rural Northeastern Thailand," pp. 69-70, 146-149. Another study found that tha t villagers regard their participation in local development works works as a form of corvee labor. See: Jonathan Rigg, Anna Allott, Rachel Harrison, and Ulrich Kratz, "Understanding Languages of Modernization: A Southeast Asian’ View," Modern Asian Studies Asian'View," 33,3 (1999):585, 593. 65 69 Tej, The Provincial Administration of Siam, pp. pp. 100,105, 167, 174. •'
67
1
48
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
tradition of kin ban kin muang, or simply simply kin muang ("eating ("eating the state," state/' or The tradition persisted well into into the tire twentieth century.70 In particular, particular, appropriating public funds) persisted with the advent of the developmental developmental state under Sarit and Thanom, Thanom, political with epidemic proportions. proportions. Between 1969 and and 1971, when when corruption reached epic and epidemic allowed parliament to exist, Suphanburi's Prasertsuwan, Thanom allowed Suphanburi's MP, Bun-uea Prasertsuwan, along with MPs from other provinces, exposed exposed embarrassing embarrassing cases of corruption along irritated Thanom to stage stage a coup coup against among local officials, which prompted an irritated his own government government in in November 1971 and and to scrap the disobedient disobedient parliament.71 Ordinary Suphanburians were were fed up with rampant corruption. A noodle Ordinary vendor (#47) in Song Phi Nong District expressed expressed that frustration when he described vendor his deep deep mistrust of local officials: remember exactly when. It was many decades ago, Thanom's days. Our Our I can't remember village was isolated, so we asked for state funds for- a road. Our village head waited for a year, but we received no reply. reply. We thought, thought, "Oh, filed a request. We waited ignored our request. Our village is so small. It's It's not not important to them." they just ignored Then we received the news that our request was approved. I can't remember happy. I thought, "The how much, but we got a big fund. We were all happy. government does care about us." But what happened? They built a road all right, government sloppy work [mai pen but it was not up to standard. Everyone could tell it was sloppy sapparot].... We should have gotten a much better better road. We asked asked the civil sapparot], said the budget was was slashed. We didn't believe it. servant in charge, "Why?" He said He and his superiors budget]. superiors must have "eaten" [the budget]. Most dramatically, -in 1975, the villagers in in Sakaew Sakaew of Muang District, utterly disgusted at the extent of local-level corruption, sent a letter to then-Governor Sawat Meephian, expressing a strong desire to secede from the municipality municipality in which their village was located. Their complaint was was that local state officials had had been pocketing pocketing land taxes (which had been raised from three baht to five baht per 1,600 square meters) without using using them for village development. development.72 This localized "secessionist movement" was not a knee-jerk reaction; it was the culmination of the villagers' deep-rooted grievances that had been growing growing against against dishonest local officials. deep-rooted None of my respondents, of course, knew knew the exact extent of state corruption. corruption. It is simply unknowable. But they all depicted depicted an adverse image of the state, consisting of rapacious rapacious officials bent on "devouring" development development funds. A common scenario of corruption that most respondents respondents related is that, before state funds were funneled into Suphanburi, Suphanburi, "big men" in Bangkok first took a cut from them. As soon as the remaining reached Suphanburi, remaining funds reached Suphanburi, the governor governor took a second cut, followed followed by governors. When When the rest of the funds were transferred to a lower cuts for the deputy governors. department, its chief took, an additional cut, followed followed by his subordinates. As the funds went went down the bureaucratic bureaucratic ladder, ladder, they were thus "eaten" at each rung. By 70
For an historical analysis of kin muang, see Pasuk historical analysis Pasok Phongpaichit and Sungsidh Piriyarangsan, Piriyarangsan, (Chiang Mai: Silkworm, Silkworm, 1996), pp. 7, 110-12; and Corruption and Democracy in Thailand (Chiang Katherine Bowie, "Vote Buying Buying and Village Village Outrage in in an Election in in Northern Thailand: Thailand: Legal Reforms in Historical Historical Context," Context," Journal of Asian Studies 67,2 (2008): 476-77. Recent Legal 71 David Morell, "Power and Parliament in in Thailand: Thailand: The The Futile Challenge, 1968-1971" (PhD David dissertation, University, 1974), pp. dissertation, Princeton Princeton University, pp. 638-68. 72 pp. 1, 2. Khon Suphan, September September 10, 1975, pp.
Recalling and Representing the Backward Past
49
the time they reached the lowest village level, practically nothing -was left. My respondents did did not have have any concrete evidence evidence for this this system system of vertical respondents “bureaucratic eating"; eating"; it is, essentially, an image image they had constructed in their heads heads 1' "bureaucratic to explain the "missing" state funds earmarked for the villa'ges. villages. Yet, for these people, explains perfectly it is a powerful image that fits the "reality" so well, for the image explains why villagers were chronically suffering from a dearth of state monies and why why they why f improvements on their own. had to carry out local improvements * ✓ The Ineffectual State
(
When the state did allocate development development funds to Suphanburi, the villagers state agents agents inefficient and desultory in fulfilling their duties. For found local state in the early 1960s, the Department of Public Works built a fifteen-kilometer example, in road from the market of Don Chedi District to the nearby Sa Krajom subdistrict. Within a few years, however, the road developed many potholes and bumps due to meter deep." A local newspaper newspaper its shoddy quality. Some potholes were "even a meter reporter complained that the road —the "artery (sen lueaf) lueat) for the Sa Krajom hardly be called "a real road" and urged that the Provincial community"—could hardly and indifferent."73 More than a Office repair it immediately, without being "inactive and year later, however, the Provincial Office had not done done the repair work.74 It was not year until July 1969 that the state allocated allocated 500,000 baht fortrepairing for rcpairing the road. This amount was only enough to repair less than half the road. 75 Another concerns the maintenance maintenance of the provincial athletic field, Another case in point concerns which the Department of Physical Education built in mid--1973 mid--1973 at a cost of 200,000 baht. baht. At first, the Provincial Office took good care to maintain this field in preparation for a provincial-level sports preparation sports competition competition to be held there at the end end of 1973. This maintenance work led a local newspaper newspaper to jpredict with with pride: "We the level of athletics in Suphanburi will get better and and believe that from now on, the better." 76 This expectation expectation turned turned out to be premature, however. however. Once the scheduled competition was was called off due to the October 1973 student-led "revolution" in maintain the field, Bangkok, the Provincial Office completely neglected its duty to maintain leaving the lawn and and weeds to grow "thick and wild" (benja (benjd phan). phari). When a provincial provincial newspaper newspaper reporter went went to see the conditions conditions in person, he had to "spend a long time figuring out even where where the field tracks were," because the weeds weeds had had covered disappointment- that that the Provincial Office the whole field. field. The reporter expressed his disappointment' had had "abandoned" the field for such a long time. He lamented: "It never never occurred to me that our province would fail to take good care of its own own athletic field like this." 77 and {sloppiness A more telling example of the state's state's negligence and sloppiness concerned the DOH's construction of a 110-kilometer highway linking Suphanburi Suphanburi to Chainat, a Suphanbiiri in 1967, thenprovince situated north of Suphanburi. During his visit to Suphanbiiri Prime Minister Thanom Thanom recognized the importance importance of building building this highway. He Prime included it in the five-year highway highway development development plan plan (1965-69) by subsequently included 73 74 75
76 77
December 28, 1965, p . 8. Khon Suphan, December Khon Suphan, January 3, 1967, p. 1. Khon Suphan, July 20, 1969, pp. pp. 1, 12; Khon Suphan, August 30, 1969, pp. pp. 1, 12. Khon Suphan, June 20, 1973, p. 1; Khon Suphan, July 30, 1973, pp, pp, 1, 2. Khon Suphan, October October 30, 1974, p. 1, 2.
50
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
78 percent of which came from the World World Bank.73 allocating 2.66 million baht, nearly 50 percent completed in 1970, but it was was a substandard road made made of gravel. The highway was completed Within a year, the road became impassable impassable due to severe damage caused caused by heavy the road Therefore, Bun-uea, then-MP from Suphanburi, Suphanburi, submitted a petition petition to trucks. Therefore, highway be asphalted. asphalted. Thanom Thanom approved the request and Thanom that the highway surfacing would would take place in 1971, using using another World Bank announced that the surfacing loan of nearly 70 million baht.79 In mid-1971, however, the project had not even begun, leading Suphanburians to regard the state as too "capricious" (lorlee) to be trusted.80 trusted. following the coup of November 1971, Thanom To make matters even worse, following was only in in early 1973 that the project got froze the project for no good reason. It was under way with another World Bank loan loan of 21.4 million baht. 81 The government be completed in 1974. In mid-1974, however, announced that the construction would be the DOH DOH announced announced that the construction construction would would be delayed delayed due to the rising prices state and the contractor, contractor, Hyundai of South Korea, of raw materials, which forced the state renegotiate the original budget. The negotiation negotiation fell through.82 As a result, to renegotiate in 1975, abandoning abandoning its ongoing construction construction Hyundai withdrew from the project in announced that that it would would choose a new contractor via a work. Then the government announced eight to public bidding process, but that the selection process would "take another eight ten months." Clearly, Clearly/the state displayed little sense of urgency in implementing the the 83 wore thin. Local officials indicated that the project. The patience of Suphanburians wore construction might might be completed completed by the end of 1975, but Suphanburians brushed off construction that prediction prediction as as disingenuous, as "a placebo [ya horm] aimed aimed to make them them happy happy allaying Suphanburians' Suphanburians' disaffection, only [temporarily]." That placebo, far from allaying exacerbated it. it. Therefore, a local newspaper newspaper urged:
State officials in charge should not be sitting idle, showing no concern [ning duu for this project. Suphanburians have felt like this for a long long time, but they daai] for just don't speak up. ... If Hyundai has abandoned this work, let if be. We'd better get another company to undertake the work. [The state should] should] do it dragging its feet [oi ying] like this forever. forever.84 quickly without dragging These accounts show how the negative negative images images of state officials were produced and the impressions of many and reproduced reproduced in the many Suphanburians. The "developmental" state, when seen through the concrete actions (or lack thereof) and leviathan state, practices of its agents at the local level, fell far short short of doing doing what what it had publicly 78
Khon Suphan, May 30, 1968, p. 1; NEDB, NEDB, Development Projects Requiring Requiring Financial Assistance Assistance under the Second Plan (1967-1971) (Bangkok: (Bangkok: NEDB, NEDB, 1968), p. 35. 79 October 30, 1970, p. 1; Khon Suphan, July 10, 1973, pp. 1, 2. Khon Suphan, October 80 1 , 12. Khon Suphan, June 10, 1971, pp. 1, 81 Ngop-pramam 2518, 3,4 (1974): 159, 171; Khon Suphan, March 20, 1973, Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn pp. 1, 12. pp. 1, 12; Khon Suphan, June 10, 1973, pp. 1,12. 82 The Thai government government offered to increase the original original budget budget by 35 percent, percent, but Hyundai Hyundai demanded hike. Khon Suphan, August 30, 1974, pp. demanded a 47 percent hike. pp. 1, 8. 83 May 20, 1.975, 1975, pp. 1, 8. Khon Suphan, April 10, 1975, p. 1; Khon Suphan, May 84 Khon Suphan, September 10, 1974, p. 3. For similar similar accounts accounts that show the the’ inefficiency of the state, see state, see Khon Suphan January 20, 1971, pp. pp. 1, 12; Khon Suphan, July 30, 1971, pp. 1, 12; and Khon Suphan, November November 20, 1971, p . 1.
Recalling and Representing the Backward Past
51
avowed to do or boasted boasted of having having .achieved. achieved. Suphanburians, Suphanburians, therefore, had only avowed trust, at best, in the ability, commitment, commitment, and sincerity of state officials to wobbly trust, development. Official reports, reports, which complacently praised praised state-led undertake local development. development works for making "satisfactory" and "steady progress," ignore ignore what development was happening happening at the local level and how ordinary Suphanburians viewed viewed the state was machineries and and their agents, agents.85 To be sure, the state-led state-led rural development development initiatives initiatives machineries were not’a total failure. For example, the state built over nine thousand kilometers of between 1959 and and 1974.86 On the basis of this kind of aggregate aggregate provincial highways between might consider the developmental' state's efforts a success. official data, outsiders might hidden behind the dry official However, local accounts, which remain completely hidden data, show that many villagers in Suphanburi felt that the state was was doing doing too little. little. data, Suphanburi's backwardness, according to these people, was the direct outcome of state's abysmal failure. failure. the state's Belittling
Suphanburi: Negative Provincial Suphanburi: Negative Provincial
Identity
To the extent that human interaction is essential for the formation of collective identity,87 Suphanburians living in dispersed villages probably had a relatively weak identity, attachment to their provincial identity and a correspondingly stronger sense of attachment had a provincial identity, respective villages or districts. To the extent that they had prevailing conditions and available evidence suggests that it was negative. The prevailing backwardness caused Suphanburians to speak speak pitifully of perceptions of relative backwardness own province, often with a good deal deal of exaggeration. exaggeration. They had what Tim their own Oakes calls "a complex of backwardness." 88 In the parlance of social identity theory in psychology, they displayed an "inadequate or negative social identity." 89 In ordinary language, they felt inferior. Their feelings are well captured in an editorial editorial that thejinfluential the (influential local historian historian Manas once published to recollect and lament lament Suphanburi's past: "Suphanburi had had in a deep jungle, while other provinces from been dumped [thort thing] by the state in prospered [at Suphanburi's expense]." 90 On another occasion, the north to the south prospered Manas commented: "Suphanburi, for all its proximity to the capital commented: "Suphanburi, capital city, had had been abandoned by the state. Suphanburi was ... buried buried in in a jungle, despite the fact that it abandoned Suphanburi, Banharn shares the used to be an important place before." 91 A native of Suphanburi, same memory, recalling that "Suphanburi abandoned [by the state] for same "Suphanburi had been, abandoned hundreds of years. Every Suphanburian Suphanburian was was complaining complaining about it." 92 85
NEDB, The Second National Economic and Social Development Plan 1967-1971, pp. 181, 190. NSO, Statistical Yearbook Thailand 1963 (Bangkok: NSO, 1964), p. 222; NSO, Statistical Yearbook Thailand 11974-1975 974-1975 (Bangkok: NSO, 1976), p. p. 293. 87 See Emile Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, trans. trans. Joseph Swain Swain (Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1974); and Emile Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. W. D. Halls (New York, NY: Free Free Press, 1984). 88 Tim Oakes, Provincial Identities: Oakes, "China's "China's Provincial Identities: Reviving Regionalism Regionalism and Reinventing Reinventing 'Chineseness,'" Journal of Asian Studies 59,3 (2000): 683. 89 Donald Taylor and Fathali Moghaddam, Moghaddam, Theories of Intergroup Relations: International Social Praeger, 1994), p. 83. Psychological Perspectives (New York, NY: Praeger, I 90 December 25, 1987, p. p. 6. Suphanburi Sam, December 91 Manas, Prawat Prazvat Luang Phor Tor Wat Wat Jampa, p. 9. Manas, 92 Khomduean Choetcharatfa, Cheewa Prawat lae Thasana Banharn Silpa-archa Nayol Ratamontri Khon thi 21 khong Thai (Bangkok: (Bangkok: Soi Thong, 1995), p. 133. 86
52
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
Other examples examples are equally suggestive suggestive of Suphanburians' negative negative provincial tire failure of the DOH to include Suphanburi in its its grandiose, identity. One concerns the 2,297-million-baht, nationwide highway highway construction project in 1963. Khon Kiron Suphan news with a front-page headline headline that bemoaned bemoaned Suphanburi's reported this news Highways throughout Thailand. Thailand. Nothing unimportance and marginality: "Building Highways for Suphanburi." Although the DOH used the number of vehicles in each province to invalid criterion on the justify the selection, Khon Suphan flatly dismissed.it as an invalid its population reaching almost almost 500,000, had just as grounds that "Suphanburi, with its great a need for transportation systems systems as other provinces." 93 Suphanburi, in short, was an apparent loser in a zerowas denied legitimate access to state resources; it was sum inter-provincial competition for development funds, thanks to the unwarranted, result, Suphanburi was perennially stuck with with an blatant favoritism of the state. As a result, tire Suphanburians compared to "the bottom bottom of extremely poor road network, which die a paper bag" (kon thung). The expression meant drat that Suphanburi was was a "dead end" end" through; whoever came to Suphanburi from Bangkok had no that nobody could pass through; choice but to turn around and go back because there there was no road beyond Suphanburi. 94 Suphanburi. Given such perceptions, perceptions, when when the tire DOH announced a plan to build build a highway from Suphanburi to the neighboring neighboring province of Chainat in 1965, Khon Suphan predicted with joy that the tire formerly neglected Suphanburi Suphanburi would "become an with more people and goods passing through."95 important province in the future, widi tire construction of the highway To the Suphanburians' disappointment, however, die came to a complete halt by 1971. This led them to suspect with resentment that "tire "the state has diverted the funds ... to some other province that it deems as more tire more acutely aware, once again, important." 96 Suphanburians were thus made all die national development plan. of their marginal position in the state's national that the From the detached vantage point of the present, outsiders might argue diat state could not have developed developed all the provinces provinces equally at the same time, or that it doing tire was actually doing the best it could to develop rural Thailand as a whole within its why the state should have accorded budgetary constraints. Outsiders might also ask why developmental priority to Suphanburi, a province of relatively little economic and however, fall on deaf ears for those who strategic importance. Logical explanations, however, want something badly. From the subjective viewpoint of Suphanburians, their tlreir province needed and deserved deserved roads, schools, and other public goods just as much as did other provinces. however, failed to give Suphanburi the assistance provinces. The state, however, residents drought thought they deserved, other deserved, causing Suphanburi to lag behind many odier provinces. This columnist to gripe, with a This kind of disappointment led one newspaper columnist pent-up resentment, jealousy, and frustration: frustration: "Every [Thai] government mixture of pent-up has has traditionally paid little attention attention to Suphanburi, leaving it to develop on its own without giving it as much [budgetary] support as it needed." Most dramatically, dramatically, his 93
Khon Suphan, February 10, 1963, p. 1. There is something to this this appeal. In 1963, the number tire dien-sixtythen-sixtyof vehicles in Suphanburi Suphanburi (more than 2,400) was the sixteenth highest highest among die nine provinces provinces in Thailand, excluding Bangkok. Bangkok. Only Only two provinces provinces in the central region exceeded this number. NSO, Statistical Yearbook Thailand 1964 (Bangkok: NSO, 1965), pp. 25961. 94 Khon Suphan, March 23, 1965, pp. pp. 1, 16. 93 95 Ibid. 96 June 10, 1971, pp. 1, 12; emphasis mine. mine. Khon Suphan, June
Recalling and Representing the Backward Past
53
editorial referred to Suphanburi as "the ''the child of a mistress [luuk mia not]" noi]" —a Thai editorial mistress [lunk expression carrying a set of profoundly negative meanings: meanings: ignored) ignored) inferior, expression disadvantaged, unnoticed, and of secondary' importance.97 Likewise, unwanted, disadvantaged, secondary importance. many elderly elderly people I talked to used the expression noi jai (slighted) in recollecting and describing the way Suphanburi was mistreated by the state. Thus, the images of spawned an increasingly bitter the callous, discriminatory, and negligent state spawneri awareness awareness of Suphanburi's Suphanburi's relative deprivation, which in turn became the perceptual basis for engendering a pitiful, biting, and politicized provincial identity. While Suphanburians felt inferior, non-Suphanburians; felt superior, holding up Suphanburi to ridicule for its backwardness. backwardness. A local newspaper newspaper illustrated this point 1 by retelling a joke with much resentment: One day, a Bangkokian went’ went' to Suphanburi via Nakhon Fathom Fathom Province. On Pathom. the way back to Bangkok, he stopped over at a coffee |Shop jShop in Nakhon Fathom. The shop owner looked the man in the the face and said, "You've just been to shop owner Suphanburi, right?" Amazed, the Bangkokian asked, asked, "How "How could you tell?" The shop with laughter, "How could I not tell? Dust is all over your shop owner answered with face, and that is red dust." dust." 98 The implication here is tlrat unpaved, gravel roads could be found only Suphanburi, that unpaved, whereas roads in Nakhon Pathom were all made of asphalt or Fathom (and elsewhere) were concrete. In other words, inferior, dusty roads were regarded as the quintessential symbol of Suphanburi. A car mechanic in Song Song Phi Nong District (#74) recounted a similar story based on his work experience experience in the adjacent province province of Kanchanaburi in the late late 1960s. His repair shop once received a customer customer whose brand-new car had broken down just a few days after he bought it. A fellow mechanic asked asked the Suphan?" The odrer other mechanics giggled, knowing customer, in in jest: "Did you drive drive to Suphan?" drat that roads in Suphanburi were chock-full of potholes. Suphanburi was was the butt of these kinds of (lighthearted) jokes, which made the province synonymous with a geographic geographic and social backwater. The absence of roads (and other development projects) did not simply cause inconvenience to Suphanburians Suphanburians in a material sense alone; it also negatively affected Suphanburi's position position in the imagined social geography of Thailand. Thailand. "backward" province, one Given the widely shared image of Suphanburi Suphanburi as a "backward" schoolteacher (#75), who works in who was bom in Lopburi Province but now works Suphanburi, recollected: "In the past, if you were a civil servant and were transferred demotion. Nobody, except drose to Suphanburi, it was considered a demotion. those who were bom in Suphanburi, wanted to be assigned assigned here." She continued: "Now, who wants to province plagued by Muslim insurgency] insurgency] or Yasothon [a work in Yala [a southern province northeastern province near dre the border with Cambodia]? Suphanburi had the same image drat that these provinces have at present." Suphanburians dremselves themselves share such perceptions. perceptions. The local historian Manas recalled: "Civil servants who who got an official order to be| bej assigned assigned to Suphanburi would be transferred." Thus, his would run around, beating their chests and pleading not to, to.be published in 1987, was was titled: "50-60 Years Ago, Nobody Wanted to Come editorial, published 97
98
Khon Suphan, September 10, 1974, p . 3. Khon Suphan, October 25, 1963, p. 5.
J
’ '
105
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Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
Suphanburi." 99 In particular, the civil servants assigned to U-Thong, a district to Suphanburi." considered to be one of the least developed considered developed in Suphanburi, "felt as if they had been Thailand]," recalled Dr. Bun-uea, a former Suphanburi MP.100 deported [from Thailand]," Whether these negative negative characterizations reflect objective reality is not very point is that they show the subjective sentiments of social shame, important. The point inferiority, neglect, and marginalization that many Suphanburians felt in the national (and global) regime of visual and verbal representations, representations, which eulogized eulogized modernity and conversely stigmatized backwardness.101 As a confirmation of Michael Hechter's theory,102 the social interactions between Suphanburians and non-Suphanburians such negative negative social identity. identity. The stigma that heightened, rather than lessened, such Suphanburians attached to their province's province's backwardness was shaped by tire the inferior imposed on Suphanburi. images that non-Suphanburians imposed assert their positive positive Precisely because they felt ashamed, Suphanburians tried to assert provincial identity by playing playing up what few signs of provincial provincial provincial prestige or distinctiveness they could find. Several seemingly trivial newspaper report are boasted that the newly newly constructed Buddha indicative of such attempts. One report boasted statue (twenty-six meters tall) at Phai Rongwua Temple in Song Phi Phi Nong District was "the world's largest." largest."103 Another report gave extensive coverage to a French was archeologist who who found that the present district district of U-Thong was the was the "oldest" and tire "biggest" center of the Dvaravati civilization, -dating >dating back to the sixth century. The archeologist was favorably quoted as saying saying that U-Thong "possessed a larger trap for catching elephants than the ones found elsewhere ... The elephant traps in Ayutthaya, Nakhon Sawan, and Surin [provinces] are just ordinary traps." 104 In reporting the discovery of a ten-meter-high waterfall in Suphanburi in 1962, another boasted: "Our province has a beautiful waterfall just like other provinces, such report boasted: as Nakon Nayok, Prachuab, Chanthaburi, Kanchanaburi, and Chiang Mai," and that "we can be proud" of our waterfall even though "it can not really match the waterfall 105 Kanchanaburi" in scale and beauty.103 in Chiang Mai or Kanchanaburi" A desire for provincial "greatness" "greatness" was reflected in another newspaper editorial published River—a published in 1965, which urged that a bridge be built across the Tha Chin River —a river that runs through the heart of Suphanburi—to connect the the Muang municipality editorial emphasized tire to the sparsely populated western western part of Suphanburi. The editorial emphasized the image of a once-prosperous Suphanburi during need for this bridge bridge by evoking the image tire Ayutthaya Kingdom period. period. The bridge, bridge, it was was argued, would stimulate the flow the 99
Manas, "50-60 " Suphanburi "50-60 Years Ago, Ago, Nobody Wanted to Come Come to Suphanburi, Suphanburi," Suphanburi Sam, December 1995: "70-80 "70-80 years ago ... civil servants December 25, 1987, 1987, p. 6. Manas similarly remarked in 1995: did not want to be be transferred to Suphanburi." .Manas, Prawat Luang Phor Tor Wat Jampa, pp. 27-28. 27-28. 100 Association of Suphanburians, Hoksip PH Suphanburi, p. 123; CT Party, Party, Chart Chart Pii Samakhom Chao Suphanburi, Thai Samphan 13 13 (May-June (May-June 2001), p. 5. 101 Rlrum, "'Modernity' and 'Tradition' in 'Thailand,'" Modern Asian See Michael Rhum, Asian Studies 30,2 325-55; Thongchai Winichakul, "The 'Siwilai': A Geographical Discourse of (1996): 325-55; "The Quest for 'Siwilai': Civilizational Thinking in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth-Century Siam," Journal of 528—49; and Turton, Civility Civility and Savagery. Savagery. Asian Studies 59,3 (2000): 528A19; 102 Michael 1536Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development,15361966 (Berkeley, (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1975). Press, 1975). 103 Khon Suphan, Suphan,February 8, 1966, 1966, p. 1. 104 Khon Suphan, 'Suphan, November 10, 1964, 1964, p. 16. Suphan,September 15, 1964, pp. 1, 16; Khon'Suphan, 105 Suphan,October Khon Suphan, October 10, 1962, 1962, p. 1.
Recalling and and Representing Representing the Backward Past Past Recalling the Backward
55 55
of people and goods, and the less developed western part of Suphanburi would then enjoy "prosperity as in the ancient times once again." 106 To outsiders, the imagined imagined past glory of Suphanburi that followed King Naresuan's victory over Burma more than four centuries centuries ago would seem like a thing of the far distant past, which has little resonance in the twentieth century. The seemingly insignificant evocation evocation of the image, however, however, might be seen as the manifestation of Suphanburians' Suphanburians' wistful nostalgia for the lost (putative) "grandeur" of their province. Given the backward conditions in which Suphanburi was mired conditions in mired in the twentieth century, the sharply contrasting image of a once-prosperous Suphanburi in the invented mythical past struck a powerful emotional chord with the local population. Suphanburians' latent or concealed yearning for a higher social status for their province stemmed stemmed from their negative provincial identity. This identity was not the product of Suphanburians' inherent psychological traits; it; it‘emerged, instead, as we have have seen, out of the historical context of tense state-Suphanburi relations—a context in which Suphanburians from different classes and occupational backgrounds which Suphanburians "developmental" became increasingly conscious of the extent to which' the putatively "developmental" favoring many other state had unjustly neglected their province's development while favoring provinces. Prelude to Banharn's
Emergence
It is against this historical background that Banharn emerged in the 1960s as a benevolent and munificent local developer. His supporters almost invariably talk benevolent about and evaluate his emergence by situating it in the historical context of the "state-made" backwardness that they had to come to terms with firsthand in their "state-made" stories everyday lives. That even relatively young Suphanburians recount similar stories suggests suggests that the collective politicized memories of the backward past have been handed down from generation generation to generation. ‘' Suphanburians, outsiders might argue, may be exaggerating exaggerating or dramatizing the extent of their province's previous backwardness and the state's state's lack of responsibility. But that is precisely how they appreciate, a series of Banharn's subsequent actions. It is necessary, in other words, for Suphanburians to assign a subsequent highly negative meaning to tire the pre-Banham past in order to appreciate and his positive place in the history of tire the province. accentuate the value of Banharn and his The negative past is the discursive "dough," as it were, from which the positive present constructed by Banharn is molded and savored. savored. Again, whether the Suphanburians' rueful representations and recollections of the past are wholly based on objectively true facts is irrelevant. irrelevant They are not interested in such a baffling social scientific search search for the "authentic past." For them, the past does not exist as’ as an reconstructed through professional immutable entity waiting to be discovered or reconstructed historians' painstaking and detached archival research. They take the initiative to confer their own meanings meanings or interpretations on Suphanburi's past in their attempts to construct Banharn as a "good" leader. For example, Waruni Osatharom, a Suphanburi-born, professionally trained historian at Bangkok's elite Thammasat University, recently published a detailed book on the history of Suphanburi that draws extensively on archival materials—probably the only academic book available _______________________ _ I 106
Khon Suphan, December 7, 1965, p. 8.
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Authority and Provincial Identity Identity in Thailand Thailand Political Authority
on the subject.107 Ordinary Suphanburians, however, however, are not even even aware aware of its its on Waruni's "expert "expert narratives" narratives" do not mention the past past existence. Moreover, Waruni's and the state's state's failure to rectify it. In other words, words, the backwardness of Suphanburi and tha t exists in in her book is substantially substantially different authoritative history of Suphanburi that from ordinary Suphanburians' Suphanburians' memories and "renditions" "renditions" of the past. past. Without reading Waruni's (or any other historian's) historian's) work, ordinary Suphanburians have reading history in their own own ways. come to interpret or reconstruct their social history The state state is now set for Banham's emergence emergence on Suphanburi's Suphanburi's social scene. 107 107
Waruni, Muang Muang Suphan. Suphan. Waruni,
Chapter Three Three Chapter )
The Rise Rise of a Local Loc al Hero The provincial capital stands a beautiful town On die the outskirts of Suphanburi's provincial was built six hundred to seven hundred years ago shrine (sarn chaopho lak muang). It was to propitiate a powerful local spirit. The spirit was supposedly so powerful diat that taxcollecting state officials dispatched to Suphanburi felt it necessary to visit the shrine shrine and to pray for the the cooperation of the local people. Prince Damrong and King Chulalongkorn also paid .homage homage to the shrine during their visits to Suphanburi in Chulalongkorn 1892 and 1904, respectively. As Damrong noted during his visit, Suphanburians feared and respected respected the spirit to an extraordinary degree? degree. 1 The conditions the conditions of tire shrine deteriorated over the decades, however, and under these circumstances, renovation in the late late 1980s by spending eight million Banham undertook its major renovation baht The result is the splendid shrine now.2 On weekends, weekends, well-wishers baht. shrine as it exists now? also visit the shrine being assigned to flock to the shrine. Civil servants also shrine on being Suphanburi, as they did did a hundred years ago. It is one of the spiritual centers in Suphanburi. shrine and For many Suphanburians, however, the relationship between this shrine Banham goes much deeper. deeper. It dates back to November 1949, when when then-seventeenyear-old Banharn paid paid a legendary visit to the shrine. shrine. As one woman selling lottery outside the shrine (#48) described described to me: tickets outside worker. He didn't really want to It was a day before he migrated to Bangkok as a worker. his birthplace. birthplace. He didn't want want to leave his parents and friends go. He loved his behind. But he had to, to make money. He was poor, just like us ... He was know what would happen in Bangkok. He wasn't sure’ worried. He didn't know sure' if he would succeed. So he came here to ask for good luck. He said said to the spirit, "If I ever meet with with success in Bangkok, I'll come back to Suphan to make it prosperous with my money. I promise." This woman, born in 1951, could not have known whether whether Banharn really visited the shrine, let alone what he prayed, prayed, in 1949. Asked about this,(she simply said: "I heard the story from my friends." Indeed, Indeed, during my fieldwork I heard many other Suphanburians recount a similar story. It was not long before I discovered that 1
Manas Ophakul, Prawat Luang Phor Tor Wat Jampa (Suphanburi: n.p., 1995), p. 4; Waruni Osatharom, Muang Suphan bon Sen Thang kan Plian Plaeng Thang \Prawatisat: Prawatisat: Phuthasatawat thi 8—Ton Phuthasatawat thi 25 (Bangkok: Thammasat University Press, 2004), pp. 276-78; Sam, July 25, 1988; Khon Suphan,July 16, 1988; and Khon Suphan, August 1, 1997. Suphanburi Sarn, 2 See Yoshinori Nishizaki, "The Weapon of die the Strong: Identity, Community, and Domination in Provincial Thailand" (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, Seattle, WA, 2004), Chapter 7, for details. !
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Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
such a story in in public public in 1995,3 although although it is not clear whether whether Banharn himself told such was the origin of the provincial provincial lore. this was embrace the apocryphal and seemingly Yet Suphanburians do not embrace propagandistic mythology my thology simply simply because Banharn spread it. They believe it because propagandistic because matched by what what he has has done done in practice. Banham Banharn did succeed in Bangkok, it is well matched did come back to Suphanburi to make a series of donations to the cause of and he did became an MP in 1976. In local development. development That was more than a decade before he became brief, Banham made good good on his alleged promise. promise. He thus emerged, emerged, and and continues continues honored, as legendary "Robin Hood" Hood" hero who, unlike unlike the callous, miserly, to be honored, as a legendary and discriminatory discriminatory central state, was was deeply committed to working working for Suphanburi and its people. "We were were all waiting waiting for a person person like Banharn Banharn to come along along for a long time," one elderly elderly farmer in Muang Muang District (#104) remarked, remarked, playing playing up the long quality of Banham's Banham's appearance appearance onto the stage of Suphanburi's dramatic quality development. and other people's narratives, narratives, Banharn met Suphanburians' development. In this and "summons" "summons" by stirring up a whirlwind whirlwind of much-desired much-desired change. change. This marks the long period that continues continues to the present, present, a period period in in which the beginning of a long and backward backward Suphanburi started changing changing for the better, formerly stagnant and according to Banharn Banham supporters. according supporters. markedly from most scholars' facile ahistorical ahistorical constructions constructions These views differ markedly who cheated his way way into parliament. parliament. Many of Banharn as a dirty strongman who Suphanburians Banharn's current political authority as having having a deeply deeply moral Suphanburians regard Banharn's origin that dates back to the decade decade before 1976. 1 trace this origin in and historical origin in the sections that follow. The first section sketches Banharn's Banharn's economic success in representative charitable donations donations in Suphanburi. I Bangkok and some of his most representative Suphanburians' positive assessments of Banharn's Banharn's actions and will then discuss the Suphanburians' his landslide landslide victory in the parliamentary election of 1976, the first election he ever his life. contested in his Striking it Bangkok Striking it Rich in Bangkok municipality, an area of nine nine square square kilometers inhabited inhabited by 47,000 The Muang municipality, populous among among the ten people, occupies the center of Muang District, the most populous districts districts of Suphanburi. Everyday Everyday life in in the municipality revolves around a bustling market lined lined with shops shops that sell meat, vegetables, drinks, newspapers, newspapers, clothes, and items. In the back of this this market, there is an old, small small shop shop called Yong Yu other items. where Banham was born and lived as a child. child. Hong This is where general life story story of the man man who who has has Most Suphanburians are familiar with the general changed changed the recent history history of their province. province. The story has has been spread spread over over the decades short (nonacademic) biographies, published decades by word of mouth. Several short shortly before and shortly and after Banham Banham became prime minister in 1995, have have made made his his life story story all the more famous.4 In addition, Banham himself played a part in 3
Chaophraya Yommarat Hospital, Thiraluek Phithi Perd Tuek Khon Khai Phiset Banharn-]aemsai' (Suphanburi: Chaophraya Yommarat Hospital, 1997), p. 6. Silpa-archa 3 (Suphanburi; 4 See, for example, Akhraphon and Rut Manthira, Senthang suu Nayok Ratamontrii khong Tueng Siao Harn Banharn Silpa-archa (Bangkok: Nam Fon, 1995), p. 18; Khomduean Choetcharatfa, Ratamonlri Khon thi 21 khong Thai Cheewa Prawat lae Thasana Banharn Silpa-archa Nayol Ratamontri (Bangkok: Soi Thong, 1995), p. 58; Krungthep Thurakij Sulsabda, Sutsabda, February 29-March 6, 1992, p. p, 11; Sarthit Winurat, Ke Roi Nak Kan Muang (Bangkok: Wisurut, 1996); and Sam Khwam Fan
*867
The Rise of a Local Hero
59
disseminating his life story by constructing constructing two museums that display various disseminating photos from his childhood. photos Banharn was bom in August 1932 into a middle-class middle-class Chinese (Teochiu) Banham merchant {family. family. His father, Be Saeng Kim had, migrated to Suphanburi the number of Chinese from Shantou of China's Kwangtung Kwanghmg Province in 1907, when die reached a peak. 5 The fourth of six children in the family, family, immigrants to Thailand reached was given a Chinese name, Be Tek Siang Banharn was which he retained until consumables at their shop, Yong Yu Hong. A few the 1940s. His parents sold daily consumables Limthong, which sold jewelry. This is hundred meters away is another shop, Chuan Limthong, where Jaemsai Lekwat, the future wife of Banham, grew up. She came from an where upper-class landowning Chinese family, which, in addition to trading in gold, had interests in rice milling. Banharn and Jaemsai often played’ played together when when they were An{elderly small. An: elderly pharmacist (#100) who has known Banharn since his childhood said admiringly, "Jaemsai was Banharn's first love. They are still together. He has one heart [a Thai expression meaning faidiful], faithful], unlike other politicians who have mistresses/' mistresses;" Banharn likes to present himself as' as the son of a poor family, or as a sort of Thai hardships in life to become a national leader Abraham Lincoln who overcame great hardships by sheer dint of great effort—an image drat that some Suphanburians, including the elderly residents lottery-ticket seller cited earlier, eagerly embrace. This is a myth. As elderly least middleof the Muang municipality agree, Banharn's family actually enjoyed at least class status. Sometime after Banharn's birth, birth, his father, Saeng Saeng Kim, won a public bid to acquire a small, legal opium plant and alcohol distillery in Suphanburi, investments investments that considerably raised the family's income? income.* The distillery produced help whisky called Mae Nam Suphan (Suphan River). Saeng Kim Kirn used his wealth to help out local residents in trouble, and to act as a mediator for disputes. disputes. In 1947, he founded the Chinese Association of Suphanburi, of which he became die the first president. He also opened a small hotel, Sai Au, which Banham's elder sister, Sai Jai, managed.® These may not be signs of copious wealth, but they are not signs of poverty, either. Banham's youth was quite uneventful. He graduated from a local secondary school, Pratheep Withayalai (which no longer exists), at the age of fourteen. After helping helping his parents with their family business' for the next two years, he went to 1992). This booklet, was published Hoksip Pii Phana Than Banharn Silpa-archa (n.p., (n.p., 1992). This last item, a booklet, in 1992, 1992, presumably by Banharn's diildren, birtlrday. children, to commemorate his sixtieth birthday. 5 1996; and William Skinner, Chinese Bangkok Post, May 7, 1996; 1996; Bangkok Post, Post, September 21, 1996; Chinese Society in Thailand: An An Analytical History (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, Press, 1957), pp. 61, 63. 6 Thailand's largest, officially Opium production was one of Thailand's officially sanctioned sources sources of state revenue well into the twentieth century. Taxes on opium sales sales;;provided provided 18 percent of the 1926. See Benjamin Batson, The End of the'Monarchy in Siam Siam nation's revenue in 1926. the'j Absolute Absolute Monarchy (Singapore:, Oxford University Press, Press, 1984), (Singapore:; 1984), pp. 90, 120; James Ingram, Economic Change Change in 1850-1970 (Stanford, CA: Press, 1971), pp. 177-78, 186-87. It was Thailand,1850-1970 CA: Stanford University Press, 177-78,-186-87. 1958 that opium production was not until Sarit came to power in 1958 was outlawed. By this time, however, passed away—he died in 1954—j-and however, Banharn's father had passed 1954—-and his opium factory had been closed -down. , been closedjdown. 7 Saeng Kirn's Kim's photo is still hung on the wall of the Chinese Association of Suphanburi. 8 Suphan, August 20, 1969, 1969, p. 3; Krungthep Thurakij Sutsabda, February 29-March 29-March 6, 1992, 1992, Khon Suphan, pp..11. ll.
i
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Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
Bangkok to take an entrance exam for a famous preparatory school, which he failed.9 Disappointed, he returned to Suphanburi and spent .the the next year or so learning Disappointed, Chinese and basic tailoring.10 As one retired civil servant (#101) recalled, Banharn was "just an ordinary boy who dabbled at many tilings things in life. Nobody expected him to become 'Banharn Silpa-archa' Silpa-archa' that we know know now." Banham's life—and Suphanburi's history his decision to What changed Banham's history —was his Banham recalls, he he left Suphanburi on a boat — the migrate to Bangkok in 1949. As Banharn only mode of transport to Bangkok at the time—on November November 11, with only five baht in his pocket. His legendary pledge at the town shrine shrine supposedly took place a day before this departure. His daily job in Bangkok was to help help his elder elder brothers, Somboon and Udom, Udom, with their small but growing beverage retail business in a shop shop named Thai Somboon, located on the bustling Lam Luang Road, an area dominated by immigrant Chinese. He would would deliver drinks using a bicycle-drawn cart, for month.11 This petty job turned out to be the which he earned thirty to forty baht a month. phenomenal economic success. By 1953, just four years after origin of Banharn's phenomenal migrating to Bangkok, he had established his own construction company, Saha established his Srichai, at the age of twenty-one. twenty-one. remains shrouded in Exactly how this dramatic metamorphosis took place remains the murkiest part of Banham's life, the details of which few mystery. This is the know. Banharn himself is silent on this issue, suggesting that he has Suphanburians know. something to hide from the public. It is is possible, however, however, to reconstruct what may have happened by piecing together fragments of available written materials and the oral recollections of Larn Lam Luang residents. First, Thai Somboon's location was crucial for Banharn's economic success. It was located less than two hundred meters from the Department of Public Works (DPW)—a bureaucratic unit widely widely regarded as one of the most cormpt in Thailand. most corrupt The DPW civil servants regularly ordered soft drinks from Thai Somboon. As weekday, he became acquainted with top-ranking Banharn delivered them every weekday, were from Suphanburi. A man of deferential manners, manners, DPW officials, some of whom were 13 he "knew how He was how to please" civil servants and quickly "became their favorite."12 then offered a job at Thai Yong Phanit ( M HU), a successful Sino-Thai construction company, company, located on Lam Larn Luang Road, just a stone's stone's throw from Thai Somboon. sought to capitalize on Banharn's connections to the Thai Yong Phanit apparently sought construction business at DPW.13 Banharn, for his part, learned the ins and outs of construction Thai Yong Phanit, while deepening his personal ties to DPW officials. This experience led him to found the aforementioned Saha Srichai Construction company (also on Lam Larn Luang) in March 1953, along with Thai Yong Phanit's executives, who probably supplied the start-up capital. 14 9
stiu-Nayok Ratamontrii, p.17; Khomduean, Cheewa Prawat Akhraphon and Manthira, Senthang suu-Nayok lae Thasana Banharn Banham Silpa-archa, pp. pp. 34-35. 10 Sam Khwam Fan, pp. 21-22,21-22.. 11 Ibid., pp. 23, 26-28, 46. 22 12 Khomduean, Cheewa Prawat lae Thasana Banharn Silpa-archa, p. 50. 13 Established in 1946, Thai Yong Phanit (whicli (which no longer exists) built the main office of the Bank of Thailand. Department of Business Development, Ministry of Commerce (DBD/MC), Bangkok Company Files no. 362 and no. 2635; and interviews with Larn Luang residents residents in May 2004. 14 DBD/MC, Bangkok Company File no. 3893. For more details, see Nishizaki, "The Weapon 1 of the Strong," chapter 4.
Rise of a Local Hero Hero The Rise
61
i
Lam Luang's residents who had met Banharn during this period described him charming, strange, clever, crooked, and so to me in various ways (e.g., hardworking, charming, on), but they are unanimous in .their view that the DPW and Thai Yong Phanit turned Banham, an uneducated nonentity from provincial Thailand, into a budding capitalist in the short space of four years. As one elderly elderly Sino-Thai merchant (#93) recalled, "At that time, there were no skyscrapers, no elaborate buildings, in Thailand’ so construction was was easy. Anybody who had money, connections, good Thailand) luck, and a little bit of knowledge could enter the business." Banham got all these J essentials from the DPW and Thai Yong Phanit. ' Saha Srichai steadily expanded in subsequent years. Some Suphanburians Banharn's sheer hard work. For example, a retired attribute this expansion to Banham's medical doctor (#102), who happened to live near Larn Luang Road while studying night. I in Bangkok, recalled: "The light in his company was always on, until late.at night. came back home one day after midnight, after drinking with my friends. I walked walked past his company. I saw the light on. I peeped inside. I saw Banham checking account books books alone. He worked worked on Saturday and Sunday, Sunday, too. He was always working working without resting." In the accounts of this and several other Suphanburians, Banharn figures as a self-made, successful capitalist. The reality, however, was not so rosy. The patronage of friends and state officials was crucial. The Bangkok Metropolitan Bank, founded In in 1950 by the Teochiu capitalist Uthen Techaphaiboon, who personally knew Banharn's Banham's brother Somboon, company. 15 provided loans, business contacts, and other favors to Banham's fledging company. Then a big break came in 1957, when Field Marshal Marshal Sarit Thanarat came to power and initiated massive rural development, including the installation installation of’ tap-water systems. Sarit put the DPW in charge of this nationwide project. Thanks systems. Thanks to two DPW director-generals, director-generals, Damrong Chonwijam Chonwijam (1958-59) and Luang Luang Yuktasewee Wiwat lucrative ten-year monopoly to build tap-water (1959-66), Banham won an extremely lucrative pipes was particularly pipes throughout Thailand.16 Damrong, whose patronage was important, as Banharn's wife, Jaemsai, admits, 17 was from Suphanburi. Banham had another Suphanburi-born patron, Thawil Sunthorasarnthul, who controlled the DPW as permanent secretary of the Interior Ministry (1963-68) and deputy interior 18 minister (1969-73) (1969-73)..1S Banham's detractors would see these connections as the breeding ground of corruption;. Interestingly, most Suphanburians I talked to did did not deny this; they are corruption) naiveJ Most admit that Banharn's economic success probably involved shady shady hot naive.' deals with powerful bureaucratic patrons. Yet these people quickly point out that -------------::-------------------------I 15 Bangkok Company File no. 2070; and Sarn Sam Khwam Fan, pp. Asiaweek, July 14, 1995; DBD/MC, Bangkok Uthen was later to develop one one of Thailand's largest conglomerates, the Techaphaiboon Techaphaiboon 34-35. Uthen Group. When Banharn established another company, Saha Srichai Chemical, in 1980, he members to become its major stockholders. The Techaphaiboon invited TechaphaiboonTechaphaiboon family members family also became the major stockholders of Siam Occidental Electrochemical, which Banharn established in 1990. See DBD/MC, Bangkok Company Files no. 2164/2523 and no. 7508/2533, 7508/2533. 16 Thammai Phom Tong Than Banharn (Bangkok: Kiel Klet Thai, Thai, 1988), p. 57; Anant Sanokhan, Thamtnai Prachachart Thurakij, Pert Tua 'Khun Khlang' 15-Phak 15.Phak Kan Muang Thai (Bangkok: n.p., n.d.), p. enabled Banharn, Banharnj to found two additional 6; The profits from the booming business enabled companies, companies/ ’Nathee Nathee Thong and BS International, in 1962 and 1970, respectively. DBD/MC, Bangkok Limited Partnership File no. 527/05 and Bangkok Company File no. 330/2513. 1 17 Sarthit, Ke Roi Nak Kan Muang, p. 76. 18 Khon Suphan, April 10, 1969, pp. 1, 12; Khon Suphan, April 20, 1969, p. 1.
62
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
is nothing unusual about Banharn's Banharn's actions in the economic history history of Thailand. Thailand. there is have attained their present present They know that virtually all prominent Thai capitalists have colluding with, with, the bureaucracy. bureaucracy. Banharn was just one status by depending on, and colluding them. An ascetic work work ethic—the key to capitalist capitalist growth in in Protestant Protestant Europe, of them. according to Max Weber19—is not enough enough to get one far in Thailand's Thailand's business business according world; hard work must be complemented complemented by official connections. Official patronage world; highly politicized construction construction industry, industry, where where the is especially important in the highly directly mediated mediated by state agencies. In the 1950s, such such patronage was vital market is directly tire sheer survival vulnerable Chinese businesses, which were were the for the survival of politically vulnerable targets of official harassment harassment and and discrimination. discrimination.20 Knowing this, one elderly Siriotargets way: "Can you Thai merchant in Suphanburi (#103) defended Banharn in a typical way: name any one capitalist capitalist who has has succeeded while being being totally clean? That is name in Thailand. Thailand. If I z were him, I would would have have taken advantage advantage of every impossible in were him, servant, too. If you have have to offer a little money under the table connection to any civil servant, sometimes, that's part of doing doing business business in Thailand." Thailand." sometimes, merchant and many other Suphanburians, Suphanburians, what what is unique According to this merchant about Banham is not how he achieved his wealth, but how he used it. He used it for about Suphanburi and its its people, following through through on his his legendary legendary pledge at the sake of Suphanburi town shrine in 1949. He was was not simply simply content content with getting rich. This is what what the town distinguishes sharply from other money-grubbing money-grubbing capitalists, according to distinguishes Banham sharply his supporters. his supporters. Donation after Donation Donation after Donation recounting Banharn's actions actions in in Suphanburi before 1976, his supporters never never In recounting fail to mention two phrases: generous (jai kwang) and charitable (jai bun). These words are part of the local vocabulary of praise for Banham. A series of his highhighdevelopment give powerful and and concrete meanings meanings to these profile donations to local development what John John Kane would would call "moral "moral capital" capital" or phrases. He turned his money into what "moral reputation"—a nonmaterial virtue "moral virtue or asset asset that enables politicians to acquire acquire legitimate authority without resorting resorting to seedy'means seedy 'means of establishing establishing social control. 21 Hospital Ward Ward Banharn's first major donation donation in Suphanburi dates dates back to January 1966, when, at the age of thirty-three, thirty-three, he built built a patients' ward at Chaophraya Chaophraya Yommarat Hospital. Hospital.22 The unresponsiveness unresponsiveness of the central state provided a historical context in donation was appreciated appreciated by local residents. Chaophraya Chaophraya Yommarat which his donation Hospital, the only public public hospital hospital in Suphanburi at the time, found it difficult to Hospital, 19
Talcott Parsons Parsons (New York, Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Routledge, 1996). NY: Routledge, 20 Kenneth Landon, Landon, The Chinese in Thailand (New York, NY: Russell Russell & Russell, 1973), pp. pp. 147Kenneth 48; Lynn Pan, Pan, Sons of the Yellow Emperor: A History of the Chinese Diaspora (Boston, (Boston, MA: MA: Little, Little, Company, 1990), p. 235; and William William Skinner, Skinner, Leadership and Power in the Chinese Brown and Company, University Press, 1958), p. 190. Community of Thailand (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University 21 John Kane, Kane, The Politics of Moral Capital (New York, NY: Cambridge University University Press, 2001). 22 This hospital, hospital, founded in 1926, is named after its its founder, founder, Chaophraya Chaophraya Yommarat (18621938), a Suphanburi-bom Suphanburi-bom individual individual who who served served as minister minister of the the interior interior in the the period period of absolute monarchy. absolute monarchy.
25
The Rise of a Local Hero
63
ii accommodate a rapidly growing number of patients. patients?233 Phat Bunyaratphan, governor requested funds from the Ministry of Public Health to of Suphanburi, therefore requested construct a new patients' ward in 1965. The request was rejected, despite the fact that tire first National Economic. Development Plan (1961-66) emphasized "expanding the and improving the existing hospitals" in the countryside. countryside?244 Suphanburi received only 200,000 baht for undertaking four small-scale projects that were totally unrelated to the requested ward. Suphanburi's share in the construction funds allocated by the Ministry of Public Health, Health nationwide was a mere 0.35 percent. percent?155 In the following year, Chaophraya Yommarat Hospital received 120,000 baht for building a ward rooms?266 but this amount fell far short of meeting the needs of the hospital. with six rooms, At the same time, Suphanburi's neighboring provinces received much more public funding for building building larger patients' wards. wards?277 Frustrated, Frustrated,, Phat was compelled to solicit donations from local residents. It was was under these circumstances circumstances drat that Banham, baht?288 along with his wife, Jaemsai, made a stunning donation of 700,000 baht. donations made by other local celebrities. celebrities?299 The news of This sum dwarfed the donations Banham's unmatched munificence, reported in a local newspaper—an important medium of political communication in provincial Thailand—and also spread by word of mouth, was impressed on many Suphanburians. An elderly Sino-Thai merchant (b. 1929) (#103), who has has lived near Chaophraya Chaophraya Yommarat Hospital all his instantly became the talk of the town among hospital life, remembers that Banharn instantly merchants, food vendors, and their customers. customers. staff, merchants, Banharn'ss donation was quite Banharn' quite possibly influenced by the fact that his former schoolmate, Winit Sribunma, and Banharn's brother-in-law, Bundit Lekwat (Jaemsai' (Jaemsai'ss elder brother), brother), were both doctors at Chaophraya Yommarat Hospital. the hospital hospital as just another another case of his Critics of Banharn would view his donation to tire characteristic nepotism. nepotism. This hardly mattered to the local residents, however. however. As the Sino-Thai merchant quoted above (#103) said, "There is nothing wrong with helping his brother-in-law's hospital get bigger, if he did it to develop Suphanburi." Suphanburi." What residents was was that Suphanburi would would,have mattered to the local residents have a new ward thanks to Banharn, whose philanthropy contrasted sharply with the callousness of the central state. As Winit recalled, "The hospital hospital had not received state funds for a long long time, and Mr. Banharn came along to offer help." 30 Plainly, Banham did what the state would not do. 23
Suphanburi's population increased by 32 percent percent from 448,694 in 1957 to 590,196 in 1967. Suphanbiiri's Uraiwan Kanungsukkasem, Comparative Population and Health Statistics for Thailand: Regional Mahidol University Institute for Population and Social and Provincial Levels (Bangkok: Mailidol Research, 1983). Research, 24 National Economic Development Board, The National Economic Development Plan, 1961-1966: Second Phase,1964-1966 (Bangkok: NEDB, 1964), p. 131. 25 Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2508, 3,3 (1964):1043-1187. 2508,3,3 26 Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2509, 3,3 (1965):1235. 27 example, Saraburi, Ratchaburi, Kanchanaburi, and Lopburi received 1,003,000 baht, For example, baht, 560,000 baht, and 760,000 baht, respectively. Budget Bureau, Efcasnrn 810,000 baht, Ekasarn Ngoppramarn 2508, 3,3 (1964):1229-1234. ]) 23 28 Khon Supltan, Suplian, January 25, 1966, pp. 1, 15; Khon Suphan, November 10, 1968, p. 3. 29 baht, Khon Suphan, January 25, 1966, pp. 1, 15; Khon The second largest donation was 100,000 baht. | Suphan, February 15, 1966, p. 15. 30 Sam Khwam Fan, p. 63.
31 31
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Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
The construction of the ward, a modem two-story building made made of ferroconcrete and containing twenty air-conditioned rooms, was completed in 1968. the ward was named "Banharn-Jaemsai In honor of the most generous donator, die the first symbol of Banharn's contribution to local development. In a pattern Ward"— —the that was to become increasingly common in the years to come, his personal mark was thus permanently imprinted on what is essentially essentially a public building that benefits the provincial population at large (figure 3.1).
■ 7’ '
■-.W
tJLL-i-
1
UM mat;
IbA I
Figure 3.1 The lettering on this newly built ward of Chaophraya Yommarat Hospital Ward.” Banharn is in center, Jaemsai, on right 31 says "Banharn-Jaemsai Silpa-archa Ward."
The ward was opened with fanfare in aa. grand ceremony held in January 1969. opened with The newly appointed Governor Sawat Meephian Meephian (1966-75) presided over the ceremony. Also present were high-ranking officials from the tire Muang municipality and the Provincial Office of Public Health; the grandchildren of Chaophraya Yommarat; and Miss Thailand, Thailand, whose parents were from Suphanburi.32 JtIt is unknown how many local residents attended tire ceremony, but the tire presence of Miss the Thailand wearing a miniskirt presumably attracted a big audience. During tire Thailand evoked ceremony, Banharn explained the motive behind his donation in ways that evoked the tire backward image of Suphanburi and touched a deep chord with the audience: "Once we were born in Suphanburi, we want to see Suphanburi prosper as much as 31 32
January 30, 1969. Source-. Khon Suphan, January Source: Khon Suphan, January 30, 1969, pp. 1, 3.
*
The Rise'of of a Local Hero
65
other provinces.I try to help in every every possible way." 33 The local newspaper, Khon Suphan,further publicized Banharn's donation by* tire ceremony with three by> covering’ the front-page) photos and by praising him him as "a young millionaire with front-pagej with a charitable heart." Banharn used the event to announce his intention to build a new school with heart." his money money in the future, giving Suphanburians another socially worthwhile project to anticipate.34 Thus, Thus, the ceremony served as an occasion on which an incipient image of Banharn as a generous patron of the disadvantaged Suphanburi was with tire public spectacle and rhetoric. created with the help of public Banham-Jaemsai Ward still exists, bearing Banharn's name and serving as a The Banham-Jaemsai his generous donation more than forty years vivid reminder to the Suphanburians of his Since) 1976, Banharn has built two additional patients' wards (also named ago. Since’ Hospital with Banham-Jaemsai Wards) at Chaophraya Yommarat Hospital with Iris money. donations, what was hospital in the 1960s Thanks in)no in Jno small part to these, these donations, was a small hospital now grown into one of the largest hospitals hospitals in the central region. 35 has now School Building
Banharn made an equally visible impact in the field of education. It started in Banham August 19t68, when he gave a relatively modest donation of 50,000 baht to the Provincial 'Chief of Education, Mian Khrueasin, at a local ceremony. The donation Provincial’Chief Education !(MOE) for repairing ten primary schools in Suphanburi.36 The ceremony was held !at Prasathong Primary School, located just a few minutes' walk from Chaophraya Yommarat Hospital, Hospital, where the aforementioned Banharn-Jaemsai Banharn-Jaemsai Ward built. had been bjUilt. v In subsequent years, Banham made made a spate of much more spectacular donations (totaling 3:7 million baht) to build new new schools. These schools, constructed in four Suphanburi Suphanburi districts between 1970 and 1977, were named "Banharn-Jaemsai and were numbered consecutively from I to IV. Again, the stinting nature Schools" and the central state had established highlight, of the established a historical context that served to highlight, through contrast, Banharn's welcome donations. This contrast between the state and the individual benefactor was clearly illustrated during the the process of constructing Banharn-Jaemsai School I in Don Chedi District. Before 1970, this district did not have a single secondary school, forcing its students to travel some thirty kilometers higher education.37 To on a dusty, dusty, bumpy road to the central Muang District for- higher remedy this problem, Provincial Education Chief Mian "requested state funds for Banharn made his first donation of many years, but to no avail." Therefore, when Banham 50,000 bahjt baht (noted above), Mian asked used to build build a asked him if the money could be used secondary (school Ischbol in Don Chedi rather than to renovate existing buildings. Banharn answered the money should be spent spent on repairing the ten schools, as he had answered that the I Ibid., p. 3,[emphasis mine. mine. 34 Ibid. As will this’promise. I will be shown below, Banharn fulfilled thispromise. 35 See-Nishizaki, "The Weapon Weapon of the Strong," chapter 7, for details details’.1; 35 36 I Khon Suphan, Suptian, August 20, 1968, p. 11.. 37 This road (built in 1954) was made of crushed crushed stones before it was was asphalted in in 1970-72. This Department: of Highways (DOH), (DOH), Rai-ngan Prachampii 2497 (Bangkok: DOH, 1955), pp. 18, 36; DOH, Rai-ngan Prachampii 2493 2498 (Bangkok: DOH, 1956), pp. 13, 27; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2514, 3,4 (1970): 387; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2515, 3,4 (1971): 382. 33
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Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
originally intended, intended, but that he would make a much bigger donation donation specifically for Don Chedi Chedi in the near near future.38 When Banham Banharn announced announced his plan plan to build build a new school during during the opening ceremony for Banham-Jaemsai Ward, he apparently had this school in in mind. Banham kept his promise. promise. In 1969, he donated 500,000 baht baht to build Banham build Don Chedi's first secondary additional 500,000 baht to the secondary school. A year later, later, he he donated an additional same school. Completed in April 1970, the school, named named Banharn-Jaemsai School I, was formally transferred to the MOE in in a ceremony ceremony attended by then-Minister of Education Education Sukij Nimmanhemin. The first school bearing Banham's name name thus thus came into being, with with seventy-two seventy-two students and two teachers.39 It is now among the largest and the most prestigious-secondary prestigious-secondary schools in Suphanburi (see chapter 4 for details). Banharn made a similar contribution to Laothong Temple Primary School in Muang District. Established in 1936, the school had only one old wooden building, which by the mid-1970s had had been "severely damaged." even had holes damaged." The building even in in the roof, making it impossible to conduct classes on a rainy day. The building was growing number of students, which had reached also too small to accommodate a growing three hundred hundred by 1971. The school was urgent need of a new building, was therefore in urgent but state funds were not not forthcoming. The Laothong Laothong Temple abbot and the villagers scraped together 316,435 baht from their own own pockets, but this sum fell far short of scraped the estimated estimated construction construction cost of 1.3 million baht. Having heard about this problem, Banharn donated 1.4 million baht to Laothong Laothong Temple Temple Primary School—a sum that Banharn donated exceeded the projected construction construction cost. Out of gratitude for this unsolicited donation, the abbot abbot changed the name of the school to Banharn-Jaemsai School IV.40 bore his name.) The (By this time, Banham Banham had built three other schools, and each bore completed in 1976. This was just another new school building was was completed another case demonstrating demonstrating that Suphanburi's educational development had to rely on a rich benefactor like Banharn to compensate for the limited funds allocated by the "developmental" state. state. the case with Banharn-Jaemsai Ward at Chaophraya As was was the Chaophraya Yommarat Banharn's generous generous donations to education were effectively advertised via Hospital, Banharn's such as grand ceremonies. An array of provincial and national-level "big people," such Suphanburi's governor, minister of education, and even even royal family members, were were invited to attend these ceremonies (see table 3.1). For example, on April 20, 1973, Banharn held a comerstone-laying ceremony ceremony for Banharn-Jaemsai School III in Dan Chang District— the first upper-secondary upper-secondary school in Dan Chang—which he was was' going going to construct with personal funds totaling one one million baht. The Provincial Sawat and Office of Education invited Governor Sawat and Minister of Education Education Aphai Jantawimol to attend the ceremony. A local newspaper newspaper advertised Jantawimol advertised the date of the event in advance event advance to maximize popular attendance. attendance. The paper paper also aroused local residents' interest in in meeting Banham in person by publicizing his philosophy, 38
Khwam Fan, Fan, pp. pp. 50-51. Sam Khwam 50-51. Ibid., pp. 52, 52, 56; 56; Khon 10, 1969; 1969; Khon 1969, p. 3; Khon Ibid., Khon Suphan, April April 10, Khon Suphan, April April 20, 1969, Khon Suphan, April 10, 10, 1970, 1970, pp. pp. 1, 12; Khon Suphan, April 1970, pp. 1, 3, 12. 12; Khon April 30, 30, 1970, 10 40 Khon Suphan, March March 10, Banharn-Jaemsai School Naenam Rongrian Rongriqn Khon 10, 1975, 1975, pp. 1, 2; Banharn-Jaemsai School IV, Ekasarn Naenam Sueksa Munnithi Banharn-Jaemsai (Suphanburi; Banharn-Jaemsai nai Phithi Morp Thun Kan Sueksa Banharn-Jaemsai (Suphanburi: Banharn-Jaemsai School episode regarding regarding the construction School IV, 1995), 1995), p. 9. For For a description description of a similar episode construction of Banharn-Jaemsai School II in Bang Pla Ma district, see Khon 10, 1970, 1970, p. 1. Banharn-Jaemsai School Ma district, Khon Suphan, May 10,
39
41
The The Rise of a Local Hero Hero
67 67
Table 3.1 Ceremonies for Commemorating Banharn’s Donations to Schools, i 1969-77 41 /
School School Name B-J I
Location (District)
DonChedi Don Chedi
*
Banham's m Banham's Type of Ceremony Donation Type of Ceremony 1,000,000 1,000,000
t
Main
Date Date
Guests Gues(s
CornerstoneCornerstonelaying laying
•■' 4/20/69 4/20/69
,l Governor
Opening Opening
t
1
i4/25/70 /25170
• ;
Governor Governor Minister of Education DGE Chief DGE Chief
District District ; s/??/7o 3IV.I70
Tha Tha Chang Chang
Derm Bang
B-J II II
290,000 Bang Pla Pla Ma Bang Ma 290,000
3119/71 Governor 8/19/71 . 4/20/72 4 / 2 0 / 7 2 Governor
B-J III
Dan Chang Chang
4/20/73 4 / 2 0 / 7 3 Governor Minister of Education DGE DGE Chief and 77/15/75 / 1 5 / 7 5 King and Queen f
200,000 200,000
Inspection
Education Chief Chief
ComerstoneComerstonelaying laying Opening ComerstoneComerstone1,000,000 laying 1,000,000 laying
Opening Opening
B-J IV
Muang Muang
ComerstoneComerstone1,400,000 laying 1,400,000 Opening Opening
1
’ 8/20/75 8/20/75 22/11/77 /11/77
j
DLA Chief DLA Chief King's mother and mother and Princess
B-J = BanhamJaemsai Banham-Jaemsai DGE = Department of General Education DLA DLA «~ Department of Local Administration
which at once once played up "We which up his his altruism and and appealed to provincialisf sentiments: "We born in in Suphan. When we have have enough enough to live on and and eat, we should were all born Suphan. When should all help to to make our beloved birthplace [bankert muang muang norn prosperous norn thirak khong rao] prosperous ruecmg]. When we die, die, we we can't take the Thanks to [charoen rung rueaug]. When we can't take the money money with with us." us." 42 Thanks this publicity, five hundred hundred to six hundred hundred people, people, consisting to six consisting of civil servants, servants, 43 merchants; and and ordinary ordinary citizens, citizens, attended the the cornerstone-laying cornerstone-laying ceremony. 43 merchants,! ceremony. During the celebration, Governor Sawat Sawat addressed addressed the audience udience to recount the During the celebration, the tire 41
Sources: Khon Suphan (April 10, 1969; March 10, 1970, 10, 1969; 1969; April 20, 20, 1969; March 10, 1970, April 10, 10, 1970, 1970, April 30, 30, 1970; August 20, 20, 1972; 10, 1975; 20, 1975; August 20, 1970; August 20, 1971; 1971; April 20, 1972; April 30, 30, 1973; 1973; July 10, 1973; July 20, 1975; August 20, 1975; ; 1975; August 30, 30, 1975; 1975; February 16, 16, 1977). 1977). 42 1973, pp. J Khon Supltan, SupJian,April 10, 10, 1973, pp. 1, 1, 12. 12. 43 Ibid., 3, 12; 12; Khon Suphan, April 20, 20, 1973, 1973, p. Ibid., pp. 3, p. 3.
68
and Provincial Identity in Thailand Political Authority and'
circumstances then extolled the circumstances that led up to Banharn's donation. The governor governor then such as Banharn-Jaemsai Banharn-Jaemsai Schools and other development works Banharn had built, such Banharn-Jaemsai Ward. He praised Banharn Banham for having made all these contributions “with a pure heart [borisut jai]." In his speech, Education Minister Aphai "with Aphai showered similar praise on Banharn: "I "I have never thought that young people like Banharn and Jaemsai would have the charitable spirits to sacrifice their wealth for the benefit of the community/' community." 44 Banharn-Jaemsai School III was officially opened in a Once completed, Banharn-Jaemsai ceremony’ held on July 15, 1975. King Bhumibol and Queen Sirikit spectacular ceremony attended the event as the guests of honor, leaving Dan Chang's Chang's residents astounded, impressed, excited, and awestruck. awestruck. This was the first time that Dan Chang— the impressed, northernmost and the most inaccessible district of Suphanburi45—had —had ever had the honor of hosting the royal couple. Their attendance attracted a big crowd —an estimated five thousand to six thousand people, including including members members of minority ethnic groups, Karens and Songs, who comprised comprised almost 50 percent of Dan Chang's sparse sparse population.46 A ceremony of this scale was unprecedented in Dan Chang. Banharn used this event to mobilize numerous initiates of the Village Scouts intensely nationalist nationalist mass movement movement that the king sponsored during movement—an intensely 47 the 1970s to defeat growing communist insurgency in the countryside. Bundit brother-in-law and the leader leader of Suphanburi's Lekwat, Banharn's brother-in-law Suphanburi's Village Scouts, played a pivotal pivotal role in mobilizing these initiates. initiates.48 As discussed in Chapter-2, Chapter 2, the and Dan the Communist Communist Party of Thailand had had infiltrated Suphanburi by 1969, and Chang, a mountainous district with a large ethnic minority population, was most seriously affected by the communist insurgency. Against this backdrop, backdrop, Banharn helped bring Dan Chang's otherwise mutinous population under the gaze and control of the benevolent monarchy that embodied the Thai nation. He also took this occasion to donate 100,000 baht to the royal family to help expand the Village Scouts nationwide (figure 3.2).49 Paul Handley has written about the pattern of upward the 1980s: 1980s: "High-society Thais and ambitious social mobility in Bangkok during tire climbers competed ever more to be seen donating funds and participating in royal events" in return for royal merit.50 The same thing tiling was happening happening in Suphanburi in the 1970s. Banharn was was a prime example of such "ambitious climbers." 44
Khon Suphan, April 30, 1973, p. 12. The construction of a gravel road linking Dan Chang to another district (U-Thong) started in 1969. The project was not completed until 1974. Khon Suphan, July 20, 1969, p. 1; Khon Suphan, March 30, 1974, p. 1. 46 Khon Suphan,July 20, 1975, p. 1. 47 See Katherine Bowie, Rituals of National Loyalty: An Anthropology of the State and the Village Scout Movement in Thailand (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1997), for details on this movement. 48 Khon Suphan,October 16, 1976, p. 1; Khon Suphan, April 10, 1968, p. 1; Khon Suphan, April 20, 1968, p : l . 49 Khon Suphan,July 10, 1975, p. 1; Khon Suphan,July 20, 1975, p. 1. 50 Handley, The King Never Smiles: A Biography of Thailand's Bhumibol Adulyadej (New Paul Handley, Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), p. 287. 45
51
The The Rise Rise of a Local Hero Hero
O.-K
0
aa
69 69
Figure 3.2 Banharn and Jaemsai making a donation to the royal couple during an '* opening ceremony for Banharn-Jaemsai School III 11151
reciprocated by inaugurating, and conferring a The royal couple, for their part, reciprocated behind attending the blessing on, Banharn's school. If their primary motive behind ceremony was to promote promote the Village Scouts movement movement and to rally popular popular support behind the throne, behind throne, it is still beyond doubt that their attendance considerably enhanced broadly, the royal couple's enhanced ihe khe prestige prestige of Banharn's school. More broadly, attendance; broadcast on the attendance' sensationally reported in the local press and even broadcast national radio,52 instantly spread spread and enshrined Banham's reputation as a promonarchy and anti-communist anti-communist developer of Suphanburi. In his widely cited paper, McQirgo, argues that King Bhumibol's monarchical network, the largest Duncan McCargo, patronage {network ! network in post-1973 Thailand, Thailand, has functioned to place "the right people" —"talented" —"talented" and "capable people of reformist instincts" who possess "personal virtue"—"in the right jobs."53 Uneducated and allegedly corrupt ruralruralking's high high moral based politicians, such as Banharn, who do not live up fo the king's standards are marginalized politically. To the extent that this is the case, it is a deep irony that the king incubated or groomed Banham, if inadvertently, as a legitimate local leader who was later to become Suphanburi's MP. i Far from marginalizing the king effectively co-opted him into the growing rightist rightist Banharn politically, tire network that comprised the palace, the military, bureaucrats, and capitalists. There was a mutually complementary relationship between the two: The king relied on a generous benefactor like Banharn Banham to.defeat communism in tire the countryside, rich and generous while Banharn depended on the king to build his moral stature at the local level. In short, the king and Banharn needed and used each other for their respective political 51
Source: Khdn Khon Suphan, July 20, 1975. Withayu-sdrn Prachamwan,July 17, 1975. 53 Duncan McCargo, "Network Monarchy Monarchy and Legitimacy Crises in Thailand," Pacific Review 18,4 (2005):501, 502, 512. ' 52
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Political Authority and Thailand and Provincial Identity Identity in in Thailand
purposes. Banharn's phenomenal rise Suphanburi owed much to this purposes. rise in pre-1976 pre-1976 Suphanburi owed much this the king king was directly implicated synergy; the implicated in it. Welfare Charities Welfare
Banharn made smaller yet important donations to welfare charities Banham made important donations charities to alleviate the hardships hardships of less less fortunate fortunate Suphanburians. the Suphanburians. One One example example was his his donation donation of clothes the Provincial Red The Red handed clothes worth 1,700 1,700 baht to the Red Cross in 1969. 1969. The Red Cross Cross handed these clothes clothes to villagers in Suphanburi's least developed out these Suphanburi's two two least developed districts, districts, Dan Chang and Derm Bang Nang Buat, on July 26. Similarly, on on June 12, 12, 1973, 1973, Banharn, Chang 26.54 Similarly, Banharn, along with his Lekwat (Jaemsai's mother), handed handed out along with his wife, wife, Jaemsai, Jaemsai, and and Thapthim Lekwat 8,210 worth of clothes 207 poor schoolchildren schoolchildren in Muang 8,210 baht baht worth clothes and and notebooks to 207 in Muang 55 District.55 (named "Banharn-Jaemsai Furthermore, Banham started started awarding awarding scholarships scholarships (named "Banharn-Jaemsai Scholarships") from poor families. practice began on Scholarships") to students students from families. This This practice on March 15, 15, 1971, 1971, when he School I to award an unspecified number of when he visited visited Banharn-Jaemsai School to award scholarships in person. person. He He did the scholarships the same in March the the following year. year. For the the next two years, years, he he did scholarships for reasons reasons that that are are not clear, but on on two did not award award any scholarships clear, but resumed the the practice by by handing handing out seventeen scholarships November 26, 26, 1975, 1975, he he resumed 56 worth 5,100 5,100 baht. Likewise, Likewise, he handed out Banharn-Jaemsai Banharn-Jaemsai Scholarships Scholarships at five worth he handed 57 schools other than his his own own schools. schools. 57 schools One underfunded primary illustrates that that One particular episode episode involving an underfunded primary school school illustrates the incapacity of the the central state to provide provide relief the relief funds funds for the the poor allowed appear as a compassionate compassionate local local benefactor. In November 1970, Pratheep, Banham to appear 1970, Pratheep, 58 a private primary school budget crunch. school in Sam Chuk District, faced a serious serious budget crunch. 58 By By the the school, run by a Japanese Christian had become become a the late 1960s, 1960s, the school, run Christian missionary, missionary, had "sanctuary" for the the children of an ethnic ethnic minority "sanctuary" minority (Mons) in in the'nearby the'nearby Phetchabun Province, where the the Communist Communist Party gained much much ground. ground. The Province, Party of Thailand Thailand had had gained The students' parents, concerned about imminent clashes between students' parents, deeply deeply concerned about imminent armed clashes' between 59 communist entrusted their twentytwenty-three communist guerrillas guerrillas and government security forces,59 entrusted three aged five to six, six, to the schoolmaster, schoolmaster, promising to come come back children, aged back to fetch fetch them them due course. course. They They thought thought that it would would be safer to leave their children with in due with a nonThai teacher, whose school outside the the jurisdiction of the the state-controlled state-controlled MOE. teacher, whose school fell outside MOE. The kindly agreed to to take take in the the children them with The schoolmaster schoolmaster kindly children and provided provided them with shelter and but then the parents did did not return return for several months, months, and and and food for free, but then the there no telling they were were dead deserted their offspring. As two there was no telling whether whether they dead or had deserted two passed, Pratheep Pratheep —a small private school budget— years passed, school running running on on a shoestring shoestring budget— 54
Khon Suphan,July 10, 1969, p. 1, Khon Suphan,June 20, 1973, pp. pp. 1, 12. 56 Banharn-Jaemsai Banharn-Jaemsai School I, Phithi Morp Thun Kan Sueksa Munnithi Banharn-Jaemsai Prachampii 2538 (Suphanburi: (Suphanburi: Banharn-Jaemsai Banharn-Jaemsai School 1,1995), page number unspecified. 57 Khon Suphan, November 30, 1974, p. 3; Khon Suphan, December 30, 1974; Khon Suphan, October 10, 1975, p. p. 10; Thin Thai, September 15, 1975, p. 10. 58 The information here is based on Khon Suphan, November 20, 1970, p. 1, and my interview Pratheep', February 10, 2002. with the schoolmaster of Pratheep, 59 In 1967, the army started an "indiscriminate use of bombs and napalm" napalm" to suppress spread to communist insurgency in northern Thailand. In the same year, the fighting spread Phetchabun. Saiyud Kerdphol, The Struggle for Thailand: Counter-insurgency, 1965-1985 Phetchabun. (Bangkok:S. Research Center, 1986), pp. 116, 180. 55
The Rise of a Local Hero
71
r
Mii
found it increasingly difficult to accommodate and feed the "internal refugee children." children." When the cold season arrived, the school could not provide enough blankets for the children. In early November 1970, the schoolmaster and his Thai wife (Prakhong Suwanpratheep), who is the granddaughter of one of the founders of the Thai air force, visited Minister of Education Sukit Nimmanhemin in Bangkok to plead for help. In principle, since their school was was privately run, it was not entitled to receiving help from the state, but tire schoolmaster thought that circumstances were so special as to warrant some some emergency relief funds.
f JIW II ]
s
j
Figure 3.3 The Mon tribe schoolchildren at Pratheep School; the tall man on the left is the schoolmaster I interviewed interviewed 60
would not or could could not provide any help, but out of sympathy he wrote a Sukit would letter to Banharn to ask for assistance. As mentioned earlier, Sukit had presided over Banharn-Jaemsai School I in 1970, so he knew knew Banham an opening opening ceremony for Banharn-Jaemsai personally. Soon thereafter, on November 14, 1970, Banham appeared at Pratheep School and handed out 3,000 baht worth of school uniforms and blankets to all the minority group children who, under children in need. Thus, he saved the lives of the minority other circumstances, could have have been deserted deserted or politically persecuted for being Banharn's other good related to communist sympathizers. This news, like news of Banharn's deeds, hit the headlines headlines in a local newspaper, along with a photo photo of the schoolchildren who help (figure 3.3). | who received his help T r
Restoring Suphanburi's Honor and Glory Banharn donated his money, not just to meet tire the developmental needs needs of Suphanburians and their communities, communities, but also to take two actions actions that restored, Siiphanburians and 60 60
Source: Khon Khon Suphan, 20, .1970. Suphan, November November 20, 1970.
62
7?. 72
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
enhanced Suphanburi' fame or honor. These actions actions further elevated protected, or enhanced his status as a generous and selfless local hero. his Return of Sangkhalok Bowl Banharn's first action involved a long-standing long-standing controversy surrounding the "Sangkhalok Bowl." The controversy started in 1962, when ihen-Prime then-Prime Minister Field Marshal Sarit took this bowl, a priceless ceramic work created during tire the Sukhothai period (13th~14th (13th-14th centuries), from Suwannaphum Temple, one of the 61 tire bowl, Sarit gave a water jar of most famous temples in Suphanburi. In return for the tire temple's abbot. abbot. Although the government issued a statement that little value to die Sarit and the abbot agreed amicably to exchange the bowl and the jar, most {jam jai, doi Suphanburians understood that the abbot was was "forced "forced under duress" (jam relinquish the bowl and that Sarit snatched it "unjustly" "unjustly" (doi mai chorp bankhap jai) to relinquish 62 tham).61 tire Corruption Investigating Then, in December 1963, Sarit died, and the Commission, established by the government to investigate investigate Sard's Sarit's frauds, confiscated tdok this his major assets, including die tire bowl. The abbot of Suwannaphum Temple took chance to request in writing drat that the bowl (be how joe returned to his temple, explaining how it had ended up in Sarit's hands. The commission reacted reacted slowly, slowly, however. It was only in November 1965 diat invited the abbot and That, that the commission invited Phat, thengovernor of Suphanburi, to come to Bangkok to ascertain ascertain the authenticity of die bowl. This was only a cosmetic gesture. Although die the abbot confirmed the bowl to be away, and die the commission accordingly promised to return it the one Sarit had taken away, frustration, saw the commission to Suwannaphum Temple, Suphanburians, to dieir their frustration, nodiing-but do nothingbut drag its feet for die the next four years. Expectations of regaining regaining the bowl had risen high, only to be dashed just like "the wave that had struck against the shore" (khluen krathop fang).63 This controversy was was not simply simply between Suwannaphum Temple Temple and die Corruption Investigating Commission. It also symbolized a fight between between Suphanburi and die the arbitrary central state. The commission was the institutional representation of the state, to which Sarit, who had wrested the bowl from mounting a barrage of emotional attacks against die Suphanburi, belonged. In mounting the state, the bowl was "die "the dearest treasure of all a local newspaper asserted that die Suphanburians ... The temple's asset is Suphanburians' asset," and that "Suphanburians have the legitimate right to get it back." 64 The question question of who 61
The circumstances under which this controversy occurred need some elaboration. On February 16, 1962, Sarit visited Suphanburi to attend an opening ceremony for the newly built Provincial Court. During this ceremony, .Governor Phat, wishing wishing to impress Sarit, displayed the Sangkhalok bowl on a table. Phat also boasted of' of tire the bowl's incalculable historical value to Sarit's military subordinate appeared at Suwannaphum Temple Sarit. Less than a month later, Sarit's with a water jar and made a request; request: "The bowl is so beautiful that I want to give it to my superior [in exchange for die the jar]." The abbot agreed, agreed, fearing die the consequences of refusing the the ensuing mess. Khon request. Phat admitted later that his silly boasting was was to blame for die pp. 1, 8; Sam Khwain Khwam Fan, pp. 46, 48. Suphan, February 20, 1962, pp. 62 Khon Suphan, September 5, 1962,- pp. 1, 8; Khon Suphan, September 20, 1962, pp. 1, 8; Khon Suphan,September 7, 1965, p. 1; Khon Suphan, April 11, 1967, p. 4. 63 Khon Suphan, March 30, 1969, p. 3. 64 Ibid.; Khon Suphan, March 21, 1967, p. 4.
65
The Rise of a Local Hero
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1
would take eventual possession of the bowl bowl thus thus generated generated an intense interest would among Suphanburians. Suphanburians. The province's province's honor was at stake. stake. among honor was in early November November 1969, the shocking news leaked leaked out: the government, Then, in Sarit's successor, Thanom, planned planned to sell the bowl at a public auction in two two led by Sarit's Upon hearing Governor Phat (who had by this time weeks. Upon hearing this news, former Governor governor of Ubon Ratchatani) contacted the provincial provincial newspaper staff on become governor in turn, immediately contacted incumbent incumbent Governor Governor Sawat. Sawat. November 2. The latter, latter, in immediately contacted Sawat called an urgent meeting of the Buddhist Buddhist Association of Suphanburi Suphanburi (of which Sawat he was president) to discuss how to deal with with the "crisis." Sawat Sawat contacted 65 toplead powerful of these MPs, Suphanburi's MPs to plead for help, but in vain. 63 The most powerful Thongyod Jitaweera, was Thongyod was actually in a good position to offer help. His son, Udom, was married to the daughter daughter of Sombat Sombat Panitcheewa, an influential Suphanburi-born Suphanburi-born capitalist who jvho ran a successful Thai-Japanese joint venture—Thai-Asahi Caustic Soda—of which Thanom was a major shareholder. 66 Despite this connection, and more importantly, despite the .fact that he was a fellow Suphanburian, Thongyod refused tojmediate to|me diate in the controversy, presumably presumably for fear of offending Thanom. Sawat called on Banham, atjhis atihis Bangkok home, as the At his wits' end, end, Governor Governor Sawat auction held held at the tire last hope. Banharn instantly agreed to help. He attended the auction in Bangkok on November November 14, and bought bought the bowl for 60,000 Treasury Department in baht, after a fierce bidding bidding contest against against numerous collectors of antique antique goods from baht across Thailand. Thailand.67 His determination to win win the bid amazed amazed other other bidders bidders so much that they approached approached him during and after the auction to ask ask what what he was was going to do with the bowl. bowl. He gave a simple answer answer that left them them bewildered and and speechless: "Twill return it to my province." 68 much-awaited return of Suphanburi's Suphanburi's treasure and Banharn's Banharn's To celebrate the much-awaited heroic act,‘Governor .Governor Sawat planned a grand public public parade parade consisting of students students and brass brass bands bands on December 5, 1969, the birthday of the revered revered King Bhumibol. Yet the:bowl only Banharn declined to be cast in in the limelight, saying that he had bought the! "the glory [safcsn] [safcsrz] of Suphanburi." Rather than take part in the highhighto preserve "the profile public public celebration, he returned the bowl bowl to Suwannaphum Temple in a reported sensationally in a subdued ceremony held on November 30.69 This news, reported provincial’ newspaper photo of Banharn and and his wife provincial' newspaper along with a front-page photo down to return the bowl to the temple abbot, made made him famous as a totally kneeling down honor. The legendary return unselfish and humble humble hero who restored restored Suphanburi's Suphanburi's honor. as a symbolic guardian of Suphanburi's Suphanburi's of the Sangkhalok Bowl thus established him as prestige, ]j than three decades provincial newspaper newspaper Suphan More than decades after this incident, the provincial editorials to recount how it happened and and what what Banham did.70 Post carried a series of editorials Banham's heroism heroism has thus thus been reproduced reproduced and and perpetuated in the local discourse. Banham's 65
November 20, 1969, pp. pp. 1, 12. Khon Suphan, November May 20, 1969, p . 3; Arunee Arunee Sopitpongstom, Srifiiengfung: The Boy from Khon Suphan, May Sopitpongstom, Kiarti Srifuengfung: Suphanburi Sri Yarnie Yarnie Corporation, |j Suphanburi (Bangkok: (Bangkok: Sri Corporation, 1991). 67 November 20, 1969, pp. pp. 1, 12. |j Khon Suphan, November 68 November 16, 2001. Suphan Post, November 69 w November 20, 1969, pp. pp. 1, 12; Khon Suphan, November November 30, 1969, pp. 1, 12; Khon Khon Suphan, November 1 Suphan, December December 10,, pp. 1, 3. * Suphan, 10, 1969, pp. 70 5; October p, 5; November November 16, 2001, p. 5. Suphan Post, October 1, 2001, p. S; October 16, 2001, p. 66
74
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand Revival of Blood of Suphan
Banharn whipped up provincial pride by staging public spectacles of Banliam Suphanburi's invented invented historical greatness on TV and in theater. Specifically, in July and August 1975, he and the Association of Suphanburians in Bangkok revived and performed Blood of Suphan, Luang Wichit Wathakan's famous nationalist nationalist play that features the legendary heroism and bravery of King Naresuan in the the 1593 battle tire play had enjoyed enormous against Burma. Originally written in 1936, the Phibun's popularity before and during World War II, thanks to Field Marshal Phibun's 71 war, however, patronage. After the war, however, tire the show's show's popularity waned. In this context, Wichit's widow, widow, directed the tire revival tire play Banharn, with the support of Luang Wichit's revival of the provincialist sentiments among Suphanburians.72 to arouse provincialist News of the revival of Blood of Suphan caused excitement in Suphanburi. Luang Wichit, a native of Uthai Thani Province, had written tire the play to incite nationalism among Thais as a whole, but for Suphanburians, the play was just as much about their province as it was about Thailand. The contents of the play had .great provincialist appeal. One line extolled Suphanburians' exemplary courage courage and unity in the face of enemy attacks: "We have have fewer people. We have no weapons weapons for combat. But the tire blood of Suphan has never never been afraid of -anybody. has to Suphan has 'anybody. When it has wherever it is, will come together. The blood fight, it fights ... The blood of Suphan, Suphan, wherever of Suphan has never been’ been cowardly cowardly /.. It comes together. And it dies together." 73 This line was followed by an intensely patriotic song, also titled Blood of Suphan, with tire same provincialist message. Its lyrics trumpeted: the brave in war, tough and bold and never will flee. Never The blood of Suphan is brave will shiver or tremble before tire the foe, take dagger or sword, sword, come join in the fight. Suphan, the blood of Suphan, Suphan, Come on on together, come on together, the blood of Suphan, face the enemy, enemy, do not worry or fear.74 After weeks of rehearsal,rehearsal, the tire eagerly awaited play was performed at the tire National Theater on July 31, 1975. It was also broadcast on national TV channels 7 and 9 on August 2, spreading images of Suphanburi's past glory throughout Thailand. The television performance started appealingly appealingly with the song song Blood of Suphan—a song that Suphanburians "had not listened to for thirty to forty long tire Navy years" —played —played ably by the military band under the direction of the Commander-in-Chief and Suphanburi-born Admiral Sa-ngat Chalor-yu.75 The its chief actor performing cast consisted entirely entirely of Suphanburians, and featured as its 71
Scot Barme, Banrie, Luang Wichit Wichit Wathakan and the Creation of a Thai Identity (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1993), p. 122. 72 Khon Suphan, July 10, 1975, pp.. 1. 73 Praonrat Buranamart, Luang Wichit Wathakan kap Bot Lakhon Prawatisart (Bangkok: Thammasat University University Press, 1985), pp. 100-1. 74 Barme, Luang Wichit Wichit Wathakan and the Creation of a Thai Identity, p. 123. 73 Khon Suphan, July 30, 1975, pp. 1, 2; Khon Suphan, August 10, 1975, pp. 1, 8. Admiral Sa-ngat was later to lead coups of 1976 and 1977. His relationship lead the successful coups relationship to Banharn deepened in tire period. When up two in the post-1976 period. When Banham set up two new new chemical chemical companies, companies, Saha Saha Srichai Chemical and Siam Siam Occidental he invited SaOccidental Electrochemical, in 1980 and 1990, respectively, he ngat to sit on on their board of directors. DBD/MC, Bangkok Company File no. 2164/2523 2164/2523 and' No. 7508/2533.
77
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The Rise of a Local Hero
75
Yodchai Sujit, a tall and handsome Sino-Thai provincial capitalist related by marriage to Banharn.76 Banham himself performed in the play. p(lay. The other performers included included Suphanburi-born national celebrities, such as Waiphot Waiphot Phetsuphan (a Thai Sriprachan (anl award-winning theater country pop music singer), Khwanjit Sriprachan. Aphirakyothin. On 'the 'the day the play was performer), and Major General Thawal Aphirakyofhin. tire normally bustling Muang market town town was was reportedly very aired on television, the quiet, with all the shops and food stalls closed earlier than usual.77 The majority of local residents apparently stayed at home, glued to TV sets to watch Blood of ’Suphan— Suphanburians, for Suphanburians,; Suphanburians,, and and by Suphanburians. Suphanburians. 'Suphan— the play of Suphanburians, Banham thus restored restored and entranced enhanced tire fame that ;J a formerly prosperous Suphanburi had had once supposedly enjoyed in a mythical past. Banharn used the performance of Blood of Suphan to raise money for the tire military, to support its efforts to combat communist insurgency in the rural provinces. While tire play, the TV station solicited popular donations to the cause of antibroadcasting the communism. In addition, when when the play was performed at the National Theater, the en admission feet of tten baht per person. Association of Suphanburians charged charged an admission Banharn donated all the proceeds (from both the TV appeals and ticket sales, totaling over one million baht) to the king, who in turn donated them to the tire military.78 Just earlier (July 15), Banharn, as described above, had donated 100,000 baht two weeks earlier couple when they attended tire opening to the royal couple opening ceremony for Banharn-Jaemsai new donation, a much larger one, to School III. He now followed it up with this new show his royal family's anti-communist drive. Thus show his unwavering support for tire the royal Banharn insinuated himself all the more successfully into [the monarchical monarchical network as a legitimate member; his status in Suphanburi was incubated within within this network. Tide Tide of of Popular Popular Support Support
I
As shown shown above, starting in the mid-1960s, Banharn used his wealth to perform many public deeds that symbolized symbolized and enhanced enhanced provincial development and prestige.79 He performed these deeds in various parts of Suphanburi and with amazing frequency (see table 3.2). He was certainly not the only Suphanburiah Suphanburiari who donations. In 1967, for instance, a Buddhist monk donated one million made huge donations. 80 baht to build a hospital in Song Phi Nong District. Tire scarcity of state funds afforded ample opportunities for aspiring leaders to establish moral authority as ispon'sors of local development. Banham's donations, generous (sponsors donations, however, however, were were unparalleled both in number and scale. He had far more economic resources than the majority of his his "rivals," and those who did have comparable resources were not as willing to spend them for the benefit of Suphanburians Suphanburians as Banham was. Two examples of such "miserly" millionaires are Kiat Srifuengfung and Phaiboon Phanitcheewa, who who had jointly established the the Cathay Trust Group, Group, one of the 76
Yodchai's mother, Hansa, is the half-sister of Banharn's wife, Jaemsai. Interviews with Hansa's kin member, March 2002. This informant (#55) is Hansa's Hansa's [niece. 77 Khon Suphan,July 30, 1975, pp. p p . l, l , 2; Khon Suphan, August 10, 1975, pp. 1, 8. 78 Khon Suphan,July 30, 1975, p. 2; Khon Suphan,August 10, 1975, p. 8; Khon Suphan,October 16, 1977, p. 1. |) 79 75 Due to space constraints, I have only described the most representative of Banharn's actions. See Nishizaki, "The Weapon of the Strong," chapter 4, for a fuller account. 80 Khon Suphan,October 1, 1967, pp. pp. 1, 8. ■ • ’|
76
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
conglomerates in Thailand, Thailand, by the 1970s. Both of them, related related byby largest economic conglomerates 81 blood, are Suphanburi-born and Bangkok-based Sino-Thai capitalists, yet neither Suphanburi-born made any visible donation in in Suphanburi. Thus, Banharn Banham came to dominate what made might be called the symbolic marketplace for provincial provincial development development and prestige in might his readiness readiness to use it put him him in the vanguard of Suphanburi. His wealth and his change their socially marginalized province. province. Suphanburians trying and desiring to change Banharn’s Contributions to Local Development, 1966-77 Table 3.2 Chronology of Banharn's
82 82
Year Year
Month
Nature of Contribution Nature Contribution
District District
1966 1969
January January April April July November November December February February March April May November November March April May June August November November November November March April June
donate money to CY Hospital Hospital donate opening ceremony for B-J Ward, Ward, CY Hospital Hospital opening comerstone-laying ceremony, B-J School I comerstone-laying donate money to Thai New Year Festival donate clothes to Provincial Red Cross Sangkhalok Bowl to Suwannaphum Temple return Sangkhalok build Sri Muang Hotel build cornerstone-laying ceremony for Sai Temple cornerstone-laying Chang) rebuild Tha Chang School (Dan Chang) opening ceremony for B-J School I opening initiate initiate construction of monthop, Phraroop Phraroop Temple Temple clothes /blankets to Pratheep School donate clothes/blankets hand out B-J Scholarships, Scholarships, B-J School I (Don Chedi) hand donate relief money to landless landless peasants cornerstone-laying ceremony, U-Thong Temple cornerstone-laying renovate renovate main Hall / crematory, crematory, Prasathong Prasathong Temple comerstone-laying ceremony, B-J School II donate donate money to Sai Temple Temple hall / crematory, Suan Taeng Temple renovate main hall/ hand out B-J Scholarships, B-J School I opening opening ceremony, B-J School II opening ceremony, Prasathong Temple Temple opening
Muang Muang Muang Don Chedi Muang Chang Dan Chang Muang Muang Muang Chang Dan Chang Chedi Don Chedi Muang Muang Chedi Don Chedi Bang Pla Ma Bang Pla Ma Muang, Muang, Bang Pla Ma Muang Muang Don Chedi Chedi Bang Pla Ma Muang
1970
1971
1972
81
Anant, Thammai Phom Tong Than Banham, p. 53; Arunee, Kiarti Srifuengfung; Srifnengfung; Akira Suehiro, Anant, Studies, Capital Accumulation in Thailand, 1855-1985 (Tokyo: Center for East Asian Culture Studies, 1989), pp. 160-63, 223, 229, 247, 298-99. 82 Sources: Various issues of the provincial newspapers newspapers Khon Suphan (1966-77) and Thin Thai (1975-77).
' The Rise of a Local Hero ' 77 t Table 3.2 Chronology of Banharn’s Banharn's Contributions to Local Development, con’t
.1973 February April June 1974 November December 1975 July July August August August September November November 1976 Mardi 1977 February
comerstone-laying ceremony, ceremony, Suan Taeng taeng Temple comerstone-laying ceremony, B-J School III cornerstone-laying ceremony, hand out clothes/notebooks clothes/ notebooks to school kids kids hand out scholarships, Prasa thong Primary School hand out scholarships, Sa-nguan Ying Secondary School opening ceremony, B-J School III perform "Blood of Suphan" in theater perfomi perform "Blood of Suphan" Suphan" on TV !, cornerstone-laying cornerstone-laying ceremony, B-J School IV opening ceremony, community hall /apartment hand out scholarships, scholarships, Wat Pa Lelai School hand out B-J Scholarships, B-J School IB robes presentation ceremony, U-Thong Temple boundary-setting ceremony, ceremony, U-ThongjTemple opening ceremony, B-J School IV
Muang Dan Chang Muang Muang Muang Dan Chang Chang Bangkok Bangkok Muang Muang Muang Don Chedi Bang Pla Ma Bang Pla Ma Muang
- Banharn-Jaemsai B-J = Banharn-Jaemsai CY = Chaophraya Yommarat
If local newspapers both reflect and shape shape local public opinions, 83 a perusal of Suphan, the only provincial newspaper Khon Suplian, newspaper in Suphanburi up to the mid-1970s, shows that Suphanburians' reactions to Banharn's deeds were overwhelmingly overwhelmingly construction of Banharn-Jaemsai School I, for example, positive. In reporting on the construction the newspaper lauded Banharn and Jaemsai as "true-blue Suphanburians"—people who were born in Suphanburi Suphanburi with the "pure blood of Suphan"—who "take good care of our province and help help it prosper." All Suphanburians "should be proud of Banham and Jaemsai." Jaemsai,"84 Banharn was also referred to as ['the "the wealthiest master of Suphanburi" and an "exemplary Suphanbufi" "exemplary figure" who should be congratulated for his generous clonations in "healthcare and education." generous donations education." 85 Similarly, he was praised as a who "has set an example that many other wealthy people people [in Suphanburi] man who should follow." 86 The newspaper also expressed several hyperbolic hyperbolic wishes, such as: "We would like him to be a hundred times richer [so jdrat that he can make more donations]" donations]" and "We hope that Mr. Banharn will live for another ten thousand years, that he can continue to help develop develop Suphanburi further."87 Widely publicized publicized in so Brat tire local press and through through ceremonies, Banharn's actions produced a cumulative the 83
On this' this point, point, see Akhil Gupta, "Blurred Boundaries: The Discourse of Corruption, Corruption, the tire Culture Politics, and the Imagined State," American Ethnologist 22,2 (1995): 375-402. Culture of Politics, 84 April 30, Khon Suphan, April 30, 1970, p. 3; Khon Suphan, April 10, 1973, p. 12; Khon Suphari, April p. 3. |I ' 1973, p. 85 83 Khon Suphan, April 10, 1973, p. 12. 86 I Khon Suphan, May May 10, 1973, p . 2. 87 p, 3. Khon Suphan, Marell 20, 1970, p. 3; Khon Suphan, April 30, 1972, pl
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Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
bighearted, unselfish unselfish man committed to doing doing a lot for the image of him as a bighearted, backward and neglected Suphanburi and its people, in in contradistinction contradistinction to, or on state. He became an integral integral part of the emergent emergent sense of pride in the behalf of, the state. gradual "progress" of Suphanburi. pride was was the timing of Banham's Banham's Contributing to the growth of this nascent pride donations. He made his first donation donation in in 1966, a decade decade before becoming becoming a politician. donations. Suphanburians, this indicates his genuine genuine and disinterested disinterested According to many Suphanburians, commitment to developing developing his birthplace. birthplace. At that time, Thanom's Thanom's long-standing long-standing commitment regime held held a firm grip on power, and and there was no no telling whether whether or when when military regime would ever ever be an election in in the future. Nobody Nobody could have foreseen foreseen that there would Thanom's regime regime would would crumble crumble suddenly in in the student-led student-led uprising uprising’ of October Thanom's uncertainties, it would would be incorrect to conclude that 1973. In light of these future uncertainties, was laying laying the groundwork for his his political career by making making a series of Banharn was donations. did not seem to harbor any political ambition at first. For donations. In fact, he did when Thanom held held a parliamentary election in 1969, Banharn did not run example, when Neither did he run in the election of 1975, the first election after Thanom's Thanom's for office. Neither did he wealth for Suphanburi's Suphanburi's development development and fall. That Banharn still kept sacrificing his wealth respondents noted, noted, that he lacked ulterior motives. fame is clear evidence, as many respondents A more important factor that reinforced Suphanburians' proud characterizations was the negative negative image they had of the central central state. state. To .the extent that of Banharn was perceived the unsympathetic, unsympathetic, tightfisted, tightfisted, and ineffectual state state as having given given they perceived development of peripheral Suphanburi (see chapter 2), Banharn Banharn short shrift to the development peripheral Suphanburi was able to emerge emerge as was as the very opposite of that state: a benevolent, generous, and efficient developer. Precisely because the state had been widely perceived in such light by doing negative terms, Banham was able to project himself in a favorable light state had had not done. Wherever the state was was not doing doing enough enough for exactly what what the state development, he was there to fill the social and economic vacuum and Suphanburi's development, grievances. There was was an inverse correlation correlation between between the image of to play on local grievances. developmental state" state" and Banham's. Banham's. Katherine Katherine Verdery.'s fascinating fascinating the "absentee ''absentee developmental states of Eastern Eastern Europe identifies identifies two factors that research on the former communist states nationalism: the presence presence of a hero hero ("a remarkable remarkable man") man") contribute to the rise of nationalism: common sense of victimhood victimhood or suffering.88 In Suphanburi, Suphanburi, the history history of state and a common had forced forced its its people people to endure many many kinds kinds of hardships hardships (e.g., they neglect, which had using their own funds and labor), provided provided a context for the had to build a school using provincialist pride pride that centered on Banham—Suphanburi's Banharn—Suphanburi's "remarkable "remarkable rise of provincialist man." Pride Pride in Banham Banharn grew grew because he appealed appealed to a smoldering smoldering sense of victimhood victimhood that Suphanburians had felt in their daily interactions with with state officials. Etched deeply deeply into the shared shared memories memories of ordinary Suphanburians, Suphanburians, Banharn's generosity continues continues to figure prominently in the local discourse discourse at present. present. In In generosity tire people who who are old enough enough to remember his his donations donations continue continue to particular, the lavish -effusive and and unanimous unanimous praise praise on his his munificence and and altruism, regardless of lavish whether they have benefited, directly or indirectly, indirectly, from his donations. donations. Even a whether younger generation generation of people admire Banham on the same same account, account, having heard younger about his actions from their (grand)parents. An example example is a car mechanic mechanic (b. 1952) (#49) in Muang District: 88
Verdery, The Political Lives Lives of Dead Bodies: Reburial and Postsocialist Change (New Katherine Verdery, York, NY: Columbia University University Press, Press, 1999), pp. 77-78, 77-78, 108, 108,110, 110, 114. 114. York,
The Rise of a Local Hero Tlte
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People are basically self-centered. Once you get rich, ’you J you don't want to share your money with others. But Banharn. was different. He came back from Bangkok to share it with the people of his hometown. [It is rare to find a person the same if I were him. like him. I'm not sure if I would have done tire i j
The lottery seller (#48) cited at the beginning of this chapter, put it just as strongly: chapterput Rich people worship money as if it were God (wai ngern pen phrachao). They are greedy ... But Banham was not ah ordinary rich manJlIe man/He was was content with just greedy having enough money to live on. He used most of of*jhis money to make our hometown prosper. He used his money unsparingly (mat (mai an). Who but Banharn would have done it? [| i
Another person who extols Banharn Banham is the son of a farmer, now a bank teller (b. 1967) (#50), in Dan Chang District. Referring to the past conditions of his home district as "desolate" (thurakandari), (thurakandan), he praised Banharn's Banharn's construction of Banham-Jaemsai School III in 1975: ;j build the school]. That's He volunteered [to build That's really commendable. commendable. I raise my would have thought about sacrificing one's personal personal thumb up for him. Who would money in a place like Dan Chang? A person who just wanted to get famous would have built the school in the city, where there are lots of people. ,f
If
apocryphal, For these and other Suphanburians, Banham's legendary, perhaps apocryphal, pledge to the local shrine shrine spirit in in 1949—"I will come back to Suphan to make it prosperous with my money" —is not empty cant or propaganda designed to mislead and mystify them; it is, instead, instead, the succinct expression of Banharn's inner inner conviction, which drove all his actions more than three decades ago. In the shared social memories of these people, he remains remains the admirable agent, champion, or personification of Suphanburi's incipient change for the better. They identified, and still identify, with him as such. |j 4 i t
j Coming to Power Reflecting his growing local popularity, Banharn won a few political appointed as a appointments in the early 1970s. First, in December 1972, he was appointed member of the Muang Municipality Council in Suphanburi.89 Banharn had served in this capacity for less than ten months when a momentous event took place in Bangkok: the student-led student-led uprising uprising of October 1973, which ended twenty-six years of military rule. This so-called "revolution" was essentially an event in Bangkok that had little immediate impact on tire the countryside, including including Suphanburi; practically no ordinary Suphanburian took part in it. For Banharn, however, it was a watershed, for position, this time in the central it enabled him to acquire a second formal political position, state: a seat in the interim legislative assembly. 90 When the assembly disbanded after 89
Khon Suphan,December 30, 1972;Thai Rath, December 28, 1972, j>. ji. 7. To simplify a bewildering series of events: on December 10,j1973, the king chose 2,436 members of the interim National Convention from the lists of local notables submitted by provincial governors. Banharn's name was on the list submitted by then-Governor Sawat Meephian. The king handpicked Banharn as one of the seventeen Suphanburians to serve serve in 90
*
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Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand Political-Authority
general election. election, Banham Banham was was appointed to the senate. senate. Thus, the post-1973 the 1975 general democratization catapulted catapulted Banharn, a provincial notable notable with with limited limited education, education, onto the stage of national politics in Bangkok. onto his conspicuously displayed displayed wealth, wealth, his command command of local support, and Given his prominence at the national level, several several major political parties parties courted his growing prominence Banharn to run for office under their respective banners before the parliamentary However, he fended off these overtures because he he was was too "tied "tied election of 1975.91 However, up" with with his business. 92 Before the parliamentary election of 1976, however, however, Bun-uea up" Prasertsuwan, a veteran MP from Suphanburi, persuaded persuaded a reluctant Banharn to join Prasertsuwan, Reportedly, it was was Bun-uea's Bun-uea's statement statement that that made Banharn the Chart Thai Party. Reportedly, his mind: mind: "There is a limit to what you can do to develop develop Suphanburi with change his wealth, but as an MP, you would would be able to do much more more for your your personal wealth, 93 hometown." Meeting Outsiders' Challenges
tire months leading up to the 1976 election, however, however, Banharn had to face two In the outside Suphanburi posed to his local major challenges that one severe critic from outside when a Bangkok-based firebrand, firebrand, reputation. The challenges came in 1975 and 1976, when Senakhant, came to Suphanburi to attack Banham Banham in public. public. Police Major Anant Senakhant, radical social atmosphere that prevailed after Anant was the product of the radical Thailand's leader in in the crusade Thailand's transition to democracy in 1973. Calling himself a leader against pervasive pervasive political corruption, he delivered many open-air open-air "Hyde Park" against example, he censured censured speeches to attack "corrupt" "cormpt" politicians. In February 1975, for example, Prasit Kanchanawat, Kanchanawat, then house speaker in parliament and and a former executive executive of the preferential loans Ioans to his political allies.94 Banham, an Bangkok Bank, for awarding preferential Suphanburi, became just another target target of Anant's Anant's ascendant political figure in Suphanburi, proved to be a test of popular support for Banharn. virulent verbal attacks. This proved provide some detailed detailed accounts accounts of what happened. Articles in Khon Suphan provide Anant held two massive anti-Banham anti-Banham rallies in Suphanburi—first on February 18, 1975, and and then on March March 13, 1976, a month before the 1976 election. The exact contents contents of Anant's speeches are unknown, unknown, but some of my respondents remember remember Banharn for having having amassed amassed his wealth wealth by offering kickbacks to that he castigated Banharn Banharn's tainted tainted background, background, Anant tried to senior- DPW officials.95 By exposing Banham's disabuse Suphanburians of their misplaced support for the "local hero." disabuse Political considerations considerations also motivated Anant's Anant's attacks. He was a nephew nephew of Manas Rung-rueng, Rung-rueng, then mayor of Muang municipality municipality in Suphanburi. Manas Manas was threatened by Banharn's Banharn's growing growing influence among his constituents. constituents. In the being threatened the the National Convention. Then, on December 19, the 2,436 members of this convention selected, from among themselves, 299 members members who would would compose the interim interim legislative assembly. Banharn was selected as one of Suphanburi's Suphanburi's three representatives representatives in the the assembly. 91 Khwam Fan, p. p. 83. Sam Khwatn 92 Khon Suphan,October 30, 1974, p. 3. 93 Bangkok Post,July 17, 1995, p. 4. 94 For' accounts of Anant's Anant's diatribes against other Bangkok Post, February 21, 1975, p. 1. For' politicians, see Bangkok Post (February 11, 1975, p. 3; February 15, 1975, p. 3; February 18, 1975, p. 3; February 19, 1975, p. 5; February 21, 1975, p. 1). 90 95 Anant published published a booklet to this effect later. Anant, Thammai Phom Tong Than Banharn.
*
The Tile Rise of a Local Hero
81
I
municipal election of January 1975, Manas faced stiff competition from a group of municipal candidates, including (the daughter of a including former schoolteacher Mrs. Jaranai Injai-uea (die prominent landowner, Sa-ngiam Charoensil), all of whom were supported by 96 Although none none of these people, except Banham. Although except Jaranai, won a seat in the municipality council, Manas felt alarmed by Banharn's potential to undermine his position. Manas therefore tried to nip this perceived' position. perceived! threat in the bud by public attacks, although he flatly denied denied any masterminding his nephew's public threat to Banharn's involvement.97 Whatever his real motives, Anant's rallies posed a direat rising status as a provincial hero. j swayed, as Anant intended, to an antiHow did Suphanburians react? Were they swayed, Banham stance? The answer is "no." In fact, the vlery very opposite opposite happened. Suphanburians became all the more pro-Banharn. pro-Banharn. In his attempt to undermine Banharn's base of support, Anant, ironically, ended up strengthening it. Suphanburians' reaction to Anant's first rally is revealing. Shortly after this rally, a number ’of Suphanburians, calling themselves "the Group of Suphan's Blood," emerged in vociferous opposition to Anant's "inappropriate" behavior. These people people distributed leaflets throughout Suphanburi that attacked Anant and defended Banham with a simple yet powerful message: "Banharn builds goodness for Suphanburi, while Anant destroys destroys [it]." Likewise, another group of "furious" Suphanburians criticized Anant for "insulting "insulting [yiap yam]' done yam]' a person who has done useful things for Suphanburi." Suphanburi." In defending their position, the group cited "a Banharn has built by donating hospital ward, three schools, and temple halls, which Banham March 14, at least one thousand no less than 6-7 million baht." Furthermore, on Marcia staged a large people from Dan Chang, Don Chedi, and other districts of Suphanburi staged protest march against Anant in the provincial capital (figure 3.4). As they marched, they sang and played the song Blood of Suphan from Luang Wichit's drama,- while b.ugles and beating drums. drams. They also carried some one one hundred placards placards blowing bugles attacking Anant and defending Banharn. Banham. One sign delivered a belligerent message to Anant: "If you come back to Suphanburi again, we'll welcome you with our feet wide open [«r [ar tiin ton rap]," which is a vulgar way of saying: "We are ready to start a physical fight with you." In addition, protesters shouted via a microphone: addition, the protesters microphone: "If Anant returns to Suphanburi to attack Banharn again, the the 'popular force of Suphanburians' [palang prachacon chao Suphan] may take; the law into their own would not be guaranteed. On reaching hands," implying that Anant's physical safety would the Provincial Office, the protest leaders explained explained to Governor Sawat that their action was not intended to cause a public disturbance, but only to "protect the tire honor of Suphanburians." They also submitted their demand jto to Sawat that Anant be forever barred from entering Suphanburi.98 Anant's second round of rallies did not cause such such an angry reaction. Instead, it was greeted with with sheer apathy. Some four hundred hundred to five hundred people ___ ___ I 96
Banharn had good reason to support these candidates. candidates. Jaranai's uncle was the aforementioned Winit, Banharn's former classmate and a doctor at Chaophraya Yommarat tire elder brother of Yodchai, who performed Hospital. Another candidate, Somchai Sujit, is the Blood of Suphan Stiphan with Banharn. Somchai, along with his* mother, Hansa, Hansa, sits on the board of directors for BS International, a chemical company established by Banharn in 1970. DBD/MC, Bangkok Company File no. 330/2513. 97 Khon Suphan, March 10, 1976, p. 3. Indeed, after having served as municipality mayor for ten years, Manas lost the election of 1985 to Jaranai. | 98 Khon Suphan, March 20, 1975, pp. 1, 8. i
100
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Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
tire rallies, but nobody nobody would would sit sit near near Anant—in Anant—in striking striking reportedly turned up at the contrast to his reception in other provinces, where he had usually been surrounded contrast where he usually audiences. This was was partly because because Suphanburians were afraid of by large, eager audiences. incidents that could erupt during his his talk. It was was also because being caught in violent incidents "tire speaker is not anybody important" to them, as as one resident resident commented commented to a "the speaker newspaper reporter. Some people people were amazed at Anant's bravery and local newspaper values his his life at all." 99 wondered if "tlrat "that beast values • !,
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Figure 3.4 A pro-Banharn rally in front of the Provincial Hall, 1975 100
One Suphanburian summarized the unintended unintended effect of Anant's actions: "That "That One Anant comes to speak speak like this this [to attack Banham] is actually making people sympathize with Banharn." Banharn." This Suphanburian then defended Banharn Banlrarn passionately: passionately: with diligence [as Banharn does], If you do do business with brains, efficiently, and with it is only natural that you have have a chance to become wealthy. When he [Banharn] has indeed become rich, he still thinks about his birthplace birthplace every time he has tire last last ten years, Mr, Mr. Banharn Banlrarn has has built schools, a breathes [thuk lorn haijai]. In the hospital hospital ward, ward, a temple main hall, and many many other things things and and spent spent altogether altogether ten million baht on them, which is not little. 101 retired schoolteacher schoolteacher in Muang District (#94) Recollecting Anant's attack, one retired referred to her her and and other Suphanburians' support for Banham Banham as a collective act of referred moral obligation obligation and provincial solidarity: solidarity: moral and provincial 99
Mardr 20, 1976, p. 1. Khon Suphan, March Source: Source-. Khon Suphan, March 20, 1975. 101 March 20, 1976, p. 2. Khon Suphan, March 100
Tlie Rise Rise of a a Local Hero Tlie Hero
83
r
It was ridiculous for him [Anant] to come from outside and think that he could opinions in one day. We are not 'ingrates. ingrates. We are Suphanburians. change our opinions When our fellow Suphanburian, a good Suphanburian, is criticized, we must together behind him. j show spirit and band together
Thus, Suphanburians simply rejected Anant's Ananf s critiques and with and reacted with spontaneous and emotional protests, protests, which soon lapsed into outright nonchalance. proselytizing Suphanburians. Anant's attack failed to produce the intended effect of proselytizing On the contrary, it had the ironic effect of solidifying their support for Banharn by even better known, by invoking making his achievements even invokingjsympathy with with him, and provincialist sentiments. In short, Bariharn grew more popular by arousing intense provincialist short, Banharn because of, of, rather than despite, because despite, Anant's attacks. I A Landslide Victory
‘' I
The consolidated consolidated popular support for Banham was reflected in the staggering staggering result of the parliamentary election held on April 4, 1976. Banharn Banliarn did not just win the election; he won by a landslide, capturing the largest: number of votes (57,530 largest) number votes) among all die the country. He received an estimated estimated 63 percent the candidates in die of the vote—quite vote—quite a high high figure for a "greenhorn" candidate, candidate, aged only forty-three.102 On the day of the election, leaflets attacking Banharn were distributed, presumably by Anant's supporters,103 but this last-minute campaign did little to shake shake Suphanburians' •• I Suphanburians' support. Banharn's stunning victory contrasted with widi the (dismal jdismal performance of Banharn's Thongyod Jitaweera (b. 1909), a veteran MP of Suphanburi who had been elected in 1957, 1969, and 1975. In 1975, he even even became minister of commerce. In the 1976 election, however, however, he suffered a humiliating loss, receiving only 25,509 votes—less than half the votes cast for Banharn. Among the Suphanburians who did not vote for the son of a rice farmer in Bang Pla Ma District (#43). This villager Thongyod is die explained his choice to me in plain terms: "Thongyod "Thongyod had been Suphanburi's MP for a long time, but he hadn't built anydiing anything in Suphanburi." .Thongyod's Thongyod's inaction was also exemplified by his refusal to mediate in die the afore-mentioned Sangkhalok Bowl controversy. The villager then contrasted Thongyod's lacklof energy interest in energy and interest well-demonstrated generosity generosity of Banharn, for whom he has local affairs with the well-demonstrated "always "always voted" since 1976. A policeman in U-Thong District (#76) expressed similar opinions: "I support anybody who develops my birthplace. Thongyod didn't, but Banham Banharn-Jaemsai School III as the reason Banharn did." The policeman then cited Banharn-Jaemsai Banham in 1976. It is worth recalling that diis this school was was built in why he supported Banliarn Charig, outside the policeman's native Dan Chang, native district of U-Thong. In fact, none of the development works works supplied supplied by Banharn before 1976 was located' in U-Thong. Asked about this, the policeman answered: "It doesn't matter where where Banharn built schools. Dan Chang is part of Suphanburi, and Suphanburi is our home." This policeman, like many others, did not base his support on whether or how much he benefited from Banharn's donations. He looked toward a much broader horizon. Thus, while the overwhelming overwhelming vote for Banham may have raised outsiders' eyebrows, it came as little surprise to many Suphanburians. His landslide landslide victory 102 103
Calculated from Khon Suphan, Suphan, January January 30, 1975, p. 2; 2; Khon Suphan, April 10, 1976, p. 2. Khon Suphan, April 10, 1976, p. 2. 2.
84 84
Authority and Provincial Identity Identity in Thailand Thailand Political Authority
was the natural outcome of his heroic heroic generosity allowed was generosity and and compassion, which allowed him build up a high stock of "moral capital"; it had had nothing nothing to do with unsavory him to build means of establishing dominance, such such as vote-buying, means establishing dominance, vote-buying, violence, and coercion, which presumed in much of the urban-based urban-based discourse Thailand. are presumed discourse to be rife in rural Thailand. In sum, to understand understand why why Banharn commands many Suphanburians' Suphanburians' popular historical underpinnings underpinnings of his his support at present, we must first understand the historical History matters. Long before urban-based urban-based scholars scholars and journalists political authority. History constructed him him as a corrupt politician, Banham Banharn had established established himself at the local constructed antithesis to the central state state that had rendered rendered Suphanburi level as as the admired antithesis backward and and socially undistinguished. result was was an incipient incipient sense of backward undistinguished. The result provincial pride, pride, of which he he became an essential essential component. component. provincial
Chapter Four '' Chapter Four 1 1
f j I
T
"
Influx of i State Development [Funds DevelopmentIFunds I
Virtually all Suphanburians who support Banham agree that his election victory marks a turning point point or breakthrough in in the history of their province's in 1976 marks modernization. If Banham's donations that started in the to f 1960s contributed * Suphanburi's nascent development, Suphanburians; see his first election to development, most Suphanburians' tire accelerated development of their parliament as an important catalyst for the province. In the plain words of a construction worker (#21), "If Banham had not now. The rate of development has become our MP, Suphan wouldn't be the way it is now. been remarkable since he he became an MP ... He did been did a lot for us before becoming an MP, but he has done even more as an MP." ■ Exactly how has Banharn developed Suphanburi? An overwhelming 98 percent answer: by channeling of his supporters whom I interviewed gave the same answer: channeling state funds. This is the single most important factor that Suphanburians from all walks of life mentioned province has overcome its "legendary" mentioned to explain how their province backwardness. Although these people talked effusively about Banham's donations to local development before 1976, those contributions were 'relatively few in number, compared to the development minor in scale, and limited in geographical scope, compared projects that he has undertaken with state funds since, since.1976. To the extent that the » paucity of state funds hindered Suphanburi's development in previous decades, Banharn, as an MP, has resolved by penetrating and tapping resolved that serious serious problem problem by| into the coffers of the "callous" and "miserly" central state.' While resenting the j(see chapter 2),xk many inequitable distribution of state funds before 1976 {(see Suphanburians may have viewed the situation as unavoidable or unchangeable. unchangeable. people wrong, wrong, much to their Banham proved such people tlaeir delight, by bringing a formerly unthinkable amount of public monies monies to the province. Thus he has further enhanced his heroic status in tire the province. ’j This chapter starts with a brief description of the political or institutional context that has facilitated the massive infusion of state funds by Banharn. The second part details the scale and quality of his state-funded projects, with a focus on roads ,and schools.1 In the third section, I will elaborate on how Suphanburians praise, discount, defend, and justify Banharn's role in the process of budget allocation that has ( systematically and arid unfairly favored their province over many others. others. 1
For Banharn's budgetary contributions to other areas of development (e.g., public public health), see Yoshinori Nishizaki, "The Weapon of the Strong: Identity, Identity, Community, and Domination in Provincial Thailand" (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, Seattle, WA, 2004), chapters 7 and 8.
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Institutional Setting: The Patrimonial-Democratic Institutional Setting: The Patrimonial-Democratic State State Suphanburians use several key phrases to explain Banharn's eminent success in Banham's eminent acquiring public funds. Typical of these are: "He has lots of friends and subordinates in the bureaucracy" and "He knows how to use civil servants." servants." A retired civil servant (#95) in Muang District expounded further with an analogy:
[The government government budget in Thailand] is like the delicious food at the table—for example, a big roast duck. Does a master carve it up equally for all the people present? No. There is no such master. The master gives you a big portion if he knows you well and likes you. you. If he doesn't doesn't like you, you get a small small portion, or maybe nothing. Banharn knows how to get close to big shots in the civil service. That is how Suphan has He himself has become a master in many ministries. That received lots of public public funds. In academic parlance, these comments underscore one and the same institutional feature of Thailand: the patrimonial nature of the state. Thailand achieved a mainly transition to democracy in 1973, but this transition has represented a change mainly at the level of regime; the fundamental nature of the state, or the way state power is used, has not changed. As in the age of authoritarian rule, 2 public office is still power holders can manipulate to suit suit their regarded as private property that power personal needs. The public-private division is just as blurred in the democratic public present as it was in the authoritarian past. This means that the distribution of public goods and services, notably state funds, is as politicized as ever. Funds continue to be dispensed on the basis of personal connections, rather than on merit or in accordance with transparent rules. The difference is that whereas only a narrow circle of elites exerted personal influence over funds allocation in the authoritarian past, the advent of democracy has allowed previously excluded non-elites to attain formal positions in the state and to acquire legitimate access to tire the state coffers that previously previously had been closed to them. them.3 Banham, as well as his proteges, family members, and friends, has has been among such people. Banharn's privileged access to the central treasury reflects his high status in the the most institutionalized parties in Thailand. Thailand. While Chart Thai (CT) Party, one of tire many other parties parties simply came and went in Thailand, the CT Party survived many coups and crises after its inception inception in 1974 (until it was dissolved by the Constitutional Court in December 2008). Of the twenty-nine parties that that existed existed in the 1970s, only the CT and Democrat Parties Parties remained in 2008. After joining tire the CT Party in 1976, Banharn held its top posts as a reward for his copious donations to the party—deputy secretary-general (1976-78), secretary general (1980-94), and leader the CT Party was in power as a coalition (1994-2008). Moreover, every time tire government partner—it was in power for seventeen seventeen years between 1979 and 2004— Banham and his cronies obtained obtained key cabinet posts. 2
See Norman Jacobs, Modernization without Development: Thailand as an Asian Case Study (New York, NY: Praeger, 1971); and Fred Riggs, Thailand: The Modernization of a Bureaucratic Polity (Honolulu, HI: East-West Center Press, 1966). 3 Ybshinori Nishizaki, "Provincializing Thai Politics," Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia 1 (2002), I / kyotoreview.cseas.kyoto-u.ac.jp / issue / issueO / article_31.html. Accessed available at http: http://kyotoreview.cseas.kyoto-u.ac.jp/issue/issue0/article_31.html. on October October 17, 2010. on
Influx of State Development Funds Influx
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In addition, addition, numerous numerous civil civil servants known for their exceptional exceptional closeness closeness to to In servants known Banharn have have attained bureaucratic posts. posts. A A good example example is is Bodi Bodi Chunnanond, Chunnanond, Banharn attained top bureaucratic who controlled the the Budget Bureau Bureau—a powerful institution institution that draws draws up up annual annual who —a powerful budget plans plans—for two decades decades as deputy deputy director-general (1974-83) and and budget —-for over two director-general (1974-83) director-general (1983-92, 1995, then-Prime then-Prime Minister Minister Banharn Banharn appointed appointed director-general (1983-92, 1993-95). 1993-95). In In 1995, Bodi as as his his personal personal advisor advisor on on budgetary budgetary matters. matters. In Bodi even even became became a Bodi In 1996, 1996, Bodi finance minister minister in in Banharn's finance Banharn's cabinet. cabinet. important is is Banham's Banham's longstanding longstanding membership membership on on the the Budget Equally important Scrutiny Committee (BSC), parliamentary committee committee that that has the the authority authority to to Scrutiny Committee (BSC), a parliamentary amend annual budget plans. Most Most committee committee members members change year, but but amend annual budget change every every year, Banham stands stands out as an exception. He He served the committee committee every every year between between Banham served on on the 1978 and 1995 when parliament parliament was not in in session due to to the the coup 1978 and 1995 (except (except 1991-92, 1991-92, when session due coup has served served on on the tire BSC for as as long as as Banham Banham has. has. In In addition, of 1991). 1991). No other MP has addition, tire CT Party Party MPs MPs of Suphanburi Suphanburi— all Banharn's Banharn's proteges proteges —have —have served served on on the the the other CT —all BSC for varying varying periods periods of time, time, making making Suphanburi far the tire most wellwellBSC Suphanburi by far represented province province on tire committee.44 Furthermore, Furthermore, Bodi, Bodi, the the aforementioned aforementioned represented on the Bureau'director-general, sat on the BSC BSC continuously continuously between between 1975 and 1983 1983 Budget Bureau'director-general, on the 1975 and as the the Budget Bureau's representative. In In the the subsequent subsequent eleven years (1984-95), (1984-95), as Bureau's representative. eleven years served as deputy chairman of the the BSC.5 Bodi served deputy chairman All these posts posts (and (and many many others) Banharn to to exert considerable All these others) enabled enabled Banharn considerable personal leverage leverage over the process process through through which which a huge huge sum sum of development development funds funds personal over the can be requested, requested, approved, In particular, particular, as Thailand's Thailand's vertiginous vertiginous approved, and and allocated. allocated. In economic growth the state state treasury treasury from from the tire late late 1980s Banham economic growth bloated the 1980s onwards, onwards, Banham state-funded development funneled ’a impressive array funneled a truly truly impressive array of state-funded development projects projects into into Suphanburi (as will be detailed below). As exemplified exemplified by by the the case case of Bodi, Bodi, any any Suphanburi bureaucrat who who assisted Banharn in such pork-barrel politics has been amply amply bureaucrat assisted Banharn in such pork-barrel politics has been rewarded with with promotions promotions—another kind of "goods that are are doled doled out out rewarded —another kind "goods and services" services" that on on a personal personal basis by by the the patrimonial patrimonial state. state. The Suphanburi have The manner The budgets budgets for Suphanburi have not simply simply increased. The manner in which which they are are channeled become extremely smooth, especially since 1988 when they channeled has also also become extremely smooth, especially since 1988 when Suphanbufi emerged as a unique unique "one-party "one-party dominant dominant province." province." This This is is another another Suphahburi emerged explains the factor that thatjexplains the rapid influx influx of of state state funds funds under under Banharn's Banharn's rule. rule. Before Before 1988, 1988, different MPs of Suphanburi Suphanburi belonged belonged to- different different parties, parties, with with the the main rivalry rivalry different MPs being between between the the CT the Social Social Action Action Party Party (SAP) (SAP) (table 4.1). In In 1983, being CT Party and and the (table 4.1). 1983, however, Thongyod senior SAP member who who; had had served served as minister of however, Thongyod Jitaweera Jitaweera —a senior SAP member as minister commerce! (1975-76), (1975—76), minister commerceminister of public public health (1980-81), (1980-81), and and deputy deputy prime prime minister minister (1981-83)y-suffered a humiliating Consequently, the (1981-83)-y-suffered humiliating electoral loss loss and and quit quit politics. politics. Consequently, the only MP MP remaining remaining' from from SAP SAP was was Jongchai Jongchai Thiangtham Thiangtham (b. Thammasat only (b. 1943), 1943), a Thammasat University-educated lawyer and University-educated lawyer and Thongyod's Thongyod's protege. protege. Then, Then, in in 1988, 1988, Jongchai, Jongchai, apparently apparently lured lured by the tire prospect prospect of attaining attaining a cabinet cabinet post post under under Banharn's Banharn's 6 patronage,- defected to to the the CT Since then, then, all all of' of’ die MPs have have patronage; CT Party. Since the Suphanburi Suphanburi MPs belonged the CT 1988 and belonged to to die CT Party. Between 1988 and 2001, 2001, among among all of Thailand's Thailand's seventyseventyonly one one other control of one five provinces, provinces, only odier province, province, Phan-nga, Phan-nga, was under under the the control one 4 obtained at the National Parliament in 2000.See Nishizaki, "The Weapon of die Untitled data obtained the Strong," chapter 5, for details.details. Strong," . { 5 Pii Bodi Chunnanond (Bangkok: Bophit, 1995), p. 10. . Hoksip PH 6 While a S P member, Jongchai had SAP had not attained any cabinet post. Meanwhile, the die CT Party obtained several several posts. MPs for Suphanburi had obtained
f :i
1I
! iI
)
I
88
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
party, and it is only because Phan-nga, a province with with the sixth smallest population in Thailand, has just one MP. 1976-2001 Table 4.1 Party Affiliations of Suphanburi’s MPs, 1976-2001 NAME
1975 1976
.Banham Banham Silpa-archa Bun-uea Prasertsuwan Chumpol Chutnpol SHpa-archa Silpa-archa Praphat Photsuthon Jongchai Thiangtham Kanchana Silpa-archa Nathawuth Prasertsuwan Prasertsuwan Worawuth Silpa-archa Thongyod Jitaweera
Wirat Watanakrai Thi Boonak Hit Boottalc
SJ
CT CT
CT
CT
1992 1992 1992 (I) (II)
1979 1983 1983 1986
1988
CT CT CT CT SAP
CT CT CT
CT CT
CT CT
CT CT
CT CT CT
CT CT CT CT SAP SAP
CT
CT CT CT CT CT
1995 CT CT CT CT CT CT
1996 2001 CT
CT
CT CT CT CT
CT CT CT
CT
SJ CT PF PF
SAP
Sakol Watcharathai Pramuat Suwannakert
CT
Paisam Saenchai-ngam
SAP SAP
CT CT
SAP
SAP
Notes-. Thai Party; SAP = Social Action Party; SJ = Social Justice Party; • CT = Chart Thai PF = People's Force Party • Banharn Banham did not run for office in 1979. • The number seats in Suphanburi increased to six number of parliamentary seats six in 1995. Source: Author's research
The significance of this phenomenon is that with all Suphanburi's MPs belonging to the CT Party as his proteges, Banharn has has acted as the most most important pipeline to tire patrimonial central state. As a result, the process of requesting and the coffers of' of- the allocating public expenditures has streamlined, making making it possible for has become streamlined, Banham to implement swiftly one development project after another, according according to his personal personal goals or wishes. In stark contrast to the MPs from "multi-party" provinces, Banharn has been able to pursue his vision of development efficiently, without being hampered by wasteful "bickering" (yaeng) over state funds among without competing competing MPs. No other Thai MP has been able to straddle the center and local politics more smoothly than has Banharn. Nowhere has Banharn's influence over the allocation of state budgets been more more apparent than in the cases of road construction and school construction, as I discuss next. Road Construction Maklia subdistrict Makha Lorn is a sub district located in the northern part of Bang Pla Ma District. On a map, map, it appears to be only a stone's throw from the provincial capital of Suphanburi. Until some four decades ago, however, it was one of many isolated subdistricts. Banharn changed that. In 1976, he embarked on building a forty-
7
Influx of State State Development Development Funds Funds Influx
89
kilometer road that would run through the subdistrict. This was the first roadbuilding project he channeled into Suphanburi as an MP. The project is worth describing here at some length as an illustration of how Banharn put his personal and political connections to good use. The origin of the project dates back to November 1975, 1975, five months before Banharn became an MP. At the time, he knew from all the stories previously reported in a provincial newspaper newspaper that Makha Lorn residents had been grumbling grumbling about a bumpy, unsurfaced road that connected their villages to the provincial using their own money—a story capital. The residents had built the road in 1971 by using initiatives described in chapter 2. Since it was a that is consistent with other local initiatives makeshift road, however, it soon deteriorated, impeding the transport of catfish, Makha Lom's major income-earning product, to the central market town. town. To alleviate this problem, the government set out in 1973 to surface an eight-kilometer road from Makha Lorn Lom to the provincial capital at a budgeted cost of 500,000 baht. The surfacing project was to be completed by August 1974. Like many other government it fell behind schedule, and as of November 1975 it had yet to be projects, however, however, .it villagers from more than one hundred families completed. Under the circumstances, villagers in Makha Lom Lorn scraped together together 10,000 baht to undertake part of the project on their own (a section one kilometer long and six meters wide)/ Not surprisingly, these villagers complained bitterly about the inefficiency of the state. Having read about Banharn, a senator senator at the time, visited Makha Lom Lorn about this story, Banharn, in November 1975 to inspect inspect the road conditions discuss the matter conditions firsthand and to discuss basis of his with Makha Lom's- subdistrict head, Wichai Duangchan. On the basis building a 28-kiIometer 28-kilometer inspection, Banharn drew up a new, grand project for Jbuilding to. Makha Lom highway that was to connect the provincial capital not only to, Lorn but also to Suan Taeng subdistrict, which lies some twenty kilometers beyond Makha Lom. Lorn. The original eight-kilometer eight-kilometer surfacing project was subsumed under this new project. Banharn then wrote a letter to then-Minister of Transport and Communications Siri Siriyothin to request approval of the new project. In the letter, Banharn stressed stressed the importance of his his initiative, arguing that the’ the - catfish trade would bring bring annual million baht to Suphanburi.8 Banharn, as he revenues of three-to-four-hundredthree-to-four-hundred-million admitted at the time, was unsure if he was "overstepping his bounds," since he was was not an MP.9 Yet he presumably knew that he could count on Siri's favorable response. Both had known each other since they were appointed to the interim Legislative Assembly in December 1973. In addition, Siri, the deputy CT Party Legislative! leader, was personally very close to the party leader, Pramarn Adireksarn, whose company, Thai-Asahi Caustic Soda, had reaped huge profits in the 1960s by becoming the sole supplier of chlorine to the Public Works Department, thanks thanks to Banham's mediation.10 Indeed, Indeed, Siri approved Banham's request without raising any 7
Khon Suphan, July 20, 1974, pp. 1, 2. pp. 1, 2; Budget Bureau, Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramam 2520, 3,4 Khon Supltan, Suplian, November 30, 1975, pp. (1976): 156. I 9 Khon Suphan, November 20, 1975, p. 3. 10 Sarthit Winurat, Ke Roi Nak Kan Mttang Muang (Bangkok: Wisurut, 1996), p. 76; Anant Sanokhan, Sarfhit Thammai Phom Tong Than Banham (Bangkok: (Bangkok: KletThai, Kiel Thai, 1988), p. 531 Thammai 8
90
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
objection. The Department of Highways (DOH) then provided 634,000 baht to Suphanburi as a supplementary fund (ngop sorm saem) in early 1976? 1976.111 Upon being being elected MP in April 1976, Banham, now now deputy minister of industry, wrote a letter to Chaliao Wacharaphuk, then-DOH director-general, and secured an additional two million baht for the project. This fund allowed Banharn to extend the length of the project from twenty-eight to forty kilometers? length kilometers.122 Technically speaking, was accountable only to the minister of transport and communications; he Chaliao was did not have to agree to Banharn's request. request. However, However, he probably thought it prudent not to do otherwise, for he had to hedge hedge against the distinct possibility that, given tire ’' history of frequent cabinet-member cabinet-member changes in Thailand, Banharn Banharn or some other prominent CT member might at any time assume control over his ministry as a new minister and punish him for his "recalcitrance"—a concept that Thai politicians could define to suit their political ends? ends.133 Thus, thanks thanks to Banharn's behind-the-scenes maneuverings maneuverings in the central patrimonial state, Makha Lorn residents received a massive road-building project—a much bigger bigger project than drey they had bargained for. An elderly rice farmer (#77), a much staunch staunch supporter of Banham, who has lived in Makha Lorn all her life, recalled the construction project, which was launched soon after his electoral victory: day, I saw a bulldozer coming. Trucks followed one after another. They One day, started appearing from nowhere. Where they came from, I don't know. There were many civil servants, too. I was was kind kind of scared at first. I wondered, "What are they going to do do to our village? What are they here here for?" One civil servant said, "It's the tire project of the new MP, Banharn. He is going to resurface your dirt on a rainy day any more." road with asphalt. You won't have to slip on Her neighbor (#96), also also a farmer, continued: continued: It was unbelievable. All the people here helped build the old road together. We many months, building it, bit by bit. Then those machines and spent a long time, ‘many civil servants came and built a new road, a better road. And the construction was over in just a few months, just like that. The road had a very smooth surface ... It linked our village to Suan Taeng [the adjacent subdistrict]. Things became more convenient. My son and his friend went to school in Suan Taeng, and my convenient. neighbor's son got a job in the tire market town.
Completed in 1978, the new road was and still is affectionately called "Banharn' Completed "Banharn Road" (thanon Banharn)—a moniker that evokes Banharn's ability to overcome the central state's inefficiencies and to achieve awe-inspiring modernization at the grassroots level. 11
Khon Khon Suphan, November 10, 1975, pp. 1, 8; Khon Suphan, November 30, 1975, pp. 1, 2, 3; 3;'Khon Suphan,fanuary January 10, 1976, pp. 1, 2. 12 Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2520, 3,4 (1976):156, 172; Khon Suphan, August 10, 1976, pp. 1, 2. 13 Indeed, Banharn's younger younger brother, Chumpol, was appointed deputy minister of communications in March 1981.
Influx of State .Development Development Funds Influx Funds
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Figure 6.14 Banham officially opens a new building accompanied by a brass band in the background
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Figure 6.15 An unveiled signboard, which says: "We thank H. E. Banharn Silpa-archa, 21 st Prime Minister, for helping allocate a fund of 1,710,000 baht to construct a building with four rooms at Phonsawan Temple School"
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Figure 6.16 Monks chant a pali verse
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Imagining Banharn-buri at the Grassroots Level Level 161 Imagining Banharn-bufi
The Phonsawan Phonsawan ceremony, the successful and smooth organization of which required servants, celebrated, dramatized, required the coordination of numerous local civil servants, Banharn's budgetary contribution to the physical metamorphosis metamorphosis of a and sanctified Banharn's small, dilapidated dilapidated school building in Suphanburi's periphery. The ceremony juxtaposed the old building from fhepre-Banharn thepre-Banharn past against a brand-new structure that presented itself right before the villagers' eyes. Making adroit use of vivid spectacles, spectacle's, music, and words, the ceremony served as an effective instrument for caring and powerful populist broadcasting and constructing Banharn as a caring "missionary" of development who made this change possible in an agrarian village located far from the provincial provincial capital. To the extent that the paramount task of a politician .is to display and broadcast favorable images of his authority over long geographical geographical distances, 35 Banharn did just that through this ceremony. The image of Banham's authority was was all the more strongly impressed on the villagers as they came into face-to-face contact with him; he did not appear snobbish and standoffish, as do many other MPs. For these villagers, "politics" (kan unumg) (fcan muting) was not an impersonal, distant affair reported in the Bangkok-based mass media. thong thin) an abstract abstract concept that Neither was "local administration" (kan (kan bokkhrong thong exists only in dry, annual bureaucratic reports. The Phonsawan villagers saw saw and felt both in front of them: Banharn was and local administration. administration. While this was politics and physical closeness signified and engendered emotional bonds between Banharn and the villagers, however, the solemnity of the atmosphere, created by the presence of many high-ranking bureaucrats, the making of formal speeches, the playing of auspicious music, and the chanting of Buddhist monks, simultaneously created a measure of distance between the two. In short, short, Banharn was neither too distant from the villagers nor too close to them. This felicitous combination of closeness and distance imbued Banharn's village-level authority with affection, awe, and respect at once. The making of political authority, as several -scholars scholars analyze it, is a public show that politicians perform to create, reinforce, and perpetuate images, impressions, or meanings that are favorable to their rule. 36 The ceremony ceremony I have have described here was important to Banharn in this respect. This ceremony was not unique. Similar ceremonies attended by Banham have been held virtually everywhere in Suphanburi with amazing frequency over the last numbers of Suphanburians as the tire four decades, cumulatively involving involving vast numbers audience. Over 90 percent of the Suphanburians I talked to in different parts of the province said that they had attended or heard about Banham's ceremonies during the last four decades. In this historical and social context, all these ceremonies have have contributed to fostering and entrenching perennially entrenching Banham's Banharn's positive image as a perennially tireless and benevolent local developer. This point is best exemplified by the case of a middle-aged middle-aged farmer (#78) in Phonsawan, who attended the ceremony ceremony described above. In the early 1970s, this farmer had attended another ceremony that Banharn held to commemorate the construction of a small primary school in her home district of Bang Pla Ma, situated some fifty kilometers from Phonsawan. According to a local newspaper, newspaper, Banharn 35
Jeffrey Africa: Comparative Comparative Lessons Lessons in Authority Authority and Control Control Jeffrey Herbst, Herbst, States States and Power Power in in Africa: (Princeton, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University University Press, Press, 2000). 2000). 36 See Constructing the Political Spectacle (Chicago, (Chicago, IL: University University of Chicago Chicago See Murray Edelman, Edelman, Constructing Press, York, NY: NY: Press, 1988); 1988); and Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (New York, Anchor Books, Books,1959). 1959).
162
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
was subsequently named after him donated 290,000 baht to build this school, which was and his wife.37 The farmer does not know this detail, detail, but Banharn's generosity generosity has mark on her memory. left an indelible mark memory. She compared what she witnessed in Phonsawan with what she had seen in her native village more than thirty years ago: Banharn was young back then. He has now aged. His hair has grown gray, and than 70 now. He's not a young man any more. But at he has wrinkles. He is more than was doing doing years ago. He is still going around his age, he is still doing what he was Suphan to build various tilings for villagers like us and to celebrate their completion with the villagers. That has not changed changed at all after all these years. He completion is still the same. Is there anybody who is more sincere and hardworking than him?
Phonsawan did more than just For this kind of villager, the ceremony in Phonsawan reinforce Banharn's commendable role in developing one remote area of Suphanburi. It also served to (re) (re)confirm confirm the similarity of Phonsawan Phonsawan to other villages. All the development villages and their residents residents for whom Banham had ever held a development ceremony were connected together in time and space; the temporal, and spatial distances that separate the past past ceremonies and the one in Phonsawan were erased, sameness. To draw on Anderson's Anderson's expression as it were, to conjure up up the image of sameness. again, tire the Phonsawan villagers came to think of their village community as "one among many of the same kind as itself." 38 Once the ceremony ended, the Phonsawan villagers probably imagined Banharn as a leader leader constantly on the go, attending similar events in countless other locations throughout Suphanburi that they had never visited or even heard of before. The announcements by POPSE Chief Kit and MC Phajon that Banham "has been been developing all the villages of Suphanburi" served to magnify the villagers' Phonsa wan's uniqueness. uniqueness. While seeing Banham leave imagination by discounting Phonsawan's after the ceremony, the farmer's son cited earlier (#23) made a comment that is simple suggestive of this imagination: "Where will he go next week? simple yet richly suggestive Maybe U-Thong or Bang Pla Ma [District] ... Where was he last week?" When Banham's development ceremonies "here and there" over, a long period exposed to Banham's of time, the villagers come to get what Anderson might call "a hypnotic confirmation of the solidity of a single community" that is "moving steadily steadily down (or up) history." 39 Their parochial village-level identity is thus broadened or scaled up to the district, and province. higher level of subdistrict, district, imagination, the Phonsawan ceremony—a seemingly trivial Given this kind of imagination, ceremony held for a small, purely local audience—takes on considerable importance as the means of provincial integration. The ceremony signified that Phonsawan was no longer the isolated, neglected village that it once had been. Although physically linked to the outside world by only one road, Phonsawan now symbolically joined many other villages "out there," where Banham Banharn had undertaken, or was was going to personal development project. The undertake, some kind of state-funded or personal Phonsawan villagers are sure of the existence of those villages, even if if-they Phonsawan -they do not know what they are called and where they are located. This odd anonymity, which know, 37
Khon Suphan, August 20, 1971, p. 1. Anderson, Imagined Communities, p. 85, emphasis emphasis as in die Anderson, the original. 39 Ibid., pp. 26, 27. 38
Imagining Banharn-buri at the Grassroots Level 163 i
Anderson calls "visible invisibility/' invisibility/'40 is the essential essential ingredient of which villagers' villagers' Anderson pride in Banham's real or imagined imagined accomplishments accomplishments is made. made. Insofar as villagers pride in a particular locality develop develop a provincial provincial identity identity through the the everyday everyday living in "Banharn signboards," signboards/' the ceremonial participation participation serves to process of seeing "Banharn held in Phonsawan Phonsawan reaffirm and reinforce that identity. In this sense, the ceremonies held other villages are outsiders and other are hot not dispensable "icings on the cake" that cynical outsiders might portray them to be; they provide and and mark enormously enormously important occasions, might through which hundreds of formerly dispersed small small villages, are' are’symbolically and through incrementally spun into into an invisible collectivity—the collectivity—tire broad imagined provincial provincial incrementally Banharn-buri—which has developed developed over over the decades. decades. entity of Banharn-buri —which Banharn has Image of Banharn-buri Banharn-buri The Image way Banharn's Banharn's numerous real or or imagined imagined development development Influenced by the way initiatives have been broadcast at the tire grassroots grassroots level, 'many villagers' I talked to initiatives expressed a sense of strong strong and positive positive identification identification with with the concept of BanhamBanhamexpressed example is a farmer (#52) in the tire aforementioned Khok Jet Luuk, Luuk, where where buri. An example Banharn built built a 4.5-million-baht asphalt road in 2000. In admiring this road, road, the Banharn went to Ang Thong Thong [Province] last last month month to visit my niece. Her farmer said: "I went doesn't have have this kind kind of road. road. You can find it only in Suphan. Banham goes village doesn't Suphan, carrying out projects like this everywhere. everywhere. Why else do we call around Suphan, kilometers north of Khok Jet Luuk, a Suphanburi 'Banharn-buri'?" About ninety kilometers in Derm Bang Nang Buat, the northernmost district district of middle-aged farmer (#86) in Suphanburi, Suphanburi, made a similar similar comment in praising a secondary secondary school near near his home, in 1999 by donating fifteen million baht: "He has done done so much which Banharn built in for us for many years in a row. There is no no other MP like him anywhere. anywhere. The official name of our province province is Suphanburi, but actually actually it might might as well be called Banharnname buri. After all, it is Banham Banharn who who has developed developed Suphan to be the way way it is now ... . .. buri. Banham is our MP." We don't call our home Banharn-buri simply because Banham Another farmer (#87) in Dan Chang Chang District, located thirty kilometers kilometers west of Another Derm Derm Bang Nang Buat, put it even even more more strongly strongly by contrasting contrasting Suphanburi to Saraburi Province, where where his relatives live:
Saraburi had a nationally nationally famous MP, Pramarn Adireksam Adireksam [a former CT Party Saraburi had do the people people there call Saraburi leader before Banharn took over]. But do "Pramarn-buri"? "Pramarn-buri"? No, because he didn't do.much there. Has he ever built any his own money? No. Did he channel channel public money money to build build roads roads in in school with his not much. If he channeled channeled any project, did he small villages like ours? No, not continually check up on its progress? progress? No. If you go to Saraburi, ask people people you'll see. Only Banham does those things. That's That's why we call around, and you'll Suphanburi "Banharn-buri." Other than Suphanburi, there is no Suphanburi "Banharn-buri." no province in in Thailand Thailand that is nicknamed nicknamed after its its MP ... People in other provinces have have never never seen the faces of their MPs. Some people people don't even even know know the names of their MPs. In Suphan, Suphan, who who doesn't doesn't know that Banharn is an MP? i tire many Suphanburians who who call their province province These villagers are just three of the "Banharn-buri." To echo Anderson, Anderson, these people people have have never met, and will never "Banharn-buri." 40
Ibid., p. 44. Ibid.,
164
and Provincial Identity in Thailand Thailand Political Authority and
41 meet, heard of each other's other's village, village, either. meet, each each other. - They They often have have not visited or heard Yet they that they they belong belong to to BanharnBanharnthey are all bound bound by one common common perception that buri— has escaped escaped previous conditions of buri —aa provincial community community that has backwardness, thanks Banharn's generous generous donations, donations, his his backwardness, thanks to to a combination of Banharn's allocation supervision of local civil civil servants. servants. Banharn Banharn has has allocation of state funds, funds, and and his his close close supervision incorporated people people living in in different-parts of Suphanburi into a single, imagined different'parts of Suphanburi into single, imagined provincial community, unmistakable architect. community, of which which he is the the unmistakable Banham integration, however. He He Banham has not simply simply achieved achieved symbolic symbolic provincial integration, has also sense of pride pride that derives derives from from his his also given given Suphanburians Suphanburians a strong strong sense unparalleled various villages villages in in formerly formerly "backward" unparalleled contributions contributions to developing developing various "backward" Suphanburi. is the the concise, concise, condensed condensed manifestation Suphanburi. The The designation designation "Banham-buri" "Banham-buri" is of this provincial pride. pride. It reveals reveals the the Suphanburians' keen this symbolically symbolically constructed constructed provincial Suphanburians' keen understanding province used used to to be and and what what it has has understanding or imagination imagination of what what their province become under rule. The "Banham-buri" is also also used used to become under Banharn's Banharn's The expression expression "Banham-buri" is differentiate from the the "stagnant" "stagnant" provinces provinces that that differentiate the the rapidly rapidly developing Suphariburi Suphariburi from are bereft bereft of an MP of Banharn's stature. stature. It reflects Suphanburians' Suphanburians' "we-they" "we-they" mentality positive provincial provincial identity. mentality that that serves serves to to heighten heighten or or crystallize their positive The process through which identity has has emerged has less less to to do with with The social social process which this this identity emerged has the are identified identified in in the the literature: literature: the key key elements of collective collective identity identity formation formation that are newspapers, maps, interaction, culture, culture, museums, museums, and and so newspapers, maps, novels, novels, education, education, social interaction, 42 on. identity are a range range of on. Of crucial crucial importance importance to Suphanburians' Suphanburians' provincial identity Banharn's development which are disseminated disseminated and and development works, works, the the meanings of which enshrined at the signboards and and ceremonies. the grassroots level level through through signboards ceremonies. Several scholars as sources or or instruments instruments of scholars have have paid due attention to to ceremonies ceremonies as 43 collective put their analytical emphasis emphasis on collective identity identity formation. formation. 43 Yet these these scholars scholars put one or or two two ceremonies ceremonies held held in a particular place just one place at a particular point in time, time, without and temporal temporal density density of ceremonies. ceremonies. without paying adequate adequate attention attention to the the spatial and Banham's adopting more more longitudinal longitudinal and and wider wider Banham's success success suggests suggests the the importance of adopting geographical perspectives when examining examining the ceremonies in village-level geographical perspectives when the role role of ceremonies village-level collective identity identity formation. collective 41
Ibid., p. 6. See, for example, Anderson, Anderson, Imagined Communities; Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in in British National Development,1536-1966 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1975); Charles F. Keyes, Isan: Regionalism in Northeastern Thailand (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1967); and Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A History of the GeoBody of Siam (Honolulu, (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 1994). 43 See, for example, Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, trans. Joseph Swain (Glencoe, "Imperial Ritual in a Local Setting: (Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1974); and Douglas Haynes, "Imperial The Ceremonial Ceremonial Order in in Surat, 1890-1939," Modem Asian Studies 24,3 (1990): 493-527. 42
Chapter Chapter Seven Seven iI
Pride in in Imagined Banharn-buri Banharn-buri 1t
In January 2000, a middle-aged merchant (#26) in JJ-Thong District returned elder sister. The merchant said to from Chainat Province, where she had visited her elder me half-jokingly:
Every time I go there, I realize how important MPs can be. Fifty years ago, Suphanburi was at the same level of development as Chainat, but now the two are very different. Suphan has prosperous [charoen] thanks to has become so prosperous Banham, but Chainat has has hardly changed. It is still what it was before. She then made a lighthearted, bold prediction: "In fifty years years from now, Chainat will probably be still the way it is now." This merchant is among the many down, and even Suphanburians who, with exaggeration and humor, poke fun at, put down, despise "underdevelopment" or "stagnation" "stagnation" -of other provinces provinces and, despise the (putative) "underdevelopment" at the same time, hold up Suphanburi as "modern"1 (tan samai), "developed" (phattana),or "progressive" (charoen kao naa). According to these characterizations, characterizations, . the other provinces remain mired in backwardness (laa (lan lang), while Suphanburi has surged ahead and will continue to do so. )< Such narratives (which are not uncommon) reveal one extremely important effect of 'Banham's Banham's actions on Suphanburians' explicit or latent social consciousness—an enhanced sense of collective superiority. As we have seen, the Suphanburians who remember the backward conditions of the past are effusive about the temporal progress progress or development of their province that Banharn has brought about over time. However, that is not the only way in which Suphanburians assess and appreciate his his actions. They also heap praise on his achievements achievements for having having developed developed Suphanburi in relation to other provinces. Suphanburians do not live in a social vacuum; they live in an inter-provincial social environment, where they continually continually read and hear - about the seventy-four other rural provinces of Thailand, and interact interact with numerous people from these provinces. Thus, when they Thailand, evaluate Suphanburi's historical development over the last four decades, they naturally do so by comparing Suphanburi to other provinces, and especially to neighboring provinces such as Chainat. In so doing, they are prone to uphold tire neighboring the superiority of Suphanburi's development, often with a good good deal of exaggeration—a tendency Narratives of this tendency exemplified by the merchant's merchant's comment quoted above. Narratives kind illustrate the most interesting interesting and the strongest strongest .forms forms of Suphanburians' collective pride in Banham as the developer of their province. This chapter will first shed light on outsiders' outsiders' admiration or envy of Banham's achievements as a component component of Suphanburians' positive provincial identity. Plainly, Suphanburians are proud of their province because many many non-Suphanburians are envious envious of it. I will then discuss the Suphanburians' comments that reflect this provincial pride. pride.
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Non-Suphanburians' Admiration Admiration and Envy Env,y Non-Suphanburians' The high-quality high-quality development development works, both both large and small small in scale, that Banharn has built in various various parts of Suphanburi have have had had an impact impact on the popular has discourse in other other parts of rural Thailand. Thailand. As a result result of their increasingly frequent discourse inter-provincial travels, migration, migration, and marriages, marriages, coupled coupled with the wider inter-provincial distribution communications technology (e.g., televisions, radios, newspapers, newspapers, distribution of communications many Thais living outside outside Suphanburi- Rave seen, read about, and and mobile phones), many heard about the wide range of public public works works in Suphanburi that their provinces provinces do do heard not have or cannot match in number number or quality. Consequently, Consequently, they have become become not increasingly aware of Suphanburi's Suphanburi's distinctiveness and consequently consequently have come to increasingly express a mixture of admiration, admiration, envy, envy, and and sour sour resentment resentment towards Suphanburi. Suphanburi. express newspaper lauded Suphanburi Suphanburi for Examples abound. One Bangkok-based newspaper having "wider roads, bigger and glossier public public buildings, more more schools, more more having public facilities of all kinds." 1 Another Another newspaper newspaper published published this hospitals, more public roads, modern modern infrastructure, and and efficient public public observation: "Clean "Clean and well-built roads, other provinces provinces in in the tire country. Once an utilities make Suphanburi stand out from other impoverished province, now locals [sic] feel privileged privileged to be bom bom there impoverished farming province, provinces will find hard to keep keep up because Suphanburi has set standards other provinces particular, are the objects of non-Suphanburians' non-Suphanburians' admiration. with." 2 Roads, in particular, excursion to Suphanburi, a group of college students from Bangkok During their excursion Suphanburi's roads roads as better better and more beautiful than than those in in the tire 'capital city.3 rated Suphanburi's maintained Indeed, many roads in Suphanburi, as discussed in chapter 5, are so well maintained decorated that they are admired for evoking evoking "a touch of Singapore." 4 Likewise, and decorated widely circulated Thai-Ianguage national newspaper, admired Thai Rath, a widely Suphanburi for having as wide having "roads as wide as [the airport's] airport's] runways" and and "super-good [jaeiv] [jaew] public works," which "put other other provinces to shame." The newspaper also resident in the tire northern province province of Nakhon Nakhon Sawan, Sawan, published a letter sent sent by one resident bitterly: "I was was born born in Nakhon Nakhon Sawan and have have lived lived here here all my who grumbled grumbled bitterly: Nakhon Sawan Sawan develop develop in the same way as other other life. All this while, I haven't seen Nakhon provinces." Foremost among those "other "other provinces" provinces" was was Suphanburi. The letter asked why Suphanburi has why Suphanburi has many excellent public public works when when "our hometown, hometown, the municipality of Nakhon Nakhon Sawan, Sawan, can't have have anything good." 35 Muang municipality conversations with non-Suphanburian respondents respondents (n = 171) in in twenty-seven twenty-seven My conversations provinces lent lent support to these media media reports. reports. In response to my question, question, "At the mind?" some some 80 percent percent of the mention of Suphanburi, Suphanburi, what comes to your mind?" respondents, including those who who had had never been to Suphanburi, Suphanburi, answered answered "roads," which they praised praised in various various ways. For instance, a hotel hotel receptionist receptionist (#16) from the northeastern northeastern province province of Mukdaham' Mukdaharri recalled being being "impressed" "impressed" with with Suphanburi's four-lane roads roads during her her first visit in 1997, for in Mukdaharn "even the biggest biggest highway highway has has only one one lane." Her Her parents were were just as amazed by the tire towering towering electric-light poles that line Suphanburi's highways. highways. A factory worker '(#39) in Saraburi commended the tire "beauty" "beauty" and "orderliness" "orderliness" of Suphanburi's Suphanburi's Saraburi Province commended 1
The Nation, April 18, 2000, A5. The Bangkok Post, April April 17, 2003, p. 8. 3 February 16, 1994, p. 3. Khon Suphan, February 4 Bangkok Post, September September 25, 1995, p. 6. 5 Thai Rath, Rath, July July 24, 1998, p. 6. 6. 2
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roads, roads, which she contrasted to Saraburi's "noisy, crowded, polluted, and chaotic" roads. A civil servant (#92) in the northern province ofFhayao of i Phayao commented in jest night: "They are so bright that you while admiring Suphanburi's well-lit highways at night: can even see ants moving!" The sentiments of these people people were well summarized by the exaggerated statement of one college student (#18) in Kanchanaburi Province: Suphanburi, I don't feel I am in die countryside." "When I am in Suphanburi, the Thai countryside." Schools in Suphanburi have have also won the admiration of nonresidents. The aforementioned hotel hotel receptionist from Mukdaham said: "In Suphanburi, even the schools in small villages are made of concrete. They don't have to worry about the One girl from Phayao Province roof leaking when it rains. Not like in Mukdaham." One (#19), who studied at the Suphanburi College of Dramatic Arts, one of the tertiary schools that Banham established by 'channeling state funds of more than 481 million v baht in 1991-99/ recalled: ’’ I I had to travel seven hundred hundred kilometers from my home to get a higher education because there is no no college of this sort in Phayao. Phayao has just a few colleges, so the educational opportunities are limited. That is why many young girls Phayao must turn? turd to prostitution [for which girls from poor families in Phayao Phayao in Suphanburi are lucky. Phayao has become infamous]. The girls in Another student in Phayao (#2) was full of praise for the "modern facilities" at the Sports School of Suphanburi (SSS), which he saw saw on TVj when Suphanburi TV|in 2006 when hosted the annual National Sports Competition, a well-attended interprovincial hosted competition. He then belittled Phayao in contrast: "Look at our stadium. It's so small. Phayao can never [mai mee wan] host a national-level sports competition, competition, as Suphanburi does so often." There is much to this student's statement. The SSS's superb facilities, for which which Banharn has channeled a phenomenal sum of state have allowed Suphanburi to host many monies since the early 1990s (see chapter 4), have high-profile sports competitions, to a point where the province is recognized as "a golden town of sports." 7 Between 1990 and 2003, Suphanburi played host host to a total of thirty-nine thirty-nine games at the national and international levels, most of which were televised live throughout Thailand. Thailand.8 In marked contrast, many other provinces, including let alone international, including Phayao, have not hosted a single national-level, let the necessary facilities. competition, simply because they do not have have tire Many nonresidents attribute the apparent disparity between their provinces provinces and Suphanburi to the "Banham factor." In so doing, they express admiration for 6
Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn Ngop-pramarn 2535, 2535, 4,5 4,5 (1991): (1991): 430-31; 430-31; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn NgopNgop2536, 4,5 4,5 (1992): (1992): 469-71; 469-71; Budget Bureau, pramarn 2536, Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn Ngop-pramarn 2537, 4,5 4,5 (1993): (1993): 524-27; 524-27; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn 4,5 (1994): (1994): 589; 589; Budget Bureau, Bureau, Ekasarn Ekasarn NgopNgopEkasam Ngop-pramarn Ngop-pramarn 2538, 4,5 (1995): 432; Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn Ngop-pramarn 2540, .4,8 (1996):601-2, 601-2, 607, 607, pramarn 2539, 4,8 4,8 (1995): 432; Budget Bureau, Ekasam 4,8 (1996): 611; Budget Bureau, Bureau, Ekasarn Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 4,8 (1997): (1997): 204-05; 204-05; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ekasarn '611; Ngop-pramarn 2541, 4,8 Ngop-pramarn (1998): 161-62; 161-62; Suphanburi Suphanburi College Ngop-pramarn 2542, 4,8 (1998): College of Dramatic Arts, Arts, Withayalai Withayalai Nathasin Suphanburi Suphanburi (Suphanburi: n.d.), pp. 75-77. 75-77. |J Nathasin (Suphanburi: n.d.), 7 Sports Association Association of Suphanburi Suphanburi (SAS), Asian Games Games Suphanburi Suphanburi (Suphanburi: (SAS), Thirteenth Asian SAS, 1998), 1998), p. 9. SAS, 8 SAS, Chomrom Chomrom Basketball Changwat Changwat Suphanburi (Suphanburi: SAS, SAS, SAS, 1994); 1994); SAS, SAS, Khrop-Rorp Khrop Rorp Haa Haa Samakhom Kiilaa Changwat Changwat Suphanburi PH Samakhom Suphanburi (Suphanburi: SAS, SAS, 1997), 1997), pp. pp. 36-38; 36-38; SAS, SAS, Thirteenth Thirteenth Asian Games Games Suphanburi; SSS, Kan Khaeng Khan Prathet Suphanburi; SSS, Kan Khaeng Khan Kiilaa Kiilaa Rawang Rawang Rongrian Rongrian Kiilaa Kiilaa Thua Prathet Khrang SSS, 1998); 1998); various Khrang Thi Song (Suphanburi: SSS, various issues issues ot. of. Khoni Khon[ Suphan Suphan and and Suphan Post. Post. See See "The Weapon Weapon of the Strong," more details. Nishizaki, "The Strong," chapter 9, for more
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Banharn as the architect of the "modern" Suphanburi—admiration that often verges on frustration or anger at their own MPs. For example, a man (#70) from the southern province of Petchaburi, who now works works as a civil servant's chauffeur in Suphanburi, lambasted Piya Angkinan, Angkinan, Petchaburi's nationally well-known godfather, for being "better at killing people" than building roads and schools. "When I first came to Suphanburi [in the early 1990s]," the chauffeur recalled, "I match couldn't help wonder, 'What has our MP been doing? What has he done to match what Banharn has done?"' Another respondent, respondent, a janitor (#40) in Saraburi said that her province's MPs "are not bad, but they don't love Saraburi the way Banharn loves loves Suphan. Banharn loves his birthplace and his people very much, so he has done so much for them." Still another respondent, a merchant (#41) in Phayao Province, deplored the fact that Ladawan Wbngsriwong, a nationally prominent female MP Banharn.' It takes a male MP to channel from Phayao, was "too weak to emulate Banharn.in Ayutthaya, funds from the state." On the basis of his extensive fieldwork in Suphanburi's neighboring province to the east, Daniel Arghiros noted similar views. He reports that when comparing Montri Pongpanich, Pongpanich, Ayutthaya's long-standing MP, to Banharn, many villagers "admired the fact that ... Banharn ...• ...* had transformed ... Suphanburi with highways, hospitals, and schools ..."9 Those nonresidents nonresidents who admire Banham naturally wish that their MPs had more of his attributes, attributes, or even that Banham were their MP. For instance, one civil servant (#71) in Kanchanaburi, Suphanburi's adjacent province, said: "If only we had Banham an MP like Banharn, Kanchanaburi could develop like Suphan. And if only Banharn becomes prime minister again, the whole countryside will reach the same level of' Nakhon development as Suphan." Similarly, a young bookstore clerk (#17) from Nakhon Pathom, a neighboring province of Suphanburi, illustrated her view by recounting a Fathom, humorous episode. She once had a (mild) argument with her mother, a petty merchant, who "constantly grumbles merchant, grumbles about the difference between Suphanburi and Pathom and asks, 'Why is our province [underdeveloped] [underdeveloped] like this?"' this?'" Bored Nakhon Fathom with this question, my respondent snapped at her mother: "Who "Who elected the MPs we have in the first place? We have only ourselves to blame blame for not electing a person like Banham. Banharn. So, stop complaining." The mother retorted: "Who can we vote for? Is there anyone like Banham here? We don't have have much choice." My respondent then concluded with laughter: laughter: "We wouldn't wouldn't have to have concluded have a silly argument like this again if Banharn ran for office in Nakhon Pathom Fathom in the next election!" In a report that lent credence to these views, a columnist for one major national newspaper wrote that his office often receives letters from non-Suphanburians, criticizing their MPs for not developing their provinces the way Banharn has developed Suphanburi.10 Thus, although many MPs have attacked Banharn for being too partial to his province (see chapter 4), there is much reason to believe that their voters -actually actually want them to emulate his actions. Such sentiments sentiments are particularly strong in provinces adjacent to Suphanburi, where Banharn's achievements achievements are extremely well known thanks thariks to frequent interroads he has has built)’ built)' and tire the circulation of provincial travels (made possible by all the roads u newspaper, Khon Stiphan. Suphan.11 Suphanburi's provincial newspaper, A down-to-earth politician, 9
Daniel Daniel Arghiros, Democracy, Development, and Decentralization in Provincial Thailand (Richmond, UK: Curzon, Curzon, 2001), p. 213. 10 Thai Rath, July 24, 1998, p. 6. 11 About one one thousand copies of Khon Suphan are sold in both Ang Thong and Chainat.
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people in these provinces. 12 He has therefore Banharn is aware of the wishes of the people repeatedly tried to rally electoral support for his his Chart Thai (CT) Party by evoking the image of a "developed" Suphanburi. For example, before the 2001 parliamentary election, he had a large signboard erected at a busy intersection in Chainat Province that exhorted: "If you want Chainat to develop like Suphanburi, vote for the CT Party." 13 Similarly, during a campaign rally in in Singburi Province in 1995, he pledged pledged to build four-lane provincial highways and and asphalt roads in every village within four years, just like in Suphanburi.14 At another rally, he played up his party's electoral appeal by referring to the adjacent Ang Thong, Kanchanaburi, Singburi, and Nakhon Pathom provinces as Suphanburi's "satellites" and by announcing, "Prosperity "Prosperity is Fathom provinces only meters away from Suphanburi." Suphanburi." 15 Campaign tactics of this kind kind paid off, at least until Thaksin's mighty Thai Rak Thai Party emerged to dominate the electoral system in 2001. My research indicates that in eight eight elections held between 1983 and 2001, the CT Party won 27.5 percent percent of eleven neighboring provinces of Suphanburi, despite the fact that the seats in the eleven more than ten parties contested each of these elections., Many non-Suphanburians non-Suphanburians were apparently convinced by Banharn's rhetoric—so much so that a Solidarity Party candidate in Nakhon Pathom warned the electorate before tire the 1995 election: "[F]ree yourselves of Suphanburi. Don't turn Nakhon Pathom into a colony of Suphanburi."16 Suphanburi has become something of a centripetal icon of rural development, behind which popular support in these provinces can be successfully The extant literature generally contends contends that ideology is irrelevant in Thai mobilized. The politics, but there are signs signs that what one former farmer. farmer (#43) #43) in in Suphanburi called "developmentalism" (phathana-niyoni) immensely "developmentalism" (phathana-niyom) has emerged as an incipient, yet immensely appealing, ideology for the electorate in the provinces that are labeled "backward" (as Suphanburi once was). developmentalism" Few other MPs, however, have been able to ride the "rural developmentalism" bandwagon. For. For .example, in the most recent parliamentary election of December 2007, a Puea Phaendin Party leader, Suvit Khunkitti, ran for office, promising to turn his home province of Khon Kiron Kaen into "Suvit Buri." As he said during the election campaign, "If Mr. Banharn could develop Suphan Buri ... impressing people so much that they couldn't help calling the province Banharn Buri, why can't I convert Khon Kaen into Suvit Buri?"17 He lost the election, however, however, because the voters were not convinced that he had the potential to deliver on the promise. He had served served as Khon Kaen's MP between 1986 and 2005, yet during this time he had done little to further development in the province in the way way Banham has. has- in Suphanburi. Despite the apparent failures of their, their own representatives, however, many rural voters /
Interview with Khon. Suphan's staff, November 15, 1999. Moreover, newspapers in these provinces (e.g„ Phalang Thai in in Ang Thong, Chart Pracha in Kanchanaburi, and Chart Pracha in Lopburi) regularly carry stories about the projects undertaken by Banharn in Suphanburi. 12 Khon Suphan, August 1, 1993, p. 3. 13 Personal observation in Chainat, January 2001. 14 Bangkok Post,June 18, 1995, p. p, 4. See also Bangkok Post,June 11, 1995, p. 1; and Bangkok Post, June 27, 1995, p. 9, for similar campaign slogans employed in Ang Thong and Kanchanaburi. 15 Bangkok Post,June 25, 1995, p. 4. t _ 16 ' Bangkok Post,June 10, 1995, p. 6. * 17 Bangkok Post, November 20, 2007, p. 3.
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outside Suphanburi continue continue to view Banharn-buri as one (if not the only) attractive model of provincial development that their MPs should try to emulate. Praising Praising Suphanburi's Suphanburi's (Putative) (Putative) Superiority Superiority outside Suphanburi have been Over the years, the sentiments of Thais residing outside transmitted to Suphanburians in person and/or through the grapevine grapevine and the media. media. As a result, virtually all Suphanburians have become cognizant of the development works in their own province that are superior in quality and number to their counterparts in other places. Increased inter-provincial travels, marriages, and communications have allowed not only non-Suphanburians but also Suphanburians Suphanburians to see, hear about, and read about such projects. Plainly Suphanburians Suphanburians have come to realize: "We are special. We have have what other provinces don't have." The perceived uniqueness of Suphanburi has become the semiotic basis on which Suphanburians have acquired acquire d aan n intense form of provincial identity. This identity finds expression in a variety of social narratives—everyday stories, jokes, (unfounded) gossip, and myths—which Suphanburians recount among themselves and to outsiders outsiders about Banham's achievements in making Suphanburi more developed than than other provinces. In particular, because of their geographical proximity, Suphanburi's neighboring provinces —most notably, Ang Thong, Chainat, Uthai Ufhai Thani, Thani, and Singburi—most often figure as objects of comparison. These provinces, where the envy of Suphanburi's Suphanburi's development is most strongly expressed, are invoked in Suphanburians' narratives as convenient tropes for backwardness. backwardness. In other words, these provinces serve as discursive foils for Suphanburi's (imagined) words, provinces superior development. To illustrate, my respondents (n = 229), who represent all ages, social classes, and the ten districts districts of Suphanburi, pointed to a wide variety of public works as the "indubitable" evidence of Suphanburi's superior development. development. The most most frequently cited projects (cited by 211) were roads. Just as outsiders regard roads as the quintessential symbols of Suphanburi's development, so do do Suphanburians. In In this connection, many respondents cracked essentially the same joke to me by singling out Ang Thong Province: "If you are traveling on a bus or in a car from Ang Thong to Suphanburi, how can you tell, without looking at road signs, whether you are still in Ang Thong Thong br have reached readied Suphan? Very easy! Just hold a drink in your hand. If it shakes shakes and spills onto your hand, you are in Ang Thong. If it doesn't, you are in Suphan!" Banham Banharn himself told a similar joke: "When you enter Suphanburi [in a car], you fall asleep. When you enter other places, you you wake up." 18 The meaning is obvious: All the roads in Suphanburi are smooth, whereas Ang Thong's roads are bumpy. Thus, one janitor (#3) asked a rhetorical question with a chuckle: "Why do they bother to put up those signboards saying, 'Welcome to Suphanburi'? There is no need for them." According to another Suphanburian, a vendor of drinks (#84) in Don Tarl subdistrict (which borders Ang Thong), even the revered revered King Bhumibol told the "drinks-never-shake-in-Suphanburi" "drinks-never-shake-in-Suphanburi" story to his entourage. Another common joke goes: "If you are driving driving at night, you can turn off your headlights as soon as you reach Suphanburi. That saves you energy." This joke extols all the modern electric-light poles erected along roadways in Suphanburi, conjuring up another binary contrast, and "the dark other contrast, a contrast between "bright Suphanburi" and Ifl 18
' CT Party, Party, Chart Thai Samphan, Samphan, 13 (May-June (May-June 2001), p. 17.
Banham-buri 171 Pride in Imagined Banharn-buri provinces." Before the 1970s, there were jokes that ridiculed Suphanburi for its the tables have turned. bumpy and dusty roads (see chapter 2). Now tire Pride in the superiority superiority of Suphanburi's roads is embedded and reflected in versus them" numerous other accounts that set up an imaginary, simplified "us versus dichotomy between Suphanburi and other provinces. Again, Suphanburi's neighboring provinces are the targets of easy and frivolous frivolous caricature in many of these accounts. Here are some representative examples: A drinks vendor (#84) in Muang District: "I often get lost while traveling on Suphan's highways because they are so intricate. Our road system is too problem while while in Ang developed for me [laughter]. But I never have that problem Thong!"
A farmer (#61) in Song Phi Nong District, referring to her sister in in Chainat Province: "The road road in her village is so bad that I have to slow down my motorcycle to ten kilometers per hour. Otherwise, it would be dangerous. But in Suphan, I can speed at sixty kilometers [per hour]." Suphan, "Even A civil servant (#28) whose husband is from Kampheng Phet Province: "Even the roads in central Kampheng Phet can't match the roads in outlying areas of Japanese word for beautiful] and the Suphan. The roads in Suphan are 'kirei' [a Japanese, roads in Kampheng Phet are 'kiree' 'kiree' [a Thai word for ugly]." roads A rice farmer (#104) in Muang District: "Suphan's roads are excellent [sutyord]. You might call Suphan the tire second capital of Thailand. It should actually be the capital. Bangkok is too crowded, so they should move the capital here." A noodle vendor (#29) in Nong Ya Sai District: "I heard a story that royal family members like to visit Suphanburi because our roads are so good and pleasant pleasant to members the eyes. The trip is safe and enjoyable. But they don't like visiting visiting other provinces so much because of the narrow and bad bad roads there." A security guard (#62) in Sri Prachan District: "The tall electric poles are in Suphan only. You can't find anything of this sort anywhere else in in Thailand. Thailand. ... Look at all those beautiful trees and and flowers. Some lother provinces have trees and flowers, but they are less beautiful because they are not well maintained." maintained." A student intern (#9) speaking speaking sarcastically beside Iris his supervisor from the the Suphan have been surfaced with southern province of Trang: "All the roads in Suphan asphalt and concrete. But I'm not sure sure about other provinces. I wonder if there is any asphalt road in Trang."
My respondents expressed expressed similarly strong strong pride pride in Suphanburi's schools. To give some typical examples: examples: Chang District: "Good students in Uthai Thai A motorcyclist (#30) in Dan Chang [Province] must must’come to Suphan to pursue higher education because no schools are up to standard there. They have only lousy [yae] schools."
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Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand A retired retired civil servant (#97) in Muang District: "I have visited most of the provinces in Thailand Thailand as part of my job. I can tell from this experience that our schools' facilities are among tire the best in the country. Banharn is turning Suphan into the educational center of Thailand." A schoolteacher (#31), whose wife is from Buriram Province in the northeast: "Old school buildings buildings in Suphanburi, Suphanburi, even those in far corners, have been renovated. If there is any old building building left, I bet it will be renovated within a few years ... Compare Compare Suphan to Buriram. Many schools there keep on using old, rotting buildings buildings that were built many decades ago. Not modern."
A policeman (#32) in Sam Chuk District: "The SSS is the largest sports school in Thailand. Most players on the national soccer team were trained trained there. Without the SSS, Thailand might be creamed even even by Burma. If there were more schools like the SSS in Thailand, we could beat Japan, too."19 Because collective memories of Suphanburi's backwardness in the not-so-distant past are still strong and have been orally transmitted from generation to generation, all the roads and schools built by Banharn constitute emotionally resonant visible symbols of Suphanburi's current development. As such, the roads and schools have symbols become the crucial sources of Suphanburians' provincial pride. pride. point: Even if Suphanburians may be justified in Yet one might ask ask at this .point: looking down on their adjacent provinces as as' "backward," how do they maintain Suphanburi's superiority against a handful of other provinces, such as Chiang Mai and Nakhon Ratchasima, which Thais in general consider to be the most developed after Bangkok? The quality of many roads roads and schools (as well as other public works) in these provinces can match Suphanburi. Many of my respondents match those in Suphanburi. admitted this, if rather reluctantly at times. At the same time, however, they defended and played up Suphanburi's uniqueness. Their responses can be grouped into three types. First, some provinces were some respondents respondents contended that other "advanced" provinces blessed with "inherent "inherent advantages." As one food stall owner (#63) explained, "Chiang Mai and Nakhon Ratchasima are much bigger in area and have many more 1 Suphan does, so the government naturally must pay much attention to people than Suphan their development. Of course, they are well developed. It is no surprise." The respondents who made this kind of comment attributed the development of some other provinces provinces to geographic and demographic factors, which were beyond Suphanburi's control. Compared to those "naturally favored" provinces, Suphanburi does not have any inherent advantage, advantage, yet it is still quite well developed. Thus, even a concession that Suphanburi does not enjoy a monopoly over superior development works would not detract from its distinctiveness. uniqueness was to restrict the scope of A second way to defend Suphanburi's uniqueness comparison or to highlight the fields in in which Suphanburi had had established a clear 19
This statement is not groundless. groundless. Between 1992 and 2003, thirty-six male students of the SSS made it to Thailand's national soccer team. During the same same period, a total of 293 SSS students, students, both men and women, women, represented Thailand in over ten categories of sports at various international competitions, such as the Asian Olympics. Thus, the school has produced many of the best athletes in Thailand. SSS, Pratheep haeng Kan Kiilaa (Suphanburi: SSS, 2000), pp. pp. 21, 26-27; written information obtained at the SSS in May 2005.
Pride in Imagined Banharn-buri 173
"competitive provinces. As a photocopying photocopying clerk (#7) remarked: "competitive edge" over other provinces. "Roads in Nakhon Nakhon Ratchasima may be just as wide as those in Suphan. But in terms of cleanliness and smoothness, their roads are no match for ours." Similarly, a restaurant waiter (#8) said: "I've been to Chiang Mai. Yes, it has big roads with median strips, but the trees and flowers planted there were were almost wilting, wilting, not like median those in Suphan, Suphan, which are more fresh and beautiful." Third, some respondents emphasized the speed (as opposed to the level) of Suphanburi's development. A drinks vendor (#73) in Sri Prachan District offered a representative remark: "If you are talking about the modernity of schools, Suphan look at the last ten years or so, and Chiang Mai are at the same level. But if you lobk developed much Suphan has developed much faster than Chiang Mai." She concluded: concluded: "At the current rate, it is [only] a matter of time before Suphan will overtake the provinces that are ahead of it now." This kind of response concedes that Suphanburi still lags behind some provinces in the level of its development, development, but argues that Suphanburi view, has enjoyed an unrivaled rate of development. Therefore, according to this view, (mat noinaa) to some other Suphanburi is "comparable" "comparable" (thaokan) or "not inferior" (mai provinces. supposedly "more developed" provinces. is not to say, of course, that every Suphanburian interprets Banham's All this is way. Different works hold development projects in the same positive way. hold different meanings or values for different people. For example, to Banham's detractors (mostly bureaucrats), to this day all the gargantuan roads signify nothing nothing but his nefarious corruption. Some respondents also associated rapid road construction with impersonal capitalist development that has eroded their closely knit villages.20 Yet the vast majority of my respondents, including including even those who hated Banharn, played up ways in which the improved roads roads had made their daily travels travels to schools, the market, and so on more convenient and had promoted a more vigorous women, also exchange of commercial goods. Some of these respondents, respondents, especially women, noted that it had become much safer to go out at night because were well because the roads were lit and facilitated more effective police surveillance. Likewise, many respondents praised Banharn's construction of schools for having made education more praised accessible to the provincial population at large. Thus, Suphanburians conferred meanings on Banharn's developmental projects; multiple and sometimes conflicting meanings the symbolic universe of Suphanburi is not uniform (see also chapter 8). Thailand have been socialized Nonetheless, in a context where residents residents of rural Thailand into believing that development development is a "competition,"21 many Suphanburians endorsed Banharn's projects as emotionally gratifying symbols symbols that represented their province's competition. If these initiatives were ostentatious and province's triumph in this competition. 20
For a similar view, see James C. Scott, Seeing like a State: How How Certain Schemes to Improve the view, see Human Condition Condition Have Failed (New Haven, Haven, CT: Yale University Press, Press, 1998), 1998), pp. 103-46. 103-46. For Human other studies of the effects effects and implications of road construction in late-developing countries, see Jeffrey States and Power Poiver in Africa: Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority Authority and Control Control Jeffrey Herbst, Herbst, States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, Press, 2000); 2000); Hermann Kreutzmann, "The Karakoram (Princeton, Highway: Asian Studies 25,4 Highway: The Impact of Road Construction on Mountain Societies," Societies," Modern Asian (1991): Politics of Despotic (1991): 711-36; 711-36; and Thak Chaloemtiarana, Thailand: Thailand: The Politics Despotic Paternalism Paternalism (Bangkok: Science Association of Thailand, 1979), pp. 228-29, 228-29, 264-67. (Bangkok:Social Science 264-67. 21 Thailand, p. 213; Philip Arghiros, Democracy, Development, and Decentralization in Provincial Thailand, Village?" in National Identity 1939-1989, ed. ed. Craig Hirsch, "What is the Thai Village?" Identity and its Defenders,1939-1989, Reynolds (Clayton, Australia: Monash University Center of Southeast Asian Studies, Studies, 1991), 1991), p. 332; Ratana Boonmathya, "Contested "Contested Concepts of Development in Rural Northeastern 332; (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, 1997), pp. 131, 131, 145. Thailand" (PhD
24
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extravagant pork-barrel journalists would would pork-barrel projects (as anti-Banharn scholars and journalists characterize diem), them), that is exactly what pleases most Suphanburians. In die the language of Ronald Inglehart, Suphanburians have “postmodernist" or have not yet reached a "postmodernist" “post-materialist" stage, where they would would take a dim view of glitzy modernization "post-materialist" projects.22 Just as middle-class Thais in general enjoy displaying their large, expensive cars as status symbols, many Suphanburians take delight in flaunting or bragging to outsiders about their big and beautiful development works, citing diese these projects as indisputable proof of Suphanburi's higher social status at present. Bariham's development projects, in other words, have have taken on the semiotic character of "prestige “prestige goods" on display. display. 23 Comparing Banharn to "Bad" MPs Many residents of Suphanburi highlighted several qualities of Banharn to explain what they proudly viewed as the marked marked difference in development between their province qualities (cited by more than 80 percent of province and others. Among those qualities my respondents) were his generosity, his inimitable ability to channel funds from the state, and his hardworking and meticulous meticulous nature, manifested by his constant surveillance over local civil servants. servants. According to my respondents, these qualities from MPs in other provinces. Other MPs set Banham sharply and positively apart from simply did not measure up to Banham. This difference in the quality of MPs was often cited to explain why Suphanburi had been able to surpass many other provinces in the level and/or speed of development in just a few decades. Plainly, and/ or speed Suphanburi had developed rapidly because it had Banharn, whereas other provinces lagged behind because they did not have an MP of Banharn's caliber. Many respondents illustrated this point by drawing a sharp contrast between Banharn and some other "unconcerned" “unconcerned" or "incapable" "incapable" MPs. For example, a vendor of drinks drinks (#64), whose wife comes from the northern province of Kampheng Phet, spoke approvingly about Banharn's many generous donations:
A man like him is hard to come by. Even though though he has become a national-level politician, he has loves his his birthplace has never forgotten about his birthplace. He loves and spend lots of his money for us. and Suphan's people very much, so he is glad to spend Kampheng Phet Other MPs would keep all the money to themselves. If MPs in Kampheng were a little more like Banham, there would would be better roads, hospitals, and and schools up there. His wife chipped in by citing a Thai proverb: "They “They [MPs in Kampheng Phet] are like 'toads on on a festival float' [khangkok khuen wor].' wr]."“,2i A security guard (#43) from Bang made a similar point by criticizing Sanan Kachonprasert, a veteran Pla Ma District made MP from the northern province province of Phichit and former secretary-general of the Democrat Party: 22
Ronald Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic,and Political Change in 43 Societies (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997). 23 For similar views, see Qin Shao, Culturing Modernity: The Nantong Model, 1890-1930 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2004). 24 This proverb is used to deride persons who come from lowly backgrounds, yet start acting arrogant as soon as they attain a higher social status. status.
indmagined Pride im Imagined Banharn-buri 175
much political power, so you would expect Phichit to be well Sanan has so much developed, developed, but it is actually underveloped. If you go there, you'll see. There are public works there, such such as the ones we have have in Suphan. Suphan. Why? Because no good public Sanan does nothing but drink expensive foreign wine [for which he is widely reported than 200,000 baht on importing importing reported to have a weakness]. He spends more than just one bottle of foreign wine. Banharn would spend that kind of. money building a school in Suphanburi. Another respondent, a schoolteacher (#85) in Muang District, hailed Banham's pork-barrel politician by using Montri ‘Phongpanich, successes as a pork-barrel ‘Phongpanich, a nationally famous MP from the adjacent adjacent industrial industrial province of Ayutthaya, Ayutthaya, as a contrasting contrasting case:
tire things Banharn has has built here—temples, schools, roads, hospitals, Look at all the many others. Compare all these to what Ayutthaya has. Ayutthaya is closer and many •■ to Bangkok, but it has nothing but factories. Other than that, that, it's not developed. developed. bring as much money Even Montri couldn't match Banham ... Montri couldn't bring to Ayutthaya Ayutthaya as Banharn does to Suphan. Suphan. You see how much difference MPs can make. Interestingly, among the "bad" MPs, the one most commonly cited by my Interestingly, was Chuan Leekpai, former leader leader of tire respondents was the Democrat Party, who is widely widely honest politicians in’Thailand. Banham and Chuan once regarded as one of the most honest vied fiercely for the premiership in 1995, and after Banham became prime minister, Chuan mounted vehement attacks against him as the opposition leader. leader. Chuan also when I conducted most most of my fieldwork. For served as prime minister in 1999-2001, when these reasons, many respondents cited Chuan in assessing Banharn's value or performance as an MP. For example, a college student (#9) asked a rhetorical question highlight Banharn's munificence: "Can question to highlight "Can you name any one thing that Chuan has built in Trang with his own Trang [a southern province where Chuan is from] with his own money? Nothing! He is stingy and greedy. He never thinks thinks about using using his money for his birthplace, not like Banharn." Banharn." In praising Banharn's meticulous supervision of construction projects, another respondent, respondent, a car mechanic (#49), started his analysis with a casual observation: observation: "Chuan is a lawyer. So, he is not close to the people." The mechanic then elaborated: elaborated: Once Banharn implements a project in Suphan, he he makes makes it a point to come back [tit tam] the day it is to Suphan to follow up [fit fam] on its progress every week, until the completed to his satisfaction. He takes a direct interest in every project. He never never abandons it. What does Chuan do? He just sits in an air-conditioned air-conditioned office ... He lets irresponsible and corrupt local officials take full charge. He seldom seldom goes back- to Trang to inspect inspect local projects. Of course, the level of Suphan's development is is superior [nuea] to Trang's. Trang's. This respondent and several several others even went so far as to claim or insinuate, insinuate, albeit without any evidence, that Chuan pocketed the state funds that he was was supposed supposed to channel into his home home province. These Suphanburians regarded Chuan, the
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quintessence phudz-type politicians politicians for many many urban-based urban-based voters, 25 quintessence of morally correct phudi-type as a dishonest dishonest and. and inactive politician. In other other words, Chuan was was used as a foil for definitively good Suphanburians. Banharn, a definitively good MP for Suphanburians. Enjoying Others' Others' Imagined Envy accounts of their province's province's progress progress are Suphanburians' proud and and exaggerated accounts reinforced by their conviction or imagination that fellow Thais living outside outside the province recognize, admire, admire, envy, resent Banharn's Banharn's high-profile province envy, and and resent high-profile accomplishments as a provincial provincial developer. developer. While it is true that many many outsiders outsiders are accomplishments envious others actually express cynical envious of Suphanburi's Suphanburi's advancement, advancement, however, others nonchalance or flatly deny deny that Suphanburi is more developed developed than provinces. nonchalance than other provinces. For example, Ayutthaya Province denigrated denigrated Suphanburi, Suphanburi, example, one civil servant (#42) in Ayutfhaya saying: "Suphanburi' has only good roads. roads. Other than than that, Suphanburi saying: "Suphanburr ... has Suphanburi is still backward." Similarly, a merchant merchant (#72) in Lopburi Province said: "Actually, "Actually, quite backward." are just as good Suphan's. People in Suphan Suphan just don't don't the roads roads in Lopburi are good as Supharis. Suphanburians are well aware that such have know." Suphanburians such skeptics skeptics exist, but they have convenient ways ways to resolve, explain explain away, "anomalous cases." convenient away, or rationalize rationalize such "anomalous hotel employee One illustrative response response was offered by a hotel employee (#10): have a brand-new brand-new European car, and and you don't. don't. I ask ask you, 'Are OK, suppose suppose I have would you you say? You would never say 'yes' to my face, you jealous of me?' What would right? You would would say, 'I am happy with with what what I have now,' although although deep deep down wants to admit in your heart, you are very jealous. Nobody wants admit being jealous. That is human nature. human "X In other words, nonresidents who fall short in their admiration Suphanburi are are nonresidents who admiration of Suphanburi dismissed as as dissimulating dissimulating their indifference or as crying sour sour grapes. grapes. that Banham has For many Suphanburians, Suphanburians, the fact that has been so heavily criticized for state funds on his home chapter 4) is further irrefutable lavishing state home province province (see chapter irrefutable evidence of outsiders' outsiders' jealousy. According According to one elderly elderly rice farmer (#104), Bangkokians attacked Banharn Banharn because they were were "envious" "envious" and "fearful" "fearful" that they might honor of living in the national national capital to Suphanburi." might "lose tire the honor living in Suphanburi." He elaborated: down on us as backward. backward. Now they see we have roads. "They used to look down have better roads. know that, that, at this rate, Banharn will succeed in moving the capital They know capital to Suphan. Suphan. So they try to stop him him by criticizing him." Another Another respondent respondent (#11), an unemployed young man with with a bachelor's degree in Bangkok, unemployed young man degree from a university university in explained philosophically: "If you and I are competing for the same explained philosophically: same job and I get it, would get get so angry that that you would you would be jealous, right? You would would say all sorts of nasty things things about me." These respondents respondents viewed viewed all the criticisms concerning concerning nasty Banharn's preferential preferential allocation of funds, funds as stemming from outsiders' Banharn's as stemming outsiders' anger, anger, which imagined jealousy pleased Suphanburians Suphanburians is a manifestation of their jealousy. This imagined has attained a because it confirmed their already already strong conviction' conviction' that Suphanburi has position of superiority in the developmental hierarchy of Thailand. position developmental hierarchy Thailand. hurled at Banham Banham backfire among among Suphanburians. Suphanburians. The Thus, often the criticisms hurled outsiders criticize him him for for showing the more more more outsiders showing favoritism favoritism toward toward Suphanburi, the 25
James Ockey, "Thai "Thai Society Political Leadership," Leadership," Asian Survey 36,4 See James Society and Patterns Patterns of Political (1996): 345-60.
Pride in Imagined Banharn-buri 177
praise Suphanburians heap on him for making their province special. The more envious emotional envious non-Suphanburians are or are imagined to be, the more emotional satisfaction Suphanburians derive derive from Banham's actions. There is a positive correlation between the two.26 of the Beholder Development Is in in the Eye of
Viewed from the detached perspective of outsiders, many of the Suphanburians' accounts are clearly exaggerated, oversimplified, oversimplified, and caricatured. Some are patently spurious. For example, not all the roads in Suphanburi are as smooth and bright bright as my respondents made them out to be; Suphanburi has its share of bumpy and dimly Suphanburi are lit roads. It is one thing to boast that many development projects in Suphanburi high-quality (which is true), but it is quite another to make sweeping, value-ridden value-ridden generalizations about the excellent quality of all projects in the province. For those generalizations identity, however, this line is very who wish to attain and maintain a positive social identity, easy and tempting to cross. In the process of crossing the line, they consciously or unconsciously accentuate the conspicuous marks of Suphanburi's development and ignore backwardness. ignore or discount any remaining signs of its backwardness. In other words, Suphanburians impartial comparative Suphanburians do do not engage in an impartial assessment of development. Rather, what they want toj to? believe—that Suphanburi's development is superior superior to that of other provinces—guides, provinces —guides, influences, or clouds clouds their appraisal. In their eagerness to retain this belief, they arbitrarily and conveniently play up selected pieces of available information that appear to validate information that do do not. not. The it, and turn deaf ears and blind eyes to other pieces of information result is a range of highly subjective and prejudiced prejudiced narratives—"rudimentary classifications," using Said's language 27—that relegate other provinces to the using Edward Said’s status of vastly inferior, backward "others." These narratives are simply necessary for Suphanburians to uphold the superiority of their province. Drawing further on Said's insightful analysis; we might say that the "others" do not have to accept or agree with the schematic distinction drawn by producers of the discourse—in discourse —in this case, Suphanburians. "It is enough" enough" for Suphanburians to "set up" up" the distinction distinction in in their minds minds and tell narratives that help them visualize that distinction.28 Through tire mundane act of recounting and hearing such narratives based on "a very the unrigorous that lie somewhere "out there," 29 unrigor ous idea" of the "backward" provinces that Banharn-buri, Suphanburians obtain, reaffirm, and beyond tire familiar territory of Banharn-buri, magnify their provincial pride. Their provincial identity identity is dependent on the construction and maintenance of those subjective accounts. It is important to note, however, that Suphanburians' pride is not an absurd illusion or figment of their imaginations, detached from objective reality. The pride has has a firm, tangible basis in the form of numerous development works, which Banharn has supplied over the decades by using a combination combination of his personal personal wealth and his institutional power rooted in in the central patrimonial patrimonial state. state. These --- ----------------------------------* 26
For a theory regarding the enjoyment derived from other other people's envy of oneself and one's group, see Jon Elster, Alchemies of the Mind: Rationality and the Emotions (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 142-43. Cambridge 27 Edward Said, Said, Orientalism (New York, NY: Vintage Books, 1979), p. 53. 28 Ibid., p. 54. ' 29 Ibid.
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development development works, works, as well as ubiquitous signboards and frequent ceremonies advertising those accomplishments to the public—all of which collectively make up semiotic what might be called Banham's "symbolic capital" — constitute the solid semiotic ground, on the base of which Suphanburians feel justified in generating various overdrawn categorizations that cast their province province in a relatively favorable light. In a historical context where rural Thailand (ban nork) has traditionally been relegated to the inferior "backward" category, its people desire desire to seek and accentuate any visible even trapping of "development" in an attempt to move up. the social signifier or even status hierarchy and to escape the stigma associated with backwardness.30 For many constitute* people of Suphanburi, all the development development projects carried out by Banham constitute’ one type of such signifiers. As such, Banham's projects have become the material objects around which a sense of highly subjective provincial pride is mobilized, forged, and reinforced; they constitute the sites of Suphanburians' provincial identity production and reproduction. In their attempts to prove that Suphanburians have been misled or fooled by Banham, examine the extent to which which their narratives Banharn, political scientists might try to examine are objectively true. Such an exercise would be pointless, however. Suphanburians' narratives have overlapping elements of reality, imagination, imagination, misrepresentation, exaggeration, and (unintentional) distortion mixed into diem. them. Like beauty, Suphanburi's development is in the eye of the beholder. Trying to determine the objectivity of their accounts would therefore produce inconclusive results at best. Suphanburians would not be interested in such a detached empirical test anyway. anyway. They believe what they want to believe. Their narratives, just like any other subjective narratives that reflect one's deeply cherished beliefs, are impervious to scientific or logicakrefutation. , logical-refutation. The significance of Suphanburians' (exaggerated) narratives lies in the plain fact that they are told at all and that they reflect a very strong and positive provincial identity—"provincialism" (changwat-niyom),as one farmer's son (#43) called it— which a great many people living in the ten districts, 110 subdistricts, and and more than nine hundred villages of Suphanburi have come to embrace. As noted in chapter 2, Suphanburi used to be regarded and ridiculed as a backward province, and its residents would speak of their own province with a sense of shame, as exemplified by such self-belittling expressions and "the "the child of a expressions as "the bottom of a paper bag" and mistress." But now, Suphanburi Suphanburi boasts many nationally renowned symbols of development, which other Thais admire, envy, and resent. These symbols symbols are the vivid and concrete signifiers of the otherwise abstract and shapeless "geo-body" of vivid Banham-buri. citizens—fanners, civil servants, Banham-buri. 31 A whole range of Suphanburi's citizens—farmers, capitalists, workers, students, merchants, and others —have been integrated into, and have come to identify strongly and positively with, that imagined provincial community that transcends the otherwise otherwise divisive differences of class, gender, age, occupation, and educational attainment. Following Benedict Anderson, we may note 30
See also Yoshinori Nishizaki, "The Gargantuan Project and Modernity in Provincial Thailand," Thailand," Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 8,3 (2007): 217-33. For a fascinating account of how the same desire led Siamese kings to imitate things Western, see Maurizio Peleggi, Lords of Things: The Fashioning of the Siamese Monarchy's Modern Image (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 2002). 2002), 31 The concept of "geo-body" here draws on Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of Siam (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 1994).
Banharn-buri 179 Pride inj in> Imagined Banharn-buri have never never met, and will never that most of these people have never meet, each other, other, 32 yet they are all bound by the common perception that they are part of Banharn-buri, .a uniquely progressive progressive provincial provincial entity Banharn has developed uniquely entity that Banharn developed over the last four decades. emergence as as a leader, these ipeople people may have have identified identified decades. Before Banharn's emergence with territorial administration, administration, but many had with "Suphanburi" "Suphanburi" as an impersonal impersonal unit of territorial strong emotional bonds bonds with that that unit. Banham's Banham's achievement lacked strong achievement has has been to bureaucratic governance into Suphanburians by creating turn these subjects of bureaucratic into proud Suphanburians personal social community with which which they cam a deeply deeply personal can identify positively. this positive collective identity are all the stereotyped The manifestations manifestations of this generalizations simplifications that discursively construct or or uphold uphold Suphanburi generalizations and simplifications as a cut cut above other (putatively) (putatively) "still backward" backward" provinces. Suphanburians Suphanburians now position to tell such narratives and to draw a new version of an find themselves in a position such narratives "imagined social geography Thailand," in which the formerly inferior Suphanburi "imagined geography of Thailand," high social status that it lacked before. The relative social position of now enjoys the high has been completely reversed. reversed. Nothing Nothing is more symbolic symbolic of this reversal Suphanburi has provinces. than the jokes that Suphanburians now now tell, mocking the roads in other other provinces. This represents pre-Banham past, when when jokes were were represents a striking departure from the pre-Banham more likely to mock Suphanburi's Suphanburi's roads. In brief, the way in which Suphanburians collectively represent represent their province province to outsiders has fundamentally changed. changed. outsiders has Banham has made Suphanburians proud to be Suphanburians. He has brought Banham has has brought this dramatic transformation of their social identity in the short short space of four about this that would have have been dismissed as utterly utterly unbelievable unbelievable decades, a transformation that : before. Suphanburians' Suphanburians' strong strong provincial identity translates into their effusive and and "new Suphanburi." Suphanburi." One daughter staunch support for Banharn as the engineer of the "new sugarcane-growing family in Song Phi (#7) from a sugarcane-growing Phi Nong District chided: "If there is anybody who who doesn't doesn't like Banham, Banham, that person person should should move out of Suphanburi anybody immediately. The person doesn't doesn't deserve Other respondents immediately. deserve to be here." Other respondents expressed their support equally intense terms, referring support or loyalty in equally referring to Banharn as their phum jai), muang), "the "pride" (pen (pen thi thi phum jai), the the "darling "darling of Suphanburi" Suphanburi" (khwan (khwim muang), "the most rak) individual, individual, and negative news beloved" (sut thi rak) and so on. Given all the negative news stories stories worshipped Banharn Banharn as concerning his alleged corruption, corruption, very few of these people worshipped "a spotless saint" or "a living god" in the same way that that Thais in general general idolize constructed highly highly favorablefavorable) portrayals of Banharn as as a King Bhumibol. Still, they constructed and adored they make of him. respectable and adored politician. Simply, Banham is what what they him. not just orchestrated the emergence According to these people, Banharn has not orchestrated the emergence of Suphanburi" that makes them proud. He has has also come to personify personify that the "new Suphanburi" provincial community. As such, he he has provincial has become the vital component component or source source of Suphanburians' positive provincial provincial identity. The designation "Banham-buri" "Banham-buri" is the Suphanburians' this collective identity. identity. Banham Banham is Suphanburi, and crystallized expression of this Suphanburians' Suphanburi is Banharn. The two are synonymous. synonymous. The rise of Suphanburians' remarkable conflation of these two concepts, provincial pride, as as reflected in fire the remarkable forms the solid social-psychological foundation on which Banharn's unchallenged forms Banharn's unchallenged domination is based. based. domination attention) on on the sordid aspects of Scholars of Thai politics who who fix their attention, sordid aspects Banham's rule alone—I do that there are such aspects — overlook this Banharn's do not deny deny that —overlook 3Z 32
Anderson, Imagined Imagined Communities: Communities: Reflections Reflections on the Origin and and the Spread Spread of Benedict Anderson, Nationalism (London: Verso, Verso, 1991), 1991), p. 6. 1j Nationalism
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nonmaterial social-pyschological basis of his authority. To echo die tire anthropologist science/333 such such scholars' "narrow Katherine Verdery's trenchant critique of political science, and flat" analytical focus "desiccates" or "impoverishes" Suphanburians' "enchanting" perceptions of how their provincial provincial society has evolved over, the decades, thanks to Banharn. The sources of his political authority over the province are more complex than casual outside outside observers can appreciate. appreciate. Banham's actions, as represented by his munificent donations, his monumental successes in initiating have set in in pork-barrel projects, and his strict supervision of local civil servants, have development that continues to this day—a phase phase motion a new phase of provincial development has overtaken, many other formerly in which Suphanburi has caught up with, and has advanced provinces. Banharn has the prestige, reputation, image, and has enhanced tire status of a province province that was previously on the social margins of Thailand. Their perceptions have* enabled Suphanburians to perceptions or imaginations regarding this change have> to feel a strong provincial pride that they overcome a sense of social inferiority and to. did not feel before. Paying due attention to this social-psychological change helps us ,( better understand why Banham, whom whom urban-based intellectuals consider a depraved politician, continues to attract tire the strong support of Suphanburians. 33
Katherine Verdery, The Political Lives of Dead Bodies: Reburial and Postsocialist Change (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1999), pp. 26, 127.
Chapter Chapter
Eight Eight
Defending the the "Bad" Politician Politician Defending Banharn Banham is a Janus-faced politician. On one hand, from the perspective of many Suphanburians, he is a compassionate, efficient, and strict leader who has developed their province since the 1960s in contradiction to, or on behalf of, the central state. On hand, many scholars and journalists have the other hand, have constructed his image very differently, portraying him rural-based MP by leveling various kinds him as a despicable, rural-based of criticisms or allegations concerning his malfeasance and ineptitude. Given the firm control that these critics have have held over the means of discourse production (e.g., newspapers, TV programs, programs, and scholarly works) in Thailand and abroad, newspapers, abroad, this negative negative image of Banham has has become dominant. The image has taken such deep residents of Bangkok typically cite and denounce Banham as hold that well-educated residents the archetype of Thailand's "bad" MPs, politicians who hamper the substantive growth of democracy in Thailand. ;J How do . Banharn's supporters in Suphanburi counter such negative negative characterizations? This chapter will show the various ways in which they defend, defend, rationalize, justify, and even praise what outsiders view as Barnharn's less-thanadmirable qualities outsiders' severe criticisms qualities as a politician. Precisely because the1outsiders' and allegations allegations threaten, challenge, or damage his local reputation as the heroic provincial provincial developer, many Suphanburians are driven driven to react against them in all sorts of partisan and even opinionated and contrived ways in in their efforts to bolster their pride in him. Chapter 4 and, to a lesser extent, chapter 7, discussed this sort of reaction with regard to Banham's Banham's favoritism in state funds allocation. This chapter will take up two other common charges made against Banharn: Banham: (1) that he is corrupt, and (2) that he has failed to industrialize Suphanburi and reduce poverty. I will also discuss the signs of covert resistance to his dominance initiated by a small number of his detractors in Suphanburi and the reasons why why the resistance has has been largely unsuccessful. I conclude conclude by speculating briefly on the prospects for change change in postBanham Suphanburi. ,( Is Banharn Corrupt? A criticism commonly leveled against Banharn concerns his alleged misuse of office. As mentioned in chapter 1, his long-standing political career, spanning more than thirty years, abounds with well-publicized, if unsubstantiated, accusations about his office-based corruption and nepotism. Some accusations involve relatively has been accused, on numerous occasions, of minor issues.1 More seriously, he has siphoning off public funds and accepting kickbacks from business interests for 1 For example, in the early 1980s, Banham was accused of having altered his birth certificate and educational qualifications in order to qualify as an electoral candidate. candidate. In the mid-1990s, he was suspected of having obtained a MA degree in law from Ramkhamhaeng University by submitting a plagiarized thesis. .
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granting contracts. In 1988, for example, example, a number of opposition MPs charged thenMinister of Transport and Communications Banham with awarding road-building connected .to him.2 The military projects to a handful of companies that were closely connected.to coup of February 1991, instigated (ostensibly) to eliminate eliminate rampant corruption in the elected civilian government, targeted targeted Banharn, among many other MPs. These accusations are not groundless. Indeed, Indeed, the huge number of development projects that Banharn has injected into Suphanburi has enriched enriched several of his "crony" contractors. One beneficiary has been Sri Saeng Public Works, a BangkokIn 1993-98, the based company run by Banharn' Banharn'ss close friend, Siroj Wongsirojkul. In company undertook 1,678 million baht worth of highway construction projects in Suphanburi.3 Siroj is a major shareholder in Saha Srichai, a chemical company established by Banharn in 1980. Saha Srichai, in turn, is a major shareholder in Sri Saeng Public Works.4 Another major beneficiary of Banham's pork-barrel projects is Limthong, the nephew of Banharn's Banham's wife. Sai Samphan, owned by kin of Sriphol Sriphol Limthong, Between 1997 and 2000, Sai Samphan won more than 601 million baht worth of road construction projects (n = 191) in Suphanburi.5 One man (#65), whose fledging construction construction company company went bankrupt in 2002 because he "lacked good ties to the powerful MP [in Suphanburi]," confided in me: "Personal ties are all that matter here. If you don't have them, you lose out." The presence of these (and other) well,z connected contractors reinforces the widely held suspicion that Banharn has feathered his own nest by selectively awarding pork-barrel pork-barrel projects and accepting payments for such favors. In the course of their conversations with me, a number of pro-Banharn respondents (n = 151) addressed the issue of his alleged corruption. They all had read or heard about the issue in the media; media; they were quite well-informed, not.ignorant. not.ignorant. Their responses fall into two broad categories: (1) a flat or reserved rejection of the accusation that Banharn is corrupt, cormpt, and (2) an open or reluctant admission that he is or may be cormpt, that he has has strong redeeming redeeming corrupt, accompanied by a counterargument that qualities that compensate for his dishonest dealings. dealings. Typical of the first kind was the blunt dismissal —"nonsense" (rai kind of response was sara)—uttered by a retired medical doctor (#102) who has has known Banharn since he was a coffee-delivery boy in Bangkok in the 1950s. This man man offered a passionate defense of Banharn: "I have cormption. have never never believed any of those stories about his corruption. He used to be poor, and he has pulled himself up on his own [duay lamkaeng tua eng]. 1 remember how hard he used to work. work. He is not the type of person who takes money under the table." Another Another respondent, a construction worker (#21) in Muang District, defended Banharn by making a distinction distinction between the past and the present: "I think cormption] is a thing of the past. He was think this problem [Banham's corruption] perhaps corrupt before entering politics. Doing business in Thailand must involve corruption ... But now, he is not like that. Everybody makes mistakes in life. If you keep making the same mistake, you should be criticized, but if you repent and 2
Chaisit Phuwaphiromkhwan, Ekasarn Laktharn Laklharn Kham Aphiprai Mai Wai Wangjai Ratamontrii Khomanakhom,21 Tulakhom 2530 (Bangkok: n.p., 1987). 3 Untitled computer data obtained at the Department of Highways in 2002; Bangkok Post, November 3, 1995, p, p. 5. 4 Department of Business Development, Ministry of Commerce (DBD/MC), Bangkok Company Files no, 2164/2523 and no. 1319/2510. 5 DBD /MC, /MC, Suphanburi Limited Partnership File no. 60.
‘'Bad" Politician 183 Defending the “Bad" amend yourself [klap tua], we should be forgiving." forgiving." Some other respondents respondents took sides with Banham Banharn by distinguishing between Bangkok and Suphanburi. As a waitress (#13) in Sri Prachan District put it, "I don't know what he does in Bangkok, pocketing public but at least in Suphan, he doesn't 'eaf 'eat' [a Thai euphemism for pocketing funds]." Most people who offered the first kind of defense made the extremely interesting interesting claim that Banharn was actually in the vanguard of the province-wide crusade against corruption. Given his his constant and meticulous surveillance of public construction projects as a longju-type leader, civil servants and contractors would not punished through through demotion or dare misuse public funds for fear of being caught and punished in Ufhai Uthai transfer (see chapter 5). In the words of a farmer (#87) whose sister lives in Than! Thani Province: Contractors in her district are deceitful. They build substandard roads on knowing - that the purpose, knowing' tire roads will develop potholes soon. The district chief requests more funds for repair from MPs, MPs. These people are in cahoots [som then requests ruu ruam khit]. This is how they all get rich—by building building bad roads. But Banham run Suphan. The road in our village was built more than five doesn't let it happen in Suphan. years ago, but it has never had -to to be repaired. If s as good as ever.
A primary school teacher (#88) expressed a similar opinion: opinion: Civil servants in Suphan find it very hard to pocket state funds because Banham is is always keeping an eye on them. He has worked at a construction company before, and he owns a construction company in Bangkok, so he can tell substandard materials from good materials materials immediately ... . . . And he knows the prices of construction materials. So, nobody would dare try to fool him. Public money is therefore used used more effectively here.
According to the tire people who share these kinds of views, it is simply preposterous to accuse Banham of skimming profits off development projects. Another common defense of Banharn asserted that receiving kickbacks from Another businesses does not constitute corruption in Thailand's, social or cultural context. One rice farmer (#54) in Sri Prachan District offered this analysis: Suppose you are a contractor. You have won a project channeled by Banharn. Suppose Then you must give something back to him to show your your appreciation. It may be nothing back and continuing a little money, whisky, dinner, or whatever. Giving nothing to receive benefits is ugly and inappropriate. It is against against Thai culture. Do you call gift-giving corruption? I call it a Thai custom. "universalist" definition of This sort of defense rejects what one might might call the "universalist" corruption. sends a message to outsiders: "What is cormption. Plainly, this kind of response response sends cormption to you is not cormption corruption to us." If outsiders try to judge and construct i' Banharn as a corrupt MP by using their yardsticks, Suphanburians are ready to pass ('Banlram the opposite judgment on him by using their own yardstick. According to the latter, what Banharn has done is within totally legitimate bounds; his behavior conforms norms. perfectly to Thai cultural norms. iI
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other respondents respondents based their vindication of Banharn's Banharn's innocence less on Some other emotion-ridden impressions than on logical reasoning. For example, example, an Internet Internet cafe emotion-ridden impressions manager (#33), holder holder of a bachelor's bachelor's degree, degree, claimed: "If he he were really guilty, guilty, he manager now. But he he is not. not. That means means he is innocent." Several other would be in jail now. respondents reasoned that Banharn Banham had had grown so wealthy wealthy before becoming a respondents doesn't have any need to 'eat' 'eat' [misappropriate public public funds]." politician that "he doesn't Outsiders would would find these defenses naive and unpersuasive. unpersuasive. They would would argue, argue, for Outsiders the richer- one gets, the more insatiable insatiable one's one's appetite for money instance, that the between public and private in becomes. Also, given the notoriously weak division between Thailand, powerful powerful politicians, such such as Banharn, can easily get around the law law by Thailand, buying off the police and judges, so the fact that he has has not been convicted of any buying respondents were were oblivious oblivious to, or refused to recognize, these crime means little. My respondents tire logic of their "airtight" "airtight" defenses. obvious holes in the that so many How, then, did these pro-Banharn Suphanburians explain the fact that reports of his his corruption cormption had appeared? How How did did they counter counter the perception perception of reports that "there no smoke without without fire"? Most often, they placed placed the most outsiders outsiders that "there is no allegations on Banham's Banham's political rivals. As one lottery seller (#48) blame for these allegations are jealous by nature. If you get rich and powerful, others others will try to put it, "Thais are with you ... Sometimes Sometimes they make up a story [ku rueang], rueang].That's That's the find every fault with on words, this respondent respondent referred to the character [nisai] of Thais." Making a play on "politicians" Banham of cormption cormption as as "national "national "politicians" (nak kan muang) who accuse Banham troublemakers" (nak kuan muang). Some other respondents expressed doubts doubts about troublemakers" the ethical standards of the Thai media. A civil-service clerk (#34) commented: "What "What the newspapers in Bangkok say about Banharn isn't true. They report anything to frame [sai [s«z rai] anybody anybody in in power. That's not good. They should should report the truth." The worker's son, a secondary-school student (#1), added a terse comment: "They think we are gullible. We are are not." comment: defenses—more A second category of defenses —more numerous than the first type —conceded might be or is actually cormpt, cormpt, but played played down or even even justified his that Banham might corruption. For example, example, several respondents respondents pardoned pardoned his his cormption cormption by comparing corruption. him to the other other MPs, whom whom they claim are much much worse. A primary-school primary-school teacher Chuk District made an obvious obvious reference to Kamnan Po and Piya (#66) in Sam Chuk Angkinan, the nationally well-known jao pho (godfathers): (godfathers): "At "At least, he [Banharn] doesn't kill people, unlike politicians in Chonburi doesn't Chonburi and Petchaburi. Petchaburi. Cormption Cormption is is security guard (#43) from Bang Pla Ma District defended better than killing." A security Banham, saying that, Banham, saying that, unlike unlike Sanan Kachonprasert, Kachonprasert, a famous MP from Phichit who "spends more than than 200,000 baht on on importing importing just one bottle bottle of Province, who "Banharn always always eats eats simple simple twenty-baht twenty-baht duck rice" at an open-air open-air foreign wine," "Banham According to this respondent, respondent, Banharn may "eat" food stall in the provincial capital. According (public funds), but not to the extent that would enable enable him to spend spend 200,000 baht on ostentatious luxury that many many rural Thais associate one bottle of foreign wine —an ostentatious with egregious egregious corruption in high places. Still another respondent, respondent, a female teacher with (#67), minimized minimized the seriousness of Banharn's Banharn's cormption by contrasting contrasting him with the former president "Didn't Clinton use his power president of the United United States, Bill Clinton: "Didn't power to sleep with with women? To me, that is worse than taking taking a little bribe." To these Banham's corruption, even though it should should be condemned, condemned, still stays stays respondents, Banham's within innocuous innocuous or permissible limits. limits. within respondents, asserted asserted that Another type of response, given by over half of my respondents, Banham's corruption was was not exceptional exceptional among Thai politicians. A remark by one Banham's
Defending the'"Bad" the'" Bad" Politician 185 gatekeeper "Banharn is not the only corrupt politician in Thailand. Thailand. gatekeeper (#35) is typical: "Banharn It’s not fair." fair." A civil-service clerk (#81) offered a similar similar So why pick on him him alone? It's judgment: "Every "Every politician everywhere everywhere is corrupt ... Banharn Banharn is just one of them. So, judgment: make a big issue of his his case?" The respondents respondents who who gave this kind kind of answer why make answer sympathized with Banharn being singled out by his critics, when many other sympathized Banham for being equally guilty guilty Thai politicians should should also have been targeted. targeted. equally also have number of Suphanburians beyond mere expressions sympathy for A number Suphanburians ventured ventured beyond expressions of sympathy Banharn and offered more active, spirited, and interesting justifications for his corruption. By far the most common common defense in in this regard regard was was to argue argue that alleged corruption. public money money he embezzles into Suphanburi in the Banharn channels channels part of the public embezzles into development projects. A security guard (#36), a former farmer, farmer, form of tangible development security guard stated philosophically: stated I J. eat [pocket public public funds] But we we shouldn't.criticize shouldn’t.criticize All Thai politicians must eat much they eat eat and what them just because they eat. The important thing is how much and what what they eat. Do they eat a lot, but keep it all to themselves, or do they do with what lot to us. they use part of it for their hometowns? ... Banharn eats, but he gives a lot tilings he has has built. built. Look at all the things This security security guard's colleague (#12) elaborated comparative perspective: elaborated from a comparative Banham'ss corruption, corruption, but but once "Some people in Suphan might be unhappy about about Banham' other provinces and see what kind kind of conditions are in, even they they go to other conditions they are come to appreciate his achievements and say to themselves, 'Taking a little money is OK’ [kin nitdio ko mai pen rai]" A senior civil servant' servant. (#68) in in U-Thong District OK' rat]." A illustrated this point by giving giving arbitrary figures off the the top of his head: "In Chainat, illustrated this eats 40 percent percent of the funds channeled, a contractor eats 20 percent, and only an MP eats 40 percent* percentis build roads. What kind kind of roads poor quality quality is used to build roads do 'they they get? Very poor Suphan, Banham contractor 5ipercent. He spends spends the rest ... In Suphan, Banham eats eats 10 percent and and a contractor building high-quality, famous." This respondent building high-quality, durable roads, which make Suphan famous." respondent concluded with a challenge: "So, let me ask you, you, 'Which 'Which MP is better, better, Chainat's MP concluded with or Banharn?"' Banharn?"' respondents were were well aware aware of Banham's contractors (some of These respondents Banharn's "crony" "crony" contractors them rattled contractors to me), but but they brushed brushed off or rattled off the names of these contractors discounted the the gravity of his alleged corruption corruption by arguing that there had been been a sort of "give-and-take" "give-and-take" between between Suphanburians and Banham. Banham. According to these respondents, what ordinary Suphanburians have received from Banharn in the form respondents, what Suphanburians have of highly highly visible public public projects far outweighs outweighs what they may have have lost as as a result result of or is cormpt, corrupt, his invisible corruption. corruption. While admitting upfront that that Bahham may be dr quickly assert that he is not rotten rotten to the core. He has these Suphanburians Suphanburians quickly assert that has a redeeming quality that cancels out his weakness. weakness. As a civil servant servant (#27) redeeming beings all have strengths strengths and weaknesses. There is nobody summarized, "Human beings nobody in tire world world who. who doesn't ... Banham Banham has the doesn't have have any fault ... has notable notable weaknesses such as being corrupt, but he has strengths. We must then accept him as as good. being has more strengths. good. We must judge his worth in terms of those strengths." strengths." Banham's cormption corruption to have Put another way, these people do not consider consider Banham's conceptions of what is moral moral or what is* legitimate use of public public breached their conceptions is' a legitimate power. Andrew Walker's research in Chiang Mai Province is directly relevant to Banharn's interviewed accepted {it pt as "quite normal" that Banham's case. The villagers he interviewed "quite normal" "derive some private private benefit from public office."-' office."' They condoned politicians would "derive condoned
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the politicians7 misappropriation misappropriation of public funds, so long as this behavior did not adversely interests of their community. community?6 Such values, norms, or adversely affect the collective interests expectations at the grassroots level, which make up what Walker calls "the rural constitution," help explain the Suphanburians' defense defense of Banharn's alleged malfeasance. Some other respondents took an equally pragmatic and partisan view of Banharn's corruption, arguing that it was a necessary condition for developing Suphanburi, given the institutional context of Thailand, in which clientelism, rather than merit or need, determines the distribution of state state funds; One merchant in UThong (#26) spelled out the "logic" behind Thong behind this argument: Suphan was backward and disadvantaged before. Banham wanted to develop it, so he had to bring state funds into Suphan. But he couldn't do it .all alone. He had to rely on his his bureaucratic clients. To return favors for their support, he had to give them a little money under the table occasionally. But he did that to develop Suphan. So, this is corruption for the sake of Suphan. That ThaC7s OK. In the same vein, another respondent, an elderly merchant (#98) in Muang District, likened Banham's corruption to a social "lubricant" (namman lor lueri) for the otherwise squeaky and immobile Thai bureaucracy: Just by offering a little little money under the table to a few senior bureaucrats, Banharn can get their whole department or ministry to serve serve the needs of Suphan. Suphan. If he doesn't pay them, he may still be able to get funds for us, but not much. But he knows that if he pays them a little money, he can get ten times been doing to develop Suphan. more funds. That is what he has been Suphan.
A security guard (#43) from Bang Pla Ma District offered a similar defense by questioning the advantage of having impeccably honest MPs. To make his point, he contrasted Suphanburi to the southern province of Trang, where former Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai, reputedly one of the most honest Thai politicians, has been been an MP since 1975: "In Thailand, an honest politician can't ddoo much to develop his province. Have you ever been to Trang? It is the home of the current prime minister, Chuan [in 1999], but it is still so backward ... You know why? Because Chuan is too ser].He does everything according to the honest, to the point of being stupid [she [sue jon ser]. law." Likewise, a senior civil servant (#89) in charge of education in Muang District said matter-of-factly: 6
Andrew Politics of Elections Elections in Northern Northern Andrew Walker, Walker, "The "The Rural Constitution and the Everyday Politics Thailand," 38,1 (2008): 95. Tolerance Tolerance of corruption is not confined Thailand," Journal of Contemporary Asia 38,1 to to "wink when to provincial provincial Thailand. One One study found that Filipino villagers are willing to "wink when officials this is not excessive." excessive." As one one farmer put it, "If officials pocket pocket some some public funds as as long long as this there are ten glasses, glasses, an official for himself, but not all ten." ten." Fernando Zialcita, official may get two for "Perspectives Legitimacy in Ilocos From Marcos to Aquino: Aquino: Local Perspectives on "Perspectives on Legitimacy Ilocos Norte," Norte," in Prom Benedict Kerkvliet and Resil Resil Mojares Mojares (Manila: (Manila: Ateneo Political Transition Transition in the Philippines,ed. Benedict.Kerkvliet de example in Burma, Burma, see see Ardeth Maung Mating de Manila Manila University Press, Press, 1991), p. 271. For a similar example Thawnghmung, Behind Behind the Teak Curtain: Agricultural Policies, Political Curtain: Authoritarianism, Authoritarianism, Agricultural Policies, and Political and Paul, Paul, 2003), p. 7. Legitimacy in Rural Burma (London: Kegan Kegan and
"Bad” Politician 187 Defending the "Bad" A politician with unclean hands who does much to develop develop our hometown is better than a politician with clean hands who does little to develop. It's a matter develop. It's of which you see as more important: development honesty. Of course, if there development or honesty. were an honest developer, I would vote for him, him, but realistically, can you find any MP like that in Thailand?
would I asked this civil servant and several others a hypothetical question: "If Chuan would run for office in Suphanburi would you vote for him or Suphanburi in the next election, would "Banharn" without hesitation, Banharn?" They all answered answered "Banham" hesitation, averring that Chuan's Chuaris impractical, "goody-goody" "goody-goody" honesty would hamper Suphanburi's continual progress. These respondents respondents are keenly aware of the attribute attribute that an MP must possess to channel development funds from the state in the institutional milieu of Thailand: a willingness to use public office in a particularistic fashion. Banharn has amply demonstrated that he has this attribute. It has enabled enabled him to cut through tire the otherwise otherwise cumbersome bureaucratic red tape and to get firings things done "efficiently" and "swiftly," according to maqy many Suphariburians Suphanburians who who admire admire the way he works. By contrast, they describe Chuan honest and cautious. Thai contrast, Chuan as too slow slow because he is too honest politics is so full of intrigue that ordinary citizens need need a "dirty" politician to obtain what they want from the tire state. Suphanburi has been able to acquire acquire all the highquality projects the way it has knows when when and how has precisely because Banharn knows how to bend the law bend law and and is willing to dirty his hands. hands. This This is "corruption for the sake of Suphanburi," as described by the respondent cited above. The end justifies the means; means; all is fair, not just in love and war, but also in developing Suphanburi. Thus, many (if not all) Suphanburians see Banham's corruption not as a liability, but as an asset that has allowed the formerly disadvantaged Suphanburi to rectify the historical injustice that His that had been perpetrated by the negligent central state. His corruption, which outsiders outsiders so often criticize (with good reason), assumes a quite positive meaning in Suphanburi. Suphanburi. A construction worker worker (#21) expressed the value value of Banharn's "heroic" corruption in a way that that illustrated many Suphanburians' strong Banham's sense of comradeship with with him: him: "Banharn "Banham may be corrupt, but he is our corrupt cormpt MP." For this kind of resident, cormption is a source of provincial pride. resident, even Banharn's corruption pride. Has Has Banharn Failed
to Industrialize Industrialize
Suphanburi and address Address Poverty? Suphanburi
Another common criticism of Banharn Banharn is that he has merely modernized the Another outward appearance of Suphanburi without substantially improving tire its the lives of its individual citizens.7 As shown in chapter chapter 1, Suphanburi's economy ,is still characterized by a low level of industrialization and a correspondingly heavy reliance on agriculture. agriculture. This stands in contrast to Suphanburi's 'J neighboring provinces, such as Ayutthaya, which have achieved major structural changes to their industrial capital. former agrarian economies by wooing (mainly foreign) industrial Consequently, people in these provinces provinces enjoy better employment Consequently, people employment opportunities and and higher per capita income. This does not mean that Suphanburians are mired in wretched poverty. Far from it—most have actually experienced an appreciable wretched poverty. appreciable rise in result' almost all Suphanburians, their living standards under Banharn's rule. As a result; including nobody is homeless and is including farmers and workers, live fairly decent lives; .nobody --------------------------------------,j ,4 7
See Bangkok Post, Post, September December 24, 1995, p. 3. September 25, 1995, p. 6, and December
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starving to death.8 Most Suphanburians, Suphanburians, however, are relatively poorer than their counterparts in other industrialized Thai provinces. provinces. One such person person—and informants—is Somsak (#43), an —and one of my closest informants—is unassuming middle-aged man from a tenant rice-growing family in Phai Kong Din of Bang Pla Ma District. He lives in a small small dusty wooden house house that is only accessible by boat across a narrow stream. stream. The house has no chairs and tables; it has only a small black-and-white black-and-white TV set, a refrigerator, an electric fan with no cover, and a portable radio—all radio—all amenities that Somsak bought secondhand in the two decades before 1999. The house is serviced by electricity and water, but to save on utility and tap water, costs, Somsak normally bathes in the muddy stream that flows in front of His house —a practice he blames blames for his receding receding hairline. hairline. Somsak, with just seven seven years of education, education, had worked worked as a waiter, bartender, and a construction worker in Bangkok until he was fired during the 1997 economic crisis and returned to with his aging parents. Thanks- to the help of a former classmate, Suphanburi to live with he landed his current job as a security guard in Muang District. He works six days a week for a monthly wage of 2,600 baht (approximately US$70). Since he cannot afford a motorcycle, let alone alone a car, he spends nearly an hour commuting commuting from Iris his non-air-conditioned bus. When he is on an home in Bang Pla Ma to his workplace by non-air-conditioned evening sleeps overnight at a roofed construction near his workplace, evening shift, he sleeps construction site near workplace, since there is no no bus service between Muang and and Bang Pla Ma after 6 PM. While Somsak has lived lived on his his relative in Ayutthaya Province, whose his meager income, his son works at a Japanese electronics company (OKI), has has purchased a new motorcycle and and has has had his old house renovated. "poor" by the standards of urban-based scholars, Somsak would be considered "poor” and indeed Somsak calls himself "poor, just like many others in Suphanburi." How, then, do citizens like Somsak address Banharn's failure to industrialize Suphanburi, which is obviously one major cause of their relative poverty? Scholars who regard regard individual-level interests as of paramount importance would expect these individual-level economic interests Banham, but that is not the case. people to be unhappy with Banham, A small number of my respondents (some 15 percent) denied denied that most higher per capita provinces, except a few such as Chiang Ghiang Mai and Chonburi, have have a higher provinces may have average income than Suphanburi. They conceded that other provinces more factories than than Suphanburi, Suphanburi, but thought that the impact of this difference on the tire level of income was minimal. minimal. The rest of my respondents, respondents, including Somsak, were in the tire sense that they readily admitted that Suphanburi lags behind "good sports," in lags behind many provinces in its levels of industrialization and workers' income. At the same time, these people people rationalized, defended, or even praised praised the path of development that Banham had pursued. They agreed that lack of industrialization was one major cause of their relative poverty, poverty, but claimed that pursuing industrialization industrialization was not a desirable desirable solution to the problem. The most common line of defense they offered questioned questioned and even disparaged disparaged provinces had had followed. These the developmental trajectory that other industrialized provinces provinces had succeeded in raising their per capita income by pursuing provinces prices for it that substantially industrialization, but they had paid paid very high high prices substantially offset the economic gains. Among the adverse effects of industrialization are air and water pollution. A college student (#4) from a rice-cultivating family in Sam Chuk District pollution. 8
This may be the socioeconomic precondition for the type of political dominance that Banharn has constructed. I thank Ben Kerkvliet for pushing pushing me to reflect on this point. has
1
Defending the "Bad" Politician 189 to gave a typical reply: "People in Ayutthaya get higher income, but they have to jeopardize their health because the air is dirty. But in Suphan, tire the air is still fresh. has developed while preserving clean air. Ayutthaya has developed developed by Suphan has tine environment. Suphan is much more livable." Her friend, friend, also a destroying the college student (#14), concurred: "Health "Health is more important than having several Suphanburi's slower hundred baht more each month." These respondents defended Suphanburi's slower between "clean Suphanburi" and economic growth by constructing a binary contrast between "polluted "polluted other provinces." Since they knew that Suphanburi was inferior in terms of industrialization, drey they played played up another dimension dimension of comparison in which it was (presumed to be) superior. Secondly, my respondents respondents viewed viewed the people in industrialized provinces as growing increasingly materialistic, greedy, selfish, and impersonal. According to Somsak, many people in Ayutthaya, including his relative with the motorcycle, now "value that twenty "value money as the most important thing in life. They were not like drat 1 illustration: "If I'm short on years ago." He provided an illustration: on> money to buy a meal, I can stop poor people help each stop by my neighbor's house house and get a free meal. In Suphan,'poor other. you'll be chased away from the neighbor's neighbor's house. other. In Ayutthaya, you'll house. They only man]" think about themselves without caring for others others [hen kae tua, tua khrai tua man]." Somsak's Somsak's mother agreed, saying, "People “People in Ayutthaya are becoming like these views, the erosion of time-honored village norms Bangkokians." According to drese prescribing mutual assistance prescribing assistance’ indicates indicates the deplorable erosion of traditional thathas accompanied the pattern of growth in Bangkok and other Buddhist values that’has industrialized regions. In Suphanburi, by contrast, people people still behave as good Thais: pious, temperate, and kindhearted. Whether such perceptions reflect the reality is highly highly debatable; I have met a point is number of materialistic and self-centered Suphanburians. But the important point that many citizens of Suphanburi believe their subjective observation to be true, and that holding on indispensable for upholding Suphanburi's moral (as on to this belief is indispensable opposed to economic) superiority superiority to other industrialized provinces. This does does not mean .that Suphanburians’ Suphanburians’ negative negative view of industrialization is somehow inherent in their culture. Instead, their beliefs should be interpreted as as the ideational effect of the particular type of development that Banham has Suphanburians have been has pursued. Suphanburians led to accentuate some areas of development as as more more important than others because pride in their province. this allows them to maintain their pride has become all the more Equating industrialization with the loss of Thai morals morals has pronounced in Suphanburi since tire the economic crisis of 1997. King Bhumibol's public public admonition against greed reinforced this tendency. tendency. According to the king, the economic boom of the early 1990s, fueled by fast-track, mindless industrialization, enriched many ordinary Thais, but along the way they developed an insatiable appetite ostentatious living, until until they learned a painful lesson tire the hard way in appetite for ostentatious 1997. In the wake of die tire crisis, fire the die king king called for a soul-searching soul-searching reappraisal of die previous approach to development and preached to die tire Thai population population about die the principle of the sovirtue of "having just enough to live on" —die the didactic, abstract principle called "self-sufficient economy (setakit phophiang)." 9 Many of my respondents used diis this teaching to justify the lack of industrialization in Suphanburi. For example, a the senior schoolteacher (#67) claimed that Suphanburi was "not severely hit by die 9 Kevin Hewison, Localism in in Thailand," Pacific Review Kevin Hewison, "Resisting Globalization: A Study of Localism Review 13,2 13,2 (2000): 279-96. 279-96.
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crisis because we had always practiced what the king king preached. But that was not the case with the people in Ayutthaya." If the crisis hit Ayutthaya, she concluded, "they had it coming [kam tam sanong]." Another respondent, a gas-station attendant (#15) in Bang Pla Ma District, made a similar point: "Suphanburians may have lower incomes, but it is not that we have no money at all. We have have enough enough to live on, a That's7s how the king place to live, and clothes to wear. What more should we need? That tells us to live." Somsak (#43) also echoed this view. These comments do not suggest that Suphanburians are content with being relatively poor indefinitely.- Rather, what they suggest suggest is that the virtue of frugality, as preached by the king, has allowed allowed many Suphanburians to extol the merit of living in a non-industrialized agrarian province. The king's king's teaching has supplied them with another powerful and seemingly valid way to categorize industrialized industrialized provinces as decadent and to rationalize rationalize Suphanburi's apparent relative inferiority. Given these kinds of views, the majority of my respondents respondents praised Banharn for being "wise" and "longsighted" (mong kan klai) enough to steer Suphanburi clear of environmentally harmful and morally decadent industrialization. Their perception was sustained by one pervasive local myth, which a civil servant (#69) in Nong Ya Sai District described in 1999 as follows: About a decade ago, at the peak peak of the economic boom, several Japanese firms wanted to build industrial industrial factories in Suphanburi, seeing great potential for growth in our excellent road network. But Banharn didn't like industrial firms. He knew that the effects of inclustrialization industrialization were not all positive. He wanted Suphanburi to be an educational center instead, so he said "no" to the Japanese firms. Since then, Banharn has has made made it a public policy not to attract any foreign capital to Suphanburi. As a result, foreign investors have stayed away from Suphanburi. Suphanburi has has therefore been spared what happened to other industrialized industrialized provinces. The authenticity of this story is questionable. In fact, one official (#37) at the Provincial Office of Commerce dismissed it as totally unfounded. As a capitalist who holds vital stakes in the construction industry, Banham actually tried to promote. Suphanburi's industrialization injhe in .the late 1980s, as exemplified by his establishment 1 of die Office of ' He even the Western Regional Office ol Industrial Promotion Promotion in Muang District.10 11 held a cornerstone-laying ceremony for this office. Back then, he made no bones bones about his intention to "turn Suphanburi into an industrial province," 12 arguing that "more factories must be built in Suphanburi for sure."13 Most Suphanburians Suphanburians who laud Banharn for refusing to promote industrialization do do not know about his past have forgotten about it, purposely ignore it, or simply say that he has policy, have changed his his mind mind (which is the case with Somsak). In any case, these Suphanburians now embrace tire never been seriously interested in the belief that Banham has never industrialization, and they hail him him as a man of inimitable foresight. The sheer number of schools that Banharn has recently built and the fact that he initiated a 10
Khon Suphan, June June 16, 1989, pp. pp. 1, Khon Suphan, November 16, 1990, 32 12 Khon Suphan, Suphan, November 16, 1988, 13 Khon Suphan, September 16, 1988, 11
2. pp. 1, 9. pp. p. 1. p. 2.
Defending the "Bad" Politician 191 local project called "Clean "Clean and Pollution-free Suphanburi" in 1997 reinforce their belief.14 Thus, many lower-class Suphanburians avoid drawing a causal connection between their poverty and Banham's failure to industrialize the province. Instead, these people, especially farmers, blame their poverty on the factors that have little to do with Banham, Banharn, such as: (1) vagaries disasters (e.g., flood, vagaries of the weather or natural disasters drought, and crop diseases); (2) their limited educational attainments, which restrict job opportunities; (3) price fluctuations in the agrarian market, or the government's inability to shore up rice prices; (4) expensive farming inputs (e.g., fertilizers), or lack inputs; and of state subsidies subsidies for those inputs; and (5) tire the 1 practices of greedy rice millers/ middlemen (who (who cheat in weighing crops) and their collusion with corrupt millers /middlemen local government officials. Many farmers feel particularly particularly bitter about the the last three factors, as they represent conditions resulting resulting from the government's historical neglect of their problems. problems. A former rice-cultivating farmer (#90) from Song Phi Nong .neglect District lamented: "It has been like this everywhere everywhere in Thailand. Thailand. The government is help farmers. They are not interested." interested." This man, named no good. They don't help Phongsak, blamed blamed the tire government's incompetence or insincerity for his mounting debts new life as a debts in the past, which forced him to quit quit farming in 1993 and and to start a new vendor of fried noodles. is interesting interesting to note note about this kind of account What is account is that although Banharn is is technically a part of the state state that has historically squeezed the farming sector (he was once at the pinnacle of the state), few farmers} farmers! in Suphanburi, Suphanburi, including including Phongsak, see him as being implicated in their economic' problems. On the contrary, they see him as doing the best he can to alleviate their poverty in his own cite two of his major accomplishments to support their claims. One is his impressive record of sponsoring the construction and improvement of the province's province's infrastructure. For instance, Somsak (#43) said of the Suphanburithat he uses daily Bangkok highway that daily in commuting to his work— the so-called Highway" built in the early 1980s with a fund of 460 million baht (see "Banham Highway" chapter 4): "If Banharn had not built built the road, I would be jobless and far poorer than I am now ... Imagine how many people like me are dependent on that single road alone for jobs." Somsak also hailed Banham's effort to improve the educational system, saying: saying: If only there were were a man like him when when I was a student, I might have been able to study a little longer, and I might have a better job now ... But now, there are fewer people like me. He emphasizes the virtue of education, builds schools, and gives scholarships level. I hope my scholarships to students who want to study at a higher level, [who lives with his ex-wife] will go to a Banharn-Jaemsai School. daughter [who Similarly, Phongsak (#90), tire the aforementioned vendor of fried noodles, proudly talked of his twenty-year-old twenty-year-old daughter, who attends the Boromarajonani College of almost 123 million baht in state funds in 1993Nursing, for which Banharn provided almost 99.15 He is hopeful that, after graduation, his daughter will work at Chaophraya 14
Khon Suphdn, July 16, .1997, p. 1; Khon Suphan, December December 16, 1997, p. 4. Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramam 2538, 4,6 (1994): 280, 303; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn Ngop-pramarn 2539, 4,9 (1995): 326; Budget Bureau, Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2540, 4,9 (1996): 473, Ngop-pramam Ngop-pramam 2540, 1 494. See also also chapter chapter 4. '
15
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Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
Hospital, the largest public public hospital hospital in in Suphanburi. "She will then help Yommarat Hospital, more steady steady income. If not for the college, she might be a farmer our family earn a more Phongsak said. said. now," Phongsak noting Banharn's Banham's construction construction projects, many respondents respondents cited In addition to noting supported in the past. past.16 the pro-farmer policies that he had adopted or supported according to my respondents, these well-intentioned well-intentioned policies have have Unfortunately, according materialized, or have neyer never been sustained sustained over an extended extended period period of time; time', never materialized, who have have vested vested because they were blocked or rescinded by faceless, "bad" MPs who interests in suppressing Phongsak (#90) said, said, "Just one or interests suppressing farmers economically. As Phongsak politicians cannot solve farmers' problems. Everybody Everybody has has to cooperate. two politicians he is obstructed by other other MPs who who Banharn tries to enforce policies to help us, but he have connections to the rice millers. Some MPs are rice millers themselves." have poverty persists as a deeply deeply embedded embedded structural problem of Consequently, farmers' poverty problem that "even an MP of Banharn's Banharn's caliber cannot solve" (so so Thai society, a problem khanat Banharn ko kae khai mai dai). Phongsak, as well as many others, seemed to view problem as one one caused caused by all sorts of wicked policies and and practices that emanate the problem central state that has been "out "out there" there" in Bangkok from the invisible, yet powerful, central "all perceived Banharn as as making valiant valiant efforts to confront and and tame "all along." He perceived poor in Suphanburi. Suphanburi. Thus, far from being seen as a this Goliath to the benefit of the poor leader who who has has contributed to, much much less caused, caused, the tire continuing continuing (relative) poverty of leader Suphanburians, Banham is perceived as playing playing a part, part, however however small, low-income Suphanburians, in addressing addressing the farmers' intractable intractable economic problem. problem. sorts of subjective and even dogmatic dogmatic defenses defenses In sum, Suphanburians mount all sorts spurn, minimize, minimize, gloss over, or rationalize rationalize the outsiders' outsiders' criticisms of Banharn as that spurn, other. Some defenses, a politician. Many of these responses clearly conflict with each other. admit that that he is corrupt, while others others categorically deny deny it. Also, some some for example, admit defenses are convincing, whereas whereas others others sound strained. strained. Yet these arguments that defenses vindicate Banham Banham have .one thing in common, despite despite all the contradictions contradictions they degrees of their persuasiveness: They all ultimately ultimately serve the contain and the varying |degrees preserving and and bolstering bolstering the the coherent, hegemonic hegemonic image of same function of preserving heroic creator of the present-day present-day "developed" Suphanburi. This Banham as the heroic tire core of, and unifies, a system of disparate and even even contradictory image lies at the narratives narratives that Suphanburians recount to justify and reaffirm their support for their leader leader and thereby to reinforce their their positive provincial provincial identity. identity. Keeping this this deeply deeply image intact requires requires that Suphanburians Suphanburians come up with a variety of cherished image partisan and ad hoc defenses of Banham. The significance of these defenses defenses lies not in their coherence or persuasiveness, but in the overall social function they serve. serve. Suphanburians' Suphanburians' support for Banham is therefore therefore immune to outsiders' outsiders' critiques critiques of misconduct and incompetence, incompetence, no matter how formidable or legitimate legitimate these his misconduct critiques critiques may be. This support allows Banharn Banharn to fend off or trivialize outsiders' outsiders' critiques. critiques. He once commented on a media report that his his administration suffered from a "public "public faith commented voters in Bangkok. "You can't can't possibly base your judgment only deficit" among the voters 16
persuaded the minister of agriculture For example, after being elected MP in 1976, Banharn persuaded provide 275 tons of subsidized subsidized fertilizers to farmers in Suphanburi. Khon Suphan,September September to provide August 16, 10, 1976, pp. 1, 8. For similar stories, see Khon Suphan, April 16, 1980; Khon Suphan, August 1980; and Khon Suphan, September 1, 1980. For an account of his attempt to guarantee minimum rice prices, see Khon Suphan,February 16, 1992, pp. 1, 9.
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Defending the "Bad" Politician 193 1
represent the whole whole country." country."17 He knows all too on Bangkokians. Bangkok does not represent where his base of support is. well where Feeble Political Political Opposition Opposition Feeble Banharn's political authority in Suphanburi is not totally uncontested. He has has his Banham's share detractors, mostly rank-and-file rank-and-file civil servants, servants, share of severe critics. These detractors, some 11 percent percent of the people I interviewed. interviewed. There There were several several reasons reasons comprised some opposition to his his rule. rule. First, they believed he he was corrupt, corrupt, as as reported in the for their opposition media. Second, they hated being being mobilized to attend frequent inspection inspection tours, tours, media. honor. Third, Third, they resented resented his constant, constant, meetings, and ceremonies held in his honor. interference in civil service affairs (see chapter 5). These people do not fastidious interference simply sit still, letting Banham's Banham's authority go unchallenged; they they have have taken several several simply both covert and overt, to chip away at the political base that sustains sustains his his actions, both Banharn's domination, domination, just like any other other politician's, is not total (and will authority. Banharn's never be). never examples are are illustrative. illustrative. One is the daring action that a group of A few examples disgruntled primary school teachers teachers took in early early 2002 to vent vent their frustration. They disgruntled sent two letters to then-Prime then-Prime Minister Thaksin, exposing the collusive relationship relationship sent developed between Banharn Banham and and two chiefs !of of the Provincial Office of that had developed Primary School Education—Dilok Phatanawichaichoot (1996-2000) and Kit allowed me Kiantisomkit (2000-2006). In particular, tire the letters, which my informant allowed ifrom various school secretly to photocopy, revealed how Dilok milked profits (from construction projects and and called him a "cormpt "corrupt and and dishonest" civil servant and and a construction "vampire [phi krasue] who "vampire who sucks the blood of the Ministry of Education." The letters letters asserted further that Dilok worked worked as as a vote canvasser for the Chart Thai (CT) Party instead of maintaining maintaining political neutrality as a civil servant, servant, and that he he was instead having various various state-funded school-building projects named named responsible for having inappropriately in Banharn's honor. honor. The letters letters also complained: complained: "Civil servants servants in [khom khuean] to welcome the prominent prominent politician politician of Suphanburi ... are forced [khorn [Banham] many many times times every year." 18 Although Although Thaksin did did not take any Suphanburi [Banham] complaints, presumably because Banharn's Banharn's CT Party was action in response to these complaints, his coalition government, this episode episode is, is. indicative indicative of the festering festering a member of his resentment harbored harbored by some local civil servants. servants. j resentment servants have have mounted their offensive in more subtle subtle ways. A case in Other civil servants point point concerns a billboard erected erected by the Provincial Office of Accelerated Rural Development Development (POARD) in 1999 to publicize the technical specifications specifications of a newly constructed asphalt road in Nong Nong Krathu village, Song Phi Nong Nong District. District. At the constructed bottom, the signboard signboard notes, in small small letters, that the tire construction fund for the road die taxpayers' taxpayers' money." What makes diis signboard interesting interesting is is that it "came from the this signboard has been erected erected right right next to a large sign mounted by Nong Krathu Krathu subdistrict subdistrict officials and a local contractor, which thanks thanks Banham for, for (the die road construction construction fund. The POARD's billboard effectively challenges challenges this sign and sends an implicit message to Nong Krathu residents that, since they pay taxes to benefit from public residents diat, public 17
Bangkok Post,August 15, 1996, p. p. 1. Yoshinori Nishizaki, Nishizaki, "The "The Weapon Weapon of die Identity; Community, Community, and Domination See Yoshinori the Strong: Identity; in Provincial Thailand" Thailand" (PhD (PhD dissertation, dissertation, University University of Washington, Washington, 2004), chapter chapter 10, for for in Provincial details. details.
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thanks to Banharn for supplying them. them. A works, they do not need to say special thanks Suphanburi-born TV anchorman and former senator, Somkiat Onwimon, represented the views of these civil servants in public when when he said: [Suphanburians] have long been misled into thinking thinking Mr. Banharn is solely responsible for public projects in the province, even to the point where they believe he paid for the projects out of his own pocket. Little [do] they know the money spent on dozens of public utilities utilities and ... infrastructure, ranging from roads to public schools ... . . . which invariably bear the name of Banharn-Jaemsai, actually come from the pockets of taxpayers nationwide.19 Thus, while the majority of Suphanburians support Banham's rule, one can nonetheless detect some evidence of a counterhegemonic counterhegemonic discourse. Banharri's opponents try to contest and subvert his authority in various places and through various various means. There are residents of Suphanburi who are not civil servants, yet who have opposed representative case concerns twenty-two twenty-two opposed Banharn for valid reasons. A representative farming families in Pho Khiew of Muang District, where Banharn built a government tried to clear the land (348 rai in size), these complex in 1996. As the Provincial Office tried families, who claimed to have inherited the land from their ancestors in in 1915 and had land titles to support their claims, refused to vacate, even though they were assured official compensation payments that amounted to sixteen million baht. 20 They put up a surprisingly tenacious resistance by lying lying flat on the ground to block the passage of 21 the provincial provincial authorities, apparently with bulldozers and trucks. In the end, the. Banharn's tacit consent, evicted these farmers from the construction site, claiming was "public" land. In the process, violence broke out, and several villagers that it was were arrested. The farmers were indignant. One of them was quoted as saying, "Development has brought nothing but grief ... It's good to bring civilization here, but don't let that hurt the people." 22 Consequently, Banham's image was stained. The leader of the protest declared, "We had loved loved Than Banham very much, that's why why we voted for him. We are extremely saddened that he could be so oppressive against Suphanburi citizens. If he continues continues with the project, we will vote for him no more." 23 A civil servant who comes into regular contact with Pho Khiew residents confirmed that Banharn's popularity has been on the wane in that area since the has been forced eviction. 24 In his rush to undertake the megaproject, Banham employed interests of a group of heavy-handed unilateral tactics that directly hurt the interests economically precarious low-income Suphanburians, generating profound resentment in its wake. wake. All these dissenting voices, however, have failed to coalesce into a major province-wide public movement movement against Banharn. There are three reasons for this. 19
Bangkok Post,January 4, 2009, p. 5. Bangkok Post, April 13, 1996, tire 1996. Sixty-five other families agreed to vacate by accepting the compensation. Bangkok Post, April 20,1996. 21 Bangkok Post, January 9, 1996, p. 3; Bangkok Post, February 23, 1996, p. 1; Bangkok Post, February 26, 1996, p. 19. 22 Bangkok Post,September 25, 1995, p. 6. 23 Bangkok Post,February 29, 1996, p. 8. 24 1999, Confidential interview, April 22,1999. 20
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Defending the "Bad" Politician Politician 195
First, anti-Banharn Suphanburians are in the minority: limited, by and minority; They are limited, large, to rank-and-file civil servants, servants, whose number in the provincial population is minuscule. Even at the peak of the economic boom in 1995, civil servants minuscule. servants (n = 7,272) constituted a mere 5.4 percent percent of all gainfully employed Suphanburians,25 and not every civil servant hates hates Banharn. Many are actually his stalwart supporters. Furthermore, the kind of incident described above, in in which Banham's Banham's development projects impinged on his constituents' economic interests, seems to be an exception rather than the rule. rival politician who can galvanize Second, there is no rival galvanize the anti-Banharn elements elements and rally their support. Wirat. Wirat Watanakrai, a former village head in U-Thong District, fizzled. A long-standing, was a potential rival, but his challenge eventually, eventually; fizzled. redoubtable critic of Banham since the late 1970s, Wirat contested contested the parliamentary elections of 1988, .1988,1992, 1995, and 1996, adopting a campaign slogan that made his 26 opposition opposition to Banharn explicit.25 Although he performed dismally in each of these elections (his influence was confined to just a few subdistricts in U-Thong), he remained a champion of the anti-Banharn cause. But Wirat was co-opted by the CT Party in 1999, when Phatthaphong, was elected to tire when his son, Phatfhaphong, the U-Thong Municipality Council thanks to Banharn's support.27 Seeing Wirat as ah an irritating thorn in the side, Banharn removed removed it by applying a little ointment. ointment. Third, anti-Banharn civil servants servants refrain from publicizing publicizing their opposition Third, opposition for fear that Banharn's supporters might expose or misquote them and that they might be punished punished with with a transfer or demotion as a result. result, S'o f>o long as Banharn controls bureaucratic appointments in the patrimonial central state, his potential opponents must confine their critical discourse within the the circles of their trusted friends and colleagues, and they cannot risk forming a public political alliance with with other antithe bureaucracy, Banharn elements outside outside the bureaucracy, such as 1 the aforementioned farmers in Pho Kiew. Ii Thus, opposition to Banham remains remains small and disorganized, and is too weak to challenge his his control over the symbolic universe of Suphanburi. Suphanburi, As a result, what daily basis—a most ordinary Suphanburians see, hear, and read on a daily basis—a system system of social meanings in which lives—continues to be dominated by the meanings in which they live their daily daily lives—continues geographically and temporally accumulated stock of Banharn's and temporally Banham's symbolic capital: the development projects, both large and small in scale, ‘which has supplied in 'which he has various various parts of Suphanburi over the last four decades, coupled coupled with the numerous signboards and ceremonies that broadcast news news of those projects. To live in is to live in this symbolic universe, reproduces the positive image Suphanburi is universe, which reproduces of the rapidly developing provincial community created by Banharn. Nobody Nobody has been able to mount a successful symbolic symbolic offensive to threaten or challenge this robust spatiotemporally nurtured image. anti-Banharn civil servants image. Disgruntled anti-Banharn servants would view his symbolic capital as ideological propaganda aimed at brainwashing or indoctrinating the pliant pliant populace populace in Suphanburi. In their public behavior, 15
Provincial Statistical Office of Suphanburi, Samut Rai-ngan Satliiti Sathiti Changwat: Suphanburi 2539 (Suphanburi: Provincial Provincial Statistical Office of Suphanburi, 1997), pp. 14, 41, 55. 26 25 Wirat was elected 1975. In 1976, he ran for office again elected as a CT Party MP from Suphanburi in 1975; tinder the CT Party banner; along with Banharn, who had just joined the party. Wirat suffered a mortifying loss, however, while Banharn, a political novice 'at the time, scored a landslide victory (see chapter 3). Wirat garnered only for' Banharn only 21,779 votes, less than half the votes for'Banharn (57,530). This probably soured Wirat's relationship with with Banharn. Banham. 27 Confidential interview with january 29, 2000. with a high-ranking civil servant in U-Thong, January
30
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however, most of these civil servants still choose, albeit grudgingly, to help create such symbolic capital in their eagerness eagerness to maximize their chances for promotions and access to state funds (see chapters 5 and. and,6), 6). In other words, these civil servants are complicit in reproducing, advertising, and enshrining the regime of the very politician they resent. Thus, the hegemonic hegemonic system of beliefs that underpin Banharn's reputation as Suphanburi's legendary developer remains firmly in place. It is not too surprising, then, that Banharn consistently won a large share of his constituency's votes in every election he he contested, although this share decreased noticeably after 1996 as a result of growing opposition to his rule (table 8.1). Along the way, he came under severe attacks from his opponents, yet none of these attacks came close to undermining his base of support. If anything, some of them strengthened the voters' support for him. The campaign mounted by Banharn's barbed-tongued, longtime rival, Police Major Anant Senakhant, in 1988 had this reverse effect. As described in chapter 3, Anant held massive anti-Banharn rallies in 1975 and and 1976. For reasons that are not clear, Anant then kept a low profile for the next twelve years, but, before the 1988 election, he delivered another public tirade against Banharn. Unlike the previous previous rallies in which he attacked Banharn independently, independently, the 1988 rally was was financially supported by a political party, the Seri Niyom. Anant was also backed by the aforementioned Wirat Watanakrai, Watanakrai, the village head of U-Thong District, who ran for office under the Seri Niyom Party banner in the 1988 election. Buoyed by all this institutional and personal support, Anant him responsible for "lashed out fiercely" (du dueat phet rorn) at Banharn,28 held him him "a spreading an epidemic of sordid money politics in Thailand, and called him representative of poison and danger [pen phit pen phai] for democracy" and "the representative evils." Anant further asserted that Banharn might "outwardly look like a wonderful angel [thewada prod]," but he was actually "a Dracula [phi porp] that sucks sucks Suphanburians' blood." 29 Anant also resorted to scare tactics by arranging to have a dummy corpse set up in front of the house of one CT.Party vote canvasser. 50 Anant's vehement attacks only made Suphanburians "furious and vengeful" (pen Anant's dueat pen khaen). Organizing "the Group of Suphan's Blood" protest protest (as in 1976), these Suphanburians, aroused by hatred of the outsider who insulted their hero, demonstrated stronger support for Banharn. A provincial newspaper aptly described tire ironic effect of Anant' reported (by using a rhyme), "Ying da, the Anant'ss action when it reported ying dang" denounced, the more famous [Banharn] became).31 dang" (The more [Anant] denounced, Anant and his allies were were not the only individuals who dared to challenge Banharn. Before the election of September September 1992, the candidates fielded by the Liberal Justice Party attacked Banham, calling his supporters "stupid" for -believing in his deceptive appearance of generosity. 32 This attack was mounted when the reputation nationally. Following the coup of 1991, of Banham and the CT Party was was at its nadir nationally. the military froze the assets assets of several "unusually rich" (i.e., corrupt) politicians, including Banharn. He was was eventually cleared of the corruption charge, but he was widely suspected suspected of having bought his way out of trouble. In addition, in the violent clash between the military and civilian demonstrators in May 1992, the CT Party 28
Khon Suphan, August 1, 1988, p. 1. Thammai Phom. Anant Sanokhan, Thammai Phom Tong Than Banham (Bangkok: Klet Thai, 1988), pp. 21, 23. 30 Khon Suphan, August 1, 1988, p. 1. 31 Ibid. Ibid. 32 Khon Suphan, September 16, 1992, p. 2. 29
34
Defending the "Bad" Politician 197 i sided with the military, leading the national media to!label it "a "a devil's party." party." 33 media tof Thus, the already negative images of Banharn and the CT Party were were severely tarnished before the 1992 election. The Liberal Justice Party candidates candidates saw this as as a golden opportunity to unseat unseat Banharn from power in in Suphanburi. Table 8.1 Votes for Banharn, 1976-2007
Year 1976 1983 1986 1988 (I) 1992 (II) 1992 1995 1996 2001 2005 2007
Number of Votes for Banharn (A) * 57,530 99,104 151,095 120,149 * 165,614 181,572 **218,376 218,376 223,724 49,816 58,610 209,989
Total Number Number of Votes Cast (B) 91,731 145,821 ?• 1 171,285i 171,2851 189,466j 194,137] 194,137f ‘' 244,455] 244,455236,909 57,972 74,905 267,559
34
A-B A-s-B 62.7% 68.0% ? 7 70.1% 87.4% 93.5% 89.3% 94.4% 85.9% 78.2% 78.4%
* indicates the largest number of votes in in Thailand. Thailand. The elections of 2001 and 2005 were held under a new electoral result of The electoral law, as a result which Banharn's Banharn’s previous constituency was divided into four districts.
Their attacks backfired. Far from undermining the base of support for Banharn, they ended up expanding it. For example, one opposition candidate, Photchara Yuwangprasit, anti-Banham rally in Kho Khok Tao, Muang District. District. Despite Yuwangprasit, held an anti-Banham the fact that Photchara bom in this subdistrict, local residents refused to support Photchara was bom Shim for attacking Banharn, him, and they expressed profound dissatisfaction with withjhim whether who had done so much to develop their province. One villager questioned whether Photchara Photchara "can do anything for us [other [other than to attack other people]?" 35 Consequently, Photchara received only 5,921 votes, in contrast to the 181,572 votes votes cast in Kho Khok Tao went to for Banham. More than 90 percent percent of all the votes Banham.36 The Liberal Justice Party had severely underestimated underestimated the the resilient strength of local support for Banham. strength 33
David David Murray, Angels and Devils:Thai Politics from February 1991 to September 1992: A Struggle for Democracy? (Bangkok: White Orchid Press, 1996). 34 Ministry of Interior; Interior; Election Sources: Data obtained’ obtained’ at the Division of Elections, Ministry Commission, Khomun Sathiti lae Phon Kan Lueak Tang Sammachik Sapha Phu Thaen Ratsadon, various years years (2001, 2005, 2007). ' ;j 35 p. 2. Khon Suphan, September September 16, 1992, p. , -J 36 Ministry Ministry of Interior, Phon Kan Lueak Tang Sammachik Sapha Phu Thaen Thaen' Ratsadon 2535 (Bangkok: -' (Bangkok: Ministry of Interior, 1992), p. 152.
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Popular support for Banharn was was even more firmly consolidated in the Popular parliamentary election of 1995. As widely widely reported in the national national media, media, this this parliamentary was essentially a contest between Banharn's Banharn's CT Party and and the the Democrat election was Thammasat-educated and morally morally upright politician Party led by Chuan Leekpai, a Thammasat-educated support, of most voters voters in Bangkok. Banharn was bent on on winning winning who enjoyed die the support hesitate to recruit nationally nationally well-known well-known criminals, this election, so he did not hesitate godfathers, and thugs thugs into the CT Party, Party, so long long as they they had had proven their ability to godfathers, deliver votes. Among those recruited were Kamnan Po (a murderous gangster gangster in in deliver votes. Narong Wongwan (a suspected suspected drug trafficker in northern Chonburi Province), Narong Thailand), and Vatthana Asavaheme Asavaheme (another (another alleged drug dealer from Samut Thailand), Prakan Province, south of -Bangkok). The latter two had had been denied entry into into the Prakan Province, south ’Bangkok). account of their suspected suspected involvement in the narcotics narcotics trade. trade. The United States on account response to this electoral strategy from middle-class residents residents of Bangkok was was response overwhelmingly negative negative—a poignant reminder reminder to Banharn Banharn of how little political overwhelmingly —a poignant had accumulated in Thailand's Thailand's capital. Foreign investors, too, showed capital he had deep prospect of Banham's Banham's ascendance to power. Most deep concern about the prospect, Suphanburians, however, saw saw the 1995 election as a golden golden opportunity to have have Suphariburians, however, Suphanburi-born prime minister. Because he was so Banham become Thailand's first Suphanburi-born stood firmly behind him. One farmer viciously criticized in the media, these people stood "We said to each other, 'We must stick (#61) in Song Phi Nong District recalled: "We minister, he he will do even more to together to help Banharn.' If he becomes becomes prime minister, develop Suphan. If we we miss this chance, we may have have to wait wait for another hundred develop years ... If Chuan Chuan becomes prime prime minister, only the south will develop." Nodding in years agreement/ agreement/ this farmer's neighbor neighbor (#91) said: said: "All Suphariburians Suphanburians voted for him. We him for all the things he had done done for Suphanburi ... If had to, to say thanks to him anybody didn't was not not a true Suphanburian." didn't vote for him, that person was despite the fact that that the Democrat Party characterized characterized the 1995 election as as Thus, despite a contest that offered Thai voters voters a simple simple choice between between a "good" man (Chuan) (Chuan) and man (Banham), the overwhelming overwhelming majority of Suphanburians chose the and a "bad" man latter. Banharn's clients did much to build a groundswell of zealous, partisan him on this occasion. When Banharn Banharn visited visited Suphanburi a month before support for him the election, several had benefited from his budget allocations several secondary secondary schools that .had mobilized hundreds of their students and musical bands to organize and lead a splendid provincial capital, carrying banners that that appealed appealed to to. splendid procession through the provincial provincialist sentiments sentiments of the crowd: crowd: "Vote Banharn for premier premier the already strong strong provincialist "This is is the first time in history that for the prestige of Suphanburi's People" and "This have a prime prime minister." minister."37 In an outcome that surprised surprised few people Suphanburi will have own province, province, Banharn won the election by garnering garnering more votes votes than any in his own other candidate in the country. With his his subsequent subsequent assumption of power power as prime prime pride in Banharn reached readied an all-time high. By voting voting for minister, Suphanburians' pride and having having him him elected as as prime minister, these people reaffirmed and Banharn and consolidated their positive positive social identity identity as members members of "Banham-buri." 38 consolidated 37
Bangkok Post,June 6, 1995, p. 6. One might say say that every parliamentary election has performed performed the social function of behind Banharn, just as in southern Thailand, where people unifying Suphanburians behind consolidate their regional identity by voting for the Democrat Party. See Marc Askew, Performing Political Identity: The Democrat Party in Southern Thailand (Chiang Mai: Silkworm, 2008).
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Defending the "Bad" Politician 199
Banharn enjoys Suphanburians' Suphanburians' support is reflected in in the The extent to which Banham growing growing"quietness of electoral campaigns in the province.! provinces Over the years, the familiar ingredients such as smear smear campaigns ingredients of Thai elections, such campaigns and arid loud rallies, have become more and more conspicuous by their absence in Suphanburi. Suphanb’uri. Opposition Opposition parties have fielded candidates, fielded candidates, but only to meet the legal quota regarding the number of candidates nationwide. These "dummy candidates" candidates" were candidates that must be fielded nationwide. therefore not not serious about winning; opposition parties parties were well aware of the futility of conducting expensive election campaigns campaigns in the province. In the election of 2005, for instance, the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) Party announced its intention to grab grab at least two of the six seats in Suphanburi, the party leader, Thaksin Shinawatra, Suphanburi, but the did did not even bother to attend attend an election rally in support of the TRT candidates who Suphanburi's voters remained were running there. 39 On election day, the majority of Suphanburi's voters remained steadfastly loyal to Banharn, Banharn, although they they had benefited benefited a great deal from Thaksin's pro-poor social policies over pro-poor over the previous four years. voter summed up the sentiments of his fellow constituents when he said: One voter constituents when "As long as Banharn doesn't doesn't wash his hands of politics, who who could beat him? Nobody —because his achievements having developed Suphanburi] Suphanburi] are so Nobody—because achievements [in having conspicuous. It is difficult for [Suphanburi's] people to forget [what he has done]." 40 Likewise, a retired civil servant (#101) in in -the Muang market town the Muang town looked back on Suphanburi's recent history commented: Suphanburi's history and commented: Those people who accuse Banharn of vote-buying and other bad things just don't know how how much he has . . . Anyone has done done for Suphanburi ... Anyone who remembers what what Suphanburi Suphanburi was like forty, fifty years ago would would agree. Those who badmouth him don't know our history. shouldn't talk [about Banharn]. They have-no him history. They shouldn't right to talk.
This kind of view forms the heart of Suphanburians' accounts, which reflect and pride in Banharn and his his construction of "Banharn-buri." generate their collective pride The Future of Banharn-Buri: Withering
Away?
end these empirical chapters on a speculative note. Banharn-buri Banharn-buri is Let me end dynasty. It is founded bn Suphanburian's Suphanburian's positive essentially a personal, not a family, dynasty. identification contributions to provincial development. development. As identification with with him and his his personal contributions such, Banharn-buri is potentially vulnerable vulnerable to disintegration disintegration when Banham, now aged seventy-eight (as of 2010), passes away. smooth transfer of political power power to his To avert this possibility and ensure the smooth Silpa-archa clan, Banharn started grooming grooming his eldest daughter, daughter, Kanchana (b. 1961), and his only son, Worawuth (b. 1973), in the mid-1990s to become Suphanburi's Suphariburi's both attained MPs. Thanks to his characteristic behind-the-scenes maneuverings, both duration. 41 To the extent extent that ministerial posts, but only once, and for ifor a short duration. based on Banharn-buri has been routinized or institutionalized, its strength is based Banharn's personal appointive and Banharn' and budgetary powers in the central central patrimonial patrimonial 39
Bangkok Post,January 11, 2005, p. 6. Khon Suphan,September 16, 16, 1992, p. 2. 41 ' Kanchana was deputy minister of education in 1999-2001 1999-2001, while Worawuth Worawuth served as deputy minister of transport and communications in 2008. ;i
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democratic state, state, which neither Kanchana nor nor Worawuth has has been able to match. match. Both are simply too young and too weak politically to emulate what Banham has simply young emulate what has done. In addition, since Banharn Banharn does not not haye any any economic economic interests interests in done. Suphanburi—his companies are all based in in Bangkok (see chapter chapter 3)—neither 3)—neither Suphanburi —his companies Kanchana nor Worawuth has has a firm, local economic base base from which to exert his or province. Therefore, Banharn-buri may be far less her political control over the province. enduring than the many land-based land-based family dynasties dynasties in in the Philippines, Philippines, which have have bequeathed from father to child over many generations.42 The latter been successfully bequeathed many generations. Banharn-buri may not. not. have been able to survive survive the deaths of their founders. Banharn-buri Banharn's eventual death might well expose its inherent inherent fragility. Banharn's eventual could fill Banharn's Banharn's shoes in the future is Pridi Charoensil, a One politician who could retired colonel in the Provincial Police of Suphanburi. Suphanburi. Pridi Pridi is the younger younger brother of retired Muang Municipality's Municipality's mayor, Jaranai Muang Jaranai Injai-uea (1985- ), who owed her first Banharn's support. successful election in 1985 to Banharn's support. This marked marked the beginning of a cozy relationship between Pridi Pridi and Banham. Thanks Pridi was was relationship and Banham. Thanks to Banharn's help, Pridi transferred from the southern Muslim province province of Yala and achieved achieved promotion to In return, Pridi Pridi served served as a vote canvasser for Banharn. A the rank of colonel.4’ In fissure opened between between the two in 2000, however, however, when its first fissure opened when Thailand Thailand had had its senatorial Pridi expressed expressed a keen interest in running for office and senatorial election. Pridi keen interest and expected expected to receive Banharn's Banharn's endorsement, endorsement, but Banham Banharn refused to support him. him. Local rumor had it that Banharn, who who essentially mistrusts mistrusts anyone anyone other than his family had members; about a potential scenario develop after members was was deeply concerned about scenario that might might develop his death death—the —the possibility that Pridi, Pridi, once elected, would use his office to expand his already strong strong influence at the expense of Kanchana and would and Worawuth. That would frustrate Banham's Banham's ambition to see "Banharn-buri" "Banharn-buri" pass into the hands of his his daughter or son in the form of "Kanchana-buri" or "Worawufh-buri." "Worawuth-buri." Banharn Banharn daughter therefore endorsed endorsed politically lackluster Rung-rueang, former lackluster and pliant pliant Manas Rung-rueang, Muang Municipality Municipality mayor (Jaranai's (Jaranai's predecessor), whose loyalty to Banharn Banharn was was Muang actually quite quite suspect. suspect,44 Incensed, Pridi Pridi split split with Banham and and ran for office by Party. Although receiving covert support support from Thaksin's Thaksin's TRT Party. Although he lost to Manas,45 he challenged Banharn Banharn again challenged again in the parliamentary election of 2005 by running running against banner. Pridi Pridi lost again again (despite Thaksin's Thaksin's his son, Worawuth, Worawuth, under the TRT Party banner. help), but many Suphanburians Suphanburians believe that he has has not given up his political ambition. He is believed to be biding biding his his time before he makes his presence felt ambition. Banharn's death. following Banharn's 422
An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in the Philippines (Madison, Alfred McCoy, ed., ed.. An (Madison, WI; WI: University of Wisconsin Wisconsin Press, 1993). University 43 Bangkok Post, March March 15, 2000. 44 Once an influential politician politician in in Suphanburi, was alarmed by Banharn's growing growing Suphanburi, Manas was popularity in in the 1960s. Therefore, when Banharn ran for office in in the the parliamentary election election popularity Therefore, when of 1976, Manas Manas tried to sabotage election (see chapter 3). sabotage his his election 45 Pridi initially tire election, which humiliated Banharn. Subsequently, Pridi initially won won the which deeply deeply humiliated Subsequently, Banharn no-holds-barred action action to block Pridi's Pridi's assumption took heavy-handed, heavy-handed, no-holds-barred assumption of office. He ordered then-Governor Wiphat Khongmalai to file an official complaint complaint with the Election Commission, then-Governor the Election Commission, claiming Pridi engaged in in vote-buying. vote-buying. The Election Commission Commission declared declared the claiming that Pridi The Election the election election results void and called for a reelection reelection in in May. Manas won won the the reelection, reelection, but this time Pridi Pridi results May. Manas this time the same same vote-buying accusation at which led the Electoral Commission leveled the vote-buying accusation a t Manas, Manas, which Commission to call another reelection reelection in in July. July. Manas election and assumed as a new for another Manas won this third election assumed office as new senator. Bangkok Post, March March 12, 2000. senator.
Defending the "Bad" Politician 201 Pridi (or anybody- else with .similar political ambitions) On coming to power, power, Pridi might try to revisit or even undo, undo- the recent history of Suphanburi that Banharn has composed, as it were. The future generations of Suphanburians who do not know Banharn might be susceptible to such reinterpretations of the past. Or they might simply feel blase about his achievements. That might be tire simply the fate of any regime whose dominance is based mainly on social memories46—in the, the case of Banham-buri, these are the collective memories of the province's province's "backward" past. As the memories gradually and inevitably inevitably fade away or become fragmented, so will Banham's authority. Furthermore, if a powerful MP of Banharn's type appears in in any of Suphanburi's his death, the relative social position of Suphanburi neighboring provinces after his could decline correspondingly. could correspondingly. Conditions are propitious for the rise of "a second Banham" "backward," Suphanburi had had Banharn" in the provinces that are currently branded "backward," suffered such a label before, and it was under that historical condition that Banham attained his current position. Therefore, as Sallie Yea analyzes analyzes in her fascinating study on regional rivalry in South Korea, "imaginary (social) maps are never finally drawn." They are like "a palimpsest, where earlier inscriptions are erased and others drawn over them." 47 The social geography of power is not immutable. It is subject to contestation and reconstitution. The future of politics and development in postpostBanharn Suphanburi is therefore not certain and secure. Neither is Banharn's posthumous place in the history of Suphanburi. Banharn is probably well aware of these disturbing possibilities. His sponsorship Banham tire modern and extravagant Banharn Silpa-archa Museum, in Muang’ of the Muang'District, can be interpreted as evidence in 2004 at a evidence of his insecurity. This museum, completed in cost of over 300 million baht, 48 presents presents and honors a condensed and accessible Suphanburi's recent development of Suphanburi under Banham's rule. history of Suphanburi's Despite the fact that admission is free, the museum is usually empty; few ordinary Suphanburians, to my knowledge, have visited it. They have do so, Suphanburians, have little reason to do since the museum presents what they already already know know so well. The target audience is not the Suphanburians who are alive now. Banham has built the museum, I believe, for the hundreds of thousands of Suphanburians who will be born in in the decades decades to need to be taught and come, long after his his death. The future generations will need reminded of what he had accomplished before they were born. The construction of the museum is the manifestation of Banharn's desire desire to enshrine himself at the top of the "Who's "Who's Who" list in Suphanburi and to pass the positive legacies of his rule to the future in the service of his children. acquired all the more importance since December 2008, when This project has acquired the Constitutional Court disbanded the CT Party, die the second oldest existing party in Thailand, which Banharn had led since 1994, on account of die the electoral .fraud its’executives. In addition, the court stripped committed by one of itsstripped Banharn, Banham, as well as Kanchana and Worawuth, of political power for a period of five years —a decision 46
Hue-Tarn Hue-Tam Ho Tai, ed., The Country of Memory: Remaking the Past in Late Socialist Vietnam { (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001). 47 Geographies of Dissent in the Sallie Yea, "Maps "Maps of Resistance and Geographies the Cholla Cholla Region Region of South Korea," 'Korean Studies 24 (2000): 90. Korea,"'Korean 48 The museum was built in part with Banharn's Banliarn's personal funds and in part 'with donations from local elites. IJ
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Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand ’"
that has left many Suphanburians appalled.49 Thus, Banharn has been deprived.of his firm, institutionalized footing in die the patrimonial democratic state that had "incubated" his political career since the 1970s. This is a terrible blow for a politician whose local-level legitimacy had rested on his ability to manipulate formal institutions of the center to the benefit of his his local constituencies. The same fate befell three proteges — tlrree other CT Party MPs of Suphanburi, who are all Banham's proteges— Nathawuth Thiangtham. These Nafhawuth Prasertsuwan, Yutthana Photsuthon, and Samerkan Thiangdiam. that have received various benefits in in return for three MPs come from the families diat supporting Banharn over the decades. Nathawuth is the son of a former MP for posts Suphanburi, Bun-uea Prasertsuwan (b. 1919), who attained a series of political posts thanks to Banharn' thanks Banharn'ss machinations: deputy agriculture minister, minister attached to the prime minister's minister's office, deputy prime minister, and House Speaker. Yutthana is leader, Praphat the cousin of another former MP of Suphanburi and deputy CT Party leader, Photsuthon (b. 1949), who had served served as deputy finance minister, deputy interior minister, and minister of agriculture. In addition, Praphat's two family-based construction companies —Ruam Mitr Muang Rae and Prasong Phon—have reaped 50, Samerkan, handsome profits from the infrastructure projects directed by Banharn.50'Samerkan, the eldest son of another tire third CT Party member stripped of his position, is the eldest former MP of Suphanburi, Jongchai Jong chai Thiangtham (b. 1943), who had had served as deputy minister of labor and welfare and deputy minister of transport and communications despite shady reputation as a gambler gambler and his close association with Chat Taodespite his shady the Constitutional Court ruling, poon, .Bangkok's notorious gangster.51 As a result of tire these families, which had underpinned Banham's patronage network, lost their political bases in Suphnaburi. The ruling also frustrated the ambitions of these families to secure intra-family transfers of power by relying on Banharn. It was speculated in some circles that these developments developments might spell the end end of Banharn's long-standing long-standing hold on politics in Suphanburi. Yet Banharn has quickly adapted to these changes changes and minimized their adverse adverse impact by establishing a new party, Chart Thai Phattana (Thai National Development) Party. He then invited his its his younger brother Chumpol to become its leader. The two had not been on speaking speaking terms since 1998, when Chompol, thenminister of education, education, quit the post and left the the-CT Party in protest against Banharn's constant longju-style longju-siyle meddling in the affairs of his ministry ministry (see chapter 5). But to with the exigencies that transpired as the result of the 2008 court ruling, cope with ruling, always known for his Machiavellian flexibility, buried the Banham, a politician always hatchet with Chumpol. Chumpol. 52 Subsequently, in the by-election of January 2009, Banham had his local clients Chumpol'ss new party. This means means rim for office successfully under the banner of Chumpol' drat .Ore five new MPs of Suphanburi are all under Banham's control. One is Nitiwat that .the Chansawang Chansawang (b. 1978). He is Banharn's (distant) cousin, related by marriage to the younger sister of Somchai Sujit, a prominent Sino-Thai capitalist in Suphanburi, the half-sister of Banham's Banharn's wife, Jaemsai. Another new MP is whose mother is the Nopphadol Matrasri (b. 1969), former president of the Provincial Administration Organization of Suphanburi. He and his younger brother Adisak (a village head in 49
See also also Bangkok Post, January 4, 2009. DBD/MC, Suphanburi Company Files Files no. 685/2514 and no. 3195/2530. 51 Bangkok Post, April 8, 1996, p. 4; Bangkok Post, May 21, 1994, p. 1. 52 Bangkok Post, August 1, 2009.
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Defending the "Bad" Politician 203 i
(
U-Thong District) run Matrasri Jakrakon, a major contracting enterprise that undertook more more than 1,247-million-baht worth of (mostly road-building) projects channeled by Banharn between 1996 and 2002.53 In addition, their father, Khiang, a MPs—Chamchai former village head, was Banham's vote canvasser. The other three MPs—Chamchai Prasertsuwan, Patcharee Pothasuthon, and Jaraja Thiengtham—are all family members of former MPs: Charnchai is Nathawuth's brother, brother, Patcharee Patcharee is Praphat's niece, and Jaraja is Jongchai's younger brother. The election of these clients allows Banharn to continue to exert his influence, if indirectly and less strongly than before, over budget allocations and bureaucratic appointments in the central state. In other words, although he has been deprived deprived of his official political power, the institutional words, "shell" of patrimonial democracy within which he has thrived as a politician remains intact, and he has within this shell to prevent his has found enough room for maneuver within provincial dynasty from crumbling, at least for tire historically constructed personal provincial time being. He has once again proven his remarkable resilience as a politician. Whether Kanchana or -Worawuth will eventually succeed in converting converting their some form of family dynasty remains to be seen. For my father's dynasty into some immediate purpose, purpose, however, whatever might in the foreseeable or distant might happen m future will not change the fact that the majority of Suphanburians place Banharn's Banharn's accomplishments narratives concerning concerning their province's accomplishments at the core of their historical narratives' development. For these people, Banharn hero who has singleBanharn is a legendary hero handedly attended to developing the formerly backward Suphanburi on behalf of the central state* tire state- and has enhanced enhanced the social status, image, and reputation of the province. As such, he continues continues to occupy a central (and jand honored place in the Suphanburians' oral and written representations of their recent history. --------------------------------------__________________________ :; 53 53
DBD /MC, Suphanbufi DBD/MC, Suphanbufi Limited Partnership Partnership File File no. 414. 414.
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Banharn in in Theoretical and Banharn and Comparative Perspectives Banharn has has come a long way. An anonymous migrant worker worker who once Banharn now the invincible leader of Suphanburi. Suphanburi. I delivered coffee in Bangkok in the 1950s is now have unraveled the long historical process through which he has has attained attained his present present have status, despite despite (or even even because of) his alleged alleged corruption. A key element element of this status, provincial pride, which which is based on their process is the rise of Suphanburians' Suphanburians' provincial subjective assessment assessment of Banham's Banham's contributions contributions to local development. development. To speak of measure, to speak of this provincial provincial Banham's current dominance is, in no small measure, pride. This concluding concluding chapter chapter explores explores the broad broad implications implications of my empirical empirical pride. argument by casting it in theoretical and comparative perspectives. argument Taking Collective
Seriously Pride Seriously
The essence of politics is domination and obedience. /Across time and space, all rulers rulers have tried to make legitimate legitimate or illegitimate use. use of their power to win their ready or grudging obedience. The rulers rulers may sometimes sometimes resort to subjects' ready compromise compromise and persuasion, but that is part of the tactics they employ to pursue pursue their paramount political goal —to goal— to make their subjects comply with with their rule. Some rulers, rulers, however, have been more successful than than others others in achieving achieving this goal. goal. Put another way, people people obey some some rulers but not others. others. Why? This is a fundamental another question question in the voluminous literature on state-society relations. relations. this fascinating fascinating yet baffling Scholars have advanced a variety of answers to this question. Another is political question. One answer is the use of coercion, violence, or fear.1 Another culture—individuals' values, norms, norms, and beliefs that form the basis of political culture—individuals' authority. authority. 2 Max Weber identified three ideal types of authority: rational-legal, traditional.3 Proponents Proponents of rational choice theory highlight highlight an charismatic, and and traditional. instrumental nature of compliance based on tangible material instrumental material benefits.4 Other answers include include class/ class/ state structures, structures, ideology, patron-client patron-client ties, road density, density, and answers habitual compliance.5 This list, while not an exhaustive exhaustive one, shows shows the variety variety of 1
others, see John Sidel, Sidel, Capital, Coercion, and Crime: Bossism in the Philippines (Stanford, (Stanford, Among others, University Press, 1999). CA: Stanford University 2 The most famous work would The would be: Robert Putnam, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Princeton University University Press, 1993). 3 Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, trans. A. M. Henderson Henderson and TalcottParsons Talcott Parsons (New York, NY: Free Press, 1964), pp. 324-86. 4 See, for example, example, William Brustein, The Logic of Evil: The Social Origins of the Nazi Party, 192533 (New Haven, Haven, CT: Yale University University Press, 1996). 5 For representative works that that offer these respective respective answers, see Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and. China (Cambridge, (Cambridge, NY:
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Political Identity in in Thailand Thailand Political Authority Authority and Provincial Provincial Identity
answers offered in tire the existing literature to explain die the causes or mechanisms of answers domination and compliance. My study, a single case study of Banharn's political domination, does not these (and other) explanations. It does draw our attention, however, to one debunk tiiese social-psychological element of legitimate political authority diat that the extant literature has overlooked or underestimated: positive social identity or collective constructing pride. Many residents of Suphanburi gain and buttress this pride by constructing and recounting a variety of subjective accounts that exalt the transformation of the previously "undeveloped" Suphanburi into a "well- developed" province, and by crediting crediting Banham's leadership leadership for this change. Two kinds of literature—one on collective social narratives, and the other on ways. social identity in psychology—inform this argument in mutually compatible ways. Collective Social Narratives
Suphanburians' accounts of Banham's Banham's accomplishments accomplishments take on tire character of Suphanburians' narratives." Drawing on George Steinmetz, Steinmetz, 6 what Jeffrey Paige calls "collective social narratives." Paige uses the concept of "social narratives" to refer to the stories stories that a particular individual "tells about a social group of which he he or she is a member." When the kinds of stories, it produces majority of persons in the same social group tell similar- kinds narrative.'" Paige calls the assortment "a collective portrait of a group or 'collective narrative.'" of such accounts "collective social narratives." 7 Collective social narratives are akin to the narratives that we tell about ourselves level—stories about where we come from and how how we have have become at the individual level—stories the way we are. Such narratives typically feature benchmark events in our lives and a cast of personalities who have profoundly influenced influenced our lives (e.g., "I was born in town in Kentucky ... . . . What changed my life forever was was my encounter with a a small town shaped primary school teacher ... While in college, I met- another teacher who has shaped my intellectual outlook"). We tell such narratives in ways that give a particular order, structure, or meaning to our otherwise bewilderingly complex and messy life experiences. Put another way, these narratives have an overarching theme or motif, according to which we reconstruct our life stories. Events and personalities that fit up, while those that do not are played down, and reinforce the leitmotif are played up, excluded. The narratives are therefore basically subjective in glossed over, or simply excluded. nature. Whether or not they are objectively "true" "true" is irrelevant. What is important is that, by telling subjective stories about ourselves, we affirm and reaffirm who we are how we have become the way we are. The stories, in other words, reflect and and how personal identity. shape our personal Cambridge University University Press, 1979); Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, trans, and ed. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Smith (New York, NY: International Publishers, publishers, 1971); James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976); Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control Princeton University Press, 2000); and Lisa Wedeen, Ambiguities of Domination: (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Politics, Rhetoric, and Symbols in Contemporary Syria (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1999). 6 George Steinmetz, "Reflections on the Role of Social Narratives in Working Class Formation: George Narrative Theory in the Social Sciences," Social Science History 16,3 (1992): 489-516. 7 Jeffery Paige, Coffee and Power: Revolution and the Rise of Democracy in Central America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), p. 341.
Banharn in Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives 207> »■ > Collective social narratives extend personal-level narratives to the level of society. As Paige explains, they have "a "a beginning, middle, and an end," end," which are all linked together seamlessly by a sequence of events, a cast of personages, and a set of their actions. What influences influences fire the selection and evaluation of these events, characters, and actions is "the "tire organizing principle" —a central theme that gives "meaning, coherence, and moral purpose" to the otherwise disorganized hodgepodge of stories. 8 This unifying theme gives us a clear sense of collective identity: what our community was in the past, what it’ it' is now, why or how it has reached readied the present, and how it differs from other communities. Put another way, a group's collective identity is dependent on the organizing theme that group adopts and the kinds kinds of social narratives its members construct, embrace, and recount on the vel narratives, some social basis of that theme. As in the case of individual-le individual-le.vel narratives may be gloomy,9 but the point is that social narratives form the discursive discursive basis on which all human beings obtain obtain or construct their social identity. To ask if those narratives are correct representations of undeniable truth or reality is as pointless as asking whether our collective identity as members members of a particular village, city, nation, and so forth is true or real. Suphanburians' accounts history of their province are consistent Suphanburians' accounts of the recent history with the pattern discussed above. The narratives start with negative (and often exaggerated) recollections and representations of Suphanburi's past backwardness, a condition condition that had been created by the discriminatory Bangkok-centered central state. In these narratives, Suphanburi's history then enters a new phase with the emergence of Banharn as a benevolent and efficient hero, a champion of development, inept central state and its development, who is juxtaposed against the callous and inept officials. First, he started developing Suphanburi by using using his personal wealth in in the mid-1960s—an action that fulfilled his legendary pledge to the local shrine shrine spirit. Second, after becoming an MP in 1976, he began contributing even more to Suphanburi's development by supplementing his personal personal donations with state funds. By taking advantage of his new political position in the central state, he was able to pour an unprecedented amount of development funds into Suphanburi, often at the expense of other provinces. He also tightly monitored how local civil servants used the state funds he channeled to the province. As a result, a large number of public development projects were in Suphanburi, Suphanburi, were’1secured and admirably completed in many of which are admired and envied by other Thais. Thus, the formerly "backward" Suphanburi won a reputation as a "developed" province province in in tire the new social geography ending" of geography of Thailand. Thailand. This is the (temporary) "happy ending" Suphanburi's > Suphanburi's provincial development. Suphanburians' social narratives revolve around this unfolding historical development "drama," "drama," in which Banham has consistently occupied center stage, first ' powerful "pork-barrel" MP as a philanthropic individual (1966-76), and then as a ’powerful and- a strict, watchful manager of lazy local civil servants (1976-present). If every collective social narrative starts with an account of a social "problem" that that a cast of 8
Paige, Paige, Coffee and Power, p. 341. See also also William Sewell, "Introduction: Narratives and Social Identities," Identities," Social Science History 16,3 (1992): 483; Margaret Somers, "Narrativity, Narrative English Working-Class Formation," Social Science Identity, and Social Action: Rethinking English History 16,3 (1992): 603. 9 See fames James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), for a prime example. example.
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characters and a sequence of their actions have resolved,10 the stigmatized backwardness of Suphanburi is that problem for the predominant social narratives in Suphanburi, who, has provided the solution. This Suphanburi, and Banharn is the main character who. is die the central theme or organizing principle principle of Suphanburians' social narratives. In these narratives, narratives, the negative media media reports concerning Banharn's graft and incompetence as a politician are subjectively rejected, discounted, or rationalized (e.g., "Every Thai politician is corrupt, so it's not fair to target Banharn") because they impair the coherence of the central organizing principle. The same holds holds true for the remaining evidence of Suphanburi's relative backwardness,, backwardness, evidence that Suphanburi ought to have achieved more economic or industrial progress than it has under Banharn's rule. In their eagerness to preserve Banharn as the heroic developer of Suphanburi, many people consciously or unconsciously minimize or justify his apparent failures to substantially raise their standards of living (e.g., "Suphanburi still has unpolluted air because it is not industrialized"). It would It would be a mistake to see these Suphanburians as passive and helpless consumers of Banharn's unabashed ideological project. They do not hold the tire beliefs consumers they do because they have been ideologically "brainwashed" or "duped" by Banharn or his agents. Itother politician, has has propagated ideas It. is true that Banharn, like any other or images that are favorable to his rule, and ordinary Suphanburians have embraced some of those ideas or images. But that is not because they are uncritical and uneducated (as urban-based scholars often make them out to to be), but because they have critically assessed his his actions on their own and have concluded that he has have consistently stood up for Suphanburi's interests in ways ways that match, his words. Moreover, many Suphanburians defend Banham's ineptitude as a politician in various ways, despite the fact that he has has never told them how to do so. These people are more than capable capable of coming up with social narratives of their own without having them supplied from above by well-educated elites. In having In many respects, these people are "historians" in their own right; they are active and autonomous agents engaged in interpreting how their province has evolved over time and what kind kind of place Banharn occupies in this history. In so doing, they have "emplotted" their provincial history in ways that often differ from, contradict, or even challenge welleducated scholars' authoritative interpretations—or what Paige calls "expert narratives." 11 I do not mean to deny the validity of scholars' narratives in favor of the "lay narratives" created by these Suphanburians. Suphanburians. Both may be valid. Banharn is at once a "good" and "bad" politician, depending on the interpreter's interests and preferences. As far as Suphanburi's residents residents are concerned, the former image applies. Of course, not all Suphanburians tell positive narratives about Banharn; his domination, just like any other politician's, is not a seamless web. As shown in chapters 5 and 8, some people people embrace a counterhegemonic discourse that constructs him as a "bad" remain a minority. Banharn stays stays "bad" politician. Such views, however, remain as. long as the majority of the provincial firmly in tire the saddle saddle of local power as population continues to hold hold him up as a legendary "Robin Hood," who has transformed the history and social position of Suphanburi by challenging, penetrating, and taming the irresponsible central state. 10 11 11
Paige, Paige, Coffee and Power, Power, p. 341. 341. Ibid., Ibid., p. 342. 342.
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Banham in in Theoretical Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives Perspectives 209 209 Banharn and Comparative
Social Identity Theory
allows us to recast the same same argument inTerms inTerms of Social identity identity theory (SIT) allows Developed in Europe Europe to challenge the hegemony of individualsocial psychology. Developed individualsimple yet powerful powerful argument on centered American social psychology, SIT makes a simple contends that human beings seek to the basis of numerous experiments. experiments. This theory contends enhance the the status, image, prestige, and reputation reputation of a. a social group of which drey enhance they are members. According to SIT, this dris is the die natural and inevitable inevitable product product of social are interaction. Just as individuals individuals are driven driven to seek a sense of positive self-identity self-identity or interaction. into contact with with each other, other,12 self-esteem (amour-propre) in die the process of coming into constant human human interaction interaction causes social group group members to develop a fundamental "belong to groups groups that compare favorably with, and and are distinct desire or need to "belong compare favorably distinct other groups." Belonging to such "positive from, other such a group gives human beings "positive evaluations identities, which diey evaluations for themselves" or positive social identities, they all desire or need. Contrary to the assumptions assumptions of rational-choice theory, human beings beings are not need. 13 Contrary always or primarily primarily interested interested in maximizing their material interests interests at the always much members various social groups as they are individual level. They are just as much members of various "freely-floating individual individual particles." 14 As such, dieir interests are shaped or or "freely-floating their interests constrained by the die society in which they they live. One of jthose jtliose interests is to seek a constrained identity or, in other words, words, to take pride pride in any social group diey positive social identity they quest or penchant penchant for collective pride pride is "the "the psychological 'motor' 'motor' belong to. This quest behind the individual's actions actions in die behind the intergroup context." context,"15 To draw on David Laitin's point of concern" for al! human beings. 16 Laitin's phrase, this is "a point This does not mean that all human beings possess a positive social identity. As a result of social interaction comparisons, they may end inferior. In the result interaction and comparisons, end up feeling inferior. parlance of SIT, diey they may display an "inadequate" or "negative social identity"—"a social identity that is not as positive as one with satisfied." 17 identity diat with which which the individual is is satisfied." Suphanburi suffered suffered from this condition condition during those years years when when they Residents of Suphanburi considered considered their their home home province to be relatively backward backward compared to others. with an inadequate inadequate or negative negative Social identity try to shed or According to SIT, people with 'social identity competition" or "social action," which "would overcome it by supporting "social competition" "would their group is inferior and lead to desirable changes in the situation [in which dieir do not resign themselves to the inferior inferior social status status imposed disadvantaged]." They do groups. They perceive the existing status status on them by dominant higher-status higher-status groups. hierarchy as unjust unjust and and illegitimate, and and believe that another hierarchical hierarchical system, in hierarchy as higher social status, can and should should be created created through through which their group enjoys enjoys higher 12 22
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, "Discourse on on the Inequality among Jean-Jacques Rousseau, "Discourse the Origin and Foundations of Inequality in Modern Political Thought: Readings from Machiavelli and Nietzsche, ed. David Wootton Wootton Men," in ed. David 1J (Indianapolis, IN: IN: Hacket Hacket Publishing, (Indianapolis, Publishing, 1996). 13 13 Donald Taylor Taylor and Fathali Moghaddam, Theories of Intergroup Relations: International Social Donald Psychological Perspectives (New (New York, NY: Praeger,1994), p. 83. 14 Henri Tajfel, "Individuals Groups in in Social Social Psychology," British Journal Henri "Individuals and Groups journal of Social and Henri Tajfel,; Tajfel,,. Social Identity and Intergroup Clinical Psychology 18 (1979): 187-88. See also also Henri Cambridge University University Press, 1982). ( Relations (New (New York, NY: Cambridge 15 Taylor Taylor and Moghaddam, Theories of Intergroup Relations, p. 79.. 14 w David Laitin, David Laitin, Hegemony and Culture: Politics and Religious Change among the Yoruba (Chicago, University of Chicago IL: University Chicago Press, 1986), p. 29. 17 Taylor Taylor and Moghaddam, Moghaddam, Theories of Intergroup Relations, p. 83. i
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conscious human efforts.18 They make or support active attempts to catch up with and overtake superior social groups. Relative group status is not an immutable given. rearrange an existing social hierarchy. hierarchy. In the given. Purposive human actions can rearrange represented by a series of deeds deeds that case of Suphanburi, those human actions are represented Banham has performed since the 1960s in tire the name of provincial development development and in a way that has contrasted with the image of the negligent central state.19 In interpreting these "social actions" by Banharn, Suphanburians produce and reproduce a variety of "collective social narratives" that categorize their province, if humorously and flippantly, as a cut above all or many other Thai provinces. Such accounts reflect a new social geography of Thailand that people of Suphanburi visualize in their minds. This imagined—but not totally illusionary—social illusionary —social visualize geography is the source of their provincial pride pride or positive social identity, signs of confidence corifidence they did not have before. As noted earlier, however, however, the Suphanburians' interpretations involve a good deal of subjectivity; they are not based on an objective, impartial, or detached assessment province's overall assessment of Banham's Banham's actions and the level of their province's development. This is consistent with the second major finding of SIT: Human beings, in their eagerness to acquire a positive social identity, knowingly or unknowingly process and (mis)interpret (mis)interpret available information in ways (hat that accentuate the uniqueness of their social group. A drive for a positive social identity turns human beings into partial and arbitrary judges of available information. One noted proponent of SIT calls this human propensity "tire "the perceptual accentuation effects" of 20 social interaction. At the same time, human beings tend to make light of or dismiss distinctiveness. A desire desire or any data or information that detracts from their group's distinctiveness. need to attain a positive social identity drives human beings to assess what they see and hear in ways that serve to confirm and bolster that social identity. Put differently, human beings are only pseudo-scientists or "intuitive scientists." 21 They may illusion. may claim to be "objective," but that is a self-deceiving illusion. An objective assessment of reality is not their concern; they are more interested interested in 18
Ibid., p. 84;, 84;.Henri Tajfel, "Social "Social Categorization, Social Ibid., Henri Tajfel, Social Identity and Social Social Comparison," Comparison," in Differentiation between Social Groups: Studies Studies in the Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations, Relations,ed. Henri York, NY: Academic Press, Press, 1978), p. 64. Henri Tajfel (New York, 29 19 SIT enables us to make better sense of some other seemingly seemingly unintelligible phenomena. An many Malaysians' support for former Prime Minister Mahathir's grandiose and example is many projects —the soaring economically unviable development projects—the soaring Petronas Towers, Towers, tire Proton Saga (the first automobile to be be made in Penang Bridge (the (the third in the "Third "Third World"), and the Penang longest bridge in tire the world; times the length length of the Marcos Bridge" Bridge" in the the Philippines). Philippines). world; "six "six times These collective goal: goal; to show that Malaysia can can These Malaysians supported Mahathir's Mahathir’s ultimate collective to show "compete successfully against other rivals ... and to 'stand as "compete as tall as others'" others'" and to create a society respected by the the peoples of other society that is "psychologically "psychologically subservient to none and respected nations." (July 19, 1985; September 27, 1985; 1985; and November November 15, 15, 1985); 1985); Gordon nations." See Asiaweek (July Means, Malaysian Politics: The Second Generation (Singapore: (Singapore: Oxford University Press, Press, 1991), 1991), p. 96; R. S. Milne Diane Mauzy, Malaysian Politics under Mahathir (London: Routledge, 1999), 1999), Milne and Diane Boo Teik, Mohamad p. 64; Khoo Boo Teik, Paradoxes of Mahathirism: An Intellectual Biography of Mahathir Mohamad (Kuala'Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 183, 329. 329. Press, 1995), pp. 66, 183, 20 Penelope Oakes, Oakes, "The "The Categorization Process: Penelope Process: Cognition Cognition and the Group in in the Social Social Psychology Tajfel, Psychology of Stereotyping," in Social Groups and Identities: Developing the Legacy of Henri Tajfel, 97. ed. Peter Robinson Robinson (Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann, 1996), 1996), p.p.-97. 21 Charles Lord, Lee Lee Ross, Ross, and Mark Lepper, Lepper, "Biased "Biased Assimilation Assimilation and Attitude Polarization: The Effects Prior Theories Theories on Subsequently Subsequently Considered Evidence," journal of Personality and The Effects of Prior Evidence," Journal Social Psychology 37,11 2108. 37,11 (1979): 2099, 2108.
Banharn in Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives 211
evaluations" to their own groups.22 Since imputing "favorable rather than accurate evaluations" they want to believe that the social group to which they belong belong is as good as any other or is better than others, they will play up every piece of positive information that appears to corroborate that belief, while questioning or brushing brushing off the validity, validity, reliability, relevance, and representativeness of any negative data that would contradict, undermine, or invalidate it.23 Suphanburians' Suphanburians' social narratives can be understood in this light. Precisely because they desire to!belong to a province that is no Barham's no longer considered a laggard in development, they are prone to extol Banharn's outstanding contributions to provincial development, while (deliberately) ignoring achievements. or playing down his lack of achievements. This is best manifested by a gamut of Suphanburians' biased or crude overstatements that have have little or no factual basis (e.g-., "Chainat is twenty years Suphanburi," "All the roads in Ang Thong are bumpy."). These are nothing behind ’Suphanburi," less than what SIT calls "social stereotypes" —the value-laden, over-generalizing, and and contrasting images meant to distinguish in-groups from out-groups—that inevitably emerge from the subjective and repeated repeated process of seeking a positive collective emerge identity.24 As posited by SIT, if social stereotypes represent a gross distortion of .identity. drive for reality, they are the deplorable deplorable yet logical product of pur all-too-human drive positive group distinction. distinction. Cognitive psychologists view stereotypes as die result of the result either "dysfunctions of the personality" or "shortcomings of cognition." Stereotypes, therefore, can be corrected by "more accurate information" and "better education." education." from jour cognitive or perceptual Proponents of SIT disagree. Stereotypes Stereotypes stem not from|our defects, but from our basic, characteristically human psychological need to attain a positive group identity. Social stereotypes are therefore hard to eliminate; they are something that would simpjy disappear if well-informed, well-educated not something Oakes and her coauthors outsiders pointed out their speciousness. As Penelope Oakes concluded concluded succinctly, "As long as there are social; socialj groups ... there will be standpoint, we might stereotypes." 25 From such a standpoint, might view the variety of Suphanburians' tendentious misrepresentations of reality as the building blocks and expressions of their heightened collective pride pride in Banharn and his contributions to provincial development. A desire or need to maintain this pride pushes them to construct 22
Taylor and Moghaddam, Theories of Intergroup Relations, p. 79; Drawing on social psychology, one one political scientist similarly notes that human beings given to them them in such a way as to fit their preconceived ideas, desired "process information given images, or what they want to believe." Murray Edelman, The Symbolic Uses of Politics (Urbana, IL: University University of Illinois Press, 1976), pp. 12-13. The same human proclivity is corroborated by theory, James Kulik, another social-psychology theory, "confirmatory attribution" theory. "Confirmatory Attribution and the Perpetuation of Social Beliefs," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 44,6 (1983): 1171-81; James Kulik, Paul Sledge, and Heike Mahler, "Selfthe Perpetuation of Self-Beliefs," Journal of Personality and Social Confirmatory Attribution and the Psychology 50,3 (1986): 587-94. 24 See John John Jost and Mahzarin Banaji, "The Role of Stereotyping in System-Justification and the the Production of False-consciousness," British Journal of Social Psychology 33 (1994): 1-27; Oakes, "The Categorization Process," p. 99; M. Snyder, E. D. Tarike, and E. Berscheid, "Social "The Perception and Interpersonal Behavior: On On the Self-fulfilling Nature of Social Stereotypes," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 35 (1977): 656-66. 25 Penelope Oakes, Oakes, Katherine Reynolds, Alexander Haslam, Haslam, and John John Turner, "Part of Life's Life's Rich Tapestry: Stereotyping and the Politics of Intergroup [Relations," Relations," Advances in Group !| Processes16 (1999):154. 23
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favorable interpretations of Banlrarn's Banharn's actions'in actions' in the various partisan and hyperbolic ways they do. ways All this is not to say, of course, that Suphanburians care exclusively or primarily about gaining a positive social identity. They are concerned just as much about bread-and-butter issues of economic survival at the individual level. Within the severe constraints imposed on their lives by Thailand's Thailand's capitalist capitalist economy, many people struggle to make both ends meet on a daily basis. But this does not mean, logically and empirically, empirically, that that' they do not care about the prestige, image, social status, status, or reputation of Suphanburi. Suphanburi. On the contrary, they are deeply conscious of such nonmaterial collective issues, and they covet anything that makes Suphanburi look good or superior. desire by playing up Banham's role in superior. They satisfy this desire provincial development as the central theme theme of their social narratives. Some of these people, especially farmers, may be dissatisfied with their individual living conditions, but human beings have collective non-economic interests, which may not always or necessarily coincide with their individual-level individual-level economic interests. Plainly, people can be proud of a social group that falls short of meeting their daily economic needs needs to their full satisfaction. The fact that even the Suphanburians who would be hero serves as a considered "poor" by outsiders construct Banharn as their provincial hero reminder of this complex duality of human beings, a duality often overlooked in the individual-centered rationalist and Marxist paradigms. paradigms. Thus, as long as we simply examine the extent to which Banharn has has furthered individual individual Suphanburians' economic interests, we cannot adequately understand why he continues to command their eager support the, way he does. The key to understanding this phenomenon would be to recast Suphanburians in line with the SIT model of individuals and to direct our attention to what Banharn has done to meet their nonmaterial social-psychological needs or interests. That is, we need to highlight the long historical process through which Banham has has symbolically created a uniquely modern and socially distinguished provincial community; has has incorporated into that community a vast vast number of people who were once physically and psychologically isolated from each other; and has given them a strong and positive provincial identity that they lacked before. This positive social identity is a potent and effective ideational instrument that facilitates Banharn's domination, domination, which makes the use of unscrupulous means of Migdal's analogy,26 social control (e.g., coercion, vote-buying) superfluous. To use Migdal's the Suphanburians' positive group identity is one kind of "mortar" that unites a large number of these citizens centrifugal citizens in an otherwise cacophonous and centrifugal provincial society. It endears Suphanburians to Banharn, creating strong emotional emotional bonds between them. Domination based on, and cemented cemented by, the mortar of positive social identity is also quite durable, durable, if certainly not impervious to challenges from below, because it enjoys a higher level of legitimacy. This is why why Banharn, a seemingly despicable politician for urban Thais, continues to win many seemingly Suphanburians' voluntary support and compliance with his rule, while many other Thai politicians have been voted out of office. Political scientists in general have paid paid relatively little attention to the importance of positive social identity as a social-psychological component of 26
Joel Migdal, "Studying the the State," in Comparative Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure, Joel Migdal, ’"Studying ch ba ch and Alan Zuckerman Zuckerman (New NY: Cambridge ed. Mark Li Lichbach (New York, York, NY: Cambridge University University Press, 1997), p. 213. 213.
Banharn in and Comparative Comparative Perspectives Perspectives 213 in Theoretical and domination and compliance. It is one of those factors that they may take for granted.. granted. Its importance is perhaps regarded as an axiom, but despite or precisely because of this, political scientists have not taken social identity as seriously as they should have. 27 Methodologically, social identity is such an elusive concept that it defies easy easy quantification. Therefore, political scientists have paid the lion's share of attention to more observable or quantifiable variables, such as violence, instrumental exchanges of goods goods and services, institutional autonomy, class structures, and cultural values. The relative neglect of social identity is a serious oversight. oversight. The case of Banham shows that social identity is one crucial—if not the only or the most important— factor underpinning powerful and legitimate domination. As such, it merits more scholarly attention than it has received to date. date. j Comparative
Cases
j
One might ask whether there is any other Thai MP whose dominance rests on provincial pride. pride. I am unable unable to give a firm answer, since I have not done comparable research on all the Thai MPs in the past andjat and|at present (which would would be a Herculean task). But my educated guess is that 'Banharn Banharn is unique. Some politicians, such as Suvit Khunkitti, a former MP of Khon Kaen Province, may have wanted to emulate Banharn's construction of provincial provincial pride, but he met with little success (see chapter 7). A politician who comes somewhat close to Banharn might be (oddly enough) Chuan Leekpai, reputedly one of the most honest politicians in Thailand, Thailand, who has served as an MP of Trang Trang Province in the south minister south (1975-present) and as prime minister (1992-95, 1997-2000). 1997-2000), As Askew's Askew's detailed study shows, the voters in the southern region, including Trang, are intensely proud of Chuan because he embodies moral values such as honesty and loyalty, which make up the socially constructed, romanticized romanticized notion of "virtuous southern culture." This is why Chuan has met with phenomenal success equal to Banharn's in maintaining his political power in Trang, and the Democrat Party, of which Chuan was the leader until 2003, has maintained its unchallenged stronghold in the south. Chuan, however, differs from Banham in two respects. 28 First, the collective identity he he has constructed is regional, rather than provincial. Second, this identity is based on the moral virtue of honesty, for which Chuan is nationally well known. Given the fact that this virtue is universally upheld, upheld, it is no surprise surprise that people in Trang and the south in general take pride in him. Banham, in contrast, is notorious as a crooked politician, so that one would expect the people of Suphanburi to have little reason to be proud of. of him. him. Yet, they are. In fact, many even take pride in his alleged corruption, as illustrated in chapter 8. I ------------------------------------------27
There are, are, however, however, several notable exceptions in the field of international relations. See R. P. Dore, 51,2 (1975): 290-307; 290-307; Dore, "The "The Prestige Factor Factor in International Affairs," International Affairs 51,2 Daniel Markey, "Tire Prestige Motive Motive in (PhD dissertation, Princeton Princeton "The Prestige in International Relations" (PhD University, Identity," International Organization Organization 49,2 University, 2000); 2000); Jonathan Mercer, Mercer, "Anarchy "Anarchy and Identity," (1995): 229-52; Prestige and 229-52; Eric Noerper, Noerper, "The "The Tiger's Tiger's Leap: Leap: The Korean Drive for National Prestige World and Scott Scott Sagan, Sagan, "Why "Why Do States World Approval" (PhD (PhD dissertation, Tufts University, University, 1993); and Build Bomb/' international (1996): Build Nuclear Nuclear Weapons? Weapons? Three Three Models Models in Search Search of a Bomb/' International Security 21,3 (1996): 68. 28 Marc Askew, Identity: The Democrat Party Party in Southern Southern Thailand (Chiang Askew, Performing Political Identity: Mai: Silkworm, 2008). Silkworm, 2008). it
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Two Thai politicians politicians who seemingly Chai Chidchob Chidchob Two other Thai seemingly resemble Banharn are Chai (b. son Newin Newin Chidchob MPs from Buriram Buriram Province Province in in the (b. 1928) and his son Chidchob (b. 1958), MPs northeast. At present, present, Chai the speaker speaker of the House House of Representatives, while northeast. Chai is the Representatives, while Newin is the the "shadow" tire Bhumjaithai Bhumjaithai (Proud (Proud Thais) Party, Party, whose Newin leader of the the Thaksin Thaksin camp in December December 2008 ushered ushered in in the rise to power of defection from the camp in the current current Democrat Party-led Party-led government. Chai and Newin the government. 29 Like Banham, both Chai are notorious their alleged misuse misuse of office, office,30 yet they they have have repeatedly repeatedly won major major notorious for their electoral in Buriram respectively.31 This, in in part, part, reflects reflects electoral victories in Buriram since since 1983 and 1988, respectively. voters' appreciation accomplishments in in developing Since the voters' appreciation of their their accomplishments developing Buriram. Since becoming MPs, Chai Chai and Newin Newin have used their positions in in the the state state— becoming have used their institutional institutional positions — e.g., cabinet cabinet portfolios portfolios and membership membership in in the parliamentary Budget Scrutiny parliamentary Scrutiny Committee large number number of state-funded state-funded development projects Committee (BSC)32—to pump a large development projects 33 into which are credited credited to them them via via signboards. signboards. The most notable into Buriram, many of which notable of these projects involved involved the construction roads. As shown chapter 4, Buriram construction of roads. shown in chapter Buriram is ranked ranked second among among tire seventy-five provinces provinces of Thailand Thailand in in terms terms of the the total is the seventy-five length of asphalt asphalt and concrete a t the village level. As As one Buriram villager length concrete roads at the village one Buriram villager said proudly, "Roads in our village village are are paved paved with asphalt asphalt gravel provided by Mr. proudly, "Roads in gravel provided 34 Newin . . . Laterite Laterite roads roads known 'for kicking kicking up red dust nearly all Newin dust are are nearly all gone." Another report confirms: confirms: "Asphalt "Asphalt roads roads are seen almost almost everywhere everywhere in in Buriram." 35 Another has developed developed rapidly, rapidly, to to a point point where where itit is is said to to be "as As a result, Buriram Buriram has prosperous as as Suphanburi." dominance of the Chidchob Chidchob clan had become become prosperous Suphanburi." 36 The local dominance so solid by 1996 that it could be "equaled in in strength by by . . . Banharn Silpa-archa's so could be Silpa-archa's grip on on his native native Suphanburi." Suphanburi." 37 As some local people people say, Newin "has "has won grip won the hearts many villagers." Even his political opponent opponent admits, speak about hearts of many admits, "If you speak about Newin in in Buriram, the people people there may hit back at you. Mr. Newin in a negative way way in may hit People just love him." 38 These reports, reports, however, however, need to be be taken taken with with a pinch pinch of salt. salt. First First of all, Chai Chai and Newin Newin do not not take take the credit credit for all all the the development in the the development projects in in Buriram in Banharn does does in unlike Suphanburi, Suphanburi, never way Banham in Suphanburi, because, unlike Buriram has has never been dominated dominated by a single political party and its representatives. representatives. Between Between 1996 and been single political 29
The ruling of May 2007 banned banned Newin from holding political post post for for The Constitutional Court ruling holding a political the next five years. years. the 30 instance, Newin was once once accused of having having illegally loans worth millions millions of For instance, illegally obtained obtained loans baht from the Bangkok Bank of Commence Commence and of using take over over firms on the the stock stock the Bangkok using them to take Thailand. Bangkok Post, October market of Thailand. October 20, 1996, p. 1. 31 addition, Newin's Newin's wife (Karuna) got elected parliament in in 1996, 2001, and 2005, and his In addition, elected to parliament his younger brother brother (Saksayam) in 2001 and 2005. Saksayam, younger (Saksayam) won elections to parliament in Saksayam, too, was banned from from politics politics for five years in 2007. banned years in 32 Between 1986 and 2000, Chai Chai served on the the BSC for for ten ten years, years, making making him the second Between longest-serving member member after Banharn. Untitled obtained at the National Parliament longest-serving Untitled data obtained the National Parliament in Newin has served as deputy minister of finance (1995-96), deputy minister minister of agriculture 2000. Newin deputy minister (1997-2001, 2002, 2005), deputy deputy minister minister of commerce Minister to the commerce (2002), and Minister the Office of the Prime Prime Minister Minister (2005). 33 Bangkok Post, July 8, 1996, p. p. 7. July 8, 34 31 March 14, 1996, p. 9. Bangkok Post, March 35 Bangkok Post, July 22, 1996, p. 4. 35 36 Bangkok Post, June June 12, 1995, p. 6. 37 Bangkok Post, July July 22, 1996, p. 4. 38 Bangkok Post, July July 8, 1996, p. 6. See also Bangkok Post, July 22, 1996, p. 4.
in Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives Banharn in
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example, ten ten MPs of Buriram, Buriram, including including Chai Chai arid Newin, Newin, belonged belonged to to four 2001, for for example, different political political parties. As As a result, political power power is fragmented fragmented there, there, preventing preventing different Chai and Newin from establishing themselves as as the provincial provincial developers. developers. Chai establishing themselves More importantly, importantly, many many reports, as as well well as my interviews interviews with with several several BuriramMore voters, indicate indicate that the the Chidchob clan clan has relied relied1 more on "dark influence" influence" bom voters, (itthiphon muet) muet}— vote-buying, vote-buying, violence, and coercion coercion—as instruments of domination —as instruments on the the more attractive attractive "carrot" "carrot" of development development projects. projects. In one one well-known well-known case than on to light light before before the the parliamentary parliamentary election election of 1995, the police conducted conducted a that came came to raid on the house house of Newin's Newin's vote canvasser canvasser and found eleven-million-baht eleven-million-baht worth of raid on the 100-baht banknotes banknotes with with Newin's electoral electoral identification identification numbers numbers attached to to them.339’ 100-baht In December brother Thaweesak Thaweesak was suspected suspected of hiring hiring In December 1999, Newin's elder elder brother professional gunmen gunmen to make make an assassination assassination attempt attempt on .Panawat Panawat professional to Liangphongphan, a rival Democrat Democrat MP of Buriram. Buriram.40 According According to another another’- report, report, Liangphongphan, "Rumors are rife [in Burirami Buriram] about about people people opposed to to Mr. Mr. Newin being abducted abducted "Rumors to Cambodia." Cambodia." 41 The financial financial bases of- the Chidchob family's family's pervasive pervasive and taken to their several local businesses, such'as such ;as Silachai Buriram, which "dark influence" influence" are their several local Silachai Buriram, has monopolized monopolized government rock quarry concessions. 42 In addition, addition, Newin's Newin's has rock wife, Karuna Kanina (MP (MP of Buriram, 1996-2007), whom.he whom.he married in in 1994, is is from second wife, prominent contractor's family family in in Chiang Chiang Mai Mai Province. Province. Her father father (Khanaen (Khanaen Supha) Supha) a prominent owns six six companies, companies, most notably notably Chiang Chiang Mai Construction Construction (founded (founded in in 1979). 43 By owns Chai, along with his Iris wife (La-ong), (La-ong), had had accumulated accumulated assets assets of more than 144 2008, Chai, baht, 44 while while Newin and Karuna Karuna had more than 1,000 million million baht, baht, making making million baht, die Chidchob Chidchob family one of die wealdiiest political political clans in in Thailand.45 All All diis the the wealthiest this wealth has them to they has enabled enabled diem to build build up province-wide province-wide networks of dark influence, which diey wield at election time their advantage. Thus, Chai and Newin time to dieir Newin are more objects of moral repulsion than they are the focus of provincial provincial pride in in Buriram. Buriram.46 some voters' moral case, which I will will detail An even more illuminating illuminating contrasting contrasting case,' detail below, concerns Narong Wongwan, alleged drug tycoon Wongwan, an alleged tycoon and former former MP of Phrae Phrae Province, Province, in in northern Thailand. Thailand. Despite his (allegedly) shady background, background, Narong, Narong, like like Banham, Banham, northern never used violence to to attain and maintain maintain his his power. power. Yet, in in contrast contrast to to Banharn, Banharn, never _____________________________ 1! ____________________________ 39 Bangkok Post,June 30, 1995, p.l; The Nation, June 30, 1995, Al. In the senate election of March Newin's elder elder 2001, the Election Commission disqualified the electoral victory of Usanee, Newin's vote-buying. sister, on account of vote-buying. 40 The Nation, December 29, 1999, and January 4, 2000; Bangkok Post,December 18, 2001. 41 Bangkok Post,July 8, 1996, p. p. 9. See also The Nation,January 4, 2000, for a similar report. 42 Department of Business Development, Ministry of Commerce (DBD/MC), Buriram Company File no. 0315534000071. 43 DBD/MC, Chiang Chiang Mai Company File no. 0505522000347. , 44 Counter Corruption Corruption Committee, Party List MP File no. 431. National Counter 45 National Counter Corruption Committee, Minister File no. 41. 46 Although Although systematic research is wanting, my preliminary research suggests suggests that Newin and and Chai are characteristic of many other violence-prone rural strongmen strongmen who who have have recently suffered humiliating electoral losses, such as Vatthana Asavaheme Asavaheme of Samut Prakan Province and Piya Angkinan Angkinan of Phetchaburi Province. Vatthana, a suspected drug dealer, dealer, lost the his younger brother (Somporn) and son (Phunporn), (Phunporn), after having election of 2001, along with his been elected as Samut Prakan's Prakan's MP continuously continuously since 1975. Similarly, Piya, Phetburi's Phetburi's MP analysis of Piya and and his family's family's since 1975, lost the elections of 2001, 2005, and 2007. For an analysis in Phetchaburi, Phetchaburi, see Pasuk Phongpaichit Phongpaichit and Sungsidh Sungsidh Piriyarangsan, historical domination in Dejnocracy in Thailand (Chiang Mai: Silkworm, 1996), pp. 76-80. Corruption and Democracy
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tf Narong constructed constructed his political authority mainly mainly or exclusively based on personal personal Narong patronage ties. In the tire end, end, he was made made painfully aware of the fragility of this type type of patronage domination when he lost a parliamentary seat. seat. Thus, this case brings into into domination in 1995, when sharp robustness of Banharn's rule rule based on provincial provincial pride. sharp relief the robustness Wong wan with with a discussion of three politicians politicians I will follow the case of Narong Wongwan countries in Asia—Kakuei Asia —Kakuei Tanaka of Japan, Ferdinand Marcos of the from other countries unique in Philippines, and Kim Dae Jung of South Korea. While Banharn may be unique non-Thai him to a remarkable remarkable degree. Thailand, these three nonThai politicians resemble him areas once considered to be among the most Tanaka, Marcos, and and Kim are all from areas "backward" in their respective countries, countries, and they used their official power power to boost tire image of their home provinces or regions. Their actions had the cumulative effect the image home actions had enhancing the collective pride pride of their constituents. constituents. The three politicians politicians thus of enhancing retained their constituents' constituents' support in in the face of outsiders' outsiders' severe severe criticisms, in retained much the same manner that Banham has has done done in Suphanburi. Taken together, these much comparative cases, drawn from inside and outside outside Thailand, Thailand, lend lend additional four comparative empirical support to my argument that a positive positive social identity is one essential empirical component of political domination. component Narong Wongwan
Wongwan (1925-present) was was a long-standing long-standing MP (1979-95) of Phrae, a Narong Wongwan province near the tire border with with Laos. He was was born into into a local elite northern Thai province chao muang muang (governor) of Phrae Phrae in the tire days of family, in which his grandfather was chao pf the absolute absolute monarchy. monarchy. The family initially engaged engaged in logging businesses in in Chiang Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces. From this economic base, the the family ventured into phenomenally lucrative tobacco-curing and tobacco-exporting enterprises during Narong's Narong's time.47 By the tire 1990s, Narong Narong had had become a wealthy wealthy tycoon who controlled controlled multi-million-baht companies companies in northern Thailand, Thailand, such as Thepawong, Thepawong, several multi-million-baht Siam Tobacco Export Corporation, Siam’Tobacco Corporation, Thai Tobacco Industrial, and General Tobbaco. real-estate company founded He is also a major shareholder in Chiang Rai Borikan, a real-estate in 1960. Narong, as well as as his three sons sons (Anuson, (Anuson, Anuwat, Anuwat, Asawin); daughter (Asaniphon), and daughter-in-law (Samonsri), is the tire major shareholder shareholder for these (Asaniphon), and daughter-in-law companies. 48 Finally, Narong is a suspected suspected drug drug- trafficker who who was once denied denied entry into the United States. At first glance, Narong bears bears a striking resemblance to Banharn in several several belong to roughly roughly the same same generation generation of politicians. Their respects. First, both belong as MPs also started at about the same time: Narong Narong was elected elected to parliament careers as for the tire first time in 1979, just three years years after Banharn: Second, like Banharn, won a landslide landslide electoral electoral victory in Phrae. Phrae. In fact, the tire two often vied vied Narong always won with each other for the tire honor honor of receiving "the largest number of votes in in Thailand." Thailand." with "the largest the two politicians held held many many key ministerial and party posts. 49 As the In addition, the 47
Pasuk and Sungsidh, Thailand, p. 80; Bangkok Post, Post, March 29, Pasuk Sungsidh, Corruption and Democracy in Thailand, 1992, p. 1. 48 40 These companies companies were were founded in in 1949, 1965, 1970, and 1974, respectively. respectively. They They are all all located in located in Chiang Chiang Mai. Province, except except Thapawong, Thapawong, which which is in in Chiang Chiang Rai. Rai. DBD/MC, DBD/MC, Chiang Chiang Rai Company Company Files Files no. 0525492000034 and no. 0575503000019; Chiang Chiang Mai Company Company Files no. 0505508000084, no. no. 0505513000208, and no. 0545517000024. Files 449 ’ Narong Narong was was the tire leader leader of Ruam Thai Party (1986-91) and Samakkhi Samakkhi Tham Party (1991-92). served as deputy minister of agriculture agriculture (1981), minister minister of agriculture agriculture (1983-86, 1990-91), He served
*
Banharn in Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives 217 leader of the once-powerful Therd Thai faction that controlled some thirty /MPs, Narong, like Banharn, long remained one of Thailand's most influential political wheeler-dealers. Had the US government not intervened to reveal his suspected wheeler-dealers. involvement in the drug trade, he would would have become prime minister after the election of March 1992, in which his military-backed Samakkhi Than* (Moral Unity) Party won the largest number of votes. Finally, like Banham, Narong was widely believed to be corrupt. The military junta, which staged a successful coup in 1991 on the pretext of eliminating political corruption, listed Narong, along with Banharn, as one of tire ministers. the "unusually rich" (i.e., corrupt) cabinet ministers. however, Narong differs from Banham in one For all these similarities, however, one crucial personal wealth or state-based respect: Narong did did not use his his enormous personal state-based resources Phrae in the way Banharn has has done to launch development development projects in Phrae done in Suphanburi. Between 1985 and 1995, for example, Phrae Phrae received a road construction fund of 473.4 million baht from die the Department of .Highways (DOH). By contrast, Banham channeled channeled a DOH fund exceeding 3,900 million baht into Suphanburi during the same same period.50 As a consequence, Phrae remained, remained, and still remains, a province with relatively few conspicuous development projects. Moreover, Narong seldom seldom returned to Phrae and showed showed little interest in local development. development. As one Phrae resident his resident griped, griped, Narong "stays "stays in Bangkok a lot," and this absence from his 51 home province "upsets home "upsets many people." Given all die the material and human resources his disposal, Narong could have have done what Banharn has has done, but he apparently at his did not have the will to do so. Few people in Phrae, dierefore, therefore, felt a strong emotional attachment to Narong. What enabled Narong Narong to attain and stay in power was was his vast patronage network—a political machine—which he he effectively mobilized at election time to drum up support on his behalf. This network won him a string of easy victories rural-based boss, of die between 1979 and 1992. In diis this sense, he was a typical rural-based the kind depicted depicted in the standard literature on Thai politics.52 The limit of patronage politics, however, became acutely apparent by the time he contested contested the election of 1995. A patronage network, network, by definition, can be maintained maintained only as long long as a patron is able' dispense concrete material benefits to his clients, and diis to dispense this is how Narong had maintained his electoral machine before 1995. His patronage patronage resources sharply maintained dwindled after 1992, however, when when the US started tightening the screws on drug Narong's economic base shrank, traffickers worldwide. As Narong's shrank, so did his political his most "trusted" vote canvasser in Phrae, machine. Shortly before the 1995 election, his and deputy prime minister (1992). 50 Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2528, 4,3 (1984): 113-266; Budget Bureau, Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2529, 2529, 4,3 (1985): 81-199; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2530, 4,3 (1986): 81-174; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2531, 2531, 4,3 (1987): 101-227; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2532, 4,3 (1988): 125-298; Budget Bureau,, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2533, 4,3 (1989): 111-300; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2534, 2534, 4,3 (1990): 113-298; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2535, 4,3 (1991): 99-306; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2536, 2536, 4,3 (1992): 119-314; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2537, 4,3 (1993): 109-330; Budget Bureau, Ekasarn Ngop-pramarn 2538, 2538, 4,3 (1994): 127-324. 52 51 Bangkok Post, June, 1995, p. 3. 52 James Middle Class: Social James Ockey, "Business "Business Leaders, Gangsters, and the Middle Social Groups and. Rule in Thailand" (PhD dissertation, Cornell Civilian Rule Cornell University, 1992), p. 160; Pasuk and pp. 80-81. Sungsidh, Corruption and Democracy in Thailand, pp.
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Supasiri, split split with with him. him.53 When Sanit defected, defected, so did did his immediate clients, Sanit Supasiri, suddenly deprived of a huge huge electoral machine. On leaving Narong suddenly On top of that, that, Sanit had Siriwan Prasarjarksatru, Prasarjarksatru, contest the 1995 had his thirty-nine-year-old thirty-nine-year-old daughter, Siriwan Narong in a political showdown. showdown. Sanit now now constructed constructed a new election against against Narong electoral network that worked directly in the service of his own network worked own daughter. Another husband, Police Colonel Tha-ngai Tha-ngai key vote canvasser in this network was Siriwan's Siriwan's husband, Prasajarksatru, a "very "very popular" senior senior policeman policeman in Phrae. Other vote canvassers canvassers Prasajarksatru, Siriwan included included her relatives and close friends, friends, who served served in the tire Provincial for Siriwan Administration Organization. Organization.54 Phrae's voters voters then deserted deserted Narong Narong and switched switched Administration their support to Siriwan. developments produced a stunning result in the the 1995 election: Siriwan, Siriwan, a These developments stunning result young female political novice who who had never never run for office before, scored a young comfortable victory, while while the much more more senior and Narong, aged and seasoned Narong, seventy at the time, suffered a humiliating humiliating loss. Of the nine nine candidates in his his constituency, three, including including Siriwan, garnered more votes votes than did Narong. Narong.55 constituency, reportedly received financial support from the telecommunications telecommunications tycoon Narong reportedly and prime minister, Thaksin, whose father, Narong's close and future prime father, Lert, had been Narong's associate. However, However, even even this this support was not enough Narong's electoral enough to assure Narong's success.56 Thus, his long-standing domination came to an unexpected, unexpected, long-standing "invincible" domination defeat made made him decide to wash wash his hands abrupt end end in 1995. This defeat hands of politics altogether. In striking striking contrast, contrast, Banharn Banharh won tile the 1995 election hands hands down altogether. down by percent of the votes in his constituency constituency and subsequently became became receiving some 89 percent and subsequently prime minister. prime Narong's loss shocked outside observers While Narong's observers who had taken his dominance granted, it came as little surprise to many local voters. As one tricycle driver driver said, for granted, Phrae's and they wanted "give him a lesson." They Phrae's voters "are no longer longer stupid," and wanted to "give were critical of Narong's Narong's "lack of energy" energy" and wanted wanted to elect an MP who who could could "bring development" to their ,home province. The driver "bring development" home province. driver continued: continued: "Narong has has complacent about his been too complacent his political support and, to the chagrin of many of his supporters, has his attention away from his hometown during supporters, has shifted Iris his hometown during the past few years."57 Phrae in 1999 supported these views. Few people had My fieldwork fieldwork in Phrae had any Narong to relate. relate. They portrayed him "washed-up" favorable account of Narong him as a "washed-up" besmirched die politician who failed to develop Phrae, or as as a disgrace disgrace who besmirched the image and reputation of Phrae Phrae with with his alleged alleged drug trafficking. In In her conversation with and reputation conversation with one female factory worker worker in in Den Chai District recalled, "He was was born born in in me in 1999, one he didn't love his birthplace birthplace as should have. monopolized Phrae, but he as much as he should have. He monopolized wealdi for himself, family, and and friends." continued/ "Why should should we have have all the wealth friends." She continued,' gave our hometown hometown a bad name?" name?" Similarly, a group voted for someone who gave group of Phrae recollected that when when a road road linking their village to villagers in Song District of Phrae 53
the previous previous election for office along Narong, although although he In the election of March 1992, Sanit ran for along with with Narong, lost. lost. 54 The Nation, June 28, 1988, p. 8; Bangkok Post, June June 19, 1995, p. 3; Bangkok Post, October 26, 1996, p. 2. 55 Ministry of Interior, Interior, Khoniun Khomun Sathiti lae Phon Kan Lneak Lueak Tang Sammachik Sapha Phu Thaen (Bangkok: Ministry Ministry of Interior, Interior, 1995), p. 95. Ratsadon 2 Karakadakhom 2538 (Bangkok: 56 See Bangkok Post (June (June 8, 1995, p. p . 5; June 22, 1995, p . 4; July 17, 1995, p. 7; July July 18, 1995, p. 6). 57
Bangkok Post, Post, July July 16, 1995, p. 20.
Banharn in Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives 219 the provincial capital was was severely damaged due to floods sometime before 1995, they could not turn to Narong for help because he was living in Chiang Rai. One of the residents complained bitterly: "He was an MP from Phrae. Then how come he make didn't live here to take care of us? Why live in another province? It doesn't makesense." In these and other people's accounts, Narong was portrayed as a politician they wished to forget about. Some people simply remembered so little about him that they had nothing to say. * they-had The contrasting results of the 1995 election suggest suggest; one important reason why many Thai MPs, including Narong, have simply come and gone, whereas Banharn has for years scored resounding electoral victories. Domination based on a positive social identity is much more resilient than domination; based on simple' patronage politics. This is not to say that Banham has not relied Jon mn patronage. As shown in previous chapters, he has dispensed, numerous numerous favors (e;g., (e.g., bureaucratic promotions, promotions, development funds) to create an extensive network of local clients. In this respect, Banharn .is no different from many other MPs. The key, difference, however, lies in what has done what he has done with his patronage network. Most MPs, including Narong, have machines merely turned their respective patronage networks into vote-harvesting machines that can be conveniently mobilized at election time. This is an easy and politically attractive choice in in terms of the time arid and resources required. A candidate who takes this option only has to invest his or her personal time and resources just before each election. As some studies have shown, many villagers dp see the benefits dispensed by an electoral machine as legitimate. 58 But a relationship dependent on instrumentalist exchange is relatively shallow. If and when the supply of benefits the fate that befell Narong in 1995. dwindles, so does reciprocal support. This is tire Banham, in contrast, has chosen a much more exhausting and time-consuming strategy. He has used strategy. used his network of clients to produce and advertise a myriad of visible symbols symbols 'of provincial development development through signboards, ceremonies, inspection tours, and meetings. These symbols have become the base for the local enshrine him as a hardworking and sincere provincial social narratives that enshrine developer. Based on the attendant collective pride, ' Banham's domination has pride, ’Banham's enjoyed more legitimacy and has proven to be much more resistant to fracture than Nar ong's. He has been handsomely rewarded for taking the hard option. Narong's.
Kakuei Tanaka
|.j.
prime minister arrested for Kakuei Tanaka (1918-1993), the former Japanese prime accepting kickbacks from big business, represents a case quite similar to that of Banham. The resemblances between Tanaka and Banharn are striking, indeed. indeed. Both had arriassed amassed their fortunes in the received only eight years of education,59 and had construction business before venturing into national politics.60 Furthermore, Tanaka 58
See Daniel Arghiros, Political Structures and Strategies: A Study of Electoral Politics in Central Rural Thailand,Occasional Paper No. 31 (Hull: University of Hull, Center for South-East Asian fI Studies, 1995). 59 39 On paper, Banharn has a master's degree from Ramkhamhaeng University, University, an openadmission university in Bangkok. But he is suspected to have obtained the degree degree by submitting a plagiarized thesis. |> 60 Tanaka's company, founded in 1943, grew rapidly. When the Pacific War ended in 1945, it was undertaking a construction project in Korea. Toru Hayano, Tanaka Kakuei to 'Sengo' no Seishin (Tokyo: Asahi Shinbun, 1995), p. 18.
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regarded as as the personification personification of sordid money politics, for which Japan has is regarded become notorious in recent years. years. For these reasons, Banharn Banham is sometimes sometimes referred Thailand's Kakuei Tanaka. Tanaka is to the Japanese Japanese what what Banham is to the to as Thailand's Thais. characteristic linking the two, however, however, is the The most striking common characteristic Banham, Tanaka, despite despite all the corruption strength of their local support. Like Banharn, him, was—and was —and still is—extremely is—extremely popular popular in in his his home home charges leveled against him, spanned prefecture of Niigata. This is because during his long political career, which spanned than forty years, he poured poured a huge amount of development development funds into Niigata, Niigata, more than Japan)—a pejorative a prefecture that forms the heart of Ura-Nihon (backside Japan)—a backward and socially marginalized marginalized area that lies across the Sea designation for the backward Peninsula.61 of Japan from the Korean Peninsula. were several reasons for Niigata's Niigata's perennial perennial backwardness. backwardness. First, Niigata There were was (and still is) geographically geographically handicapped. During Niigata's Niigata's long, harsh harsh winter, winter, was waves in the Sea of Japan made it hard to engage engage in fishing, one of the main the high waves sources Niigata. In addition, addition, icy winds winds blowing blowing from' the sources of income for the people in Niigata. heavy snowfall, snowfall, hampering the flow of people and and goods —a reason why sea caused heavy prefectures, is called "Snow Country." Country." Also, the high Niigata, along with its adjacent prefectures, mountain ranges ranges in the south and the east constituted constituted natural barriers barriers to effective mountain transportation, shutting off Niigata from Tokyo and other cities on the Pacific coast. Shinano River, the second longest longest river in in Japan, Japan, would would overflow each Moreover, the Shinano causing often catastrophic damage to Niigata's Niigata's already depressed agricultureagricultureyear, causing economy. Local farmers lived in constant constant fear of disaster disaster and famine.62 based economy. conditions alone. More Niigata's backwardness did not stem from its natural conditions importantly, importantly, it was exacerbated by the central central state, as as was was true in the case of state had had given given priority to development development Suphanburi. Since the Meiji Restoration, the state including Tokyo and and Osaka. As a result, Niigata and other in the Pacific Rim areas, including prefectures in the "backside "backside Japan" were neglected. neglected. While "frontside Japan" Japan" prefectures prospered, prospered, "backside "backside Japan" Japan" stagnated.63 This imbalance imbalance was was reflected in the high rate of temporary or permanent permanent out-migration out-migration from Niigata. Because extremely high winters, virtually virtually all male farmers would of the dearth of jobs during the long icy winters, in late October each year and and migrate to more more prosperous prosperous prefectures leave Niigata in in search search of seasonal employment. employment. They did did not, or or could not, come back home home until even the New Year holidays—generally the most festive April. They had to spend even Permanent time for the Japanese —far away from their homes and families.64 Permanent serious. in In 1888, Niigata had the the largest largest population population of all the emigration was equally serious, subsequent years years it became rapidly rapidly depopulated, depopulated, prefectures in Japan, 65 but in subsequent thanks thanks to the massive outflow of emigrants. emigrants. 61
Tadao Furumaya, Furumaya, Ura Nippon: Kindai Kiitdai Nippon wo Toinaosu,(Tokyo: Iwanami Shinsho, 1997); Tadao Michael Lewis, Becoming Apart: National Power and Local Politics in Toyama, 1868-1945 Michael MA: Harvard East Asian Studies, Studies, 2000). (Cambridge, MA: 62 Hayano, Tanaka Kakuei to 'Sengo' no Seishin, p. 38; Jacob Jacob Schlesinger, Schlesinger, Shadow Shoguns: The Rise Hayano, and Fall of Japan’s Japan's Postwar Political Machine (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, Schuster, 1997), pp. pp. 36-37. 63 Schlesinger, Schlesinger, Shadow Shoguns, pp. pp. 37-38. 64 Hayano, Tanaka Kakuei to ’Sengo' p. 54. Hayano, 'Sengo' no Seishin, p. 65 http://www.hrr.mlit.go.jp/library/hokuriku2003/si/l-06/01jinkou/03meiji/03meiji.html, http:/ / www.hrr.mlit.go.jp/library/hokuriku2003/ si/1-06 /01jinkou/03meiji/ 03meiji.html, on October October 18, 2006. accessed on
Btinharn in Theoretical Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives Perspectives Banharn
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(from Niigata pleaded pleaded for To ameliorate these conditions, Diet members .from government funding on the grounds that "people who) who*live in the unblessed snow country are always neglected by the central government," despite the fact that "snow country people are also Japanese citizens." These repeated and desperate pleas were ignored by the government, which considered Niigata to be of secondary importance —a situation akin to what Suphanburians experienced in the pre-Banharn importance—a past (see chapter 2). As in Suphanburi, perceptions of relative deprivation generated a sense of bitter resentment toward the central state among the residents of Niigata. One farmer fhrmer lamented, "The largest number of migrant workers workers [from Niigata] have used in Japan]. We built the subways been used in the big cities of omote Nippon [frontside Japan]. and buildings, buildings, bullet trains and- highways, but we have never received the benefits."66 "People over there [in Tokyo] have never seen the snow," Tanaka himself cried out. As Schlesinger puts it aptly, the "snow" in this terse statement "meant not heaped on top by the national just nature's hardship but the indignities and neglect heaped government." 67 Underneath the glamorous and well-studied story of Japan's "economic miracle" in the post-Edo period lie the lesser known stories of underprivileged prefectures such as Niigata. when he was first elected to the Diet in 1947, Tanaka worked hard From the time when on improving the lot of Niigata's citizens. This was his paramount concern from the beginning, especially in 1972-74, when he served beginning, served as the first Niigata-bom prime prime history. As a person bom into a peasant family in Niigata, he minister in Japanese history. was acutely acutely aware of his his prefecture's backwardness, just as Banham was was of was Suphanburi's. Bent on rectifying this condition, Tanaka made made visible contributions to local development, development, including including the construction and elevation of numerous riverbanks riverbanks to reduce reduce floods. Many of these reinforced riverbanks .now now feature monuments of Tanaka that have been erected erected by Niigata residents as tokens of their gratitude. Equally important are the large large number of roads, bridges, railways, and tunnels built by Tanaka, which now interconnect formerly isolated parts of Niigata and also link Niigata to Tokyo. Niigata is also the only prefecture in "backside Japan" to be served by the bullet train—a cardinal mark of modernity in postwar Japan. Thanks to these transportation networks, it now takes less than two hours to reach Tokyo from have Niigata. Moreover, the massive infrastructure projects implemented by Tanaka have created jobs and have stimulated more vigorous commerce in in the prefecture, thereby reducing the need for permanent or temporary emigration.68 He achieved all this by channeling more public funds into Niigata than into any of Japan's forty-six other "On a per capita basis, the snow snow country got two and a half times the prefectures. "On national average" in public works funds. Not surprisingly, Tanaka came under heavy fire for showering favors on his home home prefecture; He was unfazed, however, saying: "This is the last thing I can stop." 69 Many outside critics view Tanaka's infrastructure projects as the breeding breeding Etsuzankai (The ground for his corruption.70 His critics typically target the Etsuzankai ■ ■■ ... ■■ ►
“66 Schlesinger, Schlesinger, Shadow Shoguns, Shoguns, pp. 38, 39. 67 Ibid., p. 99. Ibid., 68 Ibid., Japan: The Search Way out via Regionalism Regionalism Ibid., p. 44; Gilbert Rozman, "Backdoor Japan: Search for a Way and Decentralization," Journal of Japanese Studies 25,1 25,1 (1999):15., 69 Schlesinger, Schlesinger, Shadow Shoguns, Shoguns, p. 103. 70 Tanaka: The Making James Babb, Babb, Tanaka: Making of Postwar Japan (Edinburgh: Pearson Pearson Education, 2000); 2000); Johnson, "Tanaka Corruption,; and the Advent of Machine Chalmers Johnson, "Tanaka Kakuei, Structural Corruption,,
*
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Authority and and Provincial Provincial Identity Identity in Thailand Thailand 222 Political Authority
Mountains), a group of Tanaka's local supporters Association for Crossing the Mountains), established in 1953. The Etsuzankai served as an institutional conduit conduit through which established pork-barrel project after another—"big another—"big money," money/' in short short—into Tanaka pumped one pork-barrel —into central government. Accordingly, over the years the Etsuzankai Niigata from the central mushroomed into a huge huge corruption-ridden corruption-ridden local electoral machine for Tanaka. Tanaka. mushroomed wrong, are one-sided, however. however. They mask the the These critiques, while certainly not wrong, deep and politicized meaning contained in the symbolic designation, designation, profoundly deep Mountains." The designation designation meant much more more than the simple simple "Crossing the Mountains." ranges that separated Niigata from Tokyo; it physical act of crossing the mountain ranges was the condensed expression expression of Niigata people's collective yearning to overcome was backwardness that had had effectively been been imposed imposed on them by the discriminatory the backwardness state.71 Tanaka made made this dream come true. true. As Banham has has done done in central state. Suphanburi, Tanaka redressed what what local people people had had perceived as as the the historical Suphanburi, home prefecture had had suffered at the hands hands of the central central injustice that their home government. developmental resources into Niigata, he gave his government. By pumping developmental constituents due. Niigata's farmers, farmers, in particular, particular, found immense immense emotional emotional constituents their due. was a poorly educated educated man from gratification in this change, because Tanaka was diem, yet he was was powerful powerful enough enough to push much much better humble origins just like them, Tokyo—die embodiment of the callous central central state state — educated, elite bureaucrats in Tokyo—the secure a disproportionate disproportionate amount of funds for the formerly disadvantaged disadvantaged to secure prefecture.72 prefecture. result of Tanaka's actions, "Niigata's "Niigata's sense of remoteness remoteness dissipated, dissipated, and As a result with, if not the country seemed to join the rest of Japan." 73 He put Niigata on a par with, ahead of, many other prefectures. prefectures. Tanaka thus became became a veritable Robin Hood ahead conducted in Niigata, which asked, developmental hero. According to one survey conducted the people that Niigata has has produced since the "Of all the the Meiji period, who are you most proud proud of?" more than 50 percent of the respondents respondents chose Tanaka, and he won 74 more votes dian than any other Scholars who odier individual, individual.71 who reduce reduce Tanaka's Tanaka's actions to pork-barrel politics cannot cannot sufficiently explain why why Niigata's people people took so dirty pork-barrel much much pride pride in him. him. The pride in in Tanaka translated into into emergent emergent pride pride in Niigata. Niigata. Residents of the prefecture came to acquire "a sense that they all belonged belonged to the one and and the same developed by Tanaka. Tanaka.75 The rise of this comradeship comradeship in the local community" developed prefecture—a kind kind1 of positive positive social identity—cut identity—cut across the divisions divisions of age, class, prefecture—a and occupations. Plainly, whoever and whoever rallied behind behind Tanaka's slogan, "Develop "Develop Niigata, embraced the collective identity identity centered centered on pride pride in his Our Home," embraced accomplishments. accomplishments. Politics in Japan," Journal of Japanese Studies 12,1 (1986): 1-28; Gavan McCormack, McCormack, The (New York, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2001), pp. 25-77; Schlesinger, Emptiness of Japanese Affluence (New Shadow Shoguns, pp. pp. 107-45; Brian Woodall, Woodall, Japan under Construction: Corruption, Politics, and Public Works (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1996). 71 Schlesinger, Schlesinger, Shadow Shoguns, p. 42. 72 Ibid., p. 102; Yo Mizuki, Tanaka Kakuei Sono Kyozen to Kyoaku (Tokyo: Nihon Nihon Keizai Shinbunsha, Shinbunsha, 1998), pp. pp. 68, 107. 73 Schlesinger, Schlesinger, Shadow Shoguns, p. 44. 74 Mizuki, Tanaka Kakuei Sono Kyozen to Kyoaku, p. p. 289. Mizuki, 75 Hayano, Tanaka Kakuei to 'Sengo' no Seishin, p. p. 198. Hayano,
Banharn in Theoretical and Comparative Perspectives 223 In light of this this context, context .we we can. better understand why Tanaka repeatedly repeatedly won scandals that that plagued his landslide victories at the polls, despite all the corruption scandals turned deaf ears to the political career. As Schlesinger relates, many voters in Niigata turned scandals; regarding regarding them as an "inhuman ... frame-up" by the "degree-holding elite plot" to "crush "crush the one man because [Tanaka] [Tanaka] is not a university university graduate" or as. "a plot" who had stood up for the snow country against the Pacific Coast cabal." Others Others believed that Tanaka was was corrupt. But for these people, he was not a criminal in a negative sense; he was "Niigata’s "Niigata's [heroic] criminal." "If ;the parent had not robbed," one mayor in Niigata explained, explained, comparing Tanaka to the father of a poor family, "the children children would have died." 76 As is the case with Banharn, the more the national "the media criticized Tanaka, the more passionately Niigata's Niigata's voters supported and defended him, him, often in highly partisan partisan ways that uninitiated outsiders found irrational. This defensive general defensive group response Was exemplified by’ the outcome of the general arrested for his sensationally election in 1976, held one one year after Tanaka was was arrested publicized involvement in the Lockheed bribery bribery scandal. 77 Contrary to popular expectations, Tanaka scored a landslide landslide victory, receiving 168,522 votes —more than three times the votes for the candidate candidate who came in second. 78 His arrest arrest did little to shake the support of his constituents. As one woman woman explained, "Tanaka shake "Tanaka sensei is a Tanaka sensei no politician ’who *who loves his his homeland ... We will believe and support Tanaka matter what." 79 More strikingly, in the election of December 1983, held just two months after the Tokyo District Court found Tanaka guilty of accepting accepting bribes, he scored the scored another overwhelming victory, receiving a record-breaking 220,761 votes; the candidate candidate who placed second garnered only 48,324 votes.80 In his conversation with me, one elderly farmer in Niigata, an ardent ardent supporter of Tanaka over the decades, explained and recollected his decision to vote vote for Tanaka at the time as as follows: explained [Tanaka] sensei had had helped us when when we were in hard times. Now Now sensei was was facing hard times: We said said to ourselves, "It "It is time for us to unify to show our show to the rest of Japan loyalty and gratitude to him. It is time for Niigata to show much we appreciate appreciate sensei's achievements." We couldn't couldn't abandon abandon him just how much one or two incidents ... I know why because of one why people elsewhere badmouthed us,’the people in Niigata, there sensei,and and I don't don't blame them. But for many of us/ couldn't have have been a better Diet member than sensei ... We could could never never forget what he had done for us. We were in his debt. We are forever in his debt ... We would ingrates [if we had not voted for Tanaka]. would have been called ingrates road that To illustrate his point, this man pointed his finger at one inter-prefectural road Tanaka built through Niigata, saying, "If not for sensei, who would have paid Tanaka paid 76
Schlesinger, Shadow Shoguns, pp. 98, 99, 100, emphasis emphasis mine. This scandal involved the US-based aerospace company Lockheed, which bribed Tanaka (and other individuals in Japan) to buy its airplanes. 1 78 Hayano, Tanaka Kakuei to‘Sengo' 'Sengo' no Seishin, p. 303. 79 Schlesinger, Shadow Shoguns, p. 105. Normally meaning meaning "teacher," the term sensei is also used to refer with respect to politicians. *■ 80 Hayano, Tanaka Kakuei to‘Sengo' ‘Sengo’ no Seishin, p. 303. T r 77
i
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developing Niigata? Only the Pacific Coast area would would have have developed. developed. attention to developing We would be still stuck stuck in heavy snow." snow."81 people in Niigata, Tanaka has has become an integral integral component component of Thus, for many people emotionally charged, charged, prefectural identity. identity. This does not mean, of course, that their emotionally everyone in Niigata holds holds a favorable favorable view of Tanaka, Tanaka, but the majority of the everyone who remember remember the socioeconomic prefecture's residents residents —especially the elderly who conditions in the pre-Tanaka pre-Tanaka era era—recount honor him him as the creator of conditions —recount narratives that honor changing social geography geography of post-Meiji the "no-longer-backward" "no-longer-backward" Niigata in the changing Japan. His achievements achievements are are now neatly neatly displayed displayed and enshrined enshrined in the the Museum Museum for Japan. Commemorating Kakuei Tanaka, built in in 1998, in his hometown. At the same time, Commemorating linger on in in the form of his daughter Makiko, a controversial, controversial, the legacies of his rule linger sharp-tongued member of the Lower House, representing representing Niigata since 1993. Caught sharp-tongued reminiscent of her father's career, Makiko was was forced to resign from her in a situation situation reminiscent in August 2002 amid a well-publicized scandal concerning her her malfeasance. post in months earlier, earlier, she had had been been kicked out of her party, party, the Liberal Democratic Seven months general election held in November November 2003, however, however, she she won Party (LDP). In the general despite the fact that she ran as an independent. A sixty-six-year-old reelection, despite resident of Nagaoka, Nagaoka, one of the cities in Niigata through through which the bullet train now now resident runs, thanks to Tanaka, explained explained his support for her: her: "It was was all thanks to Kakuei runs, drat much ... It doesn't doesn't matter whether whether Makiko is in the tire that Nagaoka has grown this much independent. I am voting voting for the 'Tanaka 'Tanaka Party.'" Party.'"82 LDP or is an independent. Ferdinand Marcos
Ferdinand Marcos (1917-89) of the Another politician who resembles Banham is Ferdinand Philippines. Filipinos (and non-Filipinos) in general general regard Marcos as the president who plundered plundered the state.83 However, However, in his home home region of Ilocos, located in the who tire Philippines, Marcos is still fondly remembered remembered as "the "the best northernmost part of the leader leader the Philippines Philippines ever ever had." 84 His pictures pictures are "hung in government offices districts."85 A survey, survey, conducted conducted a few years years after his his fall throughout the Ilocano districts." "whether farmers, from power in 1986, similarly found that for many Ilocanos, "whether businessmen, Marcos approximated their concept concept of a true leader." 86 teachers, or businessmen, As was was true in the cases of Banham Banham and Tanaka, these positive images images of Marcos As emerged because he boosted Ilocanos' collective pride pride by developing developing their home emerged region. During the tire US colonial and early independence independence periods, Ilocos was was regarded regarded region. 81
Interview in Niigata, January 9, 2007. Interview in Niigata, Times, October October 2003. Japan Times, 83 Belinda Aquino, Aquino, Politics of Plunder: The Philippines under Marcos (Quezon (Quezon City: City: University University of Belinda tire Philippines Philippines College of Public Public Administration, 1987); James James Boyce, The Philippines: The the Growth'and Impoverishment in the Marcos Era (Honolulu, (Honolulu, HI: University University of Political Economy of Growth'and John Bresnan, Bresnan, Crisis in the Philippines: The Marcos Era and Beyond Hawaii Press, 1993); John (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Princeton University University Press, 1986); and Paul Hutchcroft, Booty Capitalism: The (Ithaca, NY: Cornell Cornell University University Press, 1998). Politics of Banking in the Philippines (Ithaca, 84 June 2, 1995, p. 80. Asiaweek,June 85 Eileen Guerrero, Corazon Aquino and the Brushfire Revolution (Baton Rouge, Rouge, Robert Reid and Eileen LA: Louisiana State State University, University, 1995), p. 38. 86 88 Fernando Fernando Zialcita, Zialcita, "Perspectives on Legitimacy Legitimacy in in Ilocos Norte," Norte," in From Prom Marcos to io Aquino: Benedict Kerkvliet and Resil Local Perspectives on Political Transition in the Philippines, ed. Benedict Mojares Mojares (Manila: Ateneo Ateneo de Manila Manila University University Press, 1991), p. 274.
82
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were Suphanburi and Niigata at one time. A as "a backwater upcountry,"87 as were rugged mountainous region "most "most vulnerable vulnerable to typhoons and flooding," flooding," IIocos Ilocos is rugged "cursed with a harsher harsher environment environment than other regions." Exposed constantly to the "cursed disasters, and and yet deprived deprived of welfare services from the central fear of natural disasters, government, develop a large large number of community-based community-based government, Ilocanos were forced to develop Ilocos, in fact, had a higher higher number of such such associations associations than than self-help associations; IIocos, tire country. Left to their own devices, the Ilocanos had had to live any other region in the . . . less money, and less comfort than than their countrymen in other, other, lusher lusher regions regions "with ... Luzon."88 Much of their income came from the production of tobacco and and the ...of Luzon." members who who had had migrated to Hawaii Hawaii and the remittances sent sent by their family members general to "jeer at American west coast.89 It was common, therefore, for Filipinos in general backwardness ...."" ...,"90-Objectively speaking, IIocos Ilocos may not have have been their [Ilocanos'] backwardness among the tire most destitute destitute regions in the tire Philippines, but the popular popular perceptions perceptions of among distance from Manila, suggested otherwise. otherwise. the region, reinforced by its great distance Under these circumstances, Marcos became a regional hero hero for Ilocanos. During Under senator, and and president president (1949j-86), (1949-86), IIocos Ilocos "benefited "benefited from his terms as as a congressman, senator, share of infrastructure projects and government government jobs," whereas a disproportionate disproportionate share provinces of Marcos's political rivals, were denied denied other provinces, especially the provinces was Marcos's top -priority. priority. Thus, IIocos Ilocos became the funds. Road construction was recipient of "miles of cement pavement pavement and and the best roads roads in the republic." Bridges recipient and schools sprang up "literally "literally by the thousands." In addition, addition, Marcos built built an and and a five-star hotel, which considerably improved the image of IIocos. Ilocos.91 He airport and considerably improved recruited an unprecedented unprecedented number of fellow Ilocanos into the bureaucracy, bureaucracy, the also recruited congress, the military, and the courts. At the same time, he "returned regularly regularly to IIocos Ilocos ... to meet with with his his people," sending sending a strong strong symbolic message that "he had not forgotten his origins." 92 not The result result of these actions was resilient support for Marcos at the local level. his massive pork-barrel pork-barrel projects projects and and shameless "Ilocanization" "Ilocanization" of Filipino While his politics invited invited severe criticisms from outsiders, outsiders, the six million ordinary Ilocanos took pride pride in their region, which Marcos turned turned into the object of others' others' envy and "Marcos's ascent to power power tipped the scales" in favor of IIocos. Ilocos.93 antagonism. Plainly, "Marcos's Accordingly, many Ilocanos "revered Marcos as one of their own," as the developer developer disadvantaged region. 94 On the day of the national assembly of their long-neglected, disadvantaged example, one Ilocano, with with "his eyes ablaze ablaze with fierce loyalty to election in 1984, for example, 87
Personal communication with Patricio Patricio Abinales, November November 11, 2008. Personal GregBahkoff, Greg Bankoff, "The Dangers Dangers of Going It Alone: Social Capital and the Origins Origins of Community Community Resilience in the Philippines," Continuity and Change 22,2 (2007): 341-42, 346; Sandra Sandra Burton, Impossible Dream: The Marcoses, the Aquinos, and the Unfinished Revolution (New York, NY: William Rempel, Rempel, Delusions of aa.fDictator: Warner Books, 1989), p. 37; and William dictator: The Mind of Marcos as MA: Little, Little, Brown and Company, Company, 1993), p. 10. Revealed in His Secret Diaries (Boston, MA: 89 Personal communication with with Ben Kerkvliet Kerkvliet in in 2007. Personal 90 Zialcita, "Perspectives "Perspectives on Legitimacy in in IIocos Ilocos Norte," Norte," p. p. 283. Zialcita, 91 David A Changeless Land: Continuity and Change in Philippine Politics (Singapore: David Timberman, A (Singapore: Institute Studies, 1991), p. 96; Rempel, Institute of Southeast Southeast Asian Asian Studies, Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator, p. 19; and David Wurfel, Wurfel, Filipino Politics: Development and Decay (Ithaca, (Ithaca, JNY: jNY: Cornell Cornell University University Press, 1988), p. 272. I; 92 Zialcita, Zialcita, "Perspectives "Perspectives on Legitimacy Legitimacy in in IIocos Ilocos Norte," p. p. 274. , 93 Ibid., p. 284. "’■‘ Reid Reid and Guerrero, Guerrero, Corazon Aquino and the Brushfire Revolution', p. 38. 88
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region's favorite favorite son," commented commented to an outsider that "the vote will be one the region's hundred percent percent for the tire KBL [Kilusang Bagong Lipunan, a party led by Marcos], Marcos]in hundred in Philippines today." today/'95 this town, as as it should should be all over the Philippines identification with Marcos is reflected, as one study study Ilocanos' strong sense of identification grassroots-level social narratives narratives that defend defend his alleged alleged found, in a variety of grassroots-level wrongdoings. For example, few Ilocanos believe that Marcos was as corrupt as is wrongdoings. widely reported. They do not blame Marcos, either, either, for the multi-billion dollar debt debt widely Philippines incurred under his presidency. presidency. Instead, Instead, they put the blame blame on that the Philippines Imelda, an allegedly typical Visayan known known to have "extravagant" "extravagant" and his wife, Imelda, "expensive tastes." In contrast, they uphold uphold Marcos Marcos as a model of what what every good "expensive should be: frugal and humble. humble. He "cared "cared little for meat [a sign sign of Ilocano man should and preferred "boiled "boiled vegetables flavored with with opulent living]" in his daily meals and fishpaste"—a symbol symbol of humble humble living. living. Even during the fancy wedding wedding fermented fishpaste" ceremony for his his daughter, daughter, Marcos is believed to have asked for "a simple simple dish of ceremony the presidential presidential palace, he he "ate "ate with his fingers—just like an bittermelons." While in the ordinary farmer."96 ordinary Furthermore, although conventional conventional wisdom wisdom has has it that Marcos was was the Furthermore, behind the assassination of his archrival, Benigno Aquino Jr., in 1983, mastermind behind share this view. The majority of Ilocanos also embrace embrace the narratives few Ilocanos share widely reported reported accounts of the People's Power Power Revolution Revolution of that challenge the widely smooth assumption assumption of power power by 1986. They believe that, far from blocking the smooth presidential election of Benigno's widow, Cory Aquino, Marcos actually won the presidential Movement for Free Elections, a supposedly supposedly neutral 1986. They criticize the National Movement body that oversaw oversaw the 1986 election, for "being partial to Aquino." Aquino." Aquino's Aquino's supporters were were "poor sports, so they could not admit that their candidate candidate lost ... interesting is the they were Manila people who disliked Marcos, an Ilocano." Equally interesting that Juan Ponce Enrile and Fidel Ramos, Marcos's Marcos's trusted trusted subordinates, subordinates, local belief that whose last-minute last-minute betrayal betrayal clinched his his downfall, downfall, "turned against against Marcos because "willingly stepped stepped down down from the Cory paid them to do so." Nonetheless, Marcos "willingly presidency" to disperse disperse the huge huge crowd crowd of protesters, protesters, which many Ilocanos interpret presidency" proof" of his humility. humility. In their eyes, Aquino Aquino was was not the heroine heroine who as "further proof" restored restored democracy democracy to the Philippines, Philippines, as as is commonly commonly believed. Far from it. She represented an "undemocratic" "undemocratic" government that "forcibly" displaced displaced instead represented Marcos, their hero hero and and the legitimate legitimate winner winner of the 1986 election, from power. power.97 exaggerated, and and unpersuasive as these "articles "articles of faith" may Unsubstantiated, exaggerated, seem to outsiders, outsiders, the narratives form a "legitimate" "legitimate" discourse discourse at the tire local level and play an important part in sustaining Ilocanos' pride in Marcos, just as their counterparts in Suphanburi bolster their pride pride in Banham. Of course, not all Ilocanos supported Marcos. Yet many do do continue continue to honor honor the man who developed developed backward backward IIocos. To preserve diis this image, they have have him as die with all sorts of imagined imagined stories stories or pieces of gossip. This is why why IIocos still come up with remains "the "the Solid North," North," the "fiercely loyal loyal bastion" of popular support for remains nearly two two decades after his death. His His lingering lingering legacy is reflected, in Marcos,98 even nearly part, in the firm dynastic control that has been bequeathed bequeathed to his son Ferdinand part, 95
Burton, Impossible Dream, p. 217. Zialcita, "Perspectives on Zialcita, "Perspectives on Legitimacy Legitimacy in in IIocos Norte," pp. 275, 276-77. 97 Ibid., pp. pp. 276, 278-80. 98 Rempel, Delusions of a Dictator, pp. 15, 127. Rempel,
96
Banharn in in Theoretical and and Comparative Perspectives Perspectives 227 227 Banham
Marcos Jr., the governor (1983-86, 1998-2007) and congressman (1992-95, 2007present) of IIocos Ilocos Norte, and his daughter Imee, a congresswoman congresswoman from Ilocos Norte (1998-2007). To be sure, many factors, such as coercion and control over the local 'it economy, have helped insure this dynastic succession, yet we cannot understand 'it considering the regional pride that Marcos engendered. fully without considering In recent years, Imee has striven to counter the negative images images that Filipinos in general have of her late father. This has led her 'to general to initiate an ambitious project to rewrite presidency. 99 This ideological project rewrite the widely accepted history of Marcos's presidency." may well be superfluous for the supporters of Marcos in IIocos. Ilocos. They do not need need such reminders from the elite to enhance their respect for the region's former benefactor; they are capable of developing their own narratives. Kim Kim Dae Jung Jung
'• Bush, George W., 234 ■ C Callahan, William, 14 Carabao, Carabao, Ad, Ad, 26 ■Cathay Group, 75 Cathay Trust Group, ceremonies, 139, 140, 148-164 148-164 ceremonies, 143 Chachoengsao Province, 143 Chai Chidchob, Chidchob, 214, 215 Chainat education, 37f Chainat Province compared to Suphanburi, 165, 165, 169, 169, 185; 143; general, 143; highways, 49, 52, 93, 95, 96, 99, 134 Chakri dynasty, 35, 37 Chaliao Wacharaphuk, 90 challenges (political) (political) to Banharn, 4, 80-83, 80-83, 108-109, 194-195 108-109, 194A195 Chamlong Srimuang, 1 changwal-myom 178 changwat-niyom (provincialism), (provincialism), 178 chaoban dueat rorn ("Villagers in Deep dtaoban Deep Trouble" TV program), 132 Trouble" Chao Phraya delta, 2, 33-34 33-34 62-66, Chaophraya Yommarat Hospital, 35, 62-66, 122, 191-192 191-192 Chaowarin Lathasaksiri, 103 charges (political) (political) against Banharn, 181, 186-193 186-193 Charnchai Prasertsuwan, 203 Chart Thai Party, 193; Banharn membership, 80; 201-202; disbanding of, 201-202; leadership and politics, politics, 8, 89, 90, 94, 103, leadership 103, 196-197, 198; 196-197,
strength of, 86-88, 86-88, 169 Party, 202 Chart Thai Phattana Party, 105 Chatichai Choonhavan, 94, 105 Chat Tao-poon, 202 Chawak Marsh, 119 Chiang Mai Construction, 215 Province, 21, 132, 172, 172, 185, 216 Chiang Mai Province, Chiang Rai Borikan, 216 Chiang Rai Province, 216 Chidchob clan, 215 "child 51-55 "child of a mistress," mistress," 51-55 Chinese Association of Suphanburi, 60 Cholla (South Korea), Korea), 21, 227-231 227-231 182-183, 184 Chonburi Province, 15, 182-183, 175-176, 186, 198, 213, 234 Chuan Leekpai, 175-176, Lim thong, 60 Chuan Limthong, Chumpol, Banharn's Banharn's brother, 94, 103, 202 Chumpol, Chun Doo Hwan, 228 "Clean and Pollution-free Suphanburi," 191 191 "Clean and collective collective identity, 24, 25, 27, 206-208, 206-208, 211, 213 College Physical Education of Suphanburi College of Physical Education.of 103 (CPES),102, 102, 103 Communist Party of Thailand (CPT), 40, 41, 68, 70 comparisons to other MPs, MPs, 174-176, 174-176, 213-236 213-236 conditions conditions in Suphanburi, pre-Banharn, 33-42 33-42 Connors, Michael, 234 Connors, Michael, Constitutional Court, 86, 201, 202, 232, 233 "continuous funds," funds," 95, 99, 105 105 contributions (personal) to local local development by district, 1(1-77 76-77 corruption discourse, 182-187 182-187 critics of Banharn, 9, 61, 173-174, 173-174, 181, 193 193 critics Party' CT Party, see Chart Thai Party x
D Damrong Chonwijarn, 61 Dan Chang District and Banharn leadership, leadership, 130-131; 130-131; protest against Anant, 81; schools, 66, 68, 83, 118, 130-131; schools, 130-131; signboards, signboards, 145, 145, 146; assistance, 70 welfare assistance, defending Banharn, 109-111, 109-111, 181-203 181-203 democracy in Thailand, 13, 112-113, 112-113, 231, 233-235 233-235 "democrasubjection," 234 democratization and Thailand, 1, 8, 231, 235 Democrat Party elections, 214, 215, 233; and elections, leadership, leadership, 109, 174, 175, 175, 198, 213; in southern southern Thailand, 14; strength of, 86, 213; 129-130 Deng Xiao Ping, 129-130 Department Department of Accelerated Accelerated Rural Development (DARD), 92, 94
Index
Department of Highways Banharn's authority, 121, 122, 128, and Banham's 133 funds allocation, 40, 49-50, 52, 153; road projects in Suphanburi, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 99, 101 Physical Education, 49, 103 Department of Physical Department of Public Works, 60-61, 80, 89, • 94, 125, 141 Department of Religions, 107 Department of Transport and -Communications, 89, 90, 94 Derm Bang Nang Buat District, 70, 107, 119, 130, 146, 163 detractors of Banharn. see critics development (Suphanburi), 23-24, 62-108; "Banham factor," factor," 167-168; "prestige goods" on display, 174 "prestige "developmentalism," "developmentalism," 169 "developmental" state, state, 42-44 Diet (Japanese), 220, 221, 223 Dilok Phatwichaichoot, 130, 143, 193 districts of Suphanburi, 8 DOH. see Department of Highways domination and obedience, 129, 205-208, 212-213, 215 Dominican Republic, Republic, 7 donations by Banharn to local development, development, 62-71, 76-79 don bandarn (the magic to to make the the impossible possible), 158 Don Chedi District battle against Burma, 34; Don Chedi Festival, 26; highways, 100; protest against Anant Senakhant, 81; schools, 65, 66, 76-77; sewage system, 131-132 Don Kam Yan Subdistrict, 46 Don Makluea Temple School, 155 Don Tarl Subdistrict, 17, 44, 45 Don Tarl Public Works DPW. see Department of Public Dvaravati civilization, 33-34 E Easton, David, 17 "eating the state," 48-49 »> economic crisis (in Thailand) of 1997, 7 education system system (central region of Thailand), 36, 37 elections (Thailand), see national elections Electoral Commission, 232 ■Electoral "7-Eleven Store," 7 Enrile, Enrile, Juan Ponce, 226 Etsuzankai (Niigata, Japan), Japan), 221, 222 "expert narratives," narratives," 208 extra-village identity, 148
249 249
F farming, see agriculture (Suphanburi) favoritism toward Suphanburi, 85, 108-109, 110-112, 176 Fine Arts Department, 118 Fine Foucault, Michel, 124, 129 "frontside Japan," 220, 221 G Geertz, Geertz, Clifford, 29, 134 General Tobacco company, 216 "geography of ceremonies," 149 "golden age" age" of Suphanburi, 33-34 Grand National Party (South Korea), 230 Gross Provincial Product (historical), 10, 35 "Group of Suphan's Suphan's Blood," 81, 196 "guaranteed funds," 95 H Handley, Paul, 68 road development highway projects, see road (Suphanburi) (Suphanburi) Hinton, Peter, 122 Hinton, history of Suphanburi, 33-42 history Hobsbawm, Eric, 12, 20, 157 hospital donations (by Banharn), 62-65 "Hyde Park" speeches, 80 Hyundai, 50 I Ilocos (Philippines), (Philippines), 224-227 image of Suphanburi, 166-174 ]j India, 20 "ineffectual" state, state, 49-51 inferiority, 54, 180, 190, 209-213. see also superiority and "backward" Suphanburi Inglehart, Ronald, 174 Inglehart, inspections (by Banharn), 117-122 inspections itthiphon muet (dark influence) of Chidchob Chidchob clan, 215 clan,
J Jaemsai, Banham's Banharn's wife, 60, 63, 64, 68, 69, 70, Jaemsai, 149, 202 Japan, 219-224 Jaraja Thiengtham, 203 Jaranai Injai-uea, Injai-uea, 81, 200 Jongchai Thiangtham, 87, 94, 202, 203 ! K Kamphent Phet Province, Province, 171 Kanasoot secondary school, 106
250
Political Authority and Provincial Identity in Thailand
Kanchana, daughter of Banharn, 104, 149, 199, 200, 201, 203 Kanchanaburi Province, 37, 95, 96, 99, 134, 153, 169 Kane, John, 62 kan phattana (development (development concept), 27 group, 68, 130 Karen ethnic group, Karun, wife of Newin Chidchob, 215 Kerkvliet, Benedict, 3 Khamprakorp clan, 10 (toads on a festival float), khangkok kntten knuen wor (toads 174 KhaoDee Khao Dee Salak Temple, 118, 119, 120f,123 Khiang Matrasri, 15, 203 Kho Khok Tao subdistrict, subdistrict, 45, 197 Khok Jet Luuk village, 140-141, 142,147 Khon Kaen Province, 169, 213 Kiron Khwanjit Sriprachan, 75 Kiat Srifuengfung, 75 KiatSrifuengfung, Kilusang Bagong Lipunan, 226 Kim Dae Jung, 227-231 Kim Young Sam, 228, 229, 231 King Bhumibol, 75; and ceremony, general, general, 119, 120, 149; and Don Chedi Festival, 26; and school ceremony, 68; and Thailand reform, 1, 9, 69, 189; Thais' Thais' support for, 179 King Chulalongkorn, 35, 40 King Naresuan, 26, 27, 34, 74 King Ramkhamhaeng, 34 King Wang Kon, 227 kin muang (eating the state), 48-49 Kit Kiantisomkit, 153, 155, 158, 162,193 Koguryo dynasty (Korea), 227 Korhonen, Kuisma, 11 Kwangju City (Korea), 231 Kwangju uprising of 1980, 227, 229, 230 Kyongsang (Korea), 227, 228, 229 L Ladawan Wongsriwong, 168 Laitin, Lai tin, David, 209 Laos, 20, 216-219 Laothong Temple Primary School, 66 Larn Luang Road, 60-61 Lewis, Michael, 21 Liberal Democratic Party, 224 Liberal Justice Party, 196, 197 longju leadership leadership style, 117, 124, 125, 129-137 Lopburi Province, 34, 36, 37, 96, 99, 176 Luang Wichit Wathakan, 34, 74, 81 Luang Yuktasewee Wiwat, 61 tire mistress), 51-55 luuk mia noi (child of the luuk-thung songs, 26-27
M rem (Whenever a cat is maew mai yu, nuu raa rern away, mice will get happy), 118 Makha Lorn subdistrict, 88, 89, 90 Makiko, Tanaka's daughter, 224 Manas Ophakul, 34, 42, 51, 53 Manas Rung-ruang, 18, 200 Manila (Philippines), 225 map of Suphanburi, 8 Marcos, Ferdinand, 7, 224-227, 231 Marcos, Imee, 227 Marcos Jr., Ferdinand, 227 Matrasri Jakrakon construction company, 15, 203 i McCargo, Duncan, 69 Meiji Japan, 20 Mian Khrueasin, 65 Midgal, Joel, 212 Agriculture, 107 Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Education, Department of Religions, and Khao Dee Salak Temple, 118; and schools, 65, 66, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107, 108, 143 Ministry of Interior, 94, 95, 128 Ministry of Public Health, 104 Ministry of Transport and Communication, 95 Miss Thailand, 64 Miyazawa, Kiichi,104, 124 "Miyazawa Fund," 104, 124, 143 MOE. see Ministry of Education Mons ethnic group, 70, 71 Montri Pongpanich, 168, 175 Muang District anti-Banharn anti-Banham rally, 197; Banharn Silpa-archa Museum, 201; as birthplace of Banharn, 58; development contributions from Banharn, 18, 76-77; irrigation ditch, 46; roads and highways, highways, 17, 46, 100; schools, 36, 66, 143; signboards, 146 Muang municipality, 18, 58, 64, 75, 80, 147, 200 Muang Municipality Council, 79, 81 Mukdaharn Province, 166
N Nakhon Chaisri monthon (administrative unit), 35 Nakhon Pathom Province, 36, 37, 39, 44, 53, 96, 99, 168-169 Nakhon Ratchasima Province, 172, 173 Nakhon Sa wan Province, 133, 166 Sawan Nakhon Si Thammarat Province, 34 wnWeng-type leaders, 12, 117 nakleng-type
Index
Nakphanit construction company, 18 Narong Wongwan, Wongwan, 2, 10, 198, 215, 217, 219, 231 Nathawuth Prasertsuwan, 202 Nathee Thong, 108 National Assembly Assembly (South Korea), 229 National Economic Development Board (NEDB), 39-40 National Economic Development Plan, 46, 63 national elections, 83-84, 199, 200, 215, 217, 218 National Movement for Free Free Elections, 226 National Sports Competition, 167 National Theater, 74, 75 "naturally favored" provinces, 172 nepotism, 63, 181, 182 (accent of Suphanburians), 26 new (accent Newin Newin Chidchob, 133, 214, 215 "new Suphanburi," 179 Niigata (Japan), 220 Chansawang, 202 Nitiwat Chansawang, Nobel Peace Prize, 230 Nong Krathu subdistrict, 193 Nong .Nong Krathu village, 193 Nong Ya Sai subdistrict, 45 Nong Nonthaburi Province education, education, 37f Nopphadol Matrasri, 202 "normalizing" behavior, 124-125
O Oakes, Penelope, 211 Oakes, Tim, 51 obedience and domination, 129, 205-208, obedience 212-213, 215 "objective" history, 10, 11 Ockey, James, 117 omote Nippon (frontside emote (frontside Japan), 220, 221 P Paekche dynasty (Korea), 227 Paige, Jeffrey, 206, 208 Panawat Liangphongphan, 215 Pancha Pancha Kesorhthong, Kesornthong, 103 Park Chun Hee, 227, 228, 229 Patcharee Pothasuthon, Pofhasuthon, 203 patrimonial democracy, 112-113 patrimonial nature of the the state (Thailand), (Thailand), 86-88, 90, 106, 108, 116, 118, 128, 139, 153 patronage, 11-14, 16, 17, 22, 62 People's Alliance for Democracy, 232 People's Constitution, 132, 232, 233 People's Power Party, 233 People's Power Revolution of 1986, 226 perceptions of Suphanburi from the outside, 165-180 Petchaburi Province, 168, 184 Phaiboon Phanitcheewa, 75 Phaiboon
251
Phai Rongwua Temple, 54 Phajon Burunarot, 155, 157, 162 Phan-nga Province, 87 Phat Bunyaratphan, 41, 63, 73 phathana-niyom (developmentalism), 169 PhatthaphongWatanakrai, Phatthaphong Watanakrai, 195 Phayao Province, 167 Phetchabun Province, 70, 103 Phibun Songkhram, Songkhram, 26, 39, 74 , Phichit Province, 174-175, 184 f Philippines, 7, 224r-227 224-227 cheewit (songs for life), 26 phlaeng phuea cheeiuit Temple Primary School, 153-161, Phonsawan Temple 162 162 Phonsawan village, 134, 156, 157, 158, 161 Pho Phraya, 47 Photchara Yuwangprasit, 197 Photchara Phrae Province, Province, 2, 216, 217, 218 phudi-type politician, politician, 176 phudi-fype Phumphuan Duangchan, 26 Angkinan, 10, 168 Piya Angkinan, popularity surge, Banharn, 75-79 Prakhong Suwanpratheep, 71 Pramarn Adireksarn, 89, 94, 125, 133, 163 Praphat Photsuthon, 94, 202 Prasathong Primary School, 65 Prasathong t . Prasert Eraser t Pliangransi, 107 Prasit Kanchahawat, 80 Prasong Phon company, 202 Pratheep School, 70, 71, 71p Prem Prem Tinsulanonda, 1 goods" on display, display, 174 "prestige goods" Pridi Charoensil, 18, 200, 201 Prince Damrohg, Damrohg, 35, 47-49 Princess Sirinthon, 105 Princess Sirinthon College of Public Health, 104 : Prince U-Thong, 34 Privy Privy Council, 233 Provincial Administration Organization, 130, 153, 218 Provincial Administration Organization of Provincial Suphanbiiri, Suphanburi, 202 Provincial Chief of Education, 65 Provincial Provincial Hall, 119, 124, 127 provincial identity, 51-55, 139-164, 178-180, !i 212 Provincial Office of Accelerated Rural Development (POARD), 193 Provincial Office of Commerce, 190 Provincial Office of Education, 66, 119 Provincial Provincial Office of Highways Department (POHD),;95, 122, 130, 131, 132 (POHD),j95, Provincial Office of Primary School Education (POPSE), 130, 143, 153, 162, 193 !1 Provincial Office of Public Health, Health, 64 Provincial Offices of Education, Fine Arts, and Archeology, 123
252
Political Authority and Provincial Provincial Identity in Thailand
Provincial Provincial Police of Suphanburi, 200 Provincial Provincial Red Cross, 70 Provincial Stadium, 2, 105 "provincial theater," theater," 134 public health (Suphanburi), 35-36 Puea Phaendin Party, Party, 169
Q Queen Sirikit, 68, 69 R Ramos, Fidel, 226 Ratchaburi R'atchaburi Province, 36, 37, 96, 99, 102 rational choice theory, 205 "red-shirt" movement, 4, 233 "red-shirt" Regional Office of Highways Department (ROHD), 95, 128, 135 description, 2-5 research description, research restoration of honor to Suphanburi, 71-75 Rice Research Research Institute of Suphanburi, 107 rise rise to power (Banharn), 57-84 road development (Suphanburi), 88-101, 140-142 roads in Thailand (historical map), 38 (historical), 37—41 roads of Suphanburi 37-41 Suphanbtiri (historical), Woo, 228 Roh Tae Woo, Ruam Mitr Muang Rae company, 202 "rural developmentalism," 169 rural politics (Thailand), domination, 7-29 mainstream discourse, 10-19; previous research on rural-based research on politicians, 1; strongmen, 1, 11-12, 14 rural-urban divide, 232-235 rural voters voters stereotype, 231-236 S Saha Srichai chemical chemical company, 182 Saha Srichai construction company, 60, 61, 107, 125 Sai Au hotel, 60 Said, Said, Edward, 177 Sai Jai, sister of Banharn, 60 Sakaew Subdistrict, 48 Sa Krajom Subdistrict, 49 Samakkhi Tham (Moral Unity) Party, 217 Samak Sundaravej, 233 Sam Chuk District, 70, 107 Samerkan Thiangtham, 202 Sanam Chai subdistrict, 142 Sanan Kachonprasert, 174-175, 184 (Admiral), 74 Sa-ngat Chalor-yu (Admiral), Sa-ngiam Charoensil, Charoensil, 81 "Sangkhalok "Sangkhalok Bowl," 72-73, 83 Sanit Supasiri, 218
1, 99t, 133, 163, 167 Saraburi Province, 96 96t, Sarit Thanarat, 1, 43-44, 48, 61, 122 sarn chaopho lak muang (shrine of Suphanburi), 57 Sathian Wongwichian, 95, 109 Sawat Meephian, 48, 64, 66, 67, 73, 81 Schlesinger, Jacob, 220, 221, 223 school construction projects, projects, 65-70, 102, 103, 130-131, 143-144 Scott, James, 3, 43 Korea), 228 Seoul (South Korea), Niyom Party, 196 Seri Niyqm Seri shrine of Suphanburi, 57 century, 33-34 Siam, pre-eighteenth century, Siam, Siam administrative reorganization, 35 Siam Siam Tobacco Export Corporation, 216 signboards (on (on Banharn), 139-148 Silla dynasty (Korea), 227 "Silpa-archa "Silpa-archa Building," 143, 144 "Silpa-archa Gymnasium," 105 Singburi Province, Province, 36, 37, 169 limited partnership, Sbmboon Kan Yotha limited Sin Sbmboon 143 Siri Siriyofhin, Siriyothin, 89 Siriwan Prasarjarksatru, 218 Siroj Wongsirojkul, Wongsirojkul, 182 soccer (women's) team, 106 (women's) team, Social Action Party (SAP), 87 social geography, 19-25, 179, 207, 210, 224, 230, 236 social social identity, 209-213 social social identity theory (SIT), 209, 210, 212 social narratives, 165-180, 206, 207-208, 210; organizing principle, 207-208 Solidarity Party, 169 Sombat Panitcheewa, Panitcheewa, 73 Somboon, elder brother of Banharn, 60, 61 Somboon, Somchai Sujit, 202 Somchai Wongsawat, 233 Somkiat Onwimon, 194 Somsak Prisananandhakul, 103, 104 Sondhi Boonyaratglin, 232, 233 Sondhi Limthongkul, 232 Song Phi Nong District District Buddha statue, 54; and civil servants, 127, 134; development, 75, 107, 193; signboards and ceremonies, 140, 143, 145, 153, 155 Songs ethnic group, 68 "songs for life," 26 Asian Games (1995),106 Southeast Asian "southern virtuosity," 234 South Korea, 21, 201, 227-231 speed of development, 173, 174 Sports Association of Suphanburi, 142 Sports School of Suphanburi (SSS),104-105, 106-107, 133, 143-144, 167, 172 Sriphol Limthong, 182
i
Index
Sri Saeng Public Works company, 182 Sri Sri Somboon Suwattana limited partnership, 143 state behavior and image, 42-50 state concept, 42-43 Suphanburi, 23, state funds allocation to Suphanburi, 85-113 hierachy, 20-21, 22 ■ status hierachy, • Steinmetz, George, 206 Suan Kularp College, 105 subdistrict, 89 Suan Taeng Taeng subdistrict, Suea Bai, 41 Suea Fai, 41 Mahesuan, 41 Suea Mahesuan, Sukhothai, Kingdom of, 34 Sukhothai, Sukit Nimmanhemin, Minister of Education (Bangkok), 66, 71 superiority of Suphanburi, 170-180 Suphanburians' identities, 27-28, 177-179 Suphanburi-Bangkok highway, highway, 99, 100, 191 Suphanburi Chamber Chamber of Commerce, 142 Suphanburi Department of Public Works, 49 "Suphanburi "Suphanburi model," 135 Suphanburi School of Agriculture, Agriculture, 102 Suphan Phanit company, 39 Suraphon Sombatcharoen, 26 surveillance of bureaucrats, 115-137 surveillance "Suvit Buri," 169 Suvit Khunkitti, 169, 213 Suwannaphum Temple, 73 "symbolic capital," 177 T
Tak Province, 133 Tamnan somdetphra Naresuan maharat (movie), 26 Tanaka, Kakuei, Kakuei, 216, 219-224, 231 Tancharoen construction company, company, 14, 15 Ta Pherm Pherm Khi Khi Village, 130-131 Ten Injunctions (Korea), 227 Tha Chin River, 54 Tha Thai-Asahi Soda company, 73, 89, 125 Thai-Asahi Caustic Soda Thai National Development Party, 202 Thai Rak Thai Party, 16, 169, 199, 200, 232, 233 Thai Rath, 166 Thai Somboon, Somboon, 60 Thai Tobacco Industrial company, 216 Thai Yong Phanit construction company, 60 Thaksin Shinawatra compared to Banharn, 132; and national identity, 27; and rural politics, 14, 16, 232; his father's support for Narong, 218; his and Thailand politics, general, 1, 5, 233, 235; and Thai Rak Thai Party, 169, 199 Tha-ngai Tha-ngai Prasajarksatru, 218 Thanom Kittikachon, , 43, 44, 48-49, 50, 73, 78 Thanom
253
Thap Kradan Primary School, 155 Thapthim Lekwat, Lekw at, 70 Thawal Aphirakyothin, 75 Thaweesak Thaweesak Suksawat, 103, 215 Thawil Sunthorasarnthul, 61 Thawon jampa-ngern, 142 Limited Partnership, Thawon Suphanburi Limited 141, 142 1 Thepawong company, 216 Therd Therd Thai faction, 217 "Third World democratization," 112 Thongyod Thongyod Jitaweera, 73, 83, 87 "toads "toads on on a festival festival float," float/' 174 Tokyo District Court, 223 Trang Province, 132, 171, 175, 186, 213 Triam Udom Suksa, 105 Jriam. TRT Party, see Thai Rak Thai Party Trujillo, Rafael, 7 U Udom, brother of Banharn, 60 Udom, "unfeeling" state, 49-51 United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship, 233 Ura-Nihon (backside Japan), 220 urban-rural divide, 232-235 versus them" them" dichotomy, 171 "us versus UthaiThani Uthai Thani Province, 36, 37, 93, 95, 96, 99, 100, 134 UthenTechaphaiboon, Uthen Techaphaiboon, 61 U-Thong District development, 47, 83, 143, 155; history, 33-34, 47, 54; Khao Dee Dee*Salak Temple, 118, 119; and ruralThai politics, 14, 15, 195, 196, 203 I U-Thong Municipality Council, Council, 195 V Vatthana Asavaheme, 10, 198 Verdery, Verdery, Katherine, Katlierine, 78, 180 "Villagers in Deep Trouble," 132 Scouts*, 68, 69 Village Scouts, “visible invisibility," 163 voting behavior of Suphanburians, 9, 10, 15, of'Suphanburians, 1; 17-18 W Waiphot Phetsuphan, 26, 75 Walker, Andrew, 13-14, 132, 185, 186 "walking ATM," 7 Waruni Osatharom, 55-56 Wat Makham Tao School, 130 WatMakham Phiham Daeng Daeng Primary School, 143, 144 Wat Phiham wealth, personal (Banharn), 8, 107-108 Weber, Eugen, 98
i
254
Provincial Identity in Thailand Political Authority and Provincial
Weber, Max, 62, 205 Howard, 17 Wechsler, Howard, Industrial Western Regional Office of Industrial Promotion in in Muang District, District, 190 Promotion "Whenever will get "Whenever a cat is away, away, mice will happy," 118 happy," White, Hayden, Hayden, 10-11, 27 White, Wiboon Janchai, Janchai, 106 Wiboon Wichai Duangchan, 89 Benchasil, 107 Wichit Benchasil, Wini Sribunma, 63 Wini Benjaphong, 95, 128 Winit Benjaphong, Wiphat Wiphat Khongmalai, 126 Watanakrai, 195, 196 Wirat Watan'akrai, Wolters, Oliver, 12 Worawuth, son son of Banharn, Banharn, 149, 199, 200, 201, Worawuth, 203 World Bank, Bank, 43, 50, 99 World Y Yea, Sallie, 201 "yellow-shirt" movement, 232 "yellow-shirt" movement, Kanasoot, 39 Yi Kanasoot, Manasikan, 10 Yingphan Manasikan, Yodchai Sujit, 75 Yong Yu Hong, 58, 60 Photsuthon, 202 Yutthana Photsuthon,
corrupt operator veloping
who for years
his own rural
province.
channeled
excessive state funds into
T h i s study reinterprets Banharn’s
and offers a detailed portrait of t h e voters w h o support extensive interviews, the author developed a strong provincial t h e i r province, Banharn.
Suphanburi,
The analysis
shows how Banharn’s
identity based on their
him.
challenges
career
Relying
on
constituents have
pride in his advancement
which many now call “Banharn-buri”
raises vital questions about
de-
simplistic perceptions of rural
of
. . . the place of Thai
voters and
contemporary democracy in Thailand.
“ H e r e is the story of Banharn Silpa-archa, the former PM and arch-electocrat ofThai politics, told by a scholar whose extensive field research and critical sympathy have enabled him to capture the complexity of Banharn’s talents and enduring reign. As Nishizaki demonstrates, Banharn’s success in the province of Suphanburi (aka Banharn-buri)
was not built on a sleazy mix of guns,
goons, and gold, but constructed through careful cultivation of a proud provincial identity and the targeted reallocation of state resources. This study by a political anthropologist
attuned to the
voices of Banharn’s rural constituents challenges all facile put-downs ofThai provincial voters as duped country bumpkins and charts a new direction for Thai political analysis.” — Kasian Tejapira,
Thammasat
University,
author
of Commodifying Marxism: The
Formation of Modern Thai Radical Culture, 1927-1958
SELECTED TITLES FROM CORNELL SOUTHEAST ASIA PROGRAM PUBLICATIONS The Ambiguous
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