Plutarch: Life of Cicero 0856683612, 9780856683619

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ARIS & PHILLIPS CLASSICAL

TEXTS

PLUTARCH The Life of Cicero

EDITED WITH AH INTRODUCTION,

J. L. Moles

TRANSLATION & COMMENTARY

BY

ARIS & PHILLIPS CLASSICAL TEXTS

PLUTARCH The Life of Cicero

with an Introduction, Translation and Commentary by

J.L. Moles

Aris & Phillips is an imprint of Oxbow Books

© J.L. Moles 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or stored in a retrieval system

or transmitted

in any

form

or by

any

means

including photocopying without prior permission of the publishers in writing.

First published 1988. Reprinted 2007.

ISBN 0-85668-361-2 ISBN 978-0-85668-361-9

A CIP record for this book is available-fzom the British Library

The Greek text edited; by A. ‚Lindskog / K. Ziegler 1964, 15 reprinted by kind permission of the: publishers: B.G. Teubner

Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CRO 4Y Y

To Ronny and Rachel

Contents Acknowledgements................... eee e eee eee eee testen enter snas tn senes enstn vi INTRODUCTION

1.

Using this book... eese νον νννονοννοννονονννονσον 1

2.

The Pleasures and Virtues of Plutarch................................... ss 4

3.

The Cicero: Structure and Theme...................... ον σον εν κεν νον enne 9

4.

Word Patterns. ....................ccsccccccccccccccsssesececccccesscecccecececerveeeense ceces 12

5.

Tramslation.................cccssccscccccecccccccccccscccssscsscccsccccceseccccecarsanscssesecess 16

6.

Complexity and Intent................................ esses —

7.

The Demosthenes-Cicero Pairing...........................essessss19

8.

The Sources of the Cicero.................. 1 eeeeeeeeeee eee enter rne 26

18

9. The Cicero: Biography, History, Literature and Truth................. 32 10. The Historical Value of the Cicero........................ 11. The

eere

46

Co CRRRRRRRRRRRRRRRRRRRRMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMMKFM—KYKEKS8SKKKNN 53

TEXT AND TRANSLATION ..........cccccccccsccsccccsscsccssececesseccsrcsescesessencevecenes 55 THE COMMENTARY... Γ}5}

ΡΝ

eret

rennen trente tete etes ete stes eas sei; 147

ΓΘ

ΙΝ

203 207

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It is a pleasure to thank John Aris for his patience and tolerance, Adrian Phillips for his helpfulness and concern over technical matters, the proprietors of the Teubner Press Leipzig for permission to reproduce Ziegler's text, and colleagues at Bangor and Durham for answering numerous

queries of one kind or another.

individuals: my

father

I am especially grateful to four

Professor Malcolm Willcock for wise advice on presentation, for many

improvements

to the translation,

Tony

Woodman

for

full and frank criticism of the introduction, and Chris Pelling, who read everything and made countless valuable comments and suggestions. J.L.M.

1 1 USING THIS BOOK Readers of Plutarch's Life of Cicero come

in all shapes and sizes:

they may be interested in literature, history, or philosophy; they may be Classicists of various hues, Ancient Historians,

they may

they

may

be

they

may

be

studying Plutarch or Cicero or both, in the 6th form, at undergraduate,

or

students,

have no Greek,

or complete non-Classicists;

scholars

or

post-graduate level; specialists or Roman

general

only a little, or a great deal; readers;

if they

are

students,

if they are scholars, they may be Plutarchean historians; if they are non-Classicists, their interest

will be in learning about one of the greatest Romans or gaining some sense of the qualities of one of the most popular Classical authors. |

This book is addressed to all of these. Such wide-ranging provision can be achieved only by certain omissions and compromises, some of which may raise traditionalist eyebrows. In order to save space and allow first-time readers of Plutarch to concentrate upon the text without distraction, the introductory discussions and the commentary dispense entirely

with

footnotes,

conventional

features

of

scholarly

presentation

such

as

secondary

references and explicit citation of, or disagreement

with, other scholars.

Except for sections 2 and 7 of the introduction, all

discussions restrict themselves to the Cicero; in the commentary references to other works are confined to those which contribute directly to the interpretation of the text (notably parallels from the paired Life of Demosthenes), or which illuminate Plutarch's use of sources. Obviously this restriction of focus bas disadvantages (the most serious being the failure to discuss how Plutarch's handling of a given incident or character varies

from

Life

to Life,

which

is simply

should be outweighed by the advantages.

too large

a topic)

but

these

Moreover, much of the material

has in fact wide implications: sections 3-6 outline a method

of approach

which can fruitfully be applied to practically all ancient literature,

section

8 should serve as a general introduction to source criticism, section 9 bear: on the question of the whole nature of Classical historiography. Finally, those who wish to explore Plutarch in greater breadth or depth can follow up the bibliographies appended to each discussion in the introduction within these bibliographies asterisks mark items suitable for the genera reader. The interests of first-time and Greek-less readers also require that the discussions assume no prior knowledge, that within the commentary al comments are directed towards the translation unless comment on the

2] Greek is absolutely necessary, and that everything that might be unfamiliar is properly explained. Nevertheless, I have tried throughout to bring the reader step by step to the very centre of the subject, even into areas of

great

controversy:

if things

are controversial,

it is because

they. are

interesting and important. Despite the stripped-down presentation, therefore, the materia! should interest scholars as well as other readers. The translation is similarly intended to be multifunctional: to convey to English readers the essential quality of a Classical text, to Classical

students the literal meaning of the Greek, and to Classical scholars the correct interpretation of problematical passages (see section 5). The fact that this book is written for different readers at different levels and with different interests naturally affects its use. Scholars will cheerfully skip material that seems to them elementary. First-time readers and students will need, and should have the self-confidence, to be selective

in their use of both introduction and commentary. The discussions in the introduction mount a cumulative and progressive argument, which may be worth spelling out here. Section 2

provides a very general introduction to Plutarch's writings, but includes some detailed references to the Cicero for later consideration. Section 3 offers a preliminary view of the shape and content of the work but also outlines some essential qualities of the best Classical literature: structural coherence,

extensive

use

of

repeated

patterns

and

ring

compositions,

complexity, challenge to the reader, unity of form and content, and organic unity. Section 4 develops the theme of the Cicero's complexity by analysing the various functions of word patterns in the work. This leads inevitably to the problem of the translation of ancient texts and justification of the present translation. It will already be clear that large claims are being made for the Cicero's complexity, hence section 6 confronts a standard objection to such claims, an objection which must be met

if

the

claims

Demosthenes-Cicero

are pairing,

to

be

reverts

sustained. to

detailed

Section textual

7,

analysis;

on

the

questions

of formal and organic unity, the function of recurrent themes and patterns,

complexity, and the reader's role are again prominent. So far discussion has largely centred on the Cicero as literature; the last three discussions treat different facets of the Cicero as history: first sources (the work's raw material), then the problem of the Cicero's real nature (history, biography, or literature? If concerned with truth, truth in what sense?), finally the Cicero's historical value, a question which can be addressed properly only after the sources and nature of the work have been established. But since some of this material is necessarily complex, the very last thing first-time readers and students should do is to read the introduction

[3 from

start

to

individual need. with section 2.

commentary.

finish.

The

correct

procedure

will

vary

according

to

Those who come absolutely fresh to Plutarch should begin They will then start to read the text with the aid of the

They may choose to read the text all the way through or

they may find early on that the commentary raises interpretative issues which they would like to reflect on: if, for example, verbal patterning in

ancient: literature is new to them,

they should

read section

4 before

proceeding any further in the text. Others may be interested in Cicero from a historical point of view: for them section 10 is the right place to begin. The discussions have been written so as to make sense both when read in sequence and separately. Even within the introductory discussions selectivity is the key to deriving maximum benefit with a minimum of pain. Those who wish to understand the general mechanics of source criticism will find the first part of section 8 useful; those who wish to get an overview of Plutarch's soures

can turn to the end. In section 7 on the Demosthenes-Cicero pairing, the start of the discussion gives the general principles, the end the general conclusions:

the intricate

analysis of the middle

should

be

reserved

until

the reader has familiarised himself with the Cicero and wants to see how the process of comparison affects the narrative in detail. Only a reader who

wants

to

consider

all

aspects

of the

Cicero

and

arrive

at a

final

interpretation of the work should read the introduction from start to finish, and then only after working through the text and commentary. Some readers may decide, perfectly properly, that some parts of the introduction

are irrelvant to their particular needs. First-time readers and students should use the commentary in a similar way to the introduction. The summaries at the start of each section of the text provide a general guide. Those in italics give the broad thrust of the narrative, those in ordinary letters the factual content. and

some

parts of some

notes,

are more

important

than

Some notes,

others,

and

many

references do not require to be followed up immediately, if at all. In the first instance readers should give literary and thematic notes priority over the merely factual (thus the notes on 1.5-6 are more significant than the note on 1.3). What matters when reading the note on 'they say' (1.1) is to grasp the basic point that such phrases can cover material whose historicity the writer endorses, material whose historicity he rejects and material which he records without prejudice either way; the full list of references is for detailed study (some readers will find the list helpful, others may ignore it). Generally speaking, the notes begin with interpretation of the

text and only consider its historical truth at the end: the note at 3.6 on fearing Sulla ... story is typical. Material of specialist interest (such as

4) comments on the Greek, detailed textual or historical points, extended quotations of sources for the benefit of readers who wish to analyse Plutarch's reworking of sources for themselves, tacit disagreement with

other scholars' views) is enclosed within square brackets. For the sake of brevity, the commentary also employs the symbols ) and ( to indicate close verbal or thematic relationships between different passages; ) means ‘looks forward to', ( means 'looks back to'. For example, in the note on 1.1-2,

‘noble ... brilliant )3.5' means that the words 'noble' and 'brilliant' recur at 3.5 and that the two passages are related. First-time readers should therefore ignore ) signs: they facilitate subsequent study, not understanding of the immediate context at a first reading. In general, the extensive cross-referencing should make it relatively easy to find one's way around the commentary.

Finally, books such as this should stimulate as well as inform. readers, whatever their interests or attainments,

All

are invited to approach all

arguments with an open and critical mind and to exercise their own judgement. Throughout the book I have tried to build up arguments, and to mark the separate steps in those arguments, clearly and precisely, so that the reasoning underlying the conclusions reached may readers may have the opportunity to dissent as well as assent.

be

plain

and

Abbreviations used in the rest of the introduction and in the commentary are listed separately on pp. 203-208.

2 THE PLEASURES AND VIRTUES OF PLUTARCH From

of

his own

emperors,

times,

through

the

when

his literary eminence

Middle

Ages,

when

he

won

the recognition

was

hailed

as

the

embodiment of Classical culture, to Elizabethan England, when Shakespeare plagiarised him shamelessly, until today, when he still sells well in Penguins, Plutarch has always had many readers. What are the sources of his appeal? It is partly a matter of period. His times (c. A.D. 45-120) were among the most colourful and turbulent in Roman history, when tyrants rose and fell, the empire nearly collapsed in civil war, and peace, stability and relatively humane government were only restored in Plutarch's old age:

grand themes to which many of his works give powerful expression. | | It is also a matter of cultural significance. Plutarch's life coincided with, and he himself made an enormous contribution to, the remarkable cultural renaissance of Greece in the first century A.D. after a long period

[5 Then again, there is Plutarch's position between

of stagnation and decline.

two great cultures. Devoted to Greek literature and learning, himself the greatest Greek writer of the post-Classical era, he was never proficient in Latin, yet travelled to Rome and Italy several times, had influential Roman

friends, became a Roman citizen, and wrote many of his best works about Romans and Roman civilisation. | There is too the sense of a life of tremendous fulness, encompassing

all the various types of life that are open to human beings and so rarely reconciled in one person. Plutarch was an intellectual, a writer, a teacher, a philosopher; he was a religious thinker, a priest at the oracle of Delphi, and something of a mystic; he took an active part in public life, on embassies

to Rome

and

elsewhere

in his youth

and,

increasingly,

as he

grew older, in civic duties in his birthplace, the small town of Chaeronea in Boeotia; he had a rich and satisfying family life. Most important of all, of course, are his writings, with their many and varied qualities: (1) Sheer quantity. The 26 volumes of the Loeb edition represent about half his actual production. (2) Diversity. The writings fall into two categories: (a) the so-called Moralia ('Moral Pieces'), a term applied to everything except the Lives. These cover a vast range, both of theme: philosophy of various types (popular moral philosophy,

serious moral philosophy, technical philosophy,

including interpretations of Plato and polemics against rival philosophical schools, theology), scientific questions, politics, rhetoric, antiquarianism, literary matters — and of form: 'diatribes' (short, vigorous, moral sermons),

extended essays, dialogues both in the elaborate Platonic tradition and informal 'table-talk' style. (b) The Lives. These fall into (i) the Lives of the Caesars - a series of biographies of Roman emperors from Augustus to Vitellius, of which only the Galba and Otho survive. (ii) two separate Lives, Artaxerxes and Aratus; (iii) the Parallel Lives - a series of

biographies of famous Greek and Roman politicians, statesmen and generals, divided into pairs, each consisting of a Greek and Roman Life (hence their title). Though the avowed purpose of all the Lives is the portrayal of character for moral edification (section 9), there is in fact considerable

variety

of

type:

the

attention

devoted

to

moral

biography

(along with such things as personal detail and memorable sayings), political

biography,

political and military history may vary greatly from Life to

Life

indeed

and

from

context

to

context

within

individual

Lives.

Sometimes this variation is due simply to what sources were available to Plutarch, sometimes to genuine artistic considerations. Except for the Lives of the Caesars, the great majority of Plutarch's

6] works were written after the death of the emperor Domitian in A.D. 96 (the Demosthenes-Cicero, the fifth pair in the Parallel Lives, dates from c. 105-110), and Plutarch was evidently still writing up to his own death. Considering their number, the speed with which they were written, Plutarch's age, and the general fulness of his life, it is no wonder that

numerous small imperfections of one kind or another can be found throughout his works (cf. sections 3 and 10): the real wonder is that in such circumstances Plutarch wrote so much and that his works generally are

of such high quality. (3) Style.

Plutarch's prose style has many

virtues (not all of which

can be illustrated in translation): (a) general richness of vocabulary and diction; (b) a tendency towards elaborate and complex syntax (cf. e.g. Cic. 4.4n); (c) great flexibility and range: from the rich, to the elaborate and complex, the dense and abstract (cf. e.g. Cic. 13.1, 20.7, 32.7 and nn),

the stark and Hemingwayesque (cf. e.g. Cic. 22.1, 3), the psychological (when the language collapses the distinction between the objective — what the writer says — and the subjective -- what his character feels [cf. e.g. Cic. 47.4—10n]); (d) imaginative and pregnant use of imagery (cf. e.g. Cic. 6.4, 10.5nn); (e) intricate verbal patterning (see p. 12). (4) Richness and density of literary allusion, based on a deep knowledge of the great writers of the past (see section 4).

(5) A talent for visual description (cf. e.g. Cic. 22.2-6, 48.4). (6) Considerable narrative flair, including such virtues as an eye for telling detail, the abilities to create and sustain suspense, to vary pace and

mood,

to capture the dramatic

moment,

and

to suggest

parallels

and.

contrasts between different episodes (cf. e.g. Cic. 22.2-6, 47.1-48.6, and the whole of the Catiline narrative [10.1—23.6]). (7) Great powers of character portrayal. ^ Plutarch's memorable portraits, especially those of the great men of fifth and fourth century

Athens and late Republican Rome, have hugely influenced our conceptions of what these men were really like. an excellent one (see section 10).

His portrait of Cicero is in many ways

(8) Historical value. The historical value of Plutarch's historical works is uneven, but can be considerable, as in the case of the Cicero (see

sections 9 and 10). (9) Pervasive moral seriousness, often involving more or less direct moral exhortation. It is true that this can issue in what seems to us crude

[7 and unattractive moralism (cf. e.g. Cic. 49.2-4n), but it can be tempered by humour, by humane recognition of human frailty, and by imaginative sympathy for suffering, even when that suffering is to some extent deserved (for the last combination cf. e.g. Cic. 29.2-32.7; 41.1, 47.1-48.6, 47.8nn).

(10) The warmth and humanity of Plutarch's own personality. In literary criticism the attempt to extract a writer's personality from his writings is often a dangerous, and sometimes an irrelevant, proceeding. Nevertheless, most readers have sensed these qualities in Plutarch's writings

(with some obvious exceptions, like the philosophical polemics), and they certainly are an important part of the appeal of such works as the Praecepta coniugalia ('Precepts of Marriage’), which Plutarch addressed to a young recently married couple, and the Consolatio ad uxorem (‘Consolation to his wife’), which he addressed to his wife on the death of their infant daughter. These qualities seem also to underly the moral attitudes of much of his writing (cf. (9) above). (11) Also widely recognised is Plutarch's charm (a quality highly esteemed by Plutarch himself: cf. e.g. Cic. 7.6, 13.2, 24.3). This is a difficult quality to define, but is revealed in such things as his desire to present his moral exhortations in a pleasurable form, a general reluctance to pass hard moral judgments, leisureliness and expansiveness of exposition, interest in the quirky and picturesque, willingness to digress, to explore practically any topics for their intrinsic interest as and when

arise.

(The

Cicero

is in fact less 'charming'

works.)

than many

they

of Plutarch's

|

(12) Much less widely recognised nowadays, but also important, is the intellectual toughness that Plutarch frequently displays. This takes several forms: razor-sharp dissection of philosophical argument (as in the philosophical polemics), penetrating and unsentimental analysis of character and motivation, which can coexist with imaginative sympathy (cf. (9)

above), the ability to perceive, and to create, parallels and contrasts, and to investigate their interrelationships (see in These, then, are some of the qualities popularity over the ages. Do they make him a great writer? To the post-Classical era is not necessarily to

particular sections 3, 4 and 7). which explain Plutarch's great

some

is most

of the qualities for which

Plutarch

be the greatest Greek writer of be great by any standard, and admired

- his warmth,

humanity and charm - are often regarded (whether rightly or wrongly) as incompatible with true greatness. Yet in some of his works at least Plutarch is truly great, and one of the aims of the rest of the introduction

is to demonstrate that this description rightly applies to the Cicero.

8] Bibliography R. Volkmann,

Leben, Schriften und Philosophie des Plutarch von

Chaironeia (Berlin 1869) *J. Oakesmith, The Religion of Plutarch (London 1902)

R.M. Jones, The Platonism of Plutarch (Menasha, Wisconsin 1916) K. Ziegler, 'Plutarchos von Chaironeia', Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 21 (1951) 636-92 (separately published Stuttgart 1949; revised 1964) F. Fuhrmann, Les images de Plutarque (Paris 1964) *A. Lesky, A History of Greek Literature (London 1966), 819-25

C.P. Jones, 'Towards a Chronology of Plutarch's Works', Journal of Roman Studies 56 (1966), 66-74 *Id., Plutarch and Rome (Oxford 1971) *D.A. Russell, 'On reading Plutarch's Lives', Greece and Rome 13 (1966), 139-54 *Id., 'Plutarch', Oxford Classical Dictionary (2nd ed. 1970), 848-50

*Id., Plutarch (London 1973) *Id., 'Plutarch', in The Oxford (edited

by J. Boardman,

J. Griffin

History and

of O.

the

Classical

World

Oxford

1986),

Murray,

667-70 *R.H. Barrow, Plutarch and His Times (London 1967) D. Babut, Plutarque et le stoicisme (Paris 1969)

B. Bucher-Isler, Norm Plutarchs (Bern 1972)

und

Individualität

in

den

Biographien

*A. Wardman, Plutarch's Lives (London 1974)

F.E. Brenk, In Mist Apparelled (Leiden 1977) Y. Verniére,

Symboles

et mythes dans la pensée de Plutarque

(Paris

1977) C.B.R. Pelling, 'Plutarch's method of work in the Roman Lives', Journal of Hellenic Studies 99 (1979), 74—96 *Id., 'Plutarch's Adaptation of his Source Material', Journal of Hellenic Studies (1980), 135-39 *Id., 'Plutarch: Roman Heroes and Greek Culture', in Philosophia Togata (edited by J. Barnes and M.T. Griffin, Oxford 1989) *E.L. Bowie in Ancient Greek Literature (edited by K.J.

Dover,

Oxford 1980), 162-64. J. Geiger, 'Plutarch's Parallel Lives: the Choice of Heroes',. Hermes 109 (1981), 85-104 *G. Bowersock, 'Plutarch', in The Cambridge History of Classical Literature I (Cambridge 1985), 665-69.

[9

3 THE CICERO: STRUCTURE AND THEME

While

the narratives they

i.e. Plutarch does not (on the whole) events

as

they

by

naturally

considerations, of

shaped

are,

chronological, sequence

are

of the Lives

thematic

happened;

rather

rather,

he

enough,

than

mainly

chronological

merely

chooses

record the to

record

particular sequence of events because it illustrates particular themes.

a

On a

simple thematic analysis this Life has clearly defined sections: introduction - Cicero's family background

and name

(ch.

1); present-day

intellectual

reputation (ch. 2); fluctuating political advance; tension between political and intellectual lives (chs. 3-6); sustained political advance (chs. 7—9);

consulship, triumphant handling of Catalinarian conspiracy, unprecedented honours (chs. 10-23); loss of popularity due to boasting and cutting wit (chs.

24-27); struggle against Clodius - exile and triumphant

return

(chs.

28-33); contrasting political weaknesses (chs. 34-35); Indian summer before civil wars (ch. 36); initial irresolution, impetuosity in joining Pompey, eventual reconciliation with Caesar (chs. 37-39); withdrawal from political life under Caesar's monarchy combination of circumstances

(ch. and

40); tragedy and downfall through a personal and political misjudgements

(chs. 41-48); epilogue (ch. 49). These sections can be regarded as falling into six main episodes. The first traces Cicero's advance towards the consulship, with his strengths and weaknesses both on display but the former more prominent (chs. 1-9). The second, the narrative of the consulship, shows Cicero at his best (chs. 10-23), though with his weaknesses not entirely suppressed (19.5-7, 21.2-3nn) The third, the discussion of Cicero's boastfulness and hurtful wit,

provides

a

general

explanation

for

his

political

decline

after

his

consulship (chs. 24~27). The fourth treats Cicero's chequered fortunes up to his governorship of Cilicia, Cicero ending this phase of his career in political

and

moral (chs. 28-36). The fifth, concerning his relations with Pompey Caesar in the civil war, is marked by still more dubious decisions

excellent

style after serious errors and misjudgements,

and and

behaviour, such success as Cicero attains owing and leaves him having difficulty in maintaining

both

little to his own efforts, his policy of withdrawal

from politics (chs. 37-40). The sixth, the narrative of his fluctuating struggles with Antony and Octavian, analyses the steps by which he comes to largely self-inflicted disaster (chs. 41-48).

level other

analyses would

be possible,

Of course even on a simple

but it is already

clear

that the

Cicero is well shaped and organised, with almost no structural defects (for

10J partial exceptions

see 7.3,

8.3,

24.1-27.6,

31.2,

38.2-8nn;

there

are also

some

infelicities of detail, which are at least partly to be explained

speed

of composition:

cf.

6.2,

19.3,

21.4,

26.2,

36.1,

38.7,

41.2,

by

43.3,

46.2nn). Moreover, there is very little of the intrusive material which is so marked a feature of some of the other Lives. Such an analysis, however, leaves out of account several important. factors, all of which contribute to structural unity. First, there is the sheer insistence with which the main themes are

explored throughout the narrative. Cicero's ambition, for example, foreshadowed in the introduction (1.5), is the driving force behind his early career (1.5n), first reveals itself as an unbalanced, even a potentially

disastrous, trait on his return from Sicily (6.4-5), is directed towards good ends in the struggle with Catiline, though still a strong influence upon the most

difficult

of

his

decisions

(19.5-7n),

but

then

underlies

both

the

boasting and cruel wit which loses him popularity, thereby weakening his position in the struggle against Clodius (25.1, 28.1), and his incorrect response to the blow of exile (32.7n), resurfaces in his dubious decision to join Pompey in the civil war (37.4) and, still more reprehensibly, in his flattery of the victorious Caesar (40.3-4), and finally impels him to his disastrous policy of first supporting, and then capitulating to, Octavian (45.1, 6). | Second, there is the obvious fact that most of the main themes are interconnected. Cicero's ambition (1.5n), the question how far he succeeds as a philosopher in action (3.1n), the perpetual struggle between passion and reason (5.5n), Cicero the orator, the choice between the life of intellectual withdrawal and that of politics (3.3n) -- all these themes overlap: a philosopher should not succumb to ambition (32.5-7), excessive ambition is a passion (6.5), the true orator is a philosopher (13.1), the philosopher should sometimes participate in political life, sometimes withdraw from it (3.3n), etc. Again, the final tragedy is introduced by a formulation which unites several threads, all interwoven in the subsequent narrative.

(41.1

'he

was

overtaken

by. many

public

difficulties, which he had not willed, and many

and

many

private

disasters, most of which

seem to have happened to him through his own choice"). Third, the various episodes are interrelated not just through the all-pervasive and interconnecting main themes but by repeated patterns, often keyed by word patterns (section 4), which

connexions

and comparisons.

causally linked to Cicero's

For example,

invite the reader to make

the struggle with Clodius is

loss of popularity

due to his boastful. and

offensive behaviour (28.1), Clodius himself is reminiscent of Catiline (28.1,

29.4) and foreshadows Octavian (28.1), the Bona Dea rites form a further

[11 parallel between the struggles against Catiline and Ciodius (28.2), Terentia

has a major influence on Cicero at critical moments of decision in both (29.4), Cicero's position against Clodius is transformed step by step into the reverse of his position against Catiline (29.6n), he is deceived by Clodius' apparent moderation, as he will later be by Antony's and Octavian's (30.4), he faces a stark choice, as earlier at the height of the

Catalinarian conspiracy and later in. his exile and in the civil war between Pompey and Caesar (31.2, 37.2-3nn), he finds himself in the same plight as Roscius (31.4n and p. 15), etc. Fourth, extensive use of ring composition (section 4) promotes a considerable sense of formal unity. The Life begins and ends with Cicero's family (1.1-6/49.6), Cicero's. name survives in honour, Antony's is abolished

(1.5-6,

49.6), the glory of Cicero

as man

of letters endures

(2.5/49.5, 48.6), the generally successful part of Cicero's career is framed by his governorships of Sicily and Cilicia (6.1-2/36.1-6), his consulship by his successes in winning popular favour against tribunician obstruction (9.4-7/23.2 and p. 13). Numerous sections are marked off by rings. The "Clodius episode exhibits a particularly elaborate ring system (see nn on 28.1-31.6). Indeed, if from one point of view an ancient work of literature is like a kaleidoscope (section 4), from another it is like an

onion, consisting as it characteristically does of a complex series of rings within rings. The structures created by these repeated patterns and ring compositions are of course not merely formal: they clarify the organisation

of the

narrative,

articulate

thematic

concerns,

suggest

parallels

and

contrasts and stimulate the reader's participation in the interpretation of the text (section 4). Fifth, the Life of Cicero cannot be considered separately from the

Life of Demosthenes: the Demosthenes-Cicero pair itself forms a complex unity — an almost bewilderingly recurrent patterns (section 7). What, then, is the Life about?

intricate

tapestry

of

contrasting

and

Cicero of course, but ‘contrary to the

opinion of some, a plot is not unified merely because it is about one man’ (Arist. Poe. 1451a 16-17). There are several major themes, all of which are interconnected (above). To pick out any one as the Life's main theme would be an arbitrary oversimplification. The Life is about the role of the philosopher in politics but not only in politics; about the role of the orator, sometimes distinct from that of the philosopher, sometimes (ideally) indistinguishable from it; about the tensions between private and public lives and between intellectual and political activity; about the struggle between passion and reason in both politics and personal life; about the degree to which ambition is a legitimate spur to political activity; about the

12] need for humanity in government and in war; about the ideal and the actual (cf. section 9). The real theme of the Cicero, as of many ancient

literary works, is nothing less than 'how should one live a good life?'

Thus from many. points of view the Life of Cicero is excellently structured

and

in it, as in all the

best

ancient

literature,

structure

and

meaning are indissoluble.

Bibliography *D. Magnino, Plutarchi: Vita Ciceronis (Firenze 1963), xvii-xviii *R. Flaceliére and E. Chambry, Plutarque: Vies XII (Paris 1976), 52-56. 4 WORD PATTERNS Those who read even the greatest works of Classical literature in translation often find them simple and rather stark, whereas scholars who

study them in the original find them endlessly complex, despite the fact

that by modern standards ancient works are generally quite brief (Plutarch's Cicero covers only 57 pages of Teubner text). This complexity does not derive from the richness of ancient vocabulary (for again by modern standards the vocabularies of Latin and even Greek are very restricted), but from things not easily conveyed in translation: variation of stylistic level (which characteristically plays a far more important role than

in modern

works),

literary allusion (which can deftly suggest whole new

layers of meaning, cf. e.g. Cic. 2.3; 32.5, 7; 41.1, 45.1nn), and, above all, word patterns.

Any text in any language consists of words, arrangement of which produce meaning, but in Classical verbal patterns are the single most important device by simple and straightforward meanings acquire complexity. is like a kaleidoscope. Its range of colours — its basic small,

but

the

ceaseless

variation

of

these

colours,

manipulates them, creates ever more intricate patterns.

patterns are not explicitly signposted.

the choice and literature precise which apparently A Classical text vocabulary - is as

the

Moreover,

writer

these

The writer does not say to the

reader: this is one pattern, here is another, observe how they are related. It is up to the reader to detect the patterns and ponder the relationships.

[13 And

the meanings

that are implied

by these patterns

are

generally

more

interesting and more significant than those which are stated outright.

This

is the main reason why Classical literature at its best, so far from being simple and rather stark, is in fact tight, dense, economical, and immensely

demanding of its readers. good

for

the brain,

If, as Classicists stoutly maintain,

it is primarily

because

the

Classical

Classics

languages

is and

Classical literature alike are superb vehicles for the teaching of pattern recognition, which of all mental skills is the most indispensable and widely transferable. In the Life of Cicero word patterns fulfil several different functions. First, they pinpoint essential narrative structures. One such is ring construction (cf. also section 3), a device used very extensively by Plutarch, as by most ancient writers, whereby a motif used at the start of a

section is repeated at the end, characteristically with close verbal echoes. Thus

in the

sentence

"They

say

that

Cicero

was

born

without

pain

or

struggle when his mother gave birth to him on the third day of the new Calends, on which the magistrates in the present day pray and sacrifice on behalf of the emperor' (2.1) the phrase ‘in the present day’ is picked up by

‘to the present day’ in the sentence 'His reputation for oratory, however, remains safe to the present day' (2.5). Again, Cicero's first teacher in his mature studies, Philo, is 'admired for his eloquence' (3.1).

Then, after his

successful defence of Roscius, Cicero is himself 'admired' (3.6). Again, Cicero begins by not 'approving' the philosophical innovations of Antiochus (4.1), subsequently he seeks 'approved' rhetoricians (4.4), finally he himself wins 'approval' from the most 'approved' rhetorician of them all (4.7). These are simple cases, but such verbal repetitions can also point ring structures enclosing material of considerable size. 9.4-7 tells a story about what happened to Cicero as praetor 'when he had still two or three days of his magistracy left' (9.4): because of tribunician activity he suffered an initial failure with the people but then recovered

their goodwill,

so that

they supported his election to the consulship. 23.2-4 tells what happened to Cicero as consul when 'he was still in office a few days more' (23.2): after initial difficulty because of tribunician activity he received the people's

whole-hearted

endorsement.

Ring

compositions

keyed

by

word

patterns are thus extremely important in the structuring of the narrative (though it is fair to add that they are sometimes an artificial device to pull

together material which is not properly unified [cf. 28.1n]). Second, word patterns may help to bring out the main theme of a particular stretch of narrative. While 2.1-5 forms part of the continuous narrative of Cicero's intellectual development from birth, the repetition of the phrase 'the present day' marks it also as a separate section providing a

14] brief critique of Cicero's whole intellectual achievement from a present-day

perspective. Similarly, the repeated 'admired' of 3.1 and 3.6 indicates that the theme here is Cicero's quest for 'admiration' as an orator and his success in achieving it, and the repeated 'approved' of 4.1, 4.4 and 4.7 that the theme

is Cicero's

search

for

'approved'

teachers,

them, his success in winning their ‘approval’. link between before,

and

and

once

he finds

Again, through the verbal

9.4 and 23.2, the reader sees Cicero with the people just

at the

end

of,

his consulship,

and

on

both

just

occasions

triumphing over difficulties created by rivals and winning popular approval. The ring structure also helps to point a contrast between the sequels to each of these incidents: after the first Cicero goes on to further triumphs, but after the second he rapidly loses his popular support, and this is a key reason why he is soon forced into exile (24.1—2, 28.1, 30.2). Again, the young Cicero's ambition is to 'demonstrate the name Cicero to be more famous than names like Scaurus and Catulus! (1.5); already at school he 'demonstrates' the truth of portents of his future greatness and gets ‘a name and fame' (2.2): the repetitions of the ideas 'demonstrate' and 'famous

name' (the latter made sharper by the shift in meaning from 'name' in the neutral sense of ‘what someone is:called’ to 'name' in the stronger sense of

'reputation" show that he has already achieved his ambition at school level. But on his return from Sicily Cicero learns that his ‘name and fame' have been swallowed up in the maelstrom of Roman politics (6.3—4): thus the 'name and fame'-motif marks one phase of Cicero's ascent to glory and one of the reverses he suffers on the way. Again, in the portrait of Lentulus the insistent repetition of the word 'corrupt' (17.1n) stamps this section as above all a study of moral corruption. Third, word patterns may suggest parallels between people and incidents. Among Cicero's great political adversaries the Marians, Sulla,

Lentulus,

Caesar

and

Antony

are

all

emphatically

characterised

as.

‘monarchs’ (3.3n): the reader sees Cicero's various struggles against 'monarchs' and is invited to compare one with another. A more detailed parallel: the 'monarch' Sulla ‘was angry at being accused' (3.5); later the 'monarch' Antony ‘was angry at the accusation’ (43.7): the reader senses that history is repeating itself and must reflect on the parallels and differences between the two situations. So too, after their initial fright at Catiline's electoral reverse Catiline and the other conspirators 'again began

to gain confidence and gathered themselves together’ (14.1), phraseology repeated of Lentulus' rallying of Catiline's supporters after Catiline's own departure:

‘he gathered

them

together

and

gave

them

confidence’

(17.1):

the Catiline threat comes in waves, successes and reverses alternating, the ‘new wave' led by Lentulus, a man like Catiline in some respects, unlike in

others

(17.5n) ^ Similarly

the

parallel

difficult political decisions — whether

between

two

of

or not to execute

Cicero's

[15 most

the Catalinarians,

whether to join Pompey or Caesar - is keyed by the repetition of the words 'he was completely at a loss! (20.1, 37.3). Fourth, verbal repetitions often point differences rather than parallels as apparent illogicalities challenge the reader to think through their implications. 50 after his successes in the province of Sicily, where he

defended the young Roman nobles 'with distinction', it is pointedly indicative of Cicero's utter failure to make an impact on political life in Rome itself that the friend who knows nothing about these Sicilian successes is a ‘distinguished’ man (6.2-3). The effect is all the greater after the sections on Cicero's oratorical achievements (chs. 3 and 4), where the

repetitions

'admired/admired'

and

'approved/approve'

point

success,

because: the reader's expectations are jolted when a similar verbal repetition indicates failure. Again, the false prophets urge Lentulus, corrupter and corrupted, not to 'corrupt' his opportunities (17.5): this surprising twist in the use of the word neatly conveys that Lentulus and his cronies

are

corruption.

so

utterly

corrupt

that

they

can

no

longer

even

recognise

Again, both Cicero and Antony are 'elated' after seeming

political triumpbs, but there is actually a world of difference between the situation and political acumen of each (43.1, 46.1n). Fifth, verbal repetitions can suggest parallels that are genuine but unexpected, their unexpectedness again serving to jolt the reader into thought. The Catalinarian revolutionaries suppose that 'there is no power capable of making a stand against them in Rome' (10.2) and are suitably confounded when Cicero 'takes a stand' against them (12.5). But then it is Caesar who 'takes a stand’ in the senatorial debate about the Catalinarians'

punishment

(21.5):

unscrupulous,

in this

instance

the

Caesar

seems

'monarchical'

behaviour

of

surprisingly

the

ambitious,

admirable

and

Cicero's less so. Sixth, word patterns can also mark reversals of situation. Cicero first becomes famous as an orator when he alone braves Sulla's wrath and defends Roscius, who 'through sheer isolation' had 'fled for refuge to him' (3.5);

Cicero

later,

as a last resort

himself

in his appeals

'utterly isolated,

Several thoughts come to mind:

for

fled for refuge'

support

to the

against

consuls

Clodius,

(31.4).

Cicero alone defended Roscius, now he is

alone again, but as a defendant as desperate as Roscius was; his decision to defend Roscius was heroic, but no one now will run the same risk for him.

Or in the Pompeian camp Cicero scoffs at a man of 'moderate and temperate character' and indulges in racial sneers against a Greek (38.3-4): the contrasts with his own past, when he himself was abused as a 'Greek'

16] (5.2), and his own better character, one of 'moderation' (9.6) and 'temperance' (8.4), suggests a sad falling-off. Again, the plot against Julius Caesar is described as ‘the undertaking that. was being organised against Caesar', the murder

itself as a 'deed undertaken',

were organising against the men' assassins lost the initiative and the All these examples concern unit. There are of course Demosthenes-Cicero as a unified examples have also been more more

complex

ones, which

but then 'Caesar's friends

(42.1, 3): once the deed was done the tables were completely turned. the Life of Cicero as a self-contained too many word patterns linking the pair (cf. section 7 and e.g. 32.5n). The or less straightforward: there are many

are indicated in the commentary.

Nevertheless,

enough has been said to suggest some conclusions. Word

patterns

are

not

mere

theme. They suggest parallels and reversal: these categories are basic authors and to the ways in which reader does not perceive these word

decoration.

They

point

structure

and

contrasts, sameness and difference or to the thought patterns of Classical they organise their material. If the patterns, or if, having perceived them,

he refuses to accord them any significance, he will inevitably miss much, indeed most, of what is important in an ancient text. Nor with a text such as the Life of Cicero are modern historians excused the interpretative task: word patterns can articulate detailed historical analysis (cf. e.g. 45.1n).

This

does

not

mean

that

reading

an

ancient

text

is a purely

intellectual process, or that Classical literature lacks the power to arouse emotion, or that Classical writers are uninterested in securing this effect: intellectual perception is often a precondition of the correct emotional response

(for

example,

the

reader

has

to

perceive

the

Cicero-Roscius

parallel and contrast if he is to feel the right degree of moral outrage at Cicero's

plight),

and

Classical

literature

is

at

its

most

powerful

when

emotional arousal is tempered by intellectual rigour (cf. e.g. 41.1n).

5 TRANSLATION From the argument of section 4 it follows that if a translation is to convey the essential quality of a Classical text, it must reproduce as many as possible of that text's word patterns. Very few translations do this, which is why, however felicitous their English style may appear, they are found so simple (and, often, so dull) by readers without knowledge of the original language. By contrast, the present translation it tries to use ἃ consistent vocabulary, so that as far as possible the same English word or expression or a recognisable variant of it does duty for the same Greek

[17 word or expression throughout.

Consequently,

the broader verbal patterns

have been given precedence over the exact implications of a particular Thus in 30.2 ("by humane laws Clodius made the people his context. own'), while it might be better in context to translate philanthropois by 'generous' (with appropriately demagogic undertones), this would disguise the more important general point that the association of Clodius with philanthropia (‘humanity’) challenges the reader's expectations arid contributes to the notion that Clodius gets the better of Cicero, the man of true ‘humanity’ (6.1, 9.6nn), by turning his own attributes against him.

The

translation

Greek.

It

is

also aims to be of real help to those

extremely

literal,

so

that

any

student

reading

who

the

consults

a

dictionary and compiles a word list should be able to see how the Greek actually works. (Direct commentary on the Greek has been necessary in a few

instances.)

Wherever

possible,

words

are

translated

into

their

root

meanings (thus for example ‘throw out', instead of a more elegant 'refer', for ekbalein in 9.6 or 'strongly maintained' for ischurizomenou in 29.1). Students

are

frequently

overwhelmed

by

'meanings' Greek words seem to possess. one meaning

and all other

basic meaning.

'meanings'

the

vast

number

of

different

But in fact most words have only are simply different aspects of that

Grasping this truth avoids much unnecessary labour.

The

translation may sometimes seem scrappy as well as inelegant: this is deliberate — Plutarch sometimes writes scrappily (for example at 8.3) and a translation should not seek to smooth this away. Nor should it iron out difficulties: if the translation of 20.7 seems difficult, that is an accurate

reflection of the Greek. Readers will also note the use of Greek terminology (e.g. 'drachmas' at 3.4). This also reflects Plutarch's own general practice (1.4n): Romanisation would give a false impression. On the other

hand,

the flavour

of the translation should not be too alien to

English readers, hence the Greek agora is rendered as 'forum' and proper names

are

given

in Roman

form

unless

the

Greek

form

may

itself

be

significant, as in 1.3. Finally, many translators believe that different types of translation are required by readers without the original language and readers attempting to read the original.

This is a mistaken view: the Greekless reader must be

given some idea of the word patterns which are so important a part of the meaning of the original, and someone trying to translate the Greek also needs to observe these word patterns. Not only will his translations be better if he does so: recognition of the essential shape of the Greek actually makes the task of translation easier.

18] Bibliography C. Martindale,

'Unlocking the word-hoard:

in praise of metaphrase',

Comparative Criticism 6 (1984), 47-72. W. Radice and B. Reynolds (eds), The translator's Art: Honour of Betty Radice (Penguin 1987).

Essays in

6 COMPLEXITY AND INTENT Works of literature are written by authors, who have certain intentions. They decide to write works about certain things. They decide what, more or less, they are going to put into these works. Plutarch decided to pair Demosthenes and Cicero in his series of Parallel Lives. He observed similarities between the two men: he clearly intended to organise his narratives in such a way as to illustrate those similarities (section 7).

But from sections 3, 4 and 5, and, even more, from sections 7

and 9 and the analyses within the commentary, the Life of Cicero emerges as an extremely complex work. Yet are these analyses too subtle? Did Plutarch include such complexities among his intentions? A familiar question with a familiar implication: what the author does not 'intend' is not there. There are two good replies to this question. First, the creation of complexity from simple elements by means of repetition, parallel and contrast is so widespread in, and seemingly so natural to, Classical literature,

that both

Classical

authors

and

readers

must

have

been

much

more attuned to it than we are, so that what seems so complex to us may not have seemed so in the ancient world. Second, even granted that there may come a point where an ancient writer does not 'intend' a meaning, the: idea that what he does not 'intend' cannot be there, is, of all critical doctrines, the most boring, depressing (for there is naturally very little external evidence to illumine the intentions of most ancient authors), and

ill-considered. The workings of the creative imagination are infinitely mysterious. Even in ordinary conversation we know that some of the things we say we plan in advance, whereas others ‘just come': we do not seem to know what we are going to say until we actually say it. Yet such things make sense. Similarly when we write. Some things we plan - we search for words before we actually write or type. Other things we do not. We only seem to know what we think when we actually write it. The mental processes involved are often unconscious.

[19 How much more likely is this to apply to the mental processes of the truly creative writer. '] have written a poem,' said the poet Yeats, handing it to a critic, "Now you tell me what it means.’ Many artists, writers and

composers have said similar things. ‘Do you really think Plutarch intended that?’ is no argument against an interpretation which makes sense of the text. Some meanings Plutarch obviously did intend - some meanings which seem to be in the text he may not have intended, but it simply does not Sometimes consciously, sometimes instinctively, his marvellously matter. creative brain produced patterns of sometimes remarkable complexity. If a text seems complex,

it is complex;

and in such cases the question of the

author's conscious thoughts, while no doubt of considerable importance

in

scientific investigations into the workings of the human brain, is no concern

of serious literary criticism.

This does not mean that the question is never a proper one. example

It is for

a fundamental question in the problem of truth in the Life of

Cicero (section 9).

Nor does it mean that Plutarch did not intend his Lives

to be complex: he did intend this general effect (cf. section 7), though some of the means by which the effect was attained will have been instinctive. What it does mean is that interpretations cannot be rejected on the philistine ground that they are ‘too subtle’. 7 THE DEMOSTHENES-CICERO PAIRING The role of comparison in the Parallel Lives Plutarch's

Plutarch

Lives

emphasises

come

(e.g.

surviving pairs eighteen

in pairs.

Dem.

3.1,

Each

pair

Alex.

1.1.

is a formal

Of

the

(including the Demosthenes-Cicero)

unity,

as

twenty-two close with a

separate formal Comparison (in the other cases the Comparison has presumably been lost) The introduction to the first Life normally contains a preliminary comparison, outlining the main similarities between the two heroes, so that the narratives are framed by comparisons at beginning and end in a unified ring structure. Most Lives also utilise ‘internal comparisons’, whereby the hero is compared with other leading figures in the narrative (cf. Cic. 1.5n). Plutarch elsewhere explains the purpose of comparison as follows: 'it is not possible to learn better the similarity and difference of virtue ... than by putting lives beside lives and actions beside actions, like great works of art, and observing whether the

greatness of Semiramis has the same stamp and form as that of Sesostris, or the intelligence of Tanaquil the same as that of Servius the king, or the

20] high spirit of Porcia the same as that of Brutus, or that of Pelopidas the same as Timocleia's, with regard to the most important common qualities and abilities' (Mul. virt. 243C [specifically of the similarity and difference of the virtue of men

and of women]).

Thus the process of comparison

is

basic to Plutarch's conception in the Parallel Lives, even though its execution is not always successful: some of his choices of pairs seem ill suited and in some of the formal Comparisons he is clearly struggling to fulfil his programme, and the conception itself is problematic. The formal Comparison is naturally a mixed blessing. It serves to re-emphasise the basic

themes

of

often

complex

narratives

and

to

define

the

differences

between the two heroes. Yet as an exercise in explicit moralising and as it were totting up the good and bad points of each hero to see who makes the higher

score,

it inevitably

produces. judgements

that are exaggerated

and

crude by comparison with the narratives and sometimes even inconsistent with them. Nevertheless, by the theory of comparison the Cicero ideally

should be read alongside the Demosthenes.

The following discussion aims

to fill the gap.

General parallels between Demosthenes and Cicero In the introduction to the Demosthenes (3.3-5) Plutarch writes as follows: 'The divinity appears from the start to have moulded Cicero the same as Demosthenes and to have thrown in to his nature many similarities,

as for example

the love of honour,

the

love

of freedom

in

politics and the lack of daring as regards dangers and wars, and to have mixed together many similarities of fortunes.

For I do not think that two

other orators could be found who became strong and great from inglorious and small backgrounds, came into conflict with kings and tyrants, lost daughters, were exiled but returned with honour, fled again and were captured by their enemies and ended their lives at the same time as their fellow

between

citizens!

nature

freedom

and

ceased.

fortune,

So

that,

as between

if there

artists,

were

to

it would

be

decide whether the former had rendered the men more characters or the latter in the incidents of their lives.' So similar are Demosthenes and Cicero that they seem created by God from the same clay (God is likened to a similarities are of two kinds: similarities of character and fortune.

For

Plutarch's

moral

purpose

latter however remarkable, matter comparison between the two men.

it is the

only

in

former

that

they

be

a contest

difficult

alike

to

in their

to have been potter). The similarities of

which

matter,

facilitate

the

direct

[21 Detailed parallels between the two Lives

but

The preliminary comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero seems simple, the narrative explores its implications in enormous detail, as the

following analysis shows.

(The commentary notes some even more detailed

parallels.) | Demosthenes’ family background, like Cicero's, provides ammunition to political opponents, Demosthenes' through his mother's family, Cicero's through his father's (Dem. 4.2, Cic. 1.1-6, 26.9). Plutarch stresses Cicero's difficulties more — rightly, because it was much harder for such men to excel in aristocratic Rome than in democratic Athens. Both also have difficulties with their names or nicknames (Dem. 4.5-8, Cic. 1.3-6, 5.2). Demosthenes

is left

in

real

affluence,

in some

contrast

to

Cicero

(Dem. 4.3, Cic. 7.3, 8.3), but deprived of a liberal education, in sharp contrast to Cicero (Dem. 4.3, Cic. 2.3-5). They are alike in their bodily weakness (attacked as effeminacy: Dem. 4.5-6, cf. 6.5, 11.3, Cic. 7.7, cf. 19.7) and harshness of voice (Dem. 4.5, 8; 6.4, 11.1, Cic. 3.7). Unlike

Cicero, Demosthenes is inspired to seek the fame of an oratorical career by the triumph of another, the orator Callistratus (Dem. 5.1-4), which teaches him oratory's power to 'subdue and tame' all things (Dem. 5.4, cf. Cic. 12.6, 39.7). Callistratus' triumph marks Demosthenes' 'start', just as the Roscius case marks Cicero's (Dem. 5.1, cf. 5.5; Cic. 3.5) Like Cicero, Demosthenes trains hard in declamation and has several teachers (Dem. 5.5-7, Cic. 3.1, 4.4-7); unlike Cicero he confines himself to oratory

(Dem. 5.5, Cic. 2.3-5). Demosthenes' first great success is against his dishonest guardians, Cicero's his defence of Roscius. Whereas Demosthenes' gives him ‘daring as regards speaking’ and encourages him to enter public life, Cicero's causes a temporary withdrawal from it (Dem. 6.1, Cic. 3.4-6), and he never actually acquires confidence in public speaking (Cic. 35.3). Nonetheless, in his first- speeches before the people Demosthenes suffers from ‘loss of heart' and 'lack of daring' (6.5, cf. Cic. 6.4, 35.3). Both men's vocal defects need treatment before they can progress in politics (Dem. 6.3-5, 7.5-6, 11.1, Cic. 3.7, 4.4, 5.4), both in their oratory resemble Pericles (Dem. 6.5, 9.2, Cic. 39.5), benefit from

imitating actors (Dem. 7.1—5, Cic. 5.4), and are urged by others to return to political life (Dem. 6.5-7.3, Cic. 4.4, 5.3, cf. 3.5). Both rapidly surpass their oratorical rivals (Dem. 6.2, Cic. 5.3). Both are strongly motivated

by

ambition,

which

sometimes

(Dem. 5.4, cf. 13.6, Cic. 1.5; 5.1, 3). Now

overcomes

their

lack

of daring

|

begins a long discussion of Demosthenes’

oratory,

embracing a

22] wide variety of topics (Dem. 8.1-16.4). Its length reflects partly Plutarch's knowledge of Demosthenes' oratory (as opposed to Cicero's [Dem. 3.1]), partly his general shortage of material on Demosthenes. Nevertheless, the discussion

illustrates Demosthenes'

character,

has some

unity

(the

topics

generally bear on Demosthenes! lack of confidence), gathers narrative momentum, and provides many parallels and contrasts with Cicero. These are as follows: the question marks over Demosthenes' natural talent (8.3, contrast Cic. 2.2) and daring (8.7, 9.1, 3, cf. 6.1, 5; Cic. 3.6, 14.1, 35.3, 42.2nn); his vocal problems (11.1); his emphasis on oratorical delivery.

(11.3,

cf. Cic.

5.6); his oratory's harsh and bitter quality (Dem.

11.5),

which contrasts with Cicero's (Cic. 13.1-2) but resembles his wit (Cic. 27.1; cf. also Demosthenes' wit at 16.4); his sense of humour (Dem.

11.5-6, cf. Cic. 1.6n; Plutarch rightly makes much more of Cicero's [cf. Comp. 1.4-6]); his commitment to freedom (12.7, 13.4, cf. Cic. 3.3n); his great glory

(12.7,

cf.

Cic.

1.5n);

the

consistency

and

stability

of

his

policies (13.1-4), which he clearsightedly pursues to the end knowing that they

will

cost him

his life,

in contrast

to Cicero,

who

wavers

over

the

correct punishment for the Catalinarians (Cic. 21.2-3n), is perhaps not temperamentally suited to outright opposition to Caesar (Cic. 38.1), fails to

maintain his Republicanism against Caesar and Octavian (3.3n) and adopts policies which cost him his life but result from criminal folly and ignorance (46.1); his venality (12.4-5, 14.2), as contrasted with Cicero's incorruptibility (7.3n); the philosophical quality of his best oratory (13.5-6, cf. Cic. 13.1); his lack of bravery in war (13.6, 14.2), broadly paralleled by Cicero

(Dem.

3.3, Cic.

3.6n), though

Cicero does have some

military

experience and success (3.2, 16.1, 36.6nn); his failure to live up to his principles (13.6, cf. Cic. 32.6-7); his frankness in his dealings with the people (14.3, cf. Cic. 13.1ff., though Plutarch rightly stresses this more in Demosthenes).

In

structure

and

function

this

section

also

resembles

Plutarch's long disquisition on Cicero's boasting and offensive wit (Cic. 24.1-27.6), which takes the place of the detailed discussion of Cicero's oratory which Plutarch, as a Greek with only a limited knowledge of Latin, and that acquired relatively late in life, did not feel competent to give (cf. Dem. 2.2-4). Next Demosthenes, the unwarlike orator single-handedly inspires and

coordinates Macedon;

Athenian

military

it is the power

support the Athenians.

and

diplomatic

of the orator

resistance

which

to Philip

of

inspires the Thebans

to

At his peak Demosthenes enjoys virtually supreme

power over both Athenians and Thebans (Dem. 17.1-18.3); Cicero similarly deploys his oratorical

power,

and coordinates

the latter-day Philip, at his moment

the armies

against Antony,

of supreme power in Rome

(Cic.

[23

45.4).

Before the decisive defeat inflicted by Philip, Demosthenes is

utterly confident and elated (Dem.

20.1).

Cicero feels the same

emotions

(46.1) but under different circumstances: after the defeat of Antony and when his own ignoble ambition seems on the point of fruition. While Cicero is motivated by base and irrational passions (45.1, 6), the unreason aroused by Demosthenes is inspirational and directed towards the good (Dem. 18.2). Nothing in Cicero's conduct, however, corresponds to Demosthenes' cowardly flight from the battle (Dem. 20.2; contrast Cic.

35.5), though Cicero is generally without confidence in the midst of arms

(35.3), frequently feels 'fear' at physical threats (3.6n), and responds unheroically to being proscribed (47.1ff.). Now Philip feels elated (an alternation of emotion paralleled, though in reverse order, in the reactions

of Antony

and Cicero in Cic.

43.1

and 46.1), but after drunken

and

insolent rejoicing he quickly sobers up, realises how he has been forced to risk everything in a single day, and shudders with fear at the terrible power .of the orator (Dem. 20.3). In his brutal initial reaction Philip anticipates Antony (Cic. 49.1-2), but in his timely tragic realisation he contrasts both with Antony (Cic. 49.1, 6) and Cicero (Cic. 46.1).

Now is Demosthenes’ greatest international fame and he survives to fight for his policies, whereas with Cicero the corresponding incidents bring about the fall of the Republic and his own destruction, for both of which

he himself is mainly responsible (Dem. 20.4-21.1-2, Cic. 46.1).

Rival

orators attack Demosthenes but he retains popular favour, like Cicero at an earlier stage of his career (Dem. 21.1-2, Cic. 9.4-7, 23.1-6), though Demosthenes loses confidence for a time (Dem. 21.3, cf. Cic. 14.1n). Disgracefully, he leads the Athenian rejoicing at Philip's death: admirably, he subordinates his private grief at his daughter's death to public duty (Dem.

22.3,

5-7),

a sharp contrast to Cicero's response to the same

loss

(Cic. 41.8). History repeats itself: Demosthenes, again supreme in Athenian politics (cf. the succession of occasions when Cicero enjoys great power [Cic. 24.1n]), orchestrates Greek opposition to Macedon but it is broken by Alexander's arrival in Boeotia (Dem. 23.1-2). In the inglorious sequel Demosthenes shows fear and loss of nerve (Dem. 23.3, 24.1), but though his enemies are politically dominant he retains sufficient popular goodwill to be acquitted (24.2), unlike Cicero in his struggle with Clodius (Cic. 28.1-31.6). The Harpalus affair re-emphasises Demosthenes' venality (Dem. 25.1-26.2). Demosthenes' exile closely parallels Cicero's in moral weakness and inconsistency between behaviour and principles, appeal to ‚Athene, and ‘choice of lives'-motif (Dem. 26.5-7, Cic. 31.6, 32.5-7). Alexander's death allows Demosthenes to assist the revolt against Macedon and he enjoys a triumphant return from exile, like Cicero earlier in his

24] career (Dem. 27.1-7, Cic. 33.7-8). But the crushing of the revolt forces his withdrawal, he is sentenced to death on Demades' proposal and pursued by Macedonians under Archias, who is like Cicero's killer Popillius in his. treachery and in being known to his victim. The narrative of Demosthenes' death, like the final part of the Cicero narrative, has a pronounced

tragic

flavour

true

worth

Demosthenes honoured,

(Dem.

is

28.2-29.7,

recognised

just as Cicero's are (Dem.

Cic.

48.1,

posthumously

47.6,

and

41.1n).

his

30.5-6, 31.3, Cic. 49.5-6).

family A statue

of Demosthenes is put up, whereas Antony's statues are overturned. The anecdote of Dem. 31.1-3 (on Demosthenes’ 'incorruptibility) reverses

Dem. 27.3-6 (the story of Demosthenes' corruption by Harpalus), just as Cic. 49.5 (Octavian's tribute to Cicero's patriotism) reverses Cic. 46.1 (Cicero's betrayal of his country's liberty). Demades is fittingly punished by death for his betrayal of Demosthenes, thus paralleling the fates of both Philologus and Antony (Dem. 31.4-6, Cic. 49.2-3, 6).

The formal comparison Though 3.1),

Plutarch

he renounced underlines

detailed the

main

comparison

of their

differences.

oratory

Demosthenes

(Dem. devoted

himself to oratory, Cicero was widely learned and interested in different kinds of literature, wrote philosophical works and even in his oratory displays wide learning (Comp. 1.1-3, cf. Dem. 4.4, 5.5, Cic. 2.3-5, 3.3, 24.5-8, 32.6, 40.1-3, 41.1). Their oratory illustrates their different characters. Demosthenes’ oratory was powerful, earnest and intense, matching his unremittingly serious, even bitter and sullen, disposition; Cicero's wit often transgressed propriety (Comp. 1.4-6, cf. Dem. 4.8, 6.3,

8.4, 11.5-6, 12.6, 16.4, Cic. 5.6, 25.1-27.6, 38.2-8).

Cicero was naturally:

humorous and looked it, Demosthenes always looked intense and serious (Comp. 1.6). Demosthenes praises himself inoffensively and for . some higher end; Cicero's boasting proves an excessive desire for fame. While the statesman needs eloquence (cf. Cic. 13.1), he should not crave the fame that comes from successful oratory (cf. Cic. 32.7). Demosthenes is

modest and dismissive of those who puff themselves up at their oratorical success (Comp. 2, cf. Dem. 9.2, Cic. 6.5, 24.1-28.1, 32.7). As popular leaders and orators they were equally powerful,

so that

even military men needed their support (Comp. 3.1, cf. Dem. 3.4, 5.4, 6.2, 18.2, 20.3, 23.2, Cic. 8.6-7, 31.3, 44.1; 45.1, 4). But as regards official positions of power (the real test of character and human passions), Demosthenes never had any, whereas as governor Cicero was humane and

[25

36.1-5),

6.1,

(Cic.

honest

as consul

and

12.4-5,

14.2,

13.6,

15.1-2,

20.4-5,

he exemplified

the Platonic

Demosthenes was venal (cf. Dem.

hilosopher-statesman (Cic. 13.1, 18.7).

25.3-8),

whereas Cicero was not only

incorruptible, he even refused gifts (Comp. 3.1-7, cf. Cic. 7.3, 8.2, 36.3). As the penalty for corruption Demosthenes' exile was disgraceful (cf. Dem.

26.2); Cicero's was honourable, as the consequence of his defeat of the Yet whereas Cicero wasted his exile (cf. Cic. 32.5-7), Catilinarians. Demosthenes used his to support the Greek resurgence against the Macedonians. On his return, he continued the struggle (cf. Dem. 27.1-8), whereas Cicero did not oppose Octavian's unlawful candidature for the

consulship

and

Caesar's (Comp.

seemed 4.1-4,

responsible

for rearing

cf. Cic. 45.2).

a tyranny

Finally, whereas

worse

thar

Cicero's murdei

was pitiable, Demosthenes' suicide was heroic. This formal Comparison has grave weaknesses. First, its simplicity: and explicitness contrasts poorly with the ambiguities and complexities of the Cicero narrative, so that Plutarch's las

‚words on the subject seem disappointingly trite.

Second, the organisation of material into separate moral categorie: obscures the extent to which these categories overlap (cf. section 3). Third,

while

the

Comparison

goes

some

way

to

defining

th

differences between Demosthenes and Cicero and devotes more space t Cicero, it inevitably suggests equality of treatment, whereas in fac Plutarch's portrayal of Cicero is far the more complex. Fourth, the moral analysis of the Comparison remains essentiall static, whereas the Cicero narrative conveys a powerful sense of th vicissitudes of Cicero's career, of his varying success in overcomin recurrent,

yet ever more complex and dangerous, problems,

and of how a

the end his different failings intensify and come together to effect hi downfall (41.1n). Fifth, as often in the Comparisons, forced

and

crude:

for

example

the

some of the specific points ar

characterisation

of Cicero's

exile

a

honourable does no justice to the narrative's detailed and subtle treatmer

of the struggle with Clodius, which strikes a fine balance between pity fc Cicero, a sense of moral outrage at his plight and precise analysis of h mistakes; the contrast between the manner in which the two men sper their exiles suppresses the very precise parallels between Dem. 26.5-7 an Cic. 32.5-7; and the contrast between Demosthenes’ and Cicero's behävioı

on return from exile omits 14 years of Cicero's career.

26] Conclusion

Despite the shortcomings of the formal Comparison,

it is abundantly

clear that the Demosthenes-Cicero pair forms an organic unity, and. that the points of comparison between the two men are very numerous and developed in very great detail. Some of the Ciceronian material is even distorted to sharpen these parallels and contrasts (cf. Cic. 2.3, 7.3, 32.5, 35.5nn). At practically every point in the narrative Cicero's behaviour invites comparison with Demosthenes'. The reader must be constantly alert to parallels and contrasts not only within the Cicero but also between the Cicero and the Demosthenes. The principle of comparison is integral to these narratives. Bibliography F. Focke, 'Synkrisis', Hermes 58 (1923), 327-68

S. Constanza, 'La syncrisis nello schema biographico di Plutarcho', Messana 4 (1955), 127-56 H. Erbse, 'Die Bedeutung der Synkrisis in den Parallelbiographien Plutarchs,' Hermes Demosthenes-Cicero

84

(1956),

398-424,

especially

406-13

on

the

*Russell, Plutarch [section 2 bibliography], 110-13 *Wardman, Plutarch's Lives [section 2 bibliography], 234-44 *P.A.

Stadter,

‘Plutarch's

Comparison

of

Pericles

and

Fabius

Maximus', Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 16 (1975), 77-85 *Pelling, 'Synkrisis in Plutarch's Lives', in Miscellanea Plutarchea (Atti del I convegno di studi su Plutarcho), Quad. del Giorn. Filol.

Ferrarese 8, 83-96 (Ferrara 1986) | *Id., Plutarch: Life of Antony (Cambridge 1988), 18-26.

8 THE SOURCES

OF THE CICERO

Source criticism: the why and the how It is important to modern historians and literary critics alike to try to establish Plutarch's sources: his historical accuracy depends partly on his

choice of sources, and his adaptation of them is a key aspect of his literary

art.

But

the

task

is

difficult.

The

ancient

historical

writer

characteristically cites sources only rarely; even then, he need not be working at first hand with the cited source: the citation may already be

[27 embedded in his immediate source. In the absence of source citations, comparing

different

authors'

accounts

documenting similarities and differences.

source of

the

criticism same

These may

begins

by

material

and

be explained

by

sameness or difference of source or by quite other factors such as differences of focus, interest, competence, or literary technique among the

various writers.

Omission

of material

is especially hard

to interpret.

Information recorded by one writer may be omitted by another because he is indeed following a different source or for various other reasons: because he is uninterested in that kind of information, because it clashes with his general interpretation, because he does not understand it, and so on. In

any particular case the explanation can be established only by detailed analysis. Source criticism, therefore, must involve literary criticism. Even when such analysis establishes a direct source-relationship between two writers, that relationship may be of several kinds.

In the case

of writers working at the same time independently of each other, it will be ‘a common source. In the case of writers separated in time, there are

various possibilities: one may be following the other, who in turn may be following a primary source (i.e. a source contemporaneous with the events described); the first may be following both the other and a primary source; both may be following a primary source independently; and of course, depending on his date, the earlier of the two writers may himself be a

primary source.

Where the investigation involves more than two writers,

the picture will be even more complicated. The task must also be approached from the other end - the available primary sources. In cases where a primary source survives and a later

historian is demonstrably following it, the source critic can analyse how closely the source is adhered to and what kinds of changes are made, if any, and thus hope to gain insight into the historian's general practice. But generalisation may be dangerous, for his practice may vary according to context. Again, though the character of some of the available primary sources might seem to make them especially attractive to a later historian, this of course does not prove that he actually used them. Then too, in cases where there was a large quantity of primary material, the fact that a later historian's account seems close to a given primary text does not necessarily mean that this is his source: the same item of information may have appeared in similar form in several primary texts. Finally, in the nature of things some kinds of material do not lend themselves to great variation of treatment, so that similarities between writers may not reflect any source-relationship at all but rather the simple fact that they are dealing with the same material.

28] General dif ficulties in reconstructing the sources of the Cicero Cicero

writer.

was

an

immensely

important

politician

and

a very

prolific

There was a mass of primary evidence about him, much of which

survives but much of which does not.

writers concerned

with him,

and

Plutarch is only one of several later

the Cicero

is not the only

one

of

Plutarch's Lives which is relevant. Hence Plutarch's various accounts must be compared not only with the primary evidence but also with the Life of Julius Caesar by the Roman biographer Suetonius, Plutarch's near contemporary, and the narrative histories of the later Greek historians Appian and Cassius Dio. Plutarch himself is a writer who sometimes follows sources closely, but sometimes reworks them radically (cf. section

9).

Suetonius, Appian and Cassius Dio are also, in their different ways,

creative

writers.

— Reconstructions

of

therefore, have been many and diverse.

the

sources

behind

the

Cicero,

What follows is a summary of the

editor's findings. The notes in the commentary will often shed light on the reasoning behind the claims made here. | The range of sources Cicero's own works were of major historical value and Plutarch uses them extensively.

Cicero wrote a (now lost) Greek monograph about his consulship and it is this work which forms the core of the Catilinarian narrative in chs. 10-23

(15.1-4,

20.3,

12.2,

20.1-3nn;

Crass.

13.4,

Caes.

8.4).

He

also

wrote a secret work (also lost) called De consiliis suis ("On his policies’), which accused Crassus and Caesar of. responsibility both for the Catilinarian conspiracy and his exile. This provides Plutarch with supplementary material on the conspiracy and its consequences (20.6, 20.7, 33.8nn; Crass. 13.3-5).

From Cicero's voluminous correspondence Plutarch draws on letters to Atticus (29.7-8, 36.4-5, 37.2-4, 40.2, 43.4, 43.6-7), letters to and from Brutus (45.2-3,

cf. 24.6),

letters to his son and friends (24.8,

40.3

[both

lost]; 36.6, 37.3, cf. 36.7n), and Cicero's Greek letters (24.8-9 [lost]). The letters to Atticus are clearly the most important of this group, followed by the letters of Brutus.

Of Cicero's speeches, Plutarch uses the Pro Roscio Amerino

(3.4,

3.5nn), Pro Plancio (6.1, 3-4), Pro Murena (7.1, Comp. 1.5; cf. 35.4), Verrines (7.4-5), the lost In toga candida (10.3n), the Catilinarians (22.6-7, 21.2-3nn), Pro Caelio (29.5, cf. Comp. 1.4), In Pisonem (31.4n,

[29

cf. Comp. 2.1 with Pis. 72, 74), Pro Sestio (33.4, 33.6nn), De domo (33.6),

Post

reditum

in senatu

(33.7-8),

and the Philippics

(43.4,

6-7).

Within this category the most significant is the use of the Pro Plancio in the anecdote about Cicero's return from Sicily. From Cicero's rhetorical works, the Brutus contributes substantially to the narrative of Cicero's career in chs. 3-4 (cf. especially 3.7n) and provides a couple of other items (24.5, 6); there are also traces of the Orator (32.6, 24.6) and of Cicero's correspondence on oratory (24.6).

Plutarch may have glanced at some of Cicero's poetry (2.3, cf. 40.3, 20.1-3n) and his philosophical works (24.5, cf. 40.2, Comp. 1.3), but if so, he has derived little from them. Of other contemporary sources, Plutarch uses the monograph of the Roman historian Sallust on the Catilinarian conspiracy as a minor supplement for the Catiline narrative (17.5n, 10.1-2, 11.1-2, 14.1). Much more important are two (lost) works of Tiro, Cicero's faithful freedman and literary executor, who knew the man, both public and private, and his writings, as well as anyone. Plutarch's full catalogue of Ciceronian jokes (25.1-27.6, 7.6-8, 38.2-8, 1.5-6, 5.6, 9.3) derives from

Tiro's collection of the same (5.6n) Tiro also wrote a substantial biography of Cicero, which Plutarch cites at 41.4-5 and 49.4. The apologetic version of Cicero's domestic troubles (41.2-5)

the narrative of source, and many Nepos, friend of [lost] biography

and the bulk of

Cicero's flight and death (47.1—48.5) come from this other items throughout the Life might do so. (Cornelius Cicero and Atticus and biographer of repute, also wrote a of Cicero. [115 presence in the Life is hard to discern,

unless perhaps in the confused account of Tullia's marital history at 41.7.)

Plutarch's treatment of Cicero's domestic troubles in 41.6 draws on Mark Antony's (lost) replies to the Philippics. There is other anti-Ciceronian invective in the Life which might well go back to Antony (41.4, 29.2-4, 1.2, 5.2). A more substantial source was Augustus's (lost) Autobiography, which narrated his life up to 23 B.C. Plutarch cites Augustus directly (45.6, Comp. 3.1), and the account of Cicero's dream certainly goes back to the Autobiography (44.3-4); the same source must also lie behind the materia on the pact between Cicero and Octavian, Cicero's solicitude toward: Octavian and the latter's significant birth during Cicero's consulship. Octavian's eclipse after Mutina as the reason for seeking a joint consulshiy

with Cicero, and Octavian's attempts to save Cicero (44.1-2, 44.7, 45.4-5 46.3 and 46.5).

|

Plutarch also uses some later sources. The very full informatior about Cato in 23.5-6, 34.2-3, 38.1 and 39.1-2 (see n) derives from tht

30] (lost) biography of Cato written by Thrasea Paetus in the reign of Nero, a biography which Plutarch was to use as his main source in the Life of Cato. He evidently wanted to give Cato prominence as a philosophical. figure in the Cicero (3.1n) and went to a source outside his Cicero

material.

The lurid stories of 48.1, 48.2 and 49.2-3 and probably also

47.6 seem to be the extravagant

(47.1-48.6, 48.1nn). with oral tradition, Cicero

and

the

inventions of Augustan

rhetoricians

In other Lives Plutarch supplemented written sources This may well be the case with the stories about

Delphic

oracle,

Lentulus

Sura,

and

Augustus

and

his

grandson (5.1, 17.2-4 and 49.5).

Finally, does Plutarch use any main-line historical sources?

In later

Roman Lives Plutarch used as his main narrative source the (lost) Histories of Asinius Pollio, friend of Caesar and Antony, himself an active

participant in the Civil Wars. This work began with the formation of the so-called 'First triumvirate' in 60 and probably went down to the end of the 30s. The fact that Plutarch does not use Pollio on Cicero's death

proves nothing, Pollio's version of this being notably ungenerous (48.3-5n). On the other hand, there are few, if any, discernible Pollian traces in the narrative.

There is even less to indicate Livian influence.

Conclusion

Plutarch's main sources were as follows: Cicero's Brutus, monograph on the consulship, De consiliis suis, speeches, and letters, Antony's replies to the Philippics, Brutus' letters, Sallust's Catiline, Augustus' Autobiography, Tiro's biography and collection of jokes. These sources evidently fulfil two

requirements: (a) they are contemporary; (b) they are personality-centred. Though Plutarch did draw on some later material (some Augustan 'rhetoricians' history', some oral tradition, Thrasea Paetus! biography of Cato), he did so sparingly; nor did he make much, if any, use of the major

narrative historians. His choice of sources from Cicero's own works reflects the fact that he is writing a moral and (to some extent) a politica! biography

rather than

a strictly intellectual

one:

thus his use of Cicero's

philosophical works is at best, very slight. For the most part he read these main sources himself; only with more abstruse matters, like Cicero's precise contribution to Latin philosophical terminology (40.2), he rely wholly on what others told him. But clearly his reading was selective: he did not read the whole of the Brutus or all thirteen books of Augustus' Autobiography. Though his sources were many and diverse, his procedure seems

generally

to have

been

to use

one

source

as a framework

for

a

E

131

particular stretch of narrative, with suitable insertions: thus chs. 4-6 are ‘mostly Cicero Brutus, the Catiline narrative mostly Cicero's Greek monograph, Cicero's relationship with Octavian mostly Augustus’ Autobiography, the narrative of Cicero's flight and death very largely Tiro.

Plutarch must have had help of various kinds in composing his Lives. No doubt

he could consult Roman

friends (on Cicero's current

reputation

as a poet, for example), and avail himself of slaves as research assistants, as many ancient writers are known to have done. Such help would explain what might otherwise appear implausible use of sources: one can imagine Plutarch deputing someone to find out Cicero's views on the relationship between the orator and the philosopher, and thus getting hold of Orat. 12 (32.6n), without having to wade all the way through the Orator. Yet his achievement remains impressive. He shows good judgement in choosing his sources (section 10), distinct resourcefulness in reworking them for his own purposes (section 9), and considerable skill in welding them together into a unified narrative (section 3). Bibliography .H. Peter, Die Quellen Plutarchs in den Biographien der Rómer (Halle 1865, repr. Amsterdam 1965), 129-35 A. Gudeman, The Sources of Plutarch's Life of Cicero (Philadelphia 1902, repr. Rome 1971) G.L. Hendrickson, 'Cicero's Correspondence with Brutus and Calvus on Oratorical Style', American Journal of Philology 47 (1926), 234—58 Magnino (section 3 bibliography) v-xvii H. Homeyer, 'Die antike Berichte uber den Tod Ciceros und ihre Quellen, Deutsche Beiträge zur Altertumswissenschaft 18 (1964), 6-44, repr. with minor alterations in Helikon

17 (1977), 56-96

O. Lendle, 'Ciceros hypomnema peri tes hypateias, (1967), 90-109 *Flaceliére-Chambry (section 3 bibliography) 56-61 J. Geiger,

Hermes

95

'Munatius Rufus and Thrasea Paetus on Cato the Younger',

Athenaeum 57 (1979), 48-72 B. Scardigli, Die Rómerbiographien Plutarchs (Munich 1979), 114-19

*Pelling, 'Plutarch's Method of Work in the Roman Lives,' (section 2 bibliography) 89 *Id., ‘Plutarch and Catiline,! Hermes 113 (1985), 312-318 *A.B. Bosworth, 'Augustus and August: some pitfalls of

historical

fiction', Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 86 (1982), 157—58

32] E.Rawson, 'History, historiography and Cicero's Expositio consiliorum

suorum', Liverpool Classical Monthiy 7.8 (Oct. 1982), 121-4 J. Moles,

'Plutarch Crassus 13.4-5 and Cicero's De consiliis suis’,

Liver pool Classical Monthly 7.9 (Nov. 1982), 136-37. 9 THE CICERO: BIOGRAPHY, HISTORY, LITERATURE AND TRUTH The differences between biography and historiography

Ancient biography, which recounts the life of an individual from birtl to death, is formally different from ancient historiography, which deal with

great

events

biographies generals,

of who

and

famous were

the

achievements.

Greek

But

and

authors

Roman

of

those

Plutarch's

Parallel

politicians, great

Lives

statesmen

achievements.

So

an

an! th

subject matter of Plutarchean biography necessarily overlaps with that o ancient historiography. But the avowed main purpose of the Parallel Live is to portray behaviour to

character in order to provide readers with paradigms o imitate or avoid in their own lives. Hence Plutarc

sometimes makes a sharp distinction between biography and historiography as in Alex.

by whom

1.1-2:

'It is the life of Alexander the king,

Pompey

was overthrown,

that I am writing in this book, an

because of the multitude of the deeds to be preface than to beg my readers, if I do not deal exhaustively with any one of them, but not to complain. For it is not histories that there

always

a manifestation

and of the Caesa

of virtue

treated I shall make no othe relate all their great deeds c in epitome for the most par! I am writing but lives, nor !

or vice

in the

most

conspicuot

achievements; rather, a small thing -- a remark, a jest — often makes greater revelation of character than battles with thousands of dead, or th greatest battle-lines or sieges of cities.'

According

to

Plutarch,

then,

there

are

fundamental

between the two genres. Biography concentrates on portrayal, historiography on great deeds; biography mere epitome) by comparison with the 'greatness' of subject matter biography focuses on 'small things’, in

things'

(battles,

battle-lines,

difference

people and charactt is small in scale ( historiography; in i contrast to the ‘gre:

sieges) of historiography,

because

it is th

former which are the more revealing of character. This conception of biography as fundamentally different fro! historiography has some inevitable consequences. The moral biographt will

be

highly

selective

in his choice

of material

- he

is not

aiming

|

: [33 provide a comprehensive account of his subject and cannot be blamed if he joes not do so. He will give great prominence to details of personal life which may be trivial historically but not morally. He will skimp the -onstitutional or political background to his subject's career and greatly implify the narrative,

especially the linking narrative between key events.

There are other possible consequences. of his chosen material may

The moral biographer's treatment

constantly be geared to moral

edification.

He

may emphasise anything that conduces to simple moral lessons even if it is historically unimportant, even, indeed, if it is historically highly dubious. He may offer rather simplistic and schematic interpretations of character. [n his zeal to supply moral paradigms he may also present idealised rather than true portraits.

All these phenomena can be illustrated to some degree in Plutarch's Lives. Thus the Cicero cheerfully omits whole chunks of Cicero's career (35.1, 39.4nn), gives a lot of information about Cicero's schooling, physique, vocal problems, philosophical and oratorical teachers, regime of life

and

finances,

but

in

describing

political

opposition

to

Sulla's

constitution does not explain what that constitution was (10.2), contains stretches of greatly simplified narrative (e.g. 35.2, 45.4, 46.2nn), is notably

thin on the military history (22.8, 36.6nn), retails some morally improving material of whose

inauthenticity Plutarch is fully aware

(see below),

gives

considerable stress to an apparently simplistic view of Cicero's failure (his fatal flaw' is ambition [1.5n and below]), but sometimes also talks as if Cicero were virtue incarnate (7.3n and below).

The similarities between biography and historiography Nevertheless, in Alex. 1.2 and other similar passages, simply because Plutarch is anticipating criticism of the selectivity of his treatment, he Werstates the differences between historiography and biography. Much incient historiography accords great prominence to individuals, sometimes

for example in Herodotus) even to the extent of including virtual Jiographies of them, many ancient historians proclaim a moral purpose, sometimes in terminology very similar to that used by Plutarch of his Jiographical purpose (cf. e.g. Polyb. 2.61.3, Liv. Praef. 10, Tac. 3.65.1), ind in their pages the 'ideal figure' (the ideal general or the ideal statesman) is an ever-recurring type. The contrast in size can also be exaggerated.

A

Plutarchean

Life

may

be

small

in comparison

with

the

preat works of the first historians Herodotus and Thucydides, but comparable in scale to later historians' treatments of the period covered by

34] the Life. Nor is ancient historiography necessarily as solidly ‘historical’ (in the sense of attempting to record accurately, and properly explain, only things that actually happened) as it is sometimes thought to be. For example, the use in historiography of narrative structures borrowed from imaginative literature is commonplace. The kind of tragic patterning that Plutarch deploys in the final section of the Cicero (41.1n) is found again and again in historiography. And many ancient historians, including even the great Thucydides, are highly selective in the material they choose to record.

But to the extent that ancient historiography is concerned with accurate recording of things that actually happened, this historical concern is sometimes also found in biography. In his Lives Plutarch sometimes has explicit discussions of points of historicity, chronology, source bias etc., and sometimes provides background historical analysis. So for example in the Cicero he conveys the impression of being engaged in research (1.1), weighs historical problems by appeal to sources (45.2, 6; 49.4), gives some sense of the socio-economic background to the Catilinarian conspiracy (10.4-5), underlines the political significance of Pompey's absence from Rome at this period (9.7n), and later stresses that Pompey was the key tc Cicero's return from exile (33.3, 4nn), shows some awareness of the mean:

by which ambitious Roman politicians ingratiated themselves with thei peers, their superiors and the general public (7.1-2, 8.6), and of the difficulties faced by a 'new man' (1.5-6n), suggests some of the ways ii which Cicero was a forerunner of the emperors (2.1n), and offers quite : deft sketch of the relations between the ascendant Cicero and such variou concentrations of power as his Sicilian clients (6.1, 8.2), Pompey an Crassus (8.6-7, 9.2), the people (9.7, 10.1), the aristocratic class ii general and the narrow oligarchy within it (10.1, 9.7), and the equite. (13.1-4). Hence, despite Alex. 1.1-2, Plutarch is often content to put hi biographical activity within the general category of 'history' (cf. e.g. Thes 1.5, Nic. 1.5). And when in the Cicero he exploits Thucydidean motif (32.5, 45.1), he surely implies, even tacitly claims, a direct paralle between his activity and that of the greatest historian of antiquity. Plutarch, then,

is in the first instance a moral biographer; but he I

to some extent too a historian. He is also of course a literary man, wh wants not only to provide moral edification, not only to record wha happened, but also to give pleasure to his readers, an aim all ancien

historical writers shared,

to a greater or lesser degree.

Hence in th

Cicero such vivid descriptions as that of Cicero's contrasting progression through the forum at the climax of the Catilinarian conspiracy (22.1-6) ot at the end, the marvellously affecting narrative of Cicero's flight an

[35 aurder (47.1-48.6). Plutarch as biographer, historian and literary artist So in the Lives Plutarch plays at least three different roles — that of he moral biographer, that of the historian, and that of the literary artist. Je is not always successful

in deciding which particular role he wants

to

lay at any one moment: he sometimes suffers from the literary equivalent f multiple personality disorder, and the consequences are most instructive.

For example, Cic. 48.2 and 49.2-4 tell of Cicero's alleged betrayal by hilologus (who had been educated by Cicero personally and was a reedman of Cicero's brother Quintus), and of Philologus! justly horrible unishment at the hands of Pomponia, Quintus! wife. From the outset lutarch shows himself perfectly well aware that there is doubt about the tory's historicity (hence the introductory "it is said that’), but he tells it all he same. For it fulfils several functions. It has moral value: the

rerpetrator ppeal;

of a dreadful

a prime concern

betrayal

is horribly punished.

It has literary

of ancient literature was to arouse

emotion,

and

ragedy in particular aimed to arouse the emotions of pity and fear; thus as he last and most dreadful of all the various betrayals, both of Cicero and yy Cicero,

in the narrative (46.1n),

this tragic and terrible story will raise

he pity and fear of the ancient reader to unprecedented heights; and as an iccount of a peculiarly ghastly punishment it will satisfy his voracious

ppetite for the macabre.

These effects are further enhanced by grim

rony,

cultural

since

it is Cicero's

life,

formerly

his

sure

refuge

from

yolitical danger, which now strikes him down (3.3, 48.2nn). The story is ‘ven not without a certain broad historical value. As the last in the long eries of betrayals and floutings of all civilised standards of behaviour, it

orms part of Plutarch's perfectly serious analysis of moral decline in the

losing years of the Republic. Then too, Philologus! similarity both to cicero himself and to Octavian makes the point that as a matter of fact -icero was vulnerable to deception by those whom

he mistakenly regarded

iS being like himself. From

all these points of view,

then,

Plutarch

wants

this story to be

aken seriously, so to defend it he notes that it is the report of 'some of he historians. However, the Plutarch who is concerned with history in he strict sense of what did or did not actually happen immediately adds But Tiro, Cicero's own freedman, does not even mention Philologus' reachery at all' (49.4), which is indeed a decisive argument against the vhole story (to say nothing of its intrinsic implausibility).

But since he has

36] included the story and used it to create certain effects, he does not deny its

authenticity outright.

Piutarch is pulled in several directions at once ard

cannot conceal his indecision over what his proper stance towards such suspect material should.be. It would have been less messy if he had either told the story straight, without questioning its historical truth, or omitted it

altogether as being unhistorical in the sense that it did not happen. Plutarch's treatment of this story is flawed eloquent of the complexity of his aims.

but

these

very

Thus

flaws

are

The truth problem This

example

also

poses

in

a

particularly

acute

form

the

central

problem of Plutarchean biography: the problem of its truth content.

How closely does Plutarch stick to the truth in the Cicero? large

and

difficult

question,

which

involves

checking

That is :

Plutarch's

narrative

against other sources, where available, preferably sources Plutarch himseli used

(when

they

survive),

those other sources.

and

then

trying to assess the

truth

content

What follows is a distillation of this process.

Οἱ

In tht

itemised summary of the various categories of. material some of tht examples may be debatable but not enough to impair the general picture In

most

instances

commentary.

fuller

Neither

detail

and

argument

the categories themselves

may nor

be

found

the examples

in

th:

of th!

categories are exhaustive nor are all the categories completel' self-contained, but they do provide fairly full coverage of the problem. (a) Close adherence to sources, as in the accounts of the youn; Cicero's physique (3.7, based on Cicero Brut. 313-14), Cicero’ governorship of Cilicia (36.4-5, based on Cicero Att. 6.2.5-6), Brutus strictures against Cicero (45.2, based on Cicero Ad Brut. 1.16.7 an 1.17.5). In such cases the truth or otherwise of Plutarch's record obvious! depends on the nature of the material and on the truthfulness of hi sources:

but

the

Brutus’

strictures are opinion

information

presumably substantially Cicero's own account of Nevertheless, there narrative, ranging from

about

Cicero's

and

interpretation

physique

and

rather

than fact

governorship

i

true (allowing for a degree of self-idealisation i his governorship). is a great deal of factual distortion in Plutarch relatively trivial to great and from individual iter

to large-scale rewritings:

(b) Slight exaggeration/development of the facts. Gnaeus Pompey an his friends actually draw swords against Cicero after his refusal to continu the fight against Caesar (39.2), which they do not actually seem to ha

[37 done, and Antony's threats against Cicero in September 44 are exaggerated and translated into action that stops only just short of full implementation (43.7), whereas in reality they never came to anything at all; cf. also 8.6,

10.3, 20.3, 22.8, 29.6, 32.2, 33.1, 37.1, 40.1, 43.4. (c) Pointed simplification, e.g. of the complicated procedure of the Verres case (7.4-5), of Pompey's armed supervision of the Milo case and the course of the trial (35.2, 5), of Cicero's complex agonisings in the Civil War (37.3). (d) Frequent chronological liberties (from small to great), of twc main types: (d1) telescoping of time scale, (d2) chronological displacement of material. Examples of (41) are ‘at once’ (38.1, of a month's interval), ‘a short time’ (34.1, of at least 9 months), ‘after this' (35.1, of a gap of c. 35 years); cf. also 15.1, 28.2, 33.4, 38.1; 39.3, 4; 41.3.

Examples of (d2

occur at 3.1 (Cicero is a pupil of Philo before going to 'Mucius', cf. 3.1 2nn), 40.2 (Cicero's late philosophical works are put all together at the enc of 46), 43.8 (Octavian's arrival in Italy is dated after the breakdown o relations between Cicero and Antony in September 44); cf. also 8.6, 10.5 16.6; 30.2, 5; 32.2; 33.5, 6; 36.1, 41.1, 43.1, 49.6. (e) Conflation of similar items, e.g. at 34.1 Plutarch runs togethe Cicero's two attempts on Clodius' tribunician tablets and at 45.5 he, run together two battles and the different ways in which the two consuls me their deaths; cf. also 12.4, 6; 13.2-4. 20.4, 23.2-3, 33.6.

(f) Transference of items from their historical agent or recipient t: someone else, e.g. at 17.5 Lentulus has thoughts about Catiline which wer actually had by Cethegus about the other conspirators, at 31.4 Piso says t

Cicero things which he actually said to a senatorial deputation excludin Cicero, at 33.4 Quintus has an experience actually had by Sestius; cf. als 3.5, 8.6, 22.8, 32.5. (g) Sporadic. idealisations of Cicero (e.g. at 7.3, 13.1 and 36.1-6) some of which involve suppression of evidence which would undermine th idealisation (13.1, 36.1nn; cf. also 33.4n). (h) Reinterpretation of source statements to give them a completel different meaning, e.g. at 6.4 Cicero's remark 'I stopped thinking abou

what men were going to hear about me' is completely twisted, and at 32. Cicero's statement about his indebtedness to philosophy radically recast. (i) Omissions

of various kinds.

categories of simplified but some are extremely that Cicero's support of of this Octavian had to 45.4.

Some

are trivial and

come

narrative (p. 33 above) or conflation ([e] bold, e.g. at 46.1 the failure to mention Octavian's consulship did not succeed and use armed force to secure the consulship;

into th

above, the fac! becaus cf. als

38] (j) Full-scale reworking of sources at critical moments in the narrative, involving several different categories of factual distortion simultaneously, notably in the accounts of Cicero's return to Italy from Sicily (6.3-4 [discussed below]) and Cicero's inner debate about whether tc join Pompey or Caesar (37.2-4). (k)

Exploitation

of

materiai

which

Piutarch

himself

knows

to

be

untrue (a more extreme phenomenon than the extensive exploitation ol material about whose historicity Plutarch is agnostic [1.1n]). One exampk — the Philologus story — has already been discussed. Others are the part ol Popillius in Cicero's murder, a similar case to the Philologus one, thougt less

complex

(48.1n),

and

Cicero's

dream

about

the

divinely-favourec

Octavian, the historicity of which Plutarch rejects, but which he nevertheless exploits to re-emphasise the 'succession' between Cicero anc Augustus and anticipate Augustus' genuine role as a saviour (44.3-7n). (1) Outright invention of material.

The ‘distinguished man' of 6.3 is :

certain example of this, so also the reflections of 'the best men' at 22.6-7 and those who 'stood in the way' and persuaded Antony to desist from violence at 43.7; highly probable examples are Cicero's plan to devote himself to philosophy (4.3) and hesitant start to politics on his return from Greece (5.2), the philosophers' failure to console Cicero after Tullia" death (41.8), Cicero's self-reproach over his caution (43.4), and hi rapturous reception on his return to Rome (43.5). (m) A slightly special category of distortion is that arising from th need to create, or accentuate, parallels and contrasts between Demosthene and Cicero in the unified pair (see p. 26). How should one interpret these very numerous, and in some cases very considerable, factual distortions?

Plutarch of course does make

(see section 10), but this can explain few, if any, of the above.

error

There i

no way that the examples in (j), (k) or (l) can be ‘just mistakes Admittedly, in some cases Plutarch might have thought to himself ‘I hav no evidence for this but it must have been true', e.g. 'the best men' 'mu:

have had' the reflections of 22.6-7 ([1]).

But this defence can apply on!

to a handful of cases at most. As for chronological distortion, it is ¢ course patent that Plutarch did not use any precise chronological system but he would still know enough to be aware that after Caesar left for Spai Cicero did not sail to Greece 'at once' (38.1). Nor can it all be explaine away

as 'unconscious'

bothered

distortion, on the ground

about historical

unconscious,

but

even

so

accuracy.

Some

one

have

would

that Plutarch

of the to

admit

just was τί

distortions that

may

Plutarch

b w%

consciously aware that he was not trying to make all his material accuratt

there would still be something to explain.

More important, it is very hat

[3 to see how the distortions in, for example, (b), (g), (h), (3) and (k) can b

anything other than cold-blooded and deliberate.

|

The problem is the more acute because it would be quite incorrect t« deny Plutarch all concern for historical truth in the conventional sense Some examples of this concern have already been given. It is als

significant that when Plutarch invents material ([1]), he will only go so far he does not invent whole episodes.

Yet it remains inescapably the cas

that this concern for historical truth in the conventional sense, though real

is intermittent, and sometimes quite definitely takes second place to othe considerations. The inadequacy of the literary explanation Might

the

answer

be

that

to

a

interested in producing good literature? "(b), for example,

large

extent

Plutarch

is

simpl

The effect of the distortions ii

is certainly to increase vividness and drama,

while thos

of (d) and (e) help to create a smoother, less cluttered, narrative. An clearly one of the effects (and, if the analysis already given is right, th intentions) of the Philologus story is to arouse readers' emotions. Whether or not there can ever be such a thing as ‘pure literature’ is: large general question, but here at any rate this answer is unsatisfactory

Even in cases where the distortion seems most ‘literary’, the literary motivi is not necessarily the only one. Cic. 39.2 (category [b]) is dramatic, but i is thematically linked with the equally dramatic scene at 43.7, which serve to crystallise the breakdown

in relations between

Antony

and

Cicero

at:

point just short of extreme physical violence before Plutarch treats th: implications of the important new element in the political situation, th young Octavian. Despite, or indeed because of (see below), th distortions,

there

is a political

analysis

here.

Again,

both

scenes

plac

Cicero in situations of great physical danger, and Cicero's reactions to suci situations, like Demosthenes', are an important moral concern (Dem. 3.3) Furthermore, the "literary! answer to the problem ignores Plutarch’ avowed moral purpose and the pronounced moral content of much of hi writing (for example, the material of category [g]), nor can it fully explai the examples of (j), which do indeed involve creative rewriting of hi sources, but rewriting which focuses directly on moral themes explore throughout the narrative.

40] The moral explanation Part of the answer, then, must be that as a moral biographer Plutarch

is prepared to manipulate and modify historical fact to make moral points. And not necessarily crude ones. Even the most apparently simplistic moralising passages are often more

6.3-4

may

original.

seem

trite

and

complex than they seem

flat-footed

beside

the

at first sight.

sparkling

Ciceronian

But this overlooks the fact that the passage is one of many

tracing the ebb and flow of ambition's influence upon Cicero in various different circumstances and in competition with other influences, yielding a detailed and convincing picture. Again, the distortion of 13.1 serves a double function. On one level the moral biographer seizes the chance to describe the ideal oratorical figure, even though as a matter of fact Cicero illustrated that ideal only imperfectly. At another level the description provides a standard by which Cicero himself may be judged, so that at 21.2-3 or 32.7 his shortcomings appear in sharper relief. Then too, while a modern reader may, if he chooses, dislike the manipulation of historical fact at 37.2-4, he should at least recognise the complexity of the analysis. There is nothing naive about either this passage or 19.5-7 (Plutarch': treatment of Cicero's indecision over the Catilinarians' punishment). More often than not, when people accuse Plutarch of naiveté, it is they who are

naive. Even more complex are the numerous and shifting verbal anc narrative patterns created by Plutarch (see sections 3, 4 and 7), many o! which help to illuminate similarities and differences of moral behaviour.

The general problem of truth in ancient historiography But problems remain: (a) how far can Plutarch the manipulatinj moralist be reconciled with Plutarch the historian? (b) if Plutarch say things

which

he

knows

to

be untrue,

is

he

a

liar?

(c)

if facts

ar

manipulated or changed to make moral and other points, what truth statu do these points have? As to (a) one can say immediately that th reconciliation is not always successful (cf. the Philologus story) and (b) wil be discussed below (p. 44), but underlying all three questions is really on big question: the problem of truth in ancient historical writing generally For, though historiography is not biography and some ancient historians d: not have the overtness and insistence of Plutarch's moral concern (althoug!

others do), the basic kinds of factual distortions which occur in the Cicer are practically universal in ancient historiography (though there ar variations of degree according to writer, type of historical work, type © context within a work), yet most ancient historians profess to be recordin

-

[41

the truth in some sense or other. A partial solution might be through Aristotelian aesthetic theory. .defending

poetry,

particularly

tragedy,

against

Plato,

who

criticised

Ir it fo:

“ts lack of truth content, Aristotle makes a key distinction between

the

“different kinds of truth with which poetry and historiography are concerne

(Poe.

1451a 36ff.).

Historiography is seemingly much the more truthful

sput for Aristotle this kind of truth is trivial: history is about ‘wha “Alcibiades did or what happened to him' — specific truths, what happene "to a particular individual at a particular time. Poetry, on the other hand “ig about ‘universal truths' — or, in Aristotle's precise definition, "what sor “of person would, as a matter of probability or necessity, say or do wha -sort of thing', and this despite the fact that the great figures of tragedı "were, to Greeks, historical figures.

‘about the workings

of human

Poetry, then, makes general statement:

nature,

about the ways

in which

differen

“types of character are likely to issue in different types of behaviour, anc =the tragic poet, while working with material which is historical in its broa«

-outlines, yet has freedom to manipulate the material in detail, in order t« explore universal truths about human behaviour. ..

Now

Aristotle's

"Alcibiades

critique

as the archetypal

“was a supreme

individualist,

of

historiography

historiographical about

whom

is

unfair:

subject

it was indeed

he

because

choose

Alcibiade

difficult to mak

"useful generalisations. It is unfair too in that most ancient historians certainly the greatest among them, do in fact strive constantly to extrac

.general

truths from

important one.

a mass

of specifics.

But

the basic

point

is a

If it is to have any meaning beyond the mere recording ὁ

‚specific facts, historiography needs to strike some sort of balance betwee establishing those facts (so that its raw material is sound) and movin

-outwards from them to useful generalisations about human behaviour.

On

‚obvious method of achieving this is to bend the facts a little to highligh “the generalisations. Of course there are dangers that the generalisation may not follow from the facts, that the historian may come to conclusion: for whatever reasons, and then systematically doctor the facts to suit. Ye if. one accepts the validity of the kind of distinction that Aristotle make

between ‘specific’ and 'universal' truths, and if the historian exercises som restraint in the bending of the facts, the procedure is legitimate enough i itself, and perhaps even, to some degree and in one form or anotheı inevitable if historiography is to contribute to any real understanding « human

affairs.

Admittedly,

Plutarch

establishment of the facts than some

puts

a lower

priority

on the

ancient historians proper

initi:

(though

higher priority than others), but on the other hand his manipulation of th facts does not permit invention from nothing: he clearly does regard that :

42] unhistorical. Such a general perspective goes some way to explaining many of the factual distortions in the Cicero. Thus, among the chronological liberties, though it was not in fact 'a short time' after his return from exile that Cicero destroyed Clodius' tribunician tablets (34.1), the reduction of time scale emphasises what Plutarch sees, quite rightly, as Cicero's excessive behaviour. Again, the effect of the highly misleading ‘after this‘ (35.1) is to bring into close and pointed conjunction two contrasting weaknesses of Cicero -- his tendency to overpress politically and his difficulty in coping with armed violence. Or, among the transferences of items, Lentulus' unhistorical thoughts at 17.5 (about the way Catiline ruined his opportunities by delay) serve both to suggest the contrast, in itsell historical, between Lentulus' impetuousness and Catiline's relatively greater circumspection, and to re-emphasise how the whole Catilinarian busines: was a duel of nerves between conspirators and Cicero. These distortion:

do indeed deepen the reader's understanding of 'the sort of people' these men were.

Truth in Plutarch's Lives

What this kind of approach fails to account for in Plutarch is the important element of moral instruction. 1f this is taken into consideration, then the large-scale rewritings of category (j) (6.3-4, 37.2-4, cf. 32.5-7 can be seen as a fusion of what actually happened (‘what Alcibiades did o) what happened to him’) and 'what might be expected to happen accordins to probability or necessity, given Cicero's type of character’, with a strong additional input from Plutarch the moralist. Detailed analysis of ont example may make this clear. In 6.3-4 it is historically true that Cicero felt very proud of hi: achievements in Sicily, thought they would bring him glory in Rome,

had :

conversation on his return to Italy about his provincial appointment whicl immediately and amusingly revealed the depth of his misconception, foun the experience salutary and rethought how best to handle his career; it i historically untrue that (a) he met 'a distinguished man whom he though of as a friend', (b) he asked the question, (c) the question asked was ἃ Plutarch describes it, (d) the lesson he derived from the experience was th need to temper his ambition with reason. But (a) sharpens the contras

between

this

reverse

and

Cicero's

earlier

successes

(cf.

p.

underlines his conceit, and (c) is a necessary adjustment after (b). much more complicated and has several different functions.

15),

(b (d)i

[43 First,

Rome

by suppressing

rather

than

Cicero's

abroad),

own

Plutarch

conclusion

conceals

(the need

Cicero's

interest in the provinces and thus maintains unimpaired

to shine

relative

in

lack

of

his portrait

of

Cicero as an ‘ideal’ governor (6.1, 36.2-5): Although this portrait is itself exaggerated (36.1n), it is correct that by the standards of his time Cicero was an excellent governor, so the portrait has a basis in truth; the exaggeration thus produces an idealised Cicero who offers readers ἃ worthy Second, the idea that Cicero tried to temper his ambition with

role model.

reason has three advantages. (a) It links the episode to Cicero's earlier encounters with ambition, especially his visit to the Delphic oracle (5.1). That visit was (surely) unhistorical but used by Plutarch as an illustration of

the

stops

and

phenomenon), of

Cicero's

starts

in

Cicero's

early

career

(a

largely

historical

of Cicero's great, indeed excessive, ambition (certainly one most

marked

character

traits),

of

the

essential

distinction

between legitimate and corrupt ambition (a distinction Plutarch the moralist js keen to bring out, but also one which the historical Cicero failed tc 4naintain),

and

of the

need: for

self-knowledge

(another

moral

concern).

(b) It emphasises the necessity of controlling the passions, including ambition, by reason. The moral stress is again heavy, but there is some thistorical basis, because Cicero himself was perfectly well aware of the fact

of his ambition and did sometimes in his own life, as well as his writings,

try to apply philosophy to the solution of difficult problems (cf. 1.5, 32.6nn). (c) It sets Cicero on a sort of learning curve, a painful progression to self-knowledge, culminating in the realisation of hi: self-destruction through passion at 46.1. This progression obviously bears

on moral themes of great significance in the Life, but it links smoothly tc

the tragic pattern with which Plutarch invests Cicero's downfall (41.1n), a

pattern of clear moral import but one which also fits the historical facts extremely well, and which has the great merit of pinpointing Cicero's key errors in his dealings with Octavian (44.1, 45.1, 4; 46.1; section 10).

Conclusion

Generally speaking, then, what Plutarch provides is a comple» synthesis of (1) what actually happened (historical truth in the precise sense), (2) what might have been expected to happen as a matter of probability or necessity (Aristotelian 'universal' truth), and (3) what, from a moralist's point of view, should have happened (ideal truth for readers tc approve and imitate or, in cases of bad behaviour, disapprove and reject).

Categories

(2) and

(3) necessarily involve factual distortion,

but withir

44] clearly defined limits: Plutarch will not invent whole incidents, nor will he impute to his heroes behaviour which is not true to their general characte: or some aspect of it. Though there are occasions when Plutarch fails tc unify his three selves (cf. the Philologus story), for the most part he is : historian, literary man (poet, in Aristotelian terms), and moralis simultaneously. Indeed, it is this complex unity which makes the best o

his narratives so powerful (cf. e.g. the Clodius narrative of 28.1-33.8, witl the nn; 41.1n; 47.1-48.6n). He is, therefore, a liar only if truth be held to consist solely i: precise

historical

truth.

If,

on

the

other

hand,

truth

is

as

Aristotl

describes it, he is no more a liar than a tragic poet. Such being the nature of Plutarch's Lives, different kinds of reader must

make

appropriate

allowances.

Historians

using

the

Cicero

as

:

historical source cannot simply pluck 'facts' out of the narrative and accep their historicity if it suits them; nor on the other hand,

they

entitled

startling

instantly

omissions.

to

condemn

In any

apparent

in many

inaccuracies

single case they must

exactly why Plutarch says the things he does.

cases, ar

or

seemingl

first try to understan

This involves consideratio

of the narrative's general themes, their interaction, and the precise logic c

particular

contexts.

Only

when

they have

undertaken

extensive

literar

criticism are historians in any position to isolate the factual core (if any)

In some cases, indeed, this may be an unattainable goal. other

sources,

particularly

when

those

used

by

Comparison wit

Plutarch

survive,

sometimes establish exactly what facts Plutarch is manipulating extent. But of course it does not follow that where no source is possible there is no factual distortion. Trying to establish content of a Plutarch Life is therefore a continuously

ca

and to wh: compariso the factu: delicate,

fascinating, operation.

Similarly, modern

errors.

many

historians

Many

of

the

criticisms

are misconceived.

levelled

Many

against

chronological

'garbled' versions are not garbled.

Many

the

Cicero

'errors'

t

are m

omissions ài

pointed (e.g. 46.1), others explicable by reference to Plutarch's aims. It true (for example) that he says nothing about the Epicurean Phaedru Cicero's first philosophical teacher, whom

he much revered (Fam.

13.1.2

or about Cicero's first rhetorical studies in Rome, that he only mentio Cicero's great friend Atticus once and incidentally. But the explanatio

for these omissions are not to Plutarch's discredit.

Phaedrus' Epicureanis

would have been hard to fit into the philosophical framework of the Lif which

focuses on Platonic or Academic

philosophers (since Cicero

himse

was, mostly, an Academic and the ideal of the philosopher in politic action, an ideal to which Cicero sometimes corresponds, is basical

[45 Platonic). Cicero's first rhetorical studies are omitted because Plutarch has decided to categorise his various activities into two competing lives and oratory

political and

intellectual — and rhetoric

the political

life, so that they suit 4.4-7,

yeturn to political life, but not ch.

generally belong

Cicero

where

with

to

is preparing

3, where Cicero's intellectual activities

In Plutarch's narrative the are set in contrast to his political activity. urbane, subtle, and Epicurean Atticus would not have been a suitable

moral sounding-board for Cicero (though he was in real life): better ἔοι (hat role to be filled by acknowledged philosophers or anonymous 'friends (1.5, 3.1nn). Conversely, those who wish to read the Cicero for its literary value ot

perhaps even for its moral edification cannot ignore the historical problem. ‘They too can only take the full measure

of Plutarch's art if they observe.

and try to understand, his manipulation of the historical facts that are hi: A literary analysis of 37.2-4 which did not include : raw material.

‘comparison of Plutarch's version with the Ciceronian original would mis: .everything important about Plutarch's creativity.

Bibliography A.W.

Gomme,

A

Historical

Commentary

on

Thucydides

i (Oxforc

1945), 54-84 C. Theander,

Plutarch und die Geschichte (Lund 1951)

*Wardman (section 2 bibliography) 2-10 *Pelling, 'Plutarch's Adaptation of his Source-Material' bibliography) 127-31, 135-39 *Id.,‘Plutarch and Catiline' (section 8 bibliography)

(section

*Id., 'Plutarch and Roman Politics', in Past Perspectives: Studies ü Greek and Roman Historical Writing (edited by LS. Smart and A.J. Woodman, Cambridge 1986), 159-187

Moxon,

J.D

*Id., Plutarch: Life of Antony (section 7 bibliography), 33-36 *Id.,

"Truth

and

Fiction

in Plutarch's

Lives',

in Antonine

Literatur

(edited by D.A. Russell, Oxford 1989) *Id.,

‘Plutarch:

Roman

Heroes

and

Greek

Culture'

(section

bibliography) *K.J.

Dover,

"Thucydides

"as History"

and Theory 22 (1983), 54-63

and

"as Literature"',

Histor

|

*C.W. Fornara, The Nature of History in Ancient Greece and Rom (Berkeley and London 1983)

:

46] *A.J. Woodman, Rhetoric in Classical Historiography (London 1988) *P.A.

Stadter,

‘The

Rhetoric

of Plutarch's Pericies',

Ancient

Society

‘Rhetoric,

Writing and Plutarch',

Ancient

Society

18 (1987), 251-69 *G.W.M.

Harrison,

18 (1987), 271-79 B. Gentili and G. Cerri, History and Biography in Ancient Thought (Amsterdam 1988). 10 THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF THE CICERO Modern historians obviously must address the question of the Cicero's historical

value;

so

also

must

literary

readers,

since

Plutarch

does

claim

historical value for the Lives: he is avowedly to some extent a historian, with some pretensions to recording the historical truth, and even as à

moral biographer he aims to give a substantially true portrait of his subject, whatever distortions he may employ to put that portrait into sharper focus (section 9). Some scholars deprecate the whole notion of interpreting history through the medium of biography but their objections — that history is nof made by individuals and that there is never enough evidence to probe ὃ man's character in any depth — have little force in the case of Cicero, whc dominated Roman politics in two critical years in the history of the Latt Republic (63 and 43 B.C.), left great quantities of information abou! himself, and inevitably loomed large in the works of other writers, bott contemporary

and later.

Thus it is not the conception,

but the execution.

of the Cicero which must be assessed. The Cicero's historical weaknesses The Life's main historical weaknesses are as follows: (1) Factual error. Even when full account is taken

of

Plutarch’!

manipulation and distortion of factual material, some of the untrue statements he makes can only be described as errors or inaccuracies, as tht following itemised summary shows (as usual, there is some overlap betwee! categories

and

many

references

require

to

be

followed

up

in

the

commentary): (a) Numerical: 3.4 (2,000 drachmas), 8.1 (Verres' fine).

(b) Geographical: 8.3 (Arpi), 32.2 (Hipponium/Vibo/Lucania), cf. als the hazy geography of Cicero's villas at 8.3.

(c) Over names: 1.2 (Tullus Attius), 13.2 (Marcus Otho), (would-be assassins), 32.2 ("Vibius'), 44.6 (Attia), cf. also 8.3n. — (d) Arising from Plutarch's generally Greek perspective (1.4n): : (new

Calends),

?3.4

(?confusion

of sesterces

and

denarii),

7.6

[47 16.1 2.1

(precise

meaning of Lat. verres), 22.3 (public executioner). (e) Miscellaneous: 13.2 (Otho the first to give equites special seating),

-49.1-3 (see nn), 19.4 and 22.1 (praetors), 21.1 (Caesar's proposal), 45.2 "(letters to Atticus). (f) Inherited (i.e. when Plutarch reproduces the error of his source): 41.7 (Tullia's marital history). The degree of error varies greatly: some are trivial slips (e.g. 13.2, 44.6), others, while about unimportant matters, seem to raise grave doubt:

about Plutarch's general competence (e.g. 8.3 [Arpi]), others are serious ir themselves (e.g. at 21.1 the misunderstanding of Caesar's proposa! concerning the Catilinarians' punishment). (2) Omission of important material. Even granted the licence tc

selectivity claimed by Plutarch in Alex. 1.2 (quoted on p. 32), some omissions are too great, e.g. that of 3% years between 56 and 52 B.C -(35.1n).

No matter how this omission

Plutarch's

not

yet

having

discovered

is to be explained — whether Pollio

to guide

him

through

by SC

complex a period (cf. p. 30) or by his general distaste for intricate politica narrative

—

it is still

culpable,

since

those

years

would

have

providec

evidence highly germane to the key theme of Cicero's struggle to uphok liberty and his sometimes dishonourable accommodations. with 'monarchy (3.3n). (3) Simplistic political schematisation. Plutarch tries to analyse th immense complexities of Late Republican politics in terms of the relation of, and the tensions between,

'the people',

'the many',

'the best men’,

‘the aristocrats',

and 'the equites' (e.g. 10.1,

11.2,

'the senate’

13.2-4,

22.6

30.2, 31.1, 33.4-6), as if these were monolithic categories.

(4) Political prejudice.

On occasion Plutarch's interpretations have :

marked conservative bias; cf. e.g. his criticism of those seeking to reforn the

Sullan

constitution,

his

refusals

to

distinguish

between

constitutiona

reformers and violent revolutionaries (10.1-2) or to acknowledge th genuine economic grievances of many of Catiline's followers (10.5, 14.2) his exaggeratedly hostile description of Rullus' land bill (12. 2), his wholl negative portrayal of Catiline (10.3-5), his suppression of th

counter-violence of Cicero's supporters against Clodius (33.4, 33.5nn).

O

course in many cases this bias is directly taken over from his sources, bu Plutarch clearly accepts it and sometimes even exceeds it (e.g. he discard

the moral ambiguity which is so challenging a feature of both Cicero's an

48] Sallust's portrayals of Catiline).

(5) A certain general lack of insight into, and grasp of, the nature of Roman politics and institutions, due at least in part to Plutarch's own relative

detachment

from

the

Roman

world

and

his

devotion

to

Greek

culture (in some contrast to the Greek historians Appian and Cassius Dio, both of whom had active Roman political careers). This can more readily be sensed than demonstrated but is to some extent exemplified by the political prejudices and schematisations of categories (3) and (4), which are

basically those of a Greek aristocrat, and the errors in (d) of category (1). Again, it is highly unlikely that Plutarch has thought about the identity of 'Lucullus' in 31.5 or 'Lentulus' in 41.7. Plutarch's weaknesses as a historian, therefore, are real and not to be minimised.

Indeed,

sceptics

might

ask

why

we

should

bother

with

a

biographer of Cicero who is ignorant of the fact that Cicero's birthplace was Arpinum (8.3). Yet the weaknesses can also be exaggerated.

Mitigating factors It is easy to be snobbish about the factual errors and to forget the problems

faced by ancient researchers — the often poor library facilities (cf.

Plutarch's

own

pleas

at Dem.

2.1-2);

the

physical

awkwardness

of the

papyrus rolls on which ancient works were written and which made detailec

consultation of texts and comparison of different versions difficult (thougl not of course impossible); the slowness, hazards and inconveniences o! travel, which rendered autopsy as a method

of enquiry even less congenia

than most ancient historians seem to have found it anyway. panoply vast

of modern

scholarly

computers),

scholarship

literature,

Classical

scholars

(excellent

dictionaries,

continue

Despite all the

libraries and communications, lexica,

to

make

word-processors

errors;

of

: ant

course

thei

seriousness varies according to the competence of the individual but no on: is immune

howlers.

from

error

and

even

the greatest

scholars

are

capable

0

Given the difficulties faced by ancient researchers, our emphasi

should be less on what Plutarch, or any ancient historical writer, get wrong than on what he gets right, and 'getting it right' should be seen ἃ

less a matter of factual accuracy than of the intellectual penetration of th overall analysis (cf. section 9).

Similarly, it is some defence of Plutarch's political schematisations t point out that they are shared with most ancient political theorists,

Roma

as well as Greek. More positively, the stress which Plutarch, like othe ancient historians, puts on 'the people', a stress formerly dismissed as th

|

[49

politics of simplified Greek political

inappropriate application to Roman

theory, now seems much weight to the role of the consequent need of the especially by means of

more reasonable, as scholars give increasing popular will in the political process and the élite to cultivate and persuade the people, public oratory. Again, Plutarch's politica!

schematisations are capable of more development, and more refinement, than might at first sight appear, as his deft sketch in 6.1-13.4 of Cicero's

gradual ascent to favour with the various important power blocks wel illustrates (cf. p. 34). In any case, sooner or later all historians are driver to resort to schematisations (cf. p. 41), even if nowadays they are dignifiec as ‘models’.

. Nor is Plutarch's conservative bias as fixed and unyielding as some o his interpretations might suggest. He can be ambivalent about the Sulla: constitution

Mutina

(10.2n),

(45.5n),

about

about

the

the

‘Augustus (3.3, 44.3-7nn);

morality

institution.

of

Octavian's

of the

Roman

behaviour

afte

monarchy

he is certainly properly ambivalent

unde

about Cicer:

himself (below). “Too much can be made also of the distortions created by Plutarch'

Greek

perspective.

Greek

óincompatible with, Roman

values

ones.

are

not

necessarily

alien

to,

o

Plutarch's conception of the statesman as

“above all, an orator before the people (3.1, 13.1, 32.7nn) may be Greek ii

‘inspiration, yet it does coincide with what was undoubtedly an importan aspect of the successful himself

was

acutely

Roman

aware),

politician's role (and one

and

it is tempered

by

the

of which realisation

Cicer of

ho

that role was threatened, and eventually nullifed, by the ever-increasin influence of military power in the Roman state (3.1n). Nor is ij inappropriate for Plutarch to impute Greek competitive values — th striving for glory,

honours,

power,

pre-eminence

over one's

peers

etc.

— t

Roman politicians, for these were the very same values they held mo: dear, and they could even appeal to Greek exemplars of them (cf. 40.3n).

The Cicero's historical virtues

Plutarch's undoubted weaknesses as a historian, therefore, are not’ 2 great

as

many

have

claimed.

But

the

positive

case

for

the

Cicero

historical value must rest on two main factors: (a) the quantity, range, an quality of the material for which Plutarch is the only. source; (b) th quality of his interpretation of Cicero, both as a man and as a statesman. (a) may conveniently be divided into: (a1) items which are historicall untrue (in the sense that they did not happen), but which may yet be «

50] some historical interest or value (because they illustrate political propaganda, social attitudes or whatever); and (a2) items which are historically true. (Of course there are degrees of truth and there is scope

for disagreement about the classification of some of these items,- but neither of these considerations should substantially affect the general in particular the numerous Ciceronian jokes which only Plutareh records are omitted, as is material actually invented by Plutarch [p. 38]). Thus: (a1) Cicero's nurse's dream (2.1); Cicero's consultation of the Delphic

oracle (5.1); his scandalous motivation for testifying against Clodius (29.3); the earthquake at Dyrrachium (32.4); Cicero's poor performance in defence of Murena (35.4); Caesar's emotional reactionto the Pro Ligario (39.6—7);

Cicero's desperate scheme to kill himself at Octavian's hearth (47.6-7); the Philologus story (48.2, 49.23). | (a2) Cicero's brilliant school career (2.2); the poem. Pontios Glauko:

(2.3); Aesop's killing of a stagehand (5.5); Cicero's defence of the young nobles in Sicily (6.2); his successful efforts to familiarise himself with the housing and finances of leading Romans and his own friends (7.2); hi: regime of life (8.4—5); the more plausible version of Licinius Macer's deatt (9.2); Cicero's triumphant appearance before the people (12.6); tht derivation of Sura's name (17.2-4); Cicero's actions and thoughts after tht senate meeting of December 3, 63 (19.4-7); Caesar's second contributior to the great senatorial debate (21.5); most of the narrative of Cicero’: actions after the passing of the death penalty (22.2-6); Cicero's support o Cratippus and his letters about Cratippus and Gorgias (24.8-9); his initia friendship with Clodius (29.1); the pressure exerted by Terentia for him tt testify against Clodius (29.2, 4); Cicero's abortive negotations with Caesa about a legateship, and Caesar's anger (30.3-5); his humiliating failure t: secure an interview with Pompey in his villa (31.2-3); the details o Cicero's voyage to Dyrrachium (32.3); Milo's anxiety about Cicero's nerve (35.2); almost all the material about Cicero in Pompey's camp (38.1-8) almost all the material about Cicero after Pharsalus until his first meetin, with Caesar (39.1-5); Terentia's failure to give Tullia provisions for he journey and her stripping of Cicero's house (41.2); Antony's jibes abou

Cicero's divorce (42.6); Cicero's compact with Hirtius and Pansa (43.3); hi compact with Octavian and its terms (44.1); much of the detail of th narrative of Cicero's flight and death (47.1-48.5); Augustus’ verdict O

Cicero (49.5).

|

Some obvious points emerge, a formidable

both

Cicero's

amount

private

of material,

and

public

Not only does this catalogue represen but

the

lives,

material

and

some

covers

of

wide

areas

it is of

©

grea

[51 (e.g. 19.4-7, 43.3, 44.1), even though in many cases (such as

mportance

|9.4-7) excavating the factual foundation of Plutarch's elaborate structures equires a delicate hand. Despite the enormous volume of evidence about cicero from elsewhere, it is immediately clear that Plutarch's Life is a jstorical source of considerable value. Nor is this just a happy accident

jue to purely passive and unthinking regurgitation by Plutarch οὗ a farrago

X sources;

on the

contrary,

Plutarch

chose

his sources,

combined

‚ontradictory sources, charged and adapted sources in his own distinctive nanner (see section 9), and can on occasion show shrewd historical judgement in giving emphasis to a particular source (see below).

Even his

ase of historically suspect material (Cicero's dream about Octavian or the Philologus

story),

though

sometimes

to

be

faulted

artistically,

necessarily indicate lack of historical acumen

(see section 9).

real

source-picture

exception

to

this

generally

impressive

is

does

not

The

only

Plutarch's

somewhat indiscriminate deployment of the joke material. (b) Assessment of the quality of Plutarch's portrait of Cicero is inevitably to some extent a subjective matter, being affected by one's own assessment of Cicero, still a controversial figure after more than 2,000 years. On any reasonable view, however, Plutarch certainly gets many

things right: Cicero's prodigious ambition, vanity, bumptiousness, and small-mindedness; his sometimes remarkable generosity of spirit; his sharp, often wounding, wit, which greatly entertained his contemporaries but yet also made many enemies; the unique importance of his oratory to his political success (and, to some

extent, to his political decline); his brilliant

ascent to the consulship and dominance of Roman politics in 63 and 43; the disadvantages he suffered, by comparison with men such as Antony, Octavian and Lepidus, from not being sufficiently ruthless, and not having the mlitary

muscle,

to

enforce

bis

policies;

his

tremendous

energy

and

enthusiasm for the minutiae of constant politicking; his capacity both to scale the heights of political greatness and plumb the depths of personal humiliation and despair; his emotional volatility and proneness to excess in all areas

of

life

save

sensual;

great tensions and contrasts intellectual lives, his splendid

his

immense

intellectual

productivity;

the

in Cicero - between his political public life and always unsatisfactory,

and and

ever grimmer, private life, his caution and impetuousness, timidity and courage, gullibility, a man, in embodied largely to the whole

inconsistency of purpose and resolution, shrewdness and lofty moral disinterestedness and uniquely petty self-calculation; short, of many virtues and many defects, who in many ways all that was best in the Roman Republic but also contributed its downfall and anticipated some aspects of the principate; on a force for good, to be viewed sympathetically but by no means

52] uncritically.

All this is true and important of Cicero as a man,

and Plutarch's

Cicero has greatly influenced many modern portraits (though the debt i: rarely acknowledged).. As for the reasons for Plutarch's success, one simply is that Cicero, like other great figures of the Late Republic such a: Pompey,

Cato,

Brutus

and

Mark

Antony,

evidently

fired

Plutarch's

imagination. Another surely is that Cicero's many-sidedness had particular appeal to someone like Plutarch (see section 2). Much more controversial, however,

of

is Plutarch's

Cicero's

example

in

'psycho-historical!'

character the

actually

strong

exploration

affected

implication

his

(41.1n)

of how

these

political

decisions,

that

void

the

in

aspect:

as

for

Cicero’:

emotional life after Tullia's death and his farcical marital disasters left him vulnerable to the blandishments of Octavian, his new-found 'son' (45.2 45.3nn), or the explicit claim (45.1) that hatred of Antony and ambitior

for a second consulship were prime factors in his support of Octavian am opposition to Antony.

But Plutarch is right to see in Cicero's attitude tc

Antony, that 'blackguard' (Lat. impurus) as he called him in his letters the same warped emotions as he revealed in his gloating over Caesar" assassination

(cf.

e.g.

ΑΙ.

14.14.4.

And

the

sheer

penetration

o

Plutarch's analysis of Cicero's policy towards Octavian has gon unrecognised. Despite what scholars allege, Plutarch clearly understand that

Cicero

began

with

the

intention

of

using

Octavian

(45.1n);

an

contrary to majority scholarly opinion, he is right to claim that in th event this policy was fatally compromised by the lure of a secon consulship. For, the pleas of modern Ciceronian apologist notwithstanding,

about

a

joint

concoction

of

the story of the negotiations between Cicero and Octavia

consulship ‘late

Octavian himself.

(45.5-6

sources’:

its

and

n)

truth

cannot was

be

dismissed

admitted,

as

th

reluctantly,

b

Here Plutarch shows greater historical insight than hi

modern critics.

Conclusion

In the

end,

however,

Plutarch's

considered separately from

worth

as a historian

should

his worth as a writer and a moralist.

not t

It

possible for a historian to be extremely accurate and extremely dull, | which case, deservedly, historian to be extremely not to be worth reading, moral issues is ultimately

he will find few readers; it is possible for accurate without being extremely dull, yet sti since history which is unconcerned with serio! trivial (see section 9); Plutarch's Cicero is 0)

[53 extremely

is not its aim,

accurate — such accuracy

for all its obvious

but,

historical weaknesses, it has considerable historical value, both as a historical source and as a historical analysis, and this historical value goes hand in hand with great literary power and profound moral concern.

Bibliography Gomme (section 9 bibliography) Theander (section 9 bibliography) *Magnino (section 3 bibliography) xviii-xix

Homeyer (section 8 bibliography) *J.R.

Hamilton,

Plutarch,

Alexander:

A Commentary

(Oxford

1969),

xliii-xlix *R. Seager in Plutarch: Fall of the Roman Republic (translated by R. Warner, Penguin 1972), 311 *Flaceliére-Chambry (section 3 bibliography) 52-56 *Pelling, 'Plutarch and Roman Politics' (section 9 bibliography) *Id.,’Truth and Fiction in Plutarch's Lives! (section 9 bibliography) *Id., ‘Plutarch: Roman Heroes and Greek Culture’ (section

2

bibliography) *G.J.D. Aalders, Plutarch's Political Thought (Amsterdam 1982).

11

THE TEXT

The text is that of K. Ziegler, Plutarchus: Vitae Parallelae 1.2 (2nd ed. Leipzig

1959) with the following divergences

of the readings; commentary):

the

minor

divergences

Ziegler 4.4 πολλὴ (MSS) ‚10.2 φανείσης τοῖς πολλοῖς,

τότε 18.7 19.5 26.11

Ó' (Zeigler) συνεργούντων ἀλλήλοις (MSS) xai γενόμενος xa0' αὑτόν (MSS) σοφώτατον (Reiske)

28.3 Aßpav (MSS)

28.4 τις τῶν δημάρχων (Barton)

are

(brackets

not

give the source

discussed

in

the

This edition ἁπαλή (Reiske, Kronenberg) φανείσης, τότε δὲ τοῖς

πολλοῖς (MSS) συνεργούντων (Bryan) χαθ' αὑτόν (UMA!) σοφώτερον (MSS)

ἄβραν (Flaceliére) τις (Μ55)

54] 29.3 Τύλλου (MSS) 32.2 Οὐίβιος Σίχχας, ἀνὴρ (Münzer) 36.7 τούς τε φίλους (Coraes) διισταμένων (Ziegler) 38.6 Μορίχχου (U?)

Θυίλλου (T.P. Wiseman, Cinna the Fk [Leicester 1974], 143ff) Οὐίβιος Σιχελὸς ἀνὴρ (MSS) τούς τότε φίλους (MSS) ἀφισταμένων (MSS) Mapxiov (Amyot)

43.5 τῶν πρώτων (MSS)

τῶν μὲν πρώτων (Moles)

45.1 ἦσαν λεγόμεναι (MSS) 45.6 δ' οὖν ὁ (Ziegler)

ἦσαν αἱ λεγόμεναι (Reiske) à' ὁ (Graux)

46.1 αὐτὸν ἀπολωλεχὼς (MSS)

AUTOS αὑτόν ἀπολωλεχὼς (Moles).

For

convenience

photographically.

this

^ Asterisks

edition beside

the

reproduces text

mark

the

Ziegler's places

text

where

|

diverge from Ziegler; the divergences themselves are printed at the bottom of the page.

In such cases the translation translates the divergences,

Ziegler's text. '= the manuscripts Vaticanus 138 veteris manus, Marcianus 385 and Parisinus 1671.

?- the manuscript Vaticanus 138 recentioris manus.

not

[55 THE LIFE OF CICERO

56]

KIKEPQN 1. Κικέρωνος δὲ τὴν μὲν μητέρα λέγουσιν EAßiav xai yeyovévar

καλῶς

καὶ βεβιωκέναι,

περὶ

δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς

οὐδὲν ἦν πυϑέσϑαι μέτριον. oi μὲν γὰρ ἔν γναφείῳ vui xai γενέσϑαι καὶ τραφῆναι τὸν ἄνδρα λέγουσιν, οἱ δ᾽ εἰς Τύλλον Ἄττιον ἀνάγουσι τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ γένους, βασιλεύ-

σαντα λαμπρῶς ἐν Οὐολούσκοις καὶ πολεμήσαντα ‘Poμαίοις οὐκ ἀδυνάτως.

6 μέντοι πρῶτος

Ex τοῦ γένους 3

Κικέρων ἐπονομασϑεὶς ἄξιος λόγου δοκεῖ γενέσθαι" διὸ τὴν ἐπίκλησιν οὐκ ἀπέρριψαν οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἠσπάσαντο, Λατῖνοι

καίπερ ὑπὸ πολλῶν γλευαζομένην. κίκερ γὰρ οἱ 4 τὸν

ἐρέβινϑον

καλοῦσι,

κἀκεῖνος

ἐν

τῷ

πέ-

ρατι τῆς ῥινὸς διαστολὴν ὡς ἔοικεν ἀμβλεῖαν εἶχεν ὥσπερ ἐρεβίνϑου διαφυήν, ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἐκτήσατο τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν. αὐτός γε μὴν Κικέρων, ὑπὲρ οὗ τάδε γέγραπται, 5 τῶν φίλων αὐτὸν οἰομένων δεῖν, ὅτε πρῶτον ἀρχὴν μετήει καὶ πολιτείας ἥπτετο,

φυγεῖν τοὔνομα

καὶ μεταϑέσθϑαι,

λέγεται γνεανιευσάμενος εἰπεῖν, ὧς ἀγωνιεῖται τὸν Κικέowva τῶν Σκαύρων καὶ τῶν Κάτλων ἐνδοξότερον ἀποδεῖξαι. ταμιεύων δ᾽ ἐν Σικελίᾳ καὶ τοῖς ϑεοῖς ἀνάϑημα 6

ποιούμενος ἀργυροῦν, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα δύο τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐπέγραψε, τόν τε Mäpxov καὶ tov Τύλλιον, ἀντὶ δὲ τοῦ

[57

CICERO 1. (1) They say that Cicero's mother Helvia both was nobly born and lived a noble life, but it has not been possible to learn anything reasonably plausible about his father: (2) some say that the man was both born and bred in a fuller's, but others trace the beginnings of the family back to Tullus Attius,

who was a brilliant king among the Volscians and waged war on the Romans

not without

ability.

(3) However,

the first of

the family to be surnamed Cicero seems to have been worthy

of report, which is why those who came after him did not

reject the surname but embraced it, although it was derided by many. (4) For the Latins call the chick-pea cicer, and that man had, it appears, a slight nick in the end of his nose like the cleft of a chick-pea, from which he obtained his surname. (5) When, however, Cicero himself, about whom this book has

been written, was first seeking office and tackling a political career and his friends thought that he ought to shun the name and change it, he is said to have replied with youthful spirit that he would strive to demonstrate the name Cicero to be more famous than names like Scaurus and Catulus. (6) When he was quaestor in Sicily and making a dedication of silver

plate to the

gods,

he had

his first two names,

Marcus

and

58] τρίτου σκώπτων ἐρέβινϑον ἐκέλευσε παρὰ τὰ γράμματα τὸν τεχνίτην ἐντορεῦσαι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος ἱστόρηται. 2. Τεχϑῆναι δὲ Κικέρωνα λέγουσιν ἀνωδύνως καὶ ἀπόγως λοχευϑείσης αὐτοῦ τῆς μητρὸς ἡμέρᾳ τρίτῃ τῶν νέων

Καλανδῶν, & fj νῦν of ἄρχοντες εὔχονται καὶ ϑύουσιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος. τῇ δὲ τίτϑῃ φάσμα δοκεῖ γενέσθαι καὶ προειπεῖν ὡς ὄφελος μέγα πᾶσι “Ρωμαίοις ἔκτρεφούσῃ. ταῦτα δ᾽ ἄλλως ὀνείρατα καὶ φλύαρον εἶναι δοκοῦν- 2 τα ταχέως αὐτὸς ἀπέδειξε μαντείαν ἀληϑινὴν ἐν ἡλικίᾳ

τοῦ μανϑάνειν γενόμενος καὶ δι’ εὐφυΐαν ἐκλάμψας καὶ λαβὼν ὄνομα καὶ δόξαν ἐν τοῖς παισίν, ὥστε τοὺς πατέρας αὐτῶν ἐπιφοιτᾶν τοῖς διδασκαλείοις, ὄψει τε βουλομένους

ἰδεῖν τὸν Κικέρωνα καὶ τὴν ὑμνουμένην αὐτοῦ «περὶ τὰς μαϑήσεις ὀξύτητα καὶ σύνεσιν ἱστορῆσαι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀγροικοτέρους ὀργίζεσθαι τοῖς υἱέσιν, ὁρῶντας ἐν ταῖς ὅδοῖς τὸν Κικέρωνα μέσον αὑτῶν ἐπὶ τιμῇ λαμβάνοντας. γενό- 3

μενοςδ᾽, ὥσπερ 6 Πλάτων (resp. 475b) ἀξιοῖ τὴν φιλομαϑῆ καὶ φιλόσοφον φύσιν, οἷος ἀσπάξζεσϑαι πᾶν μάϑημα καὶ μηδὲν λόγου μηδὲ παιδείας ἀτιμάζειν εἶδος, ἐρρύη πως

προϑυμότερον ἐπὶ ποιητικήν, καί τι καὶ διασῴζεται ποιημάτιον ἔτι παιδὸς αὐτοῦ Πόντιος Γλαῦκος,

ἐν τετραμέ-

TOW πεποιημένον. προϊὼν δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ καὶ ποικιλώτερον 4

ἁπτόμενος τῆς περὶ ταῦτα μούσης, ἔδοξεν οὐ μόνον ῥήτωρ, ἀλλὰ καὶ ποιητὴς ἄριστος εἶναι Ρωμαίων. ἡ μὲν οὖν 5 ἐπὶ τῇ δητορικῇ δόξα μέχρι νῦν διαμένει, καίπερ οὐ μικρᾶς γεγενημένης περὶ τοὺς λόγους καινοτομίας, τὴν δὲ ποιητικὴν αὐτοῦ, πολλῶν εὐφυῶν ἐπιγενομένων, παντά-

πασιν ἀκλεῇ καὶ ἄτιμον ἔρρειν συμβέβηκεν. 4. Anaddaysic δὲ τῶν ἐν παισὶ διατριβῶν, Φίλωνος

ἤκουσε τοῦ ἐξ Ἀκαδημείας, ὃν μάλιστα “Ρωμαῖοι. τῶν Κλειτομάχου συνήϑων καὶ διὰ τὸν λόγον ἐϑαύμασαν xai . διὰ τὸν τρόπον ἠγάπησαν. ἅμα δὲ τοῖς περὶ ούκιον ἀν-} δράσι πολιτικοῖς καὶ πρωτεύουσι τῆς βουλῆς συνών, εἰς ἐμπειρίαν τῶν νόμων ὠφελεῖτο, καί τινα χρόνον καὶ στρα-

[59 Tullius, inscribed, but instead of the third he jokingly told the craftsman to engrave a chick-pea beside the letters. This, then, is what is recorded about his name. |

2. (1) They say that Cicero was born without pain or labour when his mother gave birth to him on the third day of the new Calends, on which the magistrates in the present day pray and

sacrifice on behalf of the emperor. It seems that an apparition came to his nurse and prophesied that she was bringing up a great blessing to all Romans. (2) These portents, which seemed to be mere dreams and silly talk, he himself quickly demonstrated to be a true prophecy when he came to the age for learning, since he both shone out brilliantly through natural talent and acquired a.name and fame among the boys, so that their fathers used to frequent the schools, wanting to

see Cicero with their own eyes and observe his much-vaunted quickness and intelligence about boorish were angry with their sons streets with Cicero in their midst Although, as Plato requires of the and loves wisdom, he was born subject and hold no form of dishonour,

he

was

somewhat

his studies, but the more when they saw them in the as a mark of honour. (3) nature which loves learning the sort to embrace every literature or education in

more

enthusiastically

inclined

towards poetry, and in fact a little poem of his survives which

he wrote while still

a boy,

Pontios Glaukos,

composed

in

tetrameter metre. (4) As he advanced in age and tackled this art at a more complex level, he was thought to be not only the Romans' best orator but also their best poet. (5) His reputation for oratory, however, remains safe to the present day, although there has been not a little innovation in prose style, but it so happens that his poetry, many talented poets having come after him, has fallen completely into disrepute and dishonour. 3. (1) When he left his lessons among schoolboys, he heard Philo from the Academy, whom of the companions of Clitomachus the Romans most admired for his eloquence and also loved for his character. (2) At the same time, associating with Mucius ‘and his friends, statesmen and leaders of the

senate, he was helped to expertise in law and for a time he

60] τείας μετέσχεν ὑπὸ Σύλλᾳ περὶ τὸν

αρσικὸν πόλεμον.

8 εἶθ᾽ ὁρῶν εἰς στάσιν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς στάσεως εἰς ἄκρατον ἐμ- 3

πίπτοντα τὰ πράγματα μοναρχίαν, ἐπὶ τὸν σχολαστὴν καὶ ϑεωρητικὸν ἀνελθὼν βίον Ἕλλησί τε συνῆν φιλολόγοις καὶ προσεῖχε τοῖς μαϑήμασιν, ἄχρι οὗ Σύλλας ἐκράτησε καὶ 4 κατάστασίν τινα λαμβάνειν ἔδοξεν ἡ πόλις. ἐν δὲ τῷ 4 χρόνῳ τούτῳ Χρυσόγονος. ἀπελεύϑερος Σύλλα προσαγγείλας τινὸς οὐσίαν, ὡς Ex πραογραφῆς ἀναιρεϑέντος, 5 αὐτὸς ἐωνήσατο δισχιλίων δραχμῶν. ἐπεὶ δὲ “Ρώσκιος ὁ 5 υἱὸς καὶ κληρονόμος τοῦ τεϑνηκότος ἠγανάκτει καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν ἐπεδείκνυε πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίων ταλάντων ἀξίαν οὖσαν, ὅ τε Σύλλας ἐλεγχόμενος ἐχαλέπαινε καὶ δί-

«nv πατροκτονίας ἐπῆγε τῷ “Pwoxiw, κατασκευάσαντος,

τοῦ Χρυσογόνου

ἐβοήϑει δ᾽ οὐδείς, GAN

ἀπετρέσοντο,

τοῦ Σύλλα τὴν χαλεπότητα δεδοικότες, οὕτω δὴ δι᾿ ἐρημίαν τοῦ μειρακίου τῷ Καὶ ἱκέρωνι προσφυγόντος oi φίλοι 6 συμπαρώρμων, ὡς οὐκ ἂν αὐτῷ λαμπροτέραν αὖϑις ἀρχὴν πρὸς δόξαν ἑτέραν οὐδὲ καλλίω γενησομένην. ἀναδεξάμενος. οὖν τὴν συνηγορίαν καὶ κατορϑώσας Edavudodn, δεδιὼς δὲ τὸν Σύλλαν ἀπεδήμησεν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα,

διασπείρας

λόγον ὡς τοῦ σώματος αὐτῷ ϑεραπείας δεομένου. καὶ γὰρ , ἦν ὄντως τὴν ἕξιν ἰσχνὸς καὶ ἄσαρκος, ἀρρωστίᾳ τοῦ στο᾿μάχου μικρὰ καὶ γλίσχρα μόλις ὀψὲ τῆς ὥρας προσφερόμενος" ἡ δὲ φωνὴ πολλὴ μὲν καὶ ἀγαϑή, σκληρὰ δὲ καὶ ἄπλαστος, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ λόγου σφοδρότητα καὶ πάϑος ἔχοντος ἀεὶ διὰ τῶν ἄνω τόνων ἐλαυνομένη, φόβον παρεῖχεν

ὑπὲρ τοῦ σώματος.

|

A. Ἀφικόμενος δ᾽ eis ϑήνας Ἀντιόχου τοῦ Ἀσκαλωνίτου διήκουσε, τῇ μὲν εὐροίᾳ τῶν λόγων αὐτοῦ καὶ τῇ χάριτι κηλούμενος, ἃ δ᾽ Ev τοῖς δόγμασιν ἐνεωτέριζεν, οὐκ ἐπαιγῶν. ἤδη γὰρ ἐξίστατο τῆς νέας λεγομένης Ἀκαδημείας ὁ Ἀντίοχος καὶ τὴν Καρνεάδου στάσιν ἐγκατέλειπεν, εἴτε

καμσιτόμενος ὑπὸ τῆς ἐναργείας καὶ τῶν αἰσϑήσεων, età", ὥς φασιν ἔνιοι, φιλοτιμίᾳ τινὶ καὶ διαφορᾷ πρὸς τοὺς Κλειτομάχου καὶ Φίλωνος συνήϑεις τὸν Στωικὸν éx μεταβολῆς

ϑεραπεύων λόγον ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις. 6 δὲ Κικέρων ἐκεῖν᾽ 3

[6 took part also in à campaign in the Marsic War under

Sulla.

(3) Then,

seeing the political situation falling into civil strife,

and

civil strife into unadulterated

from

back

Greek

to the

scholarly

and

lovers of learning

monarchy,

contemplative

and devoted

he

went

life, associated

with

himself to his studies

until Sulla was victorious and the state seemed to acquire some stability.

(4) During this time

Chrysogonus,

a freedman

of

Sulla, announced the sale of someone's property, claiming that he had been put to death by proscription, and bought it himself for 2,000 drachmas.

(5) When Roscius,

the deceased's

son and heir, was indignant and demonstrated that was worth 250 talents, Sulla was angry at being brought a charge of parricide against Roscius, having arranged everything. No one would help

the property accused and Chrysogonus Roscius: they

turned their backs on him, fearing Sulla's anger.

Thus through

sheer isolation the young man fled for refuge to Cicero, and his friends too urged Cicero on, arguing that he would not again have a more brilliant or nobler start for winning glory. (6) When,

then,

he accepted

the defence

and was

he was much admired, but fearing Sulla he Greece, spreading around a story that his body for. (7) He was in fact thin and lean in ingesting a little light food with difficulty

successful,

went abroad to required caring his constitution, at a late hour

through weakness of stomach. His voice, however, was full and good, but harsh and unmodulated, and, constantly being

forced through the higher tones by his oratory, which had vehemence and passion, gave rise to fears for his bodily health. — 4. (1) When he arrived in Athens, he heard Antiochus the Ascalonite, and was enchanted by the fluency and grace of his. words but did not approve of the innovations he was making in his doctrines. (2) Antiochus was already moving away from the so-called New Academy and deserting the sect of Carneades, whether because he was swayed by clear perception and the senses, or, as some say, it was through a kind of ambition and dispute with the companions of Clitomachus and

62] ἠἡγάπα κἀκείνοις προσεῖχε μᾶλλον, διανοούμενος, εἰ παν-

τάπασιν ἐκπέσοι τοῦ τὰ κοινὰ πράσσειν, δεῦρο μετενεγxauevog τὸν βίον ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς καὶ τῆς πολιτείας ἐν ἧσυχίᾳ μετὰ φιλοσοφίας καταζῆν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ αὐτῷ Σύλλας te 4 προσηγγέλϑη τεϑνηκώς, καὶ τὸ σῶμα τοῖς γυμνασίοις ἀναρρωννγύμενον εἰς ἕξιν ἐβάδιζε νεανικήν, ἥ τε φωνὴ λαμβάνουσα πλάσιν ἡδεῖα μὲν πρὸς ἀκοὴν ἐτέϑραπτο καὶ πολAn, μετρίως δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἕξιν τοῦ σώματος ἥομοστο, πολλὰ μὲν τῶν ἀπὸ Pouns φίλων γραφόντων καὶ δεομένων, πολλὰ δ᾽ Ἀντιόχου παρακελευομένου τοῖς κοινοῖς ἐπιβαλεῖν

πράγμασιν, αὖϑις ὥσπερ ὄργανον ἐξηρτύετο τὸν ῥητοριx0» λόγον xai ἀνεκίγει τὴν πολιτικὴν δύναμιν, αὗτόν τε ταῖς μελέταις διαπονῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐπαινουμένους μετιὼν ὁήτορας. ὅϑεν εἰς Ἀσίαν καὶ Ῥόδον ἔπλευσε, καὶ τῶν μὲν 5 Ἀισιανῶκ. ῥητόρων Ξενοχλεῖ τῷ Ἀδραμυττηνῷ καὶ Διονυσίῳ τῷ άγνητι καὶ Mevinnw τῷ Καρὶ συνεσχόλασεν, év δὲ 'Póóo ῥήτορι μὲν Ἀπολλωνίῳ τῷ MóAovoc, φιλοσόφῳ

δὲ Ποσειδωνίῳ. λέγεται δὲ τὸν Ἀπολλώνιον οὐ συνιέντα 6. τὴν ἹΡωμαϊκὴν διάλεκτον δεηϑῆναι τοῦ Κικέρωνος Ἑλληξ γιστὶ μελετῆσαι" τὸν δ᾽ ὑπακοῦσαι προϑύμως, olóusvov οὕτως ἔσεσϑαι βελτίονα τὴν ἐπανόρϑωσιν" ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐμε- ? λέτησε, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἐκπεπλῆχϑαι

καὶ διαμιλλᾶσθϑαι

πρὸς ἀλλήλους τοῖς ἐπαίνοις, τὸν δ᾽ Ἀπολλώνιον οὔτ᾽ axgo-

ὠμενονραὐτοῦ διαχυϑῆναι, καὶ παυσαμένου σύννουν καϑέξεσϑαι πολὺν χρόνον" ἀχϑομένου δὲ τοῦ Κικέρωνος εἰπεῖν"

50€ μὲν ὦ Καὶ ἐπέρων ἐπαινῶ καὶ Qavuáto, τῆς δ᾽ Ἑλλάδος οἰκτίρω τὴν τύχην, ὁρῶν, ἃ μόνα τῶν καλῶν ἡμῖν ὑπελεί-

πετο, καὶ ταῦτα Ρωμαίοις διὰ σοῦ-προσγινόμενα, παιδείαν καὶ λόγον."

9. Ὃ δ᾽ οὖν Κικέρων ἐλπίδων μεστὸς ἐπὶ τὴν πολιτείαν φερόμενος, ὑπὸ χρησμοῦ τινος ἀπημβλύνϑη τὴν ὁρμήν. ἐρομένῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς ϑεὸν ὅπως ἂν ἐνδοξό-

τατος γένοιτο, προσέταξεν ἡ Πυϑία τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φύσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ τὴν τῶν πολλῶν δόξαν ἡγεμόνα ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ

[63 Philo that he was changing his views and in most

matters

cultivating the

former

Stoic reasoning.

(3) But

it was

the

doctrines that Cicero loved and it was to them rather that he was devoted,

and he had it in mind,

if he were ousted

from

public activity altogether, to transfer his life from the forum and the state to Athens and live it out in quiet in the company

of philosophy. (4) But Sulla's death was now reported to him and since his body, recovering strength through gymnastic exercises, was entering upon a vigorous constitution, and his voice, acquiring modulation, had been trained to be pleasant

to the hearing and supple and harmonised reasonably with the constitution of his body, and since his friends in Rome frequently wrote to him requesting him, and Antiochus frequently urged him, to throw himself into public affairs, he again began to prepare his rhetorical style, like a tool, and activate his political powers, by both training himself hard in declamation and seeking out the approved rhetoricians. (5) He therefore sailed to Asia and Rhodes and spent some time with, of the Asian rhetoricians, Xenocles the Adramyttene, Dionysius the Magnesian and Menippus the Carian, and, in Rhodes, the rhetorician Apollonius the son of Molo and the philosopher Posidonius. (6) It is said that not understanding the Roman language Apollonius requested him to declaim in Greek.

Cicero

enthusiastically

complied,

correction of his faults would be better declaimed, the others were stunned and in their expressions of approval, but greatly moved while listening to him and sat for a long time deep in thought.

thinking

that

the

so. (7) When he had vied with one another Apollonius was not when he had finished But when Cicero was

downcast at this, he said: 'Cicero, you indeed I approve of and

admire, but I pity the fate of Greece, when I see that the only fine things left to us, even they have through you passed to the Romans: I mean culture and oratory.’ 5. (1) At any rate when Cicero was being swept, full of hope, towards political life, he had the edge of his onrush

blunted by an oracle. When he asked the god in Delphi how he could become most famous, the Pythian priestess commanded

him

to make

his own

nature,

not the opinion

of

64] βίου. xai τόν ye πρῶτον ἐν “Ρώμῃ χρόνον εὐλαβῶς διῆγε 2 καὶ ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ὀκνηρῶς προσήει καὶ παρημελεῖτο, ταῦτα δὴ τὰ Ρωμαίων τοῖς βαναυσοτάτοις πρόχειρα καὶ συνήϑη δήματα Γραικὸς καὶ σχολαστικὸς ἀκούων. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ 3 . φύσει φιλότιμος ὧν καὶ παροξυνόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς

καὶ τῶν φίλων ἐπέδωκεν εἰς τὸ συνηγορεῖν ἑαυτόν, οὐκ ἠρέμα τῷ πρωτείῳ προσῆλϑεν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐξέλαμψε τῇ δόξῃ καὶ διέφερε πολὺ τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων ἐπ ἀγορᾶς.

λέγεται δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς οὐδὲν ἧττον νοσήσας τοῦ Anuo- + σϑένους περὶ τὴν ὑπόκρισιν, τοῦτο μὲν Ρωσκίῳ τῷ κωμῳ-

δῷ, τοῦτο δ᾽ Αἰσώπῳ τῷ τραγῳδῷ προσέχειν ἐπιμελῶς. τὸν δ᾽ Αἴσωπον τοῦτον ἱστοροῦσιν ὑποκρινόμενον ἐν ϑεά- 5

τρῳ τὸν περὶ τῆς τιμωρίας τοῦ Θυέστου βουλευόμενον Ἀτρέα, τῶν ὑπηρετῶν τινος ἄφνω παραδραμόντος, ἔξω τῶν ἑαυτοῦ λογισμῶν διὰ τὸ πάϑος ὄντα τῷ σκήπτρῳ πατά-.. Eat καὶ ἀνελεῖν. οὐ μικρὰ δὴ πρὸς τὸ πείϑειν ὑπῆρχεν Ex 6 τοῦ ὑποχρίνεσϑαι ῥοπὴ τῷ Κικέρωνι, καὶ τούς γε τῷ μέγα βοᾶν χρωμένους ῥήτορας ἐπισκώπτων, ἔλεγε δι᾿ ἀσϑέvelay ἐπὶ τὴν κραυγὴν. ὥσπερ χωλοὺς ἐφ᾽ ἵππον πηδᾶν. ἡ δὲ περὶ τὰ σκώμματα xai τὴν παιδιὰν ταύτην εὗτραπελία δικανικὸν μὲν ἐδόκει καὶ γλαφυρὸν εἶναι, χρώμενος δ᾽ αὐτῇ κατακόρως, πολλοὺς ἐλύπει καὶ κακοηϑείας ἐλάμfave δόξαν.

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6. Anoösıydeis δὲ ταμίας ἐν σιτοδείᾳ καὶ λαχὼν Σικελίαν, ἠνώχλησε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐν ἀρχῇ, σῖτον εἰς Ρώμην ἀποστέλλειν ἀναγκαζομένοις. ὕστερον δὲ τῆς ἐπιμελείας καὶ οικαιοσύνης καὶ πρᾳότητος αὐτοῦ πεῖραν λαμβάνοντες, ὡς οὐδένα τῶν πώποϑ᾽ ἡγεμόνων ἐτίμησαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ 2

πολλοὶ τῶν ἀπὸ “Ρώμης νέων ἔνδοξοι καὶ γεγονότες καλῶς, αἰτίαν ἔχοντες ἀταξίας καὶ μαλακίας περὶ τὸν πόλεμον,

ἀνεπέμφϑησαν ἐπὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν τῆς Σικελίας, συνεῖπεν αὐτοῖς ὁ Κικέρων ἐπιφανῶς καὶ περιεποίησεν. ἐπὶ τούτοις 3 οὖν μέγα φρονῶν, εἰς Ρώμην βαδίζων γελοῖόν τι παϑεῖν φῆσι (pro Planc. 26, 64). συντυχὼν γὰρ ἀνδρὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν φίλῳ δοκοῦντι περὶ Καμπανίαν, ἐρέσϑαι τίνα δὴ τῶν πε-

πραγμένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λόγον ἔχουσι Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ τί φρονοῦ-

[65 the many, the guide of his life. part

of

his

time

in

Rome

(2) He lived at least the first

cautiously,

sued

for

magistracies

hesitantly, and was neglected, being called ‘Greek’ and 'scholar' - those names which the lowest of the Romans use so readily and customarily. (3) But he was both ambitious by

nature and spurred on by his father and friends, and when he gave himself over to advocacy, he did not advance to the first

rank

slowly:

he

shone

out

brilliantly

at

once

in

public

estimation and he far surpassed his rival orators in the forum. (4) Yet he himself also, no less than Demosthenes, is said to have been weak in his delivery, and to have devoted conscientious attention to Roscius, the comic actor, on the one hand and Aesop, the tragic actor, on the other. (5) They

record that when this Aesop was playing in a theatre the part of Atreus deliberating over vengeance against Thyestes and one of the stagehands suddenly ran across, he struck him with his

sceptre and killed him, being out of his rational senses through passion. (6) Cicero's delivery gave indeed no little weight to his ability to persuade. Joking at those orators who used the

technique of. loud shouting, he would say that it was through weakness that they had immediate recourse to bellowing just as cripples jumped on horseback. His wit as shown in his jokes and this playfulness of his was thought appropriate to a lawyer and polished, but by using it excessively he gave pain to many and began to acquire a reputation for maliciousness. 6. (1) When he was appointed quaestor during a grain shortage and obtained Sicily, he caused the inhabitants inconvenience at the start, since they were compelled to send grain

to

Rome.

But

conscientiousness, justice more than any of their illustrious young nobles indiscipline and cowardice praetor of Sicily, Cicero

later,

acquiring

experience

of

his

and mildness, they honoured him governors before. (2) When many from Rome were accused of in the war and were sent up to the defended them with distinction and

saved them from condemnation. (3) Feeling, then, very proud of these successes, he had, he tells us, an amusing experience

as he journeyed to Rome. In Campania he met a distinguished man whom he thought of as a friend and asked what report the

66] σιν, ὧς ὀνόματος xai δόξης τῶν πεπραγμένων αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν ἅπασαν ἐμπεπληκώς" τὸν δ᾽ εἰπεῖν. ποῦ γὰρ ἧς 4 ὦ Κικέρων τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον; ‘ réte pev οὖν ἐξαϑυμῆσαι παντάπασιν, εἴ γε καϑάπερ εἷς πέλαγος ἀχανὲς τὴν πόλιν ἐμπεσὼν ὁ περὶ αὐτοῦ λόγος οὐδὲν εἰς δόξαν ἐπίδηλον πεποίηκεν" ὕστερον δὲ λογισμὸν αὑτῷ διδοὺς πολὺ τῆς φιλοτιμίας. ὑφελεῖν, ὡς πρὸς ἀόριστον πρᾶγμα τὴν δόξαν ἁμιλλώμενος καὶ πέρας ἐφικτὸν οὐκ ἔχουσαν. οὐ μὴν 5 ἀλλὰ τό ye χαίρειν ἐπαινούμενον διαφερόντως καὶ πρὸς

δόξαν

ἐμπαϑέστερον ἔχειν

pewe καὶ λογισμῶν.

πολλοὺς

ἄχρι

πολλάκις

παντὸς

τῶν

ὀρϑῶν

αὐτῷ

παρέ-

ἐπετάραξε

7. Ἁπτόμενος δὲ τῆς πολιτείας προϑυμότερον, αἰσχρὸν ἡγεῖτο τοὺς μὲν βαναύσους, ὀργάνοις χρωμένους καὶ σκεύεσιν ἀψύχοις, μηδενὸς ἀγνοεῖν ὄνομα μηδὲ χώραν ἢ δύνα-᾽ μιν αὐτῶν, τὸν δὲ πολιτικόν,ᾧ δι᾽ ἀνθρώπων al κοιναὶ πράξεις περαίνονται,ὁῥᾳϑύμως καὶ ἀμελῶς ἔχειν περὶ τὴν τῶν πολιτῶν γνῶσιν. dev οὐ μόνον τῶν ὀνομάτων μνὴ- 2 μονεύειν εἴϑιξζεν ἑαυτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν τόπον ἐν ᾧ τῶν γνωpiuwv ἕκαστος οἰκεῖ, καὶ χωρίον ὃ κέκτηται, καὶ φίλους οἶστισι χρῆται καὶ γείτονας γινώσκειν, καὶ πᾶσαν ὁδὸν τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας διαπορευομένῳ Κικέρωνι πρόχειρον ἦν εἰπεῖν καὶ ἐπιδεῖξαι τοὺς τῶν φίλων ἀγροὺς καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις.

οὐσίαν δὲ μικρὰν μέν, ἱκανὴν δὲ καὶ ταῖς δαπάναις ἐπαρκῆ 3 κεκτημένος, ἐϑαυμάξετο μήτε μισϑοὺς μήτε δῶρα προσἱέμενος ἀπὸ τῆς συνηγορίας, μάλιστα δ᾽ ὅτε τὴν κατὰ Βέρρου δίκην ἀνέλαβε. τοῦτον γὰρ στρατηγὸν γεγονότα τῆς Σικελίας καὶ πολλὰ πεπονηρευμένον τῶν Σικελιωτῶν διωκόντων εἷλεν, οὐκ εἰπών, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ αὐτοῦ τρόπον

τινὰ τοῦ μὴ εἰπεῖν. τῶν γὰρ στρατηγῶν τῷ Βέρρῃ χαρι- 5 ζομένων καὶ τὴν κρίσιν ὑπερϑέσεσι καὶ διακρούσεσι πολλαῖς εἰς τὴν ὑστάτην ἐκβαλλόντων, ὡς ἦν πρόδηλον ὅτι τοῖς λόγοις ὅ τῆς ἡμέρας οὐκ ἐξαρκέσει χοόνος οὐδὲ λήψε-

ται πέρας ἡ κρίσις, ἀναστὰς ὁ Κικέρων ἢἐφή μὴ δεῖσθαι λόγων, GAN ἐπαγαγὼν τοὺς μάρτυρας καὶ ἀνακρίνας, éx£λευσε φέρειν τὴν ψῆφον τοὺς δικαστάς. ὅμως δὲ πολλὰ 6

[67 Romans had of his achievements and what they thought of them, imagining that he had filled the whole city with the name and fame of his achievements. But the man said: (4) "Where

have

you

been

all this time,

then,

Cicero?

For

the

moment, then, he altogether lost heart, since the report of his

achievements,

falling into the city as into a yawning ocean,

bad produced no clear results for the acquisition of glory. But later, applying reason to himself, he got rid of much of his

ambition,

realising

that the

glory

towards

which

he

was

struggling was a thing without bounds and an unattainable end. (5) Nevertheless, his surpassing delight in being praised and his excessive

many

passion

times

for

threw

glory

into

remained

confusion

with

him

many

of

always

his

and

rational

calculations.

7.

(1) Tackling

politics

in

better

heart,

he

thought

it

disgraceful that craftsmen using inanimate tools and implements should be ignorant of the name, place or function of

none

of

them,

but

the

statesman,

whose

acts

of

public

policy are accomplished by means of human beings, should be lazy and unconscientious about knowing his fellow-citizens. (2) He therefore accustomed himself not only to memorise their names but also to know the district in which each of the notables lived, the country place he owned, the friends and neighbours he had, and on every road in Italy that he went through Cicero could readily name and point out the lands and country-houses of his friends. (3) Since he owned a property that was small but sufficient for his actual expenses, he was admired for accepting neither payments nor gifts for his advocacy

and

Verres.

(4) This man had been praetor of Sicily and had

committed prosecuted

especially many

him,

so when

criminal Cicero

acts,

convicted

a way, by actually not speaking. favouring

Verres

and

throwing

he took and him

not

up the case against when

the

Sicilians

by speaking

but,

in

(5) When the praetors were the

case

out

by

many

postponements and delays until the last day and it was already clear that the day's time would not be enough for the speeches and the trial would not reach an end, Cicero rose and said that there

was

no

need for

speeches;

instead,

he

brought forward

his witnesses, examined them, and told the jurors to cast their

68] χαρίεντα διαμνημονεύεται καὶ περὶ ἐκείνην αὐτοῦ τὴν δίκην. βέρρην γὰρ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν ἐκτετμημένον χοῖρον καλοῦσιν. ὧς οὖν ἀπελευϑερικὸς ἄνϑρωπος ἔνοχος τῷ ἰουδαΐCew ὄνομα Κεκίλιος ἐβούλετο παρωσάμενος τοὺς Σικελι-

dag κατηγορεῖν τοῦ Βέρρου,, τί ᾿Ιουδαίῳ πρὸς χοῖρον;“‘ ἔφη 6 Κικέρων. ἦν δὲ τῷ Βέρρῃ ἀντίπαις υἱὸς οὐκ ἐλευ- 1 ϑερίως δοκῶν προΐστασϑαι τῆς ὥρας. λοιδορηϑεὶς οὖν ὁ

Κικέρων εἰς μαλακίαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Βέρρου,͵ τοῖς vioic’’ εἶστεν ,,£vvdg ϑυρῶν δεῖ λοιδορεῖσθαι." τοῦ δὲ δήτορος “Ootn- s σίσυ τὴν μὲν εὐθεῖαν τῷ Bégon συνειπεῖν un ϑελήσαντος, ἐν δὲ τῷ τιμήματι πεισϑέντος παραγενέσϑαι καὶ λαβόντος ἐλεφαντίνην Σφίγγα μισϑόν, εἶπέ τι πλαγίως 6 Κικέρων πρὸς αὐτόν" τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος αἰνιγμάτων λύσεως ἀπείρως

ἔχειν, ,,xal μὴν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας" Eon „Tip Σφίγγα Exec“. ἃ. Οὕτω δὲ τοῦ Βέρρου καταδικασϑέντος, ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε μυριάδων τιμησάμενος τὴν δίκην 6 Κικέρων διαβολὴν ἔσχεν, ὡς ἐπὶ ἀργυρίῳ τὸ τίμημα καϑυφειμένος.

οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ οἱ Σικελιῶται χάριν εἰδότες ἀγορανομοῦντος 7 αὐτοῦ πολλὰ μὲν ἄγοντες ἀπὸ τῆς νήσου, πολλὰ δὲ φέροντες ἧκον, ὧν οὐδὲν ἐποιήσατο κέρδος, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον ἐπευωνίσαι τὴν ἀγορὰν ἀπεχρήσατο τῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ τῶν ἀνϑρώπων. Ἐκέκτητο δὲ χωρίον καλὸν ἐν Ἄρποις, καὶ περὶ Νέαν 3 πόλιν ἦν ἀγρὸς καὶ περὶ Πομπηίους ἕτερος, οὐ μεγάλοι, peovn τε Τερεντίας τῆς γυναικὸς προσεγένετο μυριάδων δώδεκα, καὶ κληρονομία τις εἰς ἔγνέα συναχϑεῖσα δηναρίων μυριάδας. ἀπὸ τούτων ἐλευϑερίως ἅμα καὶ σωφρό- 4 vog διῆγε μετὰ τῶν συμβιούντων Ἑλλήνων καὶ Ῥωμαίων φιλολογῶν, σπάνιον εἴ ποτε πρὸ δυσμῶν ἡλίου κατακλι-

γόμενος, οὐχ οὕτω dv ἀσχολίαν ὡς διὰ τὸ σῶμα τῷ στομάχῳ μοχϑηρῶς διακείμενον. ἦν δὲ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην περὶ τὸ 5

σῶμα ϑεραπείαν ἀκριβὴς καὶ περιττός, ὥστε καὶ τρίψεσι καὶ περιπάτοις ἀριϑμῷ τεταγμένοις χρῆσϑαι, καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον διαπαιδαγωγῶν τὴν ἕξιν ἄνοσον καὶ διαρκῆ πρὸς πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους ἀγῶνας καὶ πόνους συνεῖχεν. οἰκίαν δὲ τὴν μὲν πατρῴαν τῷ ἀδελφῷ παρεχώρησεΐ, 6

αὐτὸς δ᾽ ᾧκει περὶ τὸ Παλάτιον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ μακρὰν βαδί-

[69 votes.

(6) Nevertheless,

many

charming

examples of his wit

For are recorded even in connexion with this case of his. example, the Romans call the castrated pig verres. So when a freedman vulnerable to the charge of Judaising named Caecilius wanted to push the Sicilians aside and accuse Verres,

Cicero said: "What has a Jew to do with a pig?' (7) Verres had a son, little more than a boy, who was thought to flaunt his youthful beauty in a manner unbecoming to a free man. So when Cicero was vilified by Verres for softness, he said: 'It is your sons indoors whom you ought to be vilifying.' (8) When the orator Hortensius declined to defend Verres openly but was persuaded to appear for him at the assessment of the penalty and got an ivory sphinx as payment, Cicero said something obliquely to him; when Hortensius said that he had no experience of solving riddles, Cicero replied: ‘And yet you have the Sphinx in your house. ' 8. (1) Verres having been convicted in this way, Cicero assessed the penalty at 750,000

and was accused

of conniving

to reduce the assessment for money. (2) Nevertheless, when he was aedile the Sicilians came in gratitude, bringing much plunder from their island, out of which he made no profit at all: on the contrary he exploited

the men's

full — just to lower the market price.

generosity

to the

(3) He owned a fine

country place in Arpi and there was an estate near Naples and another

near

Pompeii,

not

large

ones;

dowry from his wife Terentia of amounting to 90,000 denarii. (4) Off and at the same time temperately, Greek and Roman lovers of learning rarely

to these

if ever reclining at table before sundown, of his stomach.

added

a

120,000, and a legacy these he lived liberally, in the company of the who shared his house,

for lack of leisure as because his body. was because

was

(5) In the general

not so much

in a poor

state

care of his body

too he was exact and exceptionally scrupulous, so that he had a fixed number of both massages and walks. By training his constitution in this way, he maintained it free frora sickness and able to withstand many great struggles and labours. (6) His father's house he handed over to his brother, and he himself went to live near the Palatine so that those who paid

70] Covrac ἐνοχλεῖσϑαι τοὺς ϑεραπεύοντας αὐτόν. ἐϑεράπευον δὲ καϑ' ἡμέραν ἐπὶ ϑύρας φοιτῶντες οὐκ ἐλάσσονες ἢ

Κράσσον

ἐπὶ πλούτῳ καὶ Πομπήιον διὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς στρα-᾿

τεύμασι δύναμιν, ϑαυμαζομένους μάλιστα Ρωμαίων καὶ μεγίστους ὄντας. ΠΙἊΟομπήιος δὲ καὶ Κικέρωνα ἐϑεράπσευε, 1

καὶ μέγα πρὸς δύναμιν αὐτῷ καὶ δόξαν ἡ Κικέρωνος συνέπραξε πολιτεία.

9. Στρατηγίαν δὲ μετιόντων ἅμα σὺν αὐτῷ πολλῶν καὶ γενναίων, πρῶτος ἁπάντων ἀνηγορεύϑη, καὶ τὰς κρίσεις ἔδοξε καϑαρῶς καὶ καλῶς βραβεῦσαι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Arxi- 4 γιος Maxeo, ἀνὴρ καὶ xa? αὑτὸν ἰσχύων ἐν τῇ πόλει μέγα καὶ Κράσσῳ χρώμενος βοηϑῷ, κρινόμενος κλοπῆς ἐπὶ αὐτοῦ, τῇ δὲ δυνάμει καὶ σπουδῇ πεποιϑώς, ἔτι τὴν ψῆφον τῶν κριτῶν διαφερόντων, ἀπαλλαγεὶς οἴκαδε κείρασϑαΐ τε τὴν κεφαλὴν κατὰ τάχος καὶ καϑαρὸν ἱμάτιον λαβὼν

ὡς νενικηκὼς αὖϑις εἰς ἀγορὰν προϊέναι, τοῦ δὲ Κράσσου περὶ τὴν αὔλειον ἀπαντήσαντος αὐτῷ καὶ φράσαντος ὅτι πάσαις ἑάλωκε ταῖς ψήφοις, ἀναστρέψας καὶ κατακλινεὶς ἀποθανεῖν. τὸ δὲ πρᾶγμα τῷ Κικέρωνι δόξαν ἤνεγκεν ὡς ἐπιμελῶς βραβεύσαντι τὸ δικαστήριον.

Ἐπεὶ δὲ Οὐατίνιος, ἀνὴρ ἔχων τι τραχὺ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς 3 ἄρχοντας ὀλίγωρον ἐν ταῖς συνηγορίαις, χοιράδων δὲ τὸν τράχηλον περίπλεως, ἡτεῖτό τι καταστὰς παρὰ τοῦ Κικέowvos, καὶ μὴ διδόντος, ἀλλὰ βουλευομένου πολὺν χρόγον, εἶπεν ὡς οὐκ ἂν αὐτός γε διστάσειε περὶ τούτου στρατηγῶν, ἐπιστραφεὶς ὁ Κικέρων, ἀλλ᾽ ἔγωγε" elnev ,,ovx ἔχω τηλικοῦτον τράχηλον"

Eu δ᾽ ἡμέρας δύο ἢ τρεῖς ἔχοντι τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ προσ-4 ἤγαγέ τις

ανίλιον εὐθύνων κλοπῆς. 6 δὲ

ανίλιος οὗτος

εὔνοιαν εἶχε καὶ σπουδὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, δοκῶν ἐλαύνεσϑαι διὰ Πομπήιον" ἐκείνου γὰρ ἦν φίλος. αἰτουμένου δ᾽ 5 ἡμέρας αὐτοῦ, μίαν 6 Κικέρων μόνην τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἔδωκε,

καὶ 6 δῆμος ἠγανάκτησεν, εἰϑισμένων τῶν στρατηγῶν δέκα τοὐλάχιστον ἡμέρας διδόναι τοῖς κινδυνεύουσι. tds δὲ δημάρχων ἀγαγόντων αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα xai xatn-

γορούντων, ἀκουσϑῆναι δεηϑεὶς εἶπεν, ὅτι τοῖς κινδυνεύ-

[7 him court might not be inconvenienced by having a long walk. They paid him court every day, frequenting his doors, no fewer than courted Crassus for his wealth and Pompey because of his power

among

the armies,

the men

who were the most

admired and the greatest of the Romans. (7) Pompey paid court to. Cicero also, and Cicero's policies contributed greatly to his power and glory. 9. (1) Although many noble men were seeking the praetorship along with him, he was proclaimed first of them all and was thought

to have presided over his cases honestly

and

fairly. (2) It is said too that when Licinius Macer, a man who both had great power in the city on his own account and had Crassus as his supporter, was tried for theft before Cicero, he trusted in this power and support and while the jurors were still separately casting their votes, left for home, had a quick haircut, and taking a clean robe in the belief that he had won,

was going forth again to the forum.

But when Crassus met

him

bim

at his courtyard

door

and

told

that he

had

been

convicted by all the votes, he turned back, lay down and died.

The affair brought Cicero glory for having been a conscientious president of the court. (3) Again, Vatinius, a man who had a harsh manner and in his speeches in court was contemptuous towards the magistrates, and whose neck was covered in swellings, came before Cicero and made some request of him; when Cicero did not grant it but deliberated for a long time, Vatinius said that he himself would not have been in two minds about this if he had been praetor. Cicero

came to himself and said: ‘But I haven't got such neck.’ (4) When he had still two or three days of his magistracy left,

someone

brought

Manilius

before

him

theft. This Manilius had good will and people, since he was thought to be under Pompey (he was a friend of Pompey's) requested several days’ postponement, Cicero one - the following day. The people were was the praetors' custom to grant defendants (6) But when the tribunes brought him to attacked him, he begged to be heard and

on

a charge

of

support from the attack because of (5) When he granted him only indignant, since it at least ten days. the tribunal and said that having

72] ovaıy ἀεί, xa ὅσον oi νόμοι παρείκουσι, κεχρημένος ἐπιεικῶς καὶ φιλανϑρώπως, δεινὸν ἡγεῖτο τῷ Mano ταὐτὰ μὴ παρασχεῖν" ἧς οὖν ἔτι μόνης κύριος ἦν ἡμέρας στρατηγῶν, ταύτην ἐπίτηδες ὁρίσαι" τὸ γὰρ εἰς ἄλλον ἄρχοντα τὴν κρίσιν ἐκβαλεῖν οὐκ εἶναι βουλομένου βοηϑεῖν.

ταῦτα λεχϑέντα ϑαυμαστὴν ἐποίησε τοῦ δήμου μεταβολήν, Ἰ καὶ πολλὰ κατευφημοῦντες αὐτόν, ἐδέοντο τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ Μανιλίου συνηγορίαν ἀναλαβεῖν. 6 δ᾽ ὑπέστη προϑύμως, οὐχ ἥκιστα διὰ Πομπήιον ἀπόντα, καὶ καταστὰς πάλιν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἐδημηγόρησε, νεανικῶς τῶν ὀλιγαρχικῶν καὶ τῷ Πομπηίῳ φϑονούντων καϑαπτόμενος. 10. Ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν ὑπατείαν οὖχ ἧττον ὑπὸ τῶν ἀριστοκρατικῶν ἢ τῶν πολλῶν προήχϑη, διὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐξ αἰτίας αὐτῷ τοιᾶσδε συναγωνισαμένων. τῆς ὑπὸ Σύλλα ytvo-: μένης μεταβολῆς περὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν ἀτόπου * φανείσης τοῖς πολλοῖς, τότε δ᾽ ὑπὸ χρόνου καὶ συνηϑείας

ἤδη τινὰ κατάστασιν ἔχειν οὐ φαύλην δοκούσης, ἦσαν oi τὰ παρόντα διασεῖσαι. καὶ μεταϑεῖναι ζητοῦντες ἰδίων ἕνεκα πλεονεξιῶν, οὐ πρὸς τὸ βέλτιστον, Πομπηίου μὲν ἔτι τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἐν Πόντῳ καὶ Ἀρμενίᾳ διαπολεμοῦντος, ἐν δὲ τῇ Poun μηδεμιᾶς ὑφεστώσης πρὸς τοὺς νεωτερίζοντας ἀξιομάχου δυνάμεως. οὗτοι κορυφαῖον εἶχον ἄνδρα s τολμητὴν καὶ μεγαλοπράγμονα καὶ ποικίλον τὸ ἦϑος, Λεύκιον Κατιλίναν, ὃς αἰτίαν ποτὲ πρὸς ἄλλοις ἀδικήμασι μεγάλοις ἔλαβε παρϑένῳ συγγεγονέναι ϑυγατρί, κτείνας δ᾽ ἀδελφὸν αὑτοῦ καὶ δίκην ἐπὶ τούτῳ φοβούμενος, ἔπεισε Σύλλαν ὡς ἔτι ζῶντα τὸν ἄνϑρωπον ἐν τοῖς

ἀποϑανουμένοις προγράψαι. τοῦτον οὖν προστάτην οἱ πονη- 4 goi λαβόντες, ἄλλας τε πίστεις ἔδοσαν ἀλλήλοις xai κατα-

ϑύσαντες ἄνϑρωπον ἐγεύσαντο τῶν σαρκῶν. διέφϑαρτο δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πολὺ μέρος τῆς ἐν τῇ πόλει νεότητος, ἡδονὰς καὶ πότους καὶ γυναικῶν ἔρωτας ἀεὶ προξενοῦντος ἑκάστῳ καὶ τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην ἀφειδῶς παρασκευάζοντος. amb

*10.2 φανείσης τοῖς πολλοῖς, δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς instead.

tote Ó':

read φανείσης,

τότε

[73 always, so far as the laws allowed, treated defendants with moderation and humanity, he thought it dreadful not to give Manilius the same treatment. So he had deliberately appointed the only day over which as praetor he still had authority: to throw out the case to another magistrate was not the act of someone who wanted to help. (7) These words brought about a wonderful change in the people and applauding him loudly

they

begged

him

to

take

up

Manilius

defence.

He

enthusiastically undertook to do so, not least because of the absent Pompey, and coming forward again he harangued the

people anew,

making a spirited attack on the oligarchs and

those who were jealous of Pompey. 10. (1) But he was advanced to the consulship no less by the aristocrats than by the many, who together supported his efforts in the interests of the state for some such reason as the following. (2) The change in the constitution made by Sulla appeared outlandish in the beginning, but at that period, through time and familiarity, it seemed to the many to have by now a stability which was not worthless. There were, however,

those who

for the sake of personal

gain, not in the

interests of what was best, were seeking to shake and change the present state of affairs, while Pompey was still fighting it out with

the kings

in Pontus

and

Armenia

and

there

was

no

power capable of making a stand against the revolutionaries in Rome. (3) These had as their leader a man who was daring and ambitious and protean of character: Lucius Catiline, who in addition to other great crimes was once accused of having had intercourse with a virgin — his daughter, and who, after killing his own brother and fearing prosecution for this,

persuaded Sulla to proscribe the man among those who were about to be killed, as if he were still alive. (4) So this was the man the criminals took as their champion, and among

other

pledges

sacrificed youth in

that

they

gave

one

another

they

actually

a man and tasted his flesh. A great part of the the city had been corrupted by Catiline, who

continually procured for each of them pleasures and drinking bouts and love affairs with women and provided the money for

74] ἐπῆρτο δ᾽ ἥ τε Τυρρηνία πρὸς ἀπόστασιν ὅλη καὶ τὰ πολλὰ 5 τῆς ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων Γαλατίας. ἐπισφαλέστατα δ᾽ ἡ Ῥώμη πρὸς μεταβολὴν εἶχε διὰ τὴν ἐν ταῖς οὐσίαις ἀνωμαλίαν, τῶν μὲν ἐν δόξῃ μάλιστα καὶ φρονήματι κατεπτωχευμένων εἰς ϑέατρα καὶ δεῖπνα καὶ φιλαρχίας καὶ οἰκοδομίας, τῶν

δὲ

πλούτων εἰς ἀγεννεῖς καὶ

ταπεινοὺς

συνερρνηκότων

ἀνϑρώπους, ὥστε μικρᾶς δοπῆς δεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα καὶ aay εἶναι τοῦ τολμήσαντος ἔκστῆσαι τὴν πολιτείαν, αὐτὴν ὑφ᾽ αὑτῆς νοσοῦσαν. 11. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ βουλόμενος ὁ Κατιλίνας iἰσχυρόν τι προκαταλαβεῖν ὁρμητήριον, ὑπατείαν μετήει, καὶ λαμπρὸς ἦν ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ὧς Γαΐῳ Ἀντωνίῳ συνυπατεύσων, ἀνδρὶ καϑ' αὑτὸν μὲν οὔτε πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον οὔτε πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον ἦγεμονικῷ, προσϑήκπκῃ δ᾽ ἄγοντος ἑτέρου δυνάμεως ἐσομένῳ. ταῦτα δὴ τῶν καλῶν καὶ ἀγαϑῶν ἀνδρῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι 2 προαισθόμενοι, τὸν Κικέρωνα προῆγον ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν, καὶ τοῦ δήμου δεξαμένου προϑύμως, 6 μὲν Κατιλίνας ἐξέ-

πεσε, Κικέρων δὲ καὶ Γάιος Ἀντώνιος ἡἠἡρέϑησαν. καίτοι 3

τῶν μετιόντων ὁ Κικέρων μόνος ἦν ἐξ ἱππικοῦ πατρός, οὐ βουλευτοῦ, γεγονώς. 12. Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ Κατιλίναν ἔμελλεν ἔτι, τοὺς πολλοὺς λανϑάνοντα, προάγωνες δὲ μεγάλοι τὴν Κικέρωνος ὑπατείαν ἐξεδέξαντο. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ οἱ κεκωλυμένοι κατὰ 2

τοὺς Σύλλα νόμους ἄρχειν, οὔτ᾽ ἀσϑενεῖς ὄντες οὔτ᾽ δὅλίγοι, μετιόντες ἀρχὰς ἐδημαγώγουν, πολλὰ τῆς Σύλλα τυραννίδος ἀληϑῆ μὲν καὶ δίκαια κατηγοροῦντες, οὐ μὴν

ἐν δέοντι τὴν πολιτείαν οὐδὲ σὺν καιρῷ κινοῦντες, τοῦτο

δὲ νόμους εἰσῆγον οἱ δήμαρχοι πρὸς τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόϑεσιν, δεκαδαρχίαν

καϑιστάντες

ἀνδρῶν

αὐτοκρατόρων,

οἷς

ἐφεῖτο πάσης μὲν ᾿Ιταλίας, πάσης δὲ Συρίας καὶ ὅσα διὰ Πομπηίου νεωστὶ προσώριστο, κυρίους ὄντας πωλεῖν τὰ δημόσια, κρίνειν οὕς δοκοίη, φυγάδας ἐκβάλλειν, συγοικίξειν πόλεις, χθήματα λαμβάνειν €ἐκ τοῦ ταμιείου, στρατιώτας τρέφειν καὶ καταλέγειν ὁπόσων δέοιντο. διὸ καὶ τῷ 3 νόμῳ προσεῖχον ἄλλοι τε τῶν ἐπιφανῶν καὶ πρῶτος Ἀντώνιοςὁ τοῦ Κικέρωνος συνάρχων, ὧς τῶν δέκα γενησό-

[75 these things unstintingly.

(5) The whole of Etruria and most

parts of Cisalpine Gaul had been roused to revolt.

Rome was

most perilously close to revolutionary change because of the imbalance in properties: those of the highest repute and spirit had beggared themselves on shows and banquets and efforts to gain office and building programmes, and riches had flowed into the possession of lowborn and base men, so that the situation needed only a small extra weight and everything would belong to the man who dared to subvert the state, sick as it was of its self-inflicted malady. 11. (1) Nevertheless, wishing ‚to seize a strong base of operations in advance, Catiline sought the consulship, and he had brilliant hopes that he would be consul with Gaius

Antonius, a man who on his own was capable of leading others neither to the good nor to the bad but who would contribute to the power of anyone else who did take the lead. (2) The majority of the best men foresaw precisely this and advanced Cicero for the consulship, and as the people enthusiastically accepted him, Catiline was ousted and Cicero and Gaius Antonius elected. (3) And yet of those seeking office Cicero alone was born of an equestrian father, not a senator.

12. notice

(1) The

Catiline

of the

many,

affair was still to come, but

great

preliminary

escaping

struggles

the

greeted

Cicero's consulship. (2) On the one hand, those prevented from holding office under the laws of Sulla, who were neither weak

nor

few,

were

seeking

office

and

appealing

to

the

people, making many attacks on Sulla's tyranny that were indeed true and just, but disturbing the constitution unnecessarily and inopportunely; and on the other hand, the tribunes were bringing in laws to the same purpose, establishing a commission of ten men with absolute powers,

to

whom was granted, as having authority over all Italy, all Syria and all the areas which had recently been brought by Pompey within the frontiers of the empire, the right to sell state property, try whom they thought fit, expel exiles, found new cities, take money from the treasury, and maintain and levy as many troops as they required. (3) Several distinguished men therefore actually supported the law, foremost among them

76] μενος ἐδόκει δὲ xai τὸν Κατιλίνα νεωτερισμὸν εἰδὼς ov δυσχεραίνειν ὑπὸ πλήϑους δανείων. ὃ μάλιστα τοῖς äpi-4 στοις φόβον παρεῖχε. καὶ τοῦτο πρῶτον ϑεραπεύων ὁ Κικέων, ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἐψηφίσατο τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν Maxedoviay, ἑαυτῷ δὲ τὴν Γαλατίαν διδομένην παρῃτήσατο, καὶ κατειργάσατο τῇ χάριτι ταύτῃ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ὥσπερ ὑποκριτὴν ἔμμισϑον αὐτῷ τὰ δεύτερα λέγειν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος. ὡς 5 δ᾽ οὗτος ἑαλώκει καὶ χειροήϑης ἐγεγόνει, μᾶλλον ἤδη ϑαρρῶν

ὁ Κικέρων

ἐνίστατο πρὸς

τοὺς καινοτομοῦντας.

ἐν μὲν οὖν τῇ βουλῇ κατηγορίαν τινὰ τοῦ νόμου διαϑέμενος, οὕτως ἐξέπληξεν αὐτοὺς τοὺς εἰσφέροντας,

ὥστε

μηδέν᾽ ἀντιλέγειν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ αὖϑις ἐπεχείρουν καὶ παρασκευ- e ασάμενοι προεκαλοῦντο τοὺς ὑπάτους ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον, οὐδὲν ὑποδείσας ὁ Κικέρων, ἀλλὰ τὴν βουλὴν ἕπεσϑαι κελεύσας

καὶ προελϑών,

οὐ μόνον

ἐκεῖνον ἐξέβαλε τὸν.

νόμον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπογνῶναι τοὺς δημάρχους ἐποίησε, παρὰ τοσοῦτον τῷ λόγῳ κρατηϑέντας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. 13. άλιστα γὰρ οὗτος 6 ἄνὴρ ἐπέδειξε Ῥωμαίοις, ὅσον ἡδονῆς λόγος τῷ καλῷ προστίϑησι, καὶ ὅτι τὸ δίκαιον ἀήττητόν ἔστιν, ἂν ὀρϑῶς λέγηται, καὶ δεῖ τὸν ἐμμελῶς πολιτευόμενον ἀεὶ τῷ μὲν ἔργῳ τὸ καλὸν ἀντὶ τοῦ κολακεύοντος αἱρεῖσθαι, τῷ δὲ. λόγῳ τὸ λυποῦν ἀφαιρεῖν τοῦ συμφέροντος.

δεῖγμα δ᾽ αὐτοῦ

τῆς περὶ τὸν λόγον 3

χάριτος καὶ τὸ παρὰ τὰς ϑέας ἐν τῇ ὑπατείᾳ γενόμενον. τῶν γὰρ ἱππικῶν πρότερον ἔν τοῖς ϑεάτροις ἀναμεμειγμένων τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ μετὰ τοῦ δήμου ϑεωμένων ὡς ἔτυχε, πρῶτος διέκρινεν ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοὺς ἱππέας ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν Μᾶρκος "Οϑων στρατηγῶν, καὶ κατέ-

γειμεν ἰδίαν ἐκείνοις ϑέαν, ἣν ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐξαίρετον ἔχουσι. τοῦτο πρὸς ἀτιμίαν 6 δῆμος ἔλαβε, καὶ φανέντος ἐν τῷ ϑεά- 3 Tow tod ὌὍϑωνος ἐφυβρίζων ἐσύριττεν, οἱ δ᾽ ἱππεῖς ὑπέλα-

βον κρότῳ τὸν ἄνδρα λαμπρῶς ᾿αὖϑις δ᾽ ὁ δῆμος ἐπέτεινε τὸν συριγμόν, εἶτ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι τὸν κρότον. ἐκ δὲ τούτου τραπό- 4 μενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐχρῶντο λοιδορίαις, καὶ τὸ ϑέατρον ἀκοσμία κατεῖχεν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὁ Κικέρων ἧκε πυϑόμενος, καὶ τὸν δῆμον

ἐκκαλέσας

πρὸς

τὸ τῆς Ἐνυοῦς

ἱερὸν ἐπετί-

[77 Antonius,

Cicero's

colleague,

who

intended to be one of

the

ten. He was thought also to know of Catiline's plans for revolution and because of a multitude of debts not to be displeased with them. (4) It was this above all which gave the

best men cause for fear. the province

Taking care of this first, Cicero got

of Macedonia

voted

to Antonius,

and

declined

Gaul for himself, though it was offered, and by this favour he

prevailed upon Antonius to play second to him in defence of their country like a paid actor. captured

and

tamed,

Cicero,

(5) When Antonius had been

already

more

confident,

took

a

stand against the political innovators. Thus he made a thoroughgoing attack on the law in the senate and so stunned the proposers themselves that none spoke against him. (6) When they tried again and summoned the consuls before the people after proper preparation, Cicero was not at all afraid but, telling the senate to follow him,

went first and not only

got that law thrown out, but made the tribunes give up their other

measures

as

well,

to

such

an

extent

were

they

overpowered by him and his eloquence. 13.

(1) For this man more than any other demonstrated to the

Romans how much pleasure eloquence adds to the good, that justice is invincible if it is correctly put into words, and that the man who engages in politics conscientiously must always take the good course rather than the flattering in what he does

and take the painful away from the expedient by what he says. (2) What happened in his consulship during the shows is also a demonstration of the charm of his eloquence. The men of equestrian rank had in the past been mixed up among the

many in the theatres and watched the shows along with the

people as chance dictated. When praetor Marcus Otho was the first to separate the equites from the other citizens as a mark of honour, and he allotted them a special part of the theatre, which they still have reserved for them even now. (3) The people took this as an affront to their rights and when Otho appeared in the theatre they hissed him insultingly, whereas the equites applauded and received the man

enthusiastically.

The people in turn intensified their hissing,

then the equites their applause. (4) After that they turned on each other and exchanged abuse, and disorder occupied the theatre. But when Cicero, learning of this, came and called

78] unos

xai παρήνεσεν,

ἀπελθόντες

εἰς τὸ Üéavoov

αὖϑις

ἐκρότουν tov "Odwva λαμπρῶς, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἱππέας ἅμιλλαν ἐποιοῦντο περὶ τιμῶν καὶ δόξης τοῦ ἀνδρός.

14. Ἢ δὲ περὶ τὸν Κατιλίναν συνωμοσία, πτήξασα καὶ καταδείσασα τὴν ἀρχήν, αὖϑις ἀνεϑάρρει, καὶ συνῆγον ἀλλήλους καὶ παρεκάλουν εὐτολμότερον ἅπτεσϑαι τῶν πραγμάτων πρὶν ἐπανελϑεῖν Πομπήιον, ἤδη λεγόμενον ὑποστρέφειν μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. μάλιστα δὲ τὸν Karılivay ἐξηρέϑιζον οἱ Σύλλα πάλαι στρατιῶται, διαπεφυκό-

τες μὲν ὅλης τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας, πλεῖστοι δὲ καὶ μαχιμώτατοι ταῖς Τυρρηνίσιν ἐγκατεσπαρμένοι πόλεσιν, ἁρπαγὰς δὲ πάλιν καὶ διαφορήσεις πλούτων ἑτοίμων ὀνειροπολοῦνTec. οὗτοι γὰρ ἡγεμόνα ἤᾷάλλιον ἔχοντες, ἄνδρα τῶν ἐπιφανῶς

ὑπὸ

Σύλλᾳ

στρατευσαμένων,

συνίσταντο

tH

Κατιλίνᾳ καὶ παρῆσαν εἰς Ρώμην συναρχαιρεσιάσοντες. ὑπατείαν γὰρ αὖϑις μετήει, βεβουλευμένος ἀνελεῖν τὸν Κικέρωνα περὶ αὐτὸν τὸν τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν ϑόρυβον. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον προσημαίνειν τὰ πρασσόμενα σεισμοῖς καὶ κεραυνοῖς xai φάσμασιν. ai δ᾽ an ἀνθρώπων μηνύσεις ἀληϑεῖς μὲν ἦσαν, οὔπω δ᾽ εἰς ἔλεγχον ἀποχρῶσαι xat ἀνδρὸς ἐνδόξου καὶ δυναμένου μέγα τοῦ Κατιλίνα'

διὸ τὴν ἡμέραν τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν ὑπερϑέμενος ὁ Κικέρων 5 ἐκάλει τὸν Κατιλίναν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον καὶ περὶ τῶν λεγομένων ἀνέκρινεν. 6 δὲ πολλοὺς οἰόμενος εἶναι6 τοὺς πραγμάτων καινῶν ἐφιεμένους ἐν τῇ βουλῇ, καὶ ἅμα τοῖς συνωμόταις ἐνδεικνύμενος, ἀπεκρίνατο τῷ Kıxepci μανικὴν ἀπόκρισιν. „ti pao’ ἔφη ,,πράττω δεινόν,

εἰ δυοῖν σωμάτων

ὄντων,

τοῦ μὲν ἰσχνοῦ καὶ κατε-

φϑινηκότος, ἔχοντος δὲ κεφαλήν, τοῦ

δ᾽ ἀκεφάλου

μέν,

ἰσχυροῦ δὲ καὶ μεγάλου, τούτῳ κεφαλὴν αὐτὸς ἐπιτίϑη-

με: τούτων εἴς τε τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἠνιγμένων ὑπ᾿ 1

αὐτοῦ, μᾶλλον ὁ Κικέρων ἔδεισε, καὶ τεϑωρακισμένον αὐτὸν ol τε δυνατοὶ πάντες ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας καὶ τῶν γέων

πολλοὶ κατῆγον εἰς τὸ πεδίον. τοῦ δὲ ϑώρακος ἐπίτηδες 8

ὑπέφαινέ τι παραλύσας ἐκ τῶν ὥμων τοῦ χιτῶνος, ἐνδειχγύμενος

τοῖς ὁρῶσι

τὸν

κίνδυνον. οἱ δ᾽ ἠγανάκτουν καὶ

the people out to the temple of Enyo and reprimanded and advised them,

they went

back

Otho enthusiastically and over marks of honour and 14. (1) But Catiline and beginning had been cowed gain confidence, gathered

again to the theatre,

applauded

engaged in rivalry with the equites glory for the man. the other conspirators, who in the and very frightened, again began to themselves together and called on

one another to tackle the situation more

daringly before

Pompey returned, for he was said to be coming back with his forces already. (2) But it was Sulla's old soldiers most of all

who incited Catiline; they were planted throughout the whole of

Italy,

but

the

most

numerous

and

warlike

were

scattered

amongst the Etruscan cities, dreaming again of raiding and plundering of readily available riches. (3) These, with Mallius as their leader, a man who was one of those who had campaigned under Sulla with distinction, joined with Catiline

and came to Rome to support his election campaign. He was again seeking the consulship, having resolved to kill Cicero in the very tumult of the elections. (4) The divine power itself seemed to presignify events by earthquakes, thunderbolts, and apparitions. The disclosures of men, on the other hand, were indeed true but not yet sufficient for proof against a man of high repute and great power such as Catiline. (5) Cicero therefore. postponed the day of the elections, called Catiline into the senate, and questioned him closely about what was being said. (6) But Catiline, thinking that those in the senate who longed for revolution were numerous, and at the same time showing off to the conspirators, made a mad reply to Cicero: "What dreadful thing', he said, 'am I doing, then, if, when there are two bodies, the one thin and emaciated but with a head, the other headless, but strong and big, I myself

add a head to it?" (7) Since these words of his made riddling reference to the senate and the people, Cicero was all the more frightened: he put on a breastplate and all the powerful, and

many

of

the

young,

men

escorted

him

from

his

house

down into the plain. (8) He deliberately let a bit of the breastplate show by loosening a portion of his tunic from his shoulders, showing off the danger to the onlookers. They were

30]

συνεστρέφοντο περὶ αὐτόν, xai τέλος ἔν ταῖς ψήφοις τὸν μὲν Κατιλίναν αὖϑις ἐξέβαλον, εἵλοντο δὲ Σιλανὸν ὕπατον καὶ Movonvar. 15. Οὐ πολλῷ δ᾽ ὕστερον τούτων ἤδη τῷ Κατιλίνᾳ τῶν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ στρατευμάτων συνερχομένων καὶ καταλοχιζομένων, καὶ τῆς ὡρισμένης πρὸς τὴν ἐπίϑεσιν ἡμέρας ἐγγὺς οὔσης, ἧκον ἐπὶ τὴν Κικέρωνος οἰκίαν περὶ μέσας γύκτας ἄνδρες οἱ πρῶτοι καὶ δυνατώτατοι “Ῥωμαίων, Μᾶρκος τε Κράσσος καὶ Mäpxos άρκελλος καὶ Σκιπίων Μέτελλος, κόψαντες δὲ τὰς ϑύρας καὶ καλέσαντες τὸν ϑυ-

οωρόν, ἐκέλευον ἐπεγεῖραι καὶ φράσαι Κικέρωνι τὴν παρ-

ουσίαν αὐτῶν. ἦν δὲ τοιόνδε" τῷ Κράσσῳ μετὰ δεῖπνον 5 ἐπιστολὰς ἀποδίδωσιν ὁ ϑυρωρός, ὑπὸ δή τινος ἀνϑρώπου κομισϑείσας ἀγγτῶτος, ἄλλας ἄλλοις ἐπιγεγραμμένας, αὐτῷ δὲ Κράσσῳ μίαν ἀδέσποτον. ἣν μόνην ἀναγνοὺς ὁ Κράσσος, s ὡς ἔφραζε τὰ γράμματα φόνον γενησόμενον πολὺν διὰ Κατιλίνα καὶ παρήνει τῆς πόλεως ὑπεξελϑεῖν, τὰς ἄλλας οὖκ ἔλυσεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἧκεν εὐθὺς πρὸς τὸν Κικέρωνα, πληγεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ δεινοῦ καί τι καὶ τῆς αἰτίας ἀπολυόμενος, ἣν Eye διὰ φιλίαν τοῦ Κατιλίνα. βουλευσάμενος οὖν 6 Κικέ- 4

oov du ἡμέρᾳ βουλὴν συνήγαγε, καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς κομίσας ἀπέδωκεν οἷς ἦσαν ἐπεσταλμέναι, κελεύσας φανεθῶς ἀναγνῶναι. πᾶσαι δ᾽ ὁμοίως τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἔφραζον. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Κόιντος ”Aopıos, ἀνὴρ στρατηγικός, εἰσήγ- 5 γελλὲ τοὺς ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ καταλοχισμούς, καὶ Μάλλιος ἀπηγγέλλετο

σὺν χειρὶ μεγάλῃ

περὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐκείνας

αἰωρούμενος ἀεί τι προσδοκᾶν καινὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης, γίνεται δόγμα τῆς βουλῆς παρακαταϑέσϑαι τοῖς ὑπάτοις τὰ πράγματα, δεξαμένους δ᾽ ἐκείνους ws ἐπίστανται διοι-

κεῖν καὶ σῴζειν τὴν πόλιν. τοῦτο δ᾽ οὐ πολλάκις, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν τι μέγα δείσῃ, ποιεῖν εἴωϑεν ἡ σύγκλητος.

16. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ταύτην λαβὼν τὴν ἐξουσίαν ὁ Κικέρων τὰ μὲν ἔξω πράγματα Κοΐντῳ Μετέλλῳ διεπίστευσε, τὴν δὲ πόλιν εἶχε διὰ χειρὸς καὶ xa? ἡμέραν προΐει δορυφορούμενος oz ἀνδρῶν τοσούτων τὸ πλῆϑος, ὥστε τῆς ἀγορᾶς

πολὺ μέρος κατέχειν ἐμβάλλοντος αὐτοῦ τοὺς παραπέμ-

[81 indignant and rallied round him; finally by their votes they rejected Catiline again and chose Silanus consul, with Murena. 15. (1) Not long after this, when Catiline's soldiers were already joining together and organising themselves into companies and the day appointed for the attack was near,

there came to Cicero's house about midnight men who were the

foremost

Crassus,

and

most

powerful

of

the

Romans:

Marcus

Marcus Marcellus and Scipio Metellus; they knocked

on the

door,

Cicero

and

called

report

the

doorkeeper

their

presence

and

to

told him

him.

(2)

to awaken

What

had

happened was this. After dinner Crassus’ doorkeeper had delivered to him some letters which (he said) had been brought by a man one,

unknown

unsigned,

to him,

addressed to various people,

to Crassus himself.

(3) Crassus had

read

but this

one alone and since the letter reported that there would be much blood shed by Catiline and advised him to leave the city secretly, he had not opened the others but had come at once to Cicero, stunned by the danger and seeking to free himself

to some degree from the accusation he had incurred because of his friendship with Catiline. (4) So after deliberation Cicero convened the senate at daybreak and, bringing the letters, delivered them to those to whom they had been sent, telling them to read them out aloud. All alike reported the plot. (5) When

also Quintus

Arrius,

a man

of praetorian

rank,

brought

news of the formation of companies in Etruria and news came

that Mallius was hovering around those cities with a great force and continually expecting some new development from Rome, a decree of the senate was passed to commit the control of affairs to the consuls, who after accepting it were to administer and save the state as best they knew how. The senate is accustomed to do this not often, but whenever it

fears some great danger. 16.

(1)

When

he

had

acquired

this

power

Cicero

external affairs completely to Quintus Metellus, in hand of men

occupied

entrusted

kept the city

and went forth daily guarded by so great a multitude that when he marched into the forum his escorts

a great

part

of it.

Able to endure

the delay

no

82] ποντας, οὐκέτι καρτερῶν τὴν μέλλησιν 6 Κατιλίνας, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐκπηδᾶν ἔγνω πρὸς τὸν Μάλλιον ἐπὶ τὸ στράτευμα, xai | Mápxiov δὲ καὶ Κέϑηγον ἐκέλευσε ξίφη λαβόντας ἐλϑεῖν ἐπὶ tas ϑύρας Ewder ὡς ἀσπασομένους τὸν Κικέρωνα καὶ διαχρήσᾳσϑαι προσπεσόντας. τοῦτο Φουλβία, γυνὴ τῶν 2 ἐπιφανῶν, ἐξήγγειλε τῷ Κικέρωνι, νυκτὸς ἐλϑοῦσα καὶ διακελευσαμένη φυλάττεσϑαι

τοὺς περὶ τὸν Κέϑηγον.

οἱ 3

δ᾽ ἧκον ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ κωλυϑέντες εἰσελϑεῖν ἠγανάκτουν καὶ κατεβόων ἐπὶ ταῖς ϑύραις, ὥσϑ᾽ ὑποπτότεροι γενέ-

σϑαι. προελϑὼν δ᾽ ὃ Κικέρων ἐκάλει τὴν σύγκλητον eis τὸ τοῦ Στησίου Διὸς ἱερόν, ὃν Στάτορα “Ρωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν,

ἱδρυμένον Ev ἀρχῇ τῆς ἱερᾶς 0000 πρὸς τὸ ]]αλάτιον ἀνιόντων. ἐνταῦϑα καὶ τοῦ Κατιλίνα μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐλϑόντος 4 ὡς ἀπολογησομένου, συγκαϑίσαι μὲν οὐδεὶς ὑπέμεινε τῶν συγκλητικῶν, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἀπὸ τοῦ βάϑρου μετῆλϑον. ἀρξάμενος δὲ λέγειν ἐϑορυβεῖτο, καὶ τέλος ἀναστὰς ὃ Κικέρων

προσέταξεν

αὐτῷ

τῆς πόλεως

ἀπαλλάττεσθαι:

δεῖν γὰρ αὐτοῦ μὲν ἐν λόγοις, ἐκείνου δ᾽ ἐν ὅπλοις πολιτευομένου, μέσον εἶναι τὸ τεῖχος. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κατιλίνας ς εὐθὺς ἐξελϑὼν μετὰ τριακοσίων ὁπλοφόρων, xai περιστησάμενος αὑτῷ ῥαβδουχίας ὡς ἄρχοντι καὶ πελέκεις καὶ σημαίας ἐπαράμενος, πρὸς τὸν άλλιον ἐχώρει, καὶ δισμυρίων ὁμοῦ τι συνηϑροισμένων ἐπήει τὰς πόλεις ἀφιστὰς καὶ ἀναπείϑων, ὥστε τοῦ πολέμου φανεροῦ γεγογότος τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀποσταλῆναι διαμαχούμενον. 17. Τοὺς δ᾽ ὑπολειφϑέντας ἐν τῇ πόλει τῶν διεφϑαρμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ Κατιλίνα συνῆγε καὶ παρεϑάρρυνε Κορνή-

λιος Λέντλος Σούρας ἐπίκλησιν, ἀνὴρ γένους μὲν ἐνδόξου, βεβιωκὼς δὲ φαύλως καὶ dv ἀσέλγειαν ἐξεληλαμένος τῆς βουλῆς πρότερον, τότε δὲ ἔϑος ἐστὶ τοῖς ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς > pr / \ ἢ \ ἀξίωμα. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὴν Σούραν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης. ᾽

9

-

>

7

/

στρατηγῶν τὸ δεύτερον, ὡς ἀνακτωμένοις τὸ βουλευτικὸν 5 7 3 m t TOY\ 2 γενέσϑαι αὐτῷ ἐπίκλησιν ἐν volg κατὰ Σύλλαν χρόνοις >)

~~

1

e,

/

ταμιεύων, συχνὰ τῶν δημοσίων χρημάτων ἁπώλεσε xal διέφϑειρεν. ἀγανακτοῦντος δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα καὶ λόγον ἀπαι- 3 τοῦντος ἔν τῇ συγκλήτῳ, προελϑὼν ὀλιγώρως πάνυ

[83 longer, Catiline decided to break out to Mallius and the army himself but told Marcius and Cethegus to take swords, go to Cicero's door at dawn as if to greet him, and fall upon him

and finish him off.

(2) Fulvia, a woman of distinguished rank,

brought news of this to Cicero,

coming by night and directing

him to be on his guard against Cethegus and his friend.

(3)

They arrived at daybreak and when they were prevented from entering they were indignant and shouted loudly at the door, so that they became even more suspect. Cicero went forth and called

the

senate

to

the

temple

of

Zeus

Stesios,

whom

the

Romans call Stator, situated at the beginning of the Sacred Way as they go up to the Palatine. (4) When Catiline too came there with the others, intending to defend himself, none of the senators could endure to sit with him, but all moved

away

from

his bench.

(5) When

he began

to speak

heckled and at last Cicero rose and commanded

he

was

him to leave

the city: for (he said) since he himself pursued his political aims with words, but Catiline with arms, the city wall must be

between

them.

(6)

So

Catiline

went

out at once

with

300

armed men and surrounding himself with fasces and axes, as if he were a magistrate, he raised standards and proceeded towards Mallius. When about 20,000 men had been gathered

together, he went round the cities rousing them to revolt and persuading them to join him, so that it had now become open war and Antonius was sent off to fight it out. 17. (1) As for those of the people corrupted by Catiline that were left in the city, Cornelius Lentulus, surnamed Sura,

gathered them together and gave them confidence. He was a man of illustrious birth, but had lived a worthless life and previously been driven out of the senate for debauchery, but was then praetor for the second time, as is the custom for those obtaining senatorial status anew. (2) It is said too that the surname

Sura

was

given

to him

for some

such

reason

as

the following. As quaestor in the time of Sulla, he lost and corrupted large sums of public money. (3) When Sulla was indignant and demanded an account in the senate, he came

84] xai καταφρονητικῶς, λόγον μὲν οὐκ ἔφη διδόναι, παρεῖχε δὲ τὴν κνήμην, ὥσπερ εἰώϑασιν οἱ παῖδες ὅταν ἐν τῷ σφαιρί. ζειν διαμάρτωσιν. ἔκ τούτου Σούρας παρωνομάσϑη" σού- 4

ραν γὰρ Ρωμαῖοι τὴν κνήμην λέγουσι. πάλιν δὲ δίκην ἔχων καὶ διαφϑείρας ἐνίους τῶν δικαστῶν, ἐπεὶ δυσὶ μόναις

ἀπέφυγε ψήφοις, ἔφη παρανάλωμα γεγονέναι τὸ ϑατέρῳ κριτῇ δοϑέν ἀρκεῖν γὰρ ei καὶ μιᾷ ψήφῳ μόνον ἀπελύθη. τοῦτον ὄντα τῇ φύσει τοιοῦτον καὶ κεκινημένον ὑπὸ τοῦ 5 Κατιλίνα προσδιέφϑειραν ἐλπίσι κεναῖς ψευδομάντεις, τινὲς καὶ γόητες, ἔπη πεπλασμένα καὶ χρησμοὺς ἄδοντες

ὡς ἐκ τῶν Σιβυλλείων, προδηλοῦντας εἱμαρμένους εἶναι τῇ “Ῥώμῃ Κορνηλίους τρεῖς μονάρχους, ὧν δύο μὲν ἤδη πεπληρωκέναι τὸ χρεών, Κίνναν τε καὶ Σύλλαν, τρίτῳ δὲ λοιπῷ Κορνηλίων ἐκείνῳ φέροντα τὴν μοναρχίαν ἥκειν

τὸν δαίμονα, καὶ δεῖν πάντως δέχεσθαι καὶ μὴ διαφϑεί-. pev μέλλοντα τοὺς καιροὺς ὥσπερ Κατιλίναν. 18. Οὐδὲν οὖν ἐπενόει κακὸν 0 Λέντλος ἰάσιμον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐδέδοκτο τὴν βουλὴν ἅπασαν ἀναιρεῖν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν ὅσους δύναιντο, τήν τε πόλιν αὐτὴν καταπιμπράναι, φείδεσϑαι δὲ μηδενὸς ἢ τῶν Πομπηίου τέκνων" ταῦτα δ᾽

ἐξαρπασαμένους ἔχειν ὑφ᾽ αὑτοῖς καὶ φυλάττειν ὅμηρα τῶν πρὸς Πομπήιον διαλύσεων" ἤδη γὰρ ἐφοίτα πολὺς λόγος καὶ βέβαιος ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κατιόντος ἀπὸ τῆς μεγάλης στρατείας. καὶ νὺξ μὲν ὥριστο πρὸς τὴν ἐπίϑεσιν μία τῶν Κρονιάδων, ξίφη δὲ καὶ στυππεῖον καὶ ϑεῖον εἰς τὴν Κεϑήyov φέροντες οἰκίαν ἀπέκρυψαν. ἄνδρας δὲ τάξαντες Exa-3 τὸν καὶ μέρη τοσαῦτα τῆς “Ῥώμης, ἕκαστον ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ διεκλήρωσαν, ὡς dt ὀλίγου πολλῶν ἀναψάντων φλέγοιτο πανταχόϑεν ἡ πόλις. ἄλλοι δὲ τοὺς ὀχετοὺς ἔμελλον ἐμφράξαντες ἀποσφάττειν τοὺς ὑδρευομένους. πραττομένων δὲ 4 τούτων ἔτυχον ἐπιδημοῦντες Ἀλλοβρίγων δύο πρέσβεις, ἔϑνους μάλιστα δὴ τότε πονηρὰ πράττοντος καὶ βαρυγομένου τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. τούτους οἱ περὶ Λέντλον ὦφε- 5 λίμους ἡγούμενοι πρὸς τὸ κινῆσαι καὶ μεταβαλεῖν τὴν

Γαλατίαν,

ἐποιήσαντο

συνωμότας,

καὶ γράμματα

μὲν

αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὴν ἐκεῖ βουλήν, γράμματα δὲ πρὸς Κατι-

[85 forward would

very contemptuously not

give

an

account,

and scornfully and said that he but

offered

his leg,

as boys

accustomed to do when they miss at playing ball.

are

(4) As a

result of this he was surnamed Sura (the Romans call the leg Sura) Again, when he was standing trial and had corrupted

some of the jurors and got off by only two votes, he said that

what he had given to the second juror was a waste of money, for it would have been sufficient if he had been acquitted by only one vote. (5S) Such was this man by nature. He had also been stirred up by Catiline and certain false prophets and sorcerers further corrupted him with empty hopes, chanting forged verses and oracles allegedly from the. Sibylline books, predicting that three Cornelii were fated to be monarchs in Rome, two of whom had already fulfilled their destiny, i.e. Cinna and Sulla, and that the divine power had now come bringing the monarchy to him, the third and last of the Cornelii, and that he should accept it at all costs and not corrupt his opportunities by delaying, like Catiline. 18. (1) So Lentulus had in mind no remediable evil: it had been decided to kill the entire senate and as many of the other citizens as they could, to burn down the city itself and to spare nobody except Pompey's children; having seized these, they were to keep them under their own control and guard them as hostages for. reconciliation with Pompey - for a widespread and reliable report was already current about his returning from his great

campaign.

(2)

A

night

had

been

appointed

for

the

attack, one of the Kronian days, and they brought swords, tow and brimstone to Cethegus' house and hid them. (3) Detailing 100 men and the same number of districts of Rome, they allocated each to the control of each individual, so that, when

many started fires, the city might be ablaze on all sides within a short time. Others were going to block up the aqueducts and slay those who brought water. (4) But while this was going

on,

there

happened

to be

in town

two

ambassadors

of

the Allobroges, a tribe which was faring particularly badly at that time and finding the imperial rule oppressive. (5) Thinking these men useful for stirring up and subverting Gaul, Lentulus and his friends made them fellow-conspirators and

86] λίναν ἔδοσαν, τῇ μὲν ὑπισχνούμενοι τὴν ἐλευϑερίαν, τὸν δὲ Κατιλίναν

παρακαλοῦντες

ἐλευϑερώσαντα

τοὺς

δού-

λους ἐπὶ τὴν “Ρώμην ἐλαύνειν. συναπέστελλον δὲ μετ᾽ αὐ- 6 ζοντα τὰς ἐπιστολάς.

οἷα 6 ἀνθρώπων

ἀσταϑμήτων

καὶ

"ὦ

τῶν πρὸς τὸν Κατιλίναν Τίτον τινὰ Κροτωνιάτην, κομίμετ᾽ οἴνου tà πολλὰ xai γυναικῶν ἀλλήλοις ἐντυγχανὸν9

*t

A

1

Y

~

3

7

9

7

των βουλεύματα πόνῳ καὶ λογισμῷ νήφοντι καὶ συνέσει , of "} περιττῇ - διώκων ὁe Κικέρων, καὶ \ πολλοὺςM μὲν1 ἔχων ἔξωϑεν ἐπισχοποῦντας τὰ πραττόμενα καὶ συνεξιχνεύοντας αὐτῷ, πολλοῖς δὲ τῶν μετέχειν τῆς συνωμοσίας δοκούντων δια-

λεγόμενος κρύφα καὶ πιστεύων, ἔγνω τὴν πρὸς τοὺς ξένους κοινολογίαν, καὶ νυκτὸς ἐνεδρεύσας ἔλαβε τὸν Koorw* ψιάτην καὶ τὰ γράμματα, συνεργούντων [ ἀλλήλοις] ἀδήλως τῶν Ἀλλοβοίγων. 19. Ἅμα δ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ βουλὴν ἀϑροίσας εἰς τὸ τῆς Opnovolac

ἱερόν, ἐξανέγνω τὰ γράμματα καὶ τῶν μηνυτῶν διήκουσεν. ἔφη δὲ καὶ Σιλανὸς Ἰούνιος ἀκηκοέναι τινὰς Κεϑήγου λέγοντος, ὡς ὕπατοί τε τρεῖς καὶ στρατηγοὶ τέτταρες ἀνὰαιρεῖσϑαι

μέλλουσι.

τοιαῦτα

δ᾽ ἕτερα

καὶ Πείσων,

ἀνὴρ

ὑπατικός, εἰσήγγειλε. Γάιος δὲ Σουλπίκιος, εἷς τῶν στρα- 2 τηγῶν, ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν πεμφϑεὶς τοῦ. Κεϑήγου, πολλὰ μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ βέλη καὶ ὅπλα, πλεῖστα δὲ ξίφη καὶ μαχαίρας εὖρε, νεοϑήκτους ἁπάσας. τέλος δὲ τῷ Κροτωνιάτῃ ψηφισαμένης3 ἄδειαν ἐπὶ μηνύσει τῆς βουλῆς, ἐξελεγχϑεὶς ὁ Λέντλος ἀπωμόσατο τὴν ἀρχήν -- στρατηγῶν γὰρ ἐτύγχανε --, καὶ τὴν περιπόρφυρον

àv τῇ βουλῇ

καταϑέμενος,

διήλλαξεν

ἐσθῆτα τῇ συμφορᾷ πρέπουσαν. οὗτος μὲν οὖν καὶ οἱ avv4 αὐτῷ παρεδόϑησαν εἰς ἄδεσμον φυλακὴν τοῖς στρατηγοῖς. ἤδη δ᾽ ἑσπέρας οὔσης καὶ τοῦ δήμου παραμένοντος ἀϑρόως, προελϑὼν ὁ Κικέρων καὶ φράσας τὸ πρᾶγμα τοῖς πολί-

ταις καὶ προπεμφϑείς, παρῆλϑεν εἰς οἰκίαν φίλου γειτνιὥντος, ἐπεὶ τὴν ἐκείνου γυναῖκες κατεῖχον ἱεροῖς ἄπορἜ λλη-

veg δὲ Γυναικείαν ὀνομάζουσι. ϑύεται δ᾽ αὐτῇ κατ᾽ ἐνι-

αυτὸν ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ τοῦ ὑπάτου διὰ γυναικὸς ἢ μητρὸς αὖ*18.7 συνεργούντων ἀλλήλοις;

delete ἀλλήλοις.

(Un

ρήτοις öpyıalovaaı ϑεόν, ἣν Ρωμαῖοι μὲν Ἀγαϑήν,

[8 gave them a letter to the senate there and a letter to Catiline, promising the former freedom and calling upon Catiline to free the slaves and march on Rome. (6) They sent with them to Catiline a certain Titus of Croton, who was to carry the letters. (7) But since Cicero was pursuing with labour, sober

calculation

and

exceptional

intelligence

the

plans

of

unbalanced men who met one another for the most part with both wine was going down, and those who to know setting an

and women, and had many who kept watch on what on from outside and joined him in tracking them was talking secretly with, and able to trust, many of seemed to be taking part in the conspiracy, he got of their communication with the foreigners and, ambush by night, captured the man of Croton and

the letters, with the clandestine cooperation of the Allobroges. 19.

(1)

Assembling

the senate

in the

temple

of Concord

at

dawn, he read out the letters and heard the disclosures of the informers. Junius Silanus also said that some people had heard Cethegus saying that three consuls and four praetors were

going to be killed.

Piso,

too,

a man

of consular

rank,

brought other news of similar import. (2) Gaius Sulpicius, one of the praetors, was sent to Cethegus' house and found in it many missiles and weapons and very many swords and daggers,

all newly sharpened. (3) Finally, the senate having voted immunity to the man of Croton on condition of disclosing information, Lentulus was exposed and forswore his office (he was then praetor), and laying aside his purple-bordered toga in the senate,

he changed

So this man

into clothing proper to his state.

and those with him were

praetors into unchained custody.

handed

(4)

over to the

Since it was already evening

and the people were waiting around in crowds, Cicero came forth, reported to the citizens what had been done and went

under

escort

women

were

to

the

house

of

a neighbouring

friend,

since

in occupation of his, worshipping with secret rites

a goddess whom the Romans call Good and the Greeks Womanly. (5) Sacrifice is made to her every year in the consul's house by his wife or mother, in the presence of the

88] τοῦ, τῶν Ἑστιάδω» παρϑένων παρουσῶν. εἰσελϑὼν οὖν 6

*

Kixépow καὶ γενόμενος xa? αὗτόν, ὀλίγων παντάπασιν αὐτῷ παρόντων, ἐφρόντιζεν ὅπως χρήσαιτο τοῖς ἀνδράσι... τήν τε γὰρ ἄκραν καὶ προσήκουααν ἀδικήμασι τηλικούτοις 6 τιμωρίαν ἐξηυλαβεῖτο καὶ κατώκνει dv ἐπιείκειαν ἤϑους ἅμα καὶ ὡς μὴ δοκοίη τῆς ἐξουσίας ἄγαν ἐμφορεῖσθαι καὶ σικρῶς ἐπεμβαίνειν ἀνδράσι γένει τε πρώτοις καὶ φίλους δυνατοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει κεκτημένοις, μαλακώτερον δὲ χρησάμενος ὠρρώδει τὸν ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν κίνδυνον. οὐ γὰρ ἀγαπή-1 σειν μετριώτερόν τι ϑανάτου παϑόντας, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἅπαν ἀναρραγήσεσθαι τόλμης, τῇ παλαιᾷ κακίᾳ νέαν ὀργὴν προσλαβόντας, αὐτός τε δόξειν ἄνανδρος καὶ μαλακός, οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως δοκῶν εὐτολμότατος εἶναι τοῖς πολλοῖς. 20. Ταῦτα τοῦ Κικέρωνος διαποροῦντος, γίνεταί τι ταῖς

γυναιξὶ σημεῖον ϑυούσαις. 6 γὰρ βωμός, ἤδη τοῦ πυρὸς κατακεκοιμῆσϑαι δοκοῦντος, ἐκ τῆς τέφρας καὶ τῶν κατακεκαυμένων φλοιῶν φλόγα πολλὴν ἀνῆκε καὶ λαμπράν. ὑφ᾽ ἧς αἱ μὲν ἄλλαι διεπτοήϑησαν, αἱ δ᾽ ἱεραὶ nagdévor 2 τὴν τοῦ Κικέρωνος γυναῖκα Τερεντίαν ἐκέλευσαν 7) τάχος χωρεῖν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ κελεύειν, οἷς ἔγνωκεν ἐγχειρεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος, ὡς μέγα πρός τε σωτηρίαν καὶ δόξαν αὐτῷ τῆς ϑεοῦ φῶς διδούσης. ἡ δὲ Τερεντία -- καὶ γὰρ 3

οὐδ᾽. ἄλλως ἦν πρᾳεῖά τις οὐδ᾽ ἄτολμος τὴν φύσιν, ἀλλὰ φιλότιμος γυνὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, ὡς αὐτός φησιν ὃ Κικέρων, τῶν πολιτικῶν μεταλαμβάνουσα map ἐκείνου φροντίδων ἢ μεταδιδοῦσα τῶν οἰκιακῶν ἐκείνῳ -- ταῦτά τε πρὸς αὖτὸν

ἔφρασε

καὶ

παρώξυνεν

ἐπὶ

τοὺς

ἄνδρας"

ὁμοίως

δὲ

καὶ Κόιντος ó ἀδελφὸς καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ φιλοσοφίας ἑταίρων

Πόπλιος Νιγίδιος, ᾧ τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ μέγιστα παρὰ τὰς πολιτικὰς ἐχρῆτο σράξεις.

Τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ γιγνομένων ἐν συγκλήτῳ λόγων περὶ ἡ τιμωρίας τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὁ πρῶτος ἐρωτηϑεὶς γνώμην Σιλαγὸς εἶπε τὴν ἐσχάτην δίκην δοῦναι προσήκειν, ἀχϑέντας εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον, καὶ τούτῳ προσετίϑεντο πάντες ἐφε- 5 —

*19.5 xai γενόμενος xa0' αὑτόν;

delete xai γενόμενος.

[8t Vestal Virgins. So Cicero went in and began to worry on his own (very few were present with him) how he should treat the men. (6) The ultimate punishment proper for such great crimes he was extremely cautious of, and hesitant to employ,

because of the moderation of his character and at the same time

he

wanted

to avoid

getting the reputation

of being

too

full of his own. power and of trampling cruelly on men who were pre-eminent by birth and had powerful friends in the city, and if he treated them too softly, he dreaded the danger

from

them.

(7) For they would

not

be satisfied

if they

suffered something. more moderate than death but would break out into every

extreme

of daring,

adding fresh anger to their

old wickedness, and he himself would get the reputation of being unmanly and soft, he who to most people did not have a

very daring reputation generally. 20. (1) While Cicero was completely at a loss over these matters, a sign was given to the women sacrificing: when the fire seemed to have already died, the altar sent forth from the

ash and burnt up pieces of bark a great and brilliant flame. (2) The others were panic-stricken by this, but the sacred virgins told Cicero's wife Terentia to go with speed to her husband and tell him to put in hand what he had decided for the sake of his country, since the goddess was giving him a great light on his way to safety and reputation. (3) Terentia (she was not a mild sort nor without daring in her nature generally, but an ambitious woman and, as Cicero says himself, she took a greater share of his political worries from him than she gave him of her household worries) reported this to him and spurred him on against the men.

Similarly also did

Quintus his brother and Publius Nigidius, one οἵ his companions from philosophy, whom he consulted the most and to the greatest extent in his political activities. (4) On the following day, when there were discussions in the senate about the punishment of the men, the first to be asked his opinion, Silanus, said that it was proper that they should be taken to the prison and pay the supreme penalty.

(5)

All

agreed

with him,

one

after the other,

up to Gaius

90] ξῆς μέχρι Γαΐου Καίσαρος τοῦ μετὰ ταῦτα δικτάτορος γενομένου. τότε δὲ νέος dy ἔτι καὶ τὰς πρώτας ἔχων τῆς 6

αὐξήσεως ἀρχάς, ἤδη δὲ τῇ πολιτείᾳ καὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν εἰς ἐκείνην τὴν ὁδὸν ἐμβεβηκὼς 5j τὰ Ῥωμαίων εἰς μοναρχίαν μετέστησε πράγματα, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἐλάνϑανε, τῷ δὲ Κικέρωνι πολλὰς μὲν ὑποψίας, λαβὴν δ᾽ εἰς ἔλεγχον οὐδε-

μίαν παρέδωκεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ λεγόντων ἦν ἐνίων ἀκούειν, ὡς ἐγγὺς ἐλϑὼν ἁλῶναι διεκφύγοι τὸν ἄνδρα. τινὲς δέ φασι περιιδεῖν ἑκόντα καὶ παραλιπεῖν τὴν κατ᾽ ἐκείνου μήνυσιν φόβῳ

τῶν φίλων

αὐτοῦ

καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως"

παντὶ

γὰρ

εἶναι πρόδηλον, ὅτι μᾶλλον ἂν ἐκεῖνοι γένοιντο προσϑήκη Καίσαρι σωτηρίας ἢ Καῖσαρ ἐκείνοις κολάσεως. 21. Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὖν ἡ γνώμη περιῆλϑεν εἰς αὐτόν, ἀναστὰς ἀπεφήνατο μὴ ϑανατοῦν τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἀλλὰ τὰς οὐσίας εἶναι δημοσίας, αὐτοὺς δ᾽ ἀπαχϑέντας εἷς πόλεις τῆς Ἶταλίας, ἃς ἂν δοκῇ Κικέρωνι, τηρεῖσϑαι δεδεμένους, ἄχρι ἂν οὗ καταπολεμηϑῇ Κατιλίνας. οὔσης δὲ τῆς γνώμης ἐπιει-} κοῦς καὶ τοῦ λέγοντος εἰπεῖν δυνατωτάτου, δοπὴν 6 Κικέρων προσέϑηκεν οὐ μικράν. αὐτὸς γὰρ ἀναστὰς ἐνεχεί-9 ρησεν εἰς ἑκάτερον, τὰ μὲν τῇ προτέρᾳ, τὰ δὲ τῇ Καίσαρος γνώμῃ συνειπών, οἵ te φίλοι πάντες οἰόμενοι τῷ Κικέρωνι λυσιτελεῖν τὴν Καίσαρος γνώμην -- ἧττον γὰρ ἐν αἰτίαις ἔσεσθαι μὴ ϑανατώσαντα τοὺς ἄνδρας -- ἡροῦντο τὴν δευτέραν μᾶλλον γνώμην, ὥστε καὶ τὸν Σιλανὸν αὖϑις μεταβαλόμενον παραιτεῖσθαι καὶ λέγειν, ὡς οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς εἴποι ϑανατικὴν γνώμην" ἐσχάτην γὰρ ἀνδρὶ βουλευτῇ “Ρωμαίων εἶναι δίκην τὸ δεσμωτήριον εἰρημένης δὲ τῆς 4 γνώμης,

πρῶτος

ἀντέκρουσεν

αὐτῇ Κάτλος

Λουτάτιος,

εἶτα διαδεξάμενος Κάτων, καὶ τῷ λόγῳ σφοδρῶς συνεπἐρείσας ἐπὶ τὸν Καίσαρα τὴν ὑπόνοιαν, ἐνέπλησε ϑυμοῦ καὶ φρονήματος τὴν σύγκλητον, ὥστε ϑάνατον καταψήφίσασϑαι τῶν ἀνδρῶν. περὶ δὲ δημεύσεως χρημάτων ἐνί- 5 otato Καῖσαρ, οὐκ ἀξιῶν τὰ φιλάνϑοωπα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γνώμῆς ἐκβαλόντας ἑνὶ χρήσασϑαι τῷ σκυϑρωποτάτῳ. βιαCouévov

δὲ πολλῶν,

ἐπεκαλεῖτο

τοὺς δημάρχους"

οἱ δ᾽

[91 Caesar, the man who afterwards became dictator. time, however,

(6) At that

being still young and at the start of his rise to

power, but having, in his policy and his hopes, set foot already on that road by which he changed the Roman state into a

monarchy, he escaped the notice of the others but had given Cicero many

suspicions,

but no firm hold for proof,

though

one could hear some people actually say that he had eluded the man after coming near to being caught. (7) But some say that Cicero purposely overlooked and left aside the disclosures made against him, through fear of his friends and their power. For it was clear to everyone

in advance that those men

would

contribute to Caesar's safety rather than that Caesar would contribute to their punishment. 21. (1) At any rate when the turn to express an opinion came round to him, he rose and gave it as his opinion that they should not put the men to death but that their properties should be confiscated and they themselves taken away to cities in Italy - whichever Cicero thought fit, put in chains and guarded until Catiline was defeated. (2) The proposal being

moderate and the proposer a very able speaker, Cicero added not a little weight to it. (3) When he himself rose, he tried his hand in each direction, in some ways advocating the former proposal, in others Caesar's, and all his friends, thinking that Caesar's proposal was advantageous to Cicero (for he would be less vulnerable to charges if he did not put the men to death),

chose rather the second proposal, so that Silanus too changed his position in turn, excused himself and said that not even he himself had been making a proposal for the death penalty: to a

Roman senator prison was the supreme penalty, (4) When the proposal was made, Lutatius Catulus was the first to oppose it, then Cato took over from him and forcefully helping to direct the suspicion against Caesar by his speech, he filled the senate with anger and high spirit, so that they voted against the men a sentence of death. (5) In the matter of the confiscation of property, however, Caesar took a stand, arguing it was not right that they should throw out the humane elements of his proposal and use a single element - the most severe. When many obstructed him violently, he called upon the tribunes.

92]

oby ὑπήκουον, ἀλλὰ Κικέρων αὐτὸς ἐνδοὺς ἀνῆκε τὴν περὶ δημεύσεως γνώμην. 22. Ἐχώρει δὲ μετὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας. οὐκ ἐν ταὐτῷ δὲ πάντες ἦσαν, ἄλλος δ᾽ ἄλλον ἐφύλαττε τῶν στρατηγῶν. καὶ πρῶτον ἐκ ἰ]αλατίου παραλαβὼν τὸν 2 Λέντλον ἦγε διὰ τῆς ἱερᾶς ὁδοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς μέσης, τῶν μὲν ἡγεμονικωτάτων ἀνδρῶν κύκλῳ περιεσπειραμένων καὶ δορυφορούντων, τοῦ δὲ δήμου φρίττοντος τὰ δρώμενα καὶ παριέντος σιωπῇ, μάλιστα δὲ τῶν νέων, ὥσπερ ἱεροῖς τισι πατρίοις ἀριστοκρατικῆς τινος ἐξουσίας τελεῖσϑαι μετὰ φόβου xai ϑάμβους δοκούντων. διελ- s ϑὼν δὲ τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ γενόμενος πρὸς τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ, παρέδωκε τὸν Λέντλον τῷ δημίῳ καὶ προσέταξεν ἀνελεῖν, εἶϑ᾽ ἑξῆς τὸν Κέϑηγον, καὶ οὕτω τῶν ἄλλων ἕκα-

στον καταγαγὼν ἀπέκτεινεν. ὁρῶν δὲ πολλοὺς ἔτι τῶν 4 ἀπὸ τῆς συνωμοσίας ἐν ἀγορᾷ συνεστῶτας ἀϑρόους, καὶ τὴν μὲν πρᾶξιν ἀγνοοῦντας, τὴν δὲ νύκτα προσμένοντας, ὡς ἔτι ζώντων τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ δυναμένων ἐξαρπαγῆγαι, φϑεγξάμενος μέγα πρὸς αὐτοὺς, ἔζησαν εἶπεν" οὕτω δὲ “Ῥωμαίων οἱ δυσφημεῖν μὴ βουλόμενοι τὸ τεϑνάναι σημαίνουσιν. ἤδη δ᾽ ἦν ἑσπέρα, καὶ δι’ ἀγορὰς ἀνέβαινεν 5 eic τὴν οἰκίαν, οὐκέτι σιωπῇ τῶν πολιτῶν οὐδὲ τάξει προπεμπόντων αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ φωναῖς καὶ κρότοις δεχομένων xa? οὗς γένοιτο, σωτῆρα καὶ κτίστην ἀνακαλούντων τῆς πατρίδος. τὰ δὲ φῶτα πολλὰ κατέλαμπε τοὺς στενωπούς,

λαμπάδια καὶ δᾷδας ἱστάντων ἐπὶ ταῖς ϑύραις. αἱ δὲ γυναῖ- c κες ἐκ τῶν τεγῶν προὔφαινον ἐπὶ τιμῇ καὶ ϑέᾳ τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὑπὸ πομπῇ τῶν ἀρίστων μάλα σεμνῶς ἀνιόντος" ὧν οἱ πλεῖστοι πολέμους τε κατειργασμένοι μεγάλους καὶ διὰ ϑριάμβων εἰσεληλακότες καὶ προσεκτημένοι γῆν καὶ Od-

λατταν οὐκ ὀλίγην, ἐβάδιζον ἀνομολογούμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, πολλοῖς μὲν τῶν to?

ἡγεμόνων

καὶ στρατηγῶν

πλούτου καὶ λαφύρων καὶ δυνάμεως χάριν ὀφείλειν τὸν “Ῥωμαίων δῆμον, ἀσφαλείας δὲ καὶ σωτηρίας ἑνὶ μόνῳ Κικέρωνι, τηλικοῦτον ἀφελόντι καὶ τοσοῦτον αὐτοῦ xivδυνον. οὐ γὰρ τὸ κωλῦσαι τὰ πραττόμενα καὶ κολάσαι

[93 They, however, would not listen to him, but Cicero himself gave in and let the proposal about confiscation go. 22. (1) He went with the senate to the men. They were not all in the same place: different praetors were guarding different ones. (2) First he took over custody of Lentulus from the Palatine and led him along the Sacred Way and through the middle of the forum, the greatest leaders forming

round him in a circle and acting as a body-guard, the people shuddering at what was being done and passing along in silence, and especially the young men, who thought that they were, so to speak, being initiated with fear and amazement into some kind of ancestral rites of some aristocratic office. (3) Going through the forum and arriving at the prison, he handed Lentulus over to the public executioner and ordered him to execute him, then Cethegus in his turn, and in this way

he brought down each of the others and had them killed.

(4)

Seeing that many of those from the conspiracy were still standing together in the forum in crowds, and that they were ignorant of the deed and were awaiting the night, thinking that the men were still alive and could be snatched from prison, he cried out to them loudly and said: 'They have lived;' this is how Romans who do not wish to use words of ill omen indicate 'to die'. (5) It was evening by now and he went up to

his house through the forum,

the citizens escorting him

in

silence or order no longer, but those through whom he went receiving him with shouts and applause, hailing him as saviour and founder

of his country.

Many

lights shone

down

on the

narrow streets, since they set lamps and torches on their doors. (6) The women held out lamps from the rooftops as a mark of honour and to see the man as he went up in hiph state under escort of the best men. Most of these, having brought to an end great wars and entered Rome in triumphs and added to the empire not a little land and sea, walked along agreeing with one another that the Roman people owed gratitude to many of the commanders and generals of the time for wealth and spoils and power, but to one man only, Cicero, for security and safety, since he had taken away from them so great and terrible a danger. (7) It was not the fact of having

94]

τοὺς πράττοντας ἐδόκει ϑαυμαστόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι μέγιστον τῶν πώποτε νεωτερισμῶν οὗτος ἐλαχίστοις κακοῖς ἄνευ

στάσεως καὶ ταραχῆς κατέσβεσε. καὶ γὰρ τὸν Κατιλίναν s ol πλεῖστοι τῶν συνερρυηχότων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἅμα τῷ πυϑέ-

σϑαι τὰ περὶ Λέντλον καὶ Κέϑηγον ἐγκαταλιπόντες ᾧχοντο, καὶ μετὰ τῶν συμμεμενηκότων αὐτῷ διαγωνισάμενος πρὸς Ἀντώνιον αὐτός τε διεφϑάρη καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον.

23. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ἦσαν οἱ τὸν Κικέρωνα παρεσκευασμένοι καὶ λέγειν ἐπὶ τούτοις καὶ ποιεῖν κακῶς, ἔχοντες ἡγεμόνας τῶν εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἀρχόντων Καίσαρα μὲν

στρατηγοῦντα, Méteddov δὲ καὶ Βηστίαν δημαρχοῦντας. οἵ τὴν ἀρχὴν παραλαβόντες, ἔτι τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἡμέρας 2 ὀλίγας ἄρχοντος, οὐκ εἴων δημηγορεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐμβόλων βάϑρα ϑέντες οὐ παρίεσαν οὐδ᾽ ἐπέτρεπον

λέγειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκέλευον, εἰ βούλοιτο, μόνον περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπομόσαντα καταβαίνειν,

κἀκεῖνος ἐπὶ τούτοις ὡς ὁμό- 3

ao» προῆλϑε᾽ καὶ γενομένης αὐτῷ σιωπῆς, ἀπώμνυεν οὗ τὸν πάτριον, ἀλλ᾽ ἴδιόν τινα καὶ καινὸν ὅρκον, ἦ μὴν σεσω-

κέναι τὴν πατρίδα καὶ διατετηρηκέναι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. ἐπώμνυεξ δὲ τὸν ὅρκον αὐτῷ σύμπας. 6 δῆμος. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔτι 4 μᾶλλον ὅ τε Καῖσαρ οἵ τε δήμαρχοι χαλεπαίνοντες, ἄλλας τε τῷ Κικέρωνι ταραχὰς ἐμηχανῶντο, καὶ νόμος ὑπ᾽ αὖ-

τῶν εἰσήγετο καλεῖν Πομπήιον μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς, ὡς δὴ καταλύσοντα τὴν Κικέρωνος δυναστείαν. ἀλλ᾽ ἦν ὄφε- s

λος μέγα τῷ Κικέρωνι καὶ πάσῃ τῇ πόλει δημαρχῶν τότε Κάτων καὶ τοῖς ἐκείνων πολιτεύμασιν ἀπ᾽ ἴσης μὲν ἐξουσίας, μείζονος δὲ δόξης ἀντιτασσόμενος. τά τε γὰρ GAAa 6

ῥᾳδίως ἔλυσε, καὶ τὴν Κικέρωνος ὑπατείαν οὕτως ἦρε τῷ yo δημηγορήσας, ὥστε τιμὰς αὐτῷ τῶν πώποτε peylστας ψηφίσασϑαι καὶ προσαγορεῦσαι πατέρα πατρίδος. πρώτῳ γὰρ ἐκείνῳ δοκεῖ τοῦϑ᾽ ὑπάρξαι, Κάτωνος αὐτὸν οὕτως ἐν τῷ δήμῳ προσαγορεύσαντος. 24. Καὶ μέγιστον μὲν ἴσχυσεν ἐν τῇ πόλει τότε, πολλοῖς

δ᾽ ἐπίφϑονον ἑαυτὸν ἐποίησεν ἀπ᾽ à οὐδενὸς ἔργου πονηροῦ, τῷ δ᾽ ἐπαινεῖν ἀεὶ καὶ μεγαλύνειν αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ὑπὸ πολλῶν δυσχεραινόμενος. οὔτε γὰρ βουλὴν οὔτε δῆμον οὔτε 3

[9: prevented what was being done and of having punished those who

were

doing

it that seemed

wonderful,

but that this man

had: quenched the greatest of revolutions ever with the fewest

evils and without civil strife and trouble. most of those and went away Lentulus and Antonius with

destroyed and his army also. 23.

(1)

(8) For in the event

who had streamed to join Catiline deserted him as soon as they learned what had happened to Cethegus, and when he fought it out against those who remained with him, he himself was

Nevertheless,

there

|

were

actually

those

who

were

prepared both to speak ill of, and do ill to, Cicero for these events, having as leaders among the magistrates to be Caesar

as praetor

and Metellus and Bestia as tribunes.

(2) When

these men took over their offices, they would not allow Cicero

to harangue the people,

although he was still in office for a

few

benches

days

more;

placing

above

the rostra

they would

not let him past or permit him to speak; instead they told him, if he wished, merely to swear the oath concerning his office and get down. (3) He came forward to swear on these conditions. When he had obtained silence, he swore not the traditional oath, but a personal and novel one, that he had in truth saved his country and preserved the empire. The whole people swore the oath after him. (4) At this Caesar and the tribunes were still more angry and contrived other troubles for Cicero: among these a law was brought in by them to recall Pompey with his army, in order (as they said) to bring down the despotism of Cicero. (5) But Cato, who was then tribune, was a great blessing to Cicero and to the whole state, setting himself against their policies from a position of equal authority but greater repute. (6) He easily undid their other schemes and so extolled Cicero's consulship in his speech when he harangued the people that they voted him the greatest honours ever and acclaimed him father of his country. It seems that he was the first to receive this title, Cato having so acclaimed him before the people. 244. (1) At that time he had the greatest power in the state, but he made himself an object of envious ill-will to many, not by any wicked action but becoming hated by many by constantly praising and glorifying himself. (2) It was possible for neither senate nor people nor court to meet in

96] δικαστήριον ἦν συνελϑεῖν, ἐν ᾧ μὴ Κατιλίναν ἔδει ϑουλούμενον ἀκοῦσαι καὶ Λέντλον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ βιβλία τελευτῶν 8

κατέπλησε καὶ τὰ συγγράμματα τῶν ἐγκωμίων, καὶ tor λόγον, ἥδιστον ὄντα καὶ χάριν ἔχόντα πλείστην, ἐπαχϑῆ καὶ φορτικὸν ἐποίησε τοῖς ἀκροωμένοις, ὥσπερ τινὸς ἀεὶ κηρὸς αὐτῷ τῆς ἀηδίας ταύτης προσούσης. ὅμως δέ, καίπερ 4 οὕτως ἀκράτῳ φιλοτιμίᾳ συνών, ἀπήλλακτο τοῦ φϑονεῖν ἑτέροις, ἀφϑονώτατος ὧν ἐν τῷ τοὺς πρὸ αὑτοῦ καὶ τοὺς

xa? αὑτὸν ἄνδρας ἐγκωμιάζειν, ὡς ἐκ τῶν συγγραμμάτων λαβεῖν ἔστι. πολλὰ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀπομνημονεύουσιν, 5 οἷον περὶ Ἀριστοτέλους, ὅτι χρυσοῦ ποταμὸς εἴη δέοντος (Lucull. 38, 119), καὶ περὶ τῶν Πλάτωνος

διαλόγων,

ὡς

τοῦ Διός, εἰ λόγῳ χρῆσϑαι πέφυκεν, οὕτως (Av) διαλεγομένου (Brut. 31, 121). τὸν δὲ Θεόφραστον εἰώϑει τρυφὴνο ἰδίαν ἀποκαλεῖν. περὶ δὲ τῶν Δημοσϑένους λόγων Eowtnϑείς, τίνα δοκοίη κάλλιστον εἶναι, τὸν μέγιστον εἶπε. καίτοι τινὲς τῶν προσποιουμένων δημοσϑενίζειν ἐπιφύονται" φωνῇ τοῦ Κικέρωνος, ἣν πρός τινα τῶν ἑταίρων ἔϑηκεν ἔν ἐπιστολῇ γράψας, ἐνιαχοῦ τῶν λόγων ὑπονυστάζειν τὸν Anpoodéerny: τῶν δὲ μεγάλων καὶ ϑαυμαστῶν ἐπαίνων, οἷς πολλαχοῦ χρῆται περὶ τοῦ ἀνδρός, καὶ ὅτι περὶ o0c μάλιστα τῶν ἰδίων ἐσπούδασε λόγους, τοὺς κατ᾽ Artwγίου, Φιλιππικοὺς ἐπέγραψεν, ἀμνημονοῦσι. τῶν δὲ xot?

αὐτὸν ἐνδόξων ἀπὸ λόγου καὶ φιλοσοφίας οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδεὶς ὃν οὐκ ἐποίησεν ἐνδοξότερον, N τι λέγων ἢ γράφων εὐμεvos περὶ ἑκάστου. Koatinnw δὲ τῷ περιπατητικῷ διεπράξατο μὲν “Ρωμαίῳ γενέσϑαι παρὰ Καίσαρος ἄρχοντος ἤδη, διεπράξατο δὲ (xal τὴν ἐξ Ἀρείου πάγου βουλὴν ψηφίσασϑαι [καὶ] δεηϑῆναι μένειν αὐτὸν ἐν ϑήναις καὶ διαλέγεσϑαι τοῖς νέοις, ὡς κοσμοῦντα τὴν πόλιν. &u-$ 1

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[9 which one did not have to hear Catiline and Lentulus being everlastingly talked about.

(3) But finally he filled even

his

books and writings with his eulogies and he made his oratory, which was very pleasant and had great charm, burdensome and vulgar to his hearers, this unpleasantness clinging to him like some everlasting doom. (4) Nevertheless, although he gave himself over to such unadulterated love of honour, he was free of envying others, being most unenvious in eulogising the men before himself and the men of his own time, as it is possible to grasp from his writings. (5) People also remember many of his complimentary allusions, for example about Aristotle, that he was a river of liquid gold and about the dialogues of Plato, that if it were Zeus' nature to use language, he would discourse thus. (6) He was accustomed to call Theophrastus his own favourite. When he was asked which of the speeches of Demosthenes he thought best, he replied ‘The longest.' Yet some of those who affect to imitate Demosthenes fasten on a saying of Cicero, which he put in a letter when he wrote to one of his friends, that Demosthenes nods in some parts of his speeches. But the great and wonderful expressions of praise which he often uses about the man and the fact that those of his own speeches about which he took most pains, the ones against Antony, he entitled Philippics, they forget. (7) And of the.men of his own time who were famous by reason of eloquence and philosophy, there is not one whom he did not make more famous, either by saying or writing something graciously about each. For Cratippus the Peripatetic he got from Caesar, when he was already in power, the right to become a Roman citizen, and he also got the Council of the Areopagus to vote to request him to stay in Athens and discourse with the young men, as being. an adornment to the city. (8) There are letters of Cicero about these matters to Herodes, and others to his son, telling him to study philosophy with Cratippus. But because he blamed Gorgias the rhetorician

for

leading

the

youth

on

towards

pleasures

drinking bouts, he banished him from his company.

and

(9) Of his

Greek letters virtually this one alone, and a second, to Pelops the Byzantine, is.written in some anger, since he rebukes

98] μὲν Γοργίαν αὐτοῦ προσηκόντως ἐπικόπτοντος, εἴπερ ἦν

φαῦλος καὶ ἀκόλαστος ὥσπερ ἐδόκει, πρὸς δὲ τὸν Πέλοπα μικρολογουμένου xal μεμψιμοιροῦντος, ὥσπερ ἀμελήσανTa τιμάς τινας αὐτῷ καὶ ψηφίσματα παρὰ Βυζαντίων γενέσθαι. 25. Ταῦτά τε δὴ φιλότιμα, καὶ τὸ πολλάκις ἐπαιρόμενον τοῦ λόγου τῇ δεινότητι τὸ πρέπον προΐεσϑαι. ουνατίῳ μὲν γάρ NOTE συνηγορήσας, ὡς ἀποφυγὼν τὴν δίκην Exeiγος ἐδίωκεν ἑταῖρον αὐτοῦ Σαβῖνον, οὕτω λέγεται προπεσεῖν ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς 0 Κικέρων, ὥστ᾽ εἰπεῖν" „ob γὰρ ἐκείνην ὦ Movvarıe τὴν δίκην ἀπέφυγες διὰ σεαυτόν, οὐκ ἐμοῦ πολὺ σκότος Er φωτὶ τῷ δικαστηρίῳ περιχέαντος. Mao- 2 xov δὲ Κράσσον ἐγκωμιάζων ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος εὐημέρησε, καὶ pee ἡμέρας αὖϑις ὀλίγας λοιδορῶν αὐτόν, ὡς ἐκεῖνος

εἶπεν. „od γὰρ ἐνταῦϑα πρώην αὐτὸς ἡμᾶς ἐπήνεις ;" »»αΐ qnot, , μελέτης ἕνεκα γυμνάζων τὸν λόγον eig φαύ-

Any ὑπόϑεσιν." εἰπόντος δέ mote τοῦ Κράσσου μηδένα s Κράσσον ἐν Ρώμῃ βεβιωκέναι μακρότερον ἑξηκονταετίας, εἶϑ᾽ ὕστερον ἀρνουμένου καὶ λέγοντος,,τί δ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ παϑὼν τοῦτ᾽ εἶπον; ,,ἤδεις᾿ ἔφη, Ρωμαίους ἡδέως ἀκουσομέ-

vous, καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἐδημαγώγεις"᾽.

ἀρέσκεσθαι δὲ tod 4

Κράσσου τοῖς Στωικοῖς φήσαντος, ὅτι πλούσιον εἶναι τὸν ἀγαϑὸν ἀποφαίνουσιν, ,ὅρα μὴ μᾶλλον᾽" εἶπεν, ὅτι πάντα τοῦ σοφοῦ λέγουσιν elvat". διεβάλλετο δ᾽ eic φιλαργυρίαν ὁ Κράσσος.

ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ Κράσσου

τῶν παίδων 6 ἕτερος, 5

Ἀξίῳ τινὶ δοκῶν ὅμοιος εἶναι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τῇ μητρὶ προσ-

τριβόμενος αἰσχρὰν ἐπὶ τῷ Akiw διαβολήν, εὐδοκίμησε λόγον ἐν βουλῇ διελθών, ἐρωτηϑεὶς ὃ Κικέρων, τί φαίνεται αὐτῷ, ,,ἄξιος᾽᾿ eine „Kodooov''. 26. Μέλλων δ᾽ ὁ Κράσσος εἰς Συρίαν ἀπαίρειν, ἐβούλετο τὸν Κικέρωνα φίλον αὐτῷ μᾶλλον.ἢ ἐχϑοὸν εἶναι, καὶ φιλοφρονούμενος ἔφη βούλεσθαι δειπνῆσαι παρ᾽ αὐτῷ, xàκεῖνος ὑπεδέξατο προϑύμως. ὀλίγαις δ᾽ ὕστερον ἡμέραις 1

περὶ Βατινίου φίλων τινῶν ἐντυγχανόντων ὡς μνωμέ? yov διαλύσεις καὶ φιλίαν --- ἦν γὰρ ἐχϑρός —, „od δήπου καὶ Βατίνιος" εἶπε, δειπνῆσαι παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ βούλεται;

[99 Gorgias properly, if he was worthless and dissolute, as he was thought to be, but he is petty and querulous towards Pelops, for having neglected to obtain certain honours and decrees for him from the Byzantines.

25. (1) These things indeed were due to love of honour, as was the fact that he was often induced by his verbal cleverness to abandon propriety. For example, he once defended Munatius and when Munatius got off the charge and prosecuted Sabinus, a friend of his, Cicero is said to have been so carried away by anger as to say: "Did you, then, Munatius, get off that charge on your own and not because I spread thick darkness

around the court in plain daylight?’

(2) He. scored a success

eulogising Marcus Crassus from the rostra, and when he then reviled him a few days later and Crassus said: "Didn't you, then, yourself praise me here the other day?', he said: ‘Yes, I was exercising my oratory on a worthless theme just for practice's sake.' (3) When Crassus once said that no Crassus had lived in Rome longer than sixty years and then later denied it and said: 'What could have come over me to make me say that?', Cicero said: "You knew that the Romans would be delighted to hear it and you therefore tried to curry favour with them.' (4) When Crassus said that he was pleased to follow the Stoics, because they maintain that the good man is rich, Cicero said: 'Be careful that it isn't rather because they say that everything belongs to the wise man.' (Crassus was accused

of love of money.)

(5) When

one of Crassus'

sons,

who was thought to be like a certain Axius and therefore caused a disgraceful accusation in connexion with Axius to be made against his mother, won a fine reputation after making a speech in the senate, Cicero was asked how he seemed to him and said: 'Ariomatic of Crassus.' 26. (1) When Crassus was about to depart for Syria, he wanted Cicero to be his friend rather than his enemy and said in a friendly way that he wanted to dine with him, and Cicero gladly entertained him. (2) But a few days later, when some friends intervened with him on behalf of Vatinius,

saying that

he earnestly desired reconciliation and friendship (he was an enemy), Cicero said: 'Surely Vatinius also doesn't want to dine

100] πρὸς μὲν οὖν Κράσσον τοιοῦτος. αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Bariyıoy, 3 ἔχοντα χοιράδας ἐν τῷ τραχήλῳ καὶ λέγοντα δίκην, οἰδοῦντα δήτορα προσεῖπεν. ἀκούσας δ᾽ ὅτι τέϑνηκεν,

εἶτα μετὰ μικρὸν πυϑόμενος σαφῶς ὅτι ζῇ" ,,xaxóg τοίvoy ἀπόλοιτο κακῶς ὃ ψευσάμενος". ἐπεὶ δὲ Καίσαρι 4 ψηφισαμένῳ τὴν ἐν Καμπανίᾳ χώραν κατανεμηϑῆναι τοῖς στρατιῶταις πολλοὶ μὲν ἐδυσχέραινον ἐν τῇ βουλῇ, Λεύ-

κιος δὲ Γέλλιος ὁμοῦ τι πρεσβύτατος ὧν εἶπεν, ὡς οὐ γενήσεται τοῦτο ζῶντος αὐτοῦ, „nregiuelvwuev 6 Κικέρων ἔφη" ,,uaxoà» γὰρ οὐκ αἰτεῖται Γέλλιος ὑπέρϑεσιν“".

ἦν δέ τις ᾿Οκταούιος αἰτίαν ἔχων ἐκ Λιβύης γεγονέναι" 5 πρὸς τοῦτον ἔν τινι δίκῃ λέγοντα τοῦ Κικέρωνος μὴ é£aκούειν „xal μὴν οὐκ ἔχεις elne „to οὖς ἀτρύπητον"".

Ἠετέλλου δὲ Νέπωτος εἴπόντος, ὅτι πλείονας καταμαρ- 6 τυρῶν ἀνήρηκεν ἢ συνηγορῶν σέσωκεν, ὁμολογῶ yáp" ἔφη ,,πίστεως ἐν ἐμοὶ πλέον ἢ δεινότητος elvat. νεανί- 7

σκου δέ τινος, αἰτίαν ἔχοντος ἐν πλακοῦντι φάρμακον τῷ πατρὶ δεδωκέναι, ϑρασυνομένου καὶ λέγοντος ὅτι λοιδορήost τὸν Κικέρωνα, τοῦτ᾽ “" ἔφη ,,zagà σοῦ βούλομαι μᾶλλον ἢ πλακοῦντα'". Ποπλίου δὲ Σηστίου συνήγορον μὲν8 αὐτὸν ἔν τινι δίκῃ παραλαβόντος pe? ἑτέρων, αὐτοῦ δὲ

πάντα βουλομένου λέγειν καὶ μηδενὶ παριέντος εἰπεῖν, ὡς δῆλος ἦν ἀφιέμενος ὑπὸ τῶν δικαστῶν ἤδη τῆς ψήφου

φερομένης, χρῶ σήμερον" ἔφη͵ τῷ καιρῷ Σήστιε. μέλλεις γὰρ

αὔριον

ἰδιώτης

εἶναι".

Πόπλιον

δὲ Κώσταν,9

γομικὸν εἶναι βουλόμενον, ὄντα δ᾽ ἀφυῆ καὶ ἀμαϑῆ, πρός τινα δίκην ἐκάλεσε μάρτυρα. τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν εἰδέναι φάσκοντος, ,,vows ἔφη ,,δοκεῖς περὶ τῶν νομικῶν ἐρωτᾶ-

oda’. Ἠετέλλου δὲ Νέπωτος ἐν διαφορᾷ τινι πολλάκις λέγοντος, τίς σοῦ πατήρ ἐστιν ἔφη „ev ἀπόκρισιν ἡ μήτηρ ἐδόκει δ᾽ ἀκόλαστος ἡ μήτηρ δέ τις εὐμετάβολος, καί ποτε

ὦ Κικέρων“"',,, σοὶ ταύτην" χαλεπωτέραν nenoinxer " εἶναι τοῦ Νέπωτος, αὐτὸς 1 τὴν δημαρχίαν ἀπολισὼν

ἄφνω πρὸς Πομσήιον ἐξέπλευσεν εἰς Συρίαν, εἶτ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν ἐπανῆλϑεν ἀλογώτερον. ϑάψας δὲ Φίλαγρον τὸν καϑηγῆ- ν τὴν ἐπιμελέστερον,

ἐπέστησεν αὐτοῦ τῷ τάφῳ

κόρακα

[101 with me?'

Such, then, was his behaviour towards Crassus.

(3)

When Vatinius himself, who had swellings on his neck, was pleading a case, he called him a turgid orator. And when he heard that he was dead and then a little later learned for sure that he was alive, he said: 'May the wretch, then, who

deceived us die a wretched death.'

(4) When many in the

senate were displeased at Caesar's having got a vote passed that the land in Campania should be divided up among the soldiers, and Lucius Gellius, who was about the oldest, said that this would not happen while he was alive, Cicero said: 'Let us wait, for the postponement Gellius is asking for is not a long one.’ (5) There was a certain Octavius who was suspected of originating from Libya. When he said during a certain trial that he could not hear Cicero clearly, Cicero said to him: 'And yet your ear is not unpierced.' (6) When Metellus Nepos said that he had caused the deaths of more men as a hostile witness than he had saved as defence counsel, Cicero

said:

'Yes,

I admit

that

I have

more

credibility

than

ability.' (7) When a certain young man who was suspected of having given poison to his father in a cake boasted and said that he would revile Cicero, he said: 'I would rather have that

from you. than a cake.' (8) Publius Sestius used him as a defence counsel in a case along with others but wanted to say everything himself and allowed nobody else to speak, and when it was clear that he was being acquitted by the jurors as the vote was already being given, Cicero said: 'Exploit your opportunity today, Sestius; tomorrow you're going to be a private individual.' (9) Cicero called as a witness at some trial Publius Costa, who wanted to be a lawyer but was untalented and

uninformed,

and

when

Costa

said that he knew

nothing,

Cicero said: 'Perhaps you think you are being questioned about legal matters." When in some dispute Metellus Nepos said repeatedly:

"Who

is

your

father,

Cicero?',

he

said:

"Your

mother has made that question more difficult for you than for me.' Nepos' mother was thought to be dissolute and Nepos himself a volatile sort. (10) He once left his tribunate suddenly and sailed off to Pompey in Syria, and then returned from there even more senselessly. (11) When he buried Philagrus his teacher with excessive solicitude he set on top of

102] * λίϑινον, xai 6 Κικέρων, τοῦτο" ἔφη ,,σοφώτατον ἐποίηcac: πέτεσϑαι γάρ oe μᾶλλον ἢ λέγειν ἐδίδαξεν". ἐπεὶ 12 δὲ Μᾶρκος Ἄππιος ἕν τινι δίκῃ προοιμιαζόμενος εἶπε φίλον

αὐτοῦ δεδεῆσθϑαι παρασχεῖν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ λογιότητα καὶ πίστιν, εἶθ᾽ οὕτως ἔφη ,,Ἑσιδηροῦς γέγονας ἄνϑρωπος, ὥστε μηδὲν ἐκ τοσούτων ὧν ἠτήσατο φίλῳ παρασχεῖν; 24. Τὸ μὲν οὖν πρὸς ἐχϑροὺς ἢ πρὸς ἀντιδίκους σκώμ-

μασι χρῆσϑαι πικροτέροις δοκεῖ ῥητορικὸν εἶναι" τὸ δ᾽ οἷς ἔτυχε προσκρούειν ἕνεκα τοῦ γελοίου πολὺ συνῆγε μῖ005 αὐτῷ. γράψω δὲ καὶ τούτων ὀλίγα. Μᾶρκον AxóAAw 2 ἔχοντα δύο γαμβροὺς φυγάδας "Aópactov ἐκάλει. Atv- 3 κίου δὲ Κόττα τὴν τιμητικὴν ἔχοντος ἀρχήν, φιλοινοτά-

tov δ᾽ ὄντος, ὑπατείαν μετιὼν 6 Κικέρων ἐδίψησε, καὶ τῶν φίλων κύκλῳ περιστάντων ὡς ἔπινεν, ,ὀρϑῶς φοβεῖσϑε'" ἔφη „un μοι γένηται χαλεπὸς 6 τιμητὴς ὅτι. ὕδωρ πίνω"". Βοκωνίῳ δ᾽ ἀπαντήσας, ἄγοντι peF ἑαυτοῦ 4 τρεῖς ἀμορφοτάτας ϑυγατέρας, ἀνεφϑέγξατο (TGF p.911N*).

„Doißov ποτ᾽ οὐκ ἐῶντος ἔσπειρεν τέκνα." Μάρκου δὲ Γελλίου δοκοῦντος οὐκ ἐξ ἐλευϑέρων γεγονέ- 5 vat, λαμπρᾷ δὲ τῇ φωνῇ καὶ μεγάλῃ γράμματα πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἐξαναγνόντος, μὴ

ϑαυμάξετε""

εἶπε,

καὶ

αὐτὸς εἷς ἐστι τῶν ἀναπεφωνηκότων." ἐπεὶ δὲ Φαῦστος ὁ ὁ Σύλλα, τοῦ μοναρχήσαντος ἐν Ῥώμῃ καὶ πολλοὺς ἐπὶ ϑανάτῳ προγράψαντος, ἐν δανείοις γενόμενος καὶ πολλὰ τῆς οὐσίας διασπαϑήσας ἀπαρτίαν προέγραψε, ταύτην ἔφη μᾶλλον αὐτῷ τὴν προγραφὴν ἀρέσκειν

ἢ τὴν πα-

toda». 28. Ἐκ δὲ τούτων ἐγίνετο πολλοῖς ἐπαχϑής, xal οἱ μετὰ

Κλωδίου συνέστησαν ἐπ αὐτόν, ἀρχὴν τοιαύτην Aaßovτες. ἦν Κλώδιος ἀνὴρ εὐγενής, τῇ μὲν ἡλικίᾳ νέος, τῷ δὲ φρονήματι ϑρασὺς καὶ αὐϑάδης. οὗτος ἐρῶν Πομπηίας} τῆς Καίσαρος γυναικός, εἷς τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ παρεισῆλϑε “νυν ὦ

*26 11 σοφώτατον;

read σοφώτερον instead.

[10: his tomb a stone raven and Cicero said: "That was a rather clever thing you did. For he taught you to fly rather than to speak.‘ (12) When Marcus Appius said during his preamble in some case that his friend had requested him to display conscientiousness, eloquence and credibility, Cicero said: ‘Are you then so iron-hearted a person as to display to your friend not one of all the things he asked for?' 27. (1) The use, then, of rather cruel jokes against enemies or legal opponents seems to be required of an orator. But his clashing with whomever he met just to provoke laughter amassed him much hatred. (2) I shall write down a few of these remarks too. Marcus Aquillius, who had two exiled sons-in-law,

he called Adrastus.

(3) When

Lucius Cotta

held

the office of censor but was very fond of wine, Cicero became thirsty when he was seeking the consulship and while his friends stood round him in a circle as he was drinking, he said: "You are right to be afraid that the censor may be angry with me because I am drinking water.‘ (4) When he met

Voconius,

who had with him three very ugly daughters,

he

cried aloud: 'He once sowed children when Phoebus did not permit it.' (5) When Marcus Gellius, who was thought not to have been born of free parents, read out a document to the senate in a clear, loud voice, he said: ‘Don't be surprised.

He

himself also is one of those who have made loud public claims.' (6) When Faustus, the son of the Sulla who had been monarch in Rome and posted up the names of many for death, got

into

debt,

squandered

away

much

of

his property

and

posted up the sale of his goods, Cicero said that this poster pleased him more than his father's. 28. (1) As a result of this he was becoming burdensome to many

and

Clodius

and

his associates

banded

together

against

him on some such ground as the following. Clodius was a man of noble birth, young in age but bold and self-willed in spirit. (2) Being in love with Pompeia, Caesar's wife, he entered his house secretly with the clothing and outfit of a female

104] κρύφα, λαβὼν ἐσθῆτα xai σκευὴν ψαλτρίας" ἔϑυον γὰρ ἐν τῇ Καίσαρος οἰκίᾳ τὴν ἀπόρρητον ἐκείνην καὶ ἀϑέατον

ἀνδράσι ϑυσίαν αἱ γυναῖκες, καὶ παρῆν ἀνὴρ οὐδείς" ἀλλὰ μει-. odxıov ὧν ἔτι καὶ μήπω γενειῶν ὁ Κλώδιος ἤλπιζε λήσεσϑαι διαδὺς πρὸς τὴν Πομπηίαν διὰ τῶν γυναικῶν. ὡς δ᾽ εἰσῆλ- 3 Be νυκτὸς εἷς οἰκίαν μεγάλην, ἠπόρει τῶν διόδων, καὶ πλα-

γώμενον αὐτὸν ἰδοῦσα ϑεραπαινὶς Αὐρηλίας τῆς Καίσαρος μητρός, ἤτησεν ὄνομα. φϑέγξασθϑαι δ᾽ ἀναγκασϑέντος » αὐτοῦ καὶ φήσαντος ἀκόλουϑον Πομπηίας ζητεῖν Ἄβραν

τοὔνομα, συνεῖσα τὴν φωνὴν οὐ γυναικείαν οὖσαν ἀνέκραγε καὶ συνεκάλει τὰς γυναῖκας. ai δ᾽ ἀποκλείσασαι τὰς ϑύρας 4

καὶ πάντα διερευνώμεναι, λαμβάνουσι τὸν Κλώδιον, εἰς οἴκημα παιδίσκης fj συνεισῆλϑε καταπεφευγότα. τοῦ δὲ πράγματος περιβοήτου γενομένου, Καῖσάρ τε τὴν Lop-

* πηίαν ἀφῆκε, καὶ δίκην τις (τῶν δημάρχων» ἀσεβείας ἐγράψατο τῷ Κλωδίῳ.

29. Κικέρων δ᾽ ἦν μὲν αὐτοῦ φίλος, καὶ τῶν περὶ Κατιλίναν πραττομένων ἐκέχρητο προϑυμοτάτῳ συνεργῷ καὶ φύλακι τοῦ σώματος, ἰσχυριζομένου δὲ πρὸς τὸ ἔγκλημα τῷ μηδὲ γεγονέναι κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐν “Ρώμῃ τὸν χρόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τοῖς πορρωτάτω χωρίοις διατρίβειν, κατεμαρτύρησεν ὡς ἀφιγμένου τε πρὸς αὐτὸν οἴκαδε καὶ διειλεγμένου περί τινων. ὅπερ ἦν ἀληϑές. οὐ μὴν ἐδόκει μαρτυρεῖν ὁ Κικέ- 2

ocv διὰ τὴν ἀλήϑειαν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὴν αὑτοῦ γυναῖκα Τερεντίαν ἀπολογούμενος. ἦν γὰρ αὐτῇ πρὸς τὸν Κλώδιον ἀπέχϑεια διὰ τὴν ἀδελφὴν τὴν ἐκείνου Κλωδίαν, ὧς τῷ Κικέ-

* got βουλομένην γαμηϑῆναι καὶ τοῦτο διὰ Τύλλου τινὸς Ταραντίνου πράττουσαν, ὃς ἑταῖρος μὲν ἦν καὶ συνήϑης ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Κικέρωνος, ἀεὶ δὲ πρὸς τὴν Κλωδίαν φοιτῶν

καὶ ϑεραπεύων ἐγγὺς οἰκοῦσαν, ὑποψίαν τῇ Τερεντίᾳ παρgaye. χαλεπὴ δὲ τὸν τρόπον οὖσα καὶ τοῦ Κικέρωνος 4 ἄρχουσα, παρώξυνε τῷ Κλωδίῳ συνεπιϑέσϑαι καὶ κατα—

*28.3 "Afipav: read "Aßpav instead. *28.4 τις τῶν δημάρχων: delete τῶν δημάρχων. *29.3 τύλλου: read Θυίλλου instead.

[105 lyre-player. The women were celebrating in Caesar's house that secret rite which may not be seen by men, and no man was present. But as he was still a youth and did not yet have a beard, Clodius hoped to slip through the women to Pompeia

without being noticed.

(3) But since he had entered a large

house by night, he was at a loss for the passageways and as he was

wandering

around,

a maid

of Aurelia,

Caesar's

mother,

saw him and asked his name. When he was forced to speak and said that he was looking for an attendant of Pompeia's named Habra, she perceived that the voice was not a woman's,

cried out and called the women.

(4) They shut up the doors,

searched

and

everywhere

thoroughly

captured

Clodius,

who

had fled for refuge into a room belonging to the slave girl with whom

he had come

into the house.

When

the affair became

notorious, Caesar divorced Pompeia and someone indicted Clodius on a charge of sacrilege. 29. (1) Cicero was a friend of his and had employed him as a very enthusiastic helper and bodyguard during the Catiline business. When, however, Clodius strongly maintained against the charge that he had not even been in Rome at that time but was staying on his most distant estates, he testified against him, saying that he had come to him at home and talked to him about certain matters - which was true. (2) But Cicero was not thought to be testifying for truth's sake but to defend himself to his wife Terentia. (3) She had a hatred of Clodius

because

of his sister Clodia,

since

she

thought

that

Clodia

wanted to marry Cicero and was trying to achieve this through

a certain Thyillus of Tarentum, who was a friend and particularly close companion of Cicero, but who by continually

visiting and paying court to Clodia, who lived near-by, gave Terentia grounds for suspicion.

(4) Being of a harsh character

and dominating Cicero, she spurred him on to join in attacking Clodius and to testify against him. Many of the best men

106] μαρτυρῆσαι. κατεμαρτύρουν δὲ τοῦ Κλωδίου πολλοὶ τῶν καλῶν καὶ ἀγαϑῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐπιορκίας, ῥᾳδιουργίας, ὄχλων δεκασμούς, φϑορὰς γυναικῶν. Λεύκολλος δὲ καὶ degaπαινίδας παρεῖχεν, ὡς συγγένοιτο τῇ γεωτάτῃ τῶν ἀδελ-

φῶν ὁ Κλώδιος, ὅτε Λευκόλλῳ συνῴκει. πολλὴ δ᾽ ἦν δόξας καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις δυσὶν ἀδελφαῖς πλησιάζειν τὸν Κλώδιον, ὧν Τερτίαν μὲν Μάρκιος (δ) ‘Pit, Κλωδίαν δὲ Μέτελλος

ó Κέλερ

εἶχεν, ἣν Κουαδρανταρίαν ἐκάλουν, ὅτι τῶν

ἐραστῶν τις αὐτῇ χαλκοῦς ἐμβαλὼν εἰς βαλάντιον ὡς ἀργύριον εἰσέπεμψε" τὸ δὲ λεπτότατον τοῦ χαλκοῦ νομίσματος κουαδράντην “Ρωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ μάλιστα

τῶν ἀδελφῶν κακῶς ἤκουσεν 0 Κλώδιος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ὁ τότε τοῦ δήμου πρὸς τοὺς καταμαρτυροῦντας αὐτοῦ καὶ συνεστῶτας ἀντιταττομένου, φοβηϑέντες οἱ δικασταὶ φυ-

λακὴν περιεστήσαντο, καὶ τὰς δέλτους οἱ πλεῖστοι συγκεχυμένοις τοῖς γράμμασιν ἤνεγκαν. ὅμως δὲ πλείονες ἔδοξαν οἱ ἀπολύοντες γενέσθαι, καί τις ἐλέχϑη καὶ óexaσμὸς διελϑεῖν. ὅϑεν ὁ μὲν Κάτλος ἀπαντήσας τοῖς δικασταῖς, 7

ὑμεῖς" elnev „ws ἀληϑῶς ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας ἠτήσασϑε τὴν φυλακήν, φοβούμενοι μή τις ὑμῶν ἀφέληται τὸ ἀργύριον." Κικέρων δὲ τοῦ Κλωδίου πρὸς αὐτὸν λέγοντος, ὅτι μαρ- 8 τυρῶν οὐκ ἔσχε πίστιν παρὰ τοῖς δικασταῖς, ,, ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοὶ μέν" elnev ,,oi πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι τῶν δικαστῶν ἐπίστευca»: τοσοῦτοι γάρ σου κατεψηφίσαντο" σοὶ δ᾽ οἱ τριάκοντα ovx ἐπίστευσαν" οὐ γὰρ πρότερον ἀπέλυσαν ἢ ἔλαβον τὸ ἀργύριον. “ ὁ μέντοι Καῖσαρ οὐ κατεμαρτύρησε9

κληϑεὶς ἐπὶ τὸν Κλώδιον, οὐδ᾽ ἔφη μοι qetav κατεγνωκέval τῆς γυναικός, ἀφεικέναι δ᾽ αὐτὴν ὅτι τὸν Καίσαρος ἔδει γάμον οὐ πράξεως αἰσχρᾶς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φήμης καϑαρὸν' εἶναι.

40. διαφυγὼν δὲ τὸν κίνδυνον ὁ Κλώδιος καὶ δήμαρχος αἱρεϑείς, εὐθὺς εἴχετο τοῦ Κικέρωνος, πάνϑ᾽ ὁμοῦ πράγματα καὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους συνάγων καὶ ταράττων ἐπὶ αὐτόν. τόν te γὰρ δῆμον φκειώσατο νόμοις φιλανϑρώ- s ποις, καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων ἑκατέρῳ μεγάλας ἐπαρχίας &yy-

φίσατο, Πείσωνι μὲν Μακεδονίαν, Γαβινίῳ δὲ Συρίαν

[107 testified against Clodius to his perjuries, frauds, bribing of the

populace and corruption of women. Lucullus actually produced female slaves to testify that Clodius had intercourse with

the

Lucullus.

youngest

of his sisters

when she

was

living

with

(5) There was a widespread belief that Clodius had

relations with the other two sisters also, of whom Marcius Rex

was married to Tertia and Metellus Celer to Clodia whom they called Quadrantaria, because one of her lovers had put copper coins into a purse and sent them in to her instead of silver (the Romans call the smallest of the copper currency

quadrans).

Clodius had a bad reputation in connexion with

this sister particularly. (6) Nevertheless, since the people at that time set themselves against those who testified and banded together against him, the jurors were frightened and surrounded themselves with a guard, and the majority cast their

those

for

acquittal seemed the more numerous and some bribery was said to have been prevalent. (7) Hence when Catulus the jurors he said: 'You really did ask for the guard security: you were frightened that someone might take money away from you." (8) When Clodius said to Cicero he had had no credit with the jurors as a witness, he said:

tablets

with

the

letters confused.

However,

also met for your that 'But

twenty-five of the jurors gave me credit; that was the number who voted against you. And thirty gave you no credit; they

didn't acquit you before they got their money.' (9) Caesar, however, although called, did not testify against Clodius, and said that he had not found his wife guilty of adultery but had divorced her because Caesar's marriage must be unsullied not just by disgraceful conduct but even by disgraceful talk. 30. (1) When he had escaped the danger and been elected tribune, Clodius immediately set about Cicero, amassing and stirring up against him all things and all men alike. (2) By humane laws he made the people his own, got large provinces voted to each of the consuls, Macedonia to Piso and Syria to Gabinius, organised many even of the destitute inio political

108] πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀπόρων συνέτασσεν εἰς τὸ πολίτευμα,

καὶ δούλους ὡπλισμένους περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχε. τῶν δὲ πλεῖστον 5 δυναμένων τότε τριῶν ἀνδρῶν, Κράσσου μὲν ἄντικρυς Κικέρωνι πολεμοῦντος, Πομπηίου δὲ ϑρυπτομένου πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους, Καίσαρος δὲ μέλλοντος εἰς Γαλατίαν ἐξιέναι

μετὰ στρατεύματος, ὑπὸ τοῦτον ὑποδὺς ὁ Κικέρων, καί-

περ οὐκ ὄντα φίλον, ἀλλ᾽ ὕποπτον éx τῶν περὶ Κατιλίva», ἠξίωσε πρεσβευτὴς αὐτῷ συστρατεύειν. δεξαμένου «

δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος, ó Κλώδιος ὁρῶν ἐκφεύγοντα τὴν δημαρχίαν αὐτοῦ τὸν Κικέρωνα, προσεποιεῖτο συμβατικῶς ἔχειν, καὶ τῇ Τερεντίᾳ τὴν πλείστην ἀνατιϑεὶς αἰτίαν, ἐκείνου δὲ μεμνημένος ἐπιεικῶς ἀεὶ καὶ λόγους εὐγνώ-

μονας ἐνδιδούς, ὡς ἄν τις οὐ μισῶν οὐδὲ χαλεπαίνων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγκαλῶν μέτρια καὶ φιλικά, παντάπασιν αὐτοῦ τὸν φόβον

ἀνῆκεν, ὥστ᾽ ἀπειπεῖν τῷ Καίσαρι τὴν πρεσβείαν καὶ πάλιν ἔχεσϑαι τῆς πολιτείας. ἐφ᾽ d παροξυνϑεὶς 6 Kai-5 cap, τόν τε Κλώδιον ἐπέρρωσε, καὶ Πομπήιον ἀπέστρεψε κομιδῇ τοῦ Κικέρωνος, αὐτός τε κατεμαρτύρησεν ἐν τῷ δήμῳ, μὴ δοκεῖν αὐτῷ καλῶς μηδὲ νομίμως ἄνδρας ἀκρίτους ἀνῃρῆσϑαι τοὺς περὶ Λέντλον xai Κέϑηγον. αὕτη 5

γὰρ ἦν ἡ κατηγορία, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ [δ] Κικέρων &vexaλεῖτο. κινδυνεύων οὖν καὶ διωκόμενος, ἐσθῆτά τε μετήλ-

hate καὶ κόμης ἀνάπλεως περιιὼν ἱκέτευε τὸν δῆμον. πανταχοῦ δ᾽ ὁ Κλώδιος ἀπήντα κατὰ τοὺς στενωπούς, 1 ἀνθρώπους ἔχων ὑβριστὰς περὶ αὑτὸν καὶ ϑρασεῖς, of

πολλὰ μὲν χλευάζοντες ἀκολάστως εἷς τὴν μεταβολὴν καὶ τὸ σχῆμα τοῦ Κικέρωνος, πολλαχοῦ δὲ πηλῷ καὶ λίϑοις βάλλοντες, ἐνίσταντο ταῖς ἱκεσίαις.

41. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ Κικέρωνι πρῶτον μὲν ὀλίγου δεῖν σύμπαν τὸ τῶν ἱππικῶν πλῆϑος συμμετέβαλε τὴν ἐσϑῆτα, καὶ δισμυρίων οὐκ ἐλάττους νέων παρηκολούϑουν κομῶντες καὶ συνικετεύοντες᾽ ἔπειτα τῆς βουλῆς συνελθούσης,

ὅπως ψηφίσαιτο τὸν δῆμον ὡς ἐπὶ πένϑει συμμεταβαλεῖν τὰ ἱμάτια, καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων ἐναντιωθϑέντων, Κλωδίου δὲ σιδηροφορουμένου περὶ τὸ βουλευτήριον, ἐξέδραμον οὐκ ὀλίγοι τῶν συγκλητικῶν καταρρηγνύμενοι τοὺς χιτῶνας

[109 activity, and kept armed slaves around his person. (3) Since of the three men who then had most power Crassus was at war with Cicero openly, Pompey was playing the flirt with both,

and Caesar was about to go out to Gaul with an army, Cicero made up to the latter, although he was not a friend but suspect as a result of the Catiline business, and asked to join his army as a legate.

(4) When

Caesar accepted him, Clodius saw that

Cicero was escaping his power as tribune and pretended to be ready to come to an agreement. Putting the chief blame on Terentia and always mentioning Cicero in moderate terms and making expressionsof goodwill his key-note, as someone would who did not hate or feel anger but had reasonable and friendly complaints to make, he alleviated his fear altogether, so that

he. renounced the legateship under Caesar and set about political activity again. (5) At this Caesar was spurred into hostility and he both strengthened Clodius' resolve and completely turned Pompey against Cicero, and himself testified

against Cicero before the people, saying that in his opinion Lentulus and Cethegus and their associates had not been put to death rightly or lawfully, since they had not been tried. (6) For this was the charge and it was on this ground that Cicero was accused. So because he was in danger and being accused, Cicero changed his clothing and went around supplicating the people with his hair unkempt. (7) But Clodius met him in the streets everywhere and had violent and insolent men around himself, who

often jeered without restraint at Cicero's change

of status and appearance and often pelted him with mud and stones, and so obstructed his supplications. 31. (1) Nevertheless, first nearly the whole body of the equites changed their clothing along with Cicero and no fewer than 20,000 young men followed him closely, letting their hair grow long and supplicating with him. Then, when the senate met to vote that the people should change their robes in sympathy as for public mourning and the consuls opposed it, and Clodius was in arms around the senate-house, not a few of

the senators ran out, rending their tunics and crying aloud.

110] xai βοῶντες. ὡς δ᾽ ἦν οὔτ᾽ οἶκτος οὔτε τις αἰδὼς πρὸς τὴν}

ὄψιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔδει τὸν

Κικέρωνα φεύγειν ἢ βίᾳ καὶ σιδήρῳ δια-

κριϑῆναι πρὸς τὸν Κλώδιον, ἐδεῖτο

Πομπηίου βοηϑεῖν, éxt-

τηδες ἐκποδὼν γεγονότος καὶ διατρίβοντος ἐν ἀγροῖς περὶ τὸ AAßavov, καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἔπεμψε Πείσωνα τὸν γαμβρὸν den-

σόμενον, ἔπειτα καὶ αὐτὸς ἀνέβη. πυϑόμενος δ᾽ ὁ Πομπήιος οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν -- δεινὴ γὰρ αὐτὸν αἰδὼς εἶχε πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα, μεγάλους ἠγωνισμένον ἀγῶνας ὑπὲρ αὖτοῦ καὶ πολλὰ πρὸς χάριν ἐκείνῳ πεπολιτευμένον --- ἀλλὰ Καίσαρι yaußoos ὧν δεομένῳ προὔδωκε τὰς παλαιὰς χάoıras, καὶ κατὰ ϑύρας ἄλλας ὑπεξελϑὼν ἀπεδίδρασκε τὴν ἔντευξιν. οὕτω δὴ προδοϑεὶς ὁ Κικέρων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ xai4 γεγονὼς ἔρημος, ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους κατέφυγε. καὶ Γαβί-

γιος μὲν ἦν χαλεπὸς ἀεί, Πείσων δὲ διελέχϑη πρᾳότερον αὐτῷ, παραινῶν ἐκστῆναι καὶ ὑποχωρῆσαι τῇ τοῦ Κλωδίου δύμῃ, καὶ τὴν μεταβολὴν τῶν καιρῶν ἐνεγκεῖν, καὶ γενέσθαι

πάλιν

σωτῆρα

τῆς πατρίδος,

ἐν στάσεσι

καὶ

κακοῖς dt ἐκεῖνον οὔσης. τοιαύτης τυχὼν ἀποκρίσεως 65 Κικέρων ἐβουλεύετο σὺν τοῖς φίλοις, καὶ Λεύκολλος μὲν

ἐκέλευε μένειν ὡς περιεσόμενον, ἄλλοι δὲ φεύγειν, ὡς

ταχὺ τοῦ δήμου ποϑήσοντος αὐτόν, ὅταν ἐμπλησϑῇ τῆς

Κλωδίου μανίας καὶ ἀπονοίας. ταῦτ᾽ ἔδοξε Κικέρωνι, καὶ 6

τὸ μὲν ἄγαλμα τῆς Aü1vàc, ὃ πολὺν χρόνον ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας ἱδρυμένον ἐτίμα διαφερόντως, εἰς Καπιτώλιον κομίσας ἀνέϑηκεν, ἐπιγράψας, ϑηνᾷ Ῥώμης φύλακι“, πομποὺς δὲ παρὰ τῶν φίλων λαβών, περὶ μέσας νύκτας ὑπἐξῆλθε τῆς πόλεως καὶ πεζῇ διὰ Λευκανίας ἐπορεύετο, λαβέσϑαι Σικελίας βουλόμενος.

98, "ὡς δ᾽ ἦν φανερὸς ἤδη πεφευγώς, ἐπήγαγεν αὐτῷ

φυγῆς ψῆφον ὁ Κλώδιος, καὶ διάγραμμα προὔϑηκεν εἴρyew πυρὸς καὶ ὕδατος τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ μὴ παρέχειν στέγην ἐντὸς μιλίων πεντακοσίων ᾿Ιταλίας. τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἄλλοις ? ἐλάχιστος ἦν τοῦ διαγράμματος τούτου λόγος αἰδουμένοις

τὸν Κικέρωνα, καὶ πᾶσαν ἐνδεικνύμενοι φιλοφροσύνην παρέneunov αὐτόν' ἐν δ᾽ ᾿Ἱππωνίῳ, πόλει τῆς Λευκανίας ἣν

[111 (2) But since there was neither pity nor any sense of shame at the

sight

and

Cicero

had

to

flee

or

decide

the

issue

with

Clodius by violence and arms, he begged Pompey to help, though he had deliberateiy got out of the way and was staying on his estate in Albanum. First he sent Piso his son-in-law to beg his help but then went up himself as well. (3) When Pompey

learnt of this, he could

not endure

to come

into his

sight, for a dreadful sense of shame possessed him in relation to the man who on his behalf had undertaken many great struggles and who had adopted many policies as a favour to him,

but, since Caesar,

whose

son-in-law he was,

begged

him

to do so, he betrayed the favours of old and ran away from the meeting, leaving secretly by another door. (4) Thus betrayed by him and utterly isolated, Cicero fled for refuge to the consuls. Gabinius was always harsh but Piso talked with him more mildly, advising him to stand aside and give way to

the onslaught of Clodius and to bear the change of the times, and again to become saviour of his country, which because of him was in the throes of civil disturbances and evils. (5) After getting such a response Cicero deliberated with his friends, and Lucullus told him to stay, saying that he would emerge the victor,

but

others

told

him

to

flee,

saying

that

the

people

would soon yearn for him when they had had their fill of the madness and folly of Clodius. (6) The latter course seemed right to Cicero. He carried the statue of Athene, which he had had standing in his house for a long time and which he especially honoured, to the Capitol and dedicated it with the inscription: 'To Athene, guardian of Rome'. Then, taking escorts from among his friends, he left the city secretly about midnight,

and

went

through

Lucania

on

foot,

intending

to

reach Sicily. 32.

(1) When

it was clear that he had

already fled,

Clodius

brought a vote of exile against him and published an edict to bar the man from fire and water and not to provide him shelter within 500 miles of Italy.

(2) Everyone else, then, out

of shame for Cicero's plight took not the least account of this edict and escorted him on his way, showing him every mark of friendship. But in Hipponium, a city of Lucania which they

112] * Οὐιβῶνα νῦν καλοῦσιν, Οὐίβιος Σίκκας, ἀνὴρ ἄλλα τε σολλὰ τῆς Κικέρωνος φιλίας ἀπολελαυκώς, καὶ γεγονὼς ὑπατεύοντος αὐτοῦ τεκτόνων ἔπαῤχος, οἰκίᾳ μὲν odx ἐδέξατο, [τὸ] χωρίον δὲ καταγράψειν ἐπηγγέλλετο, καὶ Γάιος

Οὐεργίλιος ὃ τῆς Σικελίας στρατηγός, ἀνὴρ ἐν τοῖς μάλι-

στα Κικέρωνι κεχρημένος, ἔγραψεν ἀπέχεσϑαι τῆς ΖικεMas. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἀϑυμήσας ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ Βρεντέσιον, κἀκεῖϑεν 3 εἷς Δυρράχιον ἀνέμῳ φορῷ περαιούμενος, ἀντιπνεύσαντος σελαγίου we? ἡμέραν ἐπαλινδρόμησεν, εἶτ᾽ αὖϑις ἀνήχϑη. λέγεται δὲ καὶ καταπλεύσαντος εἰς Δυρράχιον αὐτοῦ καὶ 4

μέλλοντος ἀποβαίνειν, σεισμόν τε τῆς γῆς καὶ σπασμὸν ἅμα γενέσϑαι τῆς ϑαλάσσης. ἀφ᾽ ὧν συνέβαλον οἱ μαντικοὶ μὴ μόνιμον αὐτῷ τὴν φυγὴν ἔσεσϑαι" μεταβολῆς γὰρ εἶναι ταῦτα σημεῖα. πολλῶν δὲ φοιτώντων ἀνδρῶν ὑπ᾽ εὐνοίας5

καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων διαμιλλωμένων ἀεὶ ταῖς πρεσβείαις πρὸς αὐτόν, ὅμως ἀϑυμῶν καὶ περίλυπος διῆγε τὰ πολλά, πρὸς τὴν Ἰταλίαν ὥσπερ οἱ δυσέρωτες ἀφορῶν, καὶ τῷ φρονήματι μικρὸς ἄγαν καὶ ταπεινὸς ὑπὸ τῆς συμφορᾶς γεγονὼς καὶ συνεσταλμένος, ὡς οὐκ ἄν τις ἄνδρα παιδείᾳ συμβεβιωκότα τοσαύτῃ προσεδόκησε. καίτοι πολ-6 λάκις αὐτὸς ἠξίου τοὺς φίλους μὴ δήτορα καλεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ φιλόσοφον " φιλοσοφίαν γὰρ ὡς ἔργον ἡρῆσϑαι, δητορικῇ δ᾽ ὀργάνῳ γρῆσθϑαι πολιτευόμενος ἐπὶ τὰς χρείας. ἀλλ᾽ ἡ δόξα δεινὴ τὸν λόγον ὥσπερ βαφὴν ἀποκλύσαι τὴς ψυχῆς καὶ τὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἐνομόρξασθϑαι πάϑη δι ὁμιλίαν καὶ συνήϑειαν τοῖς πολιτευομένοις, ἂν μή τις εὖ μάλα

φυλαττόμενος οὕτω συμφέρηται τοῖς ἐκτός, ὡς τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῶν, οὐ τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασι παϑῶν συμμεϑέξων. 33.

Ὁ δὲ Κλώδιος ἐξελάσας αὐτὸν κατέπρησε μὲν av-

τοῦ τὰς ἐπαύλεις, κατέπρησε δὲ τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ τῷ τόπῳ

γαὸν Ἐλευϑερίας ἐπῳκοδόμῃσε, τὴν δ᾽ ἄλλην οὐσίαν ἐπώλει καὶ διεκήρυττε xa? ἡμέραν, μηδὲν ὠνουμένου μηδενός. *32.2

instead.

Οὐίβιος

Σίχχας,

ἀνὴρ:

read

Οὐΐβιος

Σιχελὸς

ἀνὴρ

[113 now

call

Vibo,

Vibius,

a

Sicilian

who

had

enjoyed

many

benefits from Cicero's friendship, especially when he was made

prefect of engineers during his consulship, did not receive him at home, but promised to assign him Gaius Vergilius, the praetor of Sicily,

a country place, and a man who had been

particularly friendly with Cicero, wrote to tell him to keep away from Sicily. (3) Losing heart at this he set out for Brundisium, and crossing from there to Dyrrachium with a favourable wind, he turned back the next day when a sea wind blew in the opposite direction, and then set sail again. (4) It is said also that when he sailed into Dyrrachium and was about to disembark, there was an earthquake and at the same time a convulsion of the sea, from which the soothsayers concluded that his exile would not be a lasting one, for these were signs

of change. (5) But although out of goodwill many men visited him and in their embassies to him the Greek cities continually rivalled one another, nevertheless for the most part he remained disheartened and deeply grieved, gazing - as unhappy lovers do — towards Italy and having become under his misfortune far too small and low in his spirit and diminished in stature, as one would not have expected of a man who had lived his life in the company of such great culture. (6) Yet he himself often required his friends not to call

him

an

philosophy political

orator

that

he

activities

but

had he

necessary

ends.

(7)

ability

wash

reason

to

a philosopher;

chosen used

But

as his

oratory

public

out

for

he

said

life-work merely

as

estimation

has

of the

soul,

like

that

and a

it was

in his tool

to

a dreadful

a dye,

and

by

association and familiarity to smear the passions of the many

on to those who engage in political life, if one is not very well on one's guard

and

does

not so comport

oneself

towards

the

alien masses as one who intends to participate with them only in public affairs, not in the passions over the public affairs. 33. (1) Having driven him out, Clodius burned down his villas and burned down his house and built a temple of Liberty on

the

site;

the

rest of his property

he offered

for

sale

proclaimed for auction daily, since nobody bought anything.

and

114] ἐκ δὲ τούτου φοβερὸς ὧν τοῖς ἀριστοκρατικοῖς καὶ τὸν a δῆμον ἀνειμένον εἰς ὕβριν πολλὴν καὶ θρασύτητα ovveφελκόμενος, ἐπεχείρει IT ομπηίῳ, τῶν διῳκημένων αὐτῷ

κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν ἔνια σπαράττων. ἐφ᾽ οἷς 6 Πομπήιος s ἀδοξῶν, éxdxilev αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν προέμενος τὸν Κικέρωνα,

καὶ πάλιν éx μεταβολῆς παντοῖος ἐγένετο, πράττων κάϑοὅον αὐτῷ μετὰ τῶν φίλων. ἐνισταμένου δὲ τοῦ Κλωδίου, συνέδοξε τῇ βουλῇ μηδὲν διὰ μέσου πρᾶγμα κυροῦν μηδὲ σράττειν δημόσιον, ei μὴ Κικέρωνι κάϑοδος γένοιτο. τῶν 4 δὲ περὶ Λέντλον ὑπατευόντων καὶ τῆς στάσεως πρόσω βαδιζούσης, ὥστε τρωϑῆναι μὲν ἐν ἀγορᾷ δημάρχους, Κόιντον δὲ τὸν Κικέρωνος ἀδελφὸν ἐν τοῖς νεκροῖς ὡς

τεϑνηκότα κείμενον διαλαϑεῖν, 5 τε δῆμος ἤρχετο τρέπε-

σϑαι τῇ γνώμῃ, καὶ τῶν δημάρχων Ἄννιος MíAo» πρῶτος ἐτόλμησε τὸν Κλώδιον εἰς δίκην ὑπάγειν βιαίων, καὶ Iogznio πολλοὶ συνῆλθον ἔκ τε τοῦ δήμου καὶ τῶν πέριξ

πόλεων. ud’ ὧν προελθὼν καὶ τὸν Κλώδιον ἀναστείλας 5 ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς, ἐπὶ τὴν ψῆφον ἐκάλει τοὺς πολίτας, καὶ λέγεται μηδέποτε μηδὲν ἐκ τοσαύτης ὁμοφροσύνης ἔπιψηφίσασθαι τὸν δῆμον. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἁμιλλωμένη πρὸς 8 τὸν δῆμον ἔγραψεν ἐπαινεϑῆναι τὰς πόλεις, ὅσαι τὸν Kixé-

po»a παρὰ τὴν φυγὴν ἐθεράπευσαν, καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις, ἃς Κλώδιος διεφϑάρκει, τέλεσι δημοσίοις ἀνασταϑῆραι. Κατήει δὲ Καὶκέρων ἑκκαιδεκάτῳ μηνὶ μετὰ τὴν φυγήν, ? καὶ τοσαύτη τὰς πόλεις χαρὰ καὶ σπουδὴ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους

περὶ τὴν ἀπάντησιν εἶχεν, ὥστε τὸ ῥηϑὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ Kixéouwog ὕστερον ἐνδεέστερον εἶναι τῆς ἀληϑείας. ἔφη γὰρ 8 (sen. grat. 15,39) αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὥμων τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν

φέρουσαν εἷς τὴν “Ρώμην εἰσενεγκεῖν. ὅπου καὶ Κράσσος, ἐχϑρὸς ὧν αὐτῷ πρὸ τῆς φυγῆς, τότε προϑύμως ἀπήντα καὶ διελύετο, τῷ παιδὶ Ποπλίῳ χαριζόμενος we ἔλξγε, ζηλωτῇ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ὄντι. 34. Χρόνον δ᾽ οὐ πολὺν διαλιπὼν καὶ παραφυλάξας

ἀποδημοῦντα τὸν Κλώδιον, ἐπῆλθε μετὰ πολλῶν τῷ Καπι-

[115 (2) As a result of this he became an object of fear to the aristocrats and, having unleashed the people into much violence and insolence, he dragged them along with him and

began

to attack

Pompey,

tearing to pieces

some

of the.

administrative arrangements made by him during his campaign. (3) Losing repute because of this, Pompey blamed himself for having betrayed Cicero and, again changing his position, tried everything in the efforts he made with his friends to negotiate

Cicero's return. decided

to

Despite Clodius' opposition, the senate also

authorise

no

measure

negotiate any public business,

in

the

meantime

unless Cicero

nor

to

got his return

from exile. (4) When Lentulus was consul and the civil strife reached the point that tribunes in the forum were wounded and Quintus, Cicero's brother, lay unnoticed for dead among the corpses, the people began to change their mind, Annius Milo, one of the tribunes,

was the first to dare to bring Clodius to

trial for acts of violence, and many, both from the people and from the surrounding cities, came to join Pompey.

(5) With

these he came forward, dislodged Clodius from the forum,

and

called the citizens to the vote. It is said that the people never voted for anything with such unanimity. (6) Rivalling the people, the senate proposed that all the cities which had taken care of Cicero during his exile should be commended and that his house

and villas,

which

Clodius had

destroyed,

should

be

restored at public expense. (7) Cicero returned in the 16th month after his exile and such joy possessed the cities, and such

eagerness

the

inhabitants,

about

meeting him

that

what

was said afterwards by Cicero fell short of the truth: (8) Italy had borne him into Rome, he said, carrying him upon her

shoulders. exile,

met

There even Crassus, who was his enemy before the him

enthusiastically

on

that

occasion

reconciled with him, doing a favour, as he said, Publius, who was a zealous follower of Cicero.

and

was

to his son

34. (1) Letting only a short time elapse and watching for Clodius' absence from the city, he went with a crowd to the

116] τωλίῳ, xai τὰς δημαρχικὰς δέλτους, ἐν alg ἀναγραφαὶ τῶν

διῳκημένων ἧσαν, ἀπέσπασε καὶ διέφϑειρεν. ἐγκαλοῦντος 2

δὲ περὶ τούτων τοῦ Κλωδίου, τοῦ δὲ Κικέρωνος λέγοντος

ὧς παρανόμως ἐκ πατρικίων εἰς δημαρχίαν παρέλϑοι, καὶ κύριον οὐδὲν εἴη τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, Κάτων ἠγανάκτησε καὶ ἀντεῖπε, τὸν μὲν Κλώδιον οὐκ ἐπαινῶν,

ἀλλὰ καὶ δυσχεραίνων τοῖς πεπολιτευμέγοις, δεινὸν δὲ καὶ βίαιον ἀποφαίνων ἀναίρεσιν ψηφίσασϑαι δογμάτων καὶ πράξεων τοσούτων τὴν σύγκλητον, ἐν αἷς εἶναι καὶ τὴν

ἑαυτοῦ τῶν περὶ Κύπρον καὶ Βυζάντιον διοίκησιν. ἐκ τού-3 του προσέκρουσεν ὁ Κικέρων αὐτῷ πρόσκρουσιν εἰς οὐδὲν ἐμφανὲς προελϑοῦσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὥστε τῇ φιλοφροσύνῃ χρῆσθϑαι σερὸς ἀλλήλους ἀμαυρότερον.

35. Μετὰ ταῦτα Κλώδιον μὲν ἀποκτίννυσι Μίλων, καὶ διωκόμενος φόνου Κικέρωνα παρεστήσατο συνήγορον. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ φοβηϑεῖσα, μὴ κινδυνεύοντος ἀνδρὸς ἐνδόξου καὶ ϑυμοειδοῦς τοῦ MíAovog ταραχὴ γένηται περὶ τὴν δίκην, ἐπέτρεψε Πομπηΐῳ ταύτην τε καὶ τὰς ἄλλας κρίσεις βραβεῦσαι, παρέχοντα τῇ πόλει καὶ τοῖς δικαστηρίοις ἀσφάλειαν. ἐκείνου δὲ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἔτι νυκτὸς ἀπὸ τῶν 2 ἄκρων στρατιώταις ἐμπεριλαβόντος, 6 Μίλων τὸν Κικέρωva, δείσας μὴ πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἀηϑείᾳ διαταραχϑεὶς χεῖρον ἀγωνίσηται, συνέπεισεν ἐν φορείῳ κομισθέντα πρὸς τὴν

ἀγορὰν ἡσυχάζειν, ἄχρι οὗ συνίασιν of κριταὶ καὶ πλη-

οοῦται τὸ δικαστήριον. ὃ δ᾽ οὐ μόνον ἦν ὡς ἔοικεν ἐν ὅπλοις s ἀϑαρσής, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ λέγειν μετὰ φόβου προσήει, καὶ μόλις ἂν ἐπαύσατο παλλόμενος καὶ τρέμων ἐπὶ πολλῶν

ἀγώνων ἀκμὴν τοῦ λόγου καὶ κατάστασιν λαβόντος. Λικι- 4 γίῳ δὲ Μουρήνᾳ φεύγοντι δίκην ὑπὸ Κάτωνος βοηϑῶν, καὶ

φιλοτιμούμενος “Ορτήσιον ὑπερβαλεῖν εὐημερήσαντα, μέρος οὐδὲν ἀνεπαύσατο τῆς νυκτός, ὥσϑ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ σφόδρα φροντίσαι καὶ διαγρυπνῆσαι κακωϑεὶς ἐνδεέστερος αὑτοῦ ίλωνος δίκην ἐκ τοῦ ὅ φανῆναι. τότε δ᾽ οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ

φορείου προελϑών, καὶ ϑεασάμενος τὸν Πομπήιον ἄνω

καϑεζόμενον ὥσπερ ἐν στρατοπέδῳ καὶ κύκλῳ τὰ ὅπλα

[117 Capitol and tore away and destroyed the tribunician tablets, on which were records of the administrative measures. (2) When Clodius accused him over this and Cicero said that he had

crossed over into the tribunate from the ranks of the patricians

illegally and none of his acts had any authority, Cato was indignant

and

spoke

against

him.

He

did

not

approve

of

Clodius -- on the contrary he was highly displeased with his policies, but he maintained that it was a strange and violent measure for the senate to vote the overturning of so many decrees

and

administrative

acts,

among

arrangements

which

for

the

were

people

also

his

own

of Cyprus

and

Byzantium. (3) As a result of this Cicero clashed with him in a clash which came to no visible rift, but whose consequence was that the friendly relations they had with each other were somewhat dimmed. 35. (1) After this Milo killed Clodius and when he was prosecuted for murder he produced Cicero as defence counsel.

But

the

repute

senate

was

afraid

and spirit, was

that while

in danger,

the trial and entrusted to Pompey

Milo,

a man

of high

there might

be trouble over

the power

to preside over

both this and the other trials, thus providing security to the city and the courts. (2) Pompey surrounded the forum with

soldiers stationed on the heights while it was still night and Milo, fearing that Cicero might be greatly disturbed at this unaccustomed sight and fight the case less well, persuaded him to be carried to the forum in a litter and to wait quietly until the jurors assembled and the court was full. (3) But Cicero was,

it appears,

not

arms but approached

in many

trials

he

only

without

confidence

in the

midst

with fear even the task of speaking,

would

hardly

have

ceased

shaking

of

and

and

trembling when his eloquence had reached a pitch and settled stete. (4) When he was defending Licinius Murena, who was facing a charge brought by Cato, and was ambitious to outdo Hortensius, who

had scored a success, he rested for no part of

the night, so that he was weakened by his excessive worrying and complete lack of sleep and appeared to fall short of his usual self.

(5) On

this occasion, then, when

he came

forward

out of the litter to Milo's trial and saw Pompey stationed above as if in a camp, and the weapons shining round the

118] περιλάμποντα τὴν ἀγοράν, συνεχύϑη καὶ μόλις ἐνήρξατο τοῦ λόγου, κραδαινόμενος τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὴν φωνὴν ἐπεχόμενος, αὐτοῦ τοῦ MiAwvos εὐθαρσῶς καὶ ἀδεῶς παρι-

σταμένου τῷ ἀγῶνι καὶ κόμην ϑρέψαι καὶ μεταβαλεῖν ἐσθῆτα φαιὰν ἀπαξιώσαντος- ὅπερ ody ἥκιστα δοκεῖ συναίτιον αὐτῷ γενέσϑαι τῆς καταδίκης ἀλλ᾽ ὅ ye Κικέρων διὰ ταῦτα φιλέταιρος μᾶλλον ἢ δειλὸς ἔδοξεν εἶναι. 36. Γίνεται δὲ καὶ τῶν ἱερέων, οὖς αὔγουρας “Ρωμαῖοι

καλοῦσιν, ἀντὶ Κράσσου τοῦ νέου μετὰ τὴν ἐν Πάρϑοις αὐτοῦ τελευτήν. εἶτα κλήρῳ λαχὼν τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν Κιλικίαν καὶ στρατὸν ὁπλιτῶν μυρίων καὶ δισχιλίων, ἱππέων δὲ χιλίων καὶ ἑξακοσίων, ἔπλευσε, προσταχϑὲν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ περὶ Καππαδοκίαν Ἀριοβαρζάνῃ τῷ βασιλεῖ φίλα καὶ πειθήνια παρασχεῖν. ταῦτα τε δὴ παρεστήσατο καὶ συνήρ- s μοσεν ἀμέμπτως ἄνευ πολέμου, τούς τε Κίλικας ὁρῶν

πρὸς τὸ Παρϑικὸν πταῖσμα “Ρωμαίων καὶ τὸν ἐν Συρίᾳ νεωτερισμὸν ἐπηρμένους, κατεπράυνεν ἡμέρως ἄρχων. καὶ 3 δῶρα μὲν οὐδὲ τῶν βασιλέων διδόντων ἔλαβε, δείπνων δὲ τοὺς ἐπαρχικοὺς ἀνῆκεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς χαρίεντας ἀνελάμBave xaÜ' ἡμέραν ἑστιάσεσιν, οὐ πολυτελῶς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλευϑερίως. ἡ δ᾽ οἰκία ϑυρωρὸν οὐκ εἶχεν, οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς ὥφϑη “4 κατακείμενος ὑπ᾽ οὐδενός, ἀλλ᾽ ἕωϑεν ἑστὼς ἢ περιπατῶν πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου τοὺς ἀσπαζομένους ἐδεξιοῦτο.

λέγεται δὲ μήτε ῥάβδοις αἰκίσασϑαί τινα, μήτ᾽ ἐσθῆτα 5

περισχίσαι, μήτε βλασφημίαν ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ἢ ζημίαν προσ-

βαλεῖν pe? ὕβρεως. ἀνευρὼν δὲ πάμπολλα τῶν δημοσίων

κεκλεμμένα, τάς te πόλδις εὐπόρους ἐποίησε, καὶ τοὺς ἀποτίνοντας οὐδὲν τούτου πλέον παϑόντας ἐπιτίμους die φύλαξεν. ἥψατο δὲ καὶ πολέμου, λῃστὰς τῶν περὶ τὸν Apa- 5

vor οἰκούντων τρεψάμενος, ἐφ᾽ d καὶ αὐτοκράτωρ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀνηγορεύθη. Καιλίου δὲ τοῦ ῥήτορος δεομένου παρδάλεις αὐτῷ πρός τινα ϑέαν elc Ρώμην ἐκ Κιλικίας ἀποστεῖλαι, καλλωπιζόμενος ἐπὶ τοῖς πεπραγμένοις γράφει πρὸς

αὐτὸν (fam.2,11,2) οὐκ εἶναι παρδάλεις ἐγ

Κιλικίᾳ᾽ πεφευγέναι γὰρ εἰς Καρίαν ἀγανακτούσας ὅτι μόναι πολεμοῦνται, πάντων εἰρήνην ἐχόντων.

[119 forum in a circle, he was utterly confused and hardly began his speech — his body shook and his voice choked, while Milo himself attended the trial confidently and fearlessly and had judged it beneath his dignity to let his hair grow and change into dark clothing. This indeed seems to have been not the least cause of his condemnation. Cicero, however, because of these events was thought loyal to his friends rather than a coward. 36. (1) He also became one of the priests whom the Romans call augurs in place of the young Crassus after his death among the Parthians. Then he obtained by lot the province of

Cilicia and an army of 12,000 infantry and 1600 cavalry and set sail under orders to make the parts round Cappadocia as well friendly and obedient to Ariobarzanes the king. (2) These parts indeed he did bring over and unite in an irreproachable manner without war, and seeing that the Cilicians were elated at the Romans' reverse in Parthia and the revolt in Syria, he calmed them down by civilised government. (3) Not even when the kings offered them did he take gifts, he released the provincials from providing banquets, and he himself daily received cultivated men at dinner parties, not extravagantly but liberally. (4) His house did not have a doorkeeper nor was he himself seen by anyone lying in bed: he would welcome those who came to greet him standing or walking in front of his bedroom from dawn. (5) He is said not to have had anyone beaten with rods, nor to have had anyone's clothing torn off, nor to have inflicted abuse through anger nor punishment

sums

with

of public

prosperous

violence.

money

When

had been

and those who

he

stolen,

discovered

he made

repaid the money

that

large

the cities

he maintained

in

their civic rights having suffered no further penalty. (6) He also undertook a war, routing the bandits who lived round Amanus, for which he was actually proclaimed Imperator by his soldiers. When Caelius the orator begged him to send panthers from Cilicia to Rome for some show, pluming himself

over his achievements he wrote to hím to say that there were no panthers in Cilicia: they had fled into Caria, indignant that they alone were being warred upon, while everybody else was at peace.

120] Πλέων δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπαρχίας τοῦτο μὲν “Βόδῳ προσέσχε, 7

τοῦτο & ᾿Αϑήναις ἐνδιέτριψεν, ἄσμενος πόϑῳ τῶν πάλαι

διατριβῶν. ἀνδράσι δὲ τοῖς πρώτοις ἀπὸ παιδείας συγ* γενόμενος, καὶ τούς [τό]τε φίλους καὶ συνήϑεις ἀσπασάμενος,

καὶ τὰ πρέποντα ϑαυμασϑεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος,

εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐπανῆλθεν, ἤδη τῶν πραγμάτων ὥσπερ ὑπὸ εφλεγμογνῆς διισταμένων ἐπὶ τὸν ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον. 47. Ἐν μὲν οὖν τῇ βουλῇ ψηφιζομένων αὐτῷ ϑρίαμβον, ἥδιον ἂν ἔφη παρακολουϑῆσαι Καίσαρι ϑριαμβεύοντι συμβάσεων γενομένων" ἰδίᾳ δὲ συνεβούλευε πολλὰ μὲν

Καίσαρι γράφων, πολλὰ δ᾽ αὖ τοῦ Πομπηίου δεόμενος, πραὔνων ἑκάτερον καὶ παραμυϑούμενος.

ὡς δ᾽ ἦν ἀνή- :

xeota, καὶ Καίσαρος ἐπερχομένου Πομπήιος οὐκ ἔμεινεν, ἀλλὰ μετὰ πολλῶν καὶ ἀγαϑῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν πόλιν ἐξέλισεξ, ταύτης μὲν ἀπελείφϑη τῆς φυγῆς ὁ Κικέρων, ἔδοξε δὲ Καίcage προστίϑεσθϑαι, καὶ δῆλός ἐστι τῇ γνώμῃ πολλὰ ῥισ-

τασϑεὶς ἐπ᾿ ἀμφότερα καὶ διστάσας. γράφει γὰρ ἐν ταῖς s ἐπιστολαῖς (Att. 8,7, 2) διαπορεῖν, ποτέρωσε χρὴ τραπέσθαι, Πομπηίου μὲν ἔνδοξον καὶ καλὴν ὑπόϑεσιν πρὸς τὸ πολε-

μεῖν ἔχοντος, Καίσαρος δ᾽ ἄμεινον τοῖς πράγμασι χρωμένου καὶ μᾶλλον ἑαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς φίλους σῴζοντος, dot ἔχειν μὲν ὃν φύγῃ, μὴ ἔχειν δὲ πρὸς ὃν φύγῃ. Τρεβατίου 4 δέ τινος τῶν Καίσαρος ἑταίρων γράψαντος ἐπιστολήν, ὅτι

Καῖσαρ οἴεται δεῖν μάλιστα μὲν αὐτὸν ἐξετάζεσθαι ue? αὑτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἐλπίδων μετέχειν, εἰ δ᾽ ἀναδύεται διὰ γῆρας, eis τὴν Ἑλλάδα Badilew κἀκεῖ καϑήμενον ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, ἐκποδὼν ἀμφοτέροις γενόμενον, ϑαυμάσας

ὁ Κικέρων

ὅτι Καῖσαρ

vato

ὀργὴν

πρὸς

αὐτὸς

οὐκ ἔγραψεν,

ὡς οὐδὲν ἀνάξιον πράξει

ἀπεκρίτῶν πεπο-

λιτευμένων. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς γεγραμμένα τοιαῦτ᾽ ἐστι.

*36.7 τοὺς t£ φίλους;

*36.7 διισταμένων:

read τοὺς τότε φίλους instead.

read ἀφισταμένων instead.

[12: (7T) Sailing back from his province, he first put in at Rhodes and then stayed some time in Athens, which he was glad to do through yearning for his old pastimes. After associating with the foremost men of culture and greeting his friends and

companions

of

appropriate

marks

the

past of

and

receiving

admiration,

he

from

returned

Greece to

the

the city,

where the situation was already breaking out into the civil war,

as if under a violent inflammation.

37.

(1) When,

then, they were voting him a triumph in the

senate, he said that he would have been happier to follow along in Caesar's triumph if an agreement had been reached. He gave advice in private, writing many letters to Caesar and making many entreaties of Pompey in person, calming and consoling each. (2) But when things were past cure and Caesar

advanced

and

Pompey

did

not

stay

but

left

the

city

with many good men, Cicero left himself out of this flight and was thought to be attaching himself to Caesar, and he is clearly much tossed in both directions and torn two ways in his

resolution.

(3) He writes in his letters that he was completely

at a loss which way to turn, since Pompey had glorious and noble grounds for going to war, but Caesar managed things better and was more able to save himself and his friends, so that he had someone to flee from, but did not have anyone to flee to. (4) But when Trebatius, one of Caesar's friends, wrote a letter to say that Caesar thought that he certainly ought to enrol himself with him and share his hopes, but if he backed out through old age, he ought to go to Greece, settle there and live a quiet life, getting out of the way of both

parties,

Cicero

was

astonished

that

Caesar

had

not

written

himself and angrily replied that he would do nothing unworthy of his past policies.

in his letters.

Such, then, are the things that are written

122] 48. Τοῦ δὲ Καίσαρος eis Ἰβηρίαν ánápavtoc, εὐϑὺς πρὸς Πομπήιον ἔπλευσε, καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἀσμένοις

ὥφϑη, Κάτων δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἰδίᾳ πολλὰ κατεμέμψατο Πομπηίῳ προσϑέμενον" αὑτῷ μὲν γὰρ οὐχὶ καλῶς ἔχειν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν ἣν ax’? ἀρχῆς ellero τῆς πολιτείας τάξιν, ἐκεῖνον δὲ χρησιμώτερον ὄντα τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τοῖς φίλοις, εἰ μένων ἴσος ἐκεῖ πρὸς τὸ ἀποβαῖνον ἡρμόζετο, κατ᾽ ob-

δένα λογισμὸν οὐδ᾽ ἐξ ἀνάγκης πολέμιον γεγονέναι Kalσαρι καὶ τοσούτου μεϑέξοντα κινδύνου δεῦρ᾽ ἥκειν. odtol2 te δὴ τοῦ Καὶ ἱκέρωνος ἀνέστρεφον οἱ λόγοι τὴν γνώμην, καὶ

τὸ μέγα μηδὲν αὐτῷ χρῆσϑαι Πομπήιον. αἴτιος δ᾽ ἦν a9τός, οὐκ ἀρνούμενος μεταμέλεσθαι, φλαυρίζ. av δὲ τοῦ Πομπηίου τὴν παρασκευήν, καὶ πρὸς τὰ βουλεύματα δυσχεραίνων ὑπούλως, καὶ τοῦ παρασκώπτειν τι καὶ λέγειν

del χαρίεν εἷς τοὺς συμμάχους οὖκ ἀπεχόμενος, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς μὲν ἀγέλαστος ἀεὶ περιιὼν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ σκυϑρω-

πός, ἑτέροις δὲ παρέχων γέλωτα μηδὲν δεομένοις. βέλτιον 3 δὲ καὶ τούτων ὀλίγα παραϑέσϑαι. Δομιτίου τοίνυν ἄνϑρωπον εἰς τάξιν ἡγεμονικὴν ἄγοντος οὐ πολεμικόν, καὶ λέγονtog ὡς ἐπιεικὴς τὸν τρόπον ἐστὶ καὶ σώφρων, ,,τί oov" εἶπεν ,,00x ἐπίτροπον αὐτὸν τοῖς téxvotg φυλάσσεις ;΄

ἐπαινούντων δέ τινων Θεοφάνην τὸν Λέσβιον, ὃς ἦν ἐν τῷ 4 στρατοπέδῳ τεκτόνων ἔπαρχος, ὡς εὖ παραμυϑήσαιτο Ῥοδίους τὸν στόλον ἀποβαλόντας, ἡλίκον" clney ,,dya-

ϑόν ἐστι Γραικὸν ἔχειν Enapyov“.. Καίσαρος δὲ κατορ- 5 ϑοῦντος τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τρόπον τινὰ πολιορκοῦντος. αὐτούς, Λέντλῳ μὲν εἰπόντι πυνϑάνεσϑαι στυγνοὺς

εἶναι τοὺς Καίσαρος φίλους ἀπεκρίνατο ,,λέγεις αὐτοὺς * δυσνοεῖν Καίσαρι'". T Moolxxov δέ τινος ἥκοντος ἐξ IvaAMac e γεωστὶ καὶ λέγοντος ἕν Ῥώμῃ φήμην ἐπικρατεῖν, ὡς πολιορκοῖτο Πομπήιος, εἶτ᾽ ἐξέπλευσας᾽ εἶπεν,

ἵνα τοῦτο

πιστεύσῃς αὐτὸς ϑεασάμενος:" μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἧτταν Νωνίου 1 μὲν εἰπόντος ὅτι δεῖ χρηστὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχειν, ἑπτὰ γὰρ ἀετοὺς ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τοῦ Πομπηίου λελεῖφϑαι, ,,»κα p

*38.6 Moptxxou:

read Mapxíov instead.

[123 38. (1) When Caesar departed for Spain, he sailed to Pompey at once. The others were glad to see him, but Cato privately

blamed him greatly for having attached himself to Pompey. He said that for himself it would not have been right to desert

the political position which he had chosen from the beginning but that Cicero would have been more useful to his country and friends if he had remained neutral in Italy and adapted himself to the outcome, and had become an enemy of Caesar's and come to Greece to participate in such great danger for no rational reason nor out of necessity. (2) These observations

indeed upset Cicero's resolution, as did the fact that Pompey made

no great use of him.

himself,

But he was to blame

for this

since he did not deny that he regretted his decision,

belittled Pompey's preparations, showed a festering displeasure towards

his

plans,

and

did

not

hold

back

from

joking

interventions and continual witty remarks against his comrades-in-arms: on the contrary, while he himself always went around in the camp without laughing and looking severe,

he gave others food for laughter even against their wishes.

(3)

It is appropriate to cite a few of these remarks also. When, then, Domitius was advancing to a position of command a man without experience of war and said that he had a moderate and temperate character, Cicero said: "Why, then, don't you keep him as a guardian for your children?’ (4) When some were praising Theophanes the Lesbian, who was prefect of engineers in the camp, for having consoled the Rhodians well when they lost their fleet, he said: 'What a great boon it is to have a Greek as prefect!! (5) When for the most part Caesar was successful and, in a way, besieging them, and Lentulus said that he learned that Caesar's friends were depressed, Cicero replied: 'Do you mean that they bear Caesar ill-will?' (6) When a certain Marcius had recently come from Italy and said that a rumour was prevalent in Rome that Pompey was being besieged, Cicero said: 'Did you sail out then to see and verify this yourself? (7) After the defeat when Nonius said that they ought to have good hopes, since seven eagles were

124] Ads dy" ἔφη ,παρήνεις, ei κολοιοῖς

éxoAeuoüuev . Λα- 8

βιηνοῦ δὲ μαντείαις τισὶν ἰσχυριζομένου καὶ λέγοντος, ὡς δεῖ περιγενέσθαι Πομπήιον, οὐκοῦν" ἔφη ,,Ἑστρατηγήματι τούτῳ χρώμενοι νῦν ἀποβεβλήκαμεν τὸ στρατόπεdor“. 39. Ἀλλὰ γὰρ γενομένης τῆς κατὰ Φάρσαλον μάχης,

ἧς οὐ μετέσχε δ ἀρρωστίαν, καὶ Πομπηίου φυγόντος, 6 μὲν Κάτων καὶ στράτευμα συχνὸν ἐν Δυρραχίῳ καὶ στόλον ἔχων μέγαν ἐκεῖνον ἠξίου στρατηγεῖν κατὰ νόμον, ὡς τῷ τῆς ὑπατείας ἀξιώματι προὔχοντα. diwdodpevos 2 δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν 6 Κικέρων καὶ ὅλως φεύγων τὸ συστρατεύεata, παρ᾽ οὐδὲν ἦλϑεν ἀναιρεϑῆναι, Πομπηίου τοῦ νέου καὶ

τῶν

φίλων

προδότην

anoxadobytwy

καὶ

τὰ

ξίφη

σπασαμένων, εἰ μὴ Κάτων ἐνστὰς μόλις ἀφείλετο καὶ διῆκεν αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου. καταχϑεὶς δ᾽ εἰς Βρεν- 3 τέσιον ἐνταῦϑα διέτριβε, Καίσαρα περιμένων βραδύνοντα διὰ τὰς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ περὶ Αἴγυπτον ἀσχολίας. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ εἰς 4 Τάραντα καϑωρμισμένος ἀπηγγέλλετο καὶ πεζῇ παριὼν ἐκεῖϑεν εἰς Βρεντέσιον, ὥρμησε πρὸς αὐτόν, o0 πάνυ μὲν ὧν

δύσελσις,

αἰδούμενος

δὲ πολλῶν

παρόντων

ἀνδρὸς

ἐχϑροῦ καὶ κρατοῦντος λαμβάνειν πεῖραν. οὐ μὴν ἐδέησεν s αὐτῷ πρᾶξαί τι παρ᾽ ἀξίαν ἢ εἰπεῖν" 6 γὰρ Καῖσαρ ὡς

εἶδεν αὐτὸν πολὺ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπαντῶντα, κατέβη καὶ ἠσπάσατο καὶ διαλεγόμενος μόνῳ συχνῶν σταδίων ὅδὸν προῆλϑεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου διετέλει τιμῶν καὶ φιλοφρονού-

μενος, ὥστε καὶ γράψαντι λόγον ἐγκώμιον Κάτωνος ἀντι-

γράφων τόν τε λόγον αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν βίον ὡς μάλιστα τῷ

Περικλέους ἐοικότα καὶ Θηραμένους ἐπαινεῖν. 6 μὲν οὖν Κικέρωνος

λόγος Κάτων, 6 δὲ Καίσαρος Ἀντικάτων ἐπι-

γέγραπται. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Kolvrov Λιγαρίου δίκην φεύγοντος, ὅτι τῶν Καίσαρος πολεμίων εἷς ἐγεγόνει, καὶ Κικέρωνος αὐτῷ βοηϑοῦντος, εἰπεῖν τὸν Καίσαρα πρὸς τοὺς φίλους᾽",,τί κωλύει διὰ χρόνου Κικέρωνος ἀκοῦσαι

Aéyor-

τος, ἐπεὶ πάλαι γε κέκριται πονηρὸς ἄνϑρωπος καὶ πολέμιος;

ἐπεὶ

δ᾽

ἀρξάμενος λέγειν 6 Κικέρων ὑπερφυῶς

[125 left in Pompey's

camp,

Cicero

said:

'Your

advice

would

be

good if we were at war with jackdaws.' (8) When Labienus laid. strong emphasis on certain oracles and said that it was

fated that Pompey indeed,

it was

would be victorious,

because

we

used

Cicero

this stratagem

that

said:

'Yes

we

have

now

lost our camp.'

39.

(1) But after the battle of Pharsalus, in which because of

illness he did not participate, and Pompey's flight, Cato, who had both a considerable army and a large fleet at Dyrrachium, asked

him

to become

general

in accordance

with

custom,

as

being most senior because of his consular status. (2) When Cicero thrust the command aside and shunned joining in the campaign completely, he came very near to being killed, since the young Pompey and his friends called him a traitor and drew their swords, if Cato had not stood between them and with difficulty taken him away and got him through and out of the camp. (3) He put in at Brundisium and stayed there, waiting for Caesar, who was delayed because of his activities in Asia and Egypt. anchored at Tarentum Brundisium

by

land,

(4) When he was reported to have and to be coming round from there to Cicero

rushed

to

meet

him,

being

not

completely without hope, but feeling shame to test the attitude of

a man

who

was

presence of many. to

do

or

say

an

enemy,

and

a

victorious

one,

in

the

(5) But in fact there was no need for him

anything

unworthy.

When

Caesar

saw

him

coming to meet him far in advance of the others, he got down, greeted him and went forward over a distance of many

stades

conversing with him alone. After this he continued to honour him and show him friendship, so that even when Cicero wrote

an encomium of Cato and he wrote a reply, he praised both his oratory

and

life as being most

like. that of Pericles

and

Theramenes. (6) Cicero's work, then, is entitled Cato, Caesar's Anti-Cato. It is also said that when Quintus Ligarius was on trial because he had been one of Caesar's enemies, and

Cicero was defending him, Caesar said to his friends: "What is stopping us from hearing Cicero speak after all this time, since

the fellow has long ago been judged a criminal and enemy?' (7) But when Cicero began to speak and moved him

126] ἐκίνει, καὶ προὔβαινεν αὐτῷ πάϑει ve ποικίλος καὶ χάριτι ϑαυμαστὸς ὃ λόγος, πολλὰς μὲν ἱέναι χρόας ἐπὶ τοῦ προσ-

ὦπου τὸν Καίσαρα, πάσας δὲ τῆς ψυχῆς τρεπόμενον τροπὰς κατάδηλον εἶναι, τέλος δὲ τῶν κατὰ (Φάρσαλον ἁψαμένου τοῦ ῥήτορος ἀγώνων, ἐκπαϑῆ γενόμενον τιναχϑῆναι τῷ σώματι καὶ τῆς χειρὸς ἐκβαλεῖν ἔνια τῶν γραμματείων. τὸν δ᾽ οὖν ἄνϑρωπον ἀπέλυσε τῆς αἰτίας βεβια-

σμένος. 40. Ἐκ τούτου Κικέρων, εἰς μοναρχίαν τῆς πολιτείας μεϑεστώσης, ἀφέμενος τοῦ τὰ κοινὰ πράττειν ἐσχόλαζε

τοῖς βουλομένοις φιλοσοφεῖν τῶν νέων, καὶ σχεδὸν ἐκ τῆς πρὸς

τούτους

συνηϑείας,

εὐγενεστάτους

καὶ

πρώτους

ὄντας, αὖϑις ἴσχυεν ἐν τῇ πόλει μέγιστον. αὐτῷ δ᾽ ἔργον} μὲν ἦν τότε τοὺς φιλοσόφους συντελεῖν διαλόγους καὶ μεταφράζειν, καὶ τῶν διαλεκτικῶν ἢ φυσικῶν ὀνομάτων

ἕκαστον εἰς τὴν “Ῥωμαϊκὴν μεταβάλλειν διάλεκτον" éxeivoc γάρ ἔστιν ὥς φασιν ὃ καὶ τὴν φαντασίαν καὶ τὴν énoχὴν καὶ τὴν συγκατάϑεσιν καὶ τὴν κατάληψιν, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἄτομον, τὸ ἀμερές, τὸ κενὸν καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ τῶν τοιού-

to» ἐξονομάσας πρῶτος ἢ μάλιστα “Ρωμαίοις, τὰ μὲν μεταφοραῖς, τὰ δ᾽ οἰκειότησιν ἄλλαις γνώριμα καὶ προσἤγορα μηχανησάμενος.

παίζων

ἐχρῆτο"

τῇ δὲ πρὸς τὴν ποίησιν εὐκολίᾳ 8

λέγεται γάρ, ὁπηνίκα δυείῃ πρὰς τὸ

τοιοῦτον, τῆς νυκτὸς ἔπη ποιεῖν πεντακόσια.

Τὸν μὲν οὖν πλεῖστον τοῦ χρόνου τούτου περὶ Τοῦσκλον ἐν χωρίοις αὑτοῦ διάγων, ἔγραφε πρὸς τοὺς φίλους Λοέρtov βίον ζῆν, εἴτε παίζων ὡς ἔϑος εἶχεν, el^ ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας σπαργῶν πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ ἀδημονῶν τοῖς καϑεστῶσι. σπάνιον δ᾽ εἰς ἄστυ ϑεραπείας ἕνεκα τοῦ 4 Καίσαρος xatper, καὶ πρῶτος ἦν τῶν συναγορευόντων

ταῖς τιμαῖς καὶ λέγειν ἀεί τι καινὸν εἰς τὸν πραττόμενα φιλοτιμουμένων. οἷόν ἐστι καὶ Πομπηίου λεχϑὲν εἰκόνων, ἃς ἀνῃρημένας βλημένας ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκέλευσεν ἀνασταϑῆναι, ϑησαν. ἔφη γὰρ 6 Κικέρων, ὅτι ταύτῃ τῇ

ἄνδρα καὶ τὰ τὸ περὶ τῶν καὶ καταβεκαὶ ἀνεστάφιλανθρωπίᾳ 5

[127 tremendously, and the speech, as it proceeded, was both varied in emotion and wonderful in charm, Caesar let many shades of emotion show on his face and was quite clearly experiencing all the changing emotions of the soul, and finally, when the orator tackled the struggles at Pharsalus, he became completely overcome by emotion -- his body shook and he let some of his

documents fall from his hand.

At any rate he acquitted the

man of the charge under compulsion. 40. (1) After this, the state having changed into a monarchy, Cicero withdrew from public activity and devoted his time to those of the young who wanted to study philosophy, and. largely from his association with these, who were of very noble

birth and prominent, he had very great power in the city once again. (2) But at that time his main work was to compose and translate the philosophical dialogues and turn each of the

dialectical or physical terms into the Roman

dialect.

It was

he, so they say, who first or principally named for the Romans both image and suspension of judgement and assent and comprehension,

many and

and

in addition

atom,

indivisible,

other such terms, contriving to make communicable,

some

by

metaphors,

void,

and

them well-known

some

on

the

other

hand by proper terms. (3) By contrast he used his facility in writing poetry for play: he is said, whenever he was so inclined, to have composed 500 verses in a night. Most of this time, then, he spent on his country place in Tusculum and he wrote to his friends that he was living the life of Laertes, whether playfully, as was his custom, or swelling with ambition for politics and disheartened by the existing state of affairs. (4) Only rarely did he go down to the city to pay court to Caesar and he was first among those who advocated his honours and who were ambitious always to say something new about the man and about what he was doing. An example, indeed, is what he said about the statues of Pompey, which Caesar ordered to be set up again after they had been

overturned and thrown down (and they were set up again).

128] Καῖσαρ τοὺς μὲν Πομπηίου ἵστησι, yrvow ἀνδριάντας.

τοὺς δ᾽ αὑτοῦ πή-

41. Διανοούμενος δ᾽ ὡς λέγεται τὴν πάτριον ἱστορίαν

γραφῇ περιλαβεῖν, καὶ πολλὰ συμμεῖξαι τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, καὶ ὅλως τοὺς συνηγμένους λόγους αὐτῷ καὶ μύϑους ἐνταῦϑα τρέψαι, πολλοῖς μὲν δημοσίοις, πολλοῖς δὲ ἰδίοις

κατελήφϑη πράγμασιν ἀβουλήτοις καὶ πάϑεσιν, ὧν αὐϑαίθετα δοκεῖ τὰ πλεῖστα συμβῆναι. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἀπεπέμ-: vato τὴν γυναῖκα Τερεντίαν, ἀμεληϑεὶς ox αὐτῆς παρὰ

τὸν πόλεμον, ὥστε καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐφοδίων ἐνδεὴς ἀποσταλῆναι, καὶ μηδ᾽ ὅτε κατῆρεν αὖϑις εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν τυχεῖν εὐγνώμονος. αὐτὴ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἤλϑεν, ἐν Boevre-> σίῳ διατρίβοντος αὐτοῦ πολὺν χρόνον, ἐρχομένῃ δὲ τῇ

ϑυγατρί, παιδίσκῃ νέᾳ, τοσαύτην ὁδὸν οὐ πομπὴν πρέπουσαν, οὐ χορηγίαν παρέσχεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τῷ Κικέρωνι πάντων ἔρημον καὶ κενὴν ἀπέδειξεν ἐπὶ πολλοῖς

ὀφλήμασι καὶ μεγάλοις. αὗται γάρ εἶσιν ai λεγόμεναι τῆς διαστάσεως

εὐπρεπέσταται

προφάσεις.

τῇ δὲ Tepevrigi

καὶ ταύτας ἀρνουμένῃ λαμπρὰν ἐποίησε τὴν ἀπολογίαν αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος, μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον γήμας παρϑένον, ὡς μὲν ἡ Τερεντία κατεφήμιζεν, ἔρωτι τῆς ὥρας, ὡς δὲ Τί:-

ρων ὃ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀπελεύϑερος γέγραφεν (HRR II 6), δὐπαρίας ἕνεκα πρὸς διάλυσιν δανείων. ἦν γὰρ ἡ πιαῖς 5 πλουσία σφόδρα, καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν αὐτῆς 6 Κικέρων ἐν ni

στει κληρονόμος ἀπολειφϑεὶς διεφύλαττεν. ὀφείλων δὲ πολλὰς μυριάδας, ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων καὶ οἰκείων ἐπείσϑη τὴν

παῖδα γῆμαι παρ᾽ ἡλικίαν καὶ τοὺς δανειστὰς ἀπαλλάξαι τοῖς ἐκείνης χρησάμενος. Ἀντώνιος δὲ τοῦ γάμου μνη-6 σϑεὶς ἐν ταῖς πρὸς τοὺς Φιλιππικοὺς ἀντιγραφαῖς, ἐκβαλεῖν φησιν αὐτὸν γυναῖκα παρ᾽ T7» ἐγήρασε, χαριέντως ἅμα τὴν οἰκουρίαν ὡς ἀπράκτου καὶ ἀστρατεύτου παρασκώ-

πτῶν τοῦ Κικέρωνος. γήμαντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ per ob πολὺν 200" vov ἡ ϑυγάτηρ ἀπέϑανε τίκτουσα παρὰ Λέντλῳ᾽ τούτῳ. γὰρ ἐγαμήϑη μετὰ τὴν Πείσωνος τοῦ προτέρου ἀνδρὸς

τελευτήν"

καὶ συνῆλθον μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν παραμυϑίαν τῷ 5

[12° (5) Cicero said that Caesar set up Pompey's humane act but firmly fixed his own. 41.

statues by this

(1) He had it in mind, so it is said, to treat the history of

his country in a comprehensive written work, blend in with it

much of Greek history and divert to it generally the accounts and

myths

which

he had

collected,

but he was

overtaken

by

many public and many private difficulties, which he had not willed, and many disasters, most of which seem to have happened to him through his own choice. (2) First of all, he divorced

his wife Terentia,

since during the war he had

been

neglected by her, with the result that he was sent off lacking

even the necessary provisions for the journey, and not even when

he

came

disposed.

back

again

to

Italy

did

he

find

her

well

(3) She did not come herself when he was waiting

for a long

time

in Brundisium

and when

their daughter,

a

young girl, did go on such a long journey she gave her neither

an appropriate escort nor expenses: on the contrary, besides incurring many large debts she even stripped and emptied Cicero's house of everything. These are the most respectable reasons stated for the rupture. (4) But Terentia denied even these and Cicero himself made her defence a brilliant one, since he married a young virgin not a long time afterwards

through passion for her youthful beauty, as Terentia maintained publicly, but as Tiro, Cicero's freedman has written,

for the sake of resources to discharge debts.

child was very rich and Cicero, having been legatee, was maintaining her property in trust. tens

of

thousands,

he

was

persuaded

by

his

(5) The

left fiduciary Owing many friends

and

relatives to marry the child despite the age disparity and to get

free of his creditors by using her money.

(6) When

Antony

mentions the wedding in his replies to the Philippics, he says that he threw out the wife at whose side he had grown old, at the same time interspersing witty jokes about the stay-at-home behaviour of Cicero as a man incapable of public or military activity. (7) And when he had married, his daughter died not a long time afterwards in childbirth in the house of Lentulus (this was the man she had married after the death of Piso, her

former husband).

(8) The philosophers came together from all

130] Κικέρωνι πανταχόϑεν οἱ φιλόσοφοι, βαρέως δ᾽ ἄγαν ἤνεγκε τὸ συμβεβηκός, ὥστε καὶ τὴν γαμηϑεῖσαν ἀποπέμyaodaı, δόξασαν ἡσϑῆναι τῇ τελευτῇ τῆς Τυλλίας.

42, Τὰ μὲν οὖν κατ᾽ οἶκον οὕτως εἶχε τῷ Κικέρωνι. τῆς δ᾽ ἐπὶ Καίσαρα συνισταμένης πράξεως οὐ μετέσχε,

καίπερ ὧν ἑταῖρος ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Βρούτου καὶ βαρύνε-

σϑαι τὰ παρόντα καὶ τὰ πάλαι ποϑεῖν πράγματα δοκῶν ὡς ἕτερος οὐδείς. ἀλλ᾽ ἔδεισαν οἱ ἄνδρες αὐτοῦ τήν τε 2

φύσιν ὡς ἐνδεᾶ τόλμης τόν τε χρόνον, ἐν à καὶ ταῖς ἐρρωμενεστάταις φύσεσιν ἐπιλείπει τὸ ϑαρρεῖν. ὡς δ᾽ οὖν ἐπέ- s πρακτο τοῖς περὶ Βροῦτον καὶ Κάσσιον τὸ ἔργον, καὶ τῶν Καίσαρος φίλων συνισταμένων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας αὖjig ἦν δέος ἐμφυλίοις πολέμοις περισιετῆ γενέσθαι τὴν πόλιν, Ἀντώνιος μὲν ὑπατεύων τὴν βουλὴν συνήγαγε καὶ βραχέα διελέχϑη περὶ ὁμονοίας, Κικέρων δὲ πολλὰ πρὸς

τὸν καιρὸν οἰκείως διελϑών, ἔπεισε τὴν σύγκλητον ϑηγαίους μιμησαμένην. ἀμνηστίαν τῶν ἐπὶ Καίσαρι ψηφίσασϑαι, νεῖμαι δὲ τοῖς περὶ Κάσσιον καὶ Βροῦτον ἐπαρχίας. ἔσχε δὲ τούτων τέλος οὐδέν. 6 γὰρ δῆμος αὐτὸς μὲν 4 ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ πρὸς οἶκτον ἐξαχϑείς, ὡς εἶδε τὸν νεκρὸν éxκομιζόμενον δι᾽ ἀγορᾶς, Ἀντωνίου δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα δεί-

ξαντος αὐτοῖς αἵματος κατάπλεων καὶ κεκομμένην πάντῃ τοῖς ξίφεσιν, ἐκμανέντες ὑπ’ ὀργῆς ἐν ἀγορᾷ ζήτησιν ἐποιοῦντο τῶν ἀνδρῶν, καὶ πῦρ. ἔχοντες ἐπὶ τὰς olxiag

ἔϑεον ὡς ὑφάψοντες. οἱ δὲ τοῦτον μὲν τῷ προπεφυλά-5 χϑαι διέφυγον τὸν κίνδυνον, ἑτέρους. δὲ πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους προσδοκῶντες, ἐξέλιπον τὴν πόλιν.

43. Eidos οὖν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐπῆρτο, καὶ πᾶσι μὲν ἦν φοβερὸς ὡς μοναρχήσων, τῷ δὲ Κικέρωνι φοβερώτατος. 8 ἀναρρωννυμένην τε γὰρ αὐτῷ πάλιν ὁρῶν τὴν δύναμιν

ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ καὶ τοῖς περὶ Βροῦτον ἐπιτήδειον εἰδώς, ἤχϑετο

παρόντι.

καί πού τι xai προὐπῆρχεν ὑποψίας 2

αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατὰ τὴν τῶν βίων ἀνομοιότητα

καὶ διαφοράν. ταῦτα δὴ δείσας ὁ Κικέρων πρῶτον μὲν3

ὥρμησε

πρεσβευτὴς Δολοβέλλᾳ

συνεκπλεῦσαι

εἰς Σὺ-

[131 sides

to

offer

Cicero

consolation,

but

happened too hard, so that he even married because she seemed to have death. 42. (1) Such, then, were Cicero's not participate in the undertaking

he

bore

what

had

divorced the wife he had been delighted by Tullia's domestic affairs. He did that was being organised

against Caesar, although he was a particularly close friend of Brutus and was thought to find the present situation unbearable and more than anybody else to yearn for the old state of affairs. (2) But the men feared both his nature, as lacking in daring, and his age, at which confidence fails even the strongest

natures.

undertaken

by

(3) Αἱ any rate,

Brutus

and

Cassius

when

and

the deed had

their

been

associates

and

Caesar's friends were organising against the men and there was

once again fear that the city would fall headlong into civil wars, Antony as consul convened the senate and spoke briefly about concord, but Cicero, appropriately to the occasion, made a long and detailed speech and persuaded the senate to imitate the Athenians, vote an amnesty for the attack on Caesar, and allot provinces to Cassius and Brutus and their associates. But none of these measures reached fulfilment. (4)

When

the

people,

themselves

strongly

moved

to pity

of

their Own accord, saw the body being carried out through the forum,

and

Antony

showed

them

the robe

full of blood

and

everywhere cut by the swords, maddened by anger they made a search for the men

in the forum,

and ran to their houses

with

fire intending to set them alight. (5) Because they had taken precautions the men escaped this particular danger but expecting many other great ones they left the city. 43. (1) Antony, then, was at once elated, and he was feared by all as an incipient monarch but feared most of all by Cicero. Seeing that Cicero's power in the state was again regaining strength and knowing that he was friendly to Brutus and his associates, Antony found his presence burdensome. (2) No doubt also the two men already had some suspicions of each other in view of the dissimilarity and differences of their ways of life. (3) Fearing these things, then, Cicero first rushed to sail out to Syria with Dolabella as his legate, but

132] pia»: ἐπεὶ δ᾽ oi μέλλοντες ὑπατεύειν uev Ἀντώνιον, "Ipτιος καὶ ITdvaac, ἄνδρες ἀγαϑοὶ καὶ ζηλωταὶ τοῦ Κικέ-

οωνος, ἐδέοντο μὴ σφᾶς ἐγκαταλιπεῖν, ἀναδεχόμενοι καταλύσειν τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐκείνου παρόντος, ὁ δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἀπιστῶν

παντάπασιν οὔτε πιστεύων, Δολοβέλλαν μὲν εἴασε χαίoe», ὁμολογήσας δὲ τοῖς περὶ τὸν “Jotiov τὸ ϑέρος ἐν ϑήναις διάξειν, ὅταν δ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι παραλάβωσι τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀφίξεσϑαι πάλιν, αὐτὸς xaÜ' ἑαυτὸν ἐξέπλευσε. γενομέ- 4 vnc δὲ περὶ τὸν πλοῦν διατριβῆς, καὶ λόγων ἀπὸ Ρώμης οἷα φιλεῖ καινῶν προσπεσόντων, μεταβεβλῆσϑαι μὲν Avτώνιον ϑαυμαστὴν μεταβολὴν καὶ πάντα πράττειν καὶ πολιτεύεσθϑαι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, ἐνδεῖν δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου παρουσίας τὰ πράγματα μὴ τὴν ἀρίστην ἔχειν διάϑεσιν,

καταμεμψάμενος αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ τὴν πολλὴν εὐλάβειαν ἀγέἔστρεψεν αὖϑις eis Pour. καὶ τῶν πρώτων οὐ διήμαρτεν ϑ5 ἐλπίδων. τοσοῦτο πλῆϑος ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ χαρᾶς καὶ πόSov πρὸς τὴν ἀπάντησιν ἐξεχύϑη, καὶ σχεδὸν ἡμερήσιον ἀνάλωσαν χρόνον ai περὶ τὰς πύλας καὶ τὴν εἴσοδον αὐτοῦ δεξιώσεις καὶ φιλοφροσύναι. τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ βουλὴν συνα- 6 γαγόντος Ἀντωνίου καὶ καλοῦντος αὐτόν, 00x ἤλϑεν, ἀλλὰ

κατέκειτο, μαλακῶς ἔχειν ἔκ τοῦ κόπου σκηπτόμενος. ἐδόκει δὲ τὸ ἀληϑὲς ἐπιβουλῆς εἶναι φόβος ἔκ τινος ὑπο-

plas καὶ μηνύσεως xa? ὁδὸν αὐτῷ προσπεσούσης. Av- 1 τώνιος δὲ χαλεπῶς μὲν ἔσχεν ἐπὶ τῇ διαβολῇ καὶ στρατιώ-

τας ἔπεμψεν, ἄγειν αὐτὸν ἢ καταπρῆσαι τὴν οἰκίαν κελεύσας, ἐνστάντων δὲ πολλῶν καὶ δεηϑέντων, ἐνέχυρα λαβὼν μόνον ἐπαύσατο, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν οὕτως ἀντιπαρεξιόντες 8 ἀτρέμα καὶ φυλαττόμενοι διετέλουν, ἄχρι οὗ Καῖσαρ 6 νέος ἐξ Ἀπολλωνίας παραγενόμενος τόν τε κλῆρον dvE-

δέξατο τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐκείνου καὶ περὶ τῶν δισχιλίων πεντακοσίων μυριάδων, ἃς ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας κατεῖ-

χεν, εἰς διαφορὰν κατέστη πρὸς αὐτόν.

44, Ex δὲ τούτου Φίλισιπος ὁ τὴν μητέρα τοῦ νέου Καίσαρος ἔχων xai

άῤκελλος 6 τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἀφικόμενοι

*43.5 τῶν πρώτων:

read τῶν μὲν πρώτων instead.

[133 when those who were to be consuls after Antony, Hirtius and Pansa,

good men

and zealous followers of Cicero,

begged him

not to desert them, undertaking, if he remained, to bring Antony down, Cicero, neither distrusting nor trusting them altogether, let Dolabella go hang. He agreed with Hirtius and Pansa

that he would

spend

the summer

in Athens, but would

come back when they took over their office, and sailed out on his own

account.

(4) But

since there

was a delay

about

the

voyage and, as often happens, strange news came from Rome — to the effect that Antony

had

undergone

a wonderful

change

and was doing everything, and directing all his policies, in the interests of the senate, and that the situation lacked only his presence to have the best possible arrangement, he himself blamed his own great caution and turned back again to Rome. (5) He did not fall short of his first hopes, so great a crowd of

people poured out to meet him through joy and yearning, and the greetings and friendly salutations at the gates and at the entrance to his house used up almost a day's time.

the

following

called him,

day,

when

Antony

he did not come

convened

but lay in bed,

(6) But on

the senate

and

alleging that he

was weak from fatigue. The truth, however, seemed to be fear of a plot, arising from some suspicion and information

that had come to him on the road.

(7) Antony was angry at

the accusation and sent soldiers, ordering them to bring him or burn down his house, but when many stood in the way and entreated him, he desisted, only taking securities, and (8) for the rest of the time they continued quietly in this fashion to avoid direct conflict and be on guard against each other, until the

young

inheritance

Caesar

arrived

from

of the great Caesar

Apollonia,

accepted

the

and got into a dispute

with

Antony about the 25,000,000 he was retaining from the estate. 44.

(1) As a result of this Philippus, who was married to the

young Caesar's mother, and Marcellus, who was married to his

134] μετὰ τοῦ νεανίσκου πρὸς τὸν Κικέρωνα συνέϑεντο, Kixé-

owra μὲν ἐκείνῳ τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ λόγου καὶ τῆς πολιτείας δύναμιν ἔν ve τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ παρέχειν, ἐκεῖνον δὲ Κικέρωνι τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τῶν ὅπλων ἀσφάλειαν. ἤδη γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγους τῶν ὑπὸ Καίσαρι στρατευσαμένων περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχε τὸ μειράκιον. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ μείζων 2

τις αἰτία γεγονέναι τοῦ τὸν Κικέρωνα δέξασϑαι προϑύpoc τὴν Καίσαρος φιλίαν. ἔτι γὰρ ὡς ἔοικε Πομπηίου s ξῶντος καὶ Καίσαρος, ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁ Κικέρων καλεῖν τινα τοὺς τῶν συγκλητικῶν παῖδας εἰς τὸ Kazuτώλιον, ὧς μέλλοντος ἐξ αὐτῶν ἕνα τοῦ Διὸς ἀποδεικνύ-

vat τῆς Ῥώμης ἡγεμόνα. τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ὑπὸ σπουδῆς ϑέοντας ἵστασθαι περὶ τὸν νεών, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν ταῖς περιπορφύροις καϑέζεσϑθαι σιωπὴν ἔχοντας. ἐξαίφνης δὲς

τῶν ϑυρῶν ἀνοιχϑεισῶν, xa® ἕνα τῶν παίδων ἀνιστά-᾽ μενον κύκλῳ περὶ τὸν ϑεὸν παραπορεύεσθϑαι, τὸν δὲ πάντας ἐπισκοπεῖν καὶ ἀποπέμπειν ἀχϑομένους. ὡς δ᾽ οὗτος

ἦν προσιὼν κατ᾽ αὐτόν, ἐκτεῖναι τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ εἰπεῖν, ὦ “Ῥωμαῖοι, πέρας ὑμῖν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων οὗτος ἡγεμὼν γενόμενος." τοιοῦτό φασιν ἐνύπνιον ἰδόντα τὸν Κικέρωνα, 5 τὴν μὲν ἰδέαν τοῦ παιδὸς ἐκμεμάχϑαι καὶ κατέχειν Evap-

γῶς, αὐτὸν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐπίστασθαι. pe? ἡμέραν δὲ καταβαίvovtoc eis τὸ πεδίον τὸ Ἄρειον αὐτοῦ, τοὺς παῖδας ἤδη γεγυμνασμένους ἀπέρχεσθαι, κἀκεῖνον ὀφϑῆναι τῷ Κικέρωνι πρῶτον οἷος ὥφϑη xav ὕπνον ἐκπλαγέντα δὲ πυν-

ϑάνεσθαι τίνων εἴη γονέων. ἦν δὲ πατρὸς μὲν ᾿Οκταουΐου 6 τῶν οὖκ ἄγαν ἐπιφανῶν,

Ἀττίας δὲ μητρός, ἀδελφιδῆς

Καίσαρος. ὅϑεν Καῖσαρ αὐτῷ παῖδας οὐκ ἔχων ἰδίους καὶ τὴν σὐσίαν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τὸν οἶκον ἐν ταῖς διαϑήκαις ἔδωκεν.

1 ἐκ τούτου φασὶ τὸν Κικέρωνα τῷ παιδὶ κατὰ τὰς ἀπαντή-Ἰ σεις ἐντυγχάνειν ἐπιμελῶς, κἀκεῖνον οἰκείως δέχεσθαι τὰς φιλοφροσύνας. καὶ γὰρ ἐκ τύχης αὐτῷ γεγονέναι συμβεβήκει Κικέρωνος ὑπατεύοντος.

*

|

45. Αὗται μὲν οὖν ἴσως προφάσεις ἦσαν λεγόμεναι" τὸ ———

*45.1 ἦσαν λεγόμεναι:

read ἦσαν ai λεγόμεναι instead.

[135 sister,

came

that both in give Octavian influence and deriving from

with

the

young

man

to Cicero

and

made

a pact

the senate and before the people Cicero should the power deriving from his oratory and political that Octavian should give Cicero the security his money and armed forces. (The youth had

around him already not a few of those who had campaigned under Caesar.) (2) There was thought also to have been a stronger reason for Cicero's enthusiastic acceptance of Caesar's

friendship.

(3) It appears that when Pompey was still alive,

and

too,

Caesar

Cicero

imagined

in his sleep that someone

called the sons of the senators to the Capitol, telling them that Zeus was going to appoint one of them ruler of Rome. The citizens ran through eagerness and stood around the temple, and the boys sat in silence in their purple-bordered togas. (4)

Suddenly the doors opened and one by one the children rose and walked round and past the god, and he inspected them all

and

sent them

downcast

away.

But when

this youth

was

advancing towards him, he stretched out his right hand and said: 'Romans, this boy's becoming ruler will be the end of your civil wars." (5) They say that after seeing such a dream Cicero had the appearance of the boy impressed upon him and retained it clearly, but did not know the boy himself. The next day, however, when he was going down to the plain of Ares, the boys had already done their exercises and were going away, and that boy was seen by Cicero for the first time as he had appeared in his sleep. Stunned, Cicero enquired who his

parents were. (6) His father was Octavius, a man of not particularly distinguished background, his mother Attia, Caesar's niece. Caesar, therefore, not having children of his own, gave him both his property and family inheritance in his will. (7) They say that after this Cicero was conscientious in speaking to the boy in their meetings and that he accepted Cicero's marks of friendship in a kindred spirit. For indeed it had befallen him by fate to be born when Cicero was consul. 45. (1) These reasons, then, were perhaps the ones that were

136] δὲ πρὸς Ἀντώνιον μῖσος Κικέρωνα πρῶτον, elf ἡ φύσις ἥττων οὖσα τιμῆς προσεποίησε Καίσαρι, νομίζοντα προσ-

λαμβάνειν τῇ. πολιτείᾳ τὴν ἐκείνου δύναμιν. οὕτω yagi cet

τὸ μειράκιον αὐτόν, ὥστε καὶ πατέρα προσαγορεύ-

ew. ἐφ᾽ ᾧ σφόδρα Βροῦτος ἀγανακτῶν ἐν ταῖς πρὸς Arttx09 ἐπιστολαῖς (Brut. 1, 17, 5) καϑήψατο τοῦ K ἱκέρωνοξ,

ὅτι διὰ φόβον Ἀντωνίου ϑεραπεύων Καίσαρα δῆλός ἐστιν οὐκ ἐλευϑερίαν τῇ πατρίδι πράττων, ἀλλὰ δεσπότην φιλάνϑρωπον αὑτῷ μνώμενος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τόν γε παῖδα τοῦ 3

Κικέρωνος ὃ Βροῦτος ἐν ϑήναις διατρίβοντα παρὰ τοῖς φιλοσόφοις ἀναλαβὼν ἔσχεν ἐφ᾽ ἡγεμονίαις, καὶ πολλὰ χρώμενος αὐτῷ κατώρϑου. τοῦ δὲ Κικέρωνος ἀκμὴν ἔσχεν 4 ἡ δύναμις ἐν τῇ πόλει τότε μεγίστην, καὶ κρατῶν ὅσον ἐβούλετο τὸν μὲν Ἀντώνιον ἐξέκρουσε καὶ κατεστασίασε, καὶ πολεμήσοντας αὐτῷ τοὺς δύο ὑπάτους, ἽἼρτιον καὶ

ITavoay, ἐξέπεμψε, Καίσαρι δὲ δαβδούχους καὶ στρατηγιxov κόσμον, ὡς δὴ προπολεμοῦντι τῆς πατρίδος, ἔπεισε

ψηφίσασϑαι τὴν σύγκλητον. ἔπει δ᾽ Ἀντώνιος μὲν ἥττητο, τῶν δ᾽ ὑπάτων ἀμφοτέρων Ex τῆς μάχης ἀποϑανόντων πρὸς Καίσαρα συνέστησαν al δυνάμεις, δείσασα δ᾽ ἡ βουλὴ 5 véov ἄνδρα καὶ τύχῃ λαμπρᾷ κεχρημένον, ἐπειρᾶτο τιμαῖς καὶ δωρεαῖς ἀποκαλεῖν αὐτοῦ τὰ στρατεύματα καὶ περι-

σπᾶν τὴν δύναμιν, ὡς μὴ δεομένη τῶν προπολεμούντων Ἀντωνίου πεφευγότος, οὕτως 6 Καῖσαρ φοβηϑεὶς ὑπέπεμπε τῷ Κικέρωνι τοὺς δεομένους καὶ πείϑοντας, ὑπατείαν μὲν

ἀμφοτέροις ὁμοῦ πράττειν,

χρῆσϑαι

δὲ τοῖς πράγμασιν

ὅπως αὐτὸς ἔγνωκε παραλαβόντα τὴν ἀρχήν, καὶ τὸ μειράκιον διοικεῖν, ὀνόματος καὶ δόξης γλιχόμενον. óuoAo- e *y&t δ᾽ οὖν ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτός (HHR 1166), ὧς δεδιὼς κατάλυ-

σιν καὶ κινδυνεύων ἔρημος γενέσϑαι χρήσαιτο τῇ Κικέρωvoc év δέοντι φιλαρχίᾳ, προτρεψάμενος αὐτὸν ὑπατείαν μετιέναι συμπράττοντος αὐτοῦ xai συναρχαιρεσιάξοντος.

*45.6 δ' οὖν ὁ:

read δ' ὁ instead.

[137 stated.

But it was in the first place his hatred for Antony,

then his nature, which was a prisoner of honour, which attached Cicero to Caesar, thinking as he did to add Caesar's

power to his own political influence.

(2) For the youth made

up to him to such an extent as actually to call him father. Brutus was extremely indignant at this and attacked Cicero in his letters to Atticus, saying that in courting Caesar through fear of Antony he was clearly not trying to achieve freedom

for his country but wooing a humane master for himself.

(3)

Nevertheless, Brutus took up Cicero's son, who was spending his time with the philosophers in Athens, raised him to

positions of command and won many successes using him.

(4)

As for Cicero, at this time his power in the city attained its greatest height, and having as much power as he wanted, he drove Antony out and formed a faction against him, sent out the two consuls,

persuaded

the

decorations,

Hirtius and Pansa, to make war on him,

senate as

to vote

(allegedly)

Caesar

making

lictors war

in

and

and

praetorian

defence

of

his

country. (5) But when Antony had been defeated and -- both consuls having died as a result of the battle — the forces all joined Caesar, the senate became afraid of a young man and one who had enjoyed brilliant good fortune, and tried to draw the armies away from him by honours and donatives and to strip away his power, on the ground that as Antony had fled it did not need defenders. Caesar was frightened by this and secretly sent to Cicero men who begged and urged him to try to achieve the consulship for them both together, but, when he

had taken over the office, to use the situation of power as he himself

decided

desired ἃ name

and

to

and fame.

direct

the

young

man,

who

greatly

(6) Caesar himself admits that in

time of need he used Cicero's love of office, because he feared

being brought down and was in danger of becoming isolated, by impelling him to seek the consulship with his cooperation and a joint election campaign.

138] 46. Ἐνταῦϑα μέντοι μάλιστα Κικέρων ἐπαρϑεὶς ὑπὸ »éov γέρων καὶ φεναπκισϑεὶς καὶ συναρχαιρεσιάσας καὶ παρασχὼν αὐτῷ τὴν σύγκλητον, εὐθὺς μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων * αἰτίαν ἔσχεν, ὀλίγῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον αὑτὸν ἀπολωλεκὼς ἤσϑετο καὶ τοῦ δήμου προέμενος τὴν ἐλευϑερίαν. αὐξηϑεὶς γὰρ ó1

γεανίας καὶ τὴν θειν, Ἀντωνίῳ δύναμιν eis τὸ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν

ὑπατείαν λαβών, Κικέρωνα μὲν εἴασε χαίδὲ καὶ Λεπίδῳ φίλος γενόμενος καὶ τὴν αὐτὸ συνενεγκών, ὥσπερ ἄλλο τι κτῆμα ἐγείματο πρὸς αὐτούς, καὶ κατεγράφησαν

ἄνδρες otc ἔδει ϑνήσκειν ὑπὲρ διακοσίους. πλείστην δὲ τῶν ἀμφισβητημάτων αὐτοῖς ἔριν ἡ Κικέρωνος προγραφὴ

παρέσχεν, Ἀντωνίου μὲν ἀσυμβάτως ἔχοντος, εἶ μὴ πρῶτος ἐκεῖνος ἀποϑνήσκοι,

Λεπίδου δ᾽ Ἀντωνίῳ

προστιϑεμέ-

vov, Καίσαρος δὲ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἀντέχοντος. ἐγίγνοντο. δ᾽ αἱ σύνοδοι μόνοις ἀπόρρητοι περὶ πόλιν Βονωνίαν ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας τρεῖς, καὶ συνήεσαν εἰς τόπον τινὰ πρόσω τῶν

στρατοπέδων, ποταμῷ περιρρεόμενον. λέγεται δὲ τὰς πρώ-5 τας ἡμέρας διαγωνισάμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐνδοῦναι τῇ τρίτῃ καὶ προέσϑαι τὸν ἄνδρα. τὰ δὲ τῆς ἀντιδόσεως

οὕτως

εἶχεν. ἔδει Κικέρωνος

μὲν

ἐκστῆναι

Καίσαρα, Παύλου δὲ τἀδελφοῦ Λέπιδον, Λευκίου δὲ Kaloarog Ἀντώνιον, ὃς ἦν ϑεῖος αὐτῷ πρὸς μητρός. e οὕτως ἐξέπεσον ὑπὸ ϑυμοῦ καὶ λύσσης τῶν ἀνϑρωπίνωνο λογισμῶν, μᾶλλον δ᾽ ἀπέδειξαν ὡς οὐδὲν ἀνϑρώπου ϑηρίον ἐστὶν ἀγριώτερον ἐξουσίαν πάϑει προσλαβόντος. 47. Πραττομένων δὲ τούτων ὁ Κικέρων ἦν μὲν ἐν ἀγροῖς

ἰδίοις περὶ Τοῦσκλον, ἔχων τὸν ἀδελφὸν σὺν αὑτῷ " πυϑόμενοι δὲ τὰς προγραφάς, ἔγνωσαν eis “Aotuoa μεταβῆναι, χωρίον παράλιον τοῦ Κικέρωνος,

ἐκεῖϑεν δὲ πλεῖν εἰς

Μακεδονίαν πρὸς Βροῦτον" ἤδη γὰρ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ λόγος ἐφοίτα κότες φορεῖα λον δ᾽

κρατοῦντος. ἐκομίζοντο δ᾽ ἐν φορείοις, ἀπειρῆ- s ὑπὸ λύπης, καὶ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐφιστάμενοι καὶ τὰ παραβάλλοντες ἀλλήλοις προσωλοφύροντο. μᾶλὁ Κόιντος ἠϑύμει, καὶ λογισμὸς αὐτὸν εἰσήει τῆς

*46.1 αὑτὸν instead.

ἀπολωλεχὼς:

read

αὐτὸς

αὐτὸν

ἀπολωλεχὼς

[139 46.

(1) Then

duped,

an

indeed more than ever Cicero was elated

old

man

by

a

young

man,

and

when

he

and both

supported his election campaign and gave him the senate, he was at once blamed by his friends, and a little later he himself perceived that he had destroyed himself and betrayed the

liberty of the people.

(2) When the youth became powerful

and obtained the consulship, he let Cicero go hang, became friends

with

forces,

and

Antony divided

and

Lepidus,

up the empire

joined

and

with them,

united

their

like any

other

piece of property. Over 200 men were marked down who had to die. (3) Of the points in dispute Cicero's proscription gave them most strife, Antony refusing to come to an agreement unless Cicero was the first to die, Lepidus siding with Antony, and

Caesar

holding

out

against

both.

(4)

They

held

secret

meetings by themselves near the city of Bononia for three days and

met

at a place far away

from

their camps,

surrounded

by

a river. (5) It is said that Caesar fought hard for Cicero for the first two days but on the third day gave in and betrayed the man. The terms of their reciprocal concessions were as follows: Caesar had to abandon Cicero, Lepidus Paulus, hís brother, and Antony Lucius Caesar, who was his uncle on his mother's side. (6) To such an extent did they fall through passion and fury from the rational considerations proper to human

beings,

or rather,

they demonstrated

that no wild

beast

is more savage than man when he adds power to passion.

47.

(1) While this was going on, Cicero was at his private

estate in Tusculum; he had his brother with him. When they learned of the proscriptions they decided to move to Astura, a

place of Cicero's by the sea, and from there to sail to Brutus in Macedonia, for a report of his rise to power was already current. (2) They were carried in litters, having completely given up through grief, and stopping on the way and bringing their

litters side by

side

they

kept

lamenting

to each

other.

(3) Quintus was more disheartened and began to calculate their

140] ἀπορίας" οὐδὲν yàp ἔφϑη λαβεῖν οἴκοϑεν, ἀλλὰ xai τῷ

Κικέρωνι γλίσχρον ἦν ἐφόδιον: ἄμεινον οὖν εἶναι τὸν μὲν Κικέρωνα προλαμβάνειν τῆς φυγῆς, αὐτὸν δὲ μεταϑεῖν οἴκοϑεν συσκευασάμενον.

ταῦτ᾽ ἔδοξε, καὶ περιβα- 4

λόντες ἀλλήλους καὶ ἀνακλαυσάμενοι διελύϑησαν. 6 μὲν οὖν Κόιντος οὐ πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἡμέραις ὑπὸ τῶν οἶκετῶν προδοϑεὶς τοῖς ζητοῦσιν, ἀνῃρέϑη μετὰ τοῦ παιδός.

ὁ δὲ Κικέρων εἰς Ἄστυρα κομισϑεὶς καὶ πλοῖον εὑρών, εὐθὺς ἐνέβη

καὶ

παρέπλευσεν ἄχρι Κιρκαίου πνεύματι

χρώμενος. ἐκεῖϑεν δὲ βουλομένων εὐϑὺς αἴρειν τῶν κυβερ- 5 νητῶν, εἴτε δείσας τὴν ϑάλασσαν, εἴτ᾽ οὔπω παντάπασι τὴν Καίσαρος ἀπεγνωκὼς πίστιν, ἀπέβη καὶ παρῆλϑε πεζῇ σταδίους ἑκατὸν ὡς εἰς Ρώμην πορευόμενος. αὖϑις 6

δ᾽ ἀλύων Ἄστυρα, λογισμῶν, διενοήϑη

καὶ μεταβαλλόμενος, κατήει πρὸς ϑάλασσαν εἷς κἀκεῖ διενυκτέρευσεν ἐπὶ δεινῶν καὶ ἀπόρων. ὅς γε καὶ παρελθεῖν εἰς τὴν Καίσαρος oixiav κρύφα καὶ σφάξας ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ἑστίας ἀλά-

στορα προσβαλεῖν. ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύτης αὐτὸν ἀπέκρουσε τῆς ? ὁδοῦ δέος βασάνων, καὶ πολλὰ ταραχώδη καὶ παλίντροπα βουλεύματα τῇ γνώμῃ μεταλαμβάνων, παρέδωκε τοῖς οἰκέταις ἑαυτὸν εἰς Καιήτας κατὰ πλοῦν κομίζειν, ἔχων

ἐκεῖ χωρία

καὶ καταφυγὴν

ὥρᾳ ϑέρους φιλάνϑρωπον,

ὅταν ἥδιστον οἱ ἐτησίαι καταπνέωσιν. ἔχει δ᾽ 6 τόπος καὶ 8

γαὸν Ἀπόλλωνος μικρὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ϑαλάσσης. ἐντεῦϑεν ἀρϑέντες ἀϑρόοι κόρακες ὑπὸ κλαγγῆς προσεφέροντο τῷ πλοίῳ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἐπὶ γῆν ἐρεσσομένῳ, καὶ κατα-

σχόντες ἐπὶ τὴν κεραίαν Exatéowder οἱ μὲν ἐβόων, ot δ᾽ ἔκοπτον τὰς τῶν μηρυμάτων ἀρχάς, καὶ πᾶσιν ἐδόκει τὸ σημεῖον εἶναι πονηρόν. ἀπέβη δ᾽ οὖν ὁ Κικέρων, καὶ παρελ-9

Sav εἰς τὴν ἔπαυλιν, ὧς ἀναπαυσόμενος κατεκλίϑη. τῶν δὲ κὀράκων οἱ πολλοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς θυρίδος διεκάϑηντο φϑεγγόμενοι ϑορυβῶδες, εἷς δὲ καταβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ κλινίδιον ἐγκεκαλυμμένου τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀπῆγε τῷ στόματι κατὰ

μικρὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ προσώπου τὸ ἱμάτιον. οἱ δ᾽ οἰκέται ταῦϑ'᾽1. ὁρῶντες καὶ κακίσαντες αὑτούς, εἰ περιμένουσι τοῦ δεσπότου φονευομένου ϑεαταὶ γενέσϑαι, ϑηρία δ᾽ αὐτῷ Bon-

[141 lack of resources: leaving and even

meagre.

he had taken nothing from Cicero's provision for the

home before journey was

So it was better (he said) that Cicero should get a

start on his flight and that he himself should pack up from home and hurry after him. (4) This seemed the right course and after embracing each other and weeping aloud, they

parted.

Quintus, then, not many days later, was betrayed by

his slaves to those seeking him

and killed with his son.

But

Cicero was carried to Astura, found a boat, at once embarked and using a favourable wind sailed along the coast as far as Circaeum. (5) Though his pilots wanted to set out from there at

once,

whether

because

he

feared

the

sea

or had

not

yet

abandoned his trust in Caesar altogether, he disembarked and journeyed 100 stades on land, as if on his way to Rome. (6) But wandering in his resolution and changing his mind once more, he went down to the sea at Astura and spent the night there in dreadful and hopeless calculations, since he made up his mind actually to enter Caesar's house secretly, kill himself on the hearth and thus inflict on him an avenging spirit. (7) Fear

of tortures,

turning

over

however,

drove

in his mind

many

him

from this path too

confused

and

and

contradictory

schemes, he gave himself into the hands of his slaves to carry him by sea to Caietae, since he had lands there and a kindly refuge in summer time, when the Etesians blow down most

pleasantly. (8) The place also has a temple of Apollo the Destroyer, a little above the sea. Ravens rose up in crowds from this and flew cawing towards Cicero's boat as it was being rowed to land. Coming to rest on the yard-arm on either side, some croaked and others pecked at the ends of the

ropes, and the omen seemed bad to everyone.

(9) At any rate

Cicero did disembark, and entering the villa lay down to rest. Most of the ravens perched on the window cawing tumultuously, but one went down on to Cicero's bed as he lay covered up and little by little began to draw the robe from his face with its beak. (10) When his slaves saw this they blamed themselves for waiting to be spectators of their master's murder,

him

while

wild

beasts

in his undeserved

came

to his aid and

took

care

of

suffering and they themselves did not

142] Pei xal προκήδεται παρ᾽ ἀξίαν πράττοντος, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀμύνουσι, τὰ μὲν δεόμενοι, τὰ δὲ βίᾳ λαβόντες ἐκόμιζον

ἐν τῷ φορείῳ πρὸς τὴν ϑάλασσαν. 48. Ἐν τούτῳ δ᾽ οἱ σφαγεῖς ἐπῆλϑον, ἑκατοντάρχης

Ἑρέννιος καὶ Ποπίλλιος χιλίαρχος, ᾧ πατροκτονίας ποτὲ δίκην φεύγοντι συνεῖπεν 6 Κικέρων, ἔχοντες ὑπηρέτας. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰς ϑύρας κεκλεισμένας εὑρόντες ἐξέκοψαν,

οὐ 5

φαινομένου τοῦ Κικέρωνος οὐδὲ τῶν ἔνδον εἰδέναι φασκόντων, λέγεται νεανίσκον τινά, τεϑραμμένον μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ

Κικέρωνος ἐν γράμμασιν ἐλευϑερίοις καὶ μαϑήμασιν, aneλεύϑερον δὲ Κοΐντου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ, Φιλόλογον τοὔνομα,

φράσαι τῷ χιλιάρχῳ τὸ φορεῖον κομιζόμενον διὰ τῶν καταφύτων καὶ συσκίων περιπάτων ἐπὶ τὴν ϑάλασσαν. ὁ μὲν οὖν χιλίαρχος ὀλίγους ἀναλαβὼν pe? ἑαυτοῦ περιέ- 3 Det πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον, τοῦ δ᾽ Ἑρεννίου δρόμῳ φερομένου διὰ

τῶν περιπάτων 6 Κικέρων ἤσϑετο, καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας ἐκέλευσεν ἐνταῦϑα καταϑέσθϑαι τὸ φορεῖον. αὐτὸς δ᾽ ὥσπερ εἶ- 4 adver τῇ ἀριστερᾷ χειρὶ τῶν γενείων ἁπτόμενος, ἀτενὲς (ἐνγεώρα τοῖς σφαγεῦσιν, αὐχμοῦ καὶ κόμης ἀνάπλεως

καὶ συντετηκὼς ὑπὸ φροντίδων τὸ πρόσωπον, ὥστε τοὺς πλείστους éyxadipacdat τοῦ Epewlov σφάζοντος αὐτόν.

ἐσφάγη δὲ τὸν τράχηλον ἐκ τοῦ φορείου προτείνας, Eros éxeivo γεγονὼς ἑξηκοστὸν καὶ τέταρτον. τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν e

ἀπέκοψαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς χεῖρας, Ἀντωνίου κελεύσαντος, αἷς τοὺς Φιλιππικοὺς ἔγραψεν. αὐτός τε γὰρ 6 K ἱκέρων

τοὺς κατ᾽ Ἀντωνίου λόγους Φιλιππικοὺς ἐπέγραψε, καὶ

μέχρι νῦν [τὰ βιβλία] Φιλιππικοὶ καλοῦνται. 49. Τῶν δ᾽ ἀκρωτηρίων εἰς Ῥώμην κομισϑέντων, ἔτυχε μὲν ἀρχαιρεσίας συντελῶν 6 Ἀντώνιος, ἀκούσας δὲ καὶ ἰδὼν ἀνεβόησεν, ὡς γῦν αἱ προγραφαὶ τέλος ἔχοιεν. τὴν 2

δὲ κεφαλὴν καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἐκέλευσεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐμβόλων ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος ϑεῖναι, ϑέαμα “Ῥωμαίοις φρικτόν, οὐ τὸ

Κικέρωνος ὁρᾷν πῤόσωπον οἰομένοις, ἀλλὰ τῆς Ἀντωνίου

ψυχῆς εἰκόνα. πλὴν ἕν γέ τι φρονήσας μέτριον ἐν τούτοις, Πομπωνίᾳ τῇ Κοΐντου γυναικὶ τὸν Φιλόλογον παρ-

[143 defend him, and partly by entreaty and partly by force they took him and began to carry him in the litter towards the sea. 48. . (1) But during this time the murderers arrived: ἃ centurion,

had

once

Herennius,

defended

and

Popillius,

against

a

a tribune,

charge

of

whom

Cicero

parricide,

with

attendants.

(2) When they found the doors closed they broke

them

and when

down

inside maintained

Cicero was not to be seen and those

that they did not know

where

he was,

it is

said that a youth who had been brought up in liberal arts and studies by Cicero, a freedman of Quintus his brother and named Philologus, pointed out to the tribune the litter being carried through the wooded and shady walks towards the sea.

(3) So the tribune, taking a few men with him, ran round towards the exit, but Cicero heard Herennius coming at a run through the walks,

there and then.

and told the slaves to set the litter down

(4) He himself clasped his chin with his left

hand, as he was accustomed to do, and looked intently at his murderers,

covered

as he was with dirt and hair and his face

wasted by worry, so that the majority hid their faces when Herennius was slitting his throat. (5) His throat was slit when he stretched his neck forth from the litter; he was then in his

64th year. his hands Philippics.

(6) On Antony's orders they cut off his head and - the hands with which he had written the That

is the title which

Cicero

himself

gave

the

speeches against Antony and they are called Philippics to the present day. 49. (1) When the extremities were brought to Rome, Antony chanced to be carrying out elections, and when he heard of their arrival and saw them, he cried out that the proscriptions had now .reached their fulfilment. (2) He ordered the head and the^ hands to be placed above the ships' rams on the rostra,

a

sight

for

the

Romans

to

shudder

at,

since

they

thought. that they saw not Cicero's face but an image of Antony's soul. Only one reasonable thought did he have in all this: he handed over Philologus to Pomponia, Quintus's wife.

144] ἐδωκεν. ἡ δὲ κυρία γενομένη τοῦ σώματος, ἄλλαις τε 8 δειναῖς ἐχρήσατο τιμωρίαις, καὶ τὰς σάρκας ἀποτέμνοντα τὰς ἑαυτοῦ κατὰ μικρὸν ὀπτᾶν, εἴτ᾽ ἐσϑίειν ἠνάγκασεν. οὕτω γὰρ ἔνιοι τῶν συγγραφέων ἱστορήκασιν" ὁ δ᾽ av-4 τοῦ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἀπελεύϑερος Τίρων τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ μέμνηται τῆς τοῦ Φιλολόγου προδοσίας. Πυνϑάνομαι δὲ Καίσαρα χρόνοις πολλοῖς ὕστερον εἰσ-5 ελϑεῖν πρὸς ἕνα τῶν ϑυγατριδῶν᾽ τὸν δὲ βιβλίον ἔχοντα

Κικέρωνος ἐν ταῖς χερσίν, ἐκπλαγέντα τῷ ἱματίῳ περικαλύστειν" ἰδόντα δὲ τὸν Καίσαρα λαβεῖν καὶ διελDeiv ἑστῶτα μέρος πολὺ τοῦ βιβλίου, πάλιν δ᾽ ἀποδιδόντα τῷ μειρακίῳ φάναι ͵ λόγιος ἁνὴρ ὦ παῖ, λόγιος καὶ φιλόmaroc.’

Ἐπεὶ μέντοι τάχιστα κατεπολέμησεν ὁ Καῖσαρ Ayramıor, 6 ὑπατεύων αὐτὸς εἴλετο συνάρχοντα τοῦ Κικέρωνος tov υἱόν, ἐφ᾽ οὗ τάς τ᾽ εἰκόνας ἡ βουλὴ καϑεῖλεν Ἀντωνίου, καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἁπάσας ἠκύρωσε τιμάς, καὶ προσεψηφίσατο μηδενὶ τῶν Ἀντωνίων ὄνομα Μᾶρκον εἶναι. οὕτω τὸ δαιμόνιον εἰς τὸν Κικέρωνος οἶκον ἐπανήνεγκε τὸ τέλος

τῆς Ἀντωνίου κολάσεως.

[145 (3) When she got authority over his person, she inflicted many dreadful punishments and in particular she compelled him to cut off his flesh little by little and roast it and then eat it. (4) That is the report of some of the historians. But Tiro,

Cicero's

own

freedman,

does

not even

mention

Philologus'

treachery at all. | (5) I learn that at a much later time Caesar entered the house of one of his grandsons. The latter had a book of Cicero's in his hands and was stunned and tried to conceal it in his cloak. Seeing this, Caesar took the book, perused a great part of it as he stood, gave it back to the youth and said: 'He was a master of words, child, a master of words and a patriot.'

(6) Indeed,

as soon as Caesar had finally defeated Antony, when he himself was consul, he chose Cicero's son as his colleague, in whose consulship the senate overturned Antony's images, annulled all his other honours and in addition voted that none of the Antonii should have the name Marcus. In this way the divine power assigned the final fulfilment of Antony's punishment to Cicero's family.

[147 COMMENTARY (Note: (i) the chapter divisions are not Plutarch's own;

(ii) the use of the

signs ) and ( and of square brackets is explained on p. 4) Family background and name: handicaps C. early determines to overcome by making his name.

famous (1.1-6)

|

(1.1-6 49.6) 1.1-6 They say ... his name: family background and name cause Demosthenes parallel problems (Dem. 4,2, 4.5-8 and Intr. p. 21).

1.1 They say: here = 'it is generally agreed’; P. uses 'said' to introduce three different kinds of material: (a) what is probably or certainly true (here, 1.5, 2.1, 4.2, 5.4, 9.2, 17.2, 32.4, 33.5, 36.5, 40.2, 3; 41.1); (b) what is probably or certainly untrue (1.2, 41.3 ['stated'], 44.5, 44.7, 45.1 ['stated']); (c) what may or may not be true, P. remaining technically non-committal (4.6, 20.7, 39.6, 46.5, 48.2), though

often exploiting the material for effect (4.6-7, 39.6-7, 48.2; cf. also 20.7, 45.1nn). (e.g.

2.1) covers the same

range,

cf. also ‘appears’

(e.g.

1.4).

Many

'Seems'/'is thought'

ancient writers,

historians

and

others, use 'said' with similarly elastic application. Helvia: mentioned by C. only at Att. 11.9.3; a careful housewife according to C.'s brother Quintus (8.6n; Fam. 16.26.2); Helvii are known from the Second Punic War on; two were praetors early in the 2nd cent. nobly born ...noble life: this linkage allows P. later to stress C.'s moral nobility (3.5n).

(1.1-2 noble ... brilliant )3.5) father: M. Tullius Cicero, like C. himself; an eques (11.3). Through ill health he lived quietly at Arpinum (1.2n) but had powerful Roman patrons (notably M. Aemilius Scaurus [1.5]) and encouraged '

the young C. (5.3).

1.2 some ... fuller's: similarly C.D. 46.4.2.ff.; low birth was a common

insult in Roman politics (cf.

26.9); as fullers cleaned cloth and clothes in urine they were thought particularly low; C.'s family may indeed have been in the cloth business (cf. CIL. 10.5678). both ... and: a piquant contrast with ‘both ... and' in 1.1, neatly emphasising the polar opposition of the two views. others trace ... ability: similarly Sil. Ital. 8.405, De vir. ill. 81; C. himself never claims this, though he jokingly asserts kinship with king Servius Tullius in Tusc. 1.38; prestigious genealogies were often invented for leading Roman politicians. The man in question lived at the start of the Sth cent. His name should properly be Att(i)jss Tullius, Att(iJus being the personal name (praenomen), Tullius the clan name (nomen [gentilicium]). The Greek P. is muddled by the Roman names (1.4n) and takes Tull{ijus as a personal name. 'King' is also strictly inaccurate (cf. Cor. 22.1 ‘there was a man from the

city of Antium who because of wealth, courage and distinction of race had kingly status among all the Volscians,

Tullus

Attius by

important (2.1, 3.3nn).

name’),

but

prepares

a link

between

C.

and

'kings',

The Volscians inhabited the coastal plains of Latium

will

prove

and Campania.

which

C.'s

birthplace Arpinum (8.3) was a major Volscian centre.

(brilliant )2.2, 3.5, 5.3, 41.4) 1.3 first: C.'s grandfather is the first known Tullius Cicero, but P. does not have him in mind.

(embraced )2.3) 1.4 the Latins: P. generally writes for Greeks, uses Greek terms and translates Roman ones, and "thinks Greek’. cicer ... surname: similarly Prisc. 2.24 (Gramm. Lat. 2.58.11). Roman names often reflected physica! peculiarities (1.5n), but Plin. sen. says (NH 18.10): ‘the earliest surnames derived from agriculture ... families were named Fabius or Lentulus or Cicero according as someone was the best grower of some particular crop': a likelier etymology. (1.5-6 49.6) 1.5-6 When, however, ... the letters: the two anecdotes make a lively start to the Life, foreshadow important themes, and suggest both parallels and contrasts between C. and Demosthenes. Moreover, the

difficulties faced by C. as a 'new man’ trying to ascend the Roman political ladder form an important

148] element

in P.'s analysis of his rise to power

(cf. 2.2, 6.2-3,

7.2, 9.1,

10.1,

11.23,

26.9).

1.5 first: 76, wnen C. was elected quaestor (6.1). (tackling )2.4) his friends. ... Catulus: the first in a series of scenes where C. and friends, relatives, or other advisers, discuss some politica! problem confronting C. ()3.5, 4.4, 5.3, 20.3, 29.4, 31.4, 5; 43.3, 46.1; cf. also 38.1 and 40.3, where C.'s friends provide a moral criterion). While perfectly realistic, these scenes help to chart C.'s moral progress in the narrative. Sometimes the friends intervene to spur a cautious or hesitant C. into action (3.5, 4.4, 5.3, 20.3, 29.4; for the parallel with Demosthenes cf. Dem. 6.5-7.3, Intr. p. 21); sometimes it is they who urge caution (here, 43.3-4); sometimes they give contradictory advice (31.4, 5). At the last C. acts independently of his friends, to disastrous effect, and is then biamed by them (46.1). The specific influence of C.'s family is less positive than that of his friends (5.3n). The present scene anticipates four of the Life's main moral concerns: (1) the struggle within C. between daring and caution (3.5, 6; 4.4, 5.2-3, 12.6, 14.1, 19.7nn). 'Lack of daring as regards dangers and wars' is one of the three main character traits C. shares with Demosthenes (Dem. 3.3). Here C.'s own ambition provides the spur to action (cf. further below); (2) C.'s boastfulness, which is a product of his excessive ambition (6.5, 24.1-4, 25.1, Comp. 2.1-3); (3) C.'s wit (1.6, 5.6, 7.6-8, 9.3, 25-27, 38.2-8, 40.3, Comp. 1.4-6; for the strong contrast with Demosthenes here see 25.1n); (4) C.'s ambition. P. sees C. as intensely ambitious by nature, consistently stresses this, and carefully traces his ascent to, and descent from, fame/glory/honour/reputation/public estimation/admiration. ‘Love of honour' is one of the three main character traits C. shares with Demosthenes (Dem. 3.3, cf. 5.4, 12.7, Intr. section 7). C.'s ambition here overcomes his caution ()3.5, 5.3, 20.2, 37.4), as sometimes happens also with Demosthenes (Dem. 5.4, 13.6). While not intrinsically wrong, even indeed a necessary stimulus: to worthwhile activity, especially for a young man (5.1), ambition is potentially dangerous (5.1, 3; 6.5) and in C. excessive (6.4—5, 24.1, 4, 9; 25.1, 32.7, 37.4, 40.3-4, 45.1, 6), and ultimately disastrous (45.1, 6; 46.1) In this he is much Demosthenes’ inferior (Comp. 2.1-3). C. himself freely admits great ambition (e.g. Att. 1.17.5, 2.3.4, 2.17.2, 5.20.6, Arch. 28). shun the name: by rejecting this suggestion C. immediately outdoes his ancestors: they ‘did not reject the surname' (1.3) because of their forefather's fame; C. does not 'shun' it because he will make it famous himself: behaviour the more remarkable because, unlike them, he will be a politician, for whom the name seems especially unsuitable. Cicero has many such internal comparisons e.g. 4.7, 7.2, 8.6, 9.1, 14.8. youthful spirit: cf. 9.7 and above on C.'s ambition. demonstrate: in the first instance the Greek word here - 'make', but the root meaning 'demonstrate' is important for the sequel ()2.2; 13.1, 2). (name ... more famous )2.2, 5.1, 2; 6.3, 45.5) Cicero ... Scaurus ... Catulus: a witty and clever remark: the other names were (a) illustrious, being those of M. Aemilius Scaurus, cos. 115, Q. Lutatius Catulus, cos. 102, and his son of the same name (21.4n.); but (b) ridiculous, like Cicero (Scaurus = swollen-ankled, Catulus = puppy); also (c) Scaurus and the Catuli were patrons of the Cicerones; (d) they raised their families from relative obscurity to distinction.

1.6 quaestor ... letters: date: 75 (6.1-2).

This anecdote is historically possible (name symbolism occurs

e.g. on Roman coins).

Painless

birth;

boyhood

repute; wide

intellectual

interests

but

particular

bent

for

poetry;

present-day, contrasted with contemporary, reputation as a literary man (2.1-5)

2.1 without ... struggle: after the difficulties of name and background an easy birth: itself a good sign ()nurse's dream). third ... Calends: Jan. 3, 106. P. has the Roman term Calends (the 1st of the month), but (a) uses the Graecism 'new Calends' of the first days of the néw official year, and (b) follows Greek practice in

dating by a fixed point in the month (1.4n). on which ... Romans: both in the coincidence of dates and signs of divine favour C. somehow seems 10 anticipate the rule of the emperors, especially Augustus (20.2, 23.6, 44.3-7, 49.5-6;

3.4). (44.7)

|

|

|

1.2, 3.3nn; Comp.

25

the present day: P. often inserts such allusions for the benefit of contemporaries (e.g. 13.2, 48.6). (7pray and sacrifice: in the imperial cult.

[149 apparition ... Romans: a common type of prophetic dream in antiquity, characteristically appearing to parents, but ancient nurses were often very close to their charges (which is not to say the dream is

historical).

()44.3-7)

(great blessing )23.5) 2.2 demonstrated: C.'s first 'demonstration' that he will succeed in making his name famous ((1.5; ) also 13.1, 2). . true prophecy: P. oscillates between acceptance (here, 14.4, 20.1-2, portents and other supernatural events according to circumstances. age: about 7.

32. 4) and

rejection

(45.1)

of

shone out: like fire or lightning (verifying the prophecy). brilliantly: like his putative ancestor Tullus Attius ((1.2); ) also 3.5, 5.3). natural talent: in possessing which C. contrasts with Demosthenes (Dem. 8.3). ()2.6) name

and fame: the first stage in ‘making his name

famous'

((1.5): C. gets ἃ 'name

and fame'

(= a

‘famous name' [/ntr. p. 14]) among the boys. ()6.3, 45.5) but the more boorish ... honour: C. has already made some progress in overcoming the handicaps of his background, but this arouses boorish resentment (cf. 1.5-6n).

(honour )2.3, 5) 2.3 Plato: a close paraphrase of Rep. 5.475B-C, foreshadowing C. the philosopher figure (Comp. 3.4; 3.1n). born: P. sketches C.'s intellectual development from ‘birth’ to 'boyhood' to maturity (2.4), before assessing his posthumous intellectual reputation in general (2.5). embrace: (1.3, 5: C. and his ancestors had 'embraced' the 'name' Cicero for fame's sake; C.'s intellectual powers give him a 'name' (2.2); so ‘embrace’ here stresses the link between C.'s 'name’ and his learning. every subject: cf. C. Fam. 4.4.4 ‘every liberal art and form of learning, and philosophy above all,

delighted me from the earliest age.' The breadth of C.'s education and intellectual interests contrasts strongly with the narrowness of Demosthenes’ (Comp. 1.1-3, Dem. 4.4, 5.5; cf. also below). dishonour: C. is 'honoured' (2.2) because he holds no form of learning in 'dishonour' ()2.5). poetry: cf. also 20.1—3n, 40.3. In so stressing, indeed overstressing, C.'s poetry, P. further underlines

the contrast between the intellectual, 'arty' C. and the single-mindedly political Demosthenes. Pontios Glaukos: Greek Pontios = ‘of the sea'; Glaukos = ‘gleaming’, 'grey' (of the sea), but is also a proper name. Glaukos was a mythical Boeotian fisherman who leaped into the sea and became a sea-god.

tetrameter: i.e. with four 'measures' (metra) to the line. 2.4 tackled: (1.5 and )7.1: the use of the same word of political and intellectual endeavour the 'two-lives theme’ (3.3n).

was thought... best poet: rightly, P. implies (2.1n).

anticipates

But later poets surpass C. (2.5).

2.5 present day: (2.1; ring structure framing unified material is very (48.6 also) talented poets: whose 'talent' exceeds C.'s ((2.2). disrepute ... dishonour: a pathetic fate, given C.'s quest for fame, in his lifetime, his poetry's physical survival and his 'honouring' all history's verdict on C.'s most cherished youthful pursuit. Sen. 10.122ff. agree.

common

in the Cicero (Intr. p. 13)

the 'honour' he wins, his reputation types of learning ((2.2, 3): such is Ira 3.37, Tac. Dial. 21, and Juv.

Alternating successes and reverses in C.’s political advance, as he fluctuates between

political

and intellectual lives and struggles with excessive ambition (3.1-6.5) First exposure to Greek philosophy; Roman legal intellectual life; defence of Roscius - brilliant public début; physique and strains exerted by oratory (3.1-7); second, attractions of philosophical life; Sulla's death and oratorical

training; first military service; retreat tc withdrawal to Greece through fear of Sulla sustained, exposure to Greek philosophy preparations for return to politics; oraton

'approved' by Apollonius - mastery of Greek culture (4.1-7); political hopes blunted; hesitant start, ther brilliant oratorical successes; dangers of passion in public performance; C.'s delivery, his wit and it harmful consequences (5.1-6); successful and popular governorship of Slcily; C.'s chagrin at its lack o impact in Rome; temporary success in restraining his ambition, a lasting source of bad judgemen

150], 3.1 When he left ... schoolboys: resuming the narrative from 2.2 after the discursive 2.3-5. heard: t.t. for 'attended the lectures οὐ". ()4.1)

Philo ... Academy: the Academy was the philosophical school founded by Plato, which still survived in the 1st cent. B.C. Philo succeeded Clitomachus (4.2) as its head in 110 and fled to Rome when-the Mithridatic War began in 88 (C. Brut. 306; on Mithridates, see further 8.7, 10.2nn). C. actually went to 'Mucius' (3.2) before Philo; P. transposes the order, because: (a) going to a philosopher straight after leaving school was Greek practice (1.4n); (b) mention of Philo, philosopher and orator, follows naturally after 2.2-5;

(c) putting the legal phase second eases the transition to politics under Sulla and C.'s first big case (2.2-6);

(d) philosophy is one of Cicero's biggest themes.

P. stresses C.'s philosophical apprenticeship (here,

4.1-3), mentors (here, )4.1, 4; 20.3, 23.5, 34.2-3, 38.1, 45.2), contacts (24.7ff., 36.7), owm later contribution (40.2) and pretensions (32.6). How far C. succeeds as a philosopher is a question explicit, or virtually so, at 7.1,

13.1-2,

a question which becomes

19.5-7,

20.3,

32.5-7,

37.1-38.2,

40.2,

41.1,

8; Comp.

3.4, cf. 2.3n; it is

particularly pressing at the great crises of C.'s career — the struggle against

the political innovators in 63 (13.1-2), the problem of the punishment of the Catilinarian conspirators (19.5-7, 20.3), the exile (32.5-7), the decision to join Pompey in the civil war (37.1-38.2), the personal and political difficulties and disasters of his last years (41.1, 8), but it is really fundamental to the whole Life, cf. especially the important ideas of "the two lives’ (3.3n), the struggle between passion and reason (5.5n), the great moral choices C. faces (13.1, 19.5-7nn), and C.'s journey to self-knowledge (6.4n); (e) oratory is also one of Cicero's biggest themes (below); Philo thus foreshadows two major themes.

most: C. also learns from 'leaders' and fights under Sulla (3.2): he has the best teachers in all spheres. (admired )3.6) eloquence ... character: Philo is therefore an ideal figure: an excellent philosopher, orator and man (for

the combination of the first two roles cf, 13.1). Cicero being a politician who was above all an orator and his Life the pair of the great Demosthenes', assessment of the function of oratory is central and takes various forms: (a) interest in the physical mechanics of oratory (3.7, 4.4, 35.3-5); (b) description of different types of oratory (4.1, 21.1-4, 42.3);

(c) discussion of the place of wit in oratory and political life (5.6, 24-27, cf. Comp. 1.4-6); (d) stress on oratory's emotional power (5.5n, 12.6, 39.7, cf. Dem. 5.4);

(e) insistence on oratory's politica! effectiveness (4.4, 9.6-7, 12.5-6, 13.1-4, 39.7, 42.3, Comp. 2.3, 3.1, cf. the paradoxical 7.5 and contrast 32.7 on the dangers of oratorical activity in politics); (f) the specific idea that through their oratory orators can win real power. This power is naturally of a different order from military power (Cic. 22.6-7, cf. Dem. 3.4, Comp. 2.1), but yet can be so great that military men have to acknowledge and come to terms with it (8.6-7, 31.3, 44.1; 45.1, 4; cf. also 3.3n, Comp. 3.1, 2.3; Dem. 3.4, 5.4, 6.2, 18.2, 20.3, 23.2; Intr. p. 22). Nonetheless, when C. tries to harness military power directly, he goes out of his element and catastrophe results (35.1-5, 45.4nn); (g) the highlighting of many of the big speeches of C.'s career (3.6, 4.6, 6.2, 7.5, 9.6-7, 12.5-6, 13.4,

16.5, 21.3, 35.1-5, 37.1, 39.6-7, 42.3, cf. also 41.4n). 3.2 "x" Q. 87

Mucius ... friends: [Greek hoi peri + acc. can = '"x" and his friends' (e.g. 16.2, 18.5, 43.3) or just (e.g. 33.4), here probably the former.] C. actually learnt law from two Mucii: (a) in 90-c. 87 from Mucius Scaevola, the augur, cos. 117 and princeps senatus (leader of the senate) till his death in C. (C. Brut. 306, Amic. 1); (b) then from his cousin Q. Mucius Scaevola, the pontifex maximus (head

of state religion), cos. 95 (Amic. 1).

P. thinks of the augur.

fiddle,

the truth — Mucius

blurring the difference

between

‘At the same time’ is ἃ chronologica!

preceded

Philo

- and

the

impression

given ~

Philo preceded Mucius.

leaders ... senate: either vague or specifically alluding to the augur, the former likelier.

Marsic War under Sulla: in Campania in 89 (C. Div. 1.72, 2.65). The Marsians lived in central Italy near the Fucine Lake. The Social War was also called the Marsic War because they were especially active in it.

C.'s ability to handle the realities of military power and warfare will be a major concern of the later narrative (16.1, 22.6-7, 35.1-5, 36.2, 6; 38.1, 39.1-2, 42.1, 44.1, 45.1, 4nn; cf. also 3.1n). "Lack of daring as regards dangers and wars' is one of the three main character traits he shares with Demosthenes (Dem. 3.3, cf. further Dem. 13.6, 14.2), and C.'s power, like Demosthenes', is preeminently that of an But C. has more fighting experience than Demosthenes and the military world 1$ orator (3.1n). comparatively less alien to him.

[151 3.3 civil strife ... monarchy: domination of Cinna and then monarchical ambitions of the Caesar and Antony. P. sees

the Civil War between Sulla and the Marians (87-82). 'Monarchy' = the. Carbo ()17.5, 20.6, 40.1, 43.1). C. faces successively the 'monarchies' or Marians, Sulla ('monarch' [17.5, 27.6] as well as tyrant [12.2]), Lentulus, C. as generally a staunch defender of liberty (cf. 24.6, 48.6, 49.5); he

rejects the charge that C. himself was ever a 'king' (23.4, 33.1). main character traits he shares with Demosthenes opposition to autocracy wavers in his relations

'Love of freedom' is one of the three

(Dem. 3.3-4, cf. 12.7, 13.4, Intr. p. 20). But C.'s with Caesar and Octavian (40.4-5, 45.2) and his

disastrous policy towards the latter brings about the fall of the Republic (46.1). In this he is greatly Demosthenes' inferior (Comp. 4.3-4). While P.'s portrayal of Octavian is largely critical (45.2, 6; 46.1-6, cf. Comp. 4.4) and a part of him can endorse the view that he was a 'master' (45.2), even a ‘tyrant’ (Comp.

4.4), he avoids characterising him directlyas a 'monarch', for it is Octavian who defeats

C.'s great foe Antony, ends the Civil Wars and becomes the first emperor (49.6, 44.2-7), and in some ways C. anticipates imperial rule (2.1n). Thus though C.'s fight for liberty is a major theme, P. contrives to suggest a tentative final reconciliation between Republican

(49.5).

liberty and the imperial

system

The question of liberty naturally also raises that of patriotism (38.1, 45.2, 46.1, 49,5).

In his response to these various 'monarchs!' C. can choose between withdrawal from politics and resolute political action; he opts for the former the Marians and Caesar (once Caesar's power is established), the latter against Lentulus and Antony, and a mixture of the two against Sulla (cf. further below). went back: to the life of 3.1.

scholarly ... contemplative: in contrast to the 'practical' or 'political' life (cf. 5.2).

This introduces the

important theme of "the two lives’ (already foreshadowed in 2.4): culture, especially Greek culture, and Greece itself represent an alternative to. Roman political life, one that C. might have chosen, finds fairly congenial, and sometimes withdraws to during political crises (3.6, 4.3 [( here], 5.2, 7.1, 32.5-7, 36.7, 37.4, 38.1, 40.1, 41.1, 43.3; cf. also C.'s knowledge, and love, of things Greek [8.4, 24.5-9, 40.2, 41.1; contrast 32.5, 38.4]). It is therefore a savage irony that at the end death comes not from C.'s political but from his cultural life (48.2n). The ‘two-lives' schema substantially shapes the narratives of C.'s early career (chs. 3-7) and the period between his exile and the final struggle with Antony (chs. 32-43). But P. rightly stresses that for C. scholarly life was always second best (5.3n, 32.5-7, 40.3) and only rarely do C.'s 'two lives' harmonise (8.4, 36.7). Oratory, however, implies political involvement (4.4—5); philosophy can cohere with both involvement (4.4, 13.1, 19.5-7, 32.7nn) and withdrawal (4.3, 40.1-2, cf. also 32.7). C.'s emotional life - as it were his "third life’ — also gradually becomes important (5.3, 41.1nn). For another contrast of 'lives' see 43.2n. The 'two-lives' theme underlies C.'s own account of his early career in Brut. 303-22, P.'s main source in chs. 3-4 (Intr., section 8), cf. e.g. Brut. 306, 308, and it is common elsewhere in C. (4.3, 40.1nn), but P. pushes it very hard, exaggerating and even inventing material (3.5-6, 4.3-4, 5.2), in order (a) to explore the general moral questions ‘which is the best life?’ and ‘how far can can the political and contemplative/philosophical lives be reconciled?’, and (b) to create parallels between C.'s early and later

careers. The

theme

is much

man dichotomy (Comp.

less important

in the Demosthenes,

but

cf. Dem.

5.4-5,

26.7;

the

orator/military

3.1, 3.1n above) also reflects the same sort of categorisation, though one within

the practical/political life. associated ... studies: cf. C. Brut. 308-10. ()48.2) devoted: )4.3, 5.4: the same word keys three of C.'s enthusiasms. Sulla was victorious ... some stability: date: 82. Cf. C. Brut. 311 and 10.2 below.

Sulla is C.'s first great antagonist in the Life, followed Antony

and Octavian;

C. handles Sulla

by a mixture

by Catiline,

of political

Lentulus,

involvement

(3.4—6)

Clodius, and

Caesar,

withdrawal

(3.6-4.4); Catiline and Lentulus by total involvement (12-22); Clodius, by a mixture, first involvement (29.1-2,8), then withdrawal (31.6), then involvement (34.1-3); Caesar also by conciliation (20.6-7, 21.5), then opposition (38.1), finally withdrawal (40.1, 42.1); Octavian by total involvement after initial hesitation (43.3). Cf. also above.

a mixture, first and Antony and

3.4-6 During this time ... much admired: C.'s first public success (early 80; cf. the extant speech Prc Roscio Amerino) marks a significant step in his advance to glory (3.5-6, cf. 1.5, 2.2nn.). P.'s account is simplified and technically inaccurate, its purpose being (a) to suggest direct conflict between C. and Sulla, (b) to create parallels between this and later conflicts, (c) to link with the 'two lives'-schema.

(3.4 )10.3) (3.5-6 48.1)

152] 3.4 claiming: falsely [Greek hos of the ground alleged, which is not necessarily true].

proscription: the procedure used by Sulla in 82-81 (10.3) and by Antony, Octavian and Lepidus in 43 (46.2-5, 49.1), whereby Roman citizens who had been declared outlaws and whose property was forfeit were listed on public notices (Latin proscribo = advertise, give notice of sale: cf. 27.6). ()10.3) I

2,000 drachmas: a slip; it was actually 2,000 sesterces (Rosc. 6, 21).

1 Greek drachma = 1 Roman

denarius Ξ 4 sesterces; 500 drachmas was right.

3.5 son ... heir ... parricide: Sulla defiles sacred human ties, like Catiline ()10.3), Antony, Octavian and

Lepidus ()46.5-6),

Quintus' slaves ()47.4), Popillius ()48.1),

Philologus ()48.2), and (though less

heinously) Pompey ()31.4, 33.3).

250 talents: 6,000,000 sesterces (Rosc. 6) = 1,500,000 drachmas = 250 talents (1 talent = 60 minae; 1 mina Ξ 100 drachmas): this Sulla ... against Roscius: involved. Indeed according wanted Roscius acquitted. Sullans’ as a group (3.6n),

figure is right. the prosecutor was actually Erucius (Rosc. 35). to C. he was wholly innocent in the affair and most P., working with a source that said C.'s defence transfers the role of prosecutor to Sulla to bring

Sulla was not directly scholars believe that he of Roscius angered ‘the C. into direct personal

conflict with this second 'monarch' (3.3n).

(angry ... accused )43.7) (fearing )3.6) isolation ... refuge: C.'s humanity,

in a world of ever increasing brutality (above),

is a major theme in

the Life (6.1n, 9.6, 12.5n, 19.6, 36.2, 5; cf. 43.3). ‘Flee for refuge' (Latin confugio) can be a legal term, as-can 'help', an implication relevant here but subordinate to the broader moral implications. (31.4, 45.6) his friends ... glory: his friends activate ἃ presumably cautious C., and with the inducement of glory

((1.5, )4.4).

|

brilliant ... nobler: (1.1-2: C. will thus be true both to his mother's nobility and his putative paternal ancestor's brilliance. Cf. also 37.3n. (Also )20.6.) start: for the parallel and contrast with Demosthenes here see Dem. 5.1-5, 6.1, Intr. p. 21. 3.6 much admired: cf. C. Brut. 312, Orat.

107.

C. now achieves the status of his teacher Philo ((3.1 -

ring structure; ) also 4.7; cf. also 6.3n). fearing Sulla ... story: similarly De vir, ill. 81.2, though there C. fears ‘the Sullans' (3.5n). This is C.'s first withdrawal to Greece as his political advance is temporarily checked (3.3n). After winning the case he now feels the 'fear' that deterred everyone else from accepting it ((3.5). The parallel in one way

favours C. (because he did accept the case), in another does not (because he is now no braver than the rest).

C. also feels 'fear' at 14.7, 35.3.5, 43.1, 3, 6; 45.2, 47.7, cf. 16.1, 19.6; ) especially 43.1, 3, 6;

45.2; contrast.12.4, 12.6, 14.1, 48.4nn. his general ‘lack of daring’ (1.5n).

Though not always blameworthy, this 'fear' is obviously part of

The present context is also the first of a long series of situations

where C. faces physical danger, actual or potential ()14.3ff., 15.3ff., 19.6, 30.7, 31.1-2, 35.1-5, 36.6, 38.1, 39.2, 43.1ff., 44.1, 45.2, 47.1ff.), situations which pose a particularly acute moral problem for a

man like him, whose 'lack of daring' manifests itself particularly in ‘dangers and wars’ (Dem. 3.3), and to some of which he responds well, to others badly. As a matter of historical fact C. undertook numerous cases after defending Roscius (C. Brut. 312ff.),

and only went to Greece in 79; the ‘story’ was true: health and oratorical studies impelled him (Brut.

314, cf. 4.4 below).

3.7 He was ... bodily health: dietary detail apart, a straight simplification of Brut. 313-14 ['At that time I was extremely slender and weak of body, and my neck was long and thin, a condition and figure which are thought to be not far from endangering life, if hard work and great straining of the lungs are added.

And this disturbed those to whom I was dear, all the more because I used to say everything without break or variation, with the full force of my voice and the greatest strain on my whole body']. closely parallels Demosthenes (Dem. 4.5, 8; 6.4, 11.1). Like Demosthenes too, he needs

training to overcome his physical failings (4.4, 5.4, cf. Dem. 6.3-5, 7.6, 11.1). (C. De Orat. 3.220). 48.4. (4.1-7 )36.7)

C. here rigorous

Orators had to be fit

More on C.'s eating habits at 8.4, on his physical state at 4.4 ()), 8.4—5, 35.3-5,

4,1 When ... Ascalonite: cf. C. Brut. 315. Academy (3. 1n).

Antiochus, from Ascalon in Palestine, was now head of the

heard: (3.1: the same word marks the second stage of C.'s philosophical education.

[153 enchanted ... words: cf. P. Luc. 42.3.

C. was later less enthusiastic (Att. 13.19.5).

(did not approve )4.4, 7) 4.2

so-called

....

Carneades:

the

'New

Academy'

upheld

philosophical

scepticism

(assertion

of

the

impossibility of knowledge), brilliantly expounded by Carneades (213-128 B.C.) The term ‘New Academy' originated with Antiochus, who championed the 'Old Academy' and dogmatism, claiming that this, not scepticism, represented the teaching of the original Academy. Philo (3.1n), however, denied there were two Academies, maintaining that the New Academy was a legitimate continuation of the old (C. Acad. 2.11, 1.13). so-called: 'so-called' because P., himself generally speaking an Academic, rejected the terminology, upholding the Academy's unity.

whether ... senses: i.e. accepting (as he did [C. Acad 2.19]) the validity of sense perception (wuat the senses record as true, cf. further 40.2). 'Clear perception' is a sense perception theory t.t. or ... ambition ... dispute: these details interest P. personally but bear on C.'s philosophical education and, if this second alternative is right, Antiochus illustrates the 'bad ambition' which threatens C. (1.5n). Antiochus (unlike Philo) is an ambiguous figure - a philosophical mentor (4.1, 4, cf. 3. In), but with negative qualities (4.1, here, 4.7n). Clitomachus and Philo: 3.1n.

Stoic reasoning: Stoicism greatly influenced Antiochus (cf. C. Acad. 2.132). 4.3 former doctrines: i.e. the New Academy's: a fair generalisation position (cf. e.g. Tusc. 1.17, 2.5; Acad. 1.13, 43ff.; Nat. deo. 1.10ff.; P. (devoted (3.3, )5.4) he had it in mind ... philosophy: (3.3: for the second time C. faces 'the consistent with 3.5-6 and 4.4 but equally unhistorical. P. has simply

about C.'s Luc. 42.3).

fluid

philosophical

choice of life' (3.3n). invented it under the

This is general

influence of C. Brut. 303ff. and perhaps the specific influence of passages like Att. 2.16.3 (date: $9), 9.4.2 (date: 49), 10.4.10 (date: 49). () also 37.4) [4.4 But Sulla's death ... public affairs: the translation simplifies the complex

Greek

syntax (similarly

5.3, 9.3, 10.2, 16.1)]. 4.4 Sulla's death: March stress fits 3.4—6.

78; this was not actually a factor in C.'s return (cf. C.

his body... his body: cf. Brut. 314, 316. here virtually accepts the 'story' of 3.6.

Brut.

316),

but tht

C. has now overcome the physical problems of 3.7 (().

[The MSS ‘full’ (polle) after ‘pleasant to the hearing and'

is nonsense

after 3.7; 'supple*

P

(hapale) is ı

plausible emendation.] since his friends... urged him: the intervention of friends and current philosophical mentor (3.1n) is om of the factors activating C. ((3.5, 1.5; also )5.3). Antiochus: who advocated political participation (C. Fin. 5.65ff.). again: after 3.1-2 and 5-6. tool: a favourite image of P. (e.g. Quom. poet. aud. 33F, Praec. ger. reip. 802B,

Fab.

1.7, Per. 8.1

Cat. min. 4,3), implying that rhetoric is only a means to an end, not an end in itself. ()32.6) training... declamation: exactly like Demosthenes (Dem. 5.5). (approved (4.1, )4.7) 4.5 He ... son of Molo: cf. Brut. 315-16. Rhodes: an important centre of rhetoric and philosophy (cf. 36.7). spent ... time with: t.t. for 'was a pupil οἵ". Xenocles: celebrated 'Asianist' orator (Str. 13.1.66). Adramyttium was in Mysia in N.W. Asia Minor. Dionysius: also in C. but otherwise unknown. Magnesia was in Lydia in S.'V. Asia Minor. Menippus: the most eloquent man in Asia of his time (Brut. 315). Caria was in S.W. Asia Minor.

Apollonius: whom C. had already met in Rome (Brut. 307, 312, 316). Posidonius: famous Platonising Stoic, pupil of Panaetius (cf. 38.1). 4.6-7 It is said ... oratory: similarly De vir. ill. 81.2. P. is technically agnostic about this story (1. 5.1nn) but through it creates the impression of another major advance by the ambitious C. (1.5n). 4.6 not understanding ... Greek: cf. C.'s own remarks about Greek teachers in Brut. 310.

faults: at whose correction Apollonius excelled (Brut. 316). 4.7

l approve of: (4.7 (‘expressions of approval"), 4, 1; the verbal repetition (a) unifies 4.4-7 by ri

structure;

(b) defines C.'s success precisely: he is 'approved' by ‘the approved’,

'approval'

made

mx

154] valuable

by the implicit

contrast between

'approved'

rhetoricians and the 'unapproved'

Antiochus

(cf.

Intr. p. 13). admire: another stage in C.'s quest for ‘admiration’ ((3.6, 1; 1.5n; )7.3). the only fine things ... oratory: C. himself makes this claim in Brut. 254.

5.1 At any rate: -- 'whatever about the above, the following is certainly true'; similarly 21.1, 39.7, 42.3, 47.9. swept: hinting at excess: a trait of C. subsequently developed by P. (5.6, 6.5, 24-27, 34.1, 38.1, 39.4, 43.3; cf. also 1.5n on C.'s sometimes excessive ambition and 6.4n for his lack of emotional control; contrast his caution [1.5, 5.2nn] and irresolution [21.2-3, 32.3, 37.2-3, 43.3-4, 47.4-10)). oracle ... Delphi: C.'s own silence impugns this story's historicity, but for P. it provides another check

to C.'s ambitious progress (cf. 3.6, 6.3-4) and a further opportunity to underline C.'s great, indeed excessive, ambition. most famous: (1.5: the wording recalls C.'s boast emphasising the strength of C.'s desire for fame.

at the

start

of

the

Life,

the

superlative

form

.. his life: a truly Delphic, yet pointed, oracular command. At first sight C.'s ‘own nature’ and "πε opinion of the many’ seem poles apart, but since C. is in fact 'ambitious by nature’ ()5.3), the distinction the oracle is actually making is between legitimate ambition (which C. may follow) and the corrupt ambition (which he should avoid) that involves adopting the 'opinion' of the many, which is characteristicafly false ()5.3, 6.4, 32.7; cf. also 13.1n).

5.2 He lived ... was neglected: C. returned to Rome in 77.

P.'s account is again internally consistent,

reflecting the ‘two lives'-schema (3.3n), but unhistorical and presumably invented by P.: (a) C.'s oratorical training in the East expressly prepared him for politics (cf. 4.4); (b) his magistracies went to

schedule; (c) Brut. 318-19 attests continuous oratorical and political activity. cautiously... hesitantly: caution is an important element in P.'s characterisation of C. (19.6, 42.2, 43. 4; 1.5, 5.1, 14 inn). It connects ‘Greek’ ... ‘scholar’: similarly his successes C. is still having (Dem. 4.5-8, Intr. p. 21). lowest of the Romans: at this relations with the people are (below, 9.7, 10.1, 11.2nn). (readily ... customarily )7.2)

of course with his general ‘lack of daring’ (1.5n). C.D. 46.18.1; 'Greek' here = ‘effete lover of Greek culture’. (1.5: despite ‘name’ difficulties. (Also )38.4) Demosthenes also has nickname problems | stage C.'s popular appeal - his status with ‘the many" (5.1) — is nil. C.'s an important element in P.'s subsequent analysis of his rise to power

5.3 ambitious by nature: (5.2 ('his own nature"), neatly emphasising that C. found naturally alien. C.'s ambition here counterbalances his caution (1.5n). () also 45.1)

political

quietism

spurred on: another factor: father and friends activate a partly cautious C., as do the friends of 4.4 and 3.5 ({, cf. 1.5n) and Terentia, Quintus and Nigidius later ()20.3, 29.4). The influence of his family on C. is progressively less positive and his disastrous family life (as it became) is one of the factors that finally unseats his judgement (41.1n).

he shone out ... at once and ... far surpassed: an exaggeration (cf. Brut. 317-318). brilfiantly: (3.5, 2.2, 1.2: C.'s natural 'brilliance' again blazes forth. public estimation: (5.1; the same Greek word (doxa) covers both (i) the ‘opinion’ of others about things (5.1) and (ii) the 'opinion' other people have about oneself, i.e. one's reputation (here). In order to acquire the people's favourable 'opinion', one may be seduced into accepting their 'opinions ()32.7):

thus P. hints at the moral ambiguity of ‘reputation’ and its dangers for a man as naturally ambitious 85 C. far surpassed ... orators: just like Demosthenes (Dem. 6.2). (surpassed )6.5) 5.4 Yet ... tragic actor: the parallel with Demosthenes is here particularly strong (cf. above, 3.7n). Demosthenes... delivery: cf. Dem. 6.4-5, 7.5; C. Brut. 313-14, 316.

devoted

7.1-5).

Public

performance was inevitably a very important aspect of ancient oratory (cf. also 5.6n, 35.2-5).

On the

link

. .. tragic actor: Demosthenes

between

oratory

and

acting see

C.

similarly studied the actor Satyrus (Dem. De

orat.

1.128

(where

Roscius

is cited

as a model)

[for 2:

distinction see Dem. 22.5]; Greek uses the same word for 'act'/'play' and ‘deliver a speech’ (cf. 5. 5). (For a different analogy between acting and politics see 12.4.)

(devoted (4.3, 3.3) conscientious: a major quality of C. in P.'s characterisation (6.1, 7.1—2ff., 9.2-3, 13.1, 44.7, cf. 18. 7) as indeed it was of the historical C.

[155 Roscius: this famous actor was a friend of C., gave him his first important case (Quinct. later defended by C. in the Pro Q. Roscio. Aesop: also a famous actor and friend of C.

77) and

was

5.5 They record ... through passion: ancient performers identified with their subjects tremendously; their audiences’

emotional

arousal

was

also

acute

(cf.

also 3.1n).

Aesop's

inspiration

was

intense

(C.

Div.

1.80), his interpretation of Accius' Atreus especially powerful (C. Tusc. 4.55), though this story is . elsewhere unattested. Interesting in itself, it illustrates: (a) the dangers of excessive emotional arousal by the performing arts (including oratory); (b) the perpetual struggle between passion and reason - a fundamental concern of the Life (6.1, 5; 12.5, 13.1, 18.7, 19.5-7, 21.4, 31.4, 32.5-7, 33.2, 37.1, 4, 41.1ff., 45.1, 46.1, 6; 47.6, 49.2; cf. also 3.1n).

Atreus ... Thyestes: legendary brothers who quarrelled over the Mycenaean throne; Thyestes secured the golden ram which guaranteed the kingship; Atreus then tricked Thyestes into eating his own children.

out of ... passion: C. Div. 1.80 makes a similar, though general, observation. 5.6 Cicero's delivery ... persuade: C. De orat. 3.213 rates delivery the most important oratorical skill. (His own was slowish [Sen. 40.11].) C. here again parallels Demosthenes (Dem. 11.3). weight: the image is of scales (cf. 10.5 and )21.2). [Lit.: 'not a little weight/influence persuasion accrued to C. from his delivery.'] (used )using below)

with regard

to

His wit ... maliciousness: the first in a series of explicit, almost choric, criticisms of C. (6.5, 24.1, 25.1, 27.1, 32.5-6, 38.2, 41.1, 46.1). The function of the present passage and of 6.5 is to anticipate the serious consequences of failings themselves as yet apparently trivial. wit: cf. 1.5n; Aristotle defines wit as ‘cultured insolence' (Rhet. 1389B 11-12); it is usually felt to have

an edge verging on the unpleasant.

In societies as devoted as those of Greece and Rome to the pursuit

of status and glory malicious wit may cause great offence. C.'s wit was famous, as he well knew (Fam. 7.32.12, Planc. 35); Caesar made a collection of jokes including C.'s (Fam. 9.16.4), Trebonius one of C.'s jokes alone (Fam. 15.21.2), and Tiro (49.4n) published three books of C.'s jokes after his death (Quint. 6.3.2ff.).

appropriate ... lawyer: cf. C. De orat. 2.216ff., Orat. 87-90. lawyer ... maliciousness: )27.1, where P. emphasises the hatred C.'s malicious wit aroused. using: (used (above): C.'s ‘usage’ is as defective, in a different way, as the ‘usage’ he himself criticises.

'6.1-4 When he ... unattainable end: mostly based on C.'s own reminiscences in Planc.

64-65

with

considerable adjustments.

(6.1-2 )36.1-6) 6.1 quaestor: in 75. Sicily had two quaestors, one based in Lilybaeum (C.'s posting), the other Syracuse (6.4n). Sicily: Rome's granary. conscientiousness ... mildness: a reworking of Planc. 64, simplified to concentrate on the relations of governor and governed. C. is an ideal ruler/governor, as later in Cilicia (36.2-5, cf. Comp. 3.3; 7.1, Inn). For C.'s conscientiousness see 5.4n and his justice 9.1, 6. ‘Mildness’ characterises a ruler who does not abuse his power (cf. 31.4, 36.2), being akin to moderation (9.6, 19.6) and humanity (9.6, Comp. 3.3; cf. also 3.5n). ΑΙ] such virtues can represent reason in its struggle with passion (5.5n). C. here contrasts sharply with Antony, Octavian and Lepidus (46.6), especially Antony (49.1-2), being cruel only in his wit (25-27, especial 27.1). His mildness could be attacked as 'softness' (7.7, 19.6) and the demands of justice and mildness could conflict (9.4-7n, 19.5-7). C. himself took pride in his mildness (e.g. Cat. 2.6, 27; Sull. 1, 92) - on the whole justly. honoured ... governors before: cf. Planc. 64. ‘Governors’ is technically inaccurate, the governor of Sicily being the propraetor (below), but the Lilybaeum quaestor was virtually a deputy-governor and C. himself talks as if he had been a governor (Planc. 65). 6.2 When ... condemnation: nothing is known about this case or 'the war' (which P., typically, does not specify [cf. 21.4n]). praetor: Sex. Peducaeus. ('Praetor' here, as at 7.4 and 32.2, = propraetor, a loose usage also common in Latin; cf. also 19.1n) (with distinction )6.3) 6.3-4 Feeling ... this time, then, Cicero?’:

much

simplified

and modified

from

Planc.

65 ["So

I was

156] coming back from the province with the expectation that the Roman people would spontaneously confer all their honours on me. It happened that as 1 was coming back from the province I had arrived at Puteoli, intending to make the journey by land, just at the season when very many fashionable people

are in those parts; and I nearly collapsed, gentlemen of the jury, when someone asked me what day I had left Rome, and whether there was any news. When I replied that I was coming back from .my province, he said, ‘Of course, from Africa, I believe.‘ 'No,' I answered coldly, for I was now very annoyed, ‘from Sicily.' Then someone else, as one who knew everything, said, "What! don't you know

that this man has been quaestor at Syracuse?

ΤῸ cut my story short, 1 stopped feeling annoyed and

made myself just one of those who had come for the waters"].

For full discussion see Intr. p. 42.

6.3 Campania: Puteoli to be precise. distinguished man ... friend: a person invented by P. (in Planc. 65 both the men C. meets are strangers) in order to stress C.'s chagrin at this further check: having acquitted himself "with distinction' in Sicily (6.2) he expects recognition from the 'distinguished' (just as in 4 he earned the 'approval' of the 'approved' [4.7n] and in 3 became 'admired' like 'the admired' Philo [3.6n; cf. Intr. p. 15]). The 'new man' foolishly supposes that he has arrived in the ranks of ‘nobles’ (6.2) and ‘distinguished’ men (1.5-6, 7.2nn).

asked: in Planc. it is C. who is asked for news from Rome. name and fame: (2.2: C. assumes he has made the same impression in Rome at large as he did at school

(Intr. p. 14). (45.5 also) 6.4 "Where ... Cicero?’: P. adjusts the question to suit his reworking of the narrative: in Planc. C., asked for news from Rome, says he is coming back from his province, to which the other replies: 'Of course, from Africa, I believe', C. points out it was Sicily and then, to bis further annoyance, another

man, à know-all, wrongly states that C. has been quaestor at Syracuse (6.1n).

P. naturally cuts these

complications.

For the moment ... acquisition of glory: none of this in C. lost heart: an unphilosophical reaction (3.1n), recurring later (32.3, 5; 40.3, cf. Quintus at 47.3). The young Demosthenes similarly succumbs to this weakness (Dem. 6.5). But later ... unattainable end: in Planc. 66 C. also regards the episode as salutary but draws a different moral: so far from doubting the value of public recognition he decides that it can only be assured by

living in the public eye in Rome (as opposed to abroad [cf. 32.5n]). By unhistorically giving C. this temporary insight into his own weakness P. (a) avoids admitting C.'s relative lack of interest in the provinces (cf. 32.5,

36.1nn); (b) re-emphasises the dangers of ambition and the need for philosophical

control (3.1n) by reason (5.5n); (c) sets C. on a painful journey to self-knowledge ()43.4, 46.1).

(Ὁ.

seems now to have absorbed the lesson of 5.1 ((). Presumably P. was initially inspired to this radical reinterpretation by C.'s words 'I stopped thinking about what men were going to hear about me‘ (Planc. 66, with the quite different sequel 'I took care that from then on they should see me in person'). glory ... unattainable end: a memorable image (anticipated by the ‘yawning ocean’ simile): C. is like ἃ traveller struggling on an arduous journey, the glory he seeks like a country that is paradoxically both

infinitely large and beyond reach. P. habitually uses emphatic narrative (10.5, 12.4—5, 22.2, 24.3, 32.7, 33.2, 36.7, 43.8).

images to mark

key points in the

6.5 Nevertheless ... calculations: 6.3— is paraphrase (however free) of C.; P. now passes judgement himself (5.6n), portentously relatíng C.'s struggle with ambition to the general struggle between passion and

reason

(5.5n)

The

lesson

of the

Delphic

oracle (5.1)

did

not

after

all

make

a permanent

impression. | surpassing: (5.3: the negative side of C.'s 'surpassing' ability: his 'surpassing' need for praise, which is of course an aspect of his excessive ambition (1.5n). C. here contrasts with Demosthenes (Comp. 2.1-3). (being praised )24.1) many times: e.g. 24.1, 9; 25.1, 27.1, 28.1, 32.5-7, 37.4, 38.2, 45.1-2.

Sustained political advance (7.1-9.7)

C.'s knowledge of his fellow-citizens and friends and their circumstances; his incorruptibility; Financial Verres. case: C.'s remarkable victory by not speaking; his witticisms thereon (7.1-8). rectitude, property, moderate way of life and physical regime; solicitude for his clients and their BT eat numbers;

support

of,

and

from,

Pompey

(8.1-7).

Popular,

honest

and

conscientious

Manilius case: approval of people after initial hostility; C. champions Pompey (9.1-7)

praetorship;

[157 7.1 tackling: (1.5, 2.4: the wording recalls the 'two lives'-theme (3.3n).

better heart: (6.4: C.'s initial ‘loss of heart! was due to unrealistic expectations, excessive ambition and overvaluation of glory; having reasoned things over, he now turns to more mundane methods of political

advancement in ‘better heart’. disgraceful ... the statesman... fellow-citizens: thus C. himself in Mur.

77, presumably P.'s source

(Roman politicians usually used a nomenclator; C. himself did [Art. 4.1.4]).

C.D. 46.6.3 gives a hostile

account of C.'s salutations, seemingly reversing C.'s Mur. observations. - craftsmen: the Socratic analogy between ‘crafts’ and ‘statescraft'. philosopher-statesman (3. 1n). unconscientious: 6.1n. 7.2

accustomed

...

readily

name:

(5.2:

C.'s

punctiliousness

C.

here

contrasts

talks

with

the

like

a Platonic

mob's

abusive

name-calling. district ... notables lived: thus C. slowly begins to ingratiate himself with the political élite (cf. 1.5-6nn).

6.3,

7.3 property ... expenses: a slightly forced transition after mention of 'country places' 'owned' by 'notables' and friends' lands and country-houses. P. here (cf. 8.3, Comp. 3.3) greatly exaggerates the modesty of C.'s financial circumstances (which have been much discussed by modern scholars): (a) C.'s various inheritances (e.g. 8.3, 41.5nn) brought more than 20,000,000 sesterces (Phil. 2.40; for some perspective on this figure see 8.1n), he owned several villas besides his houses in Rome (8.6n) and

Arpinum (8.3), and his wife Terentia was rich (8.3n); (b) he often had financial problems (e.g. 41.5). The distortion occurs because: (a) C. was hardly one of the great Roman capitalists nor one of the great debtors and thus contrasts with both those extremes (8.6, 10.5); (b) modesty of life characterises the ideal statesman, a type to whom C. intermittently belongs (6.1n, 7.1, 8.4, 13.1, 18.7, 36.3-5, 42.3, Comp. 3.4, contrast 41.5); (c) P. wants as sharp a contrast as possible with the venal Demosthenes (Comp. 3.3-4.1, cf. Dem. 12.4-5, 14.2, Intr. p. 22).

admired ‘presents’

... his advocacy: )7.8, instead

(cf.

7.8,

8.2).

36.3; advocates could Contrariwise,

Ps.-Sall.

not

legally accept

Cic.

2.3

and

fees but

5 and

C.D.

often 46.4.2,

accepted 6.2,

7.1

implausibly make C. a thoroughly mercenary advocate. admired: another stage in C.'s quest for 'admiration' ((4.7). 1.3-4 Verres ... praetor ... prosecuted: propraetor (6.2n) in Sicily in 73-71, tried for extortion in Aug. 70. C.'s Verrine speeches and In Caecilium (7.6n) survive. This Verres section is an insertion into the general treatment of C.'s finances (8.3n).

7.4-3 Cicero convicted him ... cast their votes: highly paradoxical, but the good orator knows when not to speak.

To make

this point P. simplifies dramatically:

(a) the praetor presiding in 70, M'.

Acilius

Glabrio, was honest (Verr. 1.29), the delays being engineered by Verres' friends, including M. Metellus, praetor-elect for 69 and president-elect of the extortion court; (b) the plan was to postpone the case to 69, when M. Metellus would be praetor and court president and Q. Metellus and Hortensius (7.8n) consuls (Verr. 1.26-31); (c) C. moved very fast, (i) collecting his evidence in 7 weeks, half the time allowed; (ii) substituting a brief introduction for the usual long opening speech so as to produce the

damning evidence against Verres immediately (Verr. 1.55). (7.5 praetors ... last day )9.1, 4-7) 7.6 charming ... wit: in this context (C. v. the evil Verres), P. approves of C.'s wit.

Contrast 5.6 and

cf. C's. oratory at its best (13.2).

castrated: in fact verres just = male pig. P.'s misapprehension arises from thoughts of circumcision and homosexuality. For his difficulties with Latin see Dem. 2.2-4. Caecilius ... accuse Verres: Q. Caecilius Niger, former quaest. under Verres, disputed the right to prosecute

Verres

with

C.

(cf. the

In Caecilium)

in order

to collude

with

the

defence,

but

OGlabrio

decided for C. Jew ... pig?*: the pig is ritually unclean to Jews. 7.7 flaunt ... free man: an elaborate periphrasis for ‘prostitute’. softness: effeminacy (cf. 19.7 and 6.1n). Cf. the parallel accusations against Demosthenes (Dem. 4.5-6, Intr. p. 21). 7.8 When

... your house.': Demosthenes

is similarly bribed by Harpalus

in Dem.

25.3-6:

this parallel

158] strengthens the contrast between C.'s incorruptibility and Demosthenes' venality. Hortensius: great orator, C.'s model and rival until his death in 50 (cf. Brut. 317—330; 31.5, 35.4nn). declined ... openly: Hortensius was to defend but withdrew when the evidence was produced (Verr. 2.1.20; 7.4-5n). ivory sphinx ... payment: similarly Plin. sen. NH 34.48, Quint. 6.3.98. Hortensius’ venality contrasts with C.'s rectitude ((7.3), ring structure marking 7.3-8 as a separate section. (The sphinx was a

mythical monster that posed deadly riddles to passersby.) ivory: Plin. and Quint. say bronze: P. exaggerates to stress the corruption further. 8.1 in this way: in the remarkable fashion of 7.4-5, from where the narrative resumes. 750,000: drachmas/denarii (3.4n) = 3,000,000 sesterces (3.5n). But in Caec. 19 and

Verr.

1.56 and

2.1.27 C. estimated the damages at 100,000,000 and 40,000,000 sesterces respectively, so even if C.'s final assessment seemed too low, P.'s figure must be only a fraction of the true one. 8.2 aedile: date: 69. plunder: the Sicilians 'plunder' themselves, so grateful are they to C., their protector plunderings. exploited ... full: the further paradox emphasises C.'s generosity still more.

against Verres'

8.3 he owned ... denarii: again (7.3) a rather forced transition, but C.'s attitude to money has been the general theme from 7.3. P. returns to C.'s own circumstances after the Verres insertion.

fine country place ... Arpi: C.'s ancestral home but P. confuses Arpi in Apulia with Arpinum in Latium (1.2n). estate ... Naples: vague geography - this could be either C.'s villa at Cumae

(QF 2.6.4 [Apr.

56]) or

that at Puteoli, which he inherited in autumn 45 (Att. 13.46.3), the earlier acquisition being likelier. another ... Pompeii: first mentioned by C. in 60 (Att. 1.20.1).

(For C.'s villas see further 33.1, 37.2n,

40.3, 47.1, 47.7). dowry ... 120,000: drachmas/denarii = 480,000 sesterces. C. married Terentia c. 80/79, when she was probably very young; she became formidable (further 20.2-3, 29.2-4, 41.2-5).

legacy ... 90,000 denarii: = 360,000 sesterces (perhaps the legacy of Art. 14.10.3 and 11.2). 8.4 he lived liberally ... sundown: after C.'s finances and villas his general way of life, eating habits, and physical regime; again (7.3), bodily weakness excepted, C. is an ideal figure, way of life temperate, intellect active () 32.5, 36.3), his 'two lives' (3.3n) in harmony ()36.7). Greek .... his house: Greeks: e.g. the Stoic philosopher Diodotus and poet Archias; Romans: e.g.

Atticus and Varro the polymath (who did not actually 'share C.'s house' but the Greek word can cover 'close intellectual association' generally). rarely ... stomach: cf. 3.7.

8.5 general care ... walks: cf. the gymnastic exercises of 4.4, ()48.4) able ... toils: e.g. 18.7, contrast 35.4, 39.1 and more generally 47.6-10. — P. has now related C.'s health to his politics.

8.6 His father's house ... Palatine: mention of C.'s property in Rome politics. C.'s father's house

was

in the smart

quarter

of. Carinae,

now leads back naturally to

C.'s brother

Quintus

(further 1.1n,

20.3, 21.3n, 47.1-4) c. 3 years his junior. C. bought his magnificent house on the Palatine overlooking. the forum (further 33.1, cf. 29.3) in 62 (Fam. 5.6.2): while 8.3-5, a general sketch of C.'s finances and way of life, has lacked chronological definition, P. here definitely predates C.'s move; it goes naturally with

the other

information

about

C.'s properties

and prepares

for the subsequent

exaggerated

picture of

his popularity.

so that ... walk: the great Marius claimed exactly the same motive for his new house (Mar. 32.1): P. transfers

it

to

C.,

to

fit

his

predating

of

C.'s

move

and

his

general

conception

of

C.'s

thoughtful

treatment of subordinates (3.5n, 6.1n). They paid ... the Romans: by the criterion of clients’ numbers, C.'s gradual ascent to glory (1.5n) has now brought him to the level of Pompey and Crassus. C. had indeed acquired much popularity by the

early 60s (9.1) but P. greatly exaggerates it to (a) stress that C. owed his rise to virtue, not mere weal (like Crassus; cf. 7.3) or military power (like Pompey; cf. generally 22.6-7, 36.2); (b) introduce the two key figures in 60s politics and sketch C.'s relations with them ()30.3) before tackling the detailed

narrative; (c) give the reader a strong, simple picture of C.'s political position before the complexities

of chs. 9ff.; and (d) hint at the two kinds of power: political and military - different, yet to some extent complementary (3.1n); cf. Comp. 3.1 'Even those who had authority over arms and camps needed their

[159 power ... Pompey and the young Caesar needed C. ...' 8.7 Pompey ... Cicero: Pompey's homage marks a further stage in C.'s acceptance at the highest level,

even though Pompey certainly did not court Cicero at this time (below) and not that much later; P. again anticipates and exaggerates both for the reasons above and to sharpen the contrast with Pompey's

later betrayal ()31.2-4). He also implies Crassus' quite different attitude (9.2n). Cicero's ... glory: again exaggerated and unchronological but much less so: the process began unequivocally in 66 with C.'s speech Pro Lege Manilia in support of Manilius' bill (9.4) giving Pompey an extraordinary command against Mithridates, king of Pontus (10.2).

Cf. further 9.4, 7.

9.1 Although ... all: for 66. noble men: the Greek gennaion here implies nobility of both cbaracter and birth: C. has now got to the same level as, and even surpassed, 'nobles' (7.2, 1.5-6nn).

presided: over the extortion court. honestly and fairly: cf. 6.1n. -C.'s behaviour contrasts with that of the corrupt 'praetors' of 7.5.

Cf.

also 9.4-7 below.

(9.2 It is said

... court )9.4, 10.1)

9.2 Licinius Macer: historian, orator, popularis politician and corrupt governor of province unknown. Crassus: an early instance of tbe persistent opposition between Cicero and Crassus (cf. 15.3, 19.6n,

20.7n, 25.2-26.2, 30.3, 33.8). supporter: i.e. defence counsel, a role Crassus often played (cf. e.g. 35.4n). theft: a weak rendering of extortion (similarly 9.4). while the jurors ... died: a more credible account than Val. Max. 9.12.7, who says Macer

choked

himself to death with his handkerchief to forestall sentence and thus save his property from confiscation. haircut ... clean robe ... won: as a defendant he bad had mourning garb and long hair (cf. 19.3, 30.6,

31.1, 35.5). all the votes: even though the jurors cast their votes ‘separately’. died: presumably of a heart attack due to shock.

The affair ... court: similarly C. Att. 1.4.2. conscientious: cf. 6.1n and 9.3. 9.3 Vatinius: trib. 59, political associate of Caesar, ended friendly.

and long disliked by C.

(cf. 26.2-3),

though

they

neck ... swellings: cf. 26.3. ‘such neck’: in Greek and Latin, as in English, ‘neck’ can = impudence. 9.4-7 When ... Manilius' defence: ((a) 7.5: whereas the corrupt 'praetors' favoured Verres by delaying his case till 'the last day’, the humane praetor C. grants Manilius only one - the following day; ((b) 9.2 both Macer and Manilius come before C. for extortion, but Manilius has the people's 'support', no!

Crassus', and is Pompey's friend; with Macer C. behaves ‘conscientiously’ (giving him no leeway), bui with .Manilius ‘with moderation and humanity. These parallels and contrasts suggest: (a) C." fundamental integrity but (b) the tension between the demands of justice and humanity ()19.6-7), anc (c) C.'s different attitudes to Crassus and Pompey. ()also 10.1 and 23.2) C.D. 36.44.1-2, though hostile to C., concurs on the essential facts of the trial. C.'s true motives are debatable (9.6n). For the parallel and contrast with Demosthenes here (Dem. 21.1-2) see Intr. p. 23.

9.4 Manilius: trib. 66 and proposer of the bill giving Pompey the Mithradatic command (8.7n). theft: extortion (9.2n). under attack ... Pompey: because of the Mithradatic War bill. 9,5 at least ten days: dramatic exaggeration - in fact 10 days was the norm.

9.6 tribunal: the raised platform on which magistrates’ seats were placed, here equivalent to the rostr: (23.2n, 49.2). (begged )9.7)

moderation ... humanity: 6.1n. | deliberately ... wanted to help: C. claimed he was well-disposed to Manilius and rushed the case becaus Thi If so, he did not tell Manilius or the tribunes. he wanted it heard under his own presidency. puzzling episode invites different interpretations. Perhaps C. wanted Manilius convicted (because of th violence and lawlessness of his tribunate) but herein miscalculated popular sentiment and then adroitl

160] changed his tune.

9.7 These words ... people: C.'s speech shows the power of oratory (3.1n) and marks another important stage in his advance (1.5n): full acceptance by the people (5.2n).

begged: (9.6: C.'s oratory is so effective that he who ‘begged’ is himself now 'begged'. take ... defence: i.e. postpone the case till 65 and defend rather than judge. Manilius attempted to disrupt the trial in 65 by violence, then failed to appear and was condemned.

Up to what

point C.

actually defended Manilius is obscure. the absent Pompey: throughout the following narrative P. rightly stresses the political significance of Pompey's absence in the East (10.2, 12.2, 14.1, 18.1). harangued ... Pompey: with these speeches at a public meeting (contio), attack on 'the oligarchs' and strong support of Pompey, C. takes a more public role and a more 'popular' line than hitherto. This chimes a little oddly with P.'s general analysis of C.'s patient acquisition of support from all reputable quarters (though it is anticipated by 5.2), but it reflects historical fact — in 66 C. did find it necessary to project

himself

more

strongly,

[9.6n]) to adopt a remarkable (10.1).

more

to take

popularis

stands

image

Consulship; Catilinarían Conspiracy; unprecedented honours (10.1—23.6) Aristocratic

as

well

as

popular

on

crucial

- and

support

support

questions,

makes

of

and

(perhaps

his

election

to

of all

classes;

father

C.'s

candidature

for

the

the

sometimes

consulship

of

his

reluctantly

the

country

consulship;

more

and

political

background to Catiline's conspiracy; his character, unsavoury past and corrupting influence; Rome on the brink of revolution (10.1-5). Catiline's failure to secure consulship; C.'s success (11.1-3). Preliminary struggles and triumphs: agitation against the Sullan constitution, Rullus' bill, neutralisation of. C. Antonius, C.'s eloquence defeats Rullus' and other tribunician bills (12.1-6). C. the ideal orator, also illustrated by his reconciling people to Otho (13.1-4). Catiline's resurgence and increasing boldness: support of Sullan veterans under Mallius, renewed candidature for consulship, planned assassination of C., omens; Catiline's second electoral failure (14.1—8). Midnight visit of three most

powerful Romans: letters reporting the plot, other news of revolutionary agitation; senate's final decree (15.1-5). C.'s military precautions; Catiline's decision to act; assassination attempt fails; Catiline's final failure

in the

senate

and

departure

from

Rome;

open

war

(16.1-6).

Second

wave

of conspirators:

Lentulus Sura, his corrupt character and past and personal ambitions (17.1-5). The conspirators’ plans; attempt to suborn Allobrogan envoys; contrast between the conspirators’ methods and C.'s; first hard evidence against conspirators through Allobroges' connivance (18.1-7). Further proofs; Lentulus and associates imprisoned; C.'s worries about appropriate punishment (19.1-7). Favourable omen; pressure from Terentia, Quintus and Nigidius for death penalty; senatorial debate: Silanus advocates death penalty, the young Caesar's intervention; his monarchical ambitions and C.'s difficulties with him; his moderate proposal; C.'s equivocation; swing towards Caesar's proposal; Cato's decisive intervention on the other side; C.'s concession to Caesar (20.1-21.5). Lentulus and other conspirators executed; confederates' hopes dashed; C. hailed as saviour by citizens at large; triumphant progress through the forum; great conquerors' reflections on C.'s supreme greatness, and gratitude owed him, for quelling conspiracy without civil strife; Catiline's defeat and death (22.1-8). C.'s detractors; their failure to obstruct C.; his policies endorsed by the people; Cato's championship of C.: C. proclaimed father of his couniry by Cato and the people (23.1—6).

10.1 But be was advanced ... reason: this anticipates the narrative of 11.2 ('advanced')'advanced'). allowing a preliminary sketch of the political background. aristocrats: another key moment in C.'s advance to glory: despite attacking 'the oligarchs' C. wins the support of ‘the aristocrats’ (the general class as opposed to the narrow inner clique - cf. the parallel 11.2), which requires explanation (10.2-11.2). C. has now nearly overcome the stigma of being a new

man (1.5-6n). the many: here ‘the people' (contrast 10.2). C. already has their support after 9.7. 10.1 also (9.2 and 9.4: the support enjoyed by both Macer and Manilius was powerful but partial whereas both aristocrats

and people support C,

See further 11.2n.

10.2 change: )below and 10.5; on P.'s failure to elaborate see Intr. p. 33.

that period: between C.'s praetorship (66) and consulship (63). the many: here 'most people’ (irrespective of class), contrasting with the revolutionary minority. stability: for the qualified approval cf. 3.3 and contrast 12.2: not unreasonably, P.'s attitude to Sulla's

[161 constitution is ambivalent. There were those ... state of affairs: to give a suitably dramatic general picture (he is not alluding to the so-called First Catilinarian Conspiracy of 66/65), P. (a) omits earlier attacks on the Sullan constitution and (b) tacitly discounts (in some contrast to 12.2) the possibility that some of the attacks

were justified. change: Sulla made a ‘change’, unprincipled revolutionaries seek to 'change' his 'change', Rome verges on 'revolutionary change' (10.5); the paradoxical wording concedes that the Sullan dispensation was itself revolutionary change, but reinforces the idea that time confers legitimacy on such change so that further

change is un justified revolution. while Pompey... Armenia: 'kings' = Mithridates (8.7n) and Tigranes,

Sall. Cat. 16.5 similarly stresses

the opportuneness of Pompey's absence for the conspirators' plans (cf. also 9.7n). (no power ... Rome )12.5, 21.5) 10.3 daring ... Catiline: the characterisation of Catiline, whose name

is delayed for effect, comes from

the Ciceronian/Sallustian tradition (e.g. C. Cat. 3.17, Sall, Cat. 5.4-5). his followers see further 10.5 ()), 14.1, 19.6-7.

For the 'daring' of Catiline and

‘Daring’ is a standard attribute of revolutionaries who

flout conventional political restraints. Such opponents pose a particularly severe problem for C., prone as he himself is to "lack of daring’ (Dem. 3.3). Cf. also 28.1n. intercourse .... daughter: the wording suggests a double crime: debauchment of a virgin and incest. This presumably derives from C.'s accusation in tbe (fragmentary) speech In toga candida,

delivered in

64, that Catiline's second wife Orestilla was his daughter (Ascon. 91f.C). after killing ... alive: similarly P. Sull. 32.3. These crimes illustrate Catiline's defilement of the most sacred human ties (cf. 10.4, 3.5n), the second also linking him to Sulla, C.'s first great antagonist ((3.4, 5). () also 46,56) Catiline did not actually kill his brother: the reference should probably be to his brother-in-law, Q. Caecilius (Comm. pet. 9, Ascon. 84C [this accusation again derives from the In toga candida]), but the factual distortion increases moral outrage. 10.4 champion: ironically, the word usually being complimentary. sacrificed ... flesh: similarly Sall. Cat. 22.1, Flor. 2.12.4, C.D. makes Catiline' s conspiracy like some barbarous oriental cult.

37.30.3.

This incredible accusation

(On the implied dating of the conspiracy

see 11.1n.) youth ... corrupted: a standard theme in accounts of the conspiracy (e.g. C. Cat. 2.7-8, Cael. 10-12, Mur.

49, Att. 1.14.5, Sall. Cat. 14.1-3, 5-6; cf. 14.7n), which P. develops at length at 17.1-5 ()).

10.5 The whole ... revolt: this happened later in 63 (cf. 14.2,

18.4); P. predates both for dramatic

effect and to keep his political background material (10.1n) in one piece.

(revolutionary imbalance ... various classes the mid-sixties

change (10.2) base men: a narrowly focused and prejudiced description of the debt problem afflicting (aristocrats, farmers, urban poor), which for several reasons became particularly acute in and was exploited by Catiline, who advocated cancellation of debts (cf. 12.3).

extra weight: for the image see 5.6n. dared: (10.3. The verbal repetition neatly brings the narrative back to Catiline. sick ... malady: conventional imagery but effectively climaxing P.'s dramatic sketch of the conspiracy's

background (cf. 6.4n).

Sickness imagery recurs at 18.1

and 36.7 and

37.2 and helps to articulate

connexions of thought.

11.1 wishing to seize ... consulship: in the elections of 64 for 63.

P., like Sall. Cat.

17ff. and C.

himself (Ascon. 92C), implausibly credits Catiline with revolutionary aims before 63 (cf. 14.8n). consul ... Antonius: cf. Ascon. 83C, Sall. Cat. 21.3. The disreputable Antonius was the famous orator's son and Mark Antony's uncle.

(contribute )20.7) (cf. 20.7).]

[Difficult Greek: lit. 'who would be an addition of power of another taking the lead'

11.2 The majority ... accepted him: resuming from

10.1 ((; also )12.4).

C., the new man,

has now

finally reached the top of the political ladder (1.5-6n). In the Catiline narrative P. stresses that C. throughout has ‘the best men's' active support (here, 12.4, 15.1-5, 16.4-5, 22.2, cf. 14.7) and traces hi: fight with Catiline and other radicals for the support of the people (here, 12.1, 5-6; 13.4, 14.6-8

22.2-6, 23.1-6, cf. also 5.2, 9.7nn). whose full extent P. rather plays down

(Historically, the Catilinarians had indeed much popular support [though cf. 22.4].)

Contrariwise,

in the struggle with Clodius i

is Clodius, not C., who secures popular support ()30.2). Sall. Cat.

23.5-6 also attests majority noble support for C.

and explains it similarly.

This

can

bt

162] accepted without accepting the view of Catiline in 11.1. Gusted: from the office he never held - the illogicality highlights disappointment.

Catiline's exaggerated confidence and

11.3 born ... rot a senator: similarly Ascon. 82C; cf. 1.5-6n; C. himself greatly stresses his achievement as a 'new man' (e.g. Leg. agr. 2.3, Mur. 17). 12.1 the many: here 'the peopie' (cf. 10.1, 13.2), in contrast to the 'best men' (11.2, cf. 12.4). preliminary struggles: cf. C.D. 37.25.4

greeted: conveying (a) grim irony, (b) that these struggles came at the start of C.'s consulship. 12.2 those prevented ... inopportunely: besides losing their patrimony, the sons of the proscribed (3.4n) had been excluded from public life; in 63 a tribunician proposal tried to right this (C.D. 37.25.3). (attacks )12.5) tyranny ... just: 10.2n.

unnecessarily ... inopportunely: an argument used by C. himself (Quint. 11.1.85). the tribunes ... they required: P. refers to the trib. P. Servilius Rullus' comprehensive agrarian bill, the basic aim of which was the distribution of land in Italy to colonies of needy citizens, financed by funds raised by various radical measures. C.'s three extant speeches De lege agraria (12.5, 6nn) are the tendentious main source. He made four in all (Att. 2.1.3; 12.6n). The inaccuracy and distortion of P.'s account reflect the Ciceronian tradition.

the tribunes: Rullus' bill, like the many other tribunician proposals of 63, was supported by all ten tribunes.

laws: rhetorical exaggeration (contrast 12.3). the same purpose: disturbing the constitution (in effect Sulla's [cf. 10.2]). ten men ... absolute powers: to be elected by 17 of the 35 tribes chosen at random and to hold office for 5 years. 'Absolute' exaggerates.

authority ... all ... all ... all: again exaggerated: only 'public land' was in question. try ... expel exiles: nothing in C. corresponds to this. found ... cities: i.e. colonies. : maintain ... required: this was not to be granted the commissioners: P. further exaggerates C.'s contention that the colonies would become the commissioners' private armies. maintain and levy: the illogical Greek husteron-proteron (reversal of the natural order) construction (cf.

45.4). 12.3 Severai distinguished ... law: notably Crassus and Caesar. Antonius ... with them: cf. C.D. 37.25.3, 30.3; 11.1n. 12.4 It was ... fear: (11.2: again it is the possible Catiline-Antonius alliance which is the real threat and ‘the oest men’ who see it. Significantly, the 'fear' here is feltby ‘the best men', not C., who calmly takes steps to alleviate it (cf. 3.6n). Taking care ... offered: Macedonia was a plum province (cf. 30.2 and )), originally allotted to C. himself. [The dating and detail of C.'s neutralisation of Antonius are difficult; Sall. Cat. 26.4 seems consistent with P. Probably C. and Antonius made a provisional deal in Jan. but it was only activated

in July and P. has conflated the two stages.]

|

play second ... actor: in the post-Classical era "protagonists' often hired the other actors themselves; the imagery of 'protagonist' and 'deuteragonist' ("second actor") for 'leader' and 'supporter' is fairly common

both in Greek and Latin, especially in political contexts (in P. cf. Praec. ger. reip. 816F, Lys. 23.6; in C. cf. e.g. Att. 1.16.12 [since this letter was one of P.'s sources (29.7, 29.8nn), C.'s use of the image in

a different, but similar, context perhaps inspired P. here]). 12.5 captured ... tamed: until tamed, Antonius the near Catilinarian (11.1, 12.3-4) is like a wild beast, as are the Catilinarian revolutionaries ()18.7, cf. 20.6), Clodius ()33.2) and Antony, Lepidus and

Octavian ()46.6). [5.5n])

The association of moral viciousness with the bestial (representing unbridled passton

is a commonplace

in ancient philosophers

and moralists

(cf. 46.6n),

but here also

recurrent theme in C.'s greatest political struggles. already more confident: 14.1n.

suggests ἃ

took ... polítical innovators: (10.2: C. immediately confutes the Catilinarians' belief in a power vacuum in Rome. In Ciceronian style P. here collapses the vital distinction between radical reformers and

cutright revolutionaries.

() also 21.5)

Thus ... against him: in the first speech Leg. agr., delivered on Jan. 1 with Rullus present.

[163 attack on the law: (12.2 (inopportune attacks on the laws of Sulla): some 'attacks' on laws are more justified than others (for the technique cf. the shifting application of the word 'change' in 10.2n).

12.6 When ... eloquence: in the 3rd speech Leg. agr., delivered at a contio, C. upbraids the tribunes for refusing to appear at his summons (3.1.1); the reference here must therefore be to the 4th speech, by which time, presumably,

they had taken up his challenge and summoned him instead; P. telescopes

and simplifies for narrative clarity and dramatic effect. C. here defeats the radicals on their home ground (cf. 11.2n).

not ... afraid: C.'s lack of fear here is admirable anyway, but especially so in one who suffers from a natural "lack of daring' (3.6n).

other proposals: P. has only mentioned that concerning the sons of the proscribed (12.2), but stresses the comprehensiveness of C.'s success against the whole reform platform (12.2n).

overpowered: cf. the effect of C.'s eloquence on Caesar (39.7; cf. also 3.15).

The sheer power

of

oratory is also emphasised in the Demosthenes (Dem. 5.4). 13.1 For this man ... he says: one of the key philosophical passages in the Life (3.1n; )32.5-7, 37.1-38.2, 41.1, 8). C. is the ideal orator (3.1n), giving an object lesson in the proper function of oratory in politics (cf. also Comp. 2.3). P. here idealises C.: the demands of 'ideal truth' override those of historical truth (which is that the De lege agraria speeches are very biased). demonstrated: = (a) 'proved', (b) ‘demonstrated by his own example’, (c) ‘gave an oratorical "demonstration" (a term often used of formal oratory).' (1.5, 2.2: this is the latest and most impressive

of C.'s 'demonstrations' of his abilities.

() also 13.2)

how much ... he says: the antithetical style compresses the thought: eloquence gives therefore persuasive, and is indispensable in persuading others both what the good course need to carry it out; the statesman, who deploys this eloquence, must always choose the instead of the flattering or ingratiating (i.e. what will give his fellow-citizens pleasure in [the application to actions of the term ‘flattering’, which is normally applied to words,

pleasure, is is and of the good course a gross sense stresses the

necessity of the unity of words and actions]); sometimes the good course may have unpleasant/painful aspects; then also eloquence has a vital function: to alleviate those aspects. The argument works with a series of contrasts: words — actions; good - bad; pleasure — morality; 'good pleasure' — ‘bad pleasure’;

pleasure — pain. and

reason),

Eloquence here = the eloquence of true reason (Greek logos covers both eloquence

which

is

superior

to

feeling/passion

(5.5n):

C.

as

the

ideal

orator

here

fulfils

philosophical role (3.1n, contrast 32.7 [}]).

Similarly Demosthenes (Dem. 13.5-6), though’ cf. 22.6n.

—.

ideal

Two

elements

in

this

analysis

of

the

orator/philosopher

are

especially

important

for

a P.'s

subsequent interpretation of C.: (a) the emphasis on moral choice ('the man who engages in politics conscientiously must always take [choose] the good course'); cf. 19.5-7n; (b) the implication that while the ideal statesman necessarily has dealings with the people, he must avoid being corrupted values ("he must take the good course rather than the flattering); cf. 5.1, 3; 32.7nn. conscientiously: 5.4n. take ... take away: the word play effectively reinforces the contrast.

13.2 demonstration: (13.1: a further 'demonstration' of C.'s powers. charm: here and above C.'s oratory contrasts markedly with Demosthenes’

by

their

harsh and bitter oratory

(Dem. 11.5, Comp. 1.4, cf. 7.6, 24.3, 27.1nn). 13.2-4 When praetor ... the man: another triumphant contio, C.'s purpose presumably being to conciliate the equites and avoid conflict between equites and people. P.'s narrative contains several errors: (a) the man was Lucius, not Marcus; (b) though presumably praetor in 63, he had passed his law as trib. in 67; (c) he was not the first so to treat the equites, merely restoring an earlier arrangement (C. Mur. 40). (a) and (c) are just slips; with (b) P. is probably telescoping for simplicity's sake.

13.2 special part: the first 14 rows. 13.4 disorder occupied: a paradox. Enyo: i.e. the Roman goddess Bellona reprimanded ... advised: so fulfilling Demosthenes, whose dealings with the applauded ... enthusiastically: exactly engaged ... rivalry: C.'s intervention

(1.4n). one of the requirements of 13.1 (not to flatter). C. here parallels people were notably frank (Dem. 14.3). imitating the equires (13.3). restores concord between the orders, and healthy rivalry displaces

destructive opposition ()33.6). 14.1

[Catiline

... conspirators:

abstract

for concrete

in the Greek;

note

the

switch

from

singulars

to

164] plurals.] in the beginning ... frightened: after 11.2; a similar emphasis in Sall. Cat. 24.1 (cf. 11.1n). again: after 11.1. confidence: )17.1 and cf. 10.3n on their 'daring'. Similarly C. feels confidence at 12.5 and at 12.6 is not at all afraid, and at 19.7 the effect on the 'daring' of both conspirators and C. is the key argument

against clemency; both sides also experience fright (here, 14.7).

For P. the Catilinarian Conspiracy is a

duel of 'confidence', 'daring', ‘nerve’ between C. and the conspirators (as historically it was) exploration of the tension between daring and caution in C. himself (cf. 1.5, 5.2, 14.6, 16.1,

and an 19.5-7,

28.1, 35.3nn). gathered ... together: both literally and metaphorically () 17.1). before Pompey ... already: 10.2n. 14.2 dreaming ... riches: prejudiced interpretation colonists had real economic grievances. 14.3 having resolved ... elections: July 63.

(cf.

10.2,

5;

12.2nn;

Intr.

p.

47):

many

Sullan

Similarly C. Cat. 1.11, Sall. Cat. 26.5, C.D. 37.292.

14.4 seemed: P. accepts that they in fact did so (1.1, 2.2nn). disclosures: e.g. those of Fulvia (16.2n).

14.5 postponed ... called ... said: cf. C. Mur. 51, C.D. 37.29.3. threat (3:6n).

C. responds sensibly to the physical

14.6 But Catiline ... to it?’: cf. C. Mur. 51. With this ill-advised and quasi-revolutionary claim to leadership of the people (11.2n) Catiline's nerve cracks (14.1n).

(showing off 14.8)

14.7-8 Cicero was ... onlookers: C. Mur. 52, C.D. 37.29.3-4. see 3.6, 14.1nn, and for his military stance see 16.1n.

For C.'s 'fright' (hardly here criticised)

14.7 al ... escorted: the first of several 'escort scenes' marking the moments of C.'s greatest public support (cf. 16.1, 19.4, 22.2, 22.5, 33.7, 43.5; contrast 31.6; 1.5n). many of the young: a sign that Catiline's dominance over Roman youth (10.4) is weakening. 31.1n. .

Cf. also

plain: Greek (1.4n) for the Campus Martius (cf. 44.5). 14.8 showing off; (14.6: the parallel contrasts Catiline's foolish braggadocio and C.'s political adroitness. they ... indignant: cf. C.D. 37.29.5. Silanus ... Murena: D. lunius Silanus (husband of the famous Servilia, half-sister of Cato, mother of Brutus and mistress of Caesar; further 19.1, 20.4, 21.3); L. Licinius Murena (35.4); both safe men.

(Most modern scholars think that Catiline only now turned to violence.) 15.1 Not long ... this: chronological telescoping of the period between July (14.3-8) and c. Oct. 20 (15.4, 5nn).

15.1—4 there came ... the plot: similarly P. Crass. 13.4 (citing C.'s Greek monograph on his consulship), C.D. 37.31.1. | 15.1 Marcus ... Metellus: M. Claudius Marcellus, cos. 51, Q. Caecilius Metellus Scipio, cos. 52. 15.3 seeking ... Catiline: on the traditional view Crassus had supported Catiline's candidacy consulship certainly in 64 and probably even in 63. C.'s secret work, the De consiliis suis, Crassus of complicity in the actual conspiracy (P. Crass. 13.3; 20.7n) and he was also accused time (Sall. Cat. 48.3ff.; 20.4n) -- very implausibly. Cf. tbe related accusations against Caesar, Crassus' political protégés (20.6, 7nn).

15.4 after deliberation: a rational Crassus’): 3.6n.

response

to the physical danger

convened ... senate: conventional dating Oct. 21.

(in some

contrast to the

for the accused at the one of

‘stunned’

[Dating (a) this meeting, (b) the senate's final decree,

(c) the meeting at which C. delivered the First Catilinarian (16.3-5), is very difficult, C.'s own chronology being self-contradictory. The meeting at Laeca's (16.1) seems to make the night of Nov. 6 a fixed point (C. Sull. 52 ['on the night which followed the day after the Nones (Sth) of November']).

The First Catilinarian meeting was one day or two days later, therefore either 7 or 8 Nov.

This in tum

[165 was the 18th day after the passing of the final decree (C. Cat. 1.4 with Ascon. 6C), which was therefore

either 20 or 21 Oct.

If the meeting of 15.4 was the same meeting, it would be the same date; if there

were two meetings (15.5n), the 15.4 meeting would be a day earlier.]

15.5 When also ... development from Rome: similarly Sall. Cat. 29.1; C.D. second meeting of the senate but is otherwise parallel. . a decree: the final decree

(senatus consultum. ultimum),

first used

in 121

37.31.2 puts this at a

by L.

Opimius

Gracchus, allowing the consuls extraordinary powers when the state was in danger. that persons regarded

as in revolt

against the state forfeited their citizen

against

C.

Effectively it meant

rights and

could

be killed

without trial. Its constitutional validity was controversial and had been the main issue earlier in 63 in the trial of Rabirius, defended by C. himself. The problem recurred with the punishment of the conspirators (19.5-21.5, 30.5).

The decree is usually dated Oct. 21 [15.4n].

16.1 Cicero ... city in hand: cf. C.D. 37.33.4. Quintus Metellus: Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer, cos. 60, praet. 63 (further 29.5).

kept the city ... of it: the language suggests military occupation, though P. is not being critical (3.3n). This, with 14.8, 36.6 and 45.1, 4, show C. at his most warlike, but the military world is generally alien

to him (3.2, 35.1-Snn; )30.2). Of course these measures are also prompted by fear (cf. 15.5), but this too here earns no criticism (3.6n). | Able ... finish him off: cf. C.D.

37.32.4-33.1; these decisions were made at a meeting at the house of

M. Porcius Laeca, apparently on the night of Nov. 6 [15.4n]. Able ... longer: again (14.6) Catiline's nerve cracks (14.1n). (17.5) Marcius and Cetbegus: the assassins were in fact two equites, C. Cornelius and L. Vargunteius (C. Cat. 1.9, Sull. 18, 52; Sall. Cat. 28.1). P. has confused C. Cornelius eques with C. Cornelius Cethegus (18.2n); Marcius (otherwise unknown) is just an error. greet: in the morning 'salutation' by clients. 16.2 Fulvia: Fulvia (not the woman married successively to Clodius, Curio and Antony) was the mistress of one of the conspirators, Q. Curius, who also became an informant.

16.3 called the senate: Nov. 7 on P.'s chronology (if the meeting at Laeca's was the night of Nov. 6 (15.4n]), though there are arguments also for the 8th, the dating favoured by most scholars. Stator: = "who makes to stand firm'; the venue was militarily secure but also symbolically appropriate: all must 'stand firm' against Catiline.

16.4 intending ... himself: similarly Sall. Cat. 31.5. none ... bench: similarly C. Cat. 1.16, 2.12. 16.5 commanded

... city: in the First Catilinarian.

"Commanded'

is dramatic

exaggeration,

but the

speech did pressurise Catiline to leave. since ... them: cf. C, Cat. 1.10 "You will free me from great fear, only if the wall is between you and me.'

16.6 [The men is picked up at 17.1.] So Catiline ... fight it out: cf. C.D. 37.33.2-3. 300 armed men: Catiline actually had only a few men with him (C. Cat. 2.4, Sall. Cat. 32.1). Perhaps he got these 300 later. fasces ... magistrate: as if he had been elected consul. 20,000: Catiline actually had only 2,000 initially (Sall. Cat. 56.1-2); P.'s figure is the final total (App. 2.7.

Probably P. deliberately antedates to stress how formidable Catiline became,

before treating the

political sequel in Rome. open war ... out: mid-Nov. 17.1 corrupted: ‘corruption’ runs riot: ‘the corrupted' are rallied by Lentulus, who had himseli ‘corrupted’ much public money (17.2 — same Greek word) and then ‘corrupted’ some jurors (17.4)

'corrupted' himself by Catiline, he is 'further corrupted' by false prophets (17.5), who urge him (fina irony) not to 'corrupt' his opportunities as Catiline (arch-corrupter) had done.

Thus P. builds from 10.:

(() a picture of utter moral depravity and chaos. gathered ... confidence: (14.1: the same pattern, but now the leader is Lentulus, a man with ambition: of his own (17.5). He ... status anew: P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura, quaest. 81 (below), praet. 74, cos. 71, expelled from tht

166] senate in 70, praet. again in 63.

17.3 offered ... ball: to be slapped.

The game in question was something

like the British 'French

cricket'. 17.4 trial: date unknown.

17.5 certain false prophets ... like Catíline: similarly C. Cat. 3.9 (cf. 4.2), Sali. Cat. 47.2, App. 2.4. further corrupted: (17.1 (ring structure picking up 17.1).

Sibylline books: official oracles uttered by Sibyls (ecstatic prophetesses) to be consulted only at the senate's command.

But unofficial Sibylline prophecies were often used for political propaganda.

monarchs ... Cinna ... Sulla ... Cornelii: Lentulus is the new ‘monarch' facing C. (3.3n; also )20.6). he should ... costs: similarly P. Cat. Min. 22.3.

delaying ... Catiline: cf. 14.1n and (16.1.

Lentulus' impetuousness thus contrasts with Catiline's greater

circumspection. In Sall. Cat. 43.3 Cethegus (18.2) takes this view of the other conspirators: transferred this motif to Lentulus and Catiline.

P. has

18.1 no remediable: Lentulus represents a particularly virulent strain of Rome's general sickness (10.5n). kill ... they could: similarly C. Cat. 3.8, 4.13; Sall. Cat. 43.2. App. 2.3 and C.D. 37.34.1 are more circumspect.

Pompey's children ... great campaign: cf. 10.2, 14.1. 18.2 A night ... days: i.e. during the Saturnalia (1.4n); similarly C. Cat. 3.10 and 17.

At this date the

festival took place officially on Dec. 17 but in practice the festivities lasted longer. they brought ... hid them: cf. 19.2. C. Cornelius Cethegus, senator, was the most forceful and violent conspirator. 18.3 100 ... districts: Sall. Cat. 43.2 and App. 2.3 more credibly say 12. 18.4 two: only P. gives this number.

Allobroges ... government.

oppressive:

a tribe

of

Gallia

Narbonensis

heavily

in

debt

through

harsh

Roman

letter ... Catiline ... slaves ... Rome: C. Cat. 3.12 (cf. 3.8) and Sall. Cat. 44.5 give the text. slaves was a last resort, endorsed by Catiline only at the end.

Freeing

18.5 Thinking ... fellow-conspirators: similarly C. Cat. 3.4, Sall. Cat. 40, App. 2.4.

18.6 Titus ... Croton: T. Volturcius (cf. 19.3). 18.7 But since ... women: a passion v. reason context (5.5n), with C. again an ideal figure — much more justifiably than in 13.1.

pursuing: cf. 'tracking': C. is like a hunter pursuing wild beasts ((12.5, )below, 20.6, 33.2, 46.6). sober: in contrast to the conspirators. many ... conspiracy: e.g. Fulvia and Curius (16.2n). got to know: the Allobroges actually told their Roman patron (Sall. Cat. 41.4, App. 2.4).

ambush ... captured: early morning Dec. 3; at the decisive moment, when C. gets proof positive, what was hunting imagery becomes actuality (for a similar switch from imagery to reality cf. 43.8n). 20.6) |

( also

19.1 temple of Concord: again (16.3) symbolically appropriate: at the supreme crisis Concord must

possess all loyal citizens.

19.1-3 he read ... his state: P.'s account of this decisive senate meeting is careless and perfunctory - he

is much more

interested in exploring the great decision C. faces about the conspirators' punishment

19.1 he read

... the letters: P. puts C.'s trump first: the true sequence

(19.5-21.5).

a

was (C. Cat.

3.8ff.): M

Volturcius (18.6) was questioned alone, (2) the Allobroges were introduced and questioned, (3)

{Me

conspirators were confronted individually with the letters, which broke them.

informers: Volturcius and the Allobroges, but P. treats the former at 19.3 and omits the latter. Junius Silanus: the consul designate of 14.8.

said ... killed: elsewhere unattested; the 'three consuls' are C. and the consuls-elect Silanus and Mure

na

[167 (14.8), Antonius having left Rome (16.6). In Latin and Greek 'consul' can cover consul-elect, proconsul and consular besides consul proper (cf. also 6.2n). [The Greek does not here mean 'consulars': the

hypatoi are distinct from the hypatikos.] Piso: C. Calpurnius Piso, cos. 67.

19.2 Gaius ... newly sharpened: this actually preceded the senate meeting (C. Cat. 3.8). 19.3 Finally, ... disclosing information: this came first (19.1n) and was not the decisive factor with Lentulus (cf. C. Cat. 3.10-11). forswore ... office: he was persuaded, which surmounted the problems that a magistrate normally could

not be deposed nor punished while in office. For oath-taking on leaving office see 23.2-3 ()). (be ... praetor): a redundant explanation (17.1; cf. 26.2). purple-bordered toga: worn by higher magistrates and free-born children (44.3). clothing ... state: 9.2n.

19.4 this man ... with him: for dramatic simplicity P. has focused almost entirely on Lentulus. handed over ... praetors: similarly App. 2.5 (cf. 22.1) but they were actually handed over to an aedile and several senators (Sall. Cat. 47.34), two of whom, Caesar (23.1) and Cn. Terentius, were praetors-elect (which perhaps explains the error).

unchained custody: the Roman libera custodia, whereby eminent accused were entrusted to prominent people's custody. | Since ... been done: in the Third Catilinarian. escort: 14.7n.

house of a friend: only P. has this. 19.4-5 women ... Virgins: more on these rites in P. Caes. 9.4-8, cf. 28.2-4 below.

19.4 Good: Latin Bona Dea. 19.5 consul's: or praetor's (Caes. 9.7, C. Har. resp. 37; 28.2). Vestal Virgins: virgin priestesses of Vesta, the Roman hearth-goddess.

19.5-7 So Cicero ... reputation generally: again (19.4n) only P. has this material [Sall. Cat. 46.2 is no parallel], which crystallises several major themes. C. faces a stark choice, as later against Clodius . (029.4; 31.2, 5), during his exile () 32.5-7), in the war between Pompey and Caesar ()37.2-3) and several times in the final phase of his life ()41.1). This choice is the last round in his duel of 'daring' with the Catilinarians (14.1n), requires him to decide between caution and daring (1.5, 14.1nn), with ambition as usual an important influence on C. (19.6-7, 20.2), and between justice and moderation (6.1, 9.4—7nn), and will profoundly affect his reputation (1.5n). For the emphasis on moral choice see also 13.1n. In one sense also it is a fight between reason, as personified by C., and unreason/passion, as personified by the Catilinarians (5.5n), yet within C. himself there is something of the same conflict, his head favouring the death penalty, his heart clemency. While his general handling of the Catilinarian conspiracy is triumphantly successful, his eventual response to this choice, difficult as it is, falls short of

the ideal (21.2-3n), thus anticipating his later failures. 19.5 (worry )20.3)

[19.5: the MSS words 'and when he was' (kai genomenos) before 'on his own' contradict 'very few were present with him'.] the men: = 'the conspirators'

(cf.

20.3,

4; 21.1,

42.2,

4).

‘The

man/men'

is a common

Greek

periphrasis for a previously expressed noun (1.1, 20.6, 22.6, 24.6). 19.6 (ultimate ... proper )20.4) cautious ... hesitant: cf. 5.2n. moderation: part of C.'s nature abhors the death penalty ((9.6, )21.2). reputation: as usual C. is concerned for his fame/reputation/glory and on the one hand wants to avoid a reputation for pride and cruelty ()19.7, 20.2). cruelly: 6.1n. powerful friends: primarily Crassus (15.3, 20.7nn).

too softly: cf. 19.7; 6.1n. dreaded: 3.6n.

19.7 reputation ... reputation: (19.6: on the other hand C. wants to avoid the reputation of being soft. especially in view of his not very daring general reputation. ()20.2) unmanly ... soft: 6.1n, 7.7. not daring ... generally: "lack of daring as regards dangers and wars' is of course one of the three mair

168] character traits C. shares with Demosthenes (Dem. 3.3, cf. 6.5 [contrast 6.1), Cic. 35.3, 42.2, [nir . p. 20; cf. aiso 1.5, 3.6, 5.2, 14.1, 35.3nn). in general Demosthenes has greater politica! resolution than C., but is more of a coward physically (Cic. 35.3, Snn). ()20.3)

20.1 (completely ... loss )37.3)

_

20.1-3 a sign ... the men: as at birth (2.1-2), C. enjoys a clear sign of divine favour. C. described this perhaps credible omen in his epic poem on his consulship (Servius on Verg. Ecl. 8.105). P. puts the omen on the night of Dec. 3 (18.7n), C.D. 37.35.4 at dawn on the Sth, Servius before (and portending)

C.'s election.

P.'s version is the best integrated into its context and most circumstantial, hence the most

plausible.

20.2 sacred virgins: cf. 19.5; Terentia's half-sister Fabia was a Vestal and in 73 Catiline had been unsuccessfully charged with seducing her, a scandal which presumably fanned Vesta! hostility to him, especially as the scandal was revived by C. in the invective of the 64 elections (Ascon. 29.3n). put in hand ... decided: C. has now seemingly decided for the death penalty ()21.3).

safety: which C. in fact achieves (22.5-6).

91C; further

|

reputation: it seems after all that it is the death penalty which will enhance C.'s reputation ((19.6-7).

20.3 Terentia ... worries: (19.5: it is when Terentia shares his "worries' that C. reaches a decision.

()

also 29.4)

not mild: unlike C. (6.1). nor ... daring ... generally: (19.7: Terentia has the daring supposedly lacking in C. ambitious: therein like C. himself, but the quality is (to P.) unwomanly.

Cicero ... himself: the passage is not extant, probably being from C.'s Greek monograph (Intr. p. 28). spurred ... on: (5.3: for the second time a family member resolves C.'s caution ()29.4 also). Similarly also ... Nigidius: for the intervention of friends and family cf. 1.5n. Publius ... political activities: P. Nigidius Figulus was a Pythagorean and occultist. P. surely exaggerates

Nigidius' role (cf. An seni 7970), but there must be something here - cf. C. Fam. 4.13.2. The exaggerated stress on this further philosophical mentor (3.1n) highlights the philosophical aspect of C.'s choice (19.5—7n).

20.4 the following day: by P.'s chronology and the logic of his narrative (18.7, 19.1, 20.1-3). Dec. 4, the

day

after

the

ambush

and

the

senate

meeting

demonstrating

the

conspirators’

guilt,

But

(a) there

was a senate meeting on Dec. 4 which considered and rejected testimony against Crassus and voted the Allobroges and Volturcius rewards; (b) at least part of the debate about the conspirators’ punishment was on Dec. 5, the occasion of C.'s Fourth Catilinarian (C. Att. 2.1.3; Cat. 4.5 and 10). However,

there are signs that there were two debates on this issue (cf. C. Cat. 4.6—7, 4.20, 4.24; Sall. Cat. 50.3-5; C.D. 37.36.1-2). Hence P. (a) may be right to put the start of the debate about punishment on Dec. 4, but (b) has suppressed an earlier meeting on the 4th (about the testimony against Crassus) and

(c) conflated two debates about punishment (22.2 marking the start of the second debate — 22.2n). 20.4-21.5 when discussions ... confiscation go: the details of this debate, especially the order of Speeches, have been much discussed, ancient evidence being contradictory (the two-debates hypothesis solves some difficulties).

20.4 first ... Silanus: as the senior consul-designate. proper ... supreme penalty: (19.6: Silanus' proposal is the one C. approves yet fears.

20.5 all ... up to ... Caesar: similarly C. Att. 12.21.1; Suet. Caes. 14.1; C.D. 37.36.1. 20.6-7 At that time ... their punishment: the seemingly excessive material on Caesar (21.5 is more obviously relevant) establishes the uneasy relations of C. and Caesar and Caesar's ambiguous

character

(both to be developed later: 23.1, 23.4, 30.3-5, 37.1-4, 39.3-40.1, 40.4-5, 42.1); firmly stamps Caesar as a future 'monarch' with whom C. already has to reckon (20.6n); and suggests contrasts between the two men's politics and political skills (20.6n, cf. 29.9n), though the emphasis is probably also source-derived (20.7n).

20.6 still young: 37. start: (3.5: Caesar's sinister 'start' contrasts sharply with C.'s wholly meritorious one. but having ... monarchy: (17.5: Caesar's calm premeditation contrasts with Lentulus' empty hopes.

ct.

also below. (On 'monarchy' see 3.3, 40.1nn.) had given ... suspicions: of complicity in the conspiracy; C.'s own De consiliis suis (15.3n, below, Intr. p. 28; cf. Att, 10.8.8, Off. 2.84 and more generally Ast. 10.4.5, P. Caes. 4.8-9) accused Caesar, Cf. the related accusations against Crassus however implausibly, as did Cato (21.4, Sall. Cat. 52.16).

[169 (below, 15.3). no firm ... hold ... eluded

... caught: hunting imagery

again,

but Caesar

proves much

more

slippery

prey than the Catilinarians ((18.7). 20.7 purposely ... against him: similarly P. Caes. 7.5. fear: cf. 3.6n. If this second explanation of C.'s behaviour

is right (P.

is technically

non-committal

[1.1n]), it must be given weight, but even so, C. is not necessarily criticised, since there is à rational . reason for leaving Caesar alone. their power: not "his power': in the sequel C. fears not Caesar but his powerful. backers. it was clear: still what widely known.

'some say',

implying

(in contrast to the

20.6 version) that Caesar's

guilt was

those men: Caesar's powerful friends, not the conspirators whose guilt has been proved, but the men behind both them and Caesar, preeminently Crassus (cf. 15.3, 19.6).

[Scholars invariably take ekeinoi

as 'the conspirators' but this is impossible Greek — ekeinoi must refer to the preceding plural noun ton philon — and also gives poor sense.] contribute: (11.1: formidable as Caesar is, like Antonius he merely 'contributes' to his backers' power. [The construction closely resemibles 11.1; lit. 'those.men would be an addition/contribution of safety to Caesar rather than that Caesar would be an addition/contribution of punishment to them.'] () also 37.2) The thought, somewhat obscured by the complex and economical stylistic balance, is: proceeding against Caesar would not help C. unmask and punish his backers; rather, their support would help Caesar get off.

21.1 at any rate: 5.1n. turn ... to him: as praetor-designate.

they should not ... defeated: after which they could be tried at leisure ~ cf. Caes. 7.9.

Similarly App.

2.6. Caesar in fact proposed life imprisonment (C. Cat. 4.7-8, 10; Sali. Cat. 51.43; C.D. 37.36.12). The P./Appian version involves some confusion with the proposal of Ti. Claudius Nero, who did advocate delay (App. 2.5, cf. Sall. Cat. 50.4).

21.2 The proposal... able speaker: P. describes the three key speeches of the debate carefully (3.1n), showing the essential differences between them (1.5n). moderate: (19.6-7: it is Caesar's proposal that C. favours temperamentally. 21.2-3 Cicero ... Caesar's: the Fourth Catilinarian. That C. spoke after Silanus and Caesar is proved by Cat. 4.7; that he spoke before Cato by his failure to mention his proposal. On the 'two-debates hypothesis’ (20.4n), C.'s speech opened the second debate, summarising, and commenting on, the two

proposals made in the first debate. proposal

explicitly,

it certainly

However, while the Fourth Catilinarian

commends

12.21.1; cf. App. 2.6, C.D. 37.35.4).

it implicitly,

as C.

himself

does not support Silanus'

claimed

to

have

done

(Att.

Hence, either: (a) C.'s actual speech was more equivocal than the

published version; or (b) P. follows a source wrong on this point; or (c) he has failed to understand the Fourth Catilinarian; or (d) (likeliest) he has exaggerated C.'s equivocation as part of his general analysis of C.'s irresolution in crises (cf. 5.1, 19.5—7nn; 32.3, 37.2-3, 43.3-4, 47.4-10). Certainly C. is not now the ideal orator (13.1) but the rhetorician arguing both sides (cf. 25.2), having lost his earlier resolution

(00.2 C.'s

- ‘tried his hand'/'put in hand"). tendency

to

irresolution

contrasts

with

the

consistency

and

stability

of

Demosthenes

(Dem.

13.1-4, cf. Intr. p. 22, 37.2-3nn, 38.1n). 21.2 not a ... weight: (5.6: but here again C.'s persuasive oratory seems misdirected.

21.3 all ... friends: including his brother Quintus (Suet. Caes. 14.2). (for he ... to death): evidently a (though hardly the main) consideration: in the Fourth Catilinarian C. revealingly stresses his readiness to implement Silanus! proposal. Silanus ... supreme penalty: a transparent evasion, whereby Silanus managed to change his position in practice, without formally changing his previously expressed 'opinion' (Latin sententia); similarly P. Cat. min. 22.6, Suet. Caes. 14.1.

21.4 Lutatius ... oppose it: Q. Lutatius Catulus, cos. 78, princeps senatus, leader of the optimates anc enemy of Caesar, who had defeated him in the recent election for pontifex maximus (further 1.5, 29.7. 44.3-7n). If the consular Catulus spoke after Caesar he must, like Silanus, have spoken twice.

then

Cato:

M.

Porcius

Cato,

great-grandson

of Cato

the

Censor,

one

of the

senate's

staunches

champions and convinced Stoic (38.1); as trib.-designate (23.5-6) one of the last speakers; celebrated a: man of principle and (after his death) ‘philosophical martyr' (39.5; further 31.5n, 34.2-3, 35.4, 39.1-2)

(P. does not introduce him - a typical carelessness [cf. Intr. p. 10].)

170] forcefully ... anger ... high spirit: yet this description seems critical: Cato's oratory arouses, and exploits, passion and anger (contrast 13.1), and the senate resolves an intensely difficult moral question

(19.5-7) in the wrong spirit. 21.5 In ... confiscation go: only P. records this. Caesar ... stand: (12.5, 10.2 seems admirable, especially in humane elements ... single ... of property (21.1). Again (cf.

(cf. also 23.5, 39.2): again, Caesar's solitary 'stand', like C.'s earlier, view of the violent sequel. most severe: respectively, sparing the conspirators' lives and confiscation 21.2), Caesar's position is the one naturaily congenial to C. (19.6-7).

22.1 different praetors: incorrect (19.4n).

22.2-6 First ... best men: much of this vivid and seemingly circumstantial narrative is unparalleled. 22.2 the greatest ... aristocratic office: of C.'s escort (14.7n) at this critical jüncture only 'the greatest

leaders' fully support him (cf. 11.2n; )22.5). what ... done: the wording (ta dromena), often used of sacred rites, anticipates the imagery. initiated ... office: as if in some mystery cult - an effective image (cf. 6.4n) for the procession's eery silence.

22.3 public executioner: P. 'thinks Greek' (1.4n): the reference should be to the (probably three) state executioners (vindices rerum capitalium (Sall. Cat. 55.5]).

then Cethegus ... each of the others: similarly App. 2.6. 22.4 Seeing ... die.': again App. is somewhat similar. many ... in crowds: 11.2n. 22.5 the citizens ... no longer: C.'s escort now (contrast spontaneous and noisy enthusiasm replaces silence and order.

22.2

[(])

is the

united

citizen

body

and

saviour: cf. e.g. Att. 9.10.3, Cat. 3.15, 25f., 4.20, Vat. 7. ()31.4, 46.1) founder: the Greeks often called a city's benefactor or saviour a new 'founder', an idea absorbed into Roman

rulership ideology.

22.6-7 Most of these ... strife and trouble: these reflections of 'most' of 'the best men' are invented from themes in C.'s own works (below; though they also reflect P.'s own preoccupations — cf. e.g. Num. 20.3-12) in order to emphasise his statesmanship's superiority to military achievement (cf. 8.6, 36.2, Comp. 2.1) and his feat in overcoming the Catilinarians without civil strife. The stress on C.'s unwarlike nature, though here laudatory, also foreshadows an important theme of the second half of the Life (3.1, 2nn).

22.6 the Roman ... danger: cf. C. Cat. 3.15, 4.2021. security ... safety: here C. outdoes Demosthenes,

(Dem. 13.6, cf. 18.2), whereas C. secures all three.

who

subordinated

‘security’ and 'safety' to "the good'

() also 44.1)

22.7 It was ... trouble: a frequent boast of C. (e.g. Cat. 3.23-25, Sull. 33, Phil. 14.24). 22.8 most ... Cethegus: similarly Sall. Cat. 57.1, C.D. 37.39.2. fought: Pistoria, Jan. 62; actually Antonius' legate M. Petreius commanded, but P. is uninterested in the precise military history, focusing instead on the continuing political struggle: the introduction of a new character for a single appearance would unbalance the narrative.

23.1-6 Nevertheless ... the people: for the parailel and contrast with Dem. 21.1-2 see Intr. p. 23. 23.1 leaders ... tribunes: Caesar was praet. 62, Q. Caecilius Metellus Nepos (26.6, 9-11; 33.4n) and L. Calpurnius Bestia tribunes.

23.2-3 When ... after him: material is conflated here: (a) though Caesar and Nepos cooperated against C.

generally,

Caesar

was

not

involved

in the

oath

incident;

this

occurred

on

Dec.

29,

the

last

day

of

C.'s consulship (P.'s dating is inaccurate) and while tribunes entered office on Dec. 10, praetors did so on Jap. 1; (b) Bestia, though certainly an opponent of C., is nowhere else connected with this incident.

23.2 harangue ... swear the oath: on the last day of office magistrates addressed the people and took an oath (below).

still in office ... more: the inaccuracy (above) suggests a parallel with 9.4-7 ((): in both cases C.

[171 recovers from a reverse a few days before the end of a magistracy, winning popular support; incidents showing his standing with the people frame his consulship (ring structure). Cf. Intr. p. 13. rostra; a platform for speakers in the forum (9.6n), adorned with ships' beaks (Latin rostra = beaks).

Cf. 49.2, 25.2. ' traditional oath: that he had done nothing contrary to the laws. that he ... empire: P. omits C.'s emphasis that he had done so alone (Pis. 6): such boastfulness (before 24.1) would spoil the effect here. C.'s triumphant exit from office contrasts with Lentulus' disgrace . ((19.3). whole people: who now unequivocally endorse C.'s general handling of the Catiline conspiracy (11.2n).

23.4 Caesar ... tribunes: again (23.2-3n) P. generalises: the 'law' was proposed by Nepos. recall Pompey ... Cicero: C.D. 37.43.1 and P. Cat. min. 26.2 say Pompey was to deal with Catiline (not yet defeated — 22.8n). P.'s gloss on the law cannot have been its official justification, but popularis

politicians did accuse C. of 'kingship' and 'tyranny' in 63/62 (cf. 33.1; 3.3n), and the emphasis makes Caesar and henchmen suitably impudent. 23.5 great blessing ... whole state: (2.1: Cato, like C. a ‘great blessing’ to Rome, spiritual ally and moral exemplar (cf. 34.2-3,.38.1; 3.1n).

is here

both

C.'s

setting himself ... policies: again, rather like C. against the Catilinarians (12.5). equal: to the tribunes', not Caesar's superior praetorian authority.

23.6 He easily ... schemes: a full account in P. Cat. min. 26-29. so extolled ... country: similarly App. 2.7. Catulus got the senate to decree the same title. 22.5. The people now give C. the greatest honours possible (11.2n).

Cf. also

first: similarly Plin. sen. NH 7.117, App. 2.7, probably rightly (references to earlier figures obtaining the title postdate, (2.1n).

Increasing

and

seem

based

unpopularity

on,

through

C.'s example).

continual

P.

boasting

unobtrusively

(contrasting

links C.

with

and

generous

the

emperors

attitude

to

philosophers and orators past and present) (24.19); cruel and untimely wit (25.126.12); hatred caused by cutting remarks (27.1-6) 24.1-27.6 At that time ... his father's: a transitional section between the triumphant consulship and the humiliating struggle against Clodius (28.1ff.) with too many quotations (even more than in the later 38.2-8), no doubt partly because of their ready availability (5.6n); but there is truth in the basic historical analysis (that C. gratuitously alienated many people whose support might have saved him in 58), and the material allows P. to develop major themes, as well as providing a breathing space between two intense and complex narratives. This section also functions as a structural parallel to Dem. 8.1-16.4 (Intr. p. 22). 24.1 greatest power: )40.1, 45.4: on this, the first of three occasions when C. has great power, he

misuses it (cf. also 34.1-3n).

Demosthenes similarly has two moments of supreme power (Dem.

18.3,

23.1-2).

he made ... glorifying himself: similar historical analysis in C.D. 37.38.2, 38.12.7. naturally without self-criticism, e.g. OF 1.4.1, Att. 3.7,2, 3.9.2, envious ill-will: an occupational final downfall is partly 'through praising ... himself: (6.5: C.'s deterioration in 27.1). C. here

C. himself, though

emphasises the envy of those who in his view let him down in 58 (cf. Pis. 72, Off. 1.77). hazard of success, but C. brings it on himself (cf. below). Similarly his his own choice' (41.1). (Also )24.4) delight in praise now takes an even worse form: self-praise (another sharply contrasts with Demosthenes (Comp. 2.1-3, Intr. p. 24).

24.2 It ... talked about: similarly Ad Brut. 1.17.1 (45.2n), Sen. Brev. vit. 5.1. There is much material in (e.g.) the Third and Fourth Catilinarians, Pro Sulla, Pro Flacco, and In Pisonem.

such

(everlastingly )24.3) 24.3 books

... eulogies:

e.g.

his Greek

monograph

(15.1—4n;

consulship and secret De consiliis suis (15.3n). charm: cf. 13.2, 7.6. burdensome ... vulgar: similarly of C. himself in C.D. 38.12.7.

Intr.

p.

28) and

epic

(20.1-3n)

on

his

()28.1)

vulgar: as opposed to 'pleasant' and 'charming'. this unpleasantness ... doom: a memorable image (6.4n): the unpleasantness is like a goddess of death

172] perpetually

shadowing

her

victim,

yet also

something

within

C.

himself

('everlasting'

('everlastingly'

[24.2]; cf. also 41.1n). 24.4 free of ... unenvious: despite the fact that he himself aroused

envy

((24.1; similarly 'eulogising'

(l'eulogies' in 24.3). This generous trait is later corrupted ()40.4). (men ... own time )24.7) as .. writings: P. ‘thinks Greek! (1.4n), citing only C.'s comments on Greek orators and philosophers (though 24.6 touches on Roman oratoricai controversies [cf. aiso 36.6]). 24.5.6 People ... they forget: this section covers C. on the men ‘before himself‘. The introductory ‘people ... remember' is redundant and slightly odd (P. may be modestly disclaiming personal research, cf. 40.2, 41.1) but 'answered' by 'forget' at the end (ring structure). 24.5 Aristotle ... gold: Acad. 2.119. dialogues ... discourse thus: Brut. 121.

24.6 Theophrastus ... favourite: a development of Brut. 121 ‘Who more sinewy than Aristotle, who sweeter than Theophrastus?" (cf. the Plato reference above). P. gives Theophrastus ‘feminine’ characteristics to contrast him with the 'virile' Aristotle. asked ... longest’: C. did think Demosthenes’ longest speech, De corona,

his best (Orat.

26), but the

point here is: "You can't have too much Demosthenes’ (this could of course be P.'s 'reinterpretation' of Orat. 26). those ... Demosthenes: Roman ‘Atticists' (orators who imitated the great Attic orators, including Demosthenes), men like Brutus (42.1, 43.1, 45.2-3, 47.1; 14.8, 32.6, 39.5, 40.1nn), Calvus, and Asinius

Pollio (Intr. p. 30). letter: also cited by Quint. 10.1.24, 12.1.22, but not extant. Demosthenes ... some parts: evidently a standard criticism of the greatest writers (cf. Horace on Homer

[AP 359]). the great ... the man: e.g. Brut. 35, 141; Orat. 6.

those ... Philippics: cf. C. Ad Brut. 2.3.4, 2.4.2; these imitated Demosthenes' speeches rousing Athens against Philip of Macedon (further 41.6, parallel between C. and Demosthenes.

48.6,

Dem.

12.1-2).

This

series

of items

strengthens

the

24.7 men ... time: picking up from 24.4 (0). Cratippus: the leading contemporary Peripatetic (the Peripatos was the philosophical school founded by Aristotle).

already ... power: after the Civil War. Council ... Areopagus: the ancient council on the "Hill of Ares' (Areopagus) in Athens. to vote ... city: philosophy was then weak in Athens (cf. Att. 5.10.5). 24.8 There are ... matters ... others: not extant. Herodes: to whose care C. entrusted his son. son: also M. Tullius Cicero; born 65; in Athens 45-44 (45.3), when he did study with Cratippus; cos. 30 (49.6). Gorgias: an important rhetorician. drinking bouts: for which the young C. became notorious. banished: in Fam. 16.21.6 the young C. tells Tiro (49.4n) he has obeyed his father and dismissed Gorgias. 24.9 Of ... anger: C.'s general courtesy towards Greeks merits praise (3.3n, contrast 32.5, 38.4). Pelops: evidently a prominent Byzantine politician.

petty ... querulous: traits which reappear in exile ()32.5). ! certain honours ... Byzantines: from C.'s praise of others (24.4-8) back to the theme of self-praise C. expected these (24.1-3, 25.1). 57-55, who injured the Byzantines.

honours for having

attacked Piso

(30.2n),

governor

of Macedonia

(25.1-27.6 )38.2-8) 25.1 as was ... propriety: i.e. C. liked to maintain his reputation for wit (5.6n).

Similarly Comp. 1.45.

C. here contrasts with Demosthenes, who is far less witty than C., to the point indeed of ill temper and moroseness, and does not transgress propriety (Comp. 1.4-6, Dem. 11.5-6, contrast Dem. 16.4).

propriety: an important criterion in ancient oratorical theory (cf. e.g. Arist. Rhet. 1408A 10ff., C. Orat.

[173 70-74,

88,

De

Orat.

2.216ff.,

Off.

1.103f;

Comp.

1.4-5).

'Propriety'

here

entails

appropriateness to one's character and status, and avoidance of obscenity, broad humour, and ill-considered levity.

moderation, offensiveness

For example ... plain daylight?': C. defended T. Munatius Plancus Bursa, trib. 52, some time before 52, when he accused him; the identity of 'Sabinus' is unclear, possibly T. Vettius Sabinus, praet. 59. Quint. 2.17.21 has C. use the same image of the trial of Cluentius (66); this kind of imagery is common in Latin, as in English. anger: an unphilosophical reaction (3.1, 5.5nn). 25.2-26.2 He ... Crassus: all this material centres on Crassus; 26.4-12 is scrappier.

25.2 ‘exercising ... sake’: arguing opposite cases was part of oratorical training, but C. is far from the ideal orator here (3.1, 13.1nn, cf. 21.3).

45.3 "What ... say that?': his first remark being ill-omened. 25.4 When ... is rich: the rich Crassus actually followed the Peripatetics (P. Crass. 3) but affects to find justification for the pursuit of riches in a famous Stoic doctrine; this was a joke, the doctrine being a paradox, the point being that riches consist not in worldly possessions but moral virtue.

"Be ... man’: C. cleverly turns Crassus' joke, using a similar but stronger Stoic paradox to allude to Crassus’ extreme greed. 25.5 one: the elder of Crassus' sons (for the younger see 33.8, 36.1). ‘Axiomatic Crassus' (a substitution apophthegm

... Crassus’: the translation tries to get C.'s neat Greek pun: Axios Krassou, = (a) ‘worthy of good orator), (b) 'Axius, son of Crassus' (a regular form of identification, twisted by the of the name of Crassus' wife's suspected lover): apparent compliment conveys insult. [The of Dem. 10.2 perhaps prompted P. to include this joke.]

26.1 When ... Syria: Nov. 55; Syria was Crassus' province after his consulship of 55 (cf. 36.1). he wanted ... entertained him: simplified and rather misleading: Caesar and Pompey engineered this reconciliation and C. hosted the dinner in the suburban villa of his son-in-law (41.7n) Furius Crassipes

(C. Fam. 1.9.20). 26.2 Vatinius: 9.3n. desired ... friendship: C. in fact defended him in 54 under pressure from Pompey and Caesar, (he ... enemy): a redundant explanation (cf. 19.3). 26.3 the wretch: probably with double reference: to (a) the messenger who falsely reported Vatinius' death, and (b) Vatinius himself, who 'deceived' by not dying. 26.4 When many ... the soldiers: as cos. 59 Caesar introduced agrarian legislation to benefit both Pompey's veterans and the people, of which this, the De agro Campano, was probably the second bill, proposed in Apr. Gellius: L. Gellius Publicola, praet. 94, cos. 72.

26.5 There was ... unpierced: similarly Macrob. 7.3.7. ear ... unpierced: hearing should be easy. C. implies Octavius' barbarian origin (Libyans pierced their ears), perhaps also servile descent. 26.6 Metellus Nepos: cf. 23.1. caused ... witness: in the Catilinarian conspiracy.

26.8 Publius ... with others: C. defended Sestius (trib. 57; 33.4n) in 56. 26.9 ‘Who ... Cicero?': cf. 1.2. 26.10 He ... senselessly: his behaviour was not so irrational: he left having been suspended after the violence of early 62, claiming that Pompey would avenge the insulted tribunate; but as a general

description 'volatile' suits Nepos well. 26.11 stone raven: presumably as a bird of death (cf. 47.8). fly: z to speak in 'highflown' style.

174] 26.12 so iron-hearted: C. mockingly pretends Appius’ failure stems from cruelty, not incompetence.

27.1 The use ... orator: (5.6 (and n), but again (24.1n) C. now goes one

age worse.

C.'s wit here

rather recalls the general character of Demosthenes’ oratory (Dem. 11.5, Comp. 1.4; cf. also Demosthenes! wit at Dem. 16.4);on the difference between C's. oratory and Demosthenes’ see 13.2n.

clashing ... hatred: again (cf. 24.1) a contemporary view (cf. e.g. C. Att. 2.9.1, Macrob. 2.1.12) and obviousiy historically true. 27.2 Adrastus: legendary Argive king, one of whose daughters married Polynices, exile from Thebes, the other Tydeus, exile from Calydon. 27.3 Cotta: L. Aurelius Cotta, cos. 65, censor 64.

27.4 ‘He ... it.': from a lost tragedy (perhaps Euripides! Oedipus), with reference to Laius, who begot Oedipus in defiance of Apollo's oracle; implication: Voconius' daughters are a 'monstrous brood'. 27.5 loud freedom.

... public

claims.':

‘I loudly

reclaim

freedom'

was

the

formula

slaves

used

getting their

27.6 posted: in the proscriptions (3.4).

The siruggle against Clodius: C. outmanoeuvred politically, his irresolution and unphilosophic reaction to exile; his triumphant return (28.1-33.8) Clodius and the Bona Dea scandal (28.1—4); C. testifies against his friend under pressure from Terentia; others testify to Clodius' crimes and incest; acquittal due to bribery; remarks of Catulus and C.; Caesar's divorce (29.1-9). Clodius attacks C.: his political power bases; C.'s negotiations to join

Caesar; Clodius! false overtures; Caesar's pique and attacks on C. over execution of Catilinarians; C.'s supplications obstructed by Clodius' mobs (30.1-7). Failure of demonstrations in C.'s favour by equites and senators; C.'s unsuccessful appeal to Pompey, who betrays him; his appeal to consuls; majority of friends advise flight; C. leaves Rome (31.1-6). Clodius' edict ignored by all except Vibius and Vergilius, whose actions depress C.; his irresolution, depression, and (despite pretensions) unphilosophical deportment; corrupting influence of popular passions (32.1-7). Clodius' excesses alienate aristocrats and Pompey; Pompey and senate work for C.'s return; people also alienated; Milo's prosecution of Clodius; vote for C.'s return; enthusiastic reception by all Italy, including even Crassus (33.1-8). 28.1-31.6 As ... Sicily: for the contrast with Dem. 24.2 see Intr. p. 23.

28.1 burdensome: (24.3: ring structure emphasising 24-27's basic theme, the pick-up rather artificial in that much of that material actually postdates its ostensible dating of 63-62. The thought foreshadows the unravelling of C.'s political support in chs. 30—31, while 'the following ground' covers 28.2-29.9. Clodius: P. Clodius Pulcher of the patrician Claudii Pulchri (Clodius is the popular form of the name), quaestor-designate in Dec. 62. (banded together )29.6) young: barely: Clodius must have been at least 30 when quaestor. The emphasis allows the 'realistic' detail of 28.2, prepares a parallel between C.'s struggles with Clodius and the 'young' Octavian (44.1n), and suggests a significant part of Clodius' appeal (cf. 31.1, 10.4nn). but: implying: 'but already hardened in sin'. . bold: like Catiline and with similar political implications (10.3n); the struggle between C. and Clodius has something of the quality of that against the Catilinarians (14.1n, 28.2, 29.4, 30.7, 31.1-2nn below),

though there are significant role reversals too (29.6n). 28.2-4 Being ... into the house: this, with the longer but very similar P. Caes. 9.2-10.4, detailed account. App. Sic. 7, though short, is very close to P. (below).

is far the most

28.2 Pompeia: Caesar's second wife, distantly related to Pompey. (entered ... house }28.4) . The women ... was present: the Bona Dea rites, held on the night of 3-4 or 4-5 Dec. [19.4-5 with because of the 20.4n], in Caesar's house (28.3) because he was praetor (19.5n). P. does not elaborate

[175 earlier discussion at 19.4-5, yet the rites help to link C.'s struggles against the Catilinarians and Clodius. youth ... beard: similarly App.; Clodius was certainly not a 'youth' (and was certainly also old enough to grow a beard, but 'beardless youth' is a set expression in both Greek and Latin), but the emphasis, whether P.'s own (cf. 41.3n) followed by Appian, or a common source's, aids realism. Cf. also 28.1n. 28.3 large house: the domus publica, residence of the pontifex maximus (21.4n).

Aurelia: of the distinguished family of the Aurelii Cottae. Habra: a Greek name, which can also be a noun = ‘favourite slave girl’ (cf. Caes.

10.3), and moreover

can represent the Latin name Aura.

|

28.4 captured: C. Att. 1.12.4 and Har. resp. 44 say a slave girl helped Clodius escape but Schol. Bob. on C. Clod. et Cur. fr. 28 supports P. come ... house: (28.2 (ring construction). Caesar ... Pompeia: 29.9 and n.

someone: L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, praet. 58, cos. 49.

[Caes. 10.6 says 'one of the tribunes' indicted

Clodius, hence Barton and Ziegler Caesar version seems just a slip.]

here,

propose

this reading

but Lentulus

was

not

tribune

and

the

29.1 Cicero ... of his: presumably true, though C. later painted Clodius as a Catilinarian: Clodius was 3 visitor at C.'s home (below). bodyguard: cf. 14.7. When: May 61.

(testified ... him )29.4, 6, 9; 30.5) 29.2-4 But Cicero ... testify against him: only P. thus explains C.'s decision to testify against Clodius.

Few scholars believe him, but the malicious gossip (29.3) may conceal truth. parallels and contrasts between between C. and Caesar.

C.'s handling

of the

Catilinarians

and

P. uses the story to draw

Clodius

(cf.

also

28.1n)

and

29.2 was ... not thought: P. appears to accept this opinion (1.1n). defend himself: ἃ witty conceit: as if C. himself was 'on trial' before his wife ()41.4).

29.3 She ... Clodius: though the explanation (Clodia's wish to marry C.) is absurd, the statement itself . may be true: Clodius had been Catiline's prosecutor in the Vestal Virgin scandal (20.2n), which greatly harmed Fabia's reputation. Cf. also 30.4. sister Clodia: the notorious Clodia, wife of Metellus Celer (29.5), and probably Catullus' Lesbia. Thyillus: a Greek poet. near-by: on the Palatine (8.6).

had

29.4 Being ... dominating Cicero: the characterisation recalls that of 20.3 (0. spurred ... on: (20.3 (also (5.3, cf. also 1.5n): Terentia decisions

(19.5—7n);

that

taken

against

the

Catilinarians

decisively influences two of C.'s big political was

morally

ambiguous

(19.5-7,

6; 20.1-3,

4;

21.2, 4, 5nn) and politically hazardous, that against Clodius similarly so: C. takes the right decision for the wrong reasons (29.2, cf. 29.6n), and makes an enemy far more vicious than Caesar and Metellus Nepos (23.1-6). ()30.5 also). Cf. further 41.1n. testify ... him: (29.1 (ring structure framing Terentia's intervention). perjuries ... women: in these, as in his incest, Clodius again (28.1) recalls Catiline and his associate: (10.3-4, 11.2n, 17.1-4). Lucullus ... Lucullus: L. Licinius Lucullus, cos. 74 (further 31.5n), who had fought successfully against Mithridates before Pompey superseded him (8.7n), had divorced this Clodia on returning to Rome. Some think she was the middle of Clodius' three sisters (cf. below). 29.5 widespread belief: cf. C. Fam. 1.9.15. Marcius Rex: Q. Marcius Rex, cos. 68. Tertia: surely the youngest sister (Latin Tertia = 'third"), unless an older sister died young.

Metellus Celer: 16.1n. Clodia: the notorious Clodia; the narrative returns to 29.3 (ring structure) before advancing at 29.6. Quadrantaria: cf. C. Cael. 62, Quint. 8.6.53. because ... silver: the nickname makes Clodia a tart and very cheap too. did this it was a joke.) smallest ... quadrans: the quadrans was worth a quarter of an as.

(If one of her lovers reall

176] 29.6 the people ... against him: the first concrete sign of the unravelling of C.'s great coalition of 63 and loss of favour with ihe people (contrast 23.1-6 and cf, 11.2n). C.'s position now (largely through his own fault) becomes the reverse of that against Catiline (cf. 30.2-6, 31.4). The wording here seems

to suggest (if so, rightly) that, though Clodius was certainly guilty (29.1), he was to some extent being victimised by C. (29.1) and thing (cf. 23.5), while C. associates will subsequently letters confused: similarly Roman judicial procedures (absolvo: 1 acquit) on one

'the best men' (29.4): to 'set oneself against’ and the others have 'banded together against do against C. ((28.1). Cf. also 29.4n. P. Caes. 10.11; a probiematic observation, and jury sizes. Each juror seems to have side, 'C' (condemno) on the other, rubbing

‘confusing the letters' would mean rubbing out both. number of jurors -- it could be lower.

large numbers can be a good Clodius, as Clodius and his given the uncertainties about received a ballot marked 'A' out the one not appropriate;

75 seems to have been the normal maximum

In the present case 31 voted for Clodius, 25 against (29.8 and n).

Thus on any view P.'s statement that a majority of the jurors spoiled their votes is greatly exaggerated, though some may have done, their votes presumably not being counted. bribery: which got Clodius off (C. Att. 1.16.5). 29.7 Hence ... from you.': from Att. 1.16.5.

29.8 When ... money.': from Att. 1.16.10.

C. says 31 votes for acquittal: 30 is a round number.

P.

presumably implies (after 25.1-28.1) that this joke was ill-judged. 29.9 Caesar ... talk: Caesar's reaction to the scandal (in his house, when he was pontifex maximus, and

involving his wife) was masterly. By refusing to testify (unlike C. — (29.1) he avoided offending Clodius; by divorcing bis wife he escaped any scandal; by his famous explanation for the divorce ('Caesar's wife must be above suspicion' [here, P. Caes. 10.9, Suet. Caes. 74.2, C.D. 37.45.2]) he evaded conceding her guilt, thus sidestepping the charge of condoning sacrilege. The remark was also wittily hypocritical, Caesar himself being a well-known libertine. Caesar handles both the scandal and

his wife far more skilfully than C.

Even his wit seems superior and better judged.

30.1 (escaped )30.4)

(danger )30.6) elected tribune: for 58 (cf. further 34.2). Clodius ... Cicero: the narrative resumes from the anticipatory 28.1.

(set about )30.4) amassing ... alike: Clodius starts to dismantle C.'s coalition (cf. 29.6n).

30.2 By ... his own: C. now definitely loses the people. humane laws: Clodius turns one of C.'s own strengths (6.1n) against him

(cf. 30.4n).

The vague

reference is to the law giving the people free corn (passed on Jan. 3). got ... his person: a perversion of C.'s measures against Catiline: his neutralisation of cultivation of the people and necessary use of force ((12.4, 11.2, 14.7-8, 16.1; Jalso 33.2.6).

Antonius,

provinces: P. antedates and simplifies to illustrate the thesis of 30.1: the provincial bill was proposed early in Feb. on the same day as the bill outlawing anyone who had put citizens to death without trial (30.6n),

and originally gave Gabinius Cilicia, which was later changed to Syria.

Macedonia: 12.4n. Piso: L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus (further 31.4). Gabinius; A. Gabinius (further 31.4). organised ... activity: a vague

reference to the law (Jan. 3) restoring the people's right to associate in

trade clubs (collegia), often a front for political violence. 30.3 three

... power:

a vague reference

to the 'First Triumvirate':

the unofficial political

alliance

Caesar, Pompey and Crassus formed in 59 (cf. also 46.2). (8.6-7: there P. sketched the relations of an ascendant C. with the two most powerful Romans, here those of a declining C. with the now three most powerful men. «ato! Crassus ... openly: 9.2n; the Catilinarian conspiracy and C.'s opposition to the 'First Triumvirate worsened relations.

both: = Crassus (thanks to the 'Triumvirate') and C. Caesar ... army: after his consulship in 59.

Cicero ... legate: C. Att. 2.18.3, 2.19.5 and Prov. cons. 41-42 say Caesar offered this, in 59 but C.D. 38.15.2 agrees

story (30.4-5).

that the matter was discussed during Clodius'

tribunate in 58 and P. tells a consistent

Presumably there were two separate negotiations between C. and Caesar: C. spurned

[177 Caesar in 59 but himself requested the legateship in 58 when Clodius had become dangerous.

made up to: an unsavoury expedient, indicating C.'s isolation and foreshadowing his own later attempts to curry favour with both Caesar and Octavian ()39.4-5, 40.4, 45.2) and Octavian's with him ()45.2). not a friend ... business: cf. 20.6-7, (asked ... legate )43.3) 30.4 Clodius ... fear altogether: nowhere else attested like this but consistent with 30.3 and 29.4. Clodius initially did pretend reconciliation (C. Att. 3.15.4, C.D. 38.14.1-3). escaping ... tribune: in contrast to the Catiline episode C. is now in someone else's power.

( also 30.1:

just as Clodius escaped C., so C. seems about to escape Clodius. | moderate terms ... reasonable ... complaints: Clodius deceives C. by pretending to be like him (6.1n, 9.6, 19.6); so later Antony (to some extent: )43.3) and Octavian ()45.5), while the worst betrayal of all comes from C.'s intellectual protégé and imitator Philologus ()48.2). (renounced ... Caesar )43.3) set about: (30.1: the upshot of Clodius' 'setting about' C. is that C. misses the chance to leave Rome and mistakenly ‘sets about’ political activity again.

30.5 At this ... Cicero: again elsewhere unattested but internally consistent (30.4n). spurred: (29.4: Terentia's misguided ‘spurring’ of C. against Clodius results in the 'spurring' into action

against C. of the formidable Caesar. himself testified ... tried: cf. 21.1; similárly C.D. 38.17.1-2. (29.4, 1: C.'s ‘testifying against Clodius' and Caesar's ‘testifying against C.' are causally linked and the tables are again turned on C. Caesar said this (expressing, however, disapproval of retrospective legislation) at a contio outside the city walls perhaps at the start of March, certainly after the events of 30.6-31.1: P. antedates to keep the material about Caesar together. 30.6

For

...

accused:

technically

(but

hardly

substantively)

inaccurate:

Clodius'

bill

(early

Feb.)

outlawed (cf. 32.1) anyone who had put to death citizens without trial, clearly envisaging C. (cf. Vell. 2.45.1, C.D. 38.14.4). This is another reversal for C.: the legality of his treatment of the Catilinarian: is now challenged and he himself effectively becomes the accused.

So ... accused: P. speaks as if C. were actually on trial.

This is again technically inaccurate but

historically not unreasonable, and moreover it re-emphasises the essential reversal in C.'s situation.

danger: (30.1: a further reversal: C. is now in the position of Clodius earlier; for ‘danger’ of prosecutior. cf. also 35.1. Cicero ... hair unkempt: similarly App. 2.15, C.D. 38.14.7; C. later thought this a mistake (Att 3.15.5), but his real mistakes came earlier (29.2, 4; 30.4-5 and nn). Morally, however, C. certainly

does not cut a heroic figure now ()35.5).

30.7 But ... supplications: similarly App.

2.15.

C. now faces increasing physical violence (3.6n; cf

further 31.2-3) from Clodius.

31.1 20,000:

C. Post

exaggerated.

P.'s emphasis is significant: it is striking that C. can still muster such support among the

red. ad Quir.

8 refers to 20,000 people.

Either way,

the figure is clearh

young, given Clodius' natural appeal to that group (28.1, cf. also 10.4, 14.7nn). when the senate ... opposed it: similarly C.D. 38.16.3.

not a few ... crying aloud: elsewhere unattested. 31.2 neither ... sight: App. 2.15 even says C.'s behaviour aroused mirth. P.'s statement logically follow. on from 30.7 and reads rather oddly after 31.1, which looks like inserted material. shame: the feeling which checks uncivilised behaviour ()31.3, 32.2). Cicero ... arms: C. faces another stark choice ((19.5-7) but fighting it out is temperamentally alien t: him (cf. 3.2, 22.6-7nn). () also 31.5, 32.5-7)

31.2-3 he begged

... another door: only P. has this information,

though C. Pis.

76 confirms tha

Pompey refused to see C. 31.2 begged: Piso will also 'beg' (below): P. emphasises the extreme ignominy of C.'s situation and th: twist at 31.3 increases the reader's sense of outrage. Albanum: Pompey had a luxurious villa near the Alban lake. Piso: C. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, quaest. 58, husband of Tullia (41.3, 7), relative of the consul; he die: before C.'s return from exile (41.7n). (son-in-law )31.3)

178] 31.3 When Pompey ... another door: a shortened version in shame: Pompey at least has sufficient decency to feel this Rome ((31.2), but so he should, given C.'s many benefits to many great ... to him: (8.7, 9.4, 9.7. P. thinks also of the

P. Pomp. emotion, him, and motif of

46.8-9. unlike C.'s hardened persecutors in his behaviour remains despicable. the 'two powers' (3.1, 8.6nn).

Caesar ... son-in-law ... begged: (31.2: whereas C.'s use of his son-in-law as intermediary and 'begging' increases pathos, Pompey's yielding to his father-in-law's married Caesar's daughter Julia in Apr. 59.)

'begging'

is utterly

shabby.

(Pompey

had

(leaving secretly 331.6) 31.4-5 Thus ... folly of Clodius: on this occasion C.'s friends and advisers give contradictory advice (1.5n).

31.4 betrayed: strong moral criticism of Pompey ()33.3, 46.1, 5; 47.4, 48.2).

isolated ... refuge: (3.5: C., sole defender of Roscius, is now deserted in his own hour of need (cf. Intr. p. 15). 037.3, 45.6, 47.7 also) Piso ... and evils: similarly C.D. 38.16.5, but according to C. Pis. 12-13 Piso arguedhe must support Gabinius, who needed a rich province, and it was everyone for himself. However, one of the points he made to a senatorial deputation was that C. would save the state a second time if he yielded (C. Pis. 77-78). Hence the P./Dio version of Piso's response to C. is at least partly based on Piso's remarks to the senators. Either a common source had already switched this material, or P. has done so and has been followed by Dio. Moreover, Piso's arguments here are suspiciously like Cato's in Cat. Min. 35.1: some of the manipulation seems P.'s own. P. thus achieves a strong contrast between the characters of Gabinius and Piso, and between harshness and mildness (6.1n), and suggests that withdrawal from politics is sometimes the better course (cf. 30.4, 3.3nn and below). again ... country: by avoiding outright bloodshed; for the argument cf. e.g. P. Cat. Min. 35.1, C. Pis. 78 (above), Sest. 49. (22.6-7: C. saved his country from bloodshed and civil strife during the Catilinarian conspiracy by resolute political action; now, however, he can only save it by withdrawing before Clodius' onslaught.

him: C.: though innocent, he has caused the civil strife and his departure will end it (another reversal from the Catilinarian conspiracy); for the argument cf. Pis. 77—78, P. Cat. min. 35.1. (Scholars invariably take 'him' as Clodius, which misses the point.)

31.5 Cicero deliberated: after C.'s failure with Pompey and the consuls the choice remains essentially the same as at 31.2 ((). Lucullus: almost certainly M. Lucullus, cos. 73, brother of the famous Lucullus (cf. C. Pis. 77), rather than the great man himself (29.4, though P. may very well not realise this). others; especially Hortensius (C. Att. 3.9.2, C.D. 38.17.4) and perhaps Cato (C.D., Cat. Min. 35.1, though Att. 3.15.2 implies not). soon: cf. e.g. C. ΟΡ 1.4.4. Clodius' second bill (32.1) squashed this hope, hence C.'s subsequent (surely unjustified) accusations of treachery against advocates of withdrawal (Att. 3.7.2 etc.).

31.6 He carried ... Rome’: similarly C.D. 38.17.5.

The point was both to preserve the statue (C. Leg..

2.42) and put it and Rome Demosthenes’ (32.5—-7n).

of Jupiter

under

the

protection

(below).

C.’s

behaviour

here

parallels

Athene: i.e. the Roman goddess Minerva (1.4n), but 'guardian of Rome' glosses the Latin custos urbis. Capitol: to the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. escorts: a pathetic escort, compared with the escorts C. enjoys at his greatest moments (14.7n). left ... secretly: (31.3: the verbal parallel emphasises the causa! link between Pompey's shabby betrayal and C.'s ignominious departure from Rome. Date: c. March 20. Sicily: where he hoped for a favourable reception (cf. Planc. 95), because of his quaestorship (6.1-2), prosecution of Verres (7.3-8.2), and friendship with Vergilius (32.2). 32.1

name.

Clodius

... against him: the first bill (30.6n) was unspecific; this (further 33.1n) outlawed

C. by

[Note that the same Greek word translates both 'exile' and 'flight': in 31.5 some of C.'s friends

urge temporary 'flight' but here phuges denotes formal exile.] bar ... water: the standard exile formula. 500: similarly C.D. 38.17.7, but C. himself (Att. 3.4.1) says 400 miles, which is presumably right. miles: a Latinism, presumably because P. is following a Latin source. 32,2 shame: at least outside Rome, people generally retain some moral sense ((31.2-3). friendship: this proper recognition of the ties of friendship contrasts with 'Vibius'" half-hearted response

and

Vergilius'

harsh

rejection

(jalso

46.5,

48.1-2,

cf.

also

39.5-7n).

The

effect

is assisted

by

[179 chronological

manipulation:

when

'everyone

else' helped C. and

they could not have known the edict's contents (cf. Att. 3.4.1).

'Vibius'

assigned

C.

a country

place,

But it is true C. received much help

even after the edict became widely known (Planc. 97).

But ... country place: the reference must be to Sicca of Vibo, at whose farm C. stayed on his journey south (Att. 3.2.1, 3.4.1), but given (a) the other inaccuracies in this passage, (b) P.'s carelessness about names (cf. Intr. p. 47), (c) that he is not following the Att. evidence, and (d) that allusion to a Sicilian

is pointed, it cannot be right to 'emend' 'a Sicilian’ to 'Sicca'. .Hipponium: the old Greek name. Lucania: Vibo is actually in Bruttium further south, but P. thinks of C.'s journey through (31.6). now: it was actually already so called in C.'s time.

Lucania

Vibius: this, though a real Roman name (e.g. Pansa [43.3n]), surely stems from some confusion with the town itself (perhaps P.'s source designated Sicca a 'man from Vibo"). Sicilian: C. receives outrageously niggardly treatment from a Sicilian (31.6n). prefect ... engineers: Latin praefectus fabrum, here a civil post (superintendent of public works,

contrast 38.4), in the gift of consul did not ... country place: Vibius Sicily); C. does not imply this, but Vergilius ... Sicily: cf. Planc. 95f.

or praetor. offered C. 'second best' (by not receiving him in his town house in this is presumably 'reinterpretation' of fact by P. rather than error. Vergilius was praet. 62, propraetor (6.2n) of Sicily from 61.

32.3 Losing ... sail again: this toing and froing as C. leaves Italy, though dictated by weather, seems to ‘suggest irresolution ()37.2-4, 43.3.4, 47.4-10). (Only P. has these details.) Losing heart: (6.4, )32.5, 40.3. Brundisium: modern Brindisi, in the 'heel' of Italy. Dyrrachium: in Illyricum and the landing place for travellers from Brundisium.

32.4 It ... signs of change: elsewhere unattested and historically somewhat fishy, but further underlining C.'s unreasonable behaviour, since his exile will be short.

32.5-7 But ... public affairs: another crucial episode in C.'s career. Having chosen flight from Clodius ((31.5, 2), he now effectively faces a further choice (19.5-7n), over how to conduct the exile that flight turned out to entail: whether to embrace the 'Greek option' (3.3n) or cling to thoughts of Roman political life. — C. does the latter, and in particularly abject style, thus wholly failing his philosophical pretensions (3.1n). Though a 'philosopher in politics', he has allowed himself to be corrupted by false popular values (5.1, 3; 13.1nn). For the multiple correspondences with Demosthenes’ exile (Dem. 26.5—7) see Intr. p. 23 and below.

.

32.5 But ... great culture: Greece and Greek culture fail to lift C.'s deep depression.

() also 36.7)

out of ... one another: with three points: (1) it was Greeks who responded to C.'s plight in civilised and kindly fashion (unlike the Romans who should have helped him); (2) though exiled, C. still received great honours, which ought to have bolstered his self-esteem: his position was in fact not nearly as 'dishonourable' as he thought; (3) now of all times C.'s 'Greek life’ should have been a very: attractive option, for the ... grieved: a measured philosophical description of C.'s state of mind during the exile, which actually almost unhinged him (Att. 3.8-21, QF 1.3 and 1.4). ()47.2)

disheartened: (32.3 (ring structure framing the exile); cf. also 6.4n. gazing ... Italy: C.'s own emphasis is on his loss of prestige and political ruin. — Knowing of C.'s obsession with Roman political life (e.g. Planc. 66, Att. 5.11.1), P. ‘transfers’ it to the present context

in order to stress his failure to derive solace from the 'Greek option' and also to strengthen the parallel with Demosthenes

(Dem.

26.5 'he bore his exile weakly,

sitting it out in Aegina

and Troezen

for the

most part and looking towards Attica in tears'). unhappy lovers: the image comes from Thuc. 6.13.1, of the Athenians' attitude towards Sicily (cf. P. Per. 20.4). That an exiled Italian's longing for Italy should be compared to the Athenians' unheaithy longing for far-off Sicily pointedly conveys the inappropriateness of C.'s attitude in the midst of benevolent and admiring Greeks, and also suggests that C.'s unhealthy obsession with politics was as disastrous for him (cf. 45.1) as the Sicilian expedition was for the Athenians. having become ... stature: a true philosopher should be able to bear misfortune (cf. 3.1n and below; ) also 41.8). For C.'s 'smallness' cf. 24.9. lived ... culture: (8.4, 4.3: C. has not benefited as he should from devotion to culture and philosophy, whose function should be not only to render misfortune bearable but also to temper ambition.

180] 32.6-7 Yet ... public affairs: C.'s unphilosophical attitude towards exile is also explored, at great length, in C.D. 38.18-30 (with clear similarities te P.). There are already hints of the theme in the contemporary correspondence (e.g. Att. 3.10.2-3, 11.2, 12.1, 13.2, 15.1-2, QF 1.3.5). Demosthenes

likewise fails to live up to his principles (Dem. 13.5-6). 32.6 Yet ... ends: unparalleled in C.'s extant works. True, he does

sometimes insist on his own debt to

philosophy (e.g. Leg. 1.63), apply philosophy to political problems (e.g. Fam. 9.17.2, Att. 9.4), argue the orator's need of philosophical training (e.g. Orat. 11ff.), and maintain that oratory and philosophy are both necessary components of a singie ideal (De orat. 3.56ff.), but it is hardly credible that the historical C. should ever have so depreciated oratory. P. has taken Orat. 12, a work addressed to one of C.'s friends, Brutus ('1 confess that whatever ability I possess as an orator comes not from the

workshops of the rhetoricians

[rhetorum]

but from

the spacious grounds of the Academy

[3.1n]),

simplified C.'s three categories — orator, rhetorician and Academic philosopher — into two -- philosopher in general and orator (a simplification facilitated by the fact that the Greek rhetor translates both 'orator' as a neutral term and 'rhetorician' as a pejorative one), and attributed to C. his own view on the proper function of oratory (below). The vast gulf between C.'s alleged theoretical position and his miserable practice points up his philosophical inadequacy still further.

philosophy ... life-work: a particularly challenging formulation, considering the general Roman suspicion of philosophy and the normal association of philosophy with leisure, not work. ()40.2) oratory ... tool: P.'s own view (4.4n); (4.4: the reminiscence of C.'s youthful enthusiasm at the start of

his career again sharpens the discrepancy between C.'s statements and his behaviour. 32.7

But

public

estimation

... public

affairs:

a dense

and

abtract

passage,

whose

meaning

and

implications require careful analysis, People hold 'opinions' [Greek doxai] about things; mere opinions are likely to be wrong, especially those held by ‘the many’, yet they are sometimes held so strongly that they have the ability to supplant reason, even though it is reason, not opinion, which can establish the

truth about things.

So, when a philosopher, who ought to be guided by reason, not opinion, engages in

public life, he may, if he is not very careful, find himself accepting and adopting the wrong opinions of the general public; in so doing he will be acting not as a true philosopher but as an orator, for an orator characteristically adapts himself to the values of his audience, the general public. Some things

about which people hold opinions are such as to arouse strong passions; the philosopher in politics thus runs the risk, not only of accepting the false opinions of the public about these feeling the same passions about them as the general public, as these passions ‘rub philosopher C. ought to respond to his exile with philosophical reason; this would exile as a misfortune but bearing it in a reasonable spirit; instead, he accepts the general public that exile is an utterly dreadful thing and thus gives way to the

general public would feel in his situation.

things, but also of off' on him. As a mean regarding the false opinion of the passions which the

‘Public estimation' [doxa] in 32.7 therefore refers in the first

instance to the public's 'estimation' that exile is an utterly dreadful thing, But 'opinion' has two aspects: the 'opinion'/'estimation' of people about things; the 'opinion' other people have about oneself, one's ‘reputation’ (which of course often depends on the extent to which one conforms to their 'opinions'): cf.

5.3n. In 32.5 C. clearly feels that he has lost his 'reputation' — he is unconsoled by the esteem shown by individuals and cities; ‘public estimation’ in 32.7 therefore also refers to C.'s ‘reputation’ — the people's opinion of him. Hence C.'s passion particularly prone by nature (5.3) and to which

also underlies his faulty attitude now.

for glory (1.5n), a passion to which he himself is all orators, as big public performers, are vulnerable,

|

( also (a) 5.1, 3: C. has disregarded the Delphic oracle's injunction and tied his reputation to the 'false opinions of the many'; (b) 6.5: C.'s passion for glory again overcomes his rational calculations; (c) 13.1. P.'s attitude to oratory here seems much less positive than at 13.1, but the discrepancy is only apparent: the present passage concerns the dangers of oratorical activity if not pursued with due care against corrupting popular influences, 13.1 concerns oratory as an ideal, the logos of eloquence and

philosophy inextricably fused (13.1n): of course if it comes to a choice between eloquence and philosophy the latter must prevail. Thus C. here also fails the high ideal of 13.1 in (i) acting as an orator rather than a philosopher, (ii) succumbing to false popular values. reason ... political life: alluding to a problem much discussed by ancient philosophers: whether/to what extent the philosopher should engage in politics.

like a dye: the image is from Plat. Rep. 429Dff., but adroitly adapted: in Plato the 'dye' is 'right opinion', here it is 'reason', which is in danger of being washed out by 'popular (wrong) opinion' and replaced by the 'dirt' or 'stain' (cf. 'smear') of the passions.

[Contrary to most scholars’ interpretation

tois ektos is masculine, not neuter, and = ‘those outside’ (sc. the charmed circle of philosophy), i.e. ‘the many'. That is the point of the compound summethhexon, the sum picking up sumpheretai and sunetheian.| The argument is this: there is a natural moral gulf between the philosopher, representative of

reason,

and

'the

many',

representative

of

the

passions,

but

if

he

participates

in

politics

the

[181 philosopher necessarily associates with the many, hence he must be very careful to avoid getting 'dirtied'

by their passions; he will take part in politics alongside the many, but he must not feel tlieir misguided political passions: morally speaking, to him they must remain 'outsiders'.

33.1 Clodius ... bought anything: Clodius' second law (32.1) prescribed the confiscation of C.'s property. villas: C.'s villas at Tusculum (40.3) and Formiae were destroyed. house: 8.6. built ... Liberty: exaggeration: Clodius only got as far as dedicating a shrine with a statue of Liberty on the site (implying that C. had been a tyrant (23 4 and nj). since... anything: a slight exaggeration (cf. C, Dom. 48, 108, 116). 33.2-6 As ... public expense: now Clodius! violent excesses cause the gradual re-establishment of the great coalition in C.'s favour ((30.2).

33.2 (object ... fear 43.1)

unleashed ... dragged ... attack ... tearing ... pieces: arresting imagery: first Clodius unleashes the latent savagery of the people, then himself becomes a wild beast ((12.5, 18.7; 46.6). Cf. 12.5n. tearing ... his campaign: he (a) arranged the annexation of Cyprus (34.2n); (b) released from custody the young Tigranes, son of the King of Armenia (10.2); (c) appointed Brogitarus high priest of Cybele at Pessinus: all challenges to Pompey's Eastern settlement.

33.3 (blamed 47.10) betrayed: (31.3-4: the ring structure underlines Pompey's primary responsibility for C.'s exile (cf.

also

33.4). Similarly App. 2.16, C.D. 38.30.1, 39.6.1. () also 46.1, 5; 47.4, 48.2) again changing ... Cicero's return: this formula neatly avoids enumeration of a complex sequence of events but also recalls Pompey's slippery character, even while he is doing the right thing. negotiate Cicero's return: similarly the senate will not ‘negotiate any public business, unless C. gets his return': for both Pompey and senate C.'s return is effectively the only business on the agenda.

Despite ... from exile: cf. C. Att. 3.24.2, Pis. 29. opposition: or, 'despite the fact that Clodius interposed his veto' (not in fact true), but the reference is probably more general. 33.4 When Lentulus: 57 B.C. The consuls were P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther and C.'s former enemy, Metellus Nepos (23.1n), who had been persuaded not to oppose C.'s return. civil strife ... the corpses: Jan. 23, when Clodius' gangs prevented a bill for C.'s recall passing the assembly. tribunes ... wounded: shocking because ırıbunes were sacrosanct. The reference is primarily to P.

Sestius (26. Sn [C. Sest. 79, Post red. in sen. 7]), though Post red. ad Quir. 14 also says tribunes. Quintus ... corpses: ἃ reworking of (a) Sest. 76 'he [Quintus] lay down in the Comitium and sheltered behind the bodies of slaves and freedmen' [i.e. the live bodies of Clodius! mobs] and (b) Sest. 79 ‘he [Sestius] threw himself down exhausted, and escaped with his life only because he was thought to have lost it."

P. (a) makes Quintus lie among dead bodies, and (b) transfers from Sestius to Quintus the idea

of escaping death by seeming to be dead. the people:

aristocrats,

swing back to C.

Pompey,

and senate have already declared

for C.;

now

the people

also begin

to

P. suppresses the important role of the counter-violence of C.'s supporters (below).

Milo: T. Annius Milo, whose efforts to bring Clodius to trial (the first probably in Feb.) were thwarted by Metellus Nepos. Sestius.

Milo then countered Clodius' gangs with gangs of his own

many ... Pompey: again (33.3n), P. rightly stresses that Pompey was the key.

(further 35.1-5),

as did

The narrative jumps to

summer 57. 33.5 With ... the forum: P. speaks as if this was the first time Pompey emerged in public against Clodius; this is inaccurate (P. seems to have ‘borrowed’ the earlier incident of Pomp. 49.5), bui dramatic and consistent with the suppression of Milo and Sestius! violence (33.4n). called ... vote: unofficially. The bill was presented to the Centuriate Assembly by Lentulus Spinther ir both consuls’ names, It ... such unanimity: Aug. 4, 57. The vote of the centuries was unanimous, though the popular vote was not necessarily completely spontaneous: recourse to the Centuriate Assembly gave the rich more weight, Milo's gangs were present, Pompey had his veterans, the senate and magistrates were there er

masse; but P.'s omission of all this is not very C.'s recall.

misleading - there clearly was strong popular support foi

182] 33.6 Rivalling ... people: ‘good rivalry' displaces earlier disagreement: unite round C. proposed ... be commended:

as before ((13.4), the orders

a conflation, and postdating, of two separate decrees: (a) one of July 57

commending those who had assembled from all over Italy to secure C.'s 'salvation' (C. Sest. 129); (b) another of end May commending those states which had 'received' C. (C. Dom. 85).

house ... public expense: P. here antedates: this matter, complicated by Clodius's consecration of the site (33.1n), was actually only finally resolved on Oct. 2 (Att. 4.2.5). For later developments see 34. 1n.

33.7-8 Cicero ... Cicero: for the parallel with Demosthenes' return from exile see Dem. 3.4, 26.6-7. 33.7 returned: C. reached Brundisium on Aug. 5, Rome on Sept. 4. 16th: since C. left c. March 20, 58 (31.6), 17th such joy ... meeting him: a triumphant 'escort support of senate, people, Rome and Italy he 23.3-6). This reception far exceeds the public a great man in a city. () also 43.5)

would be more accurate. scene' (14,7n) marks C.'s return: with the enthusiastic seems to have regained the lofty status of 63 ((22.5-7, celebrations customary on the arrival (Latin adventus) of

33.8 Italy ... shoulders: from Post red. in sen. 39. There ... him: the final proof of general reconciliation and universal goodwill to C. ()34.1-3) enemy: 30.3n.

favour ... Publius: similarly P. Crass. 13:5 (cf. Intr. p. 28). Publius: killed at Carrhae (36.1n). Two contrasting weaknesses: C. overpresses against Clodius and shows himself temperamentally unsuited to the politics of armed force (34.1-35.5). C. destroys tribunician tablets and challenges legality of Clodius' tribunate; Cato's indignation at C.'s unconstitutional

behaviour;

their friendly

relations impaired

(34.1-3).

Clodius's

murder,

Milo's

trial; C.'s fear of Pompey's troops; his general nervousness about public speaking (defence of Murena); contrast between his fearfutness and Milo's confidence; C.'s loyalty to his friend (35.1-5). 34.1-3 Letting ... somewhat dimmed: similarly P. Cat. min. 40, C.D. 39.20.1-22.2; in a very favourable political position, C. again (24.1n) goes wrong, pressing his attack on Clodius too far (cf. 5.1n), and spoiling the mood of reconciliation of 33.8 ((). This unbalanced attitude to a political enemy reappears

in C.'s relations with Antony (45.1). 34.1 Letting ... administrative measures: P. telescopes time scale, conflates events, and slightly adjusts the facts to suit his thesis (above):

(a) these events occurred some time in the second half of 56 after

Clodius had further provoked C. by (i) disrupting the rebuilding of C.'s house (33.6) and (ii) arguing, when the soothsayers interpreted a prodigy to mean that sacred places had been defiled, that this referred to desecration of the shrine of Liberty (33.1); (b) C. made two attempts (cf. C.D.): P. only records the second; (c) C. did not remove all the tablets of Clodius! administration, only that concerning

his exile (i.e. the second bill of 32.1, which had been nullified by the bill for his recall) -- cf. C.D.

1t

was only later in the senate that C. asserted the illegality of Clodius' entire tribunate (34.2).

short time: actually at least 9 months (above).

|

Capitol: where particularly important laws were put on permanent display.

Clodius' second bill should

no longer have qualified.

administrative measures: i.e. of Clodius. 34.2 Cicero said ... authority: to become tribune the patrician Clodius had first to ‘cross over to the people' and be adopted into a plebeian family (cf. also 41.7n).

Mar./early in Apr. 59, Pompey assisting as augur.

Caesar had arranged this at the end of

"Various irregularities could be held to invalidate the

adoption (C. Dom. 34-42). Cato ... Byzantium: Cato had a personal interest in so arguing (acceptance of the Cyprus commission endorsed Clodius' legitimacy), but the argument still represents the correct moral line on Clodius'

tribunate (cf. 23.5n). Cyprus ... Byzantium: one of Clodius' bills in 58 had sent Cato to annex Cyprus (cf. 33.2n); during his expedition (Apr. S8-summer 56) Cato had also settled civil strife in Byzantium.

34.3 As ... somewhat dimmed: wrong-footed (cf. 38.1). friendly relations: cf. 23.5-6. exasperating.

C.'s quarrel

The description

with

the

great

paragon

is not unreasonable,

seems

though

to leave

him

morally

each often found the other

[183 35.1-5 After ... a coward: an important theme: C.'s inability to handle the harsh new reality of armed conflict in Rome itself (cf. 3.2, 16.1nn). This links with the earlier questions of C.'s 'confidence' (35.3-4) and 'fear' (35.3), but is here less a criticism than simple observation of a major practical factor in C.'s political decline. At the end of his career, however, C.'s attempt to use Octavian's military power for his own political purposes proves gravely mistaken and does incur censure (44.1; 45.1, 4).

This is also an important incident in the long series of occasions when C. faces physicai dangers (3.6n). | 35.1 After this: a bold chronological telescoping of a gap of c. 3% years: Milo killed Clodius on Jan. 18, 52. for murder: technically inaccurate: it was for violence, forming illegal electoral associations and bribery (in his consular candidacy). Cicero ... counsel: among other reasons, C. was grateful to Milo for his support against Clodius (33.4); Hortensius and Cato also rallied to the defence. The trial began on Apr. 4 and ended on Apr. 8. But ... the courts: a limited and ad hoc explanation of Pompey's role. So great was the disorder after Clodius' death that the senate authorised Pompey to levy troops and appointed him sole consul. He introduced various legal reforms designed to increase convictions and enforced order. (was afraid )35.2) danger: cf. 30.6n.

preside over: in a general sense (not as court president). 35.2 Pompey ... still night: P. simplifies to emphasise his theme: after the first day Pompey attended the trial with a bodyguard, in response to the defence team's request for protection against the Clodians. This secured order for 3 days; Pompey took the more radical measures here described on the crucial last

day (Ascon. 40—41C). Milo ... was full: elsewhere unattested and misleading in implying that only now was the trial about to begin (cf. above and 35.5n below), but there must be a core of truth here (35.5n). (Roman trials were

held in the open air.) fearing: (35.1: the parallel and contrast between the senate's and Milo's 'fear' conveys that the senate's measures to avert trouble were themselves deeply troubling, especially as C. too is 'fearful'. For this way of conveying moral complexity cf. 45.5n. 35.3 without confidence: armed conflict is certainly one area where C.'s nerve fails — cf. 35.1—5n and on the general debate about C.'s confidence or lack of it, 1.5, 3.6, 5.2, 14.1, 19.5-7nn; 42.2, 48.4. He here closely resembles Demosthenes (Dem. 3.3, Cic. 19.7n), though Demosthenes is actually cowardly

(Dem. 20.2), which C. is not ()35.5). [Greek en hoplois usually means ‘under arms’, but the context requires 'in the midst of arms', cf. also 35.5 where C. is literally ‘in the midst of arms'.] approached

... settled state: but C. also lacks confidence in his own chosen area (as C. himself freely

admitted: e.g. De orat. 1.121, Deiot. 1, Cluent. 51, Caec. 41, Acad. 2.64).

P. has kept this information

back until the present example of one of C.'s most spectacular flops in order to define more precisely

the similarities and dissimilarities between C.'s and Demosthenes' 'lack of daring’ (Dem. 3.3). Both C. and Demosthenes suffer from nerves about public performance (cf. Dem. 6.5ff.), but C. evidently more acutely.

For C.'s 'fear' see further 3.6n.

35.4 When ... by Cato: Murena, cos. 62 (14.8), was prosecuted for electoral bribery by Servius Sulpicius Rufus and Cato in late Nov. last.

63 and

successfully defended

by Hortensius,

Crassus

and C.,

who

spoke

and appeared ... usual self: elsewhere unattested and irreconcilable with (a) the published Pro Murena, one of C.'s liveliest efforts, and (b) the anecdote of P. Cat. min. 21.8, showing that the speech went well in delivery. Presumably P. has adjusted the facts to suit his thesis; by suppressing the context of the Murena trial - the midst of the Catilinarian crisis - he can represent C.'s physical exhaustion as due entirely to rivalry with Hortensius. 35.5 On

... his speech: similarly C.D.

40.54.2, though there are distortions here: (a) C. did not come

straight from his litter: (1) he had already spent two days in court examining witnesses in the presence of Pompey and some troops (35.2n); (2) C.'s speech was preceded by two hours of prosecution speeches;

(b) the heckling by Clodius’ mob contributed greatly to C.'s discomfiture (Ascon. 41f.C); (c) it was the defence that originally requested Pompey's intervention (35.2n). P. cuts (a) in the interests of dramatic simplicity, (b) and (c) in the interests of the general thesis of ch. 35. Despite (c), the other distortion: and (no doubt) some additional exaggeration, P.'s account is basically historical: though Pompey's troop:

184] were

initially

invoked

by

the

defence,

the

much

cruder

military

intervention

on

the

last

day

was

menacing (C. De orat. 10, cf. Mil. 2, 67), Pompey himself hostile to Milo, C.'s performance clearly much below par (Ascon. three hours granted him. deliver.)

42C), and his speech very short (Quint. 4.3.17), evidently insufficient for the (The extant Pro Milone is a literary version of the speech C. largely failed to

to Milo's trial ... as if in a camp: P. stresses the clash of the two normally separate worlds of oratory and warfare (3.1n). confused ... fearlessly: while there is certainly a contrast between C. here and Milo ('confidentiy' (35.3

‘without confidence", who is certainly commended,

C. does not really seem to be criticised: this is,

rather, an uncontrollable physical reaction (cf. below). had judged ... dark clotbing: here, however, Milo's insouciance contrasts admirably

with C.'s pathetic

response to the threat of prosecution by Clodius ((30.6). This indeed ... condemnation: very implausible, but stressing Milo's insouciance even more. Cicero ... coward: similarly Ascon. 38C.; itself a fair point, but rather at odds with the general effect of

this episode.

P. wants a contrast with Demosthenes: C., like Demosthenes in his general 'lack of daring

as regards dangers and wars’, is yet no coward (contrast Dem. 20.2).

C.'s Indian summer

before the civil wars (augurate, governorship of Cilicia, return to Greece):

public and intellectual lives in near perfect harmony (36.1-7) 36.1 He ... augurs: autumn 53, i.e. c. 6 months before the trial of Milo (35.1n), but P. puts C.'s successes together to contrast sharply with the chequered events of both the preceding chs. 34-35 and the following 37ff.

Augurs were official diviners interpreting signs, mostly birds.

The

augurate was a

coveted honour (1.5n). young Crassus ... Parthians: allusive: Publius Crassus (33.8) was killed with his father at Carrhae (June

53). 36.1-6 Then ... at peace: (6.1-2: C.'s governorship of Cilicia balances that of Sicily in his youth; ring

structure (cf. also 36.3, 7nn) frames the part of his career which was conducted under relatively normal political conditions before protracted 58-52, was substantially successful.

civil

war,

and

which,

despite

the unhappy

events

of the year:

36.1 Then... Cilicia: one of Pompey's laws in 52 (35.1n) prescribed a five year gap between magistracj and governorship; there was thus an immediate shortage of governors and ex-magistrates who had no taken provinces now had to.

C. did not want to (e.g. Fam.

3.2.1), struggled to- ensure he would only bt

governor a year (e.g. Att. 5.1.1), and regarded the posting as a ‘colossal bore’ maintain the general thesis of ch. 36 P. suppresses all this (cf. 6.4n).

(Att.

5.2.3).

Te

Cilicia: in S.E. Asia Minor.

12,000 infantry: a conventional figure: a legion was often reckoned at 6,000 men and C. had 2, but the: were actually set sail: C. province, on 36.1-2 under

badly undermanned (Att. 5.15.1). left Brundisium c. June 10, 51, and reached Laodicea, the most westerly city of hi July 31. orders ... without war: a senatorial decree had entrusted Ariobarzanes II] of Cappadoci:

(‘the parts round Cappadocia’ just = 'Cappadocia") to C.'s care; C. defused the intrigues and disloyalt: threatening the king (Sept. 51, cf. Fam.

15.2.3-8 [C.'s own despatch to the senate]).

36.2 without war: highly praiseworthy (cf. 8.6, 22.6-7), especially as in Greek ‘bringing over' normall implies force. seeing ... Parthia: the Greek contrasts those ‘up’ (the Cilicians) and those 'down' (the Romans;

similarl'

43.1). reverse: Carrhae (36.1n).

revolt ... Syria: Jewish uprisings in Galilee quelled by Cassius (42.3, 40.1n). (calmed )37.1) civilised: C. is again an ideal ruler/governor (cf. 6.1n and below).

This is C.'s own emphasis (e.g. Alt

5.16.3, 17.5, 18.2, 20.6, 21.7). 36.3 Not ... gifts: (7.3: remarkably (governors normally made fortunes), C. is as financially scrupulou in his province as in Rome (cf. Comp. 3.3, 7). 'Kings' includes Ariobarzanes and Deiotarus of Galatia C. himself stresses that he and his staff accepted none of the usual 'gifts' (e.g. Att. 5.16.3, 21.5). he himself ... liberally: (8.4: the same civilised hospitality as in Rome. 36.4 His house ... dawn: from Att. 6.2.5; accessible, conscientious and courteous,

C. is again the ide?

[185 ruler.

36.5

When he ... penalty: from Att. 6.2.5.

36.6 He also ... his soldiers: cf. 3.2, 3.6, 16.1, 35.1-5nn: C.'s military success is a bonus in his governorship, which earns due credit, but hardly affects the general pattern of a man unsuited to violence and warfare. Mount Amanus separated Cilicia from Syria: C.'s account is in Att. 5.20.3, Fam. 2.10.2-3; this victory was on 13 Oct. P. suppresses (a) a further victory by C. and (b) the fundamental military objective: deterrence of Parthian invasion (cf. 36.2). Caelius: M. Caelius Rufus (cf. further 37.3n), pupil and friend of C., orator and aedile in 50 (he wanted

panthers for his games). pluming: boastful as usual (24.1-4), but P. here seems indulgent. he wrote ... at peace: a close rendering of Fam. 2.11.2.

36.7 Sailing ... of admiration: (4.1—7: this further ring structure again separates off the mainly successful part of C.'s career (36.1-6n).

Before

his return to the new problems of the civil war C.'s 'two lives'

(3.3n) are fleetingly in harmony (contrast 32.5 [(]).

C. left his province c. Aug. 3,

reached Rhodes c.

Aug. 10, Athens on Oct. 14. stayed: both on his outward and return journey with the philosopher Aristus, Antiochus' brother (4. 1-2). yearning: one 'yearns! for what is absent (cf. 31.5, 42.1, 43.5): a pointed reminder that the ‘two lives’ are normally incompatible.

returned ... city: Jan. 4, 49, though C. remained outside the city walls hoping for a triumph (37.1n). where ... inflammation: the metaphor, marking a decisive moment in the narrative (6.4n), when Rome's sickness reaches a crisis (10.5), is of pus bursting from a boil. The sickness proves past cure ()37.2). C.'s own Ἶ fell into the very flame of civil discord — or rather of civil war. Although I desired to heal t ...' (Fam. 16.11.2) perhaps influenced P. [Ziegler's 'emendation' diistamenon spoils the medical

metaphor.] Initial irresolution, then impetuous and dubious decision to commit himself to Pompey; failure tc

maintain resolve; dignity regained on Caesar's victory (37.1-39.7) Unsuccessful attempts to pacify Caesar and Pompey; C. stays in Rome, undecided whom to join: offended by Caesar's failure to write himself (37.1-4). Joins Pompey in Greece but rebuked by Cato resolve weakened; largely ignored by Pompey; C.'s criticisms and untimely witticisms (38.1-8). Refuse: command after Pharsalus and withdraws from campaign; nearly killed but for Cato; meets Caesar fearing humiliation but honoured by him even after encomium of Cato and defence of Ligarius, which move:

Caesar tremendously (39.1-7). 37.1 When... the senate: C. did want a triumph after the supplicatio (thanksgiving) decreed him in 50 the senate discussed it early in Jan. 49 (Fam. 16.11.3), but the outbreak of war frustrated his hopes To give C.'s comment added force P. makes the triumph go through. he said: despite the impression given, not in the senate (36.7n).

Caesar's triumph: which he would normally have had for his Gallic victories. He gave ... consoling each: more on C.'s strenuous efforts as peacemaker in P. Caes. 31.12, 59.5-6.

Pomp

calming ... consoling: like a true statesman and philosopher ((36.2, )41.8), but unlike the Cilician: Caesar and Pompey do not respond. The whole section 37.1-38.2 is one of the key philosophical passages in the Life ((13.1, 32.5-7

)41.1, 8). 37.2 (past cure (36.7) Caesar ... men: Caesar crossed the Rubicon into Italy on Jan. 11; Pompey left Rome on Jan. 17. left ... left himself ... flight: the word play emphasises the oddity of Pompey's 'strategy'. P. simplifie

slightly: C. left Rome on the 18th, went to his villa at Formiae and was very half-hearted over the tokei militzry duties the Pompeians assigned him. attaching ... Caesar: in the end he did the reverse ()38.1). The wording suggests dependent status: i seems that he can no longer play an independent role and must be a mere 'appendage' (whether o

Caesar or Pompey), just as Caesar himself and Antonius had been in. the past ((20.7, 11.1 [same Greel

word in all 3 cases]); in fact he has an option which would allow him to preserve his independenc: (38.1n).

he is clearly: i.e. his letters clearly show this.

186] 37.2-3 much tossed ... resolution: C. faces another stark choice ((19.5—7, 29.4, 31.2, 32.5-7), this time

showing clear irresolution ((21.2-3, 32.3). (37.2 torn ... resolution )38.2)

37.3 completely ... loss: (20.1 -- the verbal parallel points the parallel with the choice C. faced with the Catilinarians. since Pompey ... bis friends: P. suppresses C.'s many criticisms of the Pompeians and reduces his complicated agonisings to a debate between morality (joining Pompey) and expediency (joining Caesar). For the historical C. the choice ultimately was indeed between morality and expediency, but there were many other considerations and other possibilities besides commitment to one side or the other; P. makes C.'s interna! debate starker and more overtly moral. He then introduces two of the other possibilities in 37.4 and 38.1 as if C. had never thought of them and implies that they were at least worth consideration. P.'s C. therefore begins by analysing the problem in an uncompromisingly philosophical way, but does not measure up to the rigorous demands of such an analysis (37.4, 38.1—2nn). He should either have followed it through properly (38.2) or have adopted some less demanding ethic initially. Pompey ... friends: eloquent simplification of passages like Att. 7.3.5, 12.3, 13.1, Fam. 7.3.2, cf. also Fam. 8.14.3 (Caelius to C.). glorious: an important consideration for C. noble: also important to C. (3.5, cf. 1.1).

he had ... flee to: a direct quotation from Att. 8.7.2, with ‘flee to’ for ‘follow’.

P.'s ‘improvement' on

C.'s wording is not only neat in itself but it increases the pathos of C.'s predicament: time 'refuge' in ‘flight’ seems unavailing ((31.2-4, especially 31.4; ) also 47.7).

37.4

for the second

When ... policies: a free reworking of Att. 7.17.3-4 ['Trebatius writes that on 22 January he was

asked by Caesar to write to me to stay near Rome. He says nothing I could do would please Caesar more. This at great length. Calculating the days I realised that as soon as Caesar heard of our

departure he began to be anxious in case we should all be gone.

So I don't doubt that he has written tc

Piso and to Servius. What astonishes me is that he did not write to me himself, or negotiate through Dolabella or Caelius. Though I don't despise Trebatius' letter, for 1 know that I am held in tremendou: regard by him. I wrote back to Trebatius (for I wouldn't write to Caesar himself, since he had writter nothing to me) to say how difficult that would be for me at the present time but that I was staying or. my estates and had not undertaken any levying or other activity. I shall keep to that as long as there i: hope of peace. But if war is to be waged I shall not fall short of my duty and dignity, having put the boys in safety in Greece.‘ Even if Trebatius’ own letter, not C.'s letter to Atticus reporting Trebatius letter, were P.'s source, he would still be radically reworking his source, but the letter to Atticus clearly is the source, cf. P.'s use of the motifs of C.'s astonishment at Caesar's behaviour and insistence or maintaining dignity, and his reinterpretation of the ‘withdrawal to Greece’ motif, which did not figure either in Trebatius' letter to C. or C.'s reply, but is in the Atticus letter]. The original differs from P." reworking as follows: (a) Caesar actually asked only that C. stay near Rome; (b) C. says that though he was surprised by Caesar's failure to write himself and therefore would not reply to him direct, he di not despise Trebatius' letter; (c) in his reply to Trebatius C. pointed out the difficulties of the cours: urged by Caesar, saying that he was staying on his estates aloof from military activity; (d) it is t Atticus that C. says that, in the event of war, he will not fall short of his duty and dignity, having sen his boys away to safety in Greece. P. has (a) made Caesar's communication more complicated than i really was so as to present C. with a still more difficult choice; (b) 'invented' C.'s anger (thougl whatever he says, C. surely must have been angry) in order to make C. act in passion; (c) for the sam

reason made maintenance

C.'s reply to Trebatius

peremptory

of dignity and safety in Greece,

not conciliatory;

and (d) transferred the motifs o

so that (41) the personal relationship of C.

and Caesa

depends on C.'s maintenance of dignity and (d2) C. himself again faces the 'choice of life’. Trebatius: C. Trebatius Testa, lawyer and young friend of C., who had recommended him to Caesar under whom he served in Gaul. wrote: Jan. 22 or soon after (above). old age: cf. 42.2, 46.1; C. was now 57. he ought ... both parties: Caesar suggests withdrawal to private life in Greece - the course C. himsel considered (allegedly) under Sulla in 4.3 (() (which he did actually consider in 49 [Art. 10.4.10]). ) als 43.3. C. must now choose between the two lives, once more incompatible after their temporar reconciliation in 37.7 ((; also )38.1).

angrily ... policies: the description is dovole-edged: anger is a bad counsellor (5.5n), C. suffers fron injured pride — passion and ambition coinciding (6.5, cf. also 1.5n), and he gives the "Greek option’ n: hearing ((32.5); but Caesar has behaved unreasonably, even highhandedly, and C.'s desire to maintai!

his dignity is worthy enough in itself (cf. 39,5).

[187 ‘unworthy )39,5) 38.1 When ... at once: Caesar left c. Apr. 8, C. sailed on 7 June. By jumping from late Jan. (37.4) to Apr. and then telescoping a month (‘at once’) P. directly links C.'s decision to join Pompey to Trebatius' letter. This is unbistorical, yet the pressure Caesar put on C. to cooperate was indeed a major factor in C.'s final decision (Att. 9.18.1). Even less historical is the implication that C. acted precipitately, but this is tailored both to the intemperate C. of 37.4 and the general view of 5.1 etc.

38.1-8 The others ... our camp.*: P. is virtually the only source, though C.'s letters confirm the general j icture. 38.1 The others ... glad: P. exaggerates, to highlight Cato's stance. Cato ... necessity: the verdict of the great Cato (23.5, 34.2-3nn) is another sign that C.'s decision was suspect, but for P. only at 38.2 does C. go definitely into.the wrong. Cato's argument rests largely on the 'character'/'role' (persona) doctrine of the Stoic philosopher Panaetius (C. Off. 1.107ff.), whereby moral duty might vary (within obvious limits) according to individual character. While it was right for a 'strong' character like Cato himself to maintain his original (anti-Caesar) position to the end, a flexible character like C. should have adapted to circumstances and not committed himself. In so doing, he would have avoided 'attachment' ((37.2), maintained his independence, and — paradoxically — acted more patriotically. Ταῖς then is another option. C. should have considered (historicaly, he did, but he

rejected it as impracticable [cf. e.g. Att. 9.18.1]). The parallel with Demosthenes is here important. At Dem. 13.2 P. defends Demosthenes against charge of inconsistency: 'For he appears to have maintained to the end the assignment and position political affairs to which he had appointed himself from the start, and not only not to have changed his life but even to have sacrificed his life in order not to change.' Thus C. is here trying to play role of Demosthenes, when that role is already filled by Cato, to whom it is more naturally suited.

the in in the

desert ... position: military imagery (as in Dem. 13.2) common in philosophical texts, especially Stoic.

more useful ... friends: further points against C.: his chosen

course neglects the moral claims of both

country (3.3n) and friends (1.5n). come to Greece ... rational reason: yet more points against C.: (a) C. has chosen the Greece of political and military activism (an anomalous combination), not that of private quietism ((37.4); (b) he has put himself into physical danger, a situation to which he is naturally ill-suited (3.6n); (c) Cato thinks his action against reason (cf. 37.4, 5.5, 6.5nn). 38.2 These ... him: C. could have kept his resolution (he began.'torn two ways in his resolution’ [(37.2], made his 'resolution' by deciding to join Pompey, but now that ‘resolution’ is upset), but his moral position is now decisively undermined by his old failings: irresolution (21.2-3, 37.2-3nn) and ambition, for Pompey, like Caesar (37.4), seems to slight C., who reacts badly to this. This analysis is historically persuasive enough, but C. also had some cause for disillusionment (Fam. 7.3.2). ^ Precise historical truth, however, is not P.'s primary concern here. 38.2-8 joking interventions ... our camp.': an extended section on C.'s sarcastic wit similar to chs.

25-27 ((), marking another decline after great success (36.1—37.1). 38.2 without 1.6 'Smiling and he did ill-tempered 38.1).

laughing ... severe: i.e. like Demosthenes and contrary to his and serenity covered C.'s face but there was always a certain not easily lay aside this anxiety and thoughtfulness. Which is and morose, as he himself says"). C. is again playing a role

own natural bent (cf. Comp. earnestness on Demosthenes' why his enemies called him inappropriate to himself (cf.

38.3 Domitius: L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, cos. 54. 38.4 Theophanes: campaigns.

enfranchised

by Pompey,

he became

his close

adviser

and

historian

of his eastern

prefect ... engineers: by this time (despite the name) just = adjutant to the C-in-C (contrast 32.2). Rhodians: whose fleet was destroyed in a storm en route to Pompey in Dyrrachium. Greek: with similar implications to 5.2: Theophanes is good for nothing but rhetoric. In this and the previous joke against 'moderation' and 'temperance' C. contemns what he would normally praise: a sign of how untrue he is being to his better self ((5.2, 8.4, 9.6, 19.6: cf. Intr. p. 15). 38.5 When ... besieging them: Apr. to mid-July 48, near Dyrrachium (P. Caes. 39.1-2).

Lentulus: L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, cos. 49. 38.7 the defeat: not Pharsalus (39.1), when engagements of 38.5: P. writes carelessly.

Caesar

overran

Pompey's

camp

(38.8),

but

one

of the

188] Nonius: perhaps M. Nonius Sufenas, ? praet 52. eagies: legionary eagles.

38.8 Labienus: T. Labienus, who had fought very successfully for Caesar in Gaul but joined Pompey in 49. "Yes ... camp.': said when Labienus brought news of Pharsalus to Dyrrachium stratagem’ alludes contemptuously to baseless optimism.

(C. Div.

1.68).

This

39.1-5 But ... him alone: P. is again substantially the only source. 39.1 Pharsalus: Aug. 9, 48. (did not participate )42.1) flight: 39.3n. Cato ... consular status: in Corcyra (P. Cat. accept but was a stickler for tradition.

min.

55.4-6)

in mid-Aug.;

Cato

hardly expected

C.

tc

39.2 When ... campaign completely: C. now returns to the peaceful policy he perhaps should never have abandoned (37.4, 38.1-2, 22.6-7, 35.1~5nn) but which is certainly right for him now. He has, however, first to survive a situation of extreme physical danger (3.6n, )43.3), which he does only through Cato* intervention. | young Pompey: Gnaeus, Pompey's cruel elder son.

called ... swords: the Cat. min. version is less lurid ['then Cato, seeing that Pompey, through wilfulnes: and inappropriate pride, wished to punish those who were sailing away, and was going to lay hands or

C. first of all, admonished him in private and calmed him down, so that he clearly saved C. from deatl and procured safe conduct for the rest']: P. spices things up a bit, but the effect is not merely "literary (Intr. p. 39). (stood between them )43.7) 39.3 He ... Brundisium: mid-Oct. 48; P. again (38.1) telescopes time to point causal connexion. The simplified narrative conveys the essential political point: C. was at risk from both sides. activities ... Egypt: Caesar pursued Pompey after Pharsalus, reached Egypt just after Pompey's murde (28 Sept.), became Asia.

enmeshed

in dynastic war there, and crushed

Pharnaces,

Mithridates' son (8.7), ir

39.4 When: the narrative jumps nearly a year to c. 24/25 Sept. 47 -- not unreasonably: Caesar's attitudt was the key problem for C. all this time. Tarentum: modern Taranto, on the ‘sole’ of Italy. rushed: suggesting impulsiveness ()43.3, cf. 38.1, 5.1nn).

39.5 But ... unworthy: (37.4: the ring structure underlines the point that maintenance of dignity was tht most C. could expect in the war between Caesar and Pompey, and despite everything he achieves it though thanks to Caesar rather than himself. This honourable accommodation contrasts with C.*

earlier and later relations with Caesar ((30.3, 40.4). got down: from horseback.

stades: the Greek stade (1.4n) was about '/,th of a mile. alone: a great honour, especially when 'many were present'.

39.5-7 After this ... under compulsion: magnanimous and civilised behaviour (cf. Vibius and Vergilius (32.2), and the second finally (49.5)]). 39.5 even when ... reply: C.'s work was suicide in Africa reached Rome

Caesar remains friends even when C. acts against him also 21.2, Snn) contrasting with that of Pompey (31.2-4) Caesar (43.8) Octavian (46.1ff. [though Octavian respects C suggested by Brutus, Cato's nephew,

after news of Cato’

(c. the start of May 46); Caesar's reply attacked Cato bitterly (neithe

survive). Several pro-Cato works followed. praised ... Theramenes: the comparison with Pericles, great orator and statesman, is wholl complimentary, that with Theramenes, moderate conservative, accomplished orator and notoriou trimmer, surely (despite P.) double-edged. In resembling Pericles C. parallels Demosthenes (Dem. 6.* 9.2). 39.6-7 It ... At any rate ... compulsion: P. only guarantees

the last sentence of this suspect anecdot

(1.1, S.Inn), but creates an effect (1.1n) of the tremendous power of C.'s oratory (3.1n) at its best (c 24.3), reactivated after so long an absence, soon to fall silent again (40.1n).

39.6 Ligarius: fervent Republican who had fought through

to 46, when

acquitted of treason in Oct. 46 but joined the conspiracy against Caesar.

he was captured.

He we

C.'s Pro Ligario survives.

[189 "What ... enemy?': before C.'s speech Caesar has already made his 'judgement' in his mind.

39.7 But when ... his hand: though the speech, much admired by ancient and modern critics, is good, and ancient audiences were very susceptible to emotional appeal (3.1, 5.5nn),

this description must be

exaggerated, especially as C.'s treatment of Pharsalus is restrained (Lig. 9, 28). under compulsion: cf. 12.6. Near total withdrawal Caesar (40.1-5) 40.1

After

this

...

study

into philosophical philosophy:

and intellectual life excepting

despite

Caesar's

magnanimity

and

his

sporadic

flattery

of

triumphant

defence

of

Ligarius, there can be no real place for C. under Caesar's monarchy and he must withdraw to the philosophical life ((4.3, cf. 3.3n, 40.3 below).

C. himself says as much

(e.g. Orat.

148, Off.

2.2-4).

Yet this withdrawal too will be brief. monarchy: i.e. what it effectively was. P.'s wording does not refer to Caesar's constitutional plans (if any). Cf. 43.1. Caesar is now the new 'monarch' facing C. (3. 3n). largely... once again: a paradoxical and slightly sinister crossing of boundaries between

'the two lives'

(48.2): C.' s withdrawal from politics brings him political power; this P. exaggerates, to fit it into the recurrent

pattern

philosophical

of

great

power

acquired,

then

and oratorical associations with men

misused,

by

C.

(below),

but

(41.7n,

43.3),

like Dolabella

it is true

that

Hirtius and

C.'s

Pansa

(43.3n), and Brutus (24.6n) and Cassius (42.3, 36.2n) won him influence both with prominent Caesarians and renascent Republicans (also several of C.'s philosophical works had political import).

very great ... again: the last time was 24.1 (() after his triumph over the Catilinarians. bis power rightly? (BIER. gives the answer; ) also 43.1, 45.4).

Will C. now use

40.2 But ... philosophical dialogues: in 46-44 C. produced a remarkable number of philosophical quasi-philosophical (as well as other) works; 46: Paradoxa Stoicorum (c. March), Orator (Sept.); Consolatio (ἃ self-consolation after Tullia's death [41.7], now lost), Hortensius (lost), Academica, finibus; 44: Tusculanae disputationes, Protagoras, Timaeus (both lost), De natura deorum,

or 45: De De

divinatione, De fato (fragmentary), De senectute, De amicitia, De gloria (lost), De officiis. Of these Protagoras and Timaeus are translations of Plato, and Paradoxa, Orator, Consolatio, and De officiis are not dialogues. None were written in the period P. implies (end 46, cf. 39,6, 41.2n), but keeping C.'s philosophical activity together, distinct from both his domestic troubles (41.2-8) and his return to politics (42.3ff.), sharpens the contrast between ‘the two lives’, ()41.8)

work: C., in contrast to 32,6 ((), now seems true τὸ his philosophical pretensions. translate: either alluding to the Platonic works or (likelier) to C.'s own

()40.3 also)

description

of (some

of) his

philosophical works as *mere transcripts! (Att. 12.52.3). dialectical: dialectic = formal reasoning as a means of discovering the real nature of things. physical: physics = science of the natural order. they say: implying: this is probably true (1.1n), but I don't speak from personal knowledge

(cf. 24.5-6n).

Similarly 40.3 and 41.1. first ... principally: the poet Lucretius and perhaps others had already made the most determined and systematic.

image

... comprehension:

some attempt but C.'s was

these are all terms from sense perception theory

(4.2n);

external

objects

present themselves to the sense-organs (e.g. as 'images' to the eyes) and cause an impression to occur in the mind, which may 'suspend. judgement' about the truth of the impression or 'assent' to it or

‘comprehend’

it (of

absolutely

trustworthy

impressions).

Sceptics

(4.2n)

believed

‘suspension

of

judgement' to be the right response to sense impressions, Stoics 'assent' and 'comprehension'.

image: Lat. visum (Acad. 1.40). suspension ... judgement: Lat. retentio assensionis (Acad. 2.59). assent: Lat. assensio, approbatio (Acad. 2.37). comprehension: Lat. comprehensio (Acad. 1.41). atom: lit. 'what cannot be cut', the smallest possible particle of matter; Lat. individuum (Fin. 1. 17).

indivisible: equivalent term to ‘atom’. void: that which is empty of matter; Lat. inane (Fat. 24). 40.3 play: contrasting with ‘work’ ((40.2). For C.'s poetry see 2.3-5 (note the repetition of the word ‘incline’ from 2.3). 500 verses a night is prodigious.

Tusculum: in the Alban hills, just S.E. of Rome. wrote: the letter is not extant. Laertes: Odysseus’ aged father, who lived away from the court in the country.

Such an appeal to Greek

190] heroic exemplars came naturally to educated Romans (cf. Intr. analogy in a letter to Caesar of May 45 [Fam. 13.15.1], but with a whether ... state of affairs: P. leaves the question technically open of C.'s character: 5.6, 1.5nn), but seems to favour the second (cf. philosophical life (40.1—2) is at least now in doubt. disheartened: an incorrect response to adversity (6.4n).

p. 49). (C. also uses the Laertes rather different point.) (both explanations cohere with parts also 40.4, 42.1): C.'s devotion to the

40.4 only rarely ... the city: cf. e.g. Fam. 9.15.3. pay court ... was doing: a new and unsavoury development, the corruption of the generous spirit of 24.4ff: ((), fuelled by C.'s smouldering ambition. Such being the political situation, flattery of Caesar is his ambition's only outlet. His earlier solicitations of Caesar ((30.3, 39.4-5) now take a marked turn for the worse. Flattery will also be a key element in his relations with Octavian Caesar ()45.2, 46.1). firsi among ... honours: at least partially historical (C. Phil. 13.40f., P. Caes. 57.2). Date: end 45. P.'s interpretation goes with his general view of C. and his treatment of C. and Octavian, but contains some truth. An example ... his own: similarly P. Caes. 57.6; the statues were thrown down after Pharsalus (39.1),

restored at the start of 44.

()49.6)

Tragedy: C. overtaken disasters (41.1-48.6)

both

by

difficulties

outside

his

control

and

by

largely

self-inflicted

Proposed history disrupted by public and private difficulties and disasters; C. divorces Terentia, marries

young

virgin;

different views

further divorce (41.1-8).

of these events;

daughter's

death:

C.'s uncontrollable

grief and

Excluded from conspiracy against Caesar despite friendship with Brutus and

political sympathies; statesmanlike speech in senate in favour of amnesty; conspirators' political eclipse through people's anger (42.1-S). Suspicions and hostility between Antony and C.: their different way: of life; C. persuaded by Hirtius and Pansa to go to Greece, not to Syria with Dolabella, and suppori them against Antony later; Antony's apparent change for better; C. returns to Rome and tumultuou: welcome; fails to attend senate through fear of plot; Antony responds angrily but violence averted; they avoid direct confrontation; Octavian arrives and disputes with Antony over Caesar's legacy (43.1-8). Pact between C. and Octavian; alleged prophetic dream as explanation for C.'s attitude (44.1—7). Rea reasons C.'s hatred of Antony and love of honour; Brutus attacks C.'s behaviour but employs his son; C at the peak of his power; defeat of Antony and elevation of Octavian; Octavian acquires armies anc frightens senate, which tries to curb his power; frightened, Octavian uses C.'s love of office to secur agreement to joint campaign for consulship (45.1-6). C., duped, gives Octavian everything; Octaviar abandons C. and joins Antony and Lepidus; their dispute over C.; Octavian capitulates; the bestiality Οἱ the proscriptions (46.1—6). Irresolution and grief of C. and Quintus; Quintus’ death; C.'s continua dithering and wild thoughts; the ravens of Caietae, whose solicitude shames C.'s slaves (47.1-10). The

murderers: Popillius’ and Philologus' perfidy; dignity of C.'s last moments;

his throat slit, head anc

hands cut off — the hands that wrote the Philippics, as they are still known (48.1-6).

41.1 He had ... had collected: C. contemplated this in the late 50s (Leg. 1.5-6 and 8-9) and again ir his last year (Att. 16.13A.2): P. has again manipulated the chronology (for the reasons see 40.2n). SO ... said: 40.2n.

but he ... own choice: an almost choric passage (5.6n), peculiarly rich and pregnant in implication which unites several major themes and provides the interpretative framework for the remaininj narrative: (a) C. can no longer withdraw from the political into the intellectual life (3.3n; 43.3); (b) hi: unsatisfactory emotional life (3.3, 5.3nn; 20.3, 29.4) now undermines his judgement both in private ant publie spheres (41.2-7, 44.7, 45.2); (c) his success or failure depends on the quality of his decisions ii

the various key choices he faces (cf. 19.5-7, 29.4, 31.2, 32.57, 37.2-3 and now 43.3, 45.1, 46.1); (d the struggle between passion (n below) and reason (S.5n) has even more important consequence (41.2-7, 45.1, 46.1, 47.6); (e) C.'s claims as a philosopher in action (3.1, 13.1nn) receive furthe scrutiny (below and 41.8n); (f) the fact that the sequel is a 'disaster' narrative, plus the stress on mora choice, the question of personal responsibility (cf. 'which he had not willed'/'through his own choice")

and the struggle between passion and reason, gives it the quality of tragedy (45.6, 46.1, 47.6, 8, 10

49.3-6), a medium which: powerfully combines objective analysis of cause and effect, a sense O impending doom, moral criticism of the tragic hero, and intense emotional sympathy for his sufferings. overtaken: normally used of ‘external’ things (death, disease, fate); the phrase 'self-chosen disasters’ thu emphasises C.'s own responsibility by paradox (cf. below and 24.3). many public ... own choice: the material falls into two categories: (1) difficulties, both public am

[191 private,

for

which

C.

is not

responsible;

(2) disasters

for

which he

is largely

responsible;

but

the

following narrative is actually divided into ‘domestic’ and 'public' affairs (42.1), both with ‘difficulties’ and

'disasters'.

This switch clarifies the narrative's broad outlines but makes

it harder

to distinguish

‘difficulties’ from ‘disasters', forcing the reader to decide for himself. not willed: a philosophical term. disasters:

the

Greek

word

also

‘disasters caused by passion’.

means

'emotions'/'passions'

(cf.

5.5,

6.5);

‘self-chosen

disasters’

are

‘Disaster' is also characteristic of tragedy.

happened... choice: another paradoxical formulation (one does not consciously 'choose' disasters, but bad conscious choices cause disasters), further stressing C.'s personal responsibility () also 41.8).

41.2-6 First ... military activity: are these turbulent events ‘difficulties’ or ‘emotional disasters’? grants both interpretations plausibility but seems to favour the latter (41.4).

P.

41.2 divorced: some time in 46.

since: slightly careless: P. does not (or not necessarily) accept this version (41.4). he was sent ... journey: belied by C.'s affectionate letter to Terentia just before leaving Italy (Fam. 14.7). 41.3 She ... in Brundisium: C. actually told her not to (Fam. 14.12). On C. in Brundisium see 39.34. (long time 141.4, 7) when their ... expenses: otherwise unattested but plausible (below); Tullia reached C. on June 12, 47. young girl: chronological exaggeration (cf. 28.2) — Tullia was 304 -- here for pathetic effect. on the contrary ... everything: again otherwise unattested but plausible — C. certainly had

difficulty

getting money from Terentia in 47 (Att. 11.24.3) and there were other problems (below). most respectable: in two senses: (1) best morally; (2) most plausible.

C. was also angry about Terentia's

failure to provide properly for their children in her will (e.g. Att. 11.16.5) and about her apparent political disloyalty (Fam. 4.14.3). | 41.4 Cicero ... brilliant one: as if Terentia and C. are fighting a court case which the great orator loses: hereabouts what is normal for C. is reversed - cf. 41.5, point that it is Terentia who is the brilliant one: cf. 1.2, C. and Terentia have changed roles, marital disharmony still more serious (41.1n). not ... afterwards: (41.3: C.'s unseemly haste to marry difficulties with the crusty Terentia. () also 41.7)

6, 8 (for the technique cf. 38.4); it is an addec 3.5; the witty legal conceit recalls 29.2 (4), but now turns to divorce and the consequences are the young

virgin contrasts

amusingly

with hi:

married: probably in Dec. 46. virgin: making C.'s behaviour all the more reprehensible, given his age.

passion ... beauty: by this version C.'s remarriage would be a 'self-chosen emotional disaster’. as Tiro ... debts: by this version (similarly C.D. 46.18.3) a ‘difficulty’ for which C. was not to blame. For Tiro, C.'s faithful freedman, secretary and literary executor, who wrote a biography of C., set further 49.4 and Intr. p. 29. 41.5 The child ... her money: a reasonable expedient to Roman thinking, but not to P.: even by thi: apologetic version C. is the opposite of the idealised figure of 7.3, 8.3-4. The girl was called Publili: and her family evidently politically acceptable to Caesar, an additional attraction for C. (Fam. 4.14.3). fiduciary legatee: a literal translation of a Roman legal term (heres fiducarius). C. controlled hei estate until her marriage, when control would pass to her husband, so marrying her himself was a nea: move. tens ... thousands: of drachmas/denarii (cf. e.g. 8.1, 43.8). 41.6 witty jokes: C. is now the butt of his own brand of humour (1.6, 5.6, 7.6, 27.1). 41.7 daughter died: Feb. 45. t ... afterwards: (41.4, 3: farce is rapidly overtaken by tragedy.

in childbirth: slightly inaccurate: it was as a result of childbirth in Jan. in the house ... former husband: similarly Ascon. 5C, Macrob. 2.3.3, but very inaccurate.

After Piso"

death (31.2) she married not 'Lentulus' but Furius Crassipes; after their divorce she married P Cornelius Lentulus Dolabella, cos. 44 (43.3, 40.1n), a patrician who in 48 got himself adopted by : plebeian called Lentulus in order to become tribune (cf. 34.2n); this marriage also ended in divorce (c Nov. 46) though Tullia was pregnant; she bore the child in C.'s house in Rome and died in Tusculum

(40.3).

(It is highly unlikely that P. realises who 'Lentulus' is.)

192] 41.8 The philosophers... Cicero consolation: (40.2; C. did seek consolation from philosophical works (Att. 12.14.3) and wrote his own Consolatio (40.2n), but this mass philosophical deputation is elsewhere unattested and presumably invented by P. in order to mark the end of C.'s efforts to immerse himself in philosophy and the philosophical failure foreshadowed in 41.1. (37.1 also: C. now fails to profit from the philosophical consolation he himself gave Caesar and Pompey. C. here contrasts strongly with Demosthenes (Dem. 3.4; 22.3, 5-7). what ... happened: (41.1: Tullia's death was a 'disaster' — something external that 'happened' to C., but by "bearing it too hard’ he made it into a ‘self-chosen disaster'. ( also 32.6, where under the misfortune of exile C. is ‘far too small and low.'

divorced: C.'s domestic problems begin and end with divorce ((41.2 — ring structure); this divorce was finalised in summer 45.

.

because ... death: C. just says he wanted solitude (Att. 12.32.1). 42.1 Such ... affairs: 41.1n. did not participate: (39.1: the verbal repetition indicates that C.'s 'non-participation' basic theme of 39,1-42.2.

in politics is the

(undertaking ... organised )42.3) particularly ... Brutus: C. had cultivated Brutus at Atticus' urging, though shocked by Brutus' financial rapacity in Cilicia; by 46 they were firm friends (cf. 43.1), though there were always tensions (e.g. 45.2-3; cf. also 24.6n).

was thought: as at 40.3 P. technically does not commit himself (1.1, 5.1, 42.3nn). 42.2 But ... natures: closely similar P. Brut. 12.2, but the emphasis bears on the whole question of C.'s 'daring'/'confidence' or lack of it (14.1, 19.5-7, 35.3nn); this represents 'the men's! view of C.'s nature,

not necessarily here endorsed by P. (42.3n), though he does of course generally regard 'lack of daring' as one of C.'s most marked character traits (Dem.

3.3) and he certainly accepts the force of the point

about old age (C. was now 62). the men: cf. 42.4 and 19.5n. 42.3 At any rate: implying: whatever C.'s attitude to Caesar's rule, and whether or not he lacked daring, he certainly did well now (cf. 5.1n). when ... undertaken ... organising: (42.1: the verbal reversal conveys how after Caesar's assassination on

Mar. 15 (the Ides) the initiative passed rapidly from Brutus and Cassius to the Caesarians, especially M. Aemilius Lepidus, Caesar's Master of Horse (further 46.2-5), who occupied the forum with troops. Antony ... the senate: Mar. 17. spoke ... concord: the majority source view; Appian 2.128-135 has an implausibly Machiavellian Antony.

Cicero ... their associates: Antony's contribution was proper but C.'s that of the ideal orator in a crisi: (3.1, 13.1nn). C. now returns to the thick of political life. imitate ... Athenians: who voted an amnesty after the overthrow of the Thirty Tyrants in 403. allot ... associates: inaccurate: some of these provinces had already been assigned by Caesar (e.g. 45.4n) and thus came under the general ratification of Caesar's ‘acts’ on the 17th., while the question Οἱ

provinces for Brutus and Cassius, praetors in 44, was for the future. none ... fulfilment: i.e. they were passed but did not stick.

42.4-5 When ... the city: date: Mar. 20. 14.6-8, Brut. 20.4-7, Caes. 68.1-2).

This closely resembles P.'s other accounts of the funeral (Ant

The funeral turned out disastrously for the assassins, but Antony’:

speech has been variously interpreted. P. agrees with C. Att. 14.10.1. and Phil. 2.90f., App. 2.144-4t and C.D. 44.35.4ff. that the speech was deliberately inflammatory. Whether right or not, this was tht ancient consensus [Suet. Caes. 84.2 is not independent ~ cf. Appian 2.144]. 42.4 Antony ... the swords: similarly P. Brut. 20.4, Ant. 14.7, App. 2.146. 43.1 (elated )'burdensome' below and 46.1) feared: like Clodius ((33.2); cf. 43.3n for further parallels with that earlier struggle.

incipient monarch: i.e. a second Caesar (40.1).

Antony is the next 'monarch' C. faces (3.3n): doubtles

a simplistic view of Antony but C. began to take it from the end of Apr. (e.g. Att. 14.14.4, 21.3, Phil 2.34), and it became a commonplace in the historical tradition. Cf. 45.2 below.

(feared ... Cicero )43.3, 6; 45.2) Seeing ... burdensome: there is no evidence for this at this stage: power ... strength: after 42.3.

P. anticipates.

The last time C. had 'power' was at 40.1 (().

[193 burdensome: ('elated': Antony, who is ‘up’, fears being brought ‘down’ by C. (cf. 36.2). 43.2 No doubt ... of life: another contrast of ‘lives’ (3.3n), but here between different types of political life; C.'s way of life, with its austere ideal-statesman character (8.4—5, 36.3-4), differed utterly from that of Antony, great soldier, spender, eater, drinker and womaniser.

43.3-4 Fearing ... back again to Rome: (32.3 and n, also )47.4-7 (both cases of irresolution manifested in changes of destination). 43.3 Fearing: resuming the narrative from 43.1. At this stage C. actually feared not so much Antony as the threatening civil war (e.g. Att. 14.13.4), but P. focuses solely on the two men and suggests a parallel with C.'s struggle with Sulla ((3.6; for other parallels cf. 43.7n).

In both

cases

‘fear’

'monarch' impels C. to leave Rome, but his reaction here is excessive (cf. below and 43.4n). 45.2)

of a

() also

rushed: suggesting impulsiveness ((39.4, 5.1n).

sail ... his legate: (30.3: then he had arranged a legateship with Caesar to escape Clodius, now one with Dolabella.to escape Antony. Dolabella (41.7n - whom P. omits to introduce) had been. promised Caesar's consulship when Caesar left for the projected Parthian war; on Caesar's death he simply assumed the consulship and got Syria as his province. He gave C. the legateship on June 3 (Att. 15.11.4), a purely nominal appointment which permitted travel anywhere abroad -- C. never intended Syria. P. says that it was Syria to increase the parallel with Caesar and Gaul, thus inviting comparison of C.'s struggles against Clodius and Antony. but when ... own account: this compact with Hirtius and Pansa is otherwise unattested, though

presumably historical; C. certainly did intend returning on Jan.

(44.1)

1, 43 (e.g. Att.

15.25,

Phil.

1.6).

Hirtius ... Pansa: A. Hirtius, C. Vibius Pansa Caetronianus, coss. 43 (40.in, 45.4-5), moderate Caesarians. good men ... distrusting ... trusting: the apparent inconsistency presumably reflects the fact that though C. generally did not think much of them, they 'made good’ in the Mutina campaign (45.4-5; cf. C. Ad Brut. 1.3a).

begged ... desert them: they appeal to C.'s better feelings (3.5n) as well as his hostility to Antony, bring Antony down: as a tyrant/monarch (cf. 43.1). (neither distrusting ... altogether )47.5) let ... hang: as he had Caesar ((30.4), but this time the failure to take the available legateship will have

far more serious consequences. But P. does not yet think C.'s course disastrous. ()46.2 also) He agreed ... Athens: a temporary withdrawal (3.3n) to Greece (to get away from Antony

till a

concerted challenge could be made), halfway between political commitment and the total withdrawal earlier suggested by Caesar and considered by C. himself ((37.4). Now the intervention of advisers makes C. choose a cautious policy (43.4, 1.5nn).

on his ... account: i.e. not as Dolabella's legate.

C. left Pompeii on July 17 and reached Syracuse on

Aug. 1. 43.4 But ... again to Rome: cf. C. Att. 16.7.1, Phil. 1.7-8. P.’s version is based on these but simplified, modified and exaggerated so as (again [43.3]) to concentrate on tbe relations of Antony anc C., produce a sharper dramatic contrast, and suggest parallels with earlier events. as often ... Rome: an ironic variant on the proverbial ‘always something new from "x" [some exotic

foreign country]. Antony ... the senate: much exaggerated, partly to suggest a parallel with the deceptive behaviour o: Clodius ((30.4). P.'s arrangement of material (43.8n) prevents him from explaining that Antony" temporary moderation was actually an attempt to counter Octavian's growing power. the situation ... possible arrangement: also much exaggerated. he himself ... great caution: not in C. and presumably invented by P. to link with the general theme o C.'s internal struggle between caution and daring (5.2, 14.1nn). P. thus suggests that C. had bee: over-cautious in adopting temporary withdrawal: the right policy against Antony would have bee:

somewhere midway between the impulsiveness of 43.3 and the hyper-caution of 43.3-4.

This is also ai

important moment in C.'s journey to self-knowledge ()46.1, (6.4). turned ... Rome: which he reached on Aug. 31. 43.5 He ... day's time: another great 'escort' (14.7n) or ‘arrival’ scene (33.7-8n), parallel to that oi his return from exile ((33.7-8), again prompting the question: will C. use this popularity rightly? P. i the only source for this tumultuous welcome:

he has at least exaggerated,

and probably invented,

it.

194] 43.6 But ... fatigue: similarly C. Phil. 1.12, 28; date: Sept. 1. The truth ... road: C. had learnt from Brutus on Aug. 17 that Antony's 'change' was illusory (Att. 16.7.5) and from friends of Antony that he would allow no opposition, especially over further honours

for Caesar (the main topic of the Sept. 1 meeting), and if C. offered any his life would be endangered (C. Phil. 1.28). fear: (43.1, 3; 45.2; C. again responds to the threat of physical violence with 'fear' (3.6n).

43.7 Antony ... taking securities: C. gives a less dramatic account in Phil. 1.12 and 5.19, whereby (a) Antony only threatened this in the senate, (b) workmen, not soldiers, were to do the job, (c) they were to demolish C.'s house, not burn it down. By actualising Antony's threat and importing the other exaggerations P. crystallises the struggle between C. and Antony at a point just short of extreme

physical violence before Octavian's arrival, which seemingly gives C. the physical resources to crush Antony (45.1, 4). The distortion serves both historical (43.8n) and moral analysis, for C. is now placed in a position of extreme physical danger. angry ... accusation: (3.5: the 'monarchs' (3.3n) Antony and Sulla are both angry at accusations and hence pose physical threats to C., but Antony's is the greater and more immediate, and will ultimately prove fatal.

accusation: that C.'s life would be endangered if he attended. stood in the way: (39.2: invented by P. to underline securities: if a senator did from his house until he did

C. is again saved from death by the intervention of well-wishers (clearly the ever increasing violence that threatens C.), but for how long? not come to the senate when summoned the consuls could take something or fine him.

43.8 quietly ... each other: like enemy

armies.

The emphatic

image

(6.4n) anticipates the actual

warfare of 45.4—5. avoid ... conflict: lit. 'march out in opposition parallel with’: though now open enemies they avoided clashing publicly. until ... from Apollonia: Octavian, Caesar's great-nephew, was studying at Apollonia in Illyricum when he heard of Caesar's death. Crossing to Italy and learning of his adoption he spent nearly a month sounding out men like Philippus (44.1), Balbus, Caesar's former confidential agent, and C. himself, entering Rome at the start of May. P. postdates Octavian's arrival remarkably so as to (a) keep the material on C.'s relations with Antony together (43.1-8), separate from that on his relations with Octavian (44.1-7), (b) then move smoothly from C.'s clash with Antony (43.6-7 — Sept.) to his pact with Octavian (44.1 — Nov./Dec.), (c) have a ready-made explanation for this pact (45.1: ‘hatred of Antony"). The chronological distortion (a) facilitates the organisation of material, (b) highlights the basic historical analysis. 25,000,000 ... estate: Caesar's widow Calpurnia had entrusted Antony with most of Caesar's personal treasure, a sum of .4,000 talents (P. Ant. 15.1) = 24,000,000 drachmas/denarii (3.4n); 25,000,000 is a round number. Octavian wanted to discharge Caesar's bequest of 75 drachmas/300 sesterces per citizen. For Caesar's will see 44.6.

44.1 As ... armed forces: this meeting and the pact agreed are otherwise unattested [Ant. 16.6 is no parallel], but clearly historical (cf. 44.3-7n., 45.6, Comp. 3.1). Octavian began overtures to C. (then in Puteoli) at the very start of Nov. (Att. 16.8) and pressed him hard over the following days (Att. 16.9, 16.11.6). By c. mid-Nov. (Att. 16.5.6) C., then in Arpinum, told Atticus he would come to Rome soon;

he did not actually do so till Dec. 9 (Fam. 11.5.1). between mid-Nov. and Dec. 9. This second anti-Antony pact is far more Pansa ((43.3; cf. also 45.2n).

C.'s meeting with Octavian and the others thus falls

compromising

and dangerous

than

that

with

Hirtius

and

Philippus: L. Marcius Philippus, cos. 56, Octavian's step-father (cf. also 43.8n; for Octavian's father anc mother see 44.6). Marcellus: C. Claudius Marcellus, cos. 50, husband of Octavia. pact ... forces: the two strike an apparently 50/50 bargain, to pool the power of oratory and militar) power (3.1n); }45.1, 4; 46.1. The same fusion of the two different 'powers' occurs at Dem. 17.1-18.: (cf. Intr. p. 22). young man: cf. below, 45.2, 5; 46.1-2, Comp. 4.4; the emphasis, found in all sources, while factua. (Octavian was 19, cf. 44.7), can have both positive implications (precocity, godlike qualities [cf. 44.4].

and negative ones (preposterous presumption, untempered ambition, pitilessness [cf. 46.1]); P. als suggests parallels with C.'s struggle against Clodius ((28.1-2) and with Demosthenes’ struggle against tht 'young' Alexander (Dem. Caesar's son (Cic. 43.8).

23.2),

son

of

Philip,

his

previous

great

adversary,

just

as

Octavian

wat

[195 ecurity: against the physical threat posed by Antony (43.1, 3, 6-7).

( also 22.6: C., the non-military

ran who had got the Roman state 'security' from the Catilinarians, now seeks ‘security’ through military

jeans. The youth ... under Caesar.): a vague allusion to Octavian's recruiting of troops after similar moves by ntony. 4.2 thought: cf. the formulations of 44.3, 5, 7; 45.1; for P.'s attitude to this tradition (evidently from Augustus himself) see beiow and 45.1n. 4.3-7 It appears ... kindred spirit: a free reworking of the tradition: (a) the dream P. attributes to C. vas

traditionally

attributed

to

Catulus

(21.4n;

Suet.

Aug.

94.8,

C.D.

45.2.3-4),

ittributed to C. a dream in which Octavian was let down from heaven by vhip by Jupiter (Suet. Aug. 94.9, C.D. 45.2.2), (c) Augustus’ Autobiography vhich Octavian appeared as the man destined to end the civil wars (Tert. eading vitae illius, which is surely right]). (Presumably dreams [b] and ransferred Catulus! dream to C., while retaining the notion of Octavian :vidently thought Catulus’ dream more capable of development

(b)

the

tradition

golden chains and given a claimed C. had a dream in De anima 46.7 [HRF fr. 2, [c] are identical.) P. has as bringer of peace. He

and a whip's associations inappropriate.

[he transference and lavish treatment show that P. wants the dream given weight, not as historically rue (45.1n), but as a pointer to the idealised Octavian/Augustus (as opposed to X the immediate context), who from a long perspective could indeed be seen nd even as C.'s spiritual successor: C., himself destined in a dream to be tomans' ((2.1), has a dream about the divine youth who will end the Roman tome's final ruler. Cf. further 1.1, 49.5, 6nn.

the ruthless opportunist as the saviour of Rome a ‘great blessing to all civil wars and become

14.3 when Pompey ... Caesar too: dating the dream to the civil war period before Pompey's death (Sept. ?8, 48), but also implying: Octavian will surpass both.

yurple-bordered: 19.3n.

14.4 "Romans ... civil wars’: the Greek is in artificial prophetic style.

f[houtos is subject, peras

»edicate; understand estai; the otherwise rare application of peras to a person is eased by the gerund juality of houtos hegemon genomenos (cf. the Latin urbs capta = ‘the capture of the city').] 14.5 plain of Ares: i.e. the Campus Martius (cf. 14.7).

14.6 Octavius ... background: C. Octavius, rovernor of Macedonia, died 58. Attia: daughter of M. Atius (P.'s double

of a rich equestrian family, quaest. 't' is wrong)

Balbus

and

66, praet.

Caesar's sister

Julia,

61, then

married

first

Jctavius, then Philippus (44.1). -aesar ... will: Caesar left him ?/, of his property and adopted him. 14.7 accepted ... kindred spirit: Octavian not only reciprocated: he behaved as if they were related jbelow and 45.2). The juxtaposition of this information with the statement of Octavian's adoption by

Caesar neatly points a basic flaw in C.'s policy. Indeed ... consul: the coincidence of date reinforces the connexion between C. and Octavian (cf. Vell. 2.36.1), especially in view of C.'s own significant birthday ((2.1). Octavian was born on 23 Sept. 63. 45.1

These

Octavian.

... stated Hence

... But:

'thought'

P.

(44.2),

now

gives

'stated'

etc.

what cover

he considers 'what

the true reasons

is untrue'

(1.1n).

P.

for even

C.'s seems

support

of

uncertain

whether the 44.3-7 material was even stated (cf. 'perhaps'). Nevertheless, by a typical ambiguity the general associations of 44.3-7 remain operative (cf. 44.3-7, 1.1nn). The contrast between stated and true reasons comes from Thuc. 1.23.5-6 on the causes of the Peloponnesian War. P. thus claims Thucydidean historical acumen, as well as suggesting the magnitude of the struggle between C. and Antony, analogous as it is to the war between Athens and Sparta.

45.1—2 hatred for Antony... courting Caesar: C.D. 45.15.4 has the same basic analysis. 45.1 hatred ... honour: passion, in the form of hatred (34.1—3n) and C.'s old vice ambition, shakes C.'s rational judgement (1.5, 6.5nn), as he heads for a ‘disaster through his own choice’ ((41.1): this is the final and fatal manifestation of the natural ambition which has fuelled his career from the first ((5.3). There is truth, but not the whole truth, here: C. did hate Antony and this hatred did blind him, but he had some cause for it (43.6-7); ambition did drive him, especially at the end (45.5-6), but so, until the end, did conviction. P.'s analysis goes with his general moralising interpretation of C.'s character but, while necessarily simplified, has more historical merit than might appear (below, 45.5-6n, Intr. p. 52).

196] The parallel and contrast with Demosthenes passion,

whereas

Demosthenes

arouses

is here very important.

it in the Greeks;

C.'s passion

C. is himself motivated by is self-interested

and

base,

the

Greeks' inspired, disinterested and directed to the good (Dem. 18.2). thinking ... political influence: (44.1, but C. hopes secretly to change the terms of the bargain by (a) getting from Octavian not just security, but actual military power, and military power in addition to his own political power (44.1), and (b) increasing his own political influence. Octavian in his vendetta against Antony. ()45.4, 46.1)

P. sees that C. tried to use

45.2 For ... him father: so Ad Brut. 1.17.5 (Brutus to C.'s friend Atticus, see further below; date c. May 43). C. is deceived by Octavian's apparently complaisant behaviour (as by Clodius' and Antony's

[43.4n], and as he will disastrously again be at 46.1) into thinking that he will be easily used; but he himself is easily deceived, partly because through Octavian he seeks to further his ambition, partly because Octavian's appeal to his paternal feelings exploits the emotional 45. 3nn).

void in his life (41.1,

44.7,

made up to: as C. himself had to Caesar ((30.3): all these dealings lack integrity.

Brutus ... for himself: a slight exaggeration of Ad Brut. 1.16.7 (Brutus to C. [P.'s ‘letters to Atticus' i:

inaccurate and explained by the above use of Ad Brut. 1.17, which is addressed to Atticus]; date c. mid-July 43; cf. Comp. 4.4. The authenticity of this and its companion 1.17 has been suspected; the editor believes the letters to be genuine). Brutus, like his uncle Cato earlier (34.2-3, 38.1, cf. 23.5) here has the role of C.'s philosophical mentor (3.1n), introducing a new charge (self-seeking flattery

apparently incompatible with P.'s own stress on C.'s ambition, but not actually so, this precisi combination having been shown in C.'s dealings with the elder Caesar ('courting' (40.4 ‘pay court") The introduction of the charge that C. flatters Octavian

immediately after the description of Octaviai

flattering C. emphasises the charge's truth. In this falling-off from his opposition to kingship (3.3n) C. is much Demosthenes'

inferior

(Comp

4,3-4). Atticus: T. Pomponius Atticus, C.'s great friend and confidant (Intr. p. 44; 49.2n). fear of Antony: (3.6: whereas 'fear' of the monarchical Sulla caused C. to retreat to Greece, now ‘fear

of the monarchical Antony launches C. into outright military conflict with him, even at the cost o succumbing to a new ‘master’. ( also 43.1, 3, 6: (a) the ring construction emphasises that 'fear! is th real reason for C.'s hatred of Antony (45.1), i.e. his opposition to Antony has more to do with his ow personality weaknesses than true principle; (b) C. now chooses a course against Antony different fron

both the intemperate retreat and temporary withdrawal of 43.3, but one which still represents the wron choice (here, 43.4n). not trying ... freedom ... master: P. clearly endorses this accusation. () also 46.1) wooing: the imagery suggests a perversion of the natural (cf. 45.3n). humane: as Caesar had been (40.5), but Octavian will not be (46.6), or not until after C.'s. deat (49.5). The apparently positive implications of 'humane' are undermined by ‘master': a "humane masteı is still a despot. 45.3 Nevertheless ... using him: cf. Ad Brut. 1.6.1, 2.3.6, 2.5.2, P. Brut. 24.3, 26.4 (verbally paralle to the present passage); despite this criticism, Brutus treats C.'s real son (24.8n) well. His prope recognition of family relationships and right 'use' 0,45,5, 6) of people contrast with C.'s and Octavian' duplicity. (Brutus had left Italy in Aug. 44 for Athens, begun recruiting in the autumn, and annexe

Macedonia in Dec. [cf. 47.1]).

The young C.'s 'successes', which P. exaggerates, were early in 43.)

45.4 As for ... his country: P. Ant. 17.1-2 is closely similar. at this ... he wanted: the supreme moment of C.'s career, when he has more power than after th Catilinarian conspiracy ((24.1) or after his return from exile ((34.1-3n) or through his tutoring of th leaders of the new generation ((40.1): will he yet again misuse it? The tragic framework of 41.1 alread indicates that his downfall will immediately succeed his moment of greatest triumph ()46.1). To achies this effect P. suppresses the many difficulties C. had, but it is true he eventually got his way and seeme dominant. This moment in C.'s career corresponds to Dem. 17.1-18.3, where Demosthenes orchestrates Athenis?

‘and Theban opposition’ to Philip of Macedon supreme power over both Athens and Thebes. at this time: Dec. 44/Jan. 43 (44.1n, looser thematic treatment of 45.2-3.

below).

before the battle of Chaeronea The

narrative

again

becomes

and effectively enjo chronological

after tl

power ... power: by using Octavian's armies against Antony C. seems to have acquired supreme pow in

both

spheres:

combination

political

and

military

((45.1,

44.1).

Yet

there

is something

and in reality C. is out of his depth in the world of warfare (3.1,

discordant

3.2,

16.1,

in

th

22.6-

[197 35.1-5nn). ie drove ... country: a greatly simplified account. In Apr. 44 the conspirator Decimus Brutus took over Zisalpine Gaul, a key province already allotted him before Caesar's death, but by a law of June 1/2

Antony had it transferred to himself. Brutus refused to accept this, appealing to the senate's authority. Worsted in his struggle with Octavian (44.1n), Antony marched against Brutus in Dec. and besieged him in Mutina. When diplomacy failed Hirtius and Octavian were sent against Antony (Jan. 43), then Pansa (March). P. (a) cuts D. Brutus completely; (b) speaks as if Antony at the start was still in Rome (this Ὁ pick up from 43.6-7, 44.1); (c) keeps Hirtius and Pansa together as a single political element (which they were not altogether originally but in the event became; cf. also 43.3). "The simplifications allow nim to focus on the main political actors: C., Antony, the consuls, and Octavian.

drove Antony out ... against him: cf. 12.2n. praetorian decorations: Octavian got propraetorial Insignia. as ... country: C.'s claim

himself (44.1n).

(Phil.

5.46),

power

(imperium

pro

against the charge that Octavian

praetore); had

been

'decorations'

=

raising troops for

()45.5)

45.5 But when ... joined Caesar: P. conflates: Octavian and Hirtius beat Antony at Forum Gallorum on Apr.

14, but Pansa

was

badly wounded;

a. week

later Antony

Hirtius was killed and ἃ couple of days later Pansa died. see 46.2n.

was decisively

defeated

Their armies joined Octavian.

at Mutina

but

For the sequel

the senate ... need defenders: the senate gave D. Brutus command of the consuls’ armies, a triumph and other honours, Octavian only an ovation (the minor form of triumph) and, until dissuaded by C., thought to transfer even the troops under him to D. Brutus, and it then tried to bypass Octavian in its embassy to these troops. P.'s wording suggests the disagreement between the senate and C. (‘on the

ground that as Antony had fled it did not need defenders' cancels C.'s support of Octavian as 'making war in defence of his country).

(became afraid )below and 45.6) 45.5-6 Caesar ... election campaign: similarly App. 3.82, C.D. 46.42.2, cf. Comp. 3.1, 4.4. The historicity of this approach and C.'s agreement (46.1) is guaranteed by the source, Augustus’ Autobiography: the information was damaging to Augustus (cf. 45.6 'Caesar himself admits' — he had to explain his betrayal of a cooperative C.), he can only have included it because he had to, i.e. because it was widely known to be substantially true. [C.'s declared opposition to Octavian's ambitions for a consulship in Ad Brut.

1.10.3 (c. mid-June)

and 1.18.3 (27 July) must be at least partly disingenuous,

though he may well have had mixed feelings.] ()49.6) 45.5 was frightened: both sides feel fear and take counter-measures: complexity (cf. 35.1-2).

a sign of the situation's moral

P. accords Augustus’ defence thus far some validity.

but, when ... name and fame: Octavian appeals to both C.'s worse side — his ambition, self-interest (*use' (45.3, )45.6) and pride, and his better - his natural sympathy for one who seems as he himself once was: 'name and fame' had been C.'s youthful goal too ((2.2, 6.3; ) also 48.2). Thus Octavian deceives C. in much the same way as Clodius had done ((30.4), Octavian cannot actually have told C.

he wanted a name, it being precisely the name 'Caesar' that made him strong, but by having him frame his appeal to C.'s sympathy thus implausibly P. suggests how utterly C. was deceived. 45.6 used: Octavian,

appealing to C.'s self-interest to ‘use’ the consulship, 'uses' C.'s love of office: C.,

the 'user', is actually being used: an ironic and tragic reversal of roles (41.1n).

Only the good Brutus

‘uses’ people aright ((45.3).

danger

... isolated: (3.5, 31.4: in contrast to Roscius and C. himself Octavian handles ‘isolation’ by

calculated deception of his protector.

46.1 Then indeed ... the people: tragic infatuation: blinded by his passionate ambition C. thinks that his chosen course will secure his heart's desire, whereas in fact it shortly destroys both him and the Republic. Yet his behaviour is also deeply pathetic. On these complexities see 41.1n. There is a strong implicit contrast here between C.'s delusion and Demosthenes' clearsightedness. Though both men 'ended their lives at the same time as their fellow-citizens’ freedom ceased' (Dem. 3.4 [(]), Demosthenes pursues his policies consistently to the end in full knowledge that they will cost him his life (Dem. 13.2 [(] -- quoted at 38.1n, cf. also Intr. p. 22). Note also that whereas at Dem. 19.1 Demosthenes’

failure

is attributed

to

a suprahuman

cause

- Destiny's

desire

to

end

Greek

liberty,

P.

allows C. no such defence. elated: like Antony earlier ((43.1), but there is a terrible contrast between the truly formidable Antony and the deluded C. For the parallel and contrast between C. and Demosthenes (Dem. 20.1), and between Demosthene:

198] and Philip and Philip and Antony (Dem. 20.3), see Intr. p. 23.

old ... young man: further pathos: the weak old man duped by the pitiless (44.1n) youth. and when ... the senate: (45.5-6, 1; 44.1: after the tragic infatuation the deluded and catastrophic act. Accepting Octavian's proposal of 45.5-6, C. 'gives' Octavian the senate and gets nothing back: so far

from obtaining the dominant status which Octavian had promised him (45.5) and he himself anticipated (45.1), or even the equal status implicit in their original bargain (44.1), he brings about his own death and the tyranny of the triumvirate. To underline the folly of his policy P. boldly exaggerates the effect

of C.'s support of Octavian and omits important facts: it was precisely because C. finally failed to persuade the senate that Octavian pursued his campaign with violence, first by an armed deputation to the senate (end July), then by marching on Rome himself (App. 3.86-88, C.D. 46.42.3-43.6). blamed ... friends: cf. Comp. 4.4. C. has apparently reached his decision to support Octavian independently

of his friends, who

immediately

see his folly.

C.'s 'friends'

provide

a moral

critique

(1.5n) for the last time, and too late. he himself ... himself: as in tragedy true (self-)knowledge ((43.4) coincides with disaster. [The first "himself? is a certain supplement.] For the implicit contrast with Demosthenes' adversary Philip see Intr. p. 23.

) also 49.6,

(destroyed )47.8) betrayed ... people: strong criticism: this is the disastrous fulfilment of C.'s policy of supporting Octavian ((45.2), and not only does it put him on the wrong side in the struggle between monarchy and liberty (3.3n), but it is also a terrible moral crime: the saviour, founder and father of his country ((22.5, 23.5) becomes its betrayer, and perpetrates a betrayal on a par with the betrayals of C. himself

by Pompey ((31.4, 33.3), Octavian ()46.5) and Philologus ()48.2), and of Quintus by his slaves ()47.4). () also 49.5) 46.2 obtained ... consulship: Aug. 19 with an obscure cousin Q. Pedius. let ... hang: as C. himself had Dolabella and Caesar ((43.3, 30.4), but to be dropped by C. is one thing,

by Octavian quite another. became friends ... their forces: simplified narrative: after Mutina (45.5n) Antony eluded pursuit, crossec the Alps and effected a rapprochement with Lepidus (42.3n - whom P. omits to introduce), now governor of both Nearer Spain and Gallia Narbonensis; Octavian marched to meet them in Oct. and tht three allied at the end of Oct. divided up ... property: a hostile description of the so-called 'Second Triumvirate' (for the first set 30.3n), the alliance legalised on Nov. 27 as the "Triumvirs for setting the state in order’, which gavı Lepidus Further Spain in addition to his existing command, Antony Cisalpine Gaul and Gallia Comata Octavian Africa, Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica.

Over

200 men:

P. means

senators,

ignoring the many

equestrian proscribed.

Sources

differ ove

numbers.

46.3 Of ... against both: clearly from the same apologetic source as 46.5. 46.4 Bononia: modern Bologna. 46.5 1t is said: P. here is non-committal (1.1n) about Augustus' on any view Octavian behaved barbarously.

apologia,

thinking it immaterial,

sinc

betrayed: (46.1: the repetition points the causal links between C.'s disastrous policy, his removal and th fall of the Republic. ( also 31.3-4: C. is again betrayed by a man whom he had greatly helped, bu though Pompey's

‘betrayal’ was despicable,

Octavian's is murderous

and the more

heinous in that, lik

Antony and Lepidus, he was in a sense betraying his kin, C. being his 'father' (45.2).

Cf. furthe

below.

Paulus ... Lucius Caesar: L. Aemilius Paullus, cos. 50, L. Caesar, cos. 64 (both actually survived). 46.6 To ... to passion: an extreme of wickedness, triumph of passion over reason

(5.5n),

with 4 different, though related, strands: (1) th

(2) passion/unreason

at its most

bestial,

worse

than

Antoniu:

((12.5), the Catilinarians' ((18.7) and Clodius' ((33.2); (3) the defilement of sacred human relationship ((3.5, 10.3, 29.4-5); (4) the ultimate in betrayal (46.1n) But by qualifying the usual equations animal/savagery, man/reason (12.5n) - P. prepares for 47.9-10 ()). () also 47.4, 10; 48.1-2) 47.1-48.6 While ... present day: parallel accounts in Sen. sen. Suas. 6-7 (a comparison of treatments © C.'s death by historians including Livy, rhetoricians and a poet) cf. Contr. 7.2; App. 4.19, C.D 47.8.3-4, 11.1-2. P.'s is far the best from every point of view. Moving and pathetic as it is, it als rightly stresses C.'s fearfulness, irrationalism and irresolution as being responsible for his failure t

[199 survive this last and most terrible physical threat (3.6n).

Cf. also 47.8n.

47.1 Astura: on the coast just S. of Antium.

Brutus ... Macedonia: 45.3n. for ... current: carelessly put: this had been known since early Feb.

47.2 having completely ... each other: cf. further 47.34; C.'s emotional collapse exceeds even 32.5 (in exile [(]).

47.3 disheartened: cf. 6.4n. calculate: momentarily rational behaviour. pack up from home: presumably Rome, though returning there was idiotic. 47.4 Quintus ... son: slightly different versions in App. 4.20, C.D. 47.10.6-7. The son was also Q. Tullius Cicero. betrayed: now the master-slave bond is desecrated ((46.5-6, )47.10, 48.2). 47.4-10 But Cicero ... the sea: C. dithers over leaving Italy for the very last time ((32. 3, 37.24,

43.3-4), mental and physical wandering fused (47.6). 47.4 Circaeum: a coastal town not far S. of Astura, usually known as Circei, but P.'s form is also found. 47.5 had not ... altogether: 'trust' had kept C. in Italy before ((43.3), now fatally so. 100 stades: about 11 miles (39.5n).

47.6 dreadful ... calculations: these are the ‘calculations’ of unreason (5.5n): C.'s reason has virtually collapsed. since ... spirit: very implausible but suitably tragic (41.1n; )47.8). has a similarly tragic flavour (Dem. 28.2-29.7 - cf. Intr. p. 24).

The narrative of Demosthenes'

end

47.7 Fear: 'fear' (3.6n) and ‘lack of daring’ (19.7n) prevent C. from adopting any resolute course of action, even suicide (contrast 48.4). gave himself: C.'s will goes too ()47.9). Caietae: not far S. of Circei (47.4n), usually known as Caieta, but P.'s form is also found. kindly refuge ... pleasantly: conveying (a) a horrible contrast with past gracious living, (b) that C. can

only

find

'refuge'

and

'kindliness'

in the

non-human

(here

inanimate)

remembrance of C.'s attempts to find 'refuge' at two other critical moments neither so desperate as the present. Etesians: [lit. ‘yearly' (winds)] seasonal summer winds blowing from the N.W.

world

()47.9-10),

(c)

in his life ((37.3,

the

31.4),

47.8 temple ... Apollo: will C. find 'refuge' and sanctuary in Apollo's temple, escaping his tragic plight ((47.6)? The ravens, messengers of Apollo and birds of death (cf. 26.11), presignify rather Apollo the Destroyer (as the name was often interpreted; the translation inserts the words 'the Destroyer’ to bring out the name's significance): C.'s 'destruction' will be here, the final act in the tragedy of his ‘self-destruction’ ((46.1, 41.1). Pathos and objective analysis combine most powerfully.

47.8-9 seemed bad ... At any rate: having got his effect, P. displays proper historical agnosticism (2.1, 5.1nn) about the ravens' prophetic import. 47.9 covered up ... face: i.e. resigned to death ()47.10). 47.10

When

... defend bim:

in App.

(cf. also De vir. ill. 81) the slaves merely

see the

ravens’

behaviour as a divine sign; here it shows C.'s abandonment by unfeeling humankind: humans are no longer human and only savage animals care ((47.7, 46.6). This shames his slaves but their self-blame, unlike Pompey's earlier ((33.3), comes too late.

undeserved suffering: characteristically tragic (41.1n) disproportion between suffering and error, the hero suffering

more

than

his

deserts

(which

does

not

of

course

totally

exonerate

C.

[47.8,

47. 1-48.6,

46.1nn]). partly ... partly: C. has still no will of his own ()48.3).

48.1 Herennius: Hieronymus (St. Jerome) is the only other source to’ mention him and make him C.'s actual killer (48.4).

Popillius... parricide: i.e. a man of both.brutality and base ingratitude, the more so as C. was ‘father of his country’ (23.5).

Val. Max.

5.3.4, App. and C.D. do not specify parricide.

The

parricide charge

200] was invented by rhetoricians (cf. Sen. Contr. 7.2.8, 47.1-48.6n). C. probably never even defended Popillius at all. P. adopts the extreme rhetorical invention to increase outrage, an effect intensified by the contrast between C.'s miserable end (murder by the man he had defended on a charge of parricide)

and his brilliant start (the defence of Roscius [(3.5]): the first of a series of ring constructions bringing the Life to a coherent close. Popillius also bears some resemblance to Demosthenes' killer Archias (Dem. 28.3ff.; cf. Intr. p. 24).

48.2 it is said: an important qualification (49.2—4n). a youth ... Philologus: a crescendo of bitter irony climaxing in the name (= ‘lover of learning"); the final betrayal comes not from C.'s political, but from his intellectual, life ((40.1, 3.3n), and he is again betrayed by a youth seemingly like his younger self ((3.3, 45.5), his fate still more unjust than Quintus' ((47.4). In App. the betrayer is, banally, a shoemaker ex-client of Clodius.

48.3-5 Cicero heard ... the litter down: basically similarly Livy (Sen. Suas. 6.17), App. 4.19-20.

ΟΥ̓ all

sources only Pollio denied C. a brave end (Sen. Suas. 6.24).

48.3 Cicero ... told: C. finally regains his will and dignity and dies well. 48.4 He himself ... worry: the reader sees C. finally 'frozen' in a characteristic pose, fearless before violent death (contrary to his natural bent [3.6n]), pathetically unkempt (contrast 8.4—5), and utterly careworn. In this fearlessness at the end C. parallels Demosthenes (Dem. 29.4-7), though there is a

generic contrast between the manner of their deaths - C.'s pitiable, Demosthenes' heroic (Comp. 5.1-2). Herennius: Popillius according to App. and C.D. but this minority historical tradition (Sen. Contr. 7.2.8) goes with the suspect 'base ingratitude of Popillius'-motif (48.1). P. is right. (His use of Popillius and Philologus in 48.1-2 and 49.2-3 is thus 'rhetorical', his stress on Herennius in 48.1 and 4 properly historical.) 48.5 64th year: date: 7 Dec, 43. C. had been 63 on Jan. 3, 43.

48.6 head ... hands ... Philippics: also in Livy and Appian, but here stressing not only Antony's brutality but also the parallel between C. and Demosthenes.

Cicero himself: 24.6n. they ... present day: Antony killed and mutilated C. but the Philippics survive.

P. will end with C.

man of letters, still remembered today ()49.5, (2.5).

Epilogue:

Antony's

barbarous

treatment

of C.'s remains; appropriately dreadful

Philologus; posthumous reconciliation of Octavian consulship of Octavian and C.'s son (49.1-6)

and

C.;

final

punishment

of

punishment

of

Antony

the

in

49.1—2 When ... Antony's soul: for the parallel and contrast with Philip of Macedon see Intr. p. 23. 49.1 elections: necessary after the formation of the triumvirate (46.2) and the proscriptions. cried ... fulfilment: similarly Sen. sen. Suas. 6.19 (giving the version of the Augustan historian Cremutius Cordus). fulfilment: = (a) finish, (b) purpose ()49.6). 49.2 he ordered ... rostra: similarly all sources. since ... soul: by this monstrous exhibition of his dead enemy Antony succeeds only in exhibiting hi: own true nature ()49.6). Paradox and economy make the thought memorable.

49.2-4 Only ... at all: this incredible horror story of treachery dreadfully punished pleases P. both a: moralist (cf. 'reasonable'!) and literary man, so he stresses the authority of 'some historians'; but P. tht true historian confesses that the whole Philologus tale is dubious (thus 'said' — 48.2): messy, anc revealing, indecision (cf. Intr. p. 35). For the parallel with the Demosthenes see 49.6n.

Pomponia: sister of Pomponius Atticus (45.2n). 49.3.6

When

... Cicero's

family:

like

many

tragedies

(41.1n)

the

Life

closes

with

a sense

ol

reconciliation and of moral redress. (But this of course is not the final impression left on the reader the Comparison follows, with criticisms of C. again explicit and detailed — Intr. p. 24.) There art significant parallels with the end of the Demosthenes (see below and Intr. p. 24).

49.5 I learn ... patriot.': as emperor Augustus graciously praises C. (though note that the anecdott implies that Augustus was known to be hostile to C.'s memory and was expected to be angry): there I: finally a kind of postumous reconciliation between Republicanism and Caesarism

come full.circle ((2.1 and n).

(3.3n) and the Life ha:

[201 Demosthenes receives similar posthumous recognition (Dem.

30.5-31.3).

grandsons: Gaius or Lucius Caesar or Agrippa Postumus. master of words: the Life ends as it began: with C. the literary man ((2.3-5), whose works endure.

wrong of 48.2 is righted.

The

|

patriot: the stress now falls on the patriot, not the betrayer of his country's liberty ((46.1). 49.6 Indeed ... defeated Antony: Antony is punished, Octavían and C. (through his son) reconciled, punishment achieved by reconciliation: to P. the moralist a uniquely satisfying conjunction. Antony’: punishment, like Philologus' (49.2-3), parallels Demades' at Dem. 31.4-6. | he chose ... colleague: date: Sept.-Nov. 30; the wrong of 45.5—46.2 (() is

righted.

Demosthenes'

family

is similarly honoured (Dem. 30.5). the senate ... Marcus: Antony’s memory is abolished [in a formal damnatio memoriae], unlike C.'s This was actually several months earlier (C.D. 51.19.3), but P.'s 'redating' is morally satisfying. overturned ... honours: contrast the humane Pompey which Demosthenes was honoured (Dem. 30.5).

and Caesar's honours

((40.4) and the statue witl

images: (49.2: the only surviving 'image' of Antony is non-physical - that of his utter brutality. name Marcus: another contrast and ring construction: the name of C. survives famously ((1.5-6).

final fulfilment: the last reversal: the 'fulfilment' Antony obtained was the opposite of what he expected Thus, like C. himself ((46.1), Antony goes, too late, through a tragic progression from ignorance t knowledge but, unlike C., receives no posthumous rehabilitation. For the implied contrast with Philij of Macedon see Intr. p. 23.

family: 'family' marks the beginning and end of the Life ((1.1—6).

[203 GENERAL

ABBREVIATIONS

standard abbreviations are not listed.) April

pr. uf.

August

ent.

Cicero century Comparison

‘omp.

-

Comparison

of

Demosthenes and Cicero) consul

consuls December fragment Greek Greeks Introduction Januaty Latin literally March

manuscripts note

notes November October Plutarch praetor quaestor September tribune technical term

AUTHORS Traditional

Lat.

titles of

AND works

WORKS are

given,

the

letters

outside

the

rackets

being the abbreviated forms, with English translations. E.g. het(orica) (Rhetoric) indicates that Rhetorica is the traditional Lat. title Brief biographical abbreviated to Rhet.) of Aristotle's Rhetoric. formation is given on a few authors. Lat. titles without abbreviations are sed of works mentioned without precise references. JP.

rist.

Appian (Gk. historian writing c. A.D. 160). App. by itself = Appian's Bella Civilia (History of the Roman Civil Wars) App. Sic. = Sicula (History of Sicily). Aristotle Poe(tíca) (Poetics) Rhet(orica)

Scon.

icero

(Rhetoric)

Asconius (Roman commentator on C.'s speeches, writing c. A.D. 55, edited by A,C. Clark, Oxford Classical Text 1907) Acad(emica) ( Academics) (De) Amic(itia) (On Friendship) (Pro) Arch(ia) (In defence of Archias) (Epistulae ad) Att(icum) (Letters to Atticus) Brut(us) (Epistulae) ad Brut(um) (Letters to [and from] Brutus) (In) Caec(ilium) (Against Caecilius) (Pro) Cael(io) (In defence of Caelius)

204] (In) Cat(ilinam) (Against Catiline) (In) Clod(ium) et Cur(ium) (Against Clodius and Curius - only fragments) (Pro) Cluent(io) (In defence of Clueniius) De consiliis suis (On his policies) Consolatio (Consolation) De consulatu suo (On his consulship) (Pro) Deiot(aro) (In defence of Deiotarus)

(De) div(inatione) (On divination) (De) dom(o) (sua) (On his house) ( Epistulae ad) fam(iliares) (Letters to [and from] his friends) De fato (On fate) (De) fin(ibus) (On moral ends) (Pro) Flacc(o) (In defence of Flaccus) (De) har(uspicum) resp(onso) (On the soothsayers' response) (De) leg(ibus) (On laws) (De) leg(e) agr(aria) (On the agrarian law) (Pro) leg(e) Manil(ia) (In defence of the Manilian law) (Pro) Lig(ario) (In defence of Ligarius) (Pro) Mur(ena) (In defence of Murena) (De) nat(ura) deo(rum) (On the nature of the gods) (De) off(iciis) (On duties) (De) opt. gen. or(atorum) (On the best type of orators) Orat(or) (The orator) De orat(ore) (On the orator) Paradoxa

Stoicorum

(The Stoics’ paradoxes)

Phil(ippicae) (Philippics) (In) Pis(onem) (Against Piso) (Pro) Planc(io) (In defence of Plancius) Post red(itum) ad Quir(ites) ( After his return, to the citizens)

Post red(itum) in sen(atu) (After his return, in the senate) (De) prov(inciis) cons(ularibus) (On the consular provinces) (Epistulae ad) Q(uintum) f(ratrem) (Letters to his brother Quintus) (Pro) Quinct(io) (In defence of Quinctius) (Pro) Q. Rosc(io) (In defence of Q. Roscius) (Pro) Rosc(io Amerino) (In defence of Roscius of Amerinum) . De senectute (On old age) (Pro) Sest(io) (In defence of Sestius) (Pro) Sull(a) (In defence of Sulla) De temporibus suis (On his times) In toga candida (In a white toga) Tusc(ulanae) disp(utationes) (Tusculan Disputations) (Pro) Vat(inio) (In defence of Vatinius) (In) Verr(em) ( Against Verres) C.D. CIL Comm.

Cassius Dio (Gk. historian, author

pet.

Demosthenes De vir. ill. Flor. Gramm. Horace HRF

of a History of Rome,

writing c. A.D.

220)

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum

Lat.

Commentariolum

petitionis

(A

brief

commentary

on

electioneering

- doubtfull

ascribed to Quintus Cicero) De corona (On the crown) De viris illustribus (On distinguished men - anonymous series of biographies o Roman Republican statesmen) Florus (Roman historian, writing c. A.D. 110) Grammatici Latini (Latin grammarians), ed. H. Keil and others (Leipzig 1855-78) A(rs) p(oetica) (Art of Poetry) Historicorum Romanorum Fragmenta (Remains of Roman Historians), ed. H. Pete

(Leipzig 1906) Juv. Liv.

Juvenal

Livy Epit. (Epitome)

Praef (atio) (Preface - to book 1 of the Histories) Macrob. Nic. Dam.

Macrobius (early Sth-cent. Roman writer) Nicolaus of Damascus (Gk. historian, writing end

1st cent. B.C.; references are to hi

[205 Life of Augustus) Alex(ander) An seni (sit gerenda

Plutarch

respublica)

(Whether

an old man

should

take

part

in public

af fairs) Ant(onius) (Mark Antony) Cat(o) min(or) (Cato the Younger) Cic(ero) Cim(on) Cor(iolanus) Crass(us) Dem(osthenes) Fab(ius Maximus)

Luc(ullus) Mar(ius) Moralia (Moral Pieces) Mul(ierum) virt(utes) (The virtues of women) Nic(ias) Numí(a) Per(icles) Pom p(eius) (Pompey) Praecepta coniugalia (Precepts of Marriage)

Praec(epta) ger(endae) reip(ublicae) (Precepts of statesmanship) Quom(odo

adolescens)

poet(as)

aud(ire

debeat)

(How

the young

man

should

study

poetry) Ser(torius)

- Sull(a) Plat. Plin. Plin. sen.

Polyb. Prisc. Ps.-Sall.

T hes(eus) Plato Re(s)p(ublica) (The Republic) Pliny the Younger (flourished under Trajan - references are to his letters)

Pliny the Elder (uncle of above) N(aturalis) h(istoria) (Natural History) Polybius (Gk. historian, 2nd century B.C.)

Priscian (6th-cent. grammarian) Pseudo-Sallust (writer pretending to be the historian Sallust) (In) Cic(eronem) (Against Cicero) Quintilian (rhetorician and critic of the late 1st cent. A.D.)

Quint. Sall.

Sallust (Roman historian, writing c. 40 B.C.) (Bellum) Cat(ilinae) (The War with Catiline)

Schol. Sen.

Bob.

Scholia Bobiensia (ancient annotations on 12 of C.'s speeches) Seneca the Younger (philosopher who flourished under Nero; bare references are to his Epistulae morales (Moral Letters); (De) brev(itate) vit(ae) (On the brevity of life) (De) ira (On anger)

Sen.

sen.

Sil. Ital. Str. Suet.

Tac.

Seneca the Elder (father of above) Contr(oversiae) (practice forensic speeches) Suas(oriae) (practice speeches offering advice over crucial historical decisions) Silius Italicus (1st cent. A.D. epic poet and admirer of C.) Strabo (Gk. geographer and historian, flourished under Augustus)

Suetonius (Roman biographer, writing at the start of the 2nd cent. A.D.) Caes(ar) (Life of Julius Caesar) Aug(ustus) (Life of Augustus) Tacitus (Roman historian, writing at the start of the 2nd cent. A.D.).

Tac. by itself =

Tacitus’ Annales (Annals), Tac. Dial = Tacitus' Dialogue (Dialogue) Tert. Thuc. Va]. Max.

Vell. Verg.

Tertullian (Christian writer, c. 160-240) De anima (On the soul) Thucydides Valerius Maximus (moralist and rhetorician, flourished under Tiberius) Velleius (Roman historian and Caesarian propagandist, writing under Tiberius) Virgil Ecl(ogae) (Eclogues)

SELECT

INDEX

References are to chapter and section: brackets denote names mentioned in the commentary but not in the text. Cicero is not included.

Academy (philosophical school) 3.1, 4.2 (Accius [poet] 5.5n) (Acilius Glabrio, M'. [praet. 70] 7.4-5n) |

Atreus (legendary king) 5.5 Aurelia (mother of Caesar) 28.3 Aurelius Cotta, L. 27.3

Axius

Adrastus (legendary king) 27.2 Aemilius Lepidus, M.- (cos. 46, leading Caesarian, triumvir) 46.2, 3, 5; 3.5, 12.5, 42.3nn Aemilius Paullus, L. (cos. 50, brother of above) 46.5 (Aemilius Scaurus, M. [cos. 115] 1.5n Aesop - see Clodius Albanum 31.2 Allobroges (Gallic tribe) 18.4—5, 7; 19.1n Amanus 36.6 Annius Milo, T. (trib. 57, enemy and

murderer of Clodius, supporter of Cicero) 33.4, 35.1-2, 5 Anticato (Caesar's pamphlet attacking Cato) 39.6 Antiochus (philosopher) 4.1-2, 4 Antonius Hybrida, C. (cos. 63) 11.12, :12.3-5, 16.6, 22.8 Antony (Antonius, M.) (Caesarian, cos. 44, triumvir) 41.6, 42.3-4; 43.1, 6—8; 45.5, 46.2.3, 46.5, 48.6, 49.1-2, 6 Apollo 47.8, 27.4n Apollonia 43.8

Apollonius son of Molo (Greek rhetorician) 4,5-7 Appius, M. 26.12 Aquillius, M. 27.2 Ares

44.5

Ariobarzanes (king of Cappadocia) Aristotle 24.5 Armenia 10.2 Arpi 8.3 (Arpinum 1.1, 1.2, 7.3, 8.3nn) Arrius, Q. 15.5 (Asconius 10.3, 11.3, 20.2, 35.2, 35.5nn) Asia . 4,5, 39.3 Astura 47.1, 4, 6 Athene 31.6 Athenians 42.3 Athens 4.1, 3; 36.7, 43.3 Atia (mother of Octavian) 44.6

36.1

25.5

(Bellona 13.4n) (Bona Dea 19.4-5, 28.2-4) Bononia 46.4 Brogitarus 33.2n) Brundisium 32.3, 39.3, 41.3 Brutus — see ‘Junius’

Byzantines

24.9

Byzantium 34.2 Caecilius - see Caecilius Niger (Caecilius Metellus, M. [praet. 69] 7.4-5n) Caecilius Metellus Celer, Q. (cos. 60) 16.1, 29.5 (Caecilius Metellus Creticus, Q. [cos. 69] 7.4-5n) Caecilius Metellus Nepos, Q. (trib. 62) 23.1-2, 4—6; 26.6, 9-11

Caecilius Metellus Scipio, Q. (cos. 52) 15.1

Caecilius Niger, Q.

7.6

Caelius Rufus, M. 36.6, 37.3n Caesar - see Julius Caietae 47.7 Calends 2.1

(Calpurnia [Caesar's widow]

43.8n)

Calpurnius Bestia, L. (trib. 62) 23.1-2, 4-6 Calpurnius Piso, C. (consular) 19.1 Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, L. (cos. 58) 30.2, 31.4 Calpurnius Piso Frugi, C. (Cicero's sonin-law) 31.3, 41.7n Campania 6.3, 26.4

(Campus Martius Capitol

14.7, 44.5nn)

31.6, 34.1, 44.3

Cappadocia

36.1

Caria 36.6 Carian 4.5 Carneades 4.2 Cassius Longinus, C. (praet. 44, assassin of Julius Caesar) 42.3; 36.2, 40.1nn Catiline — see Sergius Cato (Cicero's encomium) 39.5-6 Cato -- see Porcius Catulus (name) 1.5 Catulus -- see Lutatius

208} Celer - see Caecilius Metellus Celer

Chrysogonus (freedman of Sulla) 3.4 Cethegus - see Cornelius Cethegus Cicer 1.4 Cilicia 36.1, 6 Cilicians 36.2

Clodia (sister of Clodius) 29.3; S Clodia (another sister of Clodius) 29.4 er Tertia (another sister of Clodius)

Clodius Aesopus (tragic actor)

5.4-5

Clodius Pulcher, P. (trib. 58, bitter enemy of Cicero) 28.1-4; 29.1, 3-9; 30.1-2, 4—5, 7; 31.1-2, 45; 32.1, 33.1-6, 34.1-2, 35.1; 3.3, 12.5, 43.1, 46.6nn Concord (temple of) 19.1 Corcyra 39.1-2

(Cornelius, C. [Catilinarian]

16.1n)

Cornelius Cethegus, C. (Catilinarian) 116.1-3, 18.2, 19.12, 22.3

Cornelius Cinna, L. (cos. 87)

17.5,

Cornelius Dolabella, P. (cos. 44) 43.3, 41.7n Comelius Lentulus Crus, L. (cos. 49)

Comelius Lentulus Spinther (cos. 57) Cornelius Lentulus Sura (Catilinarian) 17.1-5, 18.1-7, 19.3-7, 22.1-3 Cornelius Sulla, L. (dictator) 3.2, 5; 4.4, 14.2;.17.2-3, 5; 27.6; 3.3, 3.5nn Comelius Sulla, Faustus (son of above) 6 Costa, P. 26.9 Cotta — see Aurelius Cotta Croton 18.6, 19.3 Cratippus (philosopher) 24.7

(Cumae 8.3n) Cyprus 34.2, 33.2n

Cicero)

4.5

Dolabella ~ see Cornelius Dolabella Domitius Ahenobarbus, L. (cos. 54) 38.3 Dyrrachium 32.3-4, 39.1 Egypt 39.3 Etesians 47.7 Etruria 10.5, 14.2; 15.1,. 5 (Euripides 27.4n) (Fabia [sister of Terentia] 20.2, 29.3nn) (Forum Gallorum 45.5n) Fulvia 16.2

(Furius Crassipes [husband of Tullia]

2.3

24.8-9

Greece 3.6, 4.7, 36.7, 37.4, 38.1; 1.4, 3.3nn Greek 4.6, 5.2, 32.5, 38.4; 1.4, 3.3nn Helvia (Cicero's mother) 1.1 (Helvii 1.1n)

48.1-4

Herennius (murderer of Cicero)

Herodes

24.8

(Hieronymus [St. Jerome] Hipponium 32.2

48.1n)

Hirtius, A. (cos. 43, moderate Caesarian)

43.3, 45.5 Hortensius, Q. (cos. 69, orator) . 35.4; 35.1n Italy 14.2; 32.1, 5

Jew

7.8,

7.6

(Jewish 36.2n) Judaise 7.6 (Julia [Julius Caesar's daughter] 31.3n) Julius Caesar, L. (cos. 64) 46.5 Julius Caesar, C. (dictator) 20.5-7; 21.1-5; 23.1-2, 4-6; 26.4; 28.2, 4; 29,9, 30.3-5, 31.3, 37.1-4; 38.1, 5; 39.3.7; 40.4-5; 42.1, 3-4; 44.1, 3, 6; 3.3n

Julius Caesar Octavianus, C. (adopted

son of above, future emperor Augustus) 43.8, 44.1; 45.1-2, 4-6; 46.1-6, 47.5-6, 49.5-6 Junius Brutus, M. (praet. 44, assassin of Julius Caesar) 42.1, 43.1, 45.2-3, 47.1; 14.8, 24.6, 32.6, 39.5, 40.1nn (Junius Brutus Albinus, D.

45.4, 45.5nn)

14.8, 19.1,

Junius Silanus, D. (cos. 62) 20.4, 21.4 (Jupiter 31.6, 44.3—7nn)

Labienus, T. (legate of Caesar who joined Pompey) 38.8 40.3

Laertes (father of Odysseus)

(Laius [father of Oedipus]

5.4, 24.6

Dionysius (Greek orator)

41.7n)

58) 30.2, 31.4 30.3; 18.4n L. 26.4

Gorgias (rhetorician)

Circaeum 47.4, 47.7n Claudius Marcellus, C. (cos. 50) 44.1 Claudius Marcellus, M. (cos. 51) 15.1 Clitomachus (philosopher) 3.1, 4.2

Demosthenes

Gabinius, A. (cos. Gaul 12.4, 18.5, Gellius Publicola, Gellius, M. 27.5 Glaukos (poem of

27.4n)

(Laodicea 36.1n) Lentulus - see Cornelius Dolabella and

Cornelius Lentulus Spinther Liberty 33.1, 46.1

Libya 26.5 Licinius Crassus, M. (cos. 70, rival of Pompey, enemy of Cicero) 8.6, 9.2, 15.1-3, 25.2-5, 26.1, 30.3, 33.8 Licinius Crassus, P. (son of above, admirer of Cicero) 33.8, 36.1 Licinius Lucullus, L. (Roman general against Mithridates) 29.4 Licinius Lucullus, M. (brother of above) 31.5 Licinius Macer, C. 9.2

[20° Pompeii 8.3 Pompey (cos. 70, Pompeius Magnus, Cn.) 8.6-7; 9.4, 7; 10.2, 14.1, 18.1; 30.3,

Licinius Murena, L. 14.8, 35.4 Ligarius, Q. (Pompeian defended by

Cicero)

39.6-7

(Lilybaeum

Lucania

5; 31.224, 33.2-5; 35.1-2, 5; 37.1-4;

6.1n)

31.6, 32.2

Lutatius Catulus, Q. (cos. 78)

21.4,

29.7; 1.5, 44.3-7nn (Lutatius Catulus, Q. [father of above] Macedonia 12.4, 30.2, 47.1 Magnesian 4.5 Manilius, C. (trib. 66) 9.4-7; 8.7n

Pontus

45.2

10.2

Popillius Laenas, C. (murderer of

Mallius, C. (Sullan veteran, supporter

14.3, 15.5

Marcius (henchman of Cethegus)

Pomponius Atticus, T. (friend and

correspondent of Ciceró) Pontios - see Glaukos

1.5n)

of Catiline)

38. 1-2,. 6-8; 39.1, 40.4-5 Pompey, Gnaeus (son of above) 39.2 Pomponia (wife of Quintus Cicero) 49.2

16.1, 3

Marcius (Pompeian) 38.6 Marcius Philippus, L. (cos. 56, fatherin-law of Octavian) 44.1 Marcius Rex, Q. 29.5 (Marsians 3.2n) Marsic 3.2 Menippus the Carian (rhetorician)

Cicero)

48.1

|

Porcius Cato, M. (Cato the Younger) 21.4, 23.5-6, 34.2-3, 35.4, 38.1; 39.1-2, 5; 31.5n (Porcius Laeca, M. 16.1nn)

[Catilinarian]

15.4,

Posidonius (philosopher) 4.5 (Publilia [Cicero's wife after Terential 41.5n) 4.5

(Puteoli

6.3, 8.3nn)

Metellus - see Caecilius

Quadrantaria (nickname of Clodia)

(Minerva

Rhodes 4.5, 36.7 Rhodians 38.4

31.6n)

(Mithridates [king of Pontus] 10.2nn

8.7;

Rome 5.2, 6.1-3, 36.6, 43.4 Roscius Gallus, Q. (comic actor)

Molo 4.5 Mucius — see Mucius Scaevola Mucius Scaevola, Q. (the augur)

Roscius Otho, L. (trib. 67) 3.2

(Mucius Scaevola, Q. [the pontifex] 3.2n) (Mutina 45.4, 45.5nn) Naples 8.3

Octavius (father of Octavian)

(Orestilla [wife of Catiline]

44.6

10.3n)

46.2n)

24.9

Pericles 39.5 (Pharnaces [son of Mithridates] Pharsalus 39.1, 7 Philippics 24.6, 48.6

39.3n)

Philologus (treacherous freedman)

48.2,

Sicily Spain

32.2n)-

7.4, 6; 8.2

1.6, 6.1, 7.4, 31.6 38.1

Stator

16.3

Stesios

16.3

Sulpicius, C. (praet. 63) (Syracuse 6.4, 43.3nn)

19.2

12.2, 30.2, 36.2, 43.2 8.3, 20.2-3,

29.2-4, 41.2-5 (Terentius, Cn.

19.4n)

Theophanes (historian)

27.4

Pompeia (wife of Caesar)

17.6

Terentia (Cicero's wife)

49.2-4 Phoebus (Apollo) Plato 24.5

Sicilians

Syria

3.1, 4.2

38.4

Theophrastus (philosopher)

28.2-4, 29.9

12.2n)

(Servius Tullius [king] 1.2n) Sestius, P. (trib. 57) 26.8, 33.4n

(Sicca [friend of Cicero]

(Panaetius [philosopher] 4.5, 38.1nn) Parthians 36.1; 36.2, 36.6nn Pelops (Byzantine politician)

(Servilius Rullus, P. [trib. 63]

Sibylline books

8.6, 16.3, 22.2

Philo (philosopher)

25.1

(Senatus consultum ultimum 15.5n) Sergius Catilina, L. (Catiline) 10.3-5, 11.1-2; 12.1, 3; 14.1-8, 15.3; 16.1, 4—6; 17.1, 5; 18.5-6, 22.8

(Octavian — see Julius Caesar Octavianus) Octavius (butt of Cicero) 26.5

(Pedius, Q.

Roscius Amerinus, Sex. 3.5 Rostra 23.2, 25.3, 49.2

(Scaurus - see Aemilius)

Nigidius Figulus, P. (philosophical adviser of Cicero) 20.3 Nonius (Pompeian) 38.7 (Octavia [sister of Octavian] 44.1n)

Palatine

5.4

13.2-3

Sabinus (friend of Cicero) Sacred Way 16.3 (Saturnalia 18.2) Scaurus (name) 1.5

Munatius Plancus Bursa, T. 25.1 Murena -- see Licinius Murena

29.5

24.6

210] Theramenes (Athenian politician and trimmer) 39.6 Thyestes (legendary figure) 5.5

Thyillus 29.3 (Tigranes [king of Armenia] 33.2nn)

10.2,

Tullius Tiro, M. (freedman, biographer and literary executor of Cicero) 41.4, 49.4 Tullus Attius (Volscian leader) 1.2 Tusculum

40.3, 47.1

(Vargunteius, L. [Catilinarian]

|

Vatinius, P. (Caesarian)

(Tigranes [son of above] 33.2n) Tiro - see Tullius Tiro Titus — see Voltureius- -

16.1n)

9.3, 26.2-3

Verres (corrupt governor of Sicily) 7.3-8, T ^ in QUT

Trebatius Testa, C. (Caesarian friend of Cicero) 37.4 (Tullia [Cicero's daughter] 41.3, 41.7nn)

Vestals 19.5, 20.2 _ Vergilius (praet. 62) 32.2

Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero's father)

Vibius Pansa, C. (moderate Caesarian, cos. 43) 43.3, 45.4—5; 40.1n

1.2, 5.3, 11.3, 26.9 Tullius Cicero, M. (Cicero's son)

24.8,

45.3, 49.6 Tullius Cicero, Q. (Cicero's brother)

8.6, 20.3, 33.4, 47.1-4, 48.2, 49.2; 1.1, 21.3nn

(Tullius Cicero, Q. [son of above] 47.4n)

Vibius [incorrect name] Vibo

32.2

32.2

Voconius 27.4 Volscians 1.2 (Volturcius, T. [Catilinarian messenger] 18.6n Xenocles (orator) 4.5